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Full text of "Calvinism in history"

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78715 



CAV6N LIBRARY 
KNOX COLLEGr 

TORONTO 



CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 



BY THE 

REV. N. S. McFETRIDGE. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION, 
No. 1334 CHESTNUT STREET. 

r CAVIN LIBRARY 
KNOX roi I 



78715 



COPYRIGHT, 1882, BY 

THE TRUSTEES OF THE 

PRESBYTERIAN BOARD OF PUBLICATION. 



ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. 



WESTCOTT & THOMSON, 
Stereotype and Eleclrotypers, Philada. 



4 - 



TO THE 

REV. WILLIAM C. CATTELL, D.D., LL.D., 

PRESIDENT OF LAFAYETTE COLLEGE, 

WHOSE INSTRUCTION IT WAS MY PRIVILEGE TO RECEIVE, 
WHOSE FRIENDSHIP IT IS MY HONOR TO SHARE, 

THIS LITTLE BOOK 



gVffctiionafelg febicattb. 



TO THE READER. 



THIS little book is made up of six Lectures 
which were delivered in the \Vakefield Presby 
terian Church, Germantowu, and of whose pub 
lication I had, at the time, no thought. The 
Lectures were the result of my leisure reading 
on the subject during several years of a busy 
pastorate. On leaving the theological school at 
Allegheny, I hardly knew whether I was a Cal- 
vinist or an Arminian, or a nameless compound 
of both," although I had had the benefit of Dr. 
A. A. Hodge s matchless teaching, which I now 
regard as one of the greatest blessings of my 
life. In that very uncomfortable yet very nat 
ural state of mind I set myself to a course of 
reading, doctrinal and historical, as opportunity 
offeretTT One of the results of that readino- 

o 

was these Lectures. My main object in these 
discourses was to look into the workings of the 
system of doctrines called " Calvinistic," and by 



6 TO THE READER. 

its effects upon those who most heartily adopted 
it to form some definite estimate of its character. 
Therefore it is that I have brought forward the 
testimony of a large number of accepted author 
ities, many of whom are not Calvinists, and con 
sequently not prejudiced in favor of Calvinism. 

One difficulty with which I constantly met in 
writing these Lectures was that of getting so large 
a subject within limits so narrow. And although 
I have gone over the ground enthusiastically, I 
have endeavored to examine the subject honestly, 
my own peculiar state of mind precluding all 
controversial designs. Certainly, I can say that 
not one unfair statement has been intended; and 
I trust that the cast of the language employed 
will not lead any one to infer the opposite. 

Hoping, then, that this little book, which to me 
has been a labor of love, will be of some use, and 
that it may speak a word in favor of a system of 
doctrine which, however regarded, is based on the 
truths of God s word and the facts of human 
experience, I send it forth into the great world 

of letters. 

N. S. McFETKIDGE. 

GERMANTOWN, PHILADELPHIA, 

Jan. 2, 1882. 



CONTENTS. 



i. 

PAGE. 

CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE 7 



II. 

CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE IN THE HISTORY OF 
THE UNITED STATES 59 



III. 
CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE.... .. 103 



IV. 

CALVINISM AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE 132 

7 



CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 



i. 

CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE, 



is nothing which so constantly controls 
*- the mind of a man, and so intensely affects his 
character, as the jyiews which he entertains of the 
Deity. These take up their abode in the inmost 
sanctuary of the heart, and give tone to all its 
powers and coloring to all its actions. Whatever 
the forms and activities of the outward life, as a 
man "thinketh in his heart, so is he." Men do, 
undoubtedly, liken God, in a measure, to themselves, 
and transfer to him somewhat of their own passions 
and predominating moral qualities, and determine 
the choice of their religion by the prevailing senti 
ments of their hearts and the habits in which they 
have been trained;* but it is also true that their 
conceptions of God have a controlling influence in 
forming their character and regulating their con- 

* See McCwh, Divine Government, p. 463. 

9 



10 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

duct. The unfaithful servant in the parable of 
the Talents gave as the reason for his idleness 
his conception of the master as a hard an ^_ex-_ 
acting man. He shaped his conduct not by what 
the master was, but by what he believed him to 
be. And if that divine parable have a world 
wide application, it discloses the secret spring of 
a man s life in the conceptions which he has of 
God. As these are true or false, so his character 
and life will be. "As long as we look upon God 
as an exactor, not a giver, exactors, and not givers, 
shall we be." "All the value of service rendered." 
says Dr. Arnot, "by intellectual and moral beings 
depends on the thoughts of God which they en 
tertain." Hence no sincerity of purpose and no ^ 
intensity of zeal can atone for a false creed or 
save a man from the fatal consequences of wrong 
principles. 

There can be, therefore, no better criterion of the 
character of a man s belief than the effects which 
that belief produces. "Grapes do not grow on 
bramble-bushes. Llustrious natures do not form 
themselves on narrow and cruel theories. . . . The 
practical effect of a belief is the real test of its 
soundness. Where we find an heroic life appear 
ing as the uniform fruit of a particular mode of 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 11 

opinion, it is childish to argue in the face of fact 
that the result ought to have been different."* 
"A good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit, neither 
can a corrupt tree bring forth good fruit." It is 
by this test that I would now subject Calvinism 
to a brief historical criticism. Let its works wit 
ness to it, and be its justification or condemnation. 
What, then, do we mean by Calvinism? It is 
foreign to my purpose to enter into any minute 
detail of the distinctive doctrines of Calvinism or 
to give in any way a controversial cast to these 
Lectures; for while I believe Calvinism to be the 
system of doctrine set forth in the word and works 
of God, and therefore most favorable to all godli 
ness, I am free cordially to allow to all who differ 
from us the right of private judgment, and sin 
cerely to rejoice in all that they are able to accom 
plish for the well-being of men and the glory of 
God. It is the right and privilege of every man 
and of every body of men to give a reason for the 
hope that is in them, and to maintain by all lawful 
means what they conceive to be the truth. Intol 
erance is no part of our creed, unless it be the in 
tolerance of all shams and lies and hypocrisies. 
Of such things we all are, I trust, intolerant. 
* Fronde, Cnlrinixm, p. 8. 



12 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

But as regards the sacred rights and privileges 
of men, Calvinism is one of the most tolerant and 
liberal of all systems of belief. Its adherents are 
ever found ready to recognize the brotherhood and 
equality of all evangelical churches, and to unite 
with them in all liberal ideas and Christian en 
terprises. 

What, then, do we mean by Calvinism ? I will 
let one answer who has gained the right to answer, 
and than whom no one is better qualified to answer 
the Rev. Dr. Archibald Alexander Hodge. 

He says: " Calvinism 7 is a term used to desig 
nate, not the opinions of an individual, but a mode 
of religious thought or a system of religious doc 
trines of which the person whose name it bears 
was an eminent expounder. There have been from 
the beginning only three generically dictinct sys 
tems of doctrine, or modes of conceiving and ad 
justing the facts and principles understood to be 
revealed in the Scriptures : the Pelagian, which 
denies the guilt, corruption and moral impotence 
of man, and makes him independent of the super 
natural assistance of God. At the opposite pole is 
the Calvinistic, which emphasizes the guilt and 
moral impotence of man, exalts the justice and 
sovereignty of God, and refers salvation absolutely 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 13 

to the vundeserved favor and new creative energy 
of God. Between these comes the manifold and 
elastic .system of compromise once known as Semi- 
I elagiaiiism, and in modern times as Arminianism, 
which admits man s original corruption, but denies 
his guilt ; regards redemption as a compensation 
for innate, and consequently irresponsible, disabil 
ities; and refers the moral restoration of the indi 
vidual to the co-operation of the human with the 
divine energy, the determining factor being the 
human will."* 

We have here, in succinct form, an accurate def 
inition of the two systems of theology which are 
in active operation to-day, and which, Dr. Pusey 
says, " are now, and probably for the last time, in 
conflict" f Calvinism and Arminianism, the former 
taking its name from John Calvin, a Frenchman, 
born in 1519, and the latter taking its name from 
James Herman or (in Latin dress) Arminius, a 
Dutchman, born in 1560. These men did not 
originate the systems of doctrine which bear their 
names, but only expounded them more fully and 
developed them into a more perfect form. The 
same views were maintained at least as early as 

* Johntoris Cyclopaedia, art. " Calvinism." 
+ His Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury 



14 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

the fourth century, when Augustine and Pelagius 
stood in much the same attitude to each other as 
Calvin and Arminius in the sixteenth century. 
Hence Calvinism is frequently and correctly called 
Augustinianism ; and Arminianism, Semi- Pelagian- 
ism. These are the two systems which are now 
most extensively held, and with the one or the 
other of them all other Christian theological sys 
tems have organic sympathies. 

Out of Arianism grew Socinianism, and out of 
that modern Unitarianism, which makes Christ 
neither a man nor God, but a created being some 
where above angels and between humanity and 
Deity.* And while Arminianism is neither Arian 
nor Socinian nor Unitarian, these all are Armin- 
ian. As the writer of the article "Arminianism" 
in the American Cyclopaedia says, "Every new 
phase of Arianism, to this day, is infallibly Ar- 
minian, though the organic connection of the two 
is not so manifest from the distinctively Arminian 
side, at least in modern times." 

Their organic connection might be easily traced, 
and their natural affinity easily shown, did it come 
within our present purpose. But there are other 

* See Channing s Works, and Joseph Cook s exposition of 
them in The Independent, March, 1880. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 15 

connections and affinities of these doctrines which 
demand our present consideration. Each of these 
two systems, Calvinism and Arminianism, has an 
organic connection and a natural affinity with a 
distinct form of church government the Calvin- 
istic with the presbyterial or independent form, 
and the Arminian with the prelatioal or episcopal 
form. As a matter of fact, this has always been 
so. The Roman Episcopal Church has always 
been, as a Church, Arminian in doctrine; the 
Protestant Episcopal Church soon became, as a 
Church, Arminian in doctrine, although her Thir 
ty-nine Articles of Faith are Calvinistic. I once 
asked a learned Episcopal rector how it came that 
while his Confession of Faith is Calvinistic his 
Church is Arminian. Smiling, he replied, "The 
Calvinism in the Articles is so weak that you 
could drive a horse and cart through it at some 
points." That, I presume, accounts for it. It is 
not strong enough to hold the Church up to it 
or to resist the powerful tendency of Episcopacy 
to Arminian doctrines. The Methodist Episcopal 
Church also is, as a Church, Arminian. The fact, 
then, is that Arminianism and Episcopacy do nat 
urally sympathize and affiliate. There is that in 
the Arminian doctrines of emotions and works 



16 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

which leads directly to the external forms and 
ceremonies of Prelacy or Episcopacy. 

On the other hand, the Reformed churches 
which took the Presbyterian form of government 
have always been Calvinistic. As the Rev. Albert 
Barnes says, "There are no permanent Arminian, 
Pelagian, Socinian presbyteries, synods, general as 
semblies on earth. There are no permanent in 
stances where these forms of belief or unbelief 
take on the presbyterial form. There are no 
Presbyterian forms of ecclesiastical administration 
where they would be long retained."* 

This connection between the doctrine and the 
form of worship is not superficial or accidental, 
but inherent. A system of doctrine, as Pelagian- 
ism, which teaches salvation by our own good 
works, or, as Arminianism, which teaches salvation 
partly by works and partly by grace, of necessity 
sympathizes and affiliates with rites and ceremonies, 
and lays, in the very spirit of it, the foundation for 
a ritualistic service. Romanism, which is rigid 
Arminianism, and Presbyterianism, which is strict 
Calvinism, are the very antipodes of each other, 
and have always been in the most uncompromis- 

* As quoted by Breed, Presbyterianism Three Hundred Years 
Ago, p. 11. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 17 

ing hostility. Hence the historical fact that the 
higher the "Churchman" the more intensely Ar- 
miniaii he is. " It is a conspicuous fact of Eng 
lish history," says Dr. Hodge, "that high views as 
to the prerogatives of the ministry have always 
antagonized Calvinistic doctrines."* Hence also 
the simple republican form of worship hi the 
Calvinistic churches. 

Buckle, who, himself a fatalist, cannot be charged 
with partiality toward any Church, says: " It is an 
interesting fact that the doctrines which in England 
are called Calvinistic have always been connected 
with ^democratic spirit, while those of Arm inian- 
isrn have found most favor among the aristocratic, 
or protective, party. In the republics of Switzer 
land, of North America and of Holland, Calvinism 
was always the popular creed. On the other hand, 
in those evil days immediately after the death of 
Elizabeth, when our liberties were in imminent 
peril, when the Church of England, aided by the 
Crown, attempted to subjugate the consciences of 
men, and when the monstrous claim of the divine 
right of Episcopacy was first put forward, then it 
was that Arminianism became the cherished doctrine 
of the ablest and most ambitious of the ecclesiastic- 

* Johnson s Cyclopedia, art. " Calvinism." 

<> 



18 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

al party. And in that sharp retribution which 
followed, the Puritans and Independents, by whom 
the punishment was inflicted, were, with scarcely an 
exception, Calvinists ; nor should we forget that the 
first open movement against Charles proceeded from 
Scotland, where the principles of Calvin had long 
been in the ascendant." * 

Thus we see how Arminianism, taking to an aris 
tocratic form of church government, tends toward 
a monarchy in civil affairs, while Calvinism, taking 
to a republican form of church government, tends 
toward a democracy in civil aifairs. 

Allow me to quote again from this eminent Eng 
lish author. He says : " The first circumstance by 
which we must be struck is, that Calvinism is a 
doctrine for the poor and Arminianism for the rich. 
A creed which insists upon the necessity of faith 
must be less costly than one which insists upon the 
necessity of works. In the former case the sinner 
seeks salvation by the strength of his belief; in the 
latter case he seeks it by the fullness of his con 
tributions" . . . "This is the first great practical 
divergence of the two creeds." ... "It is also 
observable that the Church of Rome, whose wor 
ship is addressed mainly to the senses, and which 
* Histm-y of Civilization, i. 611. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 19 

delights in splendid cathedrals and pompous cere 
monies, has always displayed against the Calvinists 
an animosity far greater than she has done against 
any other Protestant sect." Continuing in this 
strain, he observes what he calls "the aristocratic 
tendency of Arininiauism and the democratic tend 
ency of Calvinism," and says : " The more any 
society tends to equality, the more likely it is that 
its theological opinions will be Calviuistic; while 
the more a society tends toward inequality, the 
greater the probability of those opinions being 
Armiuian." * 

These views of this writer are abundantly con 
firmed by the history bearing upon the subject. 
The historical fact is that Arminianism tends to 
beget and to foster classes and castes in society, and 
to build up a gorgeous ritual wherever it gains a 
foothold. And so it comes to be true, on the other 
hand, what the historian Bancroft observes, that "a 
richly-endowed Church always leads to Arminian 
ism and justification by works." f 

Now let us glance at the explanation of this his 
torical fact. 

The prelatical or episcopal form of church gov- 

* History English Civil., i. pp. 612, 613. 
t History United States, ix. p. 503. 



20 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

ernment, which has always been connected with 
Arminian doctrines, asserts that all church power 
is vested in the clergy ; while the republican form, 
which has always accompanied Calvinistic doc 
trines, asserts that all church power is vested in 
the Church; that is, in the people. This is a 
radical difference, and " touches the very essence 
of things." If all the power be in the clergy, then 
the people are practically bound to passive obedi 
ence in all matters of faith and practice ; but if all 
power be in the Church, then the people have a 
right to participate in all matters pertaining to 
questions of faith and practice. Thus the one 
system subjects the people to the autocratic orders 
of a superior, the centre principle of monarchy 
and despotism; while the other system elevates 
the people to an equality in authority, the centre 
principle of democracy. 

On this point I will quote a few sentences from 
the late Dr. Charles Hodge. "The theory," he 
observes, " that all church power vests in a divine 
ly-constituted hierarchy begets the theory that all 
civil power vests, of divine right, in kings and 
nobles. And the theory that church power vests 
in the Church itself, and all church officers are 
servants of the Church, of necessity begets the 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 21 

theory that civil power vests in the people, and 
that civil magistrates are servants of the people. 
These theories God has joined together, and no 
man can put them asunder. It was therefore by 
an infallible instinct that the unfortunate Charles 
of England said, No bishop, no king; by which 
he meant that if there is no despotic power in the 
Church, there can be no despotic power in the State, 
or if there be liberty in the Church, there will be 
liberty in the State."* 

We find, then, these three propositions proved 
by historical fact and logical sequence: First, Ar- 
minianism associates itself with an episcopal form 
of church government, and Calvinism with a re 
publican form of church government; second, ,? 
Episcopacy fosters ideas of inequality in society ^ 
and of monarchy and one-man power in civil 
affairs; and, third, Arminianism is unfavorable to 
civil liberty, and Calvinism is unfavorable to des 
potism. The despotic rulers of former days were 
not slow to observe the correctness of these prop 
ositions, and, claiming the divine right of kings, 
feared Calvinism as republicanism itself. 

Now, consider, for a moment, some of the rea 
sons which lie in the system of Calvinism for its 
* What it Pr&tbyterifinismf p. 11. 



CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

strong hostility to all despotism and its powerful 
influence in favor of civil liberty. 

* 

^> < One reason for this may be found in the bound- 
* )\ Y ary-lme which it draws between Church and State. 
It gives to each its distinct sphere, and demands 
that the one shall not assume the prerogatives of 
the other. In this it differs from Lutheranism, 
"which soon settled down at peace with princes, 
while Calvinism was ever advancing and ever con 
tending with the rulers of this world;"* and from 
the Anglican system, which began with Henry 
VIII. as its head in place of the pope. This 
distinction between Church and State is, as the 
eminent Yale professor, Dr. Fisher, remarks, "the 
first step, the necessary condition, in the develop 
ment of religious liberty, without which civil lib 
erty is an impossibility. ^ 

Another reason is found in the republican char 
acter of its polity. Its clergy are on a perfect 
equality. No one of them stands higher in au 
thority than another. They are all alike bishops. 
Its laymen share equally with its clergymen in 
all official acts in the discussion and decision of 
all matters of doctrine and practice. They have 

*/ * Dr. Henry B. Smith, Faith ami Philowphy. y - 

^^r^^^^t^f^^f * & ~* -r-vi 

/ t Hist. Re/ormatjbn. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 23 

a most important part given them in the right of 
choosing and calling their own pa.stor. Bv being 
thus rulers in the Church they are taught to claim 
and exercise the same liberty in the State. It is 
this feature of the Calvinistic system which has, 
from the first, exalted the layman. It constitutes, 
not the clergy, but the Christian people, the in 
terpreter of the divine will. To it the voice of 
the majority is the voice of God, and the issue, 
therefore, is, as Bancroft observes, "popular sov 
ereignty." * 

Another reason why Calvinism is favorable to :> 
liberty lies in its theology. " The sense of the ,\ 
exaltation of the Almighty Ruler," says Dr. 
Fisher, "and of his intimate connection with the 
minutest incidents and obligations of human life, 
which is fostered by this theology, dwarfs all 
earthly potentates. An intense spirituality, a con 
sciousness that this life is but an infinitesimal frac 
tion of human existence, dissipates the feeling of 
personal homage for men, however high their sta 
tion, and dulls the lustre of all earthly grandeur." 
. . . "The Calvinist, unlike the Romanist, dis 
penses with a human priesthood, which has not 
only often proved a powerful direct auxiliary to 
* Hit. U. S., i. pp. 44, 461. 



24 CALVINISM JN HISTORY. 

temporal rulers, but has educated the sentiments to 
a habit of subjection, which renders submission to 
such rulers more facile and less easy to shake 
off." * 

Its doctrine of predestination also is calculated^ 
to have a tremendous influence on the political 
character of its adherents. This has not escaped 
the notice of historians. Bancroft, who, while 
adopting another religious creed, has awarded to 
Calvinism the palm for its influence in favor of 
religious and civil liberty, remarks that " the po 
litical character of Calvinism, which, with one 
consent and with instinctive judgment, the mon- 
archs of that day feared as republicanism, is ex 
pressed in a single word predestination. Did a 
proud aristocracy trace its lineage through gener 
ations of a highborn ancestry, the republican Re 
formers, with a loftier pride, invaded the invisible 
world, and from the book of life brought down 
the record of the noblest enfranchisement, decreed 
from eternity by the King of kings. . . . They 
went forth in confidence, . . . and, standing -surely 
amidst the crumbling fabrics of centuries of super 
stition, they had faith in one another; and the 
martyrdoms of Cambray, the fires of Smithfield, 
* See Fisher s Hist. Reformation. 



CALVIXISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 25 

the surrender of benefices by two thousand non-con 
forming Presbyterians, attest their perseverance." * 
This doctrine " inspires a resolute, almost defiant, 
freedom in those who deem themselves the subjects 
of God s electing grace : in all things they are more 
than conquerors through the confidence that nothing 
shall be able to separate them from the love of God. 
No doctrine of the dignity of human nature, of tho 
rights of man, of national litarty, of social equal 
ity, can create such a resolve for the freedom of the 
soul as this personal conviction of God s favoring 
and protecting sovereignty. He who has this faith 
feels that he is compassed about with everlasting 
love, guided with everlasting strength ; his will is 
the tempered steel that no fire can melt, no force can 
break. Such faith is freedom ; and this spiritual 
freedom is the source and strength of all other 

freedom." f 

Having thus briefly traced the spirit and tendency 
of Calvinism in relation to liberty, I will now indi 
cate, from the testimony of those most capable of 
giving impartial judgment, what Calvinism has 
done for civil liberty. 

* Hist. U. S., vol. ii. p. 461. 

t The United States as a Nation, p. 30, by Rev. Joseph Thomp 
son, D. D., LL.D. 



26 CALVINISM TN HISTORY 

And here let it be remarked that events follow 
..principles; that mind rules the world ; that thought 
is more powerful than cannon; that "all history; is 
in its inmost nature religious;"* and that, as John 
von Muller says, " Christ is the key to the history 
of the world/ and, as Carlyle says, " the spiritual 
will always body itself forth in the temporal history 

r^ of men." In the formation of the modern nations 
^ religion performed a principal part. The great 
A movements out of which the present civilized na 
tions sprung were religious through and through. 
What part, then, had Calvinism in begetting 
and shaping and controlling those movements? 
What has it to show as the result of its labors? 

V, 

A rich possession indeed. A glorious record be 
longs to it in the history of modern civilization. 
Be it remembered that Luther was an Augustin- 
ian or Calvinistic .monk, and that it was from this 
rigorous theology that he learned the great truth, 
the pivot of the Reformation and the kindling flame 
of civilization salvation, not by works, but by 
faith alone. True, indeed, that truth was first laid 
down in the word of God. We can accept as com 
plimentary the sneering remark of Ernest Renan, 
that Paul begat Augustine, and Augustine begat 
* Dr. H. B. Smith s Faith find Philosophy. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 27 

Calvin, and Calvin begat the Jansenists and their 
brethren. We glory in the lineal descent. And 
we stand willing also to acknowledge the kindness 
of Matthew Arnold, when, in his vain attempts to 
cut Calvinism out of the New Testament and fling 
it away, he declares Paul to have been the author 
of it, but excuses the great apostle for being guilty 
of it by saying that he allowed himself " to fall 
into it" through mistake and through the specu 
lative bent of his intellect.* But one might be 
tempted to ask Mr. Arnold, Plow could Paul have 
"fallen into it" unless it had been already in exist 
ence? And from what ground did the great apostle 
fall ? Truly the Church is in a sad plight if the 
doctrines of the apostles are the errors which they 
" fell into " ! It is pleasing, however, to some of us 
to find such men as these attributing the paternity 
of Calvinism to St. Paul, and to find them driven to 
such extremities in their efforts to explain it away 
as to be compelled to say that Paul was mad, or, as 
an Arminian clergyman of our own city has said, 
that " Paul was not converted when he wrote the 
book of Romans." 

So, then, enemies themselves being witness, Paul 
had laid down the grand truth which Luther found 

* St. Paid and Puritanism. 



28 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

in his study of the Augustinian theology and of the 
Bible. The Arminianism of the Church of Rome 
had so perverted that truth, and so wrapped it over 
with its " works of righteousness," as to make it 
practically unknown. It was not till Luther had 
grasped it clearly and firmly in his intellect and 
heart that it became again a living thing and a 
mighty force. Henceforth the secret power and 
stirring watchword of the Reformation was justifi 
cation by faith olone. It was this cleanly- cut and 
strong theology which began the Reformation, and 
which carried it on through fire and flood, through 
all opposition and terror and persecution and mis 
ery, to its glorious consummation. When in the 

sreat toil and roar of the conflict the fiery nature 
& 

of Luther began to chill, and he began to tempor 
ize with civil rulers, and to settle down in harmony 
with them, it was this same uncompromising the 
ology of the Genevan school which heroically and 
triumphantly waged the conflict to the end. I but 
repeat the testimony of history, friendly and un 
friendly to Calvinism, when I say that had it not 
been for the strong, unflinching, systematic spirit 
and character of the theology of Calvin, the Ref 
ormation would have been lost to the world. That 
is one thing which Calvinism has done. That is 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 29 

one of the fruits which have grown on this vigor 
ous old tree. 

Hence it was that almost everywhere the Ref 
ormation assumed the Calvinistic type, supplanting 
or absorbing all other reforming ideas. Even in 
the lands, such as Germany and Switzerland, where 
the peculiarly Lutheran ideas had first found ac 
ceptance, it was "through the influence of Calvin 
istic principles that the Protestantism of those lands 
assumed an external form and organization, and at 
tained to definite dimensions in the history of the 
world." " In this system only were found that 
vigor and that earnestness which are essential to 
the highest success. Even Luther himself, when 
the splendor of Calvin s name was outshining his 
own, withheld not his admiration and praise from 
the strict discipline which prevailed in the Cal- 
viuistic churches, and from that lofty earnestness 
which pervades the whole Calvinistic system of 
reform, and which gave it more and more of that 
steady consistency that was requisite in its conflict 
with opposing powers, and without which no vic 
tory is ever attained.f 

"The Lutheran congregations were but half 
emancipated from superstition, and shrank from 
* Hagenbach s Hist. Ref., vol. ii. p. 350. f Hagenbach. 



30 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

pressing the struggle to extremities; and half 
measures meant half-heartedness, convictions which 
were but half convictions, and truth with an alloy 
of falsehood. Half measures, however, would not 
quench the bonfires of Philip of Spain or raise 
men in France or Scotland who would meet crest 
to crest the princes of the house of Lorraine. The 
Reformers required a position more sharply defined 
and a sterner leader, and that leader they found in 
John Calvin. . . . For hard times hard men are 
needed, and intellects which can pierce to the roots 
where truth and lies part company. It fares ill 
with the soldiers of religion when the accursed 
thing is in the camp. And this is to be said of 
Calvin, that, so far as the state of knowledge per 
mitted, no eye could have detected more keenly the 
unsound spots in the creed of the Church, nor was 
there a Reformer in Europe so resolute to exercise, 
tear out and destroy what was distinctly seen to be 
false so resolute to establish what was true in its 
place, and make truth, to the last fibre of it, the 
rule of practical life."* 

This is the testimony of a man who has no par 
ticular love for Calvinism, but who from the high 
ground of learned investigation looks at it and 
* Froude, Calvinism, p. 42. 



CALVINISM A8 A POLITICAL FORCE. 31 

the man whose name it beat s through the light of 
historical fact. 

And in further explication of this thought allow 
me to quote again from the same authority: "Was 
it not written long ago, He that will save his soul 
shall lose it ? If we think of religion only as a 
means of escaping what we call the wrath to come, 
we shall not escape it; we are already under it; 
we are under the burden of death, for we care only 
for ourselves. This was not the religion of your 
fathers; this was not the Calvinism which over 
threw spiritual wickedness, and hurled kings from 
their thrones, and purged England and Scotland, 
for a time at least, of lies and charlatanry. Cal 
vinism was the spirit which rises in revolt against 
untruth the spirit which, as I have shown you, 
has appeared and reappeared, and in due time will 
appear again unless God be a delusion and man be 
as the beasts that perish. For it is but the inflash- 
ing upon the conscience of the nature and origin 
of the laws by which mankind are governed 
laws which exist whether we acknowledge them 
or whether we deny them, and will have their way, 
to our own weal or woe, according to the attitude 
in which we place ourselves toward them inher 
ent, like the laws of gravity, in the nature of 



32 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

things ; not made by us, not to be altered by us, 
but to be discerned and obeyed by us at our ever 
lasting peril."* 

This was the Calvinism which flashed forth in 
the great Reforming days the spirit which, when 
Romanists and despots claimed the right to burn 
all who differed from them, inspired men and 
women and youth to go forth, Bible and sword 
in hand, to the greatest daring, appealing for the 
justice of their cause and the victory of their arms 
to the Lord of hosts. This was the spirit which 
acted in those men "who attracted to their ranks 
almost every man in Western Europe who hated 
a lie;" who when they were crushed down rose 
again ; who " abhorred as no body of men ever 
more abhorred all conscious mendacity, all impur 
ity, all moral wrong of every kind, so far as they 
could recognize it ;" who, though they did not ut 
terly destroy Romanism, "drew its fangs, and forced 
it to abandon that detestable principle that it was 

* entitled to murder those who dissented from it." 

y^^^-This was the spirit out of which came, and by 

*"7 which was nourished, the religious and civil lib- 

e rties of Christendom ; of which Bancroft says, 

tf More truly benevolent^ to the human race than 


47, 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 33 

Solon, more self-denying than Lycurgus, the genius 
of Calvin infused enduring elements into the in 
stitutions of Geneva, and made it for the modern 
world the impregnable fortress of popular liberty, 
the fertile seed-plot of democracy."* 

That religious and civil liberty have an organic 
connection and a natural affinity is quite obvious. 
They hold together as root and branch. " By the 
side of every religion is to be found a political 
opinion connected with it by affinity. If the hu 
man mind be left to follow its own bent, it will 
regulate the temporal and spiritual institutions of 
society in a uniform manner, and man will en 
deavor, if I may so speak, to harmonize earth 
with heaven." f But other influences may be 
powerful enough to interfere with this natural con 
nection of the religious and political belief. The 
Romanist may choose to be a republican rather than 
a monarchist, because of the greater advantages 
which a republic confers, or because he finds him 
self in the midst of republican institutions which 
he cannot hope to alter; but when a man is free 
to follow his own inclinations, he will body forth 
his religion in his political beliefs. Hence it 
comes that the influence on our republican insti- 

*E**tiyx. f j)e_T<Kxiiieville, Democracy, i. 383. 

3 



34 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

tutions of a rigid Arminianism, which has always 
been wedded to an aristocratic form of church gov 
ernment, is unfavorable to their perpetuity. Its 
whole tendency, politically, is to educate the sen 
timents of the people to a spirit of subjection to 
the rich and powerful, and thus to prepare them 
for the monarchic form of civil government. 

Charles I. of England gave as the reason why 
his father, James I., had subverted the republican 
form of government of the Scottish Church, that 
the presbyterial and monarchical forms of govern 
ment do not harmonize.* And De Tocqueville, 
admitting the same, calls Calvinism " a democratic 
and republican religion." f This is the historical 
fact, that, while Calvinism can live and do its 
divine work under any form of civil government, 
its natural affinities are not with a monarchy, but 
with a republic. 

This is the reason that it has made so splendid a 
record in the history of human freedom. Where it 
flourishes despotism cannot abide. This, says the 
historian IXAubigne, "chiefly distinguishes the 
Reformation of Calvin from that of Luther, that 
wherever it was established it brought with it not 
only truth, but liberty, and all the great develop- 
* Buckle, ii. 206, note 5. t Democracy, i. 384. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 35 

mcnts which these two fertile principles carry with 
them." * 

Now, if we ask what Calvinism did for the cause 
of civil and religious liberty in France and the 
Netherlands, we have but to turn to the glowing 
pages of D Aubigne and to the enchanting his 
tories of our own Motley. It created, under God, 
the Dutch Republic, and made it "the first free 
nation to put a girdle of empire around the world." 
Account for it as one will, the fact is, that until 
Calvinism took possession of the Netherlanders and 
gained the ascendency over all other religious be 
liefs, the people made but little headway against 
the powerful empire of Spain ; but from that mo 
ment they never faltered for well nigh a hundred 
years, until their independence was triumphantly 
established. Their great leader, William the Si 
lent, prince of Orange, was, as it would appear, 
forced logically, consistently and necessarily to 
give up first his Romanism and next his Luther- 
anism, and to become a sincere and rigid Calvin- 
ist while fighting for his country s independence. 
Then it was that he began to exhibit such vigor 
and enthusiasm and perseverance as he had never 
before exhibited. Then it was that he began to 

* History Ref. Time of Calvin, i. 3. 



36 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

make those bleak fields of the North to be the 
light and hope of the Protestant world and the 
terror of the proud and powerful Philip of Spain. 
"It would certainly be unjust and futile/ says 
Motley, "to detract from the vast debt which 
that republic owed to the Genevan Church. The 
Reformation had entered the Netherlands by the 
Walloon gate (that is, through the Calvinists). The 
earliest and most eloquent preachers, the most im 
passioned converts, the sublimest martyrs, had 
lived, preached, fought, suffered and died with the 
precepts of Calvin in their hearts. The fire which 
had consumed the last vestige of royal and sacer 
dotal despotism throughout the independent re 
public had been lighted by the hands of Calvin 
ists. 

"Throughout the blood-stained soil of France, 

O 

too, the men who were fighting the same great 
battle as were the Netherlander against Philip 
II. and the Inquisition, the valiant cavaliers of 
Dauphiny and Provence, knelt on the ground be 
fore the battle, smote their iron breasts with their 
mailed hands, uttered a Calvinistic prayer, sang 
a psalm of Marot, and then charged upon Guise 
or upon Joyeuse under the white plume of the 
Bearnese. And it was on the Calvinistic weavers 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 37 

and clothiers of Kocbclle that the Great Prince 
relied in the hour of danger, as much as on his 
mounted chivalry. In England, too, the seeds of 
liberty, wrapped up in Calvinism and hoarded 
through many trying years, were at last destined 
to float over land and sea, and to bear largest 
harvests of temperate freedom for great common 
wealths that were still unborn."* To the Cal- 
viniste, "more than to any other class of men, 
the political liberties of Holland, England and 
America are due." f 

Such language might be mistaken for a mere 
panegyric of an intense Calyinist, did we not 
know that it is the historical testimony of one 
who was not_a_Calyinist, but who, with the fire 
of freedom burning brightly in his heart, and 
with a perfect knowledge of what he is saying, 
pays such lofty tributes to the men who dared 
maintain the cause of liberty in the earth. This 
is sufficient to indicate, as I here can only do, 
what was the influence and what the worth of 
Calvinism on the liberties of France and the 
Netherlands. 

Now let us cross the English Channel and see 
what Calvinism was as a political force on the 
* Netherlands, iii. 120, 121. f Ibid., iv. 547. 



38 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

green soil of England and on the Leathered hills 
of Scotland. 

It will be borne in mind that we make no such 
absurd claim as that every one who fought for re 
ligious and civil liberty in those days was a Cal- 
vinist. We claim only that almost all of them 
were Calvinists and that their great leaders were 
Calvinists. This is the historical fact, that it was 
the Calvinists who did the reforming work, rough 
and sore as it was, in England, Ireland and Scot 
land. Henry VIII. only transformed the Church ; 
he did not reform it. The Anglican Church was 
established not from the convictions of the people, 
but by the decree of the king, who became its 
supreme pontiff. I would not care to say what 
Lamartine says about the laying of its founda 
tions, lest I might be taken as uncharitable toward 
a Church which I greatly venerate, excepting only 
that wherein she has been unfaithful to herself and 
to Protestantism in her High-Churchism, by which 
she has given occasion to Romanists to call her "a 
bulwark against the aggressiveness of the non-con 
forming churches," and to plead for her continu 
ance on that ground. But all understand how she 
came into existence not by the faith of the people, 
but by the will of the sovereign. Yet no royal 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 39 

decree can reform a Church or people. Reforma 
tion must be the work of the individual conscience. 
Hence, when the Anglican Church was suddenly 
cut away from Rome, and had become, as it were, 
"an English translation of the Latin," the real 
reforming work had still to be done. And who 
did it? Was it the Arminians? No; they had 
little or no hand in it. As Macaulay says, "The 
Lambeth Articles," which were drawn up by Eliz 
abeth s favorite bishop in concert with the bishop 
of London and other theologians, "affirm the Cal- 
vinistic doctrines with a distinctness which would 
shock many who in our age are reputed Calvin- 
ists." "Arminianism," he continues, "with its more 
popular notions, came in later."* Through all the 
struggles of those two centuries it was the Calvin- 
ists who were always contending, sometimes badly 
and bitterly enough, but ever honestly and earn 
estly, for the heavenly boon of human freedom. 
It was they who reformed Scotland, and lifted 
her out of the pit of darkness and misery in 
which she had been so long confined. 

The spirit in which they carried on the conflict 
is well illustrated in the case of Jennie Geddes. 
Charles I. had determined to carry out his father s 
*Hixt.Eng., vol. i. 23. 



40 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

policy of compelling the Scotch Church to adopt 
Prelacy. The city of Edinburgh and the church 
of_St.jSiles was the place where the public use of 
the Liturgy was to be commenced. The church 
was crowded, and "a deep, melancholy calm brooded 
over the congregation," presaging the fierce tempest 
which was about to sweep away every barrier. At 
length the dean, attired in his surplice, began to read 
the Liturgy, but his voice was speedily drowned in 
tumultuous clamor. An old woman, Jennie Geddes, 
was the heroine of the occasion. "Villain!" she 
cried, "dost thou say mass at my lug?" and with 
that she hurled the stool on which she had been 
sitting at the dean s head. Others quickly followed 
her example, and compelled the dean to fly, leaving 
his surplice behind him. This was really the death 
blow to the Liturgy in Scotland,* and it exhibits 
the earnest, fearless spirit of even the aged and 
humble. 

But the one man who was the principal instru 
ment in the hand of Providence in reforming 
Scotland was John Knox. He had learned his 
theology at the feet of Calvin in Geneva, and had 
known, as a galley-slave, the tender mercies of 
Romanism. He was one of the six clerical Johns 
* Dr. Craighead s Irish Seeds in American Soil, p. 80. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 41 

who composed the first General Assembly of Scot 
land. Now, let us take the testimony of history as 
to the worth of this man. Thus Fronde speaks : 
"John Knox, to whose teaching they (the Scotch) 
owed their national existence" . . . "Such was 
Knox, the greatest of living Scotchmen." . . . "Xo 
grander figure can he found in the entire history 
of the Reformation in this island than that of 
Knox. Cromwell and Burghley rank beside him 
for the work which they effected, but as politicians 
and statesmen they had to labor with instruments 
with which they soiled their hands in touching, 
In purity, in uprightness, in courage, truth and 
stainless honor the regent Murray and our English 
Latimer were perhaps his equals ; but Murray was 
intellectually far below him, and the sphere of 
Latimer s influence was on a small scale. The 
time has come when English history may do jus 
tice to one but for whom the Reformation would 
have been overthrown among ourselves ; for the 
spirit which Knox created saved Scotland; and 
if Scotland had been Catholic again, neither the 
wisdom of Elizabeth s ministers, nor the teaching 
of her bishops, nor her own chicaneries, would 
have preserved England from revolution. His was 
the voice which taught the peasant of the Lothians 



42 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

that he was a free man, the equal in the sight of 
God with the proudest peer or prelate that had 
trampled on his forefathers. He was the one an 
tagonist whom Mary Stuart could not soften nor 
Maitland deceive; he it was that raised the poor 
Commons of his country into a stern and rugged 
people, who might be hard, narrow, superstitious 
and fanatical, but who, nevertheless, were men 
whom neither king, noble nor priest could force 
again to submit to tyranny. And his reward has 
been the ingratitude of those who should most 
have done honor to his memory."* 

Now, take another testimony to the worth and 
work of this man that of the man of philosoph 
ical literature, Thomas Carlyle. Thus he speaks : 
"This that Knox did for his nation, I say, we 
may really call a resurrection as from death. It 
was not a smooth business; but it was welcome 
surely, and cheap at that price had it been far 
rougher. On the whole cheap at any price; as 
life is. The people began to live ; they needed 
first of all to do that, at what cost and costs so 
ever. Scotch literature and thought; Scotch in 
dustry ; James Watt, David Hume, Walter Scott, 
Robert Burns, I find Knox and the Reformation 
* En ff . Hist., x. 437. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 43 

acting in the heart s core of every one of these 
persons and phenomena. It seems to me hard 
measure that this Scottish man, now after three 
hundred years, should have to plead like a cul 
prit before the world; intrinsically for having 
been, in such way as it was then possible to be, 
the bravest of all Scotch men. Had he been a 
poor half-and-half, he could have crouched into 
the corner, like so many others ; Scotland had not 
been delivered ; and Knox had been without 
blame. He is the one Scotchman to whom, of 
all others, his country and the world owe a debt." 
. . . " Honor to him ! His works have not died. 
The letter of his works dies, as of all men s ; but 
the spirit of it never!" 

