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CAMA ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PAPERS
( Capers contributed to the Journal
of the K. R. Cama Oriental
Institute, Bombay)
BY
BE. JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI, B.A.,
(BOMBAY UNIVERSITY, 1877); PH.D. (HONORIS CAUSA,
HEIDELBERG, 1912) ; C.I.E. (1917) ;
Fellow of the University of Bombay (1887) ; Dipl.
Littcris et Artibus (Sweden, 1889) ; Shams-ul-Ularna
(Govt. of India, 1893) i Offlcier d'Academie (France,
1898); Offlcier de 1' Ins traction Publiquc (France,
1902) ; Honorary Correspondent of the Archaeological
Department of the Government of India (1914);
Campbell Medalist (15. B. Royal Asiatic Society, 1918) ;
Fellow of the B. B. Royal Asiatic Society, (1923) ;
Honorary Member of the Bhandarkar Oriental Re-
search Institute, Poona (1923); Chevaligr, Legion
d'Uoimeur (France, 1925); Offlcier, Croix de Merit
(Hungary. 1925).
BOMBAY:
THE BRITISH INDIA PRESS,
1928.
Printed by C. Wollen, Superintendent, British India Press, Bombay,
and Published by J. J. Modi, B.A , PH D., C.I.E., Hon. Secretary,
K, R. Cama Oriental Institute, Hornby Road, Bomba;- *
To
THE SACRED MEMORY
of
THE LATE Mr. DAMODAR GORDHANDAS SVKHADWALLA,
AS A HUMBLE TOKEN
of
MY APPRECIATION OF HIS NOBLE GIFT
of
RUPEES ONE LAC
to
THE K. R t CAMA ORIENTAL INSTITUTE,
CONTENTS.
PAGM
I. AN OLD AVESTA-PAZEND-SANSKRIT
MANUSCRIPT OF THE SAROSH-HADOKHT,
AND ITS WRITER 1
II. AN OLD MANUSCRIPT OF THE KITlB-I
DAR0N YASHT 6
INTRODUCTION 6
THE SCRIBE . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO BY THE SCRIBE . . . . 9
A PECULIAR METHOD OF NUMBERING THE FOLIOS . . 9
THE SUBJECTS TREATED ARE MOSTLY THE BAJS . . 10
BAJ VARIAVNI 10
THE MASSACRE AT VARIAV, REFERRED TO IN THE BAJ
RITUAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
PARSEE CONTRIBUTORS OF THE GAZETTEER . . . . 11
L!R. SORABJI M. DESAI'S ACCOUNT . . . . . . 11
A BAJ REFERRING TO A JATRA OR A PILGRIMAGE BY A
KING .. .. 13
THE BAJ OF MINO MARESHPAND JASIIAN . . . . 17
Two BAJS OF THANAK 18
BAJ OF AGRRAS . . . . . . . . . . 19
V \NANT BAJ 20
THE BAJ OF THE BAHMANIAN FESTIVAL . . . . 21
BUOFMOKTATMA 21
THE BAJ OF HAPTA AMESHASPAND . . . . . . 21
BAJ OF PANTHA YAZATA 21
BAJS MAY BE RECITED WITHOUT FlRE . . . . 22
A FEW PARTICULAR PARSI-GUJARATI WORDS . . 22
THE INVERSE ORDER OF THE GUJARATI WRITING . . 23
APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
III. TWO MINIATURES, ON THE FUNERAL
CEREMONIES OF THE PARSIS, IN TWO MSS.
OF THE GUJARATI VIRlF-NAMEH. MSS. OF
THE PARfS BlBLIOTHEQUE NATIONALS NoS. 75
AND 76 FONDS INDIKN) 28
CONTENTS
PAGB5
INTRODUCTION 26
THE TWO MANUSCRIPTS REFERRED TO BY MR. INOS-
TRANSEV 28
THE AUTHOR OF THE GUJARATI VERSION . . . . 28
DASTUR RUSTAM PESHOTAN'S VIRAF-NAMAH. ITS
DATE 31
RUSTAM PESHOTAN'S REFERENCE TO HIMSELF IN THE
WORK 33
ANOTHER GUJERATI VERSIFIED VERSION OF THE VIRAF-
NAMAH 35
THE INTRODUCTION OF THE PAHLAVI AND PERSIAN
VlRAF-NAMAHS 38
THE INTRODUCTION OF DASTUR RUSTAM PESHOTAN'S
GUJARATI VraAF-NAMAH 38
EXPLANATION OF THE MINIATURE PAINTINGS . . . . 40
APPENDIX . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
IV. A NOTE ON THE " PARSE E MASSACRE
AT VARIAV " 47
V. A FEW NOTES ON THE PAHLAVI TREA-
TISE OF DRAKHT-I ASURlK 60
ANOTHER READING OF THE PAHLAVI WORD READ AS
" ASURIK " 59
WHICH is THE CITY SPOKEN OF AS SHATRO-I-KHAJURIK ? 60
VI. A NOTE ON " AN OLD MANUSCRIPT OF
THE DIVAN-I-HAFIZ." RECENTLY PRESEN-
TED TO THE LIBRARY OF THE K. R. CAMA
ORIENTAL INSTITUTE 62
%
VII. A FEW NOTES ON ANQUETIL DU PE-
RRON'S OWN COPY OF HIS " ZEND AVESTA,
L'OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE," RECENTLY
DISCOVERED IN COLOMBO 64
I.
INTRODUCTION 64
II.
TUB OBJECT OF THIS PAPER 66
CONTENTS 111
PAGE
III.
HlSTOBY OF THE MIGRATION OF THESE VOLUMES
FROM PARIS TO BOMBAY 67
THE AUTHOR'S OWN COPY. How IT PASSED INTO
THE HANDS OF LANJUINAIS 68
LANJUINAIS . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
WHY THESE VOLUMES DID NOT PASS INTO THE BIBLIO-
THEQUE DU Roi 69
WHY ANQUETIL'S PROPERTY WENT TO AUCTION
EARLIER 70
FROM THE HANDS OF LANJUINAIS TO THOSE OF DR.
LEE 71
DR. LEE 73
OULLIMORE . . . . . . . . . . . . 74
DANIEL SHARPE . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
PROBABLE CONCLUSION, AS TO THE MIGRATION OF THE
VOLUMES 76
APPENDIX TO S. Ill 77
IV.
CERTIFICATE AND NOTES IN THE FIRST VOLUME .. 80
BEJOT 81,82
CAPPERONNIER 82
ZEND AVESTA TOME 1 PARTIS 1 p. CCCCXCIX . . 83
V.
MANUSCRIPT NOTES ON THE FLY-LEAVES OF THE
FIRST VOLUME 86
THE NOTE REFERRING TO PALMYRA INSCRIPTIONS . . ,86
THE PALMYRA INSCRIPTIONS . . . . . . . . 87
THE Six NOTES ON THE SLIP ABOUT THE PALMYRA
INSCRIPTION (a) REFUTATION OF BARTH^LEMY . . 88
ABB BARTHLEMY 88
THE CYPRESS OF ADBRBEDJ AN 90
THE CYPRESS 91
A REFUTATION OF HIS VIEW 91
NOTE ON THE CALBOVIS 92
ir CONTEXTS
PAGB
A REFERENCE TO ORMUZD 92
REFERENCE TO MITHRA 92
REFERENCE TO DE GUIGNBS, ROUSSEAU AND OTHERS 93
REFERENCE TO DE GUIGNES' THEORY 93
ROUSSEAU . . . . . . . . 93
REFERENCE TO MR. CLOOTZ 9*
VI.