Such is the estimate of history upon Knox and 
his work after three hundred years, a period long 
enough for the judging of them correctly, and 
long enough to sink most men s works into ob 
livion. It was, however, unfortunate for the 
reputation of Knox with a certain class of peo 
ple that he was compelled by truth and conscience 
and the welfare of his nation and Protestantism 
to oppose a woman, young, beautiful, bad and 
royal Mary Stuart, queen of Scots; with whom 
to be a favorite it was necessary to be false to 



44 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

Scotland and to the Reformation, and whose 
troublous life and unfortunate death softened the . 
heart of the world toward her, blinding many to 
her serious faults. 

Other causes also have contributed to obscure his 
glory and to depreciate his real worth and the value 
of his services. He belonged to a Church which 
was unpopular at court, and which is not yet pop 
ular in royal residences. "On the other hand," 
Buckle says, " the sect of Episcopalians in Scotland 
are utterly blind to the real grandeur of the man, 
and unable to discern his intense love of truth and 
the noble fearlessness of his nature." * 

In addition to these causes, Knox has had no 
competent biographer. The bard in ancient times 
was necessary to the hero s fame; so is the histo 
rian in these latter days. Knox s bard is yet to 
come; and he will come. 

As to what the Calvinists did in Scotland during 
those trying and important times toward the close 
of the sixteenth century, we must content ourselves 
with quoting a few sentences from Buckle s History 
of Civilization in England : " In their pulpits, in 
their presbyteries, and in their general assemblies 
they encouraged a democratic and insubordinate 
* History of Civilization, vol. ii. p. 177, note. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 45 

tone, which eventually produced the happiest re 
sults by keeping alive, at a critical moment, the 
spirit of liberty." . . . "Let us then, not be too 
rash in this matter. Let us not be too forward 
in censuring the leading actors in that great crisis 
through which Scotland passed during the latter 
half of the sixteenth century. Much they did 
which excites our strongest aversion. But one 
thing they achieved which should make us honor 
their memory and repute them benefactors of 
their species. At a most hazardous moment they 
kept alive the spirit of national liberty. What 
the nobles and the Crown had put in peril, that 
did the clergy save. By their care the dying 
spark was kindled into a blaze. When the li^ht 
grew dim and flickered on the altar, their hands 
trimmed the lamp and fed the sacred flame. This 
is their real glory, and on this they may well re 
pose. They were the guardians of Scotch free 
dom, and they stood to their post. Where danger 
was, they were foremost. By their sermons, by 
their conduct, both public and private, by the 
proceedings of their assemblies, by their bold and 
frequent attacks upon persons without regard to 
their rank nay, even by the very insolence with 
which they treated their superiors they stirred 



46 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

up the minds of men, woke them from tljeir 
lethargy, formed them to habits of discussion, 
and excited that inquisitive and democratic spirit 
which is the only effectual guarantee the people 
can ever possess against the tyranny of those who 
are set over them. This was the work of the 
Scotch clergy ; and all hail to them who did it ! 
To these men England and Scotland owe a debt 
they can never pay." * 

These, then, were some of the results achieved 
by the Calvinists in that great and sore struggle 
toward the close of the sixteenth century. But 
the struggle did not end with the century ; it was 
continued for nearly a century afterward. When 
James I. of England, son of Mary Stuart queen 
of Scots, ascended the throne in 1603, the conflict 
was renewed in earnest. Not caring particularly 
either for Episcopacy or Presbytery, excepting so 
far as he could use them for the furtherance and 
maintenance of his own despotic purposes, but be 
lieving Episcopacy to be the natural ally of the 
throne, and knowing from past experience that he 
could not bend the Presbyterians to his will, he 
devoted himself to the overthrow of the Presby 
terian form of church government in Scotland, 
* Vol. ii. pp. 185, 208, 204. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 47 

whicji had been established by Parliament. This 
arrayed against him a people who otherwise would 
have been loyal to their heart s core to the king 
who was their countryman, and who had repeat 
edly given his royal assurance that he would de 
fend the liberties of his native land. By every 
power at his command he sought to impose upon 
the Scottish Church a form of government which 
was not only odious to her, but which she regarded 
as the shadow and symbol of Popery. By royal 
decree, by confiscation, by banishment, by a ruth 
less and relentless soldiery, by almost every cruel 
device, he used his great power to carry out the 
dictates of his imperial will and to silence every 
voice that was raised in defence of freedom and 
against his arbitrary and tyrannical measures. 

This infamous work was carried on by his son 
and successor, Charles I., until the spirit of free 
dom, so long and mercilessly trampled upon, arose 
in its flaming wrath, and, led by Oliver Cromwell, 
himself a descendant of the royal house of Stuart 
through his mother, hurled the proud monarch from 
the throne and appeased its vengeance in his blood. 
When Cromwell, the great Calvinistic leader and 
commoner and Protector, was borne to his grave, 
after having formed the finest army that Euroi>o 



48 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

had ever seen, and made the name of England 
terrible to every nation on the face of the earth,* 
and when his son, without his father s ability, re 
tired from the government of the nation to which 
he had been called, preferring the ease of a country 
gentleman to the troublous position of a Lord Pro 
tector, the English people welcomed with much 
enthusiasm, and yet with great fear, another royal 
son to the throne in the person of Charles II., 
whose name and reign are amongst the most in 
famous in the annals of English history. If his 
predecessors had chastised the people with whips, 
he chastised them with scorpions. Unwisely neg 
lecting his father s dying counsel, to forgive his 
enemies, he made the distress and cry of his in 
dependent subjects sore against him. In this he 
was imitated by his successor, James II., the ab 
ject pensioner of Louis XIV. of France. 

During these reigns the Calvinists, and especially 
they of Scotland, were subjected to a tyranny so 
cruel and exhausting as might have crushed out 
for ever the energy of almost any people. Corrupt 
and ignorant judges sat upon the bench to issue 
decrees in accordance with the wish of the mon 
arch, and miserable slaves of men pretty largely 
* Macaulay, " Essay on Milton." 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 49 

made up the Parliaments. England and Scotland 
have seen no darker days in all their history. 
History is compelled to confess, though she do it 
with confused face and profound sorrow, that 
amongst the most zealous aiders and abettors of 
these despotic sovereigns were the bishops and 
clergy of the Anglican Church. That such men 
as William Laud, archbishop of Canterbury, and 
James Sharp, a renegade Presbyterian, archbishop 
of St. Andrews, and John Leslie, bishop of Ra- 
phoe, Ireland, should have worn the robes of ec 
clesiastical authority, representing the rule of our 
Lord and Saviour on the earth, is enough to fill 
any Christian heart with grief, and to cause the 
Church to which they belonged to seek to blot out 
her history for wellnigh a hundred years, and to 
silence, until the judgment-day, her absurd and 
uncharitable claims to an apostolic succession. 
History cannot forget that many of the bishops 
of that day openly favored, and often suggested, 
the atrocities that were committed, and that when 
constitutional liberty and all the rights dearest to 
men who have the Anglo-Saxon blood in their 
veins, and who speak the English tongue, were 
struggling for an existence on earth, they presented 
James II. with an address in which they called him 



50 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

"the darling of Heaven," and prayed that "God 
would give him the hearts of his subjects and the 
necks of his enemies."* "We ought never to 
forget/ says an eminent English writer, " that the 
first and only time the Church of England has 
made war upon the Crown was when the Crown 
had declared its intention of tolerating, and in 
some degree protecting, the rival religions of the 

country."! Let li be borne in mind > nowever > 
that many of the bishops and archbishops of those 
times were consecrated to their offices neither by 
God nor the Church, but by the reigning sove 
reign. In Ireland alone, among all the numerous 
clergy of the Church in the reign of Charles II., 
there were not a hundred of them episcopally 
ordained.J 

Who, then, sustained the cause of liberty in 
those sore and protracted days? Who but the 
Calvinists, known as the Puritans, the Covenant 
ers, the Roundheads, the Presbyterians, the Inde 
pendents? When the people were abandoned to 
the lawless fury and wrath of their rulers, when 
they were ruthlessly plundered, murdered, and 

* Laing s Hist, of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 193. 

f Buckle, vol. i. p. 288. 

J Craighead, Scotch and Irish Seeds, p. 226. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 51 

hunted like wild beasts from place to place, the 
Presbyterian clergy never deserted them: for five- 
and-eighty years that clergy never wavered, but 
were always steady to the good cause and always 
on the side of the people.* 

Of Cromwell and his work Carlyle says : " In 
disputably, this too was a Heroism, and the soul 
of it remains part of the eternal soul of things. 
Here, of our own land and lineage, in practical 
English shape, were heroes on the earth once 
more; who knew in every fibre, and with heroic 
daring laid to heart, that an Almighty justice 
does verily rule this world; and that it is good 
to fight on God s side, and bad to fight on the 
devil s side ; the essence of all heroisms and 
verities that have been or that will be. Perhaps 
it was among the nobler, and noblest human 
heroisms, this Puritanism of ours." f 

Thrice was the crown of England offered to 
Cromwell, and pressed upon him, but he as often 
refused to accept it. As Lamartine says, "He 
ruled as a patriot, who only thought of the great 
ness and power of his country." And his rule 
" added more strength and prosperity to England 

* Buckle, ii. 261, 262. 

t Cromweita Letters, vol. i. p. 8, Edinburgh ed. 



52 CAL VINISM IN HISTOR Y. 

than the nation had ever experienced under her 
most illustrious monarchs."* 

If we ask again, Who brought the final great 
deliverance to English liberty? we are answered 
by history, The illustrious Calvinist, William, 
prince of Orange, who, as Macaulay says, found 
in the strong and sharp logic of the Geneva school 
something that suited his intellect and his temper ; 
the keystone of whose religion was the doctrine of 
predestination ; and who, with his keen logical vis 
ion, declared that if he were to abandon the doc 
trine of predestination he must abandon with it 
all his belief in a superintending Providence, and 
must become a mere Epicurean. f And he was 
right, for predestination and an overruling Provi 
dence are one and the same thing. If we accept 
the one, we are in consistency bound to accept the 
other. 

It was the battle of the Boyne (in Ireland, 1690) 
that decided the fate of Protestantism, not only for 
Great Britain, but for America ; and for the world 
indeed, for had William been defeated there, Prot 
estants could not have found a safe shelter on the 
face of the earth. " Orangemen " may therefore be 
pardoned for their lively interest in that battle. 
* Lamartine s Cromwell f Hist. Eng., ii. p. 49. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 53 

On one side was James II., whom the poet 
Wordsworth appropriately calls 

" The vacillating bondman of the pope," 

with an army composed of his Roman Catholic 
and sympathizing subjects and allies. On the 
other side was his son-in-law, William, whom 
the Protestants had called from Holland to their 
deliverance a little, but not a small man; pale 
and sickly ; the world-acknowledged representative 
of the reforming cause; with an army much in 
ferior in numbers to that of his royal father-in- 
law and opponent, but bound together as one man 
by a common faith and a glorious purpose. The 
world has never seen such another army. The 
entire Calvinistic world was represented in it. 

Less than four years before (October 22, 1685) 
Louis XIV. of France had published the Revoca 
tion of the Edict of Nantes, by which all the 
rights and privileges of his Calvinistic subjects, 
the Huguenots, were swept away. This drove 
thousands upon thousands of them to flee from 
their native land and to seek safety and liberty 
in other climes. Multitudes of them had fled to 
William in Holland, many of whom were of the 
best sailors and soldiers of France. This seems 



54 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

indeed to have been a providence by which Wil 
liam s army was to be reinforced and the great 
victory to be won. Under him, at the Boyne, 
there were Calvinists from England, Ireland, 
Scotland, France, Prussia, Finland, Sweden and 
Switzerland, in addition to his own staunch Hol 
landers and two hundred English negro servants, 
as loyal to Christ and liberty as any under the 
Orange flag. Hundreds of them were clad in the 
varied and worn garments of private citizens, 
which they had brought from their own distant 
homes. 

The officer next in command to William was 
that splendid military chieftain who, as command- 
er-in-chief, had many a time led the French army 
to victory Marshal Schomberg, a Huguenot refu 
gee, now some seventy years of age, and into whose 
care the devoted wife of William had committed 
her husband in his perilous yet glorious undertak 
ing. We can almost pardon King James for all 
his follies because he was the father of that Mary, 
the noble, devoted, self-sacrificing Protestant wife 
of William, prince of Orange. Marshal Schomberg 
it was w r ho, with his regiment of refugee country 
men, led the charge. Taking his position at their 
head, and pointing with his sword across the river 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 55 

to the army of James strongly intrenched on the 
opposite bank, he uttered the thrilling words, "Al- 
lons, mes amis! rappelez votre courage d vos 
ressentiments ! Voilcl vos persecuteurs !" That was 
enough to arouse in them all their fiery energies. 
The memories of the past, their faith and their 
fatherland, were the inspirations of the moment. 
With these words of their brave old general and 
countryman ringing in their hearts, they plunged 
into the river under a furious fire from their ene 
mies and, followed by all the army, soon gained 
the opposite shore, wading in water to the arm 
pits; and wavered not until James and his army 
were utterly routed. 

On these two great leaders, a Hollander and a 
Frenchman, to the everlasting glory of their coun 
tries, the liberties of the world were then, under 
God, depending the one, William, almost unable 
to sit on his gray horse from physical weakness 
and loss of blood from an arm disabled by a ball 
from the enemy; the other, venerable with years 
and honors, who there, in the Boyne waters, gave 
his precious blood and noble life a sacrifice for 
the welfare of mankind. When England forgets 
the part taken by the French Huguenots in se 
curing her lil>erties she will cover herself with in- 



56 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

famy. It might appear as if the historian Macau- 
lay would have her forget it ; for, strange to say, 
he passes it over in silence. Is it possible that he 
would carry the English jealousy of the French 
to such a length ? Well and justly may Michelet 
protest against his lordship s evidently designed 
neglect of his countrymen at the Boyne, and re 
mind England that " the army of William was 
strong precisely in that Calvinistic element which 
James repudiated in England."* 

We see, then, what element fought the decisive 
battle of Protestantism at the Boyne. The very 
watchword of William s army was Westminster, the 
word which was before, and has been ever since, 
stamped on the symbols of the Calvinistic churches. 
Of William himself it is no part of my plan to 
speak. Enough it will be here to quote the lines 
of Wordsworth regarding him : 

" Calm as an under-current, strong to draw 
Millions of waves into itself, and run, 
From sea to sea, impervious to the sun 
And ploughing storm, the spirit of Nassau 
Swerves not (how blest if by religious awe 
Swayed, and thereby enabled to contend 
With the wide world s commotions) from its end 
Swerves not diverted by a casual law. 
* Hist. Louis XIV., p. 418. 



CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE. 57 

Had moral action e er a nobler scope? 
The hero comes to liberate, not defy ; 

And, while he marches on with steadfast hope, 
Conqueror beloved ! expected anxiously ! 

The vacillating bondman of the pope 
Shrinks from the verdict of his steadfast eye." 

As to the effect of William s victory and reign 
as William III. of England, "the most successful 
and the most splendid recorded in the history of 
any country," Macaulay says, "It has been, of all 
revolutions, the most beneficent; the highest eu 
logy that can be pronounced upon it is this, that 
it was England s best, and that, for the author 
ity of law, for the security of property, for the 
peace of our streets, for the happiness of our 
homes, our gratitude is due, under Him who 
raises and pulls down nations at his pleasure, to 
the Long - Parliament, to the Convention and to 
William of Orange." * And David Hume s tes 
timony to the worth of the Calvinistic Puritans 
is equally strong. "So absolute," he says, "was 
the authority of the Crown that the precious 
spark of liberty had been kindled and was pre 
served by the Puritans alone, and it was to this 
sect that the English owe the whole freedom of 

* Hint. Eng., ii. pp. 196, 197. 



58 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

their constitution" * And Taine, referring to the 
Calvinists of Great Britain, says: "These men 
are the true heroes of England; they display, in 
high relief, the original characteristics and noblest 
features of England practical piety, the rule of 
conscience, manly resolution, indomitable energy. 
They founded England, in spite of the corruption 
of the Stuarts and the relaxation of modern man 
ners, by the exercise of duty, by the practice of 
justice, by obstinate toil, by vindication of right, 
by resistance to oppression, by the conquest of 
liberty, by the repression of vice. They founded 
Scotland ; they founded the United States ; at this 
day they are, by their descendants, founding Aus 
tralia and colonizing the world." f 
* Hist. Eng., v. 134. f Eng. Literature, ii. 472. 



II. 

CALVINISM AS A POLITICAL FORCE IN THE 
HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES. 

WE come now to one of the brightest pages of 
Calvinistic history, that which records the 
political influence of the Calvinists in the forma 
tion of the American nation. I need not dwell 
on Calvinism in the colonies prior to the struggle 
with the mother-country for independence. It is 
enough to bear in mind that the Puritans, who 
formed the great bulk of the settlers of New 
England, were rigid Calvinists, who had brought 
with them all their high principles of civil lib 
erty, and all their aversion to the ceremonies and 
government of the Anglican Church, and all their 
devotion to the doctrines of the great Reformers. 
Let us come at once to the great Revolutionary 
conflict by which the colonies became a free and 
independent nation. My proposition is this a 
proposition which the history clearly demonstrates : 
That this great American nation, which stretches 







60 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

her vast and varied territory from sea to sea, and 
from the bleak hills of the North to the sunny 
plains of the South, was the purchase chiefly of 
the Calvinists, and the inheritance which they be 
queathed to all liberty-loving people. 

It would be almost impossible to give the merest 
outline of the influence of the Calvinists on the 
civil and religious liberties of this continent with 
out seeming to be a mere Calvinistic eulogist; for 
the contestants in the great Revolutionary conflict 
were, so far as religious opinions prevailed, so gen 
erally Calvinistic on the one side and Arminian on 
the other as to leave the glory of the result almost 
entirely with the Calvinists. They who are best 
acquainted with the history will agree most read 
ily with the historian, Merle D Aubigne", when he 
says: "Calvin was the founder of the greatest of 
republics. The Pilgrims who left their country in 
the reign of James I., and, landing on the barren 
soil of New England, founded populous and mighty 
colonies, were his sons, his direct and legitimate 
sons; and that American nation which we have 
seen growing so rapidly boasts as its father the 
humble Reformer on the shores of Lake Leman." * 

There was no place on this continent where the 
* Hist. Re/, in the Time of Calvin, i. 5. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. N 61 

political agitation which resulted ill independence was 
so vigorously kept up as in the city of New York. 
The two leading parties of that city, in wealth and 
influence, in politics and religion, at that time, were 
the Livingstons and De Lanceys. The Livingstons 
were Presbyterians, and consequently flaming re 
publicans or Whigs, and were supported almost 
unanimously by the dissenters; the De Lanceys 
were Episcopalians, and staunch loyalists, or To 
ries, and were supported as unanimously by the 
Episcopalians.* Hence the religious beliefs and 
differences contributed very largely to inflame the 
spirit of the opposing parties and to sustain it 
throughout the conflict; for not then as now, it 
will be remembered, did such liberal and fraternal 
sentiments pervade the various denominations. It 
was a formative, trying period, when the heat of 
debate and contention was felt and exhibited by 
all parties. 

The various bodies of dissenters, mainly Calvin- 
ists, which had settled in the colonies, had been 
driven away from their fatherland, not by the perse 
cutions of the Romish Church, but by the tyranny 
of British sovereigns and the intolerance of the 
Anglican Church. It is to be remembered that the 
* Jones s Hist. N. Y., vol. ii. p. 291. 



62 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

settlement of New England was the result, not of 
the contest between the Eeforming opinions and the 
authority of Eome, but, as Bancroft says, " of the 
implacable differences between Protestant dissenters 
and the established Anglican Church. ... A young 
French refugee (John Calvin) skilled in theology 
and civil law, in the duties of magistrates and in 
the dialectics of religious controversy, entering the 
republic of Geneva, and conforming its ecclesias 
tical discipline to the principles of republican sim 
plicity, established a party of which Englishmen 
became members and New England the asylum." * 
The same radical and implacable differences which 
existed between the dissenters and the Episcopalians 
in England continued between them on this side of 
the Atlantic, and finally brought them into open 
conflict. The Episcopal Church, being the estab 
lished Church of the English nation, having her 
supreme authority vested in the English sovereign, 
claimed the right to be the only Church to exist 
under the British flag. Hence the non-conformists 
could not find a place for the soles of their feet on 
which to rest wherever that Establishment had the 
power. Their only relief was in flight from the 
homes of their childhood and the graves of their 
* Hist. U. S., vol. i. p. 266. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 63 

fathers. They came to this land seeking, not 
wealth or fame, but a retreat in which to worship 
God and train up their children in the principles 
of their religion without incurring the wrath of 
princes or bringing upon them the terrors of 
inquisitors. 

" Not as the conqueror comes, 

They, the true-hearted, came ; 
Not with the roll of the stirring drums, 
And the trumpet that sings of fame. 

" Not as the flying come, 

In silence and in fear ; 
They shook the depths of the desert gloom 
With their hymns of lofty cheer. 
* * * * 

" There were men with hoary hair 

Amidst that Pilgrim band ; 
Why had they come to wither there, 
Away from their childhood s land ? 

" There was woman s fearless eye, 
Lit by her deep love s truth ; 
There was manhood s brow serenely high, 
And the fiery heart of youth. 

"What sought they thus afar? 
Bright jewels of the mine ? 
The wealth of seas ? the spoils of war? 
They sought a faith s pure shrine. 



64 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

"Ay, call it holy ground, 

The soil where first they trod ! 
They have left unstained what there they found 
Freedom to worship God." * 

This they sought, and this they left to all succeed 
ing ages, but this they hardly found for themselves. 
The land was too large and fair and fruitful to 
be given up to such independent and insubordinate 
religionists. The great Church of England must 
be planted and maintained wherever her sovereign 
swayed his royal sceptre. Therefore she speedily 
stretched herself across the seas, and took up her 
new abode in the Pilgrims asylum, with all her 
authority and all her claims of divine rights of 
kings and apostolic succession. Wherever she could 
assert her power again in the new land the dissen 
ters were made keenly to feel it. In Virginia and 
New York the people were taxed for her support, 
no matter what was their religious belief taxed to 
maintain a hierarchy from which they had fled, and 
which they hated taxed without representation in 
either Church or State. Even so late as 1707, Fran 
cis Makemie, a Presbyterian clergyman, was impris 
oned by Lord Cornbury in New York City for being 
what the Anglicans called "a strolling preacher," 
* Mrs. Hemans. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 65 

and for spreading what they designated " pernicious 
doctrines." And up even " to the very moment of 
the Declaration of Independence the Presbyterians 
were denied a charter of incorporation" in New 
York. Thanks, everlasting thanks, to William 
lY iin ! all religionists were accorded, in his colony, 
equal rights with those whom he called " the hot 
Church party." 

Such, then, was the religious feature of the Rev 
olutionary conflict; and it was one of the principal 
causes of the war for independence. That war was 
not by any means a mere civil and political strife. 
Religion was at the very heart s core of it. In 
1815, John Adams wrote these significant words: 
" The apprehension of Episcopacy contributed, fifty 
years ago, as much as any other cause to arouse the 
attention, not only of the inquiring mind, but of 
the common people, and urge them to close think 
ing on the constitutional power of Parliament over 
the colonies. . . . Passive obedience and non-resist 
ance in the most unqualified and unlimited sense 
were the principles in government ; and the power 
of the Church to decree rites and ceremonies, and 
the authority of the Church in controversies of 
faith, were explicitly avowed. ... In Virginia the 
Church of England was established by law in ex- 



66 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

elusion, and without toleration, of any other denom 
ination. In New York it displayed its essential 
character of intolerance. Large grants of land were 
made to it, while other denominations could obtain 
none ; and even Dr. Rodgers s congregation in New 
York, numerous and respected as it was, could never 
obtain a legal title to a spot to bury its dead" * In 
the same letter he adduces facts to prove what he 
terms " the bigotry, intrigue, intolerance and per 
secution" of the Establishment, and to confirm his 
statement that the dread of Episcopacy was one of 
the chief causes of the revolt of the colonies against 
Great Britain. It might be difficult to separate 
Monarchy and Episcopacy in the minds of the dis 
senting colonists, for they regarded them as twins ; 
but to one who is acquainted with the struggles of 
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries it will be 
evident enough that the dissenters feared Episcopacy 
quite as much as they feared Monarchy, and that 
this fear was among the first and mightiest influ 
ences which led to the war against King George. 
In further confirmation of this we have most 
excellent and reliable testimony in the words of 
the Rev. Charles Inglis, rector of Trinity Church, 
New York, during the Revolution. He says, in a 

* Presbyterian Tracts, vol. iv. 194. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 67 

letter written to the Episcopal Church Missionary 
Society of London, Oct. 31, 1776: "The king s 
troops, totally abandoning this province, reduced 
the friends of government here to a most disagree 
able and dangerous situation, especially the clergy, 
who were viewed with peculiar envy and malignity 
by the disaffected ; for although civil liberty was the 
ostensible object, the bait flung out to catch the 
populace at large and engage them in the rebel 
lion, yet it is now past all doubt that an abolition 
of the Church of England was one of the prin 
cipal springs of the dissenting leaders conduct, and 
hence the unanimity of dissenters in this business. 
Their universal defection from government, eman 
cipating themselves from the jurisdiction of Great 
Britain and becoming independent, was a necessary 
step to this grand object."* The Revolution, then, 
was, according to this testimony, more pre-eminent 
ly religious than political. 

The dissenters had been driven to despair, and 
could endure the exactions of the Establishment no 
longer. The Episcopalians were unable to see how 
the Presbyterians could profess loyalty to the king 
while at the same time fomenting a spirit of inde 
pendence. It seemed indeed a base hypocrisy; and 
* The Presbyterian, Dec., 1870. 



68 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

it would have been so had it not been for the fact 
that it was religious as much as civil liberty for which 
they were contending. Hence the occasion of some 
of the first open outbreaks against the royal au 
thority was the positive refusal of dissenters to pay 
the church-taxes levied upon them. This extract 
from one of the weekly papers of the time will 
serve to reveal the religious feelings engaged, along 
with the political, about six years before the Decla 
ration of Independence: "This country will shortly 
become a great and flourishing empire, independent 
of Great Britain, enjoying its civil and religious 
liberty uncontaminated, and deserted of all control 
from bishops, the curse of curses, and from the 
subjection of all earthly kings. The corner-stones 
of this great structure are already laid, the mate 
rials are preparing, and before six years roll about 
the great, the noble, the stupendous fabric will be 
erected." * Whatever be the character of the spirit 
herein exhibited, certainly the prediction was most 
remarkably verified. 

The king and the bishop stood side by side in 

the popular conception of the times; hence when 

war broke forth the dissenting churches were on 

the side of independence, and the Episcopal 

* Jones, Hist. N. Y., vol. i. p. 24. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 69 

churches were as unanimously on the side of the 
Crown. This is not, however, so much to the 
discredit of the Episcopal clergy as it might now 
appear under the present order of things ; for we 
are not to forget that they all, at that time, be 
longed to the Church of England, whose supreme 
authority on earth was vested in the reigning sov 
ereign, to whom every clergyman of that Church 
had sworn allegiance. 

The Reformation in England, it will be remem 
bered, unlike that in other lands, proceeded from 
the sovereign, and not from the people. When 
Henry VIII., in a fit of passion, threw off the alle 
giance to the pope, he made himself chief pontiff 
of the Church. This relation was afterward main 
tained by the English sovereigns. Queen Elizabeth, 
in her moral sense base though in politics splendid, 
assured her prelates that had it not been for this 
great ecclesiastical authority in her possession, by 
which she could regulate and change the religion 
at her will, she never would have tolerated Protest 
antism.* Allow me here to quote from the Act of 
Uniformity, by which such ecclesiastical power was 
conferred upon the English monarch. She "may, 
by advice of her ecclesiastical commissioners, ordain 
* Strype s Hid. Bishop Parker, \. 217. 



70 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

and publish such ceremonies or rites as may be 
most for the advancement of God s glory and the 
edifying of the Church." Then, by another clause, 
Queen Elizabeth was allowed " to delegate her au 
thority to any persons, being natural-born subjects, 
lay or clerical, who, as commissioners of and for 
the Crown, were empowered to visit, reform, redress, 
order, correct and amend all such errors, heresies, 
schisms, abuses, contempts and enormities whatso 
ever which, by any manner of spiritual or ecclesi 
astical power, authority or jurisdiction, can or may 
lawfully be reformed, ordered, redressed, corrected, 
restrained or amended."* 

This, it will be observed, gives the Crown abso 
lute control of the Church. As a High -Church 
historian has said, " Nothing can be more compre 
hensive than the terms of this clause." f " Who 
ever," says Lingard, the eminent Roman Catholic 
historian, "will compare the powers given to this 
tribunal with those of the Inquisition which Philip 
II. endeavored to establish in the Low Countries, 
will find that the chief difference between the two 
courts consisted in their names" $ 

Thus the liberties of the Church were suspended 

* Presbyterian Tracts, vol. iv. p. 19. 

f Collier s Ecc. Hist., vi. 224. J Hist. Eng., v. 316. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 71 

on the will of the reigning monarch, and her clergy 
were but the vicars of the Crown, which might, and 
sometimes did, suspend them from the exercise of 
their functions. Henry VIII. by one stroke of 
his pen at one time suspended every prelate in 
England, and restored them only on their indi 
vidual petition. And Elizabeth more than once 
threatened, with her usual vulgarity and profan 
ity, to "unfrock" the clergy who manifested any 
opposition to her will. 

It is not, therefore, surprising that the dissenting 
spirit of independence rebelled against such an Act 
of Uniformity, or that, their Church and living be 
ing at the mercy of the Crown, the clergy of the 
Establishment were unwilling to take up arms 
against the king. This was the very thing, how 
ever, to which the Calvin istic non-conformists 
would not submit. They believed, and maintained 
with their blood, that the sphere of the Church is 
distinct from that of the State, and that no king 
or Parliament has the right to bind the human 
conscience. 

Hence, in the war for American indc|>cndence the 
dissenting churches arrayed themselves on the side 
of the colonies, and the Anglican Church arrayed 
itself on the side of the Crown. The independent. 



72 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

and democratic spirit of Calvinism, cherished in the 
hearts of its adherents and nourished by their mixed 
assemblies and free discussions, rose up in rebellion 
against all despotic measures, whether of Church or 
State, and girded itself again for the great conflict 
on this Western continent. Montesquieu truly ob 
serves that " a religion which has no visible head 
is more agreeable to the independence of the climate 
than that which has one." * The Calvinists, recog 
nizing no visibly supreme head in the Church, were 
sensitive to all interference by princes and men high 
in authority, and in their restless spirit were quick 
to defend what they regarded as the inalienable 
rights of man. They felt, what Bancroft so justly 
declares, that " ecclesiastical tyranny is of all kinds 
the worst ; its fruits are cowardice, idleness, igno 
rance and poverty." f And that they never would 
tolerate. 

When the war broke out the Roman Catholic 
population of the colonies was not large. In 1759 
it was about two thousand in Pennsylvania in a 
population of two hundred thousand, while the 
Germans, who were either Presbyterian or Lutheran 
in doctrine and church government, and who were 
brave defenders of civil liberty, numbered in 

* Spirit of Laws ii. 129. f Hist. U. S., i. 289. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 73 

the same colony about three-fifths of the entire 
population. 

The Baptists, who are Calvinists, were not strong 
in the colonies. Their first church in this country 
was founded by Roger "Williams, an eccentric, pious 
man. It was in 1639 that he came to the conclu 
sion that immersion is the proper mode of baptism, 
and that he must be baptized again according to 
that method. But he could find no one who had 
been himself immersed to immerse him ; hence he 
employed a layman, Ezekiel Holliman, to immerse 
him, after which he immersed Holliman and about 
ten others. Thus was founded the first Baptist 
church in America. He himself, however, soon 
withdrew from the society, because he had come 
to the conclusion that his action in thus forming 
the Church had not been right or orderly. He 
was a most intense lover of civil and religious lib 
erty, and contended most earnestly for all human 
freedom. Sixteen years before the Declaration of 
Independence the Baptists had fifty-six churches in 
the colonies. They have always been in the first 
ranks of the champions of civil liberty. 

The Independents, or Congregational ists, were 
particularly strong in the Eastern colonies. At 
first they were Presbyterian in their church gov- 



74 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

ernment, having elders and synods. They were, 
of course, Calvinists and rigid republicans, and 
their children, such as the Adamses and Franklin, 
were amongst the fathers of civil independency. 

The Methodists had hardly a foothold in the 
colonies when the war began. In 1773 they 
claimed about one hundred and sixty members. 
Their ministers were almost all, if not all, from 
England, and were staunch supporters of the 
Crown against American independence. Hence, 
when the war broke out they were compelled to 
fly from the country. Their political views were 
naturally in accord with those of their great lead 
er, John Wesley, who wielded all the power of his 
eloquence and influence against the independence 
of the colonies.* He did not foresee that independ 
ent America was to be the field on which his noble 
Church was to reap her largest harvests, and that 
in that Declaration which he so earnestly opposed 
lay the security of the liberties of his followers. 

The Church of England for there was then no 
American Episcopal Church was specially strong 
in wealth and influence, particularly in Virginia and 
New York. As she was the Established Church, 
she held most of the civic and military offices. 
* Bancroft, Hist. U. S., vii. 261. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 75 

Amongst the Calvinistic churches the Congrega 
tional ists and Dutch Reformed and Presbyterians 
were the leaders, and none of them took a more 
decided and active part in favor of independence 
than the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians. They threw 
into the movement all the fearlessness of the 
Scotch and all the fire and wit of the Irish char 
acter. Hence their speeches and sermons and 
papers and bulletins were at once irritating and 
amusing to their opponents. Bancroft accredits 
to them the glory of making the first bold move 
toward independence, and of lifting the first pub 
lic voice in its favor.* To the Synod of the 
Presbyterian Church, convened in Philadelphia 
in 1775, belongs the responsibility and may we 
not say the ylory?of being the first religious 
body to declare openly and publicly for a separa 
tion from England, and to counsel and encourage 
the people, who were then about taking up arms. 
It enjoined upon its people to leave nothing un 
done that could promote the end in view, and 
called upon them to pray for the Congress then 

assembled, f 

Of course, a very large number of those who 

* Hint. U. S., vol. x. 77. 

f Scotch and Irish &edx in American Soil, p. 326. 



76 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

belonged to the Established Church engaged most 
heartily in the conflict in favor of independence, 
and freely gave their wealth and influence to secure 
it. One of her clergy, Jacob Duche, a native of 
Philadelphia and rector of Christ s Church, was 
for a time chaplain of the Continental Congress. 
He was an eloquent, liberal and charitable man, 
and for a while was truly and earnestly patriotic. 
Samuel Adams, the " Father of the Revolutionary 
War," a son of a deacon in the Old South Church, 
Boston, nominated Duche" for the chaplaincy, say 
ing that he (Adams) " was no bigot, and could hear 
a prayer from a gentleman of piety and virtue who 
was at the same time a friend to his country." But 
as the conflict deepened, and the days grew darker, 
and many men s hearts were failing them, Duche* 
lost confidence in the American cause, and wrote a 
letter to General Washington in which he pictured 
the hopelessness of resistance and urged upon him 
to cease his desperate and ruinous efforts. The 
general sent the letter to Congress, and Duche 1 fled 
to England. Congress confiscated his property, 
and John Adams pronounced him to be "an apos 
tate and traitor." In about ten years after Duche* 
returned to Philadelphia, but never regained posi 
tion or influence. The American people had ac- 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 77 

cepted the estimate which Adams had put upon 
him. 

It is to the glory of that Church also and truly 
a glory it is that the great general who led the 
Continental armies to victory, the " Father of our 
country," was a member of her household. It was 
through the strong and steady influence, against 
much opposition, of the two cousins,* Samuel and 
John Adams, sons of pious deacons, and whose 
wives were daughters of dissenting clergymen, 
that Washington was appointed to the chief gen 
eralship. 

And here let us note the happy influence of 
such women of the Revolution as the wives of the 
Adamses. This alone serves to reveal the spirit of 
Mrs. John Adams, that the two things which first 
she taught her son, John Qtiincy, in those stirring 
and troublous times were the Lord s Prayer and 
Collins s Ode to the patriotic warriors of 1745: 

" How sleep the brave who sink to rest 
By all their country s wishes blest! 
When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, 
Keturns to deck their hallowed mould, 
She there shall dress a sweeter sod 
Than Fancy s feet have ever trod. 
* Thev were ne&md cousins. 



78 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

" By fairy hands their knell is rung, 
By forms unseen their dirge is sung, 
There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray, 
To watch the turf that wraps their clay, 
And Freedom shall a while repair 
To dwell, a weeping hermit, there." 

You can hear the freedom-loving spirit of that 
mother speaking through these lines as she im 
pressed them upon the mind of her little son. 
Until the day of his death he could repeat them 
as easily as the Lord s Prayer. It was such 
women, behind the scenes, who were encouraging 
the hearts of the patriotic men and training the 
sons to take care of the cause of liberty. 

It was these two great, independent sons of In 
dependent deacons, John and Samuel Adams, who 
placed the command in the hands of him who was 
most worthy of it, and who, under the King of 
nations, led the colonies to such a splendid triumph. 
Perhaps it was glory enough for one Church that 
she could claim as her son George Washington, for 
the rector of Trinity Church, Charles Inglis, has 
left it on record that all her clergy in the New 
England colonies were on the side of the Crown. 
He says : " I have the pleasure to assure you that 
all the Society s missionaries, without excepting one, 



L\ THE UNITED STATES. 79 

in New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, and, so 
far as I can learn, in the other New England col 
onies, have proved themselves faithful, loyal sub 
jects in these trying times, and have, to the utmost 
of their power, opposed the spirit of disaffection 
and rebellion which has involved this continent in 
the greatest calamities. 1 must add that all the 
above clergy of our Church in the above colonies, 
though not in the Society s service, have observed 
the same line of conduct ; and although their joint 
endeavors could not wholly prevent the rebellion, 
yet they checked it considerably for some time, 
and prevented many thousands from plunging into 
it who otherwise would certainly have done so."* 

And in the same letter, to show the contrast, he 
says : " I do not know one of them (the Presbyte 
rian clergy), nor have I been able, after strict in 
quiry, to hear of any, who did not, by preaching 
and every effort in their power, promote all the 
measures of Congress, however extravagant." 

That, we say, they did ; and on that their glory 
in the formation of this nation may well repose. 

It has been made clear first, that the fear of 

* Hit. Notices of the ,Vi&<tt on of the Church of England in the 
North American Colonies, London, p. 328. Quoted by The Pres 
byterian, Dec., 1879. 



80 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

Episcopacy was one of the principal causes of the 
war for independence; and, second, that the Calvin- 
ists were, almost to a man, on the side of the col 
onies. It now remains for me to illustrate this 
second point, and show how the Calvinists, both 
from principle and moral necessity, struggled to 
procure the liberties under whose benign influence 
it is our privilege to live. 

Montesquieu observes that there are two classes 
which talk of religion the pious and the atheists. 
The one class speak of what they love, and the 
other of what they fear.* Both have a right to 
be heard, for they are both in earnest. There is a 
great middle class of indifferents, who neither love 
nor fear religion enough to talk about it honestly 
and earnestly. These neither claim a hearing nor 
have a right to it. To them it is of slight import 
ance whether they be Calvinists or Arminians. 
They are not interested enough in religion to in 
quire seriously as to where they stand. Neither 
cold nor hot, they are content to call the earnestness 
of the pious man " religious cant," and the honesty 
of the atheist a species of blasphemy. 

As it is better to be either cold or hot than luke 
warm, we are interested enough in religion, I hope, 
* Spirit of Laws, vol. ii. p. 129. 



7.V THE V SITE I) STATES. 81 

to know whereon we stand and the grounds on 
which we rest our hopes of eternal life. If we 
truly prize the blessings of civil and religious lib 
erty, we cannot be uninterested in the agencies by 
which they were secured and the means by which 
they are maintained. Above all things, let us not 
belong to the army of religious indifferents. 

The Calvinists, from their religious principles 
and by the free constitution of their churches, were 
naturally arrayed against monarchy when monarchy 
meant despotism. "The Scotch Kirk," says Lecky, 
"was by its constitution essentially republican. . 
It was in this respect the very antipodes to the 
Anglican Church and to the Gallican branch of 
the Catholic Church, both of which did all that 
lay in their power to consecrate despotism and 
strengthen [its] authority."* This holds good 
equally in regard to the American colonies and 
in regard to Great Britain and the nations of the 
European continent. The reason of it lies in the 
moral necessities of the case. Any one acquainted 
with the Roman Catholic Church will agree with 
De Tocqueville when he says: "Catholicism is like 
an absolute monarchy." f It cannot, indeed, logic- 

* Hist, of Englawl, vol. ii. p. 46. 
f Democracy, vol. i. p. 385. 