NOTES IN THE BODY OF THE VOLUME 96
NOTES ON SLIPS OF PAPER 96
NOTE ABOUT BAMLIPATAM ; SLIP AFTER p. 126 . . 96
THE SLIP ON P. 170, ON AN ABBE AND THE AVESTA
AHUNAVAR 97
THE SLIP ATTACHED TO P. 425 ON AN EVENT AT POONA 99
MARGINAL NOTES 100
MARGINAL NOTES OF DISCOURS PR^LIMINAIRE . . 102
VII.
A FEW Ms. NOTES OF THE SECOND VOLUME . . . . 113
P. VAN DYKE'S LETTER 114
FREDERIC MUNSTER'S LETTER 121
NOTES ON ELEPHANTA 123
VIII.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER . . 129
I.
INTRODUCTION 129
OBJECT OF THIS PAPER 131
SOURCES 132
II.
CLASSICAL AND MODERN WESTERN WRITERS . . . . 132
WESTERN CLASSICAL WRITERS ON THE COUNTRY OF
ZOROASTER 132
MORE THAN ONE ZOROASTER ACCORDING TO SOME CLAS-
SICAL WRITERS 134
MODERN WRITERS 134
CONTENTS V
PAG IB
in.
IRANIAN MATERIALS. VARIOUS SUCCESSIVE
QUESTIONS BASED UPON THEM . . . . . . 138
IV.
WHERE WAS ZOROASTER BORN ? IN THE HOUSE
OF POURUSHASPA 138
DIRECT REFERENCES IN THE AVESTA (a) HAOMA
YASHT 139
(b) THE VENDIDAD 140
WHY A SPECIAL MENTION OF FATHER'S HOUSE ? . . 141
AN INDIRECT REFERENCE IN THE VENDIDAD . . . . 141
V
THE HOUSE OF POURUSHASPA. WHERE WAS IT
SITUATED ? ON THE BANKS OF THE DARETA . . 142
(1) THE SITUATION OF THE HOUSE OF POURUSHASPA,
ACCORDING TO THE AVESTA . . . . . . . . 142
VARIATION IN TRANSLATION .. .. .. .. 144
ZBARA, NOT, A PROPER NOUN . . . . . . . . 148
(2) THE SITUATION OF THE HOUSE OF ZOROASTER,
ACCORDING TO THE PAHLAVI BOOKS . . . . . . 149
THE PAHLAVI BUNDEHESH . . . . . . . . 149
PoRfrsHASp's FATHER'S HOUSE REFERRED TO IN THE
DlNKARD . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
VI.
' RIVER DAREJA. WHERE DID IT FLOW ? IT WAS
AN AFFLUENT OF THE DAITI . . . . . . . . 157
THE BUNDEHESH 157
THE ZADSPARAM . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
VII.
THE RIVER DArri. WHERE DID IT FLOW ?
IN AIRAN-VEJ 158
(A) RIVER DArri IN THE AVESTA 158
(B) DAiTi IN PAHLAVI BOOKS 160
1. THE VENDIDAD 160
Yl CONTENTS
PAGE
2. THEDlNKARD 161
DAiTl. ITS AFFLUENT ARIKHSHAN 163
3. THE BUNDEHESH 163
4. ZADSPARAM 164
6. THE DADISTAN-I DIN! 167
VIII.
AiRAN-V&r. WHERE WAS IT SITUATED ? IN
ATARPATAKAN 169
(A) AraAN-Vfcj IN THE AVESTA 169
THE VENDIDAD 169
(B) AiRAN-Vfej IN THE PAHLAVI BOOKS . . . . 171
1. THEDlNKARD 171
2. THEBUNDEHESH 172
3. MlNOKHERAD l r <4
THE AREA OF AraAN-Vftj 175
THE COLD OF AIRAN-VKJ 176
RAWLINSON'S IDENTIFICATION OF AiRAN-VisJ AS ATAR-
PATAKAN 177
IX.
ATAROPATAKAN. WHERE WAS IT SITUATED ? IT is
THE MODERN AZERBAIJAN 178
MEANING OF THE WORD AZERBAIJAN '78
PAHLAVI BOOKS ON ATAROPATAKAN 180
1. THE PAHLAVI VEND i DAD 180
2. THE BUNDEHESH 181
3. ZADSPARAM 183
3. THE BAHMAN YASHT 184
4. THE PAZEND JAMASPI 184
5. THE SHATROiHA-i-AraAN 185
SUMMARY OF THE REFERENCES TO ATAROPATAKAN . . 185
X.
PERSIAN BOOKS BY PARSEE WRITERS. ZARTH&-
SHTNAMEH 186
THE PERSIAN ZARTH&SHT-NAMEH OF FARZANEH BEH-
RAM PAZDU 186
CONTENTS Vli
PAGE
THE PERSIAN RIVAYAT 188
FARUGH-I-MAZDAYASNI 189
RAE, THE CITY OF ZOROASTER'S MOTHER . . . . 189
XL
LATER MAHOMEDAN WRITERS ON THE SUBJECT
OF ZOROASTER'S COUNTRY . . . . . . . . 189
TABARI 190
HAMZA ISFAHANI 191
MAOOUDI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
SHARASTANI . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
YAQOUT 193
ABULFEDA . . . . . . . . . . . . 194
HAMD-ALLAH MUSTAUFI-I-QAZWINI 195
MlRKHOND . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
SUMMARY 198
MAHOMEDAN AUTHORS REFERRED TO IN THE SHA-
RASTAN-I CHEHAR CHAMAN . . . . . . . . 199
ZOROASTER AND JEREMIAH . . . . . . . . 202
DABISTAN. ITS AUTHORITY OF A NAOSARI PRIEST . . 203
NAMEH-I FARAZASTAN. ITS REFERENCE TO NAOSARI
AS THE BIRTH PLACE OF ZOROASTER . . . . . . 205
A PERSIAN DICTIONARY, KASHF-UL-LUGHAT . . 207
IR A N-NAMEH 207
XII.
ATAROPATAKAN OR AZERBAIJAN. IN WHICH PART
OF THIS COUNTRY DID ZOROASTER'S BIRTH TAKE
PLACE? IN THE DISTRICT OF MOUNT ASNAVANT AND
LAKE CHA&CHASTA, THE MODERN URUMIAH . . 208
MOUNTAINS, SEATS OF ZOROASTER'S CONSULTATION
WITH HIGHER POWERS . . . . . . . . 208
MOUNT ASNAVANT, THE SEAT OF ZOROASTER'S CON-
SULTATIONS WITH THE HIGHER POWERS . . . . 209
(A) MT. ASNAVANT IN THE AVESTA 210
THE ZAMYAD YASHT. MOUNTAINS AND KHAR&N-
ANGH 210
Till CONTENTS
PAGE
THE KHARENANGH. ITS SEAT IN MOUNTAINS . . 211
THE SMALLER AND THE LARGER SIROUZA AND ATASH
NYAISH 213
(B) MOUNT ASNAVANT IN PAHLAVI BOOKS . . . . 213
1. THE BUNDEHESH 213
2. THE ZADSPARAM 2li
LAKE CHAKCHASTA IN THE A VESTA 217
LAKE CHAECHAST A IN THE PAHLAVI BOOKS .. .. 218
1. THEDINKARD 218
2. THE BUNDEHESH . . . . 219
3. THE ZADSPARAM 220
4. THE BAHMAN YASHT 221
5. THE MINOKHERAD 221
SUMMARY OF STATEMENTS 2C2
CHAECHASTA, THE SAME AS MODERN LAKE URUMIAH. 222
ETYMOLOGICAL EVIDENCE 223
PHYSICAL NATURE 225
LATER MAHOMEDAN WRITERS 228
XIII.
URUMIAH. IN WHAT PART OF URUMIAH WAS
THE HOME OF ZORO ASTER SITUATED ? IN AM VI . . 229
THE PAHLAVI SiiATRomA-i-AmAN 230
GANJAK .,231
AMUI '233
THEZANDAK 221
PURMARG (POURU-MAHARKO) 235
THE PHRASEOLOGY OF THE PASSAGE 235
XIV.