82 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

ally, be anything else. Hence it results that Roman 
Catholicism can never be looked upon merely as a 
religion. " It is," as a famous English writer ob 
serves,* "a great and highly organized kingdom, 
recognizing no geographical frontiers, governed by 
a foreign sovereign, pervading temporal politics 
with its manifold influence, and attracting to it 
self much of the enthusiasm which would other 
wise flow in national channels. Its priests, in their 
intimate correspondence in many lands, the disci 
plined unity of their political action, the almost 
absolute authority they exercise over large classes, 
and their usually almost complete detachment from 
purely national and patriotic interests, have often 
in critical times proved a most serious political 
danger ; and they have sometimes pursued a tem 
poral policy eminently aggressive, sanguinary, un - 
scrupulous and ambitious." This has been seen, 
more than once, in our own land, as it was in 
the denial of absolution by the Roman Catholic 
clergy of Canada to all who should befriend the 
cause of the colonies; while, on the other hand, 
the republican spirit of the Presbyterians in ec 
clesiastical affairs has always given shape to their 
political views, and inclined them to a stubborn 
* Lecky, Hist. Eng., i. 290, 291. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 83 

resistance to all despotic powers. To this old 
Presbyterian, Calvinistic spirit was due the revolt 
of the American colonies. As Bancroft remarks, 
" Calvinism saw in goodness infinite joy, in evil 
infinite woe, and, recognizing no other abiding 
distinctions, opposed secretly, but surely, heredi 
tary monarchy, aristocracy and bondage."* 

Of private persons none, perhaps, had so much 
influence in arousing the American people to resist 
ance as three young lawyers, Presbyterians, of New 
York City William Smith, Jr., William Living 
ston and John Morin Scott. They were young men 
of family, education and fortune. The father of 
Smith (William, Sr.) was regarded as the leader 
and main support of the Presbyterian Church in 
the city. These three young men had been edu 
cated at Yale College, which was at that time a 
rigid Puritan institution, and "remarkable," as an 
Episcopal author observes, "for its republican 
principles . . . and its utter aversion to bishops 
and all earthly kings." f Being Presbyterians, 
and consequently flaming republicans, or Whigs, 
they banded themselves together for the ex 
pressed purpose of gaining the independence of 
the colonies. In prosecution of this end they 
* Hist. U. S., ii. 462. f Judge Jones, Hist. N. Y., i. 5. 



84 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

formed, in concert with other kindred spirits, in 
1752, the "Whig Club." In this club were such 
men of learning and wealth as Peter Van Brugh 
Livingston, David Van Home, William Alexander, 
Kobert R. Livingston, William Peartree Smith and 
Dr. John Jones. They met once a week, when re 
publican speeches were made and republican songs 
were sung, and toasts were drunk to the heroes of 
Puritanism and republicanism, such as Oliver Crom 
well, John Hampden and General Ludlow. By and 
by the club issued a political paper, called the In 
dependent Reflector, and later another, entitled the 
Watch-Tower. By these and other means they 
aroused and nourished the spirit of independence, 
and encouraged and strengthened every effort made 
in pursuit of the desired object. 

The members of the club were so generally Pres 
byterians that it was dubbed the " Presbyterian 
Junta" a title given it in derision and scorn by 
the Episcopal loyalists. It was this body w r hich 
did the reforming work in the metropolis. From 
it went forth the first effective call for a general 
Congress, though such a call had been spoken of 
before by Samuel Adams, a son of Deacon Adams 
of the Old South Church, Boston. Of this Sam 
uel, who was married to the daughter of Rev. Samuel 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 85 

Checklcy, pastor of the New South Church, Boston, 
it was said, "The foe of tyrants in every form, the 
friend of Virtue and her friends, the father of the 
American Revolution." 

The members of this club, called also the " Sons 
of Liberty," sent forth a petition to Boston and 
Philadelphia, and through Philadelphia to every 
colony south, asking for a Congress composed of 
representatives from each of the colonies. This, 
says Bancroft, was the inception of the Continen 
tal Congress.* And in this attitude of ceaseless 
agitation and bold defiance and restless struggling 
for independence did the members of this club 
stand through all the conflict, giving all that they 
held dear for the liberties of their land. 

Another important factor in the independent 
movement was what is known as the "Mecklen 
burg Declaration," proclaimed by the Scotch-Irish 
Presbyterians of North Carolina, May 20, 1775, 
more than a year before the Declaration of Con 
gress. It was the fresh, hearty greeting of the 
Scotch-Irish to their struggling brethren in the 
North, and their bold challenge to the power of 
England. They had been keenly watching the 
progress of the contest between the colonies and 
* Hist. U. S., vol. viii. p. 40. 



86 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

the Crown, and when they heard of the address 
presented by the Congress to the king, declaring 
the colonies in actual rebellion, they deemed it time 
for patriots to speak. Accordingly, they called a 
representative body together in Charlotte, N. C., 
which by unanimous resolution declared the people 
free and independent, and that all laws and com 
missions from the king were henceforth null and 
void. In their Declaration were such resolutions 
as these : " We do hereby dissolve the political bands 
which have connected us with the mother-country, 
and hereby absolve ourselves from all allegiance 
to the British Crown." . . . "We hereby declare 
ourselves a free and independent people ; are, and 
of right ought to be, a sovereign and self-govern 
ing association, under control of no power other 
than that of our God and the general government 
of Congress ; to the maintenance of which we sol 
emnly pledge to each other our mutual co-operation 
and our lives, our fortunes and our most sacred 
honor." 

This was certainly a bold movement, and none 
would have dared it but those who were ready to 
die. It was not done rashly. These men knew 
well what they were doing and what responsibilities 
they were assuming. None knew better. But, 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 87 

remembering their covenanting fathers, who had 
signed the old Covenant in Scotland with their 
blood, and believing that a just God does verily 
govern the affairs of the world, they laid their 
fortunes, lives and sacred honor on the altar of 
their country s freedom. That assembly was com 
posed of twenty -seven staunch Calvinists, just 
one -third of whom were ruling elders in the 
Presbyterian Church, including the president and 
secretary ; and one was a Presbyterian clergyman. 
The man who drew up that famous and important 
document was the secretary, Ephraim Brevard, a 
ruling elder of the Presbyterian Church and a 
graduate of Princeton College. Bancroft says 
of it that it was, " in effect, a declaration of in 
dependence as well as a complete system of gov 
ernment." * It was sent by a special messenger to 
the Congress in Philadelphia, and was published 
in the Cape Fear Mercury, and widely distributed 
throughout the land. Of course it was speedily 
transmitted to England, where it became the cause 
of intense excitement. 

The identity of sentiment and the similarity of 
expression in this Declaration and the great Dec 
laration written by Jefferson could not escape the 
* Hint. U. S., viii. 40. 



88 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

eye of the historian ; hence Tucker, in his Life of 
Jefferson, says : " Every one must be persuaded 
that one of these papers must have been borrowed 
from the other." But it is certain that Brevard 
could not have " borrowed " from Jefferson, for he 
wrote more than a year before Jefferson; hence 
Jefferson, according to his biographer, must have 
" borrowed " from Brevard. But it was a happy 
plagiarism, for which the world will freely forgive 
him. In correcting his first draft of the Declara 
tion it can be seen, in at least a few places, that 
Jefferson has erased the original words and insert 
ed those which are first found in the Mecklenburg 
Declaration. No one can doubt that Jefferson had 
Brevard s resolutions before him when he was writ 
ing his immortal Declaration. 

The spirit of the Mecklenburg resolutions was 
that of the Presbyterians throughout the entire 
conflict. They never wavered in their allegiance 
to the independent cause. They were always true 
to what Froude calls " the creed of republics in its 
first hard form" the memorable reply of John 
Kuox to Mary Stuart when she asked him, " If sub 
jects, having the power, may resist their princes ?" 
Knox replied, "If princes exceed their bounds, 
madam, they may be resisted even by power." 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 89 

They were, as Bancroft testifies, "the supporters 
of religious freedom in America. They were true 
to the spirit of the great English dissenter who 
hated all laws that were framed 

To stretch the conscience, and to bind 
The native freedom of the mind. " 

"It was," he continues, "from Witherspoon of New 
Jersey that Madison imbibed the lesson of perfect 
freedom in matters of conscience. When the con 
stitution of New Jersey was formed by a convention 
composed chiefly of Presbyterians, they established 
perfect liberty of conscience without the blemish of 
a teat." * 

Out of that Presbyterian constitution has come 
the famous "Jersey justice," the extension of which 
over all the land would be an unspeakable bless 
ing. The Rev. Dr. John Witherspoon, a native 
of Scotland and a lineal descendant of John 
Knox, was, in the Revolutionary time, president 
of Princeton College, and was the only clerical 
member of the Revolutionary Congress. He, as 
might be expected, earnestly and eloquently sup 
ported every measure adopted by Congress for se 
curing independence. When the important moment 
* Hist. U. S., ix. 278, 279. 



90 CAL VINISM IN HISTOE Y 

came for signing the Declaration, and some of the 
members were hesitating to affix their names to it, 
he delivered an eloquent appeal, in which he said : 
" That noble instrument upon your table, which 
ensures immortality to its author, should be sub 
scribed this very morning by every pen in the 
house. He that will not respond to its accents, 
and strain every nerve to carry into effect its pro 
visions, is unworthy the name of a freeman. For 
my own part, of property I have some, of reputa 
tion more. That reputation is staked, that prop 
erty is pledged, on the issue of this contest. And 
although these gray hairs* must soon descend into 
the sepulchre, I would infinitely rather they should 
descend thither by the hands of the public execu 
tioner than desert at this crisis the sacred cause of. 
my country ."f All honor to him and to the Church 
and the principles which he so eloquently repre 
sented ! That Church may well be proud of hav 
ing her clergy so honorably represented among the 
signers of the Declaration of Independence. 

Witherspoon remained in the Congress, excepting 
for a short period, till 1782, and contributed perhaps 
as largely as any one member to the patriotic cause. 

* He was then in the fifty-fourth year of his age. 
f Scotch and Irish Seed in American Soil, p. 334. 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 91 

He was chairman of the committee to receive and 
consult with Baron Steubcn, who had come to 
America to offer his services to the patriots, and 
he was the only one who could converse with the 
baron.* They conversed in French. The Con 
gress was then sitting at York, Pennsylvania. 

None of the colonies was more enthusiastic and 
self-sacrificing on behalf of independence than New 
Jersey, or Nova Ccesarea, the one represented by 
"NVitherspoon and the one so full of "Blue-stock 
ing " Presbyterians. It was to it that the patriots 
fled for refuge from New York on the entrance of 
Howe s army into that city. It was amongst its 
True Blues that the scattered and discouraged forces 
of Washington found, again and again, recruits and 
provisions and shelter and encouragement. A Tory 
historian says that "not a stick of wood, a spear of 
grass or a kernel of corn could the British troops 
get in New Jersey without fighting for it."f Her 
people had caught the spirit of her eminent repre 
sentatives in Congress and of her republican college 
at Princeton, where so many of the chief actors in 
the Revolution had been educated, and hence they 
stood united and firm and enthusiastic through all 
the conflict. 

* Sparks s Lives : Steuben." f Jones, Hist. N. Y., i. 171. 



92 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

Another important man in the cause of inde 
pendence was the Eev. John Rodgers, the leading 
Presbyterian clergyman in New York City, and 
the first moderator of the General Assembly of the 
Presbyterian Church in America. He and John 
Mason, pastor of the Seceder Church, and Liv 
ingston of the Dutch Church, and Laidley of the 
English-Dutch Church, were among the patriotic 
leaders in that city. Rodgers was born in Boston, 
of parents who had emigrated from Londonderry, 
Ireland, and his church in New York was large 
and wealthy and influential. He had to fly from 
the city on the entrance of the British troops, who 
seized his church and turned it into a hospital. 
Congress acknowledged his patriotism and ability 
by employing him on an important mission to the 
South. He was chaplain in the army, and after 
ward chaplain of the State convention of New 
York. He threw all his eloquence, influence and 
possessions upon the side of the good cause, and 
did more perhaps, in the beginning, to arouse the 
people than any other clergyman. 

The following incident serves to reveal the polit 
ical sentiment and movement of the clergy of New 
York City. It is given by an eye-witness and a 
prominent member of the Anglican Church. When 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 93 

Generals Washington, diaries Lee and Schuyler 
were on their way to assume command of their 
respective armies, in 1775 Washington and Lee 
going to Boston, and Schuyler to Albany they 
arrived in New York on a Sabbath morning in 
the month of June. And by whom were they 
met and welcomed to the city ? By the volunteer 
companies, the members of the Provincial Con 
gress of New York, the members of the City 
Committee and the pastors of the dissenting 
churches. Washington and Lee were members 
of the Episcopal Church, but there was not a 
clergyman of their Church to bid them welcome. 
These others, the Calvinists, met them, and con 
ducted Washington to the house of a Calvin ist, 
Mr. Lispenard, where he and his staff were boun 
tifully entertained. But on that same day and in 
that same city another high officer arrived Gen 
eral Tryon, the king s governor of the colony. 
And by whom was he met and welcomed? By 
all the king s officers and scores of his loyal sub 
jects, prominent amongst whom were the clergy 
of the Episcopal Church. Nothing could more 
clearly mark the difference in political sentiment 
of these different clergymen and their churches. 
From that time Washington was about as much 



94 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

of a Presbyterian as an Episcopalian. When after 
ward he was commander in New York he made 
his head-quarters with William Smith, a prominent 
Presbyterian. He himself attended, and ordered 
all his men to attend, the services of his chaplains, 
who were dissenting clergymen ; and he elsewhere 
attended the dissenters service and communed 
with them. He gave forty thousand dollars in 
bonds to establish a Presbyterian college in his 
native State, which took his name in honor of his 
munificent gift, becoming Washington College. 

Thus I might trace through all that severe conflict 
the spirit of the Calvinists, and find it always the 
same true to the cause of independence ; indeed, 
the only unswerving champion of it. This is no 
more than prominent men, historians and clergy 
men on the other side have said. I could not em 
ploy language more definite and pointed than that 
of the Rev. Dr. Chandler, a clergyman of the 
Episcopal Church and a man of ability and note, 
when, in his plea for an American episcopate as 
distinct and different from the English, he said: 
" Republican principles cannot flourish in an Epis 
copal Church." Everywhere during all that con 
flict it was the Calvinists chiefly who were fighting 
for religious and civil liberty. Hence, when the 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 95 

bill of attainder was made out in New York 
against those who had been conspicuous in their 
eft orta to defeat the colonies, there was not a dis 
senter s name found in it.* 

But the influence of the free spirit of Calvinism 
in favor of the liberties of the colonies was not 
confined to the American continent ; it was work 
ing heroically on the other side of the Atlantic. 
Two great Scotchmen, David Hume and Adam 
Smith, were everywhere proclaiming it in their 
own effective way, and compelling men to hear it. 
In the House of Commons also it was boldly and 
eloquently upheld by Erin s gifted son, Edmund 
Burke, as well as by Charles James Fox, of whom 
Dr. Johnson said, " Here is a man who has divided 
a kingdom with Caesar, so that it was a doubt which 
the nation should be ruled by, the sceptre of George 
III. or the tongue of Mr. Fox." The memory of 
such champions of American liberty at the English 
court should be held for ever dear by the Ameri 
can people, for had it not been for such men, it 
is doubtful if the colonies could have succeeded. 
These great men felt that America s cause was the 
cause of liberty, and that, as Burke said, the estab 
lishment of the king s and the Church s power in 
* Jones, Hi*t. N. Y. t in loco. 



96 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

America would become an apt, powerful and cer 
tain engine for the destruction of freedom in Eng 
land.* 

The Calvinistic philosophy had also taken a firm 
hold of the popular mind in Germany, where Kant, 
imbued with its liberty-loving spirit, was loosening 
the foundations of despotism and suffering persecu 
tion for his valiant defence of the American cause. 
France, too, was all aglow with the free, bounding, 
restless spirit of Calvinism where Rousseau, in 
spite of the immorality of his life and the crudity 
of his theories, was conducting, through his polit 
ical science, the same political warfare as that in 
America. His influence in advocating the rights 
of man contributed very largely to the forming 
of the alliance between France and the colonies, 
and to the unfurling of the royal standard along 
side of the blue flag of the Covenanters, hoisted 
again in a new form over the American continent. 
It was Calvinistic France and Calviuistic America 
that were going forth in loving unity to fight on 
Western soil for the cause of human freedom. As 
our great historian observes, "Anti-prelatical Puri 
tanism \vas embraced by anti-prelatical skepticism. 
The exile Calvin was welcomed home as he return- 
* Buckle, i. 345. 



iy THE UNITED STATES. 97 

ed by the way of New England and the States 
where the Huguenots and Presbyterians prevailed. 
. . . One great current of vigorous living opinion, 
which there was no power in France capable of 
resisting, swept through society, driving all the 
clouds in the sky in one direction. Ministers and 
the king and the nation were hurried along to 
gether." * 

Thus Calvinism in Europe and Calvinism in 
America were leagued together for the promotion 
of the one great purpose. Their several currents, 
civil and spiritual, philosophical and religious, had 
run together, and were sweeping on in one great 
stream, bearing the colonies on to liberty. Out 
of Calvinistic Protestantism had arisen the great 
leaders who had issued their rousing calls to the 
nations for deliverance from mental and political 
bondage, and had combined their forces for secur 
ing the one great object. Rousseau had inflamed 
the youthful spirit of France with an intense de 
sire for republican simplicity, and Edwards had 
summed up the political history of America when 
he gave Calvinism its political enthusia by declar 
ing virtue to consist in universal love. 

Thus, it was the Calvinists and their sons, at 
* Bancroft, Hint. l r . S., ix. 50l-. r >03. 



98 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

home and abroad, the Huguenots and Puritans 
and Independents and Presbyterians, who were 
banded and marshaled together in the eighteenth 
century for the laudable purpose of rescuing the 
liberties of men from the deadly grasp of a me 
diaeval political Arminianism. 

Understanding, then, the history of the times 
referred to, we are not surprised to hear men say, 
as Ranke, that "John Calvin was virtually the 
founder of America," or as Rufus Choate : " In 
the reign of Mary [of England] a thousand learn 
ed artisans fled from the stake at home to the hap 
pier states of continental Protestantism. Of these, 
great numbers I know not how many came to 
Geneva, ... I ascribe to that five years in Geneva 
an influence which has changed the history of the 
world. I seem to myself to trace to it, as an influ 
ence on the English character, a new theology, new 
politics, another tone of character, the opening of 
another era of time and liberty. I seem to myself 
to trace to it the great civil war in England, the 
republican constitution framed in the cabin of the 
Mayflower, the divinity [theology] of Jonathan 
Edwards, the battle of Bunker Hill, the independ 
ence of America." 

Similar also is the testimony of Castelar, the elo- 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 99 

quent Spanish statesman. He says: "The children 
of the Puritans founded the United States, a liberal 
and popular government, where human rights were 
placed above all ideas. . . . They harmonized an 
tagonisms which seemed eternal stability with 
progress, order with liberty, pure democracy with 
obedience to the law, the widest freedom of diller- 
ent social tendencies with a powerful nationality 
and ardent patriotism, the humanitarian with the 
cosmopolite spirit, indomitable independence of the 
individual with religious respect to authority. . . . 
The Anglo-Saxon democracy is the product of a 
severe theology learned by the few Christian fugi 
tives in the gloomy cities of Holland and of Switz 
erland, where the morose shade of Calvin still 
wanders. . . . And it remains serenely in its 
grandeur, forming the most dignified, most moral, 
most enlightened and richest portion of the human 
race." * 

So also Bancroft : " He that will not honor the 
memory and respect the influence of Calvin knows 
but little of the origin of American independence." 
..." The light of his genius shattered the mask 
of darkness which Superstition had held for cen- 
tu,ries before the brow of Religion." 

* Harper s Afayftzine, July, 1872. 



100 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

So also the Rev. Henry Ward Beecher : " It has 
ever been a mystery to the so-called liberals that 
the Calvinists, with what they have considered 
their harshly despotic and rigid views and doc 
trines, should always have been the staunchest 
and bravest defenders of freedom. The working 
for liberty of these severe principles in the minds 
of those that adopted them has been a puzzle. 
But the truth lies here : Calvinism has done what 
no other religion has ever been able to do. It 
presents the highest human ideal to the world, 
and sweeps the whole road to destruction with 
the most appalling battery that can be imagined. 

"It intensifies, beyond all example, the individ 
uality of man, and shows in a clear and overpow 
ering light his responsibility to God and his re 
lations to eternity. It points out man as entering 
life under the weight of a tremendous responsibil 
ity, having, on his march toward the grave, this 
one sole solace of securing heaven and of escap 
ing hell. 

" Thus the Calvinist sees man pressed, burdened, 
urged on, by the most mighty influencing forces. 
He is on the march for eternity, and is soon to 
stand crowned in heaven or to lie sweltering in 
hell, thus to continue for ever and ever. Who 



IN THE UNITED STATES. 101 

shall dare to fetter such a being? Get out of his 
way! Hinder him not, or do it at the peril of 
your own soul. Leave him free to And his way 
to God. Meddle not with him or with his rights. 
Let him work out his salvation as he can. No 
hand must be laid crushingly upon a creature who 
is on such a race as this a race whose end is to 
be eternal glory or unutterable woe for ever and 
ever." * 

I have thus traced for you, as briefly and accu 
rately as the circumstances would permit, the work 
ings of this great Calvinistic system of religion for 
the liberties of men ; and it now only remains for 
me to remind you, and urge you to engrave it 
upon your heart, that on your religion ever depends 
your freedom or your bondage. It is a matter of 
supreme importance what doctrines you believe, 
what principles you adopt. On these you must 
erect the whole superstructure of your life for this 
world and for the world which is to come. By 
these arise or fall, live or die, the governments of 
kingdoms and the privileges of citizens. If this 
grand republic shall ever become a despotism by 
any combination of centralized power, certain it is 
that it will not be by the spirit of Calvinism, or 
* Plymouth Pulpit, art. " Calvinism." 



102 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

with the permission of the spiritual sons of those 
who gave it birth and cradled it in suffering and 
nourished it into maturity with their blood. With 
the history of the fathers before you, with a hell 
to be shunned and a heaven to be secured, you 
cannot be in doubt as to what principles you ought 
to adopt and what Lord and Master you ought to 
serve. Take these thoughtful lines of Wordsworth 
and weave them into the very framework of your 
being : 

" Ungrateful country, if thou e er forget 

The sons who for thy civil rights have bled ! 
How, like a Roman, Sidney bowed his head, 

And Russel s milder blood the scaffold wet! 

But these had fallen for profitless regret 

Had not thy holy Church her champions bred, 
And claims from other worlds inspirited 

The star of Liberty to rise. Nor yet 

(Grave this within thy heart), if spiritual things 
Be lost through apathy, or scorn, or fear, 

Shalt thou thy humbler franchises support, 
However hardly won or justly dear: 

What came from heaven to heaven by nature clings, 

And if dissevered thence, its course is short." 



III. 

CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE, 

I COME now to consider the very important 
question of the moral influence of Calvinism. 
Bearing in mind the law set forth in the Saviour s 
saying, "By their fruits ye shall know them," we 
are to inquire as to the merits of Calvinism re 
specting the morals of its adherents. 

In doing this we might rest the claims of Cal 
vinism to a high standard of morality on a com 
parison between the morals of Roman Catholics 
among whom Arminianism is carried out to it* 
logical results* and the morals of any denomi 
nation of Calvinists, the Huguenots, for example, 
or the Puritans, or Independents, or Presbyterians. 
Take any of these classes of Calvinistie, believers, 
and it will be found that they are as eminent in 

* Of course we do not mean to say that the Arminianism of 
the Humanist Church is responsible for the immoralities of 
that Church: we mean simply to contrast the morals of the 
most thorough Arminians with the morals of the moht thor 
ough Calviniftts. 



103 



104 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

virtue as the Romanists are conspicuous in vice. 
The Roman clergy are forward to attribute the 
prevailing crimes of modern society to the Protest 
ant religion, but it needs only a glance at the facts 
to dispel the illusion which they would have men 
believe. And while they are thus pleased to charge 
upon the Protestants the sins to which they and 
their followers are most habitually addicted, they 
would, I believe, shrink from a strict comparison 
of the morals of any portion of their people with 
the morals of any portion of the Calvinists. 

But Calvinism has had to meet not only the 
accusations of Roman Arminianism, but the alle 
gations of many who claim for themselves the title 
of Protestant. There are to be found amongst Prot 
estants those who look upon Calvinism as unfavor 
able to a sound morality, and who allege against it 
that it is a system of intellectual servitude, paralyz 
ing to the moral and spiritual nature. 

The eminent Dr. Channing employed all his 
ingenuity in "the moral argument" against Cal 
vinism, and labored, not without some success, to 
make Calvinism odious and abhorrent. He says, 
in the height of his misinformed zeal, that it "out 
rages conscience and reason," and that it " owes its 
perpetuity to the influence of fear in palsying the 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 105 

moral nature." It might, perhaps, be difficult to 
account for such statements from one who was hi in- 
self " the pupil of New-England Christianity, the 
consummate flower of the old Puritanism, in his 
youth ;" who was decided to a religious life through 
the influence of Jonathan Edwards and his Calvin- 
istic uncle, the Rev. Henry Channing, and the 
great Calvinistic revival which swept over New 
England when he was as yet a young man ; and 
who, as the Rev. Joseph Cook observes, " showed 
throughout life some touches from the fingers of 
the prophet of Geneva," and " whose glorious as 
piration for moral greatness, which made him a 
reformer in things both secular and religious, was 
but the flowering out of some of the stern doctrines 
of Puritanism."* It abates materially, however, 
the force of Channing s statements to know that 
in the later and riper years of his life his religious 
views changed considerably, and that the religious 
system with which he endeavored to replace the 
Puritanism of his fathers has almost passed away as 
a living power, having been found "as inadequate 
to span the river of sin as a fishing-rod is to bridge 
the Mississippi." f If there is one characteristic of 

* futures : Miracles, Prophecy and Inspiration, Prelude, March 
8, 1880. f Cook, Independent, March 18, 18HO. 



106 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

Calvin istic morality more prominent than another, 
it is its conscience. John Quincy Adams, a dis 
ciple of Channing, has called the Puritan colony 
of New England u a colony of conscience;" and 
Taine remarks that with the Calvinists " conscience 
only spoke." * 

The two great springs by which men are moved 
are sentiment and idea, feeling and conviction ; as 
these control, so the moral character will be 
shaped. The man of sentiment, of feeling, is the 
man of instability ; the man of idea, of conviction, 
is the man of stability : he cannot be changed until 
his conscience first be changed. Now, the appeal 
of Arminianism is chiefly to the sentiments. Re 
garding man as having the absolutely free moral 
control of himself, and as able at any moment to 
determine his own eternal state, it naturally applies 
itself to the arousing of his emotions. Whatever 
can lawfully awaken the feelings it considers expe 
dient. Accordingly, the senses, above all things, 
must be addressed and affected. Hence, the Ar- 
minian is, religiously, a man of feeling, of senti 
ment, and consequently disposed to all those things 
which interest the eye and please the ear. His 
morality, therefore, as depending chiefly upon the 
* Taine s Eng. Literature, i. 388. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 107 

emotions, is, in the nature of the case, liable to 
frequent fluctuation, rising or falling with the 
wave of sensation upon which it rides. Calvin 
ism, on the other hand, is a system which appeals 
to idea rather than sentiment, to conscience rather 
than emotion. In its view all things are under a 
great and perfect system of divine laws, which 
operate in defiance of feeling, and which must be 
obeyed at the peril of the soul. Regarding the 
sinner as unable of himself even to exercise faith 
unto salvation, it throws him not upon his feelings, 
but upon his convictions, and turns him away 
from man and all human efforts to the God who 
made him. " Its grand principle is the contem 
plation of the universe in God revealed in Christ. 
In all place, in all time, from eternity to eternity, 
Calvinism sees God."* Its thought is not senti 
ment, but conviction not the arousing of the sen 
suous, but the quickening of the spiritual, nature. 
Calvin considered it next to a crime to appeal to 
men s feelings simply in order to have them act. 
He desired rather to bring the rule of conscience 
into the practical life to make the voice of God, 
speaking in the soul, the guide in all the conduct. 
He sought rather to convince men than to fill them 

* Bayne s Chief Artnr* in Ike Puritan Revolution, p. 16. 



CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

with a transient sensation. Thus a deep sense of duty 
is the great thing in the moral life of the Calvinist. 
His first and last question is, 7s it right ? Of that 
he must first be convinced. Hence with him con 
science has the first place in all practical questions. 

You will observe how this idea of duty runs 
through all the Calvinistic philosophy, as in 
Reid s of Great Britain, Kant s of Germany, Jona 
than Edwards s of America. In the Calvinistic 
conception God has marked out the way in which 
man is to walk a way which he will not change ; 
and man is required to walk in it, joyously or sor 
rowfully, with as much or as little sentiment as he 
pleases. Hence the Calvinist is not, religiously, a 
man of demonstrations, but rather a man of 
thoughtfulness ; so that his morality, whatever it 
may be otherwise, is characterized by stability and 
strength, which may sometimes lapse into stubborn 
ness and harshness. " He is troubled," says Taine, 
" not only about what he must believe, but about 
what he ought to do; he craves an answer to his 
doubts, but especially a rule for his conduct ; he is 
tormented by the notion of his ignorance, but also 
by the horror of his vices ; he seeks God, but duty 
also. In his eyes the two are but one."* "We 
* Eng. Literature, ii. 462. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 109 

have," he continues, " considered these Puritans as 
gloomy madmen, shallow brains and full of scru 
ples. Let us quit our French and modern ideas, 
and enter into these souls : we shall find there some 
thing else than hypochondria namely, a grand 
sentiment, Am I a just man ? And if God, who 
is perfect justice, were to judge me at this moment, 
what sentence would he pass upon me ? Such is 
the original idea of the Puritans. . . . The feeling 
of the difference there is between good and evil had 
filled for them all time and space, and had become 
incarnate. . . . They were struck by the idea of 
duty. They examined themselves by this light, 
without pity or shrinking ; they conceived the sub 
lime nuxlcl of infallible and complete virtue; they 
were imbued therewith ; they drowned in this ab 
sorbing thought all worldly prejudices and all in 
clinations of the senses. . . . They entered into life 
with a fixed resolve to suffer and to do all, rather 
than deviate one step." 

Such was the morality of the men whom liberals 
(so called) and free-thinkers and free-lovers have 
endeavored to ridicule, and such the moral system 
which men claiming to be enlightened and truthful 
have said to be an "outrage upon conscience" and 

* Eng. Literature, ii. 471. 



110 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

unfavorable to good morals. It is indeed the lustre 
of its morality which has made it so conspicuous a 
mark for the shafts of the foe. The strictness of 
its purity arouses against it the passions of those 
who are conscious of being far below its just re 
quirements. What is wanted to-day, and in all 
days in this world, is not less, but more, of the 
Calvinistic conscience, purity and rectitude. 

Another prominent characteristic of Calvinistic 
morality is its courageousness. This follows from 
the former. Conscience and courage go together. 
Conscience makes "cowards" or heroes "of us all." 
To change the conscience you must first change the 
idea. But this is not easily done. Sentiment, or 
feeling, may pass through a thousand changes in a 
moment, and carry its possessor in so many direc 
tions; but conviction holds steadfastly on in the 
same unvarying way until by some brighter light 
it discovers its error and turns aside. Hence the 
men of conscience are, other things being equal, 
the brave men, the bold men, the courageous men. 
Calvinism, by appealing to conscience and em 
phasizing duty, begets a moral heroism which has 
been the theme of song and praise for three cen 
turies. Chann ing s view was peculiarly distorted 
when he said that Calvinism "owes its perpetuity 



- CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 




to the influence of fear in palsying the moral 
hire." Had he not read the history of the Ref- ^ 



ormation in Europe or of the Revolution in Eng- 
land? Had he so soon forgotten the moral he-*^^ 
roism of the Puritans of his own New England c; t 
Fear, indeed, is one of the least potent elements 
the Calvinistic svstem. Calvinism does teach a fear 

/ 

of God, a fear of sin and a fear of hell ; and, if^ 
the Gospel be true, it becomes all men to have fear 
in that direction. That, surely, from which the 
Son of God died to redeem men ought to be feared 
as nothing else is. It is the loving forewarning of^ 
the Redeemer not to fear men, but to "fear Him 
who, after he hath killed, hath power to cast into 
hell. Yea, I say unto you, Fear him." Such a 
fear Calvinism does conscientiously and faithfully 
inculcate. Yet such is its tendency to deliver from 
a slavish bondage to fear that not a small class of 
men have looked upon it as a species of lofty fatal 
ism, somewhat more divine than Islamism. 

Certain it is that it gives no such place to fear 
as does the system of a rigid Arminianism. Con 
sider the terrors brought to bear upon the mind 
by the Church of Rome and you get an idea of 
the fear-element of a strict Armiiiiniiism. Even 
of Arminianism as embodied in Methodism so 



112 



CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 



much more evangelical and moderate than that 
of Romanism Lecky, who speaks with the cold, 
philosophic spirit of the rationalist, says : "A more 
appalling system of religious terrorism, one more 
fitted to unhinge a tottering intellect and to darken 
and embitter a sensitive nature, has seldom exist 
ed." ^ While I quote him not to justify him al 
together in this judgment, I yet can well conceive 
of the terror to a sensitive soul of that dark un 
certainty as to salvation, and of that ever-abidino- 

& 

consciousness of the awful possibility of falling 
away from grace after a long and painful Chris 
tian life, which is taught by Arminianism. To 
me such a doctrine has terrors which would cause 
me to shrink away from it for ever, and which 
would fill me with constant and unspeakable per 
plexities. To feel that I were crossing the troubled 
and dangerous sea of life dependent for my final 
security upon the actings of my own treacherous 
nature were enough to fill me with a perpetual 
alarm. If it is possible, I want to know that the 
vessel to which I commit my life is seaworthy, and 
that, having once embarked, I shall arrive in safety 
at my destination. 

This is what the doctrines of Calvinism assure 

* Hist, of Enyl., Eighteenth Century, ii. f>33. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 113 

me. With its free grace, its effectual calling, its 
final perseverance and divine sovereignty, it affords 
me a consciousness of security in the midst of all 
my doubts, temptations and perplexities. It thus 
inspires its possessor with confidence, so that he can 
triumphantly say, " I am persuaded that he shall 
keep that which I have committed to him against 
that day." It thus dethrones fear, exalts confidence, 
and works in the mind the conviction that the in 
terests committed to Christ are kept against all the 
possibility of Joss, and that the man himself is im 
mortal until his work is done. Where such a con 
viction prevails, courage must follow. Hence the 
remark of the historian Bancroft : "A coward and 
a Puritan never went together." 

For the courageous morality of the Calvinists 
one has only to look at the doings of the Inquisi 
tion in the Low Countries and at the martyrdoms 
of Cambray and the fires of Smithfield. Who 
were the martyrs but Calvinists? There is no 
other system of religion in the world which has 
such a glorious array of martyrs to the faith. Al 
most every man and woman who walked to the 
flames rather than deny the faith or leave a stain 
on conscience was the devout follower not only, 
and first of all, of the Son of God, but also of that 



114 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

minister of God who made Geneva the light of Eu 
rope. Is, then, the system one of paralyzing influ 
ence on the moral nature ? 

" I am going to ask you," says Froude, who is 
sometimes spoken of as an assailant of Calvinism, 
" to consider how it came to pass that if Calvinism 

is indeed the hard and unreasonable creed which 

/ 

modern enlightment declares it to be, it has possess 
ed such singular attractions in past times for some of 
the greatest men that ever lived ; and how, being, 
as we are told, fatal to morality, because it denies 
free-will, the first symptom of its operation wher 
ever it established itself w 7 as to obliterate the dis 
tinction between sins and crimes, and to make the 
moral law the rule of life for states as well as per 
sons. I shall ask you again, why, if it be a creed 

j of intellectual servitude, it was able to inspire and 
sustain the bravest efforts ever made by man to 
break the yoke of unjust authority? When all 
else has failed ; when patriotism has covered its 
face and human courage has broken down; when 
intellect has yielded, as Gibbon says, with a smile 
or a sigh, content to philosophize in the closet and 
abroad to worship with the vulgar ; when emotion 
and sentiment and tender imaginative piety have 
become the handmaids of superstition, and have 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 115 

dreamt themselves into forgetfulness that there is 
any difference between lies and truth, the slavish 
form of the belief called Calvinism, in one or 
other of its many forms, has borne ever an inflex 
ible front to illusion and mendacity, and has pre 
ferred rather to be ground to powder like flint than 
to bend before violence or melt under enervating 
temptation." In illustration of this he mentions 
William the Silent, Luther, Knox, Andrew Mel 
ville, the regent Murray, Coligny, Cromwell, Mil 
ton, Bunyan, and says of them : " These were men 
possessed of all the qualities which give nobility 
and grandeur to human nature men whose life 
was as upright as their intellect was commanding 
and their public aims untainted with selfishness; 
unalterably just where duty required them to be 
stern, but with the tenderness of a woman in their 
hearts; frank, true, cheerful, humorous, as unlike 
sour fanatics as it is possible to imagine any one, 
and able in some way to sound the keynote to 
which every brave and faithful heart in Europe 
instinctively vibrated."* 

With this testimony every enlightened and im 
partial reader of history will agree. The men of 
commanding moral courage have been, and now 
* Culvinixm, pp. 7, 8. 



116 CALVINISM JJV HISTORY. 

are, those who have been most thoroughly and in 
telligently imbued with the Calvinistic doctrines. 
As another has said, "Calvin s fiery insistence of 
men and nations to God s moral law was, in the es 
sence of it, noble, supremely noble, vibrating in 
true sympathy with the purest heroisms the world 
has ever seen."* 

Another prominent characteristic of the Calvin 
istic morality is its practicalness. As we have seen, 
it is a morality not of sentiment, but of idea; a 
morality which does not dissipate itself in the glow 
of a transient emotion, but which, seizing upon the 
conscience, works out in the practices and expe 
riences of life; a morality not of a speculative 
nature, but of an earnest, active life struggling to 
make the conduct square with the requirements of 
the law of God. " What," says one, " is this Prot 
estantism which is being founded in England? 
What is this ideal model which it presents ? and 
what original conception is to furnish to this peo 
ple its permanent and dominant poem? The 
harshest and most practical of all that of the 
Puritans, which, neglecting speculation, falls back 
upon action, binds human life in a rigid discipline, 
imposes on the soul continuous effort, prescribes to 
* Bayne, Chief Actors in the Puritan Revolution, p. 22. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 117 

society a cloisteral austerity, forbids pleasure, com 
mands action, exacts sacrifice, and forms the moral 
ist, the laborer, the citizen. Thus is it implanted, 
the great English idea I mean that man is before 
all a free and moral personage, and that, having 
conceived alone in his conscience and before God 
the rule of his conduct, he must employ himself 
completely in applying it within himself, beyond 
himself, obstinately, inflexibly, by a perpetual re 
sistance opposed to others and a perpetual restraint 
imposed upon himself."* 

This brilliant writer calls it the " harshest " of 
all religious conceptions. To this we would by no 
means assent, unless harshness means obedience to 
God s laws and resistance to sin. That may indeed 
be considered harsh. The child may deem it hard 
treatment to be compelled to be truthful ; the crim 
inal may consider it a cruelty to be punished for his 
crimes ; and he who wishes to live in the violation 
of moral principles may regard it as an outrage 
upon his liberty to be reminded of his guiltiness 
and warned of its penalty. In this sense the Cal- 
vinistic morality is " harsh," exceeding harsh 
harsh, indeed, as Nature s laws but it lays upon 
man not one exaction which it does not find 
* Taine, En<j. Literature, ii. pp. 316, 317. 



118 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

already laid upon him by the God who made 
him. 

It is this practicalness of the Calvinistic morality 
which has ever made it so beneficent. It is this 
which has formed its adherents into the most moral 
of all classes of human society which gave to the 
Puritans the very title which is significant of their 
eminent moral qualities, and transformed the idle 
and slothful into the industrious and respected 
citizen. "Grave as we may count the faults 
of Calvinism," says one who is not at all given 
to lavish compliments upon it, "alien as its 
temper may in many ways be from the temper of 
the modern world, it is in Calvinism that the mod 
ern world strikes its roots; for it was Calvinism 
that first revealed the worth and dignity of man. 
Called of God and heir of heaven, the trader at 
his counter and the digger in his field suddenly 
rose into equality with the noble and the king." * 
The same author also accredits to Calvinism the 
formation of that sacred institution, the English 
Home, saying, " Home, as we conceive it, was the 
creation of the Puritan." "When there was no 
such institution in the world as Home; when the 
family existed without the sacred ministries of 
* Green, Hist. Eng. People, ii. p. 280. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 119 

domestic life ; when the woman was but the slave 
or the klol or the amusement of the man, as his 
temper or power or will might dictate; when the 
worst of vices were practiced within the domestic 
circle, the Calvinists, by their constant aim at 
self-control, and their perpetual endeavor for the 
purity of morals, and their high regard for the 
marriage-covenant as symbolical of their relations 
to Christ, and their belief in the sublime possi 
bilities of the woman as the man, formed, out of 
a loose and corrupt society, the hallowed shrine 
where the holiest affections are brought into play, 
and around which the fondest recollections of man 
cluster. That they did this one thing formed the 
Christian Home entitles them to the imperishable 
gratitude of mankind. 