A VISIT TO THE VILLAGE OF AMVI 237
XV.
AMUI ON A SASSANIAN COIN 239
PREFACE.
In this Volume, I collect all my papers, published from time
to time, in the Journal of the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute.
Most of these were read in the premises of the Institute, either
before the Zarthoshti Din-ni Khol Karnari Mandli, which meets
there, or, before the Institute itself. One of these, viz.) that
" A few Notes on Anquetil Du Perron's own copy of his Zend
Avesta, L'Ouvrage de Zoroastre, recently discovered in
Colombo," was read before the Bombay Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society.
The publication of these papers gives me pleasure for various
reasons. I had the pleasure of enjoying for long the friendship
of Mr. K. R. Cama, in whose honour the K. R. Cama Oriental
Institute has been founded. His friendship had inspired me in
kis lifetime and his pious memory inspires me even now. Again,
I have the pleasure of being associated with the Institute from
its very foundation. After working for a number of years in
the Committee formed at the Memorial meeting held in Mr.
Cam&'s honour, at the Framji Cowasji Institute on 8th Decem-
ber 1909, under the Presidency of the then Governor of Bombay
Sir George Clarke (now Lord Sydcnham), I have been associated
with it in various capacities. I am one of its Trustees and a
member of its Executive Committee from the very beginning.
After the departure from Bombay of Rev. Dr. Mackichan
who WH-S its first President, I had the pleasure of being in the
chair for one year and live months from 2nd December 1919 to
2nd May 1921. Since 1921, I have been acting as its Honorary
Secretary and I have the satisfaction to know that since my
association with it as Secretary I have collected a good sum for
the Institute. I beg to thank all the ladies and gentlemen who
have kindly responded to my appeals for membership and
funds. I beg to thank the Executive Committee for all the help
that it has given me in my Secretaryship, and I cannot sufficient-
ly thank its President, Mr. Muncherji P. Khareghat, I.C.S.
(Retired), for all the ad vice and guidance that he has been pleased
to give me from time to time. He prefers to work behind the
curtain and is a valuable asset of this Institute. Under all
these pleasant circumstances, and with all the above associa-
tions, it gives me much pleasure, as said above, to publish this
collection of papers that have appeared in the Journal of
the Institute.
X PREFACE.
It gives me pleasure also to associate this publication wit a
the name of the late Mr. Damodar Gordhandas Sukhad walla,
who, by kindly giving a munificent sum of Rupees one lac,
facilitated and hastened the work of the foundation of the
Institute. Mr. Sukhadwalla was a self-made man and he made
the best use possible of what little wealth he had by God's grace
acquired. There are several libr erics founded by him in
Bombay and elsewhere ; and to all of them, keeping himself in
the back-ground, he gave the names of other great and good
public men, who had been useful to Bombay in various ways.
JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI.
211, Pilot Bunder Road,
COLABA, BOMBAY,
'2Sth July 1-928.
AN OLD A VESTA-PAZEND SANSKRIT
MANUSCRIPT OF THE SAROSH-HADOKHT,
AND ITS WRITER.
I.
. The manuscript under notice is dated 1064 Yazdazardi
(1605 A. C. ) and belongs to Mr. Burjorji Ardeshir En tee, ex-
Professor of Persian at the Bhownagar College. At my request,
he has kindly presented it to the K. R. Gama Oriental
Institute. It is a well-preserved manuscript, written on good
old paper. Its length is OJ huhes, breadth 6 inches,
thickness 3/16 of an inch. It has 24 folios, not marked by the
original writer, but, somebody has recently figured them in
Gujarati, wrongly from the left to Ihe right, instead of from
the right to the loft. I have recently numbered the pages in
English figures coin mom ing from the right.
Yt bears the following Persian colophon at the end on the
47th page, the next page containing stray verses in Persian in
a different hand, written not in any regular order, but haphaz-
ard.
Just over the colophon, written crosswise, runs the following
line, repeating the personal name of the writer:
TRANSLATION.
(This) Sarosh Yasht Hadokht is finished on the auspicious
day ( toz ) Depmeher Yazacl, and in the auspicious month
(mah) Vahtnan ( Bahnihn ) Amshasfaiul, and in the auspicious
time (gah) Auziravan, and in the auspicious year on.-; thousand
Miswritten for Imqir.
2 AN OLD AVESTA-PAZEND-SANSKRIT MS.
and sixty and four from Emperor Yazdajard Shehryar
of the Kings of the land of Persia. May it be according to
God's will. The writer of these words ( is ) Haerbad Zfuleh
Haerbad Rustarn, Haeioad Khurshid, Haerbad Aspandyar,
Hairbad Rustam, an inhabitant of the fortunate town of
Naosari. And tiiis Sarosh Yasht Hadokhb with if- moaning
has been written in the fortunate port of Surao. Whoever
reads or learns (from this) may remember with goodness this
humble person.
I do not know who will read this writing. I have no doubt
that I will die, but this (writing or this reader) will live.
Rustam ! You, wrote this. There is no doubt, you have
(thereby) gone to Paradise. You have saved yourself from
the path of evil.
II.
The writer Ervad Rustam Khurshid is the Rustam Khur-
shid Aspandyar, who, in 1670 had written to Persia, askiag
for replies to a niriiter of questions on religious matters 1 and
whose question? '-nd replies are known as Rustam Khurshcd
Aspandyar's Revayet. 2 In the reply from IVrsia, he is ad-
dressed as a Dastur. He w;is a \\ell-kuown member of the
clergy of N.iosari. We find his name as that of one of the
signatories of a document, passed by the Naosari clergy to
the laity, dated 16S7 A. I)., permitting to the latter a freedom
of choice in the selection of their family priests. 3
1 Parsi Prakash, Vol. I., p. 16.
2 K. R. Cama Memori.d Vol., p. 174.
3 Parsi Prak^sh Vol., p. 847. This document of 1687 thro\*?soino
side-light cm the Mahomedan rule over Naopari at this time. In rase
of a possible breach of the terms of the agreement, the cks-gy bivd
themselves to give, as penalty, Rs. 400 to the divan i.e., to the
treasury of the ruling Powers, and, in addition, to present 50 maunds
of oil to the MahornetUn Masjid of the piano. It is at times cotaplain-
ed that some Parsis of tho last <viitury* occasionally took superstitious
vows to present offerings to Mahomedan and Christian places of worship.
One may say, that tha practice may possibly havo originated from
cases like tho above. When the people saw that the clergy offered
oil to Mahomodmi mosques as a penalty for, or in expiation of, their
faults, they followed their example and gave offerings to these places
of worship. Tho fact, that the clergy gave the offerings under compul-
sion according \ , the terms of au agreement made with their Maho-
modan rulers, in whoso courts the agreements had to be enforced, may
havo been forgotten. What was, at one time, an expiation for a kind
of state penalty, was latterly extended ignoraiitly to social or religious
penalties.
AN OLD AVESTA-PAZEND -SANSKRIT MS. 3
This Rivayet of Rustam Khurshid Aspandyar is referred to
in tho Darab Hormuzdyar's Rivayet at tbo end. (Ervad
Manockji Rustamji Unwala's Lithographed text Vol. II, pp.
475-590). We read therein:
8*1
&d, p. 477, 11. 15-17.) *
TRANSLATION.
The questions which Herb ad-Zadeh Herbad Rustam, son of
Khurshed, son of Asfaudyar, had written (and) had sent on the
date, the holy day Asar, the auspicious month Khurdad, year
one thousand and thirty and eight (1038), have been (thus)
replied to.
The date and the place of the reply are given as follows:
(Ibid, p. 480, 1. 2.)
i.e., written on the auspicious day Daepdin, auspicious
month Dae qadimi (ancient), year 1039 Parsi, Hijri month
Rabi'-ul-awal year 1081. Written in the city of Kerman.
Farewell !
III.
The method of the colophons of old Parsi manuscripts is,
to a certain extent, as it were, a counter-part or copy of the
method of the Dibache l or preface of tho Alringans, which
c.ontaind tho following :
1. The name of the town where the liturgical service of the
" Afringan " is performed.
2. The time (gah), and the day, at and on which it is per-
formed.
1 Tho Persian word dibdchd is made up of " dt&a" a rich kind of stuff
or cloth, and cM which is a diminutive particle. So, dibdchd would
mean '* a small dibd or rich cloth." The Preface of a book, which
gives the name of the writer, the date of the book, the name of the
place of its publication, the purpose for which it is written, the name of
the person, if any, at whose bidding it is written, &c.. is the principal
or rich part of stufi (diba) of the book. Hence its name dibacM.
* AN OLD AVESTA-PAZBND-SANSKEIT MS.
3. The name of the person, in whose honour or memory it
is performed.
4. The name of the person, at whoso direction (farmayashne)
it is performed.
The colophons of old Parsi manuscripts also generally give
all these. But they differs from the " Dibache >J of the Afringans
in this, that they generally come at the end and not in tha
beginning. In this they follow another method.
The recital of the roz (day), the mdh (month) and even
the gdh (one of the five Zoroastrian periods of the day ) in the
colophons of Parsi manuscripts, is, as it \vcre, a counterpart of
the prayer-formula of "Roz nck-nam, roz pak-nam," recited
by the Parsees in their Nyaishcs, Yashts, etc., wherein the
day, the month and the time of the day when the prayers are
recited are mentioned. Again, just, us the prayer-formulas
come at the end of prayeis, so, the colophons 1 come at the end
of manuscripts. 1 hey served, to some limited extent, the
purpose of the title-pages of modern books, but generally
occurred at the end, or sometimes in the middle of a book.
IV.
Now coming to the manuscript itself, wo find that it is
AvestaPahlavi Sanskrit Sorosh Hudokht Yapht. The late
Ervad Shcriarjee Dadabhai Bharucha, \\lio had, at the in-
stance of the Trustees of the Parsi Punchayet Fund and
Properties, prepared a series of seven parts of the Sanskrit
writings on the subject of the Parsi religion, five of which
have been published, has included the Sanskrit of this Yasht
in his Part I Khorde Avesta Arthah. In the preparation
of his Sanskrit text, he had access to the following old
manuscripts :
1. An old Manuscript (E. M. U.) belonging to the late
Eryad Manockjee R. Unwala, dated roz 12, Mali 1, Samvant
1760 (A. C. 1703), and written by the well-knowaPastur, Dastur
Darab Pahlan of Naosari. Ervad gheriarjee speaks of its
Sanscrit as " defective and incorrect " (Introduction p. IX).
1 One must remember, that the very derivation of the word gives an
idea of something at the end. Colophon was one of the 12 cities of
Ionia. It possessed a good cavalry which was generally kept in reserve
to be employed at the end. Some say, that it was the characteiistic
01 tne city, that whenever in union with other sister cities, it went to
war, it was the last to send its army to the field, Hence the meaning
01 tne word, as something coming at the end.
AN OLD AVESTA-PAZEND -SANSKRIT MS. 5
2. Another old manuscript belonging to Ervad Manockjee
R. Unwalla (E, M. U.2 ) written in about 1808, Samvant
(A. C. 1751).
Ervad Sheriorjee while referring to this manuscript in his
note (No. 285) says " This Sanskrit of the Sarosh Yasht--i
Hadohkt is found only in one manuscript. It seems to be the
attempt of some unknown incompetent person, not Nerioseng
himself, for it betrays in many places gross ignorance of
A vesta, Pahlavi and Sanskrit" (Notes p. 15). While writing
this note, Ervad Sheriurjee seems to have forgotten that ho
himself has referred to a second manuscript (E. M. U.) ou p.
IX. The present Manuscript then is the third manuscript
of the Sanskrit Sarosh Hadokht Yasht, that has come to
our notice. While the above two manuscripts, referred to
by Ervad Sheriarjeo, are datrd 17t3 zud 1751 respectively
the one under notice is dated 1695, i.e , written about eight
years before the first of these; two. So it is a valuable acqui-
sition. I leave it to Sanskrit scholars to determine whether
its Sanskrit is better than that of the texts of E. M. U. 12 given
by Ervad Sheriarjee in his Part I.
I cdnclude, by thanking my friend Mr. Burjorjee Ardeshir
Entee for complying with my request to present it to the K. R.
Cama Oriental Institute.
AN OLD MANUSCRIPT OF THE KITlB-I
DARtlN YASHT.
[A paper read before the Zarthoshti Din-ni Khol Karnaris
Mandli, on 24th June 1921.]
Mr. Jamsetjee Edalji Saklatwala has recently, at my request,
T , , ,. presented to the K. R. Oama Oriental Insti-
Int reduction. f . , , . . , . . , ,
tute an old manuscript bearing the above
title. It is about 9J inches in length, 6 inches in breadth and
a little over an inch and a half in thickness. It has 176 folios
with 15 lines to a page. It is written in Avesta characters
with the ritual in Gujarati, written in an inverted way, i.e., the
manuscript is turned upside down when the Gujarati portion
is written. The colophon in Avesta characters on folio 17 Ib
gives the date as roz Goad, mah Dae, sna (year) Parshi 1110,
and the writer's name as Ervad Faram Ervad Khurshed
Ervad Aspandyar Ushta Baeheram Framroz Suratia. The colo-
phon runs thus :
JW -ttja . .$)uu6 .^iQ Xi/
./
/
Translation. ^This book of Darun Yasten l was completed
(on) roz Goad, mah Dae", Parsi year one thousand one hundred
and nineteen. I wrote this I, the servant 2 of religion, humble
thinker of good, Ervad Pram, Ervad Khurshed, Ervad Aspendyar,
,ushta Baeheram, Pramroz 3 Suratia.
l The letter ' va ' between this and the preceding word is an error.
* The last letter 6 K> is unnecessarily separated from band.
8 The voril is unneceegarily divided into Fram and roz.
KITAB-I-DAR&N YASHT. 7
The Persian colophon in Avesta characters is preceded by a
Gujrati colophon which is to be read from down below upwards
(f. 172 a). It roads thus :
ClU S{ }|*t* <>il*V HMUU3I ttHlMd. 5ll5U tflM Si.
These colophons give the date of completion, but a statement
in the very beginning in Persian, written in Avesta characters
gives the date of its commencement as roz 15, mah 9, year 1119.
We read :
'
'^ W^ .
We thus see, that it took the scribe'one month and seven days
to complete this book, which he here calls ' k Kitab Darun Yast "
and which he, at the end, calls " Kitab-i Darun Yastcn " and
which he, in the Gujrati colophon at the end, calls ^^ **[**
*-l^e(i ^iaj. The Indian date of the colophon corresponding to
the Parsi date roz Goad, mah Deh, 1119 A.Y. is Saturday, Shravan
6 (?) Sud, 1806. We see from the dates, that the Manuscript
is about 170 years old.
The writer does not appear from his colophons and other
The Scribe writings to be a very intelligent person.
His orthography is not correct. He seems
to be more of an ordinary than an intelligent copyist. We do
not find any particulars about him in the Parsee Prak&sh.
So, he does not seem to bo a known man. But his father
1 After this word there is a letter which I do not understand.
8 KITiB-I-DAEON YASHT.
Ervad Khurshod Aspendyar Behram Framroz, may be the
Mobad Kh,urshedji Aspandyar of Surat whose name we find in
a document, dated Hijii 27 vShaban 1 154, corresponding to
28th October, 1741, \\ii.n* in the Naosari priests residing in
Surat file a complaint against the JSanjana Mobads who had
gone to stay at Surat from Islar>ari, to escape from the plun-
dering excursions of UK* Alabratlia freebooters. We reai in
the Parsi Prakash (Vol. I, p. ooii, under date 28th October
1741) :
" ell. W ^
i^, cl tecli
IIH
cRl
SlHl
1 Khan Bahadur Bomanji Byramji Patcl gives this information to
us on the authority of a Gujarat! pamphlet caJlod l< ^^^H
5l*S*l " ( U^** *^ lit:< Breaker' of Envy) published in 1871 by
the late Ervad Rustamji Bahimmji Unwalla, tho father of our late
colleague Ervad Manockji Rustomji Unwalla. The pamphlet was
published in the matter of a controversy arising from tho fact of the
building of a Dar-i Mehr at Nanpurft in Surat by the late Mr. Jamshadji
Unwalla, whose library of very old Iranian manuscripts, 1 ha r l the pleasure
of inspecting in 1887, at Surat with the late Prof. Darmestetor. Our
colleague Ervad Manockji Unwalla had receiv* d most of his rare old
Manuscripts from Mr. Jamshedji who was his maternal grandfather.
KITAB-I-DARUN YASHT 9
The three signatories in the above quoted document who
bear their father's name as Aspandyarji or Aspandyar seem
to be three brothers. This document is dated, as said above,
1741 A. C., while the manuscript of Ervad Fram under examina-
tion is dated 1760 A. C. (1119 A. Y.), i. e-> about 9 years later.
So, it is possible that this Ervad Faram was the son of the above
Ervad Khurshedji of the document of 1741 A. C. We must
note, that though Ervad Faram gives his father's name in two
places in the colophons as Khorshed, in one place, where he
refers to the Riv&yets, he gives it as Khorshedji as given in
the document.
The writer does not give in his colophon the name of the
town in which he wrote the Ms. as many others do. But from
the fact that he calls himself Suratia at the end of his pedigree,
if we take the above mentioned identification of the family
as probably correct, we may say that the book was written in
Surat.
The writer speaks, at the end of his Gujarati colophon, of
writing his manuscript on the authority of
terroTto^b t r he the Riv % cts - Again, in the body of the
Scribe. y e text also, he says, here and there, that he
has given a particular Baj according to
the authorities of particular Riv&yets. We find the following
authorities referred to :
1. Ardeshir of Persia.
? K&mdin Shpur. He is said to have brought from
Persia the ritual of the Baj of roz Aspandad mdh Farvardin.
We read on folio 108a: *fl *AHMil ^H HlV *ft Bt>.
This shows that the rituals of some Bajs were
introduced here in the time of K&mdin Shapur, the date of
whosr Rivayet is 928 A. Y. (1558-69 A. C.).
The method of numbering the folios is peculiar. We find
the peculiarity in some other mss. also.
tlod^nrbertog ^ huntoeds are, besides the way to which
the folios. we aro familiar, marked with an extra
dot. For example the numbers 110, 111,
112, 113, etc., are not marked as such but are marked as 1010,
1011, 1012, 1013, etc. (Vide the Index of the Ms. at the end).
l Perhaps for ^xc^J i.e., alone.
10 KITAB-I-DARUN YASHT
Thus, an extra cypher is used to denote the hundreds, which,
if not properly understood, may lead the readers to read
thousands for hundreds. Students oi mathematics may throw
some light on the subject of this procedure. At present, accord-
ing to our present method in writing figures about millions,
the occasional practice is to put a ( ' ) between the hundreds,
the thousands and the millions. For example, 12,345,679.
Here, the hundreds and the thousands and the millions, are
separated by a comma-like mark. The Persian figuring in
this manuscript seems to have some object like this. The
second cypher seems to have been intended to show hundreds.
The Ms. treats of 77 subjects, out of which 65 speak of the
The subjects ritual of 65 kinds of Baj. The following
th e e at mj ar mOStly B&is draw our 8 P ecial Attention.
We read of a Baj on F. 1 10, b:
1. B j an v m.
i.e., Eoz Arshisang, mah Fravardin. On this day is the
anniversary of those who were killed at Variav after (our)
coming to Gujarat. The Baj of that (day), to bo celebrated
by the Baj of Ardafarosh. " What is meant to be said is, that
in the ritual of the Baj to commemorate the event of the
massacre at Variav, the Ard&faresh Baj may be recited and
celebrated. l
Now, what is the event that is referred to here ? We know
from the Kisseh-i San j an, that Vrriav
The massacre at - th Surat distr i ct wag O1 of the p l ace s,
Vanftv. referred to , ^i T> i i T -i , n
in the Baj ritual, where the Parsees had dispersed gradually
from Sanjan, their first colony in india
on their emigration from Persia after the Arab Conqucit. 2 ,
1 In the (l^ilM ^HCRCU (the whole of the Avesta) Vol. II, Published
in Gujarati characters by Behedin Dadabhoy Cawasji in 124J A. Y.
(1871 A. C.) under the title of cl^l'^H fcT^WjU 'Hl^^l (the Avesta of
the celebration of the BAjs), this B^j is given on p. 120 as \(f* <H^Q-
^IH^il Mft^l ^l' =S l<Hl :i Hl (r n (BAj of those killed in VariAv.) But
the publisher seems to connect it erroneously with the fight with the
army of Mahxnud Begad at the sack of Sanjdn.
ic., several went towards BariAv (Variav). All persons went to
(different) places (Vide my "A Few Events in the Early History of the
Parbis," p. 14.)
KITAB-I-DARftN YA9HT 11
(a) The Bombay Gazetteer and (6) the History of Naosari by
Mr. S. M. Desai refer to the event of the massacre.
Mr. Kharshedji Nusserwanji Seervai and Khan Bahadur
(a) Parsee con- B o man ii Byramji p atel, the authors of
tributors of the the article on * 'Gujarat Parsees" in the
Gazetteer. Bombay Gazetteer, 1 thus refer to the~event.
"According to one account, the Variav settlement was as
old as the settlement at Sanjan. (Lord (1620) in Churchill's
voyages, VI, 329). These settlers enraged the Rajput chief
of Ratanpur by refusing to pay tribute and defeating a body
of troops sent to enforce the order. When a fresh force arrived
from Ratanpur the Parsi men were absent at a feast out of the
limit of Variav but the women donned the armour of their
husbands and relations and opposed the troops valiantly.
When about to obtain a victory, the helmet of one of the female-
warriors, dropped and exposed her dishevelled hair. On this
the Ratanpur troops rallied and made a desperate assault,
and the women preferring death to dishonour heroicly leapt
into the Tapti which runs through the village of Variav and
drowned themselves. The day of this disaster (the 25th day
of the first month Farvardiii) is still commemorated at Surat
by special religious ceremonies. The year is unknown."
Mr. Sorabji Manchcrji Desai in his Tav&rikh-i Naosari (The
History of Naosari 1897, pp. 353-55) thus
urn JP An J 1 rcfcrs to the event and savs that the event
M Desai s Account. . . , TT . *i , , , -,
of the massacre at Variav is celebrated
eveL now, at a certain place near Malesar at Naosari on roz
25, mah 1 of every year.
5,
1 Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. IX, Part II. Gujarat Population, p. 186.
*efc the separate publication of tho authors, "Gujarat Parsis," p. 4 u,
12 KITAB-I-DAfcftN YASHT
ell
Uii. MI^ (Hi cl^li 5iii
ell cMl
&. ^i
i^i
cl
&. ^H^l cl^li
lH i^l ^cfl.
CHRd
l. ii
si
3l<l CWI^N
-UMQ HloH[
ll*
51* iWi^ti
KTTlB-I-DARUN YASHT 13
tei
Mini
CHRl<lft
cWl aU**Ufcf
The doubt as to the day referred to by Mr. Desai is settled
by this old Ms., which also gives the day as roz 25 mah 1, but
the year is not known. A few details of the massacre differ
in the two versions 1 have given above, but the main fact
regains, that there was a fight between the Parsees of Variav
and th'} adjoining people, in which, in the end, the Parseea
w,er,e killed and had to run away and leave the country. The
fact, that an old book of ritual written about 160 years ago
refers to the event, and the fact that the anniversary of the
event is still celebrated by the Parsees of Naosari, where the
remnants had fled and settled, prove that an event of that
kind had really happened.
The ritual of another baj refers to another event. The baj is
2. A Baj referring * ^ e celebrated on roz Adar mdh Ardibehe-
to a J&tr or a sht to commemorate the pilgrimage ( "i?ii)
pilgrimage by a by a vada ( qt>\ ) i.e., a leader. We read as
kin - follows :
14 KITAB-I-DAR&N YASHT
In the Index, this Baj is spoken of simply as <M1"
^1*1*11 M^&Hl. It is not said whose pilgrimage is meant, and
who this o(6i or leader is.
Now what is this event ? One may say that the event
referred to in the ritual is that, which is narrated by Rao
Saheb Mahipatram Rupram in his book named Sadhra jasanp
(pp. 110). I give the story below. 1
Si
5?l M
, SiictlHl
KITAB-I-DARUN YASHT 15
-HIM
Mel <*3* *l$l ell,
> *
Hl
a
MiUl, ^Ml^l >llil
*
cl dlil, 6Hl
clt ^cll
W wl ell
H^ Ml<tl
^HlMHl
"Hli
i^ d>l
PlQiN ^l. rtMKl ^UMHl
. d'-icll
16 KITiB-I-DARftN YASHT
W-fl
Cl4l to^l^ HlMl ci-il
The king Gurjareshvar or Siddhraj or Jayasinha referred
to in the above story is the king Siddha Raj Jaisinha of
Anhilwad, whose capital was at Patan and who died in 1143 A. C.
His full name was Siddha Raj Jaisinha. One may take it
that this Jatra of our book of ritual is the darshan ( $, JM ) of
the Maharaja to the Fire-temple of Sanjan referred to above.
In four grants of the Silhara Dynasty, l we find the Parsi
colony of Sanjan referred to. The Anjuman of that colony
is specially referred to. In one grant, it is spoken ol as the
Khorasan Mandli. So, the Parsee colony of Sanjan, being
well-known in the llth Century, it is quite natural, that
Siddha Raj, during his visit of the Konkan, where his
predecessors, the rulers of Anhilwad, had established their
swa^ some years before, was attracted by the Parsee colony,
and being thus attracted, paid a visit to their fire-temple. Now
the question is, on what authority has Rao Saheb Mahipacram
described this story. The subject is worth being looked into.
Mr. Sorabji Manoherji Desai, who quotes Rao Saheb Mahipetram
in his Tavarikh (History) of Naosari (p. 24), doubts the truth
of this story (p. 24 1. 14). Rao Saheb Mahipatram s book
is a work of imagination based on some historical, traditions
here and there. He has given as an appendix in his book,
the historical materials round which he has woven his stories
which, to some extent are works of his imagination. 2 But,
unfortunately, in this appendix we do not find any reference
1 Vide my Paper on Sanjan J. B. B. R. A. S. XXI pp. 4-12. Vide my
Dastur Bahman Kaikobad and the Kisseh-i Sanjan p. 16.
2 One may be led to doubt the truth of this story, because Mr. Mahi-
patram in the latter part of his story connects the name of Siddhraj
with his friend Mr. S. S. Bengali's name. But it seema that ho may have
come across historical materials somewhere*
KITAB-I-DAR&N YASHT 17
to any historical source for this story. 1 This book of ritual,
if my identification is true and if Rao Saheb Mahipatram's
story is based on some good authority, supports the story.
Failing this story, one is tempted to connect this event
of the Baj to the visit and help of Raja Durgan Singhji, the
Raja of Mandvi, to the Fire-temple when the Sacred fire
was taken to Udvada. Mr. W. Ramsay thus refers to this
eVent in the Indian Antiquary (1872, Vol. I., p. 213) on the
authority of the old Dastur of Udvacla at the time. tl After
a sojourn of two years at Bulsar, the priests had an interview
with the Raja of Mandvi, Durgan Singhji, then residing in
his fort at PaFdi. Protection was implored and promised
and a choice given of certain villages on the sea-coast for a
residence. At Udvada was found a small band of Parsis and
a Tower of Silence, and here the fugitives fixed their choice
of a resting place. A Sanad was given them conferring
certain privileges and immunities. This is said to have been
in the Sam vat year 1799 (A. D. 1742 )." According to the
y^ct *lURi **Afl U* V M, published in 1S90 by the Gujarat
Vernacular Society under the Editorship of Rahemankhan
Kalekhan P<ithan and Vajeram Pranshankar Upadhyaya, this
Raja Kurgan Singhji was born in 1695 A. D. He came to
the throne in 1707 and died in 1772. 2
Out of these two stories, the second seems to be more
probable and as one to which the Baj in question refers. It is
possible that the Raja, who as a Hindu, held Agni, the god
presiding over fire, in respect, may have paid a visit to the
hou^e or temple in which the Sacred Parsi fire was temporarily
located at or near Bulsar.
The Baj of the Jashan, now ordinarily known as Mind
VfheBajofMino Marespand Jashan ( Mtti >ift*MVi "W").
Mareshpand Jas- is celebrated to commemorate an event
han. connected with the name of Zoroaster.
1 Since writing this I made inquiries, through my friend, Mr. S.
S. Mehta from the author's son, Rao Bahadur Ramanbhai Ma hi pat -
ram Nilkanth, but he writes in his letter, dated 31st October 1921, to
Mr. Mehta : " 1 have not been able to ascertain on what materials my
father based the incidents. " However I give the whole story, as it is
for some students to trace its source if any.
a I am indebted for this reference to the Indian Antiquary, to
my friend Mr. Rustamji Nussorvanji Munshi, whose articles in the
issues of the Jam-e-Jamshed of May 1921 on the subject of the Udvada
Fire-temple first drew my attention to the story of this Raja.
18 KlTiB-I-DAE^N YASHT
According to Zarthosht-nameh, it was on this day that
Zoroaster performed an Afringan and gave, for chdshni or
ceremonial eating, four things, which were offered and conse-
crated in the Afringan, to four of his great disciples, who, by
virtue of that communion, got endowed with some extraordinary
gifts. This is referred to in the ritual thus :
& U ell H 5 !
This subject is referred to in the Persian Zarthusht-nameh
of Zarthusht Behram Pazdu. 2 Thus, the ritual of the Baj of
this Jashan day of roz Maresfcnd mah Aspandarmad enjoins,
that in the celebration of the Baj of that day, four things are
necessary. I Wine (inae) 2 Mower 3 Milk and 4 Pomegranate.
These were the four things spoken of as given by Zoroaster on
this day to the above four esteemed disciples.
There are two bajs in this Ms. which arc spoken of as those
of Thanak or Thanak ( *>iMb ). (a) One of
Th 4; Ik BaJS f those Bajs is spoken of as Sri Thanak ( *U"
an ' MV-UMMb 'BWelKl i.e., Baj to celebrate
Sri Tahanak) (Vide Index of the Ms.). The word thanak Ml-1* in
Gujarati means a kind of altar on which offerings are arranged.
It seems that this Baj was recited with the offering of an animal
like goat, sheep, doer, and any other animal (gospand), the
flesh of which can be lawfully eaten. The head of the animal
was the proper part to offer, and failing that, the left ear or jaw
or tongue. In the Horn Yasht (Ya$na IX 14), wo read of
an offering of a tongue (hizva) and left eye
d6ithrem.)
The ritual says :
if\d. ( L 106 a).
' * or ' " in silence" or in other word in baj. ( <H(0/>U )-
2 Vide Dastur Peshotan Byramji Sanjana's Translation (1864), p. 153,
Vide Le Livro de Zoroastre (Zaratusht Nama) par Frederic Rosenberg,
Text pp. 60-62. Translation pp. 58-61.
3 For *R Shri. * The^Index gives M*1j. For <*lJ^l, a she-
goat. 6 P. mish. 7 0^ f or wi and cj for ^\ 8 P. Sar. 9 Perhaps for *{
throat. Then jaw. Vide Home Yasht. l for ft-
KlTAB-I-DARfrN YASHT 19
i.e., " Baj Shri Thanak. They may celebrate the Baj in honour
of Haoma, as given above, over a she-goat or sheep or deer
or any animal (gospand) which is permissible to be eaten. If
the head (of the animal) is not available, then they may place
(before them for consecration) its (i.e., the animal's) left ear
and left throat and tongue and recite baj. This shall be done
with the mention of the Haoma Yazad."
* (6) When the preceding Thanak Baj refers to the offering of
animals, the second refers to that of birds ( M^H^ pakheru
f. 106). The ritual says: 4H* M^Kl <tt<* *\(^ %JVS{1
We see from this statement that when the first baj is in
honour of Haoma, this is in honour of Gosh (Dravasp) who is
presiding over animal creation.
The Parsees of India have been using several Hindu words
for some of their ceremonies. The word *4Mb ( Ml<a4*s )
is one of these. It is used in some of their old documents.
For example, in a document, dated roz 11 mah 11, Sam vat
1801 (28th August 1745), referred to in the Parsi Prakash
(Vol. 1 p. 858), we read of the Ste^u-Hl MHS i.e., the Thanak
of Meherangan. The author, Mr. Bomanj Patel, in a foot
note thus explains the word : <H^ V& *UO>UMl
It seems, that the above bajs are for occasions like the
Jashans of Meherangan, when some permissible animals or
birds were killed as offerings and consecrated.
5 BAj of Agrdras ^3 B&j is rarely celebrated now. The
ritual says :
For ^UH. 2 For
20 KITAB-I-DAB0N YASHT
This Baj refers to an historic event of the reign of Minochehf 3
when Agraeratha (Agreras of the Shah-nameh, Mohl I p. 42, p.
224-28), the brother of Af rasiab, disliking his brother's improper
conduct, secretly helped the Iranians. His name is therefore
commemorated in the cannonical list of the Fravardin
Yasht (Vide my Dictionary of the Avestaic proper names,
pp. 7-10.)
It is so called, bei-ause the star Vanant (Vega) 1 is remeia-
6 Vanat Ba' be red therein. It is recited on the New
aj ' Year's day. Even now a ritual is observed
in some temples and is known as cftict, JjiMtfl, i.e., to cut the
Vanot, wherein a large sacred bread (Darun) is ceremonially
cut by the priest.
The ritual, as given in our Ms., runs thus :
tf- 106)
The ritual speaks of striking a bamboo stick over a stone.
This is intended to drive away evil powers that may be the
result of some evil stars. This reminds us of the Vanant Yasht,
wherein there is also the ritual of clapping hands to symbolize
the driving away of evils.
The present day ritual is described in the Gujarati "Taraam
Avesta" by Mr. Dadabhoy Kavasji (1240 A.Y. Part II p. 181).
It is celebrated in a Fire-temple and the celebrant strikes a
wooden stick over the stone slab in the Yazashnagah. He
continues to strike during a greater part of the recital of the
Baj with the Khshnuman of the star Vanant. In the end* he cuts
1 Vide for this identification Mr. M, P. Kharegat's article in the Sir J
J. Z. MadresHa Jubilee Volume, pp. 116-158.
2 eU&3. means a sack of cotton or cloth. Here it seems to mean.
stick. 3 i.e. \&. 4 i.
6 i.e., Here is written the Baj of all (?) paraJbhs (festivals). Boz Shri
Orxnazd m$h Farvardin. On this day shall be recited Vanat bftj. On
celebrating this baj, (the priest) may hold in his right hand (a bundle of)
RtiekB of bamboo. A stone shall be placed on the right hand. He may
recite while striking (the stick on it i.e., the stone). The recital shall
be men tali i.e., in a suppressed tone.
YASHT 21
two out of the four damns or sacred breads consecrated by him
during the recital of the baj, and eats the portions that are
cut. The south-west and the north-west parts of the breads
are cut and swallowed.
This baj, to be recited on Roz 2 mah 11, was celebrated
both during the day and during the night.
th 7 ' Bah BaJ 'A If ft is recited during the day a particu-
feutival. 1 to recital may be made. eft^^lJUPt ^M^{
* <\ ti>i &c.) If at night,
This Baj is given here on the authority of a Rivayat.
| q
The Baj on the Jashan day of Roz Farvardin mah Aspandad
8 Baj of Mokt- k 8 Pk en * as <*U* ^cUcWd, perhaps
atma because it is the Farvardin Roz preceding
the Muktad Holidays. The word Muktfcd
is spoken of as <4 ^l<tm" on f. 128 a. From what is said here,
(on folio 128 a), we find that at the time when the Ms. was
written, the proper Muktad days were taken to begin from
Roz Astad and not from Ashisang as at present. We read
From what is said of the consecration of the Slav in the
Muktad Holidays, it appears that the celebration of these days,
was not confined to the memory of the dead but also to the
living. It describes some difference between the ceremonies
for +he living and for the dead during these days.*
The Baj of Hapta Ameshaspand is given on the authority
9. The Baj of of Dastur Kamdin Khambayati *ft feftMft
Hapta Amesh&j- <ft *ft
It is said, that this baj shall not be recited during the follow-
ing 8 days : Meher, Srosh, Farvardin, Ram, Aneran, Depader,
Deptmeher, Depdin and during the month of Deh. No reason
is given.
The Khshnuman of this Baj run thus: "patham khftstfitem
- ^ Zarenumata sura vispash. arda farosh
k 1 beres&d." It seems, that this Baj was
recited when one started on a journey
(patham lit. road).
22 KITAB-I-DAB^N YASRT
There is one thing in the rituals referred to in this Ms., which
draws our special attention. The present
s^'-tT 7 * 1 ?^" practice tells us, that Fire is indispensably
cited without tire. * . .. ., , - i, T*. -^ T, J ..
necessary in the recital of all Bajs. But it
appears from this Ms., that it was not so ; and that a Baj was,
and may be, recited with or without Fire. When Fire is present,
then the ordinary recital of tava atarxh, i.e., "Thee Fire," may
be observed, but when the Baj is recited without the fire the
word tava, i.e., Thee, addressed to Fire when present, may
be omitted (f. 33 a, f. 117, f!34 a). In the case of some Bajs,
it is specially mentioned that ^Mlcu^ Mlci\*>U\ H?l^> i-e-,
there should be a fire-vase.
I will conclude my short notice of this book of the ritual
A few articular * k*M s w ^ a ^ st * some peculiarly written
Pftrsi^Guja r a ti Gujarati words found in the Gujarati por-
words. tion of the ritual.
for <VHct.
2. MR Ml.
3. *4' Hil (Pot).
" f|6l WQ *&l ^^ ^H^'tl^ " i.e. may bring (*H6*tl^ for
l<i ) the pot (fti^i) freshly (lit newly) filled up.
4. tf^ for ^.M. tf^j V5 i.e. ^>t \&. Compare ^ with
Hindustani ^H^i, French "ainsi." We also find simply
^ (su) (f-63a ^IM ^4lci Jj^cii ^ ' MV>^ i.e., ^ ^m^[ Hl
MvSl. Also cf. Fr. suivant) for tf^j. Compare Eng., so.'
5. 6"ll3 for <l^i(|. It is also spoken of as
e.g. MM^-fl 1W 5 ^ 62 b
6. *llil for Mb^le.gr.
7. *^ for ?fl. Q^l ^|^^ i.e. ^ItQ or
8. ^Jrf\ for ^^^a e.g.
9. ^HMW4 for >fl>ii
10. ^^H ^^llM^ i.e. to clean the mouth by removing particles
of food.
11 ^ for ii, "stm^ for
KITAB-I-DARftN YASHT 23
12. *H[VMci for untouched, aft to touch.
13. Viet for YIICJ metal.
14. t\>m for clean, ytfl H=tf\ t^>t &.
15. *Mfl*c(i<Hcj for modern <*\9.cj to clean.
16. ^i^ci for Avcsta ^l^iSU^ci ( metal ).
17. ^R for 8&i ( Sans. 3fi? Av. agra ).
18. *HWl (f. 65 b) ? for u*4b, ell" "ft.
19. 3fH for ^%4>i (f. 65 b. 1. 12). Perhaps Mis dropped by
mistake.
In this Ms., as in some other mss., the Gujarati portion is
written in an inverse order, i.e., from down
The mverse order below towards thc top . So, when, while
Writing. U]&Tai * rea.ding the Avesta portion, you come
to the ritual portion given in Gujarati,
you have to turn the book. The explanation given for this
procedure is, that it is adopted, because thc Avesta is written
from right to loft and Gujarati from left to right. This seems
to be a plausible reason, but this does not seem to me to be the
proper reason for this clumsy procedure which gives one a good
deal of trouble. I think, the explanation given to me some
time ago, by an elderly priest is the proper one. It is this :
In the recital of the Vcndidad, the manuscript, from which
the Zaoti or the principal celebrant reads it, is placed on a
woodon stand spoken of as cft vehel, which we see also
in Mahomedan mosques for the Korans. These stands are
on the right of the Joti. These manuscripts contain the
ritual directions in Gujarati. Now, it is the province of
the other priest, the Rathwi, to attend to all these directions
and to be ready from time to time, for thc ritual observances.
Therefore the ritual directions in Gujarati, which he has to read
from time to time, are written in the mverse order, so that he
may, when required, go before the stand and read the ritual
from the side opposite to that to which the Zaoti directs his
face while reading from the manuscript. Thus, he may do
his part without disturbing the Zoti. If the Gujarati ritual
also was written in the order in which the Avesta is written,
he should now and then lift the book from the wooden stand
to read it, a proceeding which would often disturb the Zaoti.
24 KITAB-I.DAR&N YASHT
APPENDIX.
After writing the above, I happened to read in the Jam-i-
Jamshed, a report from Naosari, describing a Jashan ceremony
celebrated there as usual, but with a better eclat, on roz 25
mah 1 of this year (1291 A. Y.). In the report, a disa-pothi
il^il i.e., a manuscript containing the dates (disa) of
the deaths of the Parsee laymen of Malesar at Naosari, vas
referred to, as containing a reference to the above Variav affair.
It was said to be 200 years old. I sent for the manuscript
do examine it and I am indebted to Mr. Mervanji Karkaria
for kindly sending it to me for inspection. The manuscript
is thus spoken of in the very beginning.
This Disha-pothi of the holy souls of the Behedins (laymen,
of the auspicious Malesar falia was begun to be written
on roz 29 mah Ardibehs(ht) Samvat 1793.
Thus, it is (Samvat 19781793=) 185 years old. At first, the
names of all the deceased laymen who died before the above
year, i.e., 1793 have been written by the writer in one hand.
The entries of death are given in the consecutive order of days
of the Parsee year, i.e., at first on roz Honnazd mah Farvardin,
then roz Bahman, then roz Ardibehsht, and so on, till the 30th
day Aneran of the month Farvardin. The days are marked
as roz 1, roz 2, roz 3, &c. Then similar entries are made for
the next month Ardibehsht, and so on, till the last tweJveth
month Aspandad. The years of death are added after some
names.
Subsequently, others have gone on adding names in their
own hands between two names of the same day of death
here and there. As far as my hasty inspection goes, the
earliest year of death is Samvant 1747 (folio 56 last but 4 lines
roz 10 mah 1) and the latest year of death is Samvant 1850
(f . 48 roz 5 mah 6). So it seems that names were added to
those on the list for about (1850-1793=) 57 years. Then the
addition seems to have ceased.
The Ms. has 98 folios written in the form of Indian account
books, i.e., the folios are to be turned not from side to side as
we ordinarily do, feut from below, upwards. The Variav
massacre event is referred to under the entries of roz 25 mah 1
(folio 11 line 3) as wuid e^^cu V$>{\<\, i.e. (the date of
the death of ) all Variav Behedins.
YASHT' 25
We thus see, that this Ms. which takes a note of the Variav
event is about 13 years older than our Ms. of Kitab-i-Darun
Yastan under examination.
The Variav entry is the very first under the entries of roz
25 mah 1. This shows that being a very old event, older
than that of the deaths of the other persons named, the writer
entered it in the very beginning. The writer does not give
the year because perhaps being an old event in his time also,
its date was not known to him also. 1 It must be long before
Samvat 1747, the earlist date in the Ms,
1 After examining the proof for the above, and before it goes to the
Press, I saw a still older Disa-pothi containing a note of the Variav
event. It is dated Samvat 1782 and was written by Jamshodji
Mervanji Charna. Thus it is 106 years old.
4
TWO MINIATURES, ON THE FUNERAL
CEREMONIES OF THE PARSIS, IN
TWO MSS. OF THE GUJARATI
VIRAF-NAMEH,
M8S. OF THE PARIS BIBLIOTHfiQUE NATIONALE
(Nos. 75 AND 76 FONDS IND1EN).
In the first number of the Journal of the K. B. Cama Ori-
T , , .. ental Institute (pp. 71-74), we find an
Introduction. r, ,. , , , ,. >rr , ,, '\ ^ ,
English translation by Mr. L. Bogdanov,
of a Report in Russian by the well-known Russian scholar,
Mr. K. A. Inostrantsev, entitled " The Parsi Funeral Ceremony,
as illustrated in the Gujarati versions of the Book of Arti
Viraf." 2 The author says in the beginning : " The study of
the Parsi ritual is considerably hindered by the circumstance,
that we are unable to have a clear outline of the course of its
evolution. From the ancient traditions of the Avee^a, we
have to pass over without transition to very late compendia
on religious traditions (the so-called ' rivayets ' ) and to the
contemporary ritual of Parsiism. The difficulty in construct-
ing in detail the picture of the development and the modi-
fication of the Parsi ritual is explained by the absence of
the necessary materials. That general thesis can be fully applied
also to the special instance of the study of those cerements of
Parsiism which have been, most probably from their peculiar
character, attracting most attention, the funeral ceremonies.
Although we possess a very considerable amount of varied in-
formation in tho literatures of Asiatic and European peoples
relative to the Parsi funeral for the period of the many centuries
of the existence of the religion of Zoroaster, as well as certain
buildings once upon a time erected by the followers of that
religion, by which the funeral ceremonies are to a certain extent
explained, yet, a series of details of the same is far from being
1 This paper was read before the Jarthoshti Din ni Khol karnari
Mandli of' Bombay at its sitting of 17ih March 1023, under the title of
M Notes on Mr. K. A. Inostrantsev's report on The Parsi Funeral Ceremo-
ny, as illustrated in the Gujarati