Let this also be remembered as a diadem upon 
the brow of Calvinistic morality: that in all the 
history of the Puritans there is not an example, of 
a divorce. That is enough to offset the modern 
liberal istic cry against Puritanic strictness. Is it 
not Puritanism which modern society needs to 
purify and sweeten its corrupt and bitter waters 
and to give a healthful tone to all its moral life? 
"The Calvinists were the men," says Froude, "who 
abhorred, as no body of men ever more abhorred, 



CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

all conscious mendacity, all impurity, all moral 
wrong of every kind so far as they could recog 
nize it. Whatever exists at this moment in Eng 
land and Scotland of conscientious fear of doing 
evil is the remnant of the convictions which were 
branded by the Calvinists into the people s hearts." * 
They were they "who attracted to their ranks al 
most every man in Western Europe that hated a 
lie." 

" There is no system," says Henry Ward Beecher, 
"which equals Calvinism in intensifying, to the last 
degree, ideas of moral excellence and purity of 
character. There never was a system since the 
world stood which puts upon man such motives 
to holiness, or which builds batteries which sweep 
the whole ground of sin with such horrible ar 
tillery." f "Men may talk as much as they please 
against the Calvinists and Puritans and Presbyte 
rians, but you will find that when they want to 
make an investment they have no objection to 
Calvinism or Puritanism or Presbyterianism. They 
know that where these systems prevail, where the 
doctrine of men s obligation to God and man is 
taught and practiced, there their capital may be 

* Calvinism, p. 44. 

t Leading Thoughts of Living Thinkers. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 121 

Rifely invested."* "They tell us," he continues, 
"that Calvinism plies men with hammer and with 
chisel. It does; and the result is monumental 
marble. Other systems leave men soft and dirty ; 
Calvinism makes them of white marble, to endure 
for ever." 

You may examine all the history of Christian 
people and of religious systems, and you will not 
find any more eminent for piety and morality than 
the Calvinists. In charity, in lil>erality, in indus 
try, in temperance, in purity of life, they stand 
without a superior perhaps without an equal. 
Compare the Huguenots and Janseuists, who were 
Calvinists, with their countrymen, the Romanists 
and Jesuits, who were Arminians. Were not the 
former as illustrious in virtue as the latter were 
notorious for immorality? "The destruction of 
the former by the Revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes was," says Lecky, " the destruction of the 
most solid, the most modest, the most virtuous, 
the most generally enlightened element in the 
French nation, and it prepared the way for the 
inevitable degradation of the national character, 
and the last serious bulwark was removed that 
might have broken the force of that torrent of 
* Even. Sermon, Feb. 10, 1860. 



122 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

skepticism and vice which, a century later, laid 
prostrate, in merited ruin, both the altar and the 
throne." * 

The morality of the Huguenots, whether suffer 
ing persecution at home or enduring the trials of 
exile abroad, was the wonder of both friend and 
foe. Looking back, says one, at the sufferings of 
those of them who remained in France after the 
Revocation of the Edict, and at the purity, self- 
denial, honesty and industry of their lives, and at 
the devotion with which they adhered to religious 
duty and the worship of God, we cannot fail to re 
gard them as amongst the truest, greatest and wor 
thiest heroes of their age. " When society in France 
was falling to pieces; when its men and women 
were ceasing to believe in themselves and in each 
other; when the religion of the state had become 
a mass of abuse, consistent only in its cruelty ; 
when the debauchery of its kings had descended 
through the aristocracy to the people, until the 
whole mass was becoming thoroughly corrupt," 
the Huguenots were the only pure and true 
men the only men who were moved by great 
ideas or controlled by honest convictions the 
only men who were willing to die rather than 
* Eng. Hist., Eighteenth Century, i. 264, 265. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 123 

forsake the worship of God according to the 
Scriptures and conscience.* 

Outside of the circle of the Huguenots there 
was indeed but little that deserved the name of 
morality in France. Their honesty was so remark 
able that even among their bitterest enemies it was 
proverbial. To be " honest as a Huguenot " was 
deemed the highest degree of integrity. And while 
they were stigmati/ed by the Roman Catholics as 
" heretics," " atheists," " blasphemers," " monsters 
vomited forth of hell," and the like, not one accu 
sation was brought against the morality and integ 
rity of their character. "The silence of their 
enemies on this head is," says Smiles, "perhaps 
the most eloquent testimony in their favor." They 
were, says the same author, " what the Puritan was 
in England and the Covenanter in Scotland ; and 
that the system of Calvin should have developed 
precisely the same kind of men in these three sev 
eral countries affords a remarkable illustration of 
the power of religious training in the formation of 
character." f 

Now, what could have made the difference in 
moral character between these French Calvinists 

* Smiles, Huguenots in France, p. 275. 
t Ibid., p. 134. 



124 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

and Arminians but their different religions ? They 
were of one nation and one tongue, and frequently 
of one household, having the same natural qualities 
and affections ; but they had a different creed, and 
that tells the tale. 

Look, too, at Scotland before and after Knox and 
his colaborers effected the Scottish Reformation. 
Arminianism, as exemplified in the Church of 
Rome, had had the training of that people for 
centuries ; and what had it made of them ? Some 
thing less than human. Gross darkness covered 
the land and brooded like an eternal nightmare 
upon all the faculties of the people. Poverty, 
squalor, ignorance, vice and wretchedness were the 
prevailing characteristics of society. But see the 
quick and marvelous change effected when once the 
free doctrines learned by Knox at Geneva flashed 
in upon their minds. It was as the sun rising in 
his fullness at midnight. And in their later history, 
so long as they remained untainted with other be 
liefs, their morality was the wonder of the world. 
The celebrated Dr. Chalmers says: "It may be 
suspected that although a theology is the minister of 
peace, it cannot be the minister of holiness. Now, 
to those who have this suspicion, and who would 
represent the doctrine of justification by faith that 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 125 

article, as Luther calls it, of a standing or falling 
Church as adverse to the interests of virtue, I 
would put one question and ask them to resolve 
it. How comes it that Scotland, which, of all the 
countries of Europe, is the most signalized by the 
rigid Calvinism of her pulpits, should also be the 
most signalized by the moral glory that sits on the 
aspect of her general population? How, in the 
name of mystery, should it happen that such a 
theology as ours is conjoined with perhaps the yet 
most unvitiated peasantry among the nations of 
Christendom? The allegation against our churches 
is, that in the argumentation of our abstract and 
speculative controversies the people are so little 
schooled to the performance of good works. And 
how, then, is it that in our courts of justice, when 
compared with the calendars of our sister-kingdom, 
there should be so vastly less to do with their evil 
works ? It is certainly a most important experience, 
that in that country where there is the most of Cal 
vinism there should be the least of crime ; that what 
may be called the most doctrinal nation of Europe 
should, at the same time, be the least depraved ; and 
that the land wherein people are most deeply im 
bued with the principles of salvation by grace 
should be the least distempered either by their 



126 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

week-day profligacies or their Sabbath profana 
tions."* 

That is certainly a remarkable coincidence, that 
where there is the most of Calvinism there is the 
least of crime, if Calvinism be unfavorable to 
morality. Similar also are the results wherever 
the doctrines of Calvinism are honestly and intel 
ligently embraced. There the people practice such 
a rigid code of morality as subjects them to the 
sneering remarks of those who adopt a lower stand 
ard and entertain but few conscientious scruples 
regarding their conduct. The bigotry, narrowness 
and intolerance of which the Calvinists have been 
so often accused will generally prove to be the 
virtues which adorn human society and make civ 
ilization a possibility. Their "bigotry" is chiefly 
devotion to righteousness ; their " narrowness," 
their fear of swerving from the " narrow way " 
which leadeth unto life; their " intolerance," the 
impatience of their zeal for the establishment of 
their Redeemer s kingdom upon earth. Such men 
will indeed appear, at times, intolerant, through 
the intensity of their enthusiasm and their impa 
tience with the sophistries by which many endeavor 
to conceal or excuse their follies and vices; but it is 
* Sermon : The Respect due to Antiquity. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 127 

the intolerance of the good housewife, who brushes 
away the moths and the cobwebs and makes the 
dwelling habitable; it is the intolerance of the 
fresh breeze, which sweeps away the poisonous 
vapors and gives to the atmosphere the elements 
of life. 

"The Calvinists," says Froude, "have been call 
ed intolerant; but intolerance of an enemy who is 
trying to kill you seems to me a pardonable state 
of mind. It is no easy matter to tolerate lies, 
clearly convicted of being lies, under any circum 
stances ; specially, it is not easy to tolerate lies 
which strut about in the name of religion."* Of 
such things the gospel of Christ is eternally in 
tolerant. 

I cannot close this chapter without adverting, for 
a moment, to the moral character and worth of the 
Calvinists of New England men whose strict and 
rigid morality has become a proverb. They have 
been spoken of and pointed at scornfully, as if they 
were only fanatics. And yet, amongst all the peo 
ple in the American colonies, they stood morally 
without peers. They were the men and the women 
of conscience, of sterling convictions. They were not, 
indeed, greatly given to sentimentalism. With mere 
* Calvinism, p. 43. 



128 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

spectacular observances in religion they had no sym 
pathy. Life to them was an experience too noble 
and earnest and solemn to be frittered away in pious 
ejaculations and emotional rhapsodies. They be 
lieved with all their soul in a just God, a heaven 
and a hell. They felt, in the innermost core of 
their hearts, that life was short and its responsi 
bilities great. Hence their religion was their life. 
All their thoughts and relations were imbued with 
it. Not only men, but beasts also, were made to 
feel its favorable influence. Cruelty to animals 
was a civil offence. In this respect they were two 
centuries in advance of the bulk of mankind. 
They were industrious, frugal and enterprising, 
and consequently affluence followed in their path 
and descended to their children and children s 
children. Drunkenness, profanity and beggary 
were things little known to them. They needed 
neither lock nor burglar-proof to secure their 
honestly-gotten possessions. The simple wooden 
bolt was enough to protect them and their wealth 
where honesty was a rule of life. As the result 
of such a life they were healthy and vigorous. 
They lived long and happily, reared large and 
devoted families, and descended to the grave "like 
as a shock of corn cometh in his season," in peace 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 1*^9 

with God and their fellow-men, rejoicing in the 
hope of a blessed resurrection. 

It is said that they believed in "witches." Well, 
what if they did? That was the belief of their 
age. Men who have been a glory to the world 
believed in witches. But the Puritans abandoned 
the belief with penitence long before it was given 
up by others whose names are honored household 
words. Long after them so late as the latter 
half of the last century John Wesley, whose 
life has been an ornament to the world, advocated 
belief in witchcraft with all his accustomed ability 
and zeal. He declared with the utmost emphasis 
his belief in it, and attributed its downfall to skep 
ticism. He believed that in giving it up a man 
was in effect giving up the Bible. He said : " I 
cannot give up to all the deists in Great Britain 
my belief in the existence of witchcraft till I give 
up the credit of all history, sacred and profane."* 

We do not believe that now. But so the great 
and good Wesley believed. Let not, therefore, such 
a belief be attributed solely to the Puritans of 
New England, for they abandoned it long before 
it ceased to exist in Old England. They, indeed, 
were, as Bancroft observes, "of all contemporary 

* Lecky, Hi*t. Kng., Eighteenth Century, vol. ii. p. 645. 



130 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

sects the most free from credulity," . . . and "their 
transient persecutions in America were in self-de 
fence, and were no more than a train of mists 
hovering of an autumn morning over the channel 
of a fine river that diffused freshness and fertility 
wherever it wound."* 

Thus we might continue to trace the moral influ 
ence of this great system of religious belief, and 
should find that no other system in the world has 
produced such an array of moral heroes. Its illus 
trious names everywhere crowd the pages of history, 
and by its fruits it is known the world over. 

And has its glory departed with the fathers, and 
left but the name with the children ? It cannot be, 
if God be true and the world and life be not a de 
lusion. Its truths are eternal as the laws of God, 
and its motives are as mighty to-day as of old. 
There is the same omniscient God to judge us, and 
the same hell to be shunned and the same heaven 
to be secured. Human nature is still the same de 
praved thing ; and the same blood of the Lamb and 
fire of the Spirit are requisite unto life. Our time 
here is but the same short day ; the fashion of the 
world still passeth away ; and into the solemn real 
ities of eternity we too must speedily enter. Ah, yes ; 
* Hist. U. S., vol. i. 403, 4G4. 



CALVINISM AS A MORAL FORCE. 131 

but have we gotten hold of the truths of God and 
the responsibilities of life as the fathers had ? Has 
the Spirit of God burned the real meaning of life 
into our souls as into theirs? In the grand privi 
leges which we possess, sitting under our peaceful 
vines and fig trees, fearing no storm and knowing 
no alarm, may we not let life slip away, to be arous 
ed at last to the awful realization of its eternal loss? 
Oh, that we might know the time that this is the 
day of salvation I 



IV. 

CALVINISM AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE, 

|~N this chapter our inquiry will be as to the 
evangelizing force of Calvinism. Has Calvin 
ism, as compared with other systems of religious 
doctrine, shown itself to have been a power in the 
evangelization of the world? This is the most 
important question connected with any system of 
belief. All other questions are, in every Christian s 
opinion, subordinate to this. To save sinners and 
convert the world to a practical godliness must be 
the chief, the first and last, aim of every system 
of religion. If it does not respond to this, it must 
be set aside, however popular it may be. 

The question, then, before us now is, not whether 
the system of doctrines called Calvinism is the most 
acceptable and popular with the world, but whether 
it is eminently adapted to the conversion of sinners 
and the edification of believers. 

In determining this I shall proceed, as in the pre- 

132 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 133 

ceding chapters, according to the law, " The tree is 
known by its fruit." 

We may, however, premise, on the ground of the 
doctrines included in this system, that it is certainly 
most favorable to the spread of Christianity. Its 
doctrines are all taken directly from the Scriptures. 
The word of God is its only infallible rule of faith 
and practice. Even its doctrine of predestination, 
or election, which most men dislike, but which all 
Christians practically believe and teach, is granted 
by some of its bitterest opponents to be a transcript 
of the teachings of the Xew Testament. 

The historian Froude says: "If Arminianism ) 
most commends itself to our feelings, Calvinism is \ 
nearer to the facts, however harsh and forbidding 
those facts may seem." * And Archbishop Whately 
says the objections against it "are objections against 
the facts of the case." So Spinoza and John Stuart 
Mill and Buckle, and all the materialistic and meta 
physical philosophers, "can find," says an eminent 
authority, "no better account of the situation of 
man than in the illustration of St. Paul : Hath not 
the potter power over the clay, to make one vessel 
to honor and another to dishonor?" There never 
has been, and it is doubtful if there ever can be, 

* Calvinism, p. 6. 



134 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

an Arminian philosophy. The facts of life are 
against it ; and no man would attempt to found a 
philosophy on feeling against fact. 

Arminian theologians thought they had discov 
ered the starting-point for a systematic philosophy 
and theology in the doctrine of " free-will ;" but 
even that was swept away from them by the logic 
of Jonathan Edwards, and it has continued to be 
swept farther and farther away by Buckle and Mill 
and all the great philosophers. Hence it comes that, 
to this day, there is not a logical and systematic 
body of Arminian divinity. It has, as in the 
Methodist Church, a brief and informal creed in 
some twenty-five articles, but it has neither a 
Confession of Faith nor a complete and logical 
system of doctrine.* To make such a system it 
must overthrow the philosophy of the world and 
the facts of human experience; and it is not likely 
to do that very soon. 

Now, the thought is, Must not a theology which 
agrees with the facts of the case, which recognizes 
the actual condition of man and his relations to 
God, be more favorable to man s salvation than 
one which ignores the facts? 

This is confirmed by the nature of the particular 
* Humphrey s Our Theoloyy, p. 68, etc. 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 135 

doctrines involved. We freely agree with Froude 
and Macaulay that Arminianism, in one aspect of 
it, is "more agreeable to the feelings" and "more 
popular" with the natural heart, as that which ex 
alts man in his own sight is always more agreeable 
to him than that which abases him. Arminianism, 
in denying the imputation of Christ s righteousness 
to the believer, in setting him on his own works of 
righteousness, and in promising him such perfection 
in this life as that there is no more sin left in him 
or, in the words of John VV T esley, a "fret?, full 
and present salvation from all the guilt, all the 
power and all the in-beiny of sin " * lays the 
foundation for the notions of works of superero 
gation, and that the believer, while in a state of 
grace, cannot commit sin. It thus powerfully 
ministers to human pride and self-glorification. 
Calvinism, on the other hand, by imputing Christ s 
righteousness to the believer, and making the sin 
ner utterly and absolutely dependent on Christ for 
his salvation, cuts away all occasion for boasting 
and lays him low at the foot of the cross. Hence 
it cannot be so agreeable to the feelings of our 
carnal heart. But may it not be more salutary, 
nevertheless? It is not always the most agreeable 
* Gladstone s Lift of Whitffidd, p. 199. 



136 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

medicine which is the most healing. The experi 
ence of the apostle John is one of frequent occur 
rence, that the little book which is sweet as honey 
in the mouth is bitter in the belly. Christ crucified 
was a stumbling-block to one class of people and 
foolishness to another, and yet he was, and is, the 
power of God and the wisdom of God unto salva 
tion to all who believe. 

The centre doctrine of Calvinism, as an evangel 
istic power, is that which Luther called " the article 
of a standing or a falling Church" "justification 
by faith alone, in the righteousness of Christ alone." 
And is not that the doctrine of the gospel ? Where 
does the Holy Spirit ascribe the merit of any part 
of salvation to the sinner? 

But aside from that question, which it is not my 
purpose here to argue, would not reason dictate 
that that doctrine is most conducive to salvation 
which makes most of sin and most of grace? 

Rowland Hill once said that "the devil makes 
little of sin, that he may retain the sinner." It is 
evident at once that the man who considers him 
self in greatest danger will make the greatest efforts 
to escape. If I feel that I am only slightly indis 
posed, I shall not experience much anxiety, but if 
I am conscious that my disease is dangerous, I will 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 137 

lose no time in having it attended to. So if I feel, 
according to Arminianism, that my salvation is a 
matter which I can settle myself at any moment, 
even in the last gasp of dissolution, I shall be prone 
to take my time and ease in deciding it; but if, 
according to Calvinism, I feel that I am dependent 
upon God for it, whose pleasure, and not my own, 
I am to consult, I will naturally give more earnest, 
heed to it. 

Thus Reason brings forward her vindication of 
Calvinism against the allegation that it is not favor 
able to the pursuit of salvation. 

But perhaps some one may reply, " Has not the 
Methodist Church been more successful in her 
efforts to evangelize the world than any Calvinis- 
tic Church?" In answer I would say that I will 
give way to no one in my high estimate of that 
Church s piety and zeal and progress. I thank 
God, with all my heart, for what she has done, 
and I pray that she may never flag in her energy 
and success in winning souls to Jesus Christ. I 
admire her profoundly, and her noble army of men 
and women enlisted in the Master s service. May 
she ever go on, conquering and to conquer, until 
we all meet as one on the great day of the triumph 
of the Lamb ! 



138 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

But bear in mind that that aggressive Church 
has no well-defined system of doctrine, and that 
her Armimanism is of a very mild type, coming 
nowhere near that of High-Church ism or Roman 
Catholicism. Wherein lie the elements of her 
power and progress ? I do not believe, and I am 
confident it cannot be shown, that they lie in her 
Armimanism or in the doctrines which are pecu 
liarly her own, but rather in the earnest and bold 
declaration of those doctrines common to all the 
Christian churches, such as sin, justification, re 
generation and holiness, and in her admirable 
system of itinerancy, by which she keeps all her 
stations manned and sends forward fresh men 
to every new field. Let her preach Arminianisni 
strictly and logically, and she will soon lose her 
aggressiveness, or become another institution than 
an evangelical Church of Christ. 

Furthermore, Arminianisni in the Methodist 
Church is but a century old. It has never passed 
through the years or the convulsions through which 
Calvinism has passed. Will it continue in the ages 
to come to be the diffusive power which it has been 
for these years past? Of this I am persuaded, 
looking at the history and workings of religious 
opinions in the past : that that Church will be con- 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 139 

strained in time to put forth a systematic and log 
ical Confession of Faith,* out of which she will 
either drop all peculiarly Arminian doctrines, and 
so secure her permanency, or in which she will 
proclaim them, and by that means will inject the 
poison of death, as an evangelizing body, into her 
system. A thorough Arminianism and a practical 
evangelism have never yet remained long in lov 
ing harmony. Look at the history of doctrines 
as illustrated in the history of the Church of Rome, 
and you will see this clearly attested. Arminiau- 
ism, in its principles, had been in operation in that 
Church for centuries when the Reformation broke 
forth, and what evangelistic work had it done? It 
had indeed converted almost the entire world, but 
to what had it converted it? It had formed and 
established the largest and most powerful Church 
which the world has ever seen, but what had it 
done for the salvation of human bodies and 
souls? It had made Romanists, but it had not 
made Christians equally as numerous. Was it 
not the very principles of the Calvinistic theol 
ogy which flashed light upon the thick darkness, 
and threw fire into the corrupt mass, and lift- 

* I do not forget, and do not disparage, Richard Wateon s 
Thcoloyiral Institute*. 



140 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

ed up the banner of the cross, so long trodden 
under a debased hierarchy, and revived the ancient 
faith of the Church, and established the great Prot 
estant and evangelical denominations of Christians? 
Who but Calvinists or, as formerly called, Augus- 
tinians were the forerunners of the Reformers? 
Such was Wycliffe, " the morning star of the Refor 
mation ;" such was John of Goch and John of "VVesa- 
lia and John of Wessel, "the light of the world;" 
and Savonarola of Florence, who thundered with 
such terrible vehemence against the sins of the 
clergy and people, who refused a cardinal s hat for 
his silence, saying, " he wished no red hat. but one 
reddened with his own blood, the hat given to the 
saints" who even demanded the removal of the 
pope, and, scorning all presents and promises and 
honors on condition of " holding his tongue," gave 
his life for the holy cause another victim of priest 
ly profligacy and bloodthirstiness. Every great lu 
minary which in the Church immediately preceded 
the greater lights of the Reformation was in princi 
ple a Calvinist. Such also were the great national 
Reformers, as Luther of Germany, Zwingle of Switz 
erland, Calvin of France, Cranmer of England, 
Knox of Scotland. " Although each movement 
was self-originated, and different from the others 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 141 

in many permanent characteristics," * it was thor 
oughly Calvinistic. These men were driven to 
this theological belief, not by their peculiar intel 
lectual endowments, but from their study of the 
word of God and the moral necessities of the 
Church and the world. They felt that half meas 
ures were useless that it was worse than folly to 
seek to unite a system of saving works with a sys 
tem of saving faith. So " Calvinism in its sharp 
and logical structure, in its moral earnestness, in its 
demand for the reformation of ecclesiastical abuses, 
found a response in the consciences of good men."f 
It was it which swept, like a prairie-fire, over the 
Continent, devouring the fabric of works of right 
eousness. He who is most familiar with the his 
tory of those times will most readily agree with the 
startling statement of Dr. Cunningham (successor to 
Dr. Chalmers), that, "next to Paul, John Calvin 
lias done most for the world." 

So thoroughly was the Reformed world Calvin 
istic three hundred years ago that it was almost 
entirely Presbyterian. J The French Protestant 
Church was as rigidly Presbyterian as the Scotch 
Church. "There are many acts of her synod," 

* Dr. Hodge. t Dr. Fisher, Hist. Ref. 

% Dr. Breed s PrexbyterianiHin Three Hundred Yearn Ago. 



142 CALVINISM IN HISTORY 

says the late Dr. Charles Hodge, " which would 
make modern ears tingle, and which prove that 
American Presbyterianism, in its strictest forms, is 
a sucking dove compared to that of the immediate 
descendants of the Reformers." * 

There was, of course, as there always has been, 
greater diversity in the matters of church govern 
ment than in the doctrines of faith ; yet even in these 
there was an almost unanimous agreement that the 
presbyterial was the form of government most in 
accord with the teachings of Scripture. Dr. John 
Reynolds, who was in his day regarded as perhaps 
the most learned man in the Church of England, 
said, in answer to Bancroft, chaplain to the arch 
bishop, who had broached what was then called 
" the novelty " that the bishops are a distinct order 
superior to the ordinary clergymen, " All who have 
for five hundred years last past endeavored the 
reformation of the Church have taught that all 
pastors, whether they be called bishops or priests, 
are invested with equal authority and power; as, 
first, the Waldenses, next Marsilius Patavianus, 
then WyclifFe and his scholars, afterward Huss and 
the Hussites, and, last of all, Luther, Calvin, Bren- 
tius, Bullinger and Musculus. Among ourselves 
* Const. Hist. 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 143 

we have bishops, the queen s professors of divinity 
in our universities and other learned men consent 
ing therein, as Bradford, I^amtart, Jewel, Pilking- 
ton, etc. But why do I speak of particular persons ? 
It is the common judgment of the Reformed churches 
of Helvetia, Savoy, France, Scotland, Germany, 
Hungary, Poland, the Low Countries and our 
own." * 

If we now turn to the fruits of Calvinism in the 
form of devoted Christians and in the number of 
churches established, we shall see that it has been 
the most powerful evangelistic system of religious 
belief in the world. Consider with what amazing 
rapidity it spread over Europe, converting thou 
sands upon thousands to a living Christianity. In 
about twenty-five years from the time when Cal 
vin began his work there were two thousand places 
of Calvinistic worship, with almost half a million 
of worsJiipers, in France alone. When Ambrose 
Willie, a man who had studied theology at the 
feet of Calvin in Geneva, preached at Ernonville 
Bridge, near Tournay, in 1556, twenty thousand 
people assembled to hear him. Peter Gabriel had 
also for an audience in the same year, near Haar 
lem, "tens of thousands;" anil we can judge of the 

* Breed s Prenbyterinni*m Three Hundred Years A yo, p. 24, 2 ">. 



144 



CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 



theological character of his sermon from his text, 
which was, "For by grace are ye saved through 
faith ; and that not of yourselves ; it is the gift of 
God : not of works, lest any man should boast ; for 
we are his workmanship, created in Christ Jesus 
unto good works, which God hath before ordained 
that we should walk in them."* 

These are but two of the many examples of the 
intense awakening produced by the earnest preach 
ing of the Calvinistic doctrines. So great were the 
effects that in three years after this time a General 
Synod was held in Paris, at which a Confession of 
Faith was adopted. Two years after the meeting 
of the Synod that is, in 1561 the Calvinists 
numbered one-fourth of the entire French popu 
lation, f And in less than half a centurv this 
so-called harsh system of belief had penetrated 
every part of the land, and had gained to its 
standards almost one-half of the population and 
almost every great mind in the nation. So numer 
ous and powerful had its adherents become that 
for a time it appeared as if the entire nation 
would be swept over to their views. Smiles, in his 
Iluguenote in France,% says: "It is curious to 
speculate on the influence which the religion of 
* Eph. 2 : 8-10. f Fisher, Jfi*t. Ref. J P. 100. 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. Hd 

Calvin, himself a Frenchman, might have exer 
cised on the history of France, as well as on the 
individual character of the Frenchman, had the 
balance of forces carried the nation bodily over to 
Protestantism, as was very nearly the case, toward 
the end of the sixteenth century." Certain it is 
that the nation would have had a different history 
from that which she has had. But it is interesting 
to mark how rapidly Calvin s opinions had spread 
in his native land, and to note the evangelistic effect 
of that system of doctrine which bears his name. 
Its marvelous evangelizing power lies no doubt in 
its scriptural thought and phraseology, and its in 
tense spirituality and lofty enthusiasm and logical 
strength. Luther, though Calvinistic in his doc 
trinal beliefs, weakened his system by his conces 
sions to princes and ceremonies. He " hesitated," 
says the historian Bancroft,* "to deny the real 
presence, and was indifferent to the observance of 
external ceremonies. Calvin, with sterner dialec 
tics, sanctioned by the influence of the purest life 
and by his power as the ablest writer of his age, 
attacked the Roman doctrine respecting commu 
nion, and esteemed as a commemoration a rite 
which the Catholics revered as a sacrifice. Luther 
* Hist. U. S., i. pp. 277, 278. 

10 



146 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

acknowledged princes as his protectors, and in the 
ceremonies of worship favored magnificence as an 
aid to devotion ; Calvin was the guide of Swiss 
republics, and avoided, in their churches, all ap 
peals to the senses as a crime against religion. . . . 
Luther permitted the cross and taper, pictures and 
images, as things of indifference. Calvin demand 
ed a spiritual worship in its utmost purity. 7 Hence 
it was that Calvinism, by bringing the truth directly 
to bear upon the mind and heart, made its greater 
and more permanent conquests, and subjected it 
self to the fiercer opposition and persecution of 
Romanism. 

" The Lutheran Reformation," says Dyer in his 
History of Modern Europe* " traveled but little out 
of Germany and the neighboring Scandinavian 
kingdoms; while Calvinism obtained a European 
character, and was adopted in all the countries that 
adopted a reformation from without, as France, as 
the Netherlands, Scotland, even England; for the 
early English Reformation under Edward VI. was 
Calvinistic, and Calvin was incontestably the father 
of our Puritans and dissenters. Thus, under his 
rule, Geneva may be said to have become the cap- 
itol of European Reform." 

* Vol. ii. p. 7. 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 147 

A similar testimony is that of Francis de Sales, 
who in one of his letters to the duke of Savoy 
urged the suppression of Geneva as the capitol of 
what the Romish Church calls heresy. "All the 
heretics," said he, "respect Geneva as the asylum 
of their religion. . . . There is not a city in Eu 
rope which offers more facilities for the encourage 
ment of heresy, for it is the gate of France, of 
Italy and Germany, so that one finds there people 
of all nations Italians, French, Germans, Poles, 
Spaniards, English, and of countries still more re 
mote. Besides, every one knows the great number 
of ministers bred there. Last year it furnished 
twenty to France. Even England obtains minis 
ters from Geneva. What shall I say of its mag 
nificent printing-establishments, by means of which 
the city floods the world with its wicked books, 
and even goes the length of distributing them at 
the public expense? . . . All the enterprises under 
taken against the Holy See and the Catholic princes 
have their beginnings at Geneva. No city in Eu 
rope receives more apostates of all grades, secular 
and regular. From thence I conclude that Geneva 
being destroyed would naturally lead to the dissi 
pation of heresy/ : 

* Vif tie Ste. Fi-ftnrnix de Riles, jtnr son net-en, p. 120. 



148 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

God had ordered it that Geneva, so accessible to 
all the nations of Western Europe, should be the 
home of Calvin, from which he could most effici 
ently carry on his work of enlightenment and civil 
ization. And so important to the cause of Protest 
antism had that city become that upon it, in the opin 
ion of Francis de Sales, the whole cause depended. 

Almost marvelous indeed was the rapid spread 
of the doctrines of Calvinism. Dyer says:* 
" Calvinism, still more inimical to Eome than the 
doctrines of Luther, had, from Geneva, its centre 
and stronghold, spread itself in all directions in 
Western Europe. In the neighboring provinces 
of Germany it had in a great degree supplanted 
Lutheranism, and had even penetrated into Hun 
gary and Poland ; it was predominant in Scotland, 
and had leavened the doctrines of the English 
Church. . . . The pope could reckon only upon 
Spain and Italy as sound and secure, with a few 
islands and the Venetian provinces in Dalmatia 
and Greece. ... Its converts belonged chiefly (in 
France) to the higher ranks, including many of 
the clergy, monks, nuns, and even bishops ; and 
the Catholic churches seemed almost deserted, ex 
cept by the lower classes." 

* Hist. Mod. Europe, vol. ii. pp. 136, 392. 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 149 

From this brief survey we are enabled to per 
ceive something of the wonderful evangelizing 
force of this system of belief. It was the only 
system able to cope with the great powers of the 
Romish Church, and overthrow them ; and for 
two centuries it was accepted in all Protestant 
countries as the final account of the relations be 
tween man and his Maker.* In fact, there is no 
other system which has displayed so powerful an 
evangelizing force as Calvinism. 

This becomes still more manifest in the history 
of the great revivals with which the Christian 
Church has been blessed. 

Many are accustomed to think that revivals be 
long peculiarly to the Methodist Church, whereas, 
in fact, that Church has never yet inaugurated a 
great national or far-spreading revival. Her revi 
vals are marked with localisms ; they are connected 
with particular churches, and do not make a deep, 
abiding and general impression on society. The 
first great Christian revival occurred under the 
preaching of Peter in Jerusalem, who employed 
such language in his discourse or discourses as 
this: "Him, being delivered by the determinate 
counsel and foreknowledge of God, ye have taken, 
* Fronde, Calvinism, p. 4. 



150 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

and by wicked hands have crucified and slain." 
That is Calvinism rigid enough. Passing over 
the greatest revival of modern times, the Reforma 
tion, which, as all know, was under the preaching 
of Calvinism, we come to our own land. The era 
of revivals in this country is usually reckoned from 
the year 1792. But in 1740 there was a marked 
revival under the preaching of the Rev. Jonathan 
Dickinson, a Presbyterian clergyman. It was 
about this time also that George Whitefield, called 
in his day " the great Methodist," a clergyman of 
the Church of England and an uncompromising 
Calvinist, was startling the ungodly in Philadel 
phia. It is recorded that he threw "a horrid 
gloom" over this fashionable and worldly old 
town, " and put a stop to the dancing-schools, as 
semblies and every pleasant thing." Strange, in 
deed, that dissipation and vanity are " pleasant 
things," while holiness and salvation from hell are 
disagreeable things ! But this great man, in com 
pany with Gilbert Tennent, a Presbyterian clergy 
man, of whom Whitefield said, "He is a son of 
thunder," and " hypocrites must either soon be con 
verted or enraged at his preaching," was arousing 
multitudes by his fiery, impassioned, consecrated 
eloquence. 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 151 

We si>eak of the Methodist Church beginning in 
a revival. And so it did. But the first and chief 
actor in that revival was not Wesley, but White- 
field. Though a younger man than Wesley, it was 
he who first went forth preaching in the fields and 
gathering multitudes of followers, and raising money 
and building chapels. It was Whitefield who in 
voked the two Wesleys to his aid. And he had to 
employ much argument and persuasion to overcome 
their prejudices against the movement. Whitefield 
began the great work at Bristol and Kings wood, 
and had found thousands flocking to his side, ready 
to be organized into churches, when lie appealed to 
Wesley for assistance. Wesley, with all his zeal, 
had been quite a High-Churchman in many of his 
views. He believed in immersing even the infants, 
and demanded that dissenters should be rebaptized 
before being taken into the Church. He could not 
think of preaching in any place but in a church. 
" He should have thought," as he said, " the saving 
of souls almost a sin if it had not been done in a 
church."* Hence when Whitefield called on John 
Wesley to engage with him in the popular move 
ment, he shrank back. Finally, he yielded to 
Whitefield s persuasions, but, he allowed himself 

* Li-cky, Hint. England, Eighteenth Century, vol. ii. p. 612. 



152 CALVINISM /iV HISTORY. 

to be governed in the decision by what many 
would regard as a superstition. He and Charles 
first opened their Bibles at random to see if their 
eyes should fall on a text which might decide them. 
But the texts were all foreign to the subject. Then 
he had recourse to sortilege, and cast lots to decide 
the matter. The lot drawn was the one marked for 
him to consent, and so he consented. Thus he was 
led to undertake the work with which his name has 
been so intimately and honorably associated ever 
since. 

So largely was the Methodist movement owing 
to Whitefield that he was called "the Calvinistic 
establisher of Methodism," and to the end of his 
life he remained the representative of it in the 
eyes of the learned world. Walpole, in his Letters, 
speaks only once of Wesley in connection with the 
rise of Methodism, while he frequently speaks of 
AVhitefield in connection with it. Mant, in his 
course of lectures against Methodism, speaks of it 
as an entirely Calvinistic affair.* Neither the 
mechanism nor the force which gave rise to it 
originated with Wesley.f Field-preaching, which 
gave the whole movement its aggressive character, 

* Bampton Lectures, for 1812. 

f Wedgewood s Life of John Wesley, p. 157. 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 153 

and fitted and enabled it to cope with the powerful 
agencies which were armed against it, was begun 
by Whitefield, whilst "Wesley was dragged into it 
reluctantly." In the polite language of the day 
"Calvinism" and "Methodism" were synonymous 
terms, and the Methodists were called "another sect 
of Presbyterians." 3 The sainted Toplady said of 
the time, "Arminianism is the great religious evil of 
this age and country. It has more or less infected 
every Protestant denomination amongst us, and bids 
fair for leaving us, in a short time, not so much as 
the very profession of godliness. . . . We have gen 
erally forsaken the principles of the Reformation, 
and Ichabod/ the glory is departed, has been written 
on most of our pulpits and church-doors ever since." 

It was Calvinism, and not Arminianism, which 
originated (so far as any system of doctrines orig 
inated) the great religious movement in which the 
Methodist Church was born. 

While, therefore, Wesley is to be honored for his 
work in behalf of that Church, we should not fail 
to remember the great Calvinist, George Whitefield, 
who gave that Church her first beginnings and her 
most distinctive character. Had he lived longer, 
and not shrunk from the thought of being the 

* Bampton Lecture*, for 1812. 



154 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

founder of a Church, far different would have 
been the results of his labors. As it was, he 
gathered congregations for others to form into 
churches, and built chapels for others to preach 
in. 

In all that awakening in this country it was such 
Calvinists as Whitefield, Tennent, Edwards, Brain- 
erd, and, at a later day, Nettleton and Griffin, who 
were the chief actors. "The Great Revival of 
1800," as it is called, began toward the close of 
the last century and continued for a generation 
into this. During that time it was one series of 
awakenings. It spread far and wide, refreshing 
and multiplying the churches. It was the begin 
ning of all those great religious movements for 
which our century is so noted. The doctrines 
which were employed to bring it about were 
those, as a recent writer remarks, "which are 
commonly distinguished as Calvinistic." * " The 
work," says another, "was begun and carried on 
in this country under the preaching and influence 
of the doctrines contained in the Confession of 
Faith of the Presbyterian Church." f "It is 
wonderful how the holy influence of Jonathan 

* Speeds Great Revival of 1800, p. 52. 
f Dr. Smil. Kalston s Letters, 



AS A.\ KVA \GKUZf NO FORCE. 155 

Edward?, David Brainord and others of that day 
is to be traced at the root of the revival and 
missionary efforts of all sects and lands." * 

The revival which began in New England, and 
which was the greatest that had, until that time, 
been witnessed in the American colonies, resulted, 
under the blessing of God, from a series of doc 
trinal sermons preached by Jonathan Edwards. 

But I cannot continue to specify instances. Let 
it be borne in mind that the men who have 
awakened the consciences and swayed the masses, 
and brought the multitudes to the feet of Jesus, 
not in a temporary excitement, but in a perpetual 
covenant, have been such Calvinists as Ambrose 
Willie, and John Knox, and Thomas Chalmers, 
and George "VVhitefield, and Jonathan Edwards, 
and Griffin, Nettleton, Moody, and, last but not 
least, Spurgeon. 

Calvinism may be unpopular in some quarters. 
But what of that? It cannot be more unpopular 
than the doctrines of sin and grace as revealed in 
the New Testament. But much of its unpopular 
ity is due to the fact of its not being understood. 
Let it be examined without passion, let it be stud 
ied in its relations and logical consistency, and it 
* Speer s Great Revhvtl, p. 112. 



156 CALVINISM IN HISTORY. 

will be seen to be at least a correct transcript of 
the teachings of the Scriptures, of the laws of 
Nature and of the facts of human life. If the 
faith and piety of the Church be weak to-day, it 
is, I am convinced, in a great measure because of 
the lack of a full, clear, definite knowledge and 
promulgation of these doctrines. The Church has 
been having a reign of candy ism ; she has been 
feeding on pap sweetened with treacle, until she 
has become disordered and weakly. Give her a 
more clearly-defined and a more firmly-grasped 
faith, and she will lift herself up in her glorious 
might before the world. 

All history and experience prove the correctness 
of Carlyle s saying, that "At all turns a man who 
will do faithfully needs to believe firmly " It is this, 
I believe, that the Church needs to-day more than 
any other thing not "rain-doctors," not religious 
"diviners," wandering to and fro, rejoicing in 
having no dogmatic opinions and no theological 
preferences; no, it is not these religious ear-tick 
lers that are needed although they may be wanted 
somewhere but, as history teaches us, clear and 
accurate views of the great fundamental doctrines 
of sin and grace. First make the tree good, and 
the fruit will be good. A good tree cannot bring 



AS AN EVANGELIZING FORCE. 157 

forth evil fruit. It is not for us to trifle with these 
matters. Our time here is but for a moment, and 
our eternity depends on the course we take. Should 
we not, then, seek to know the truth, and strive, at 
any cost, to buy it, and sell it not? 

By all the terrors of an endless death, as by all 
the glories of an endless life, we are called and 
pressed and urged to know the truth and follow it 
unto the end. And this joy we have, in and over 
all as the presence of a divine radiance, " that He 
which hath begun a good work in you will perform 
it until the day of Jesus Christ." So grant, thou 
Holy Spirit of God, to begin the work in every 
one of us ; and to thee, with the Father and the 
Son, shall be all the praise and the glory for ever! 
Amen. 



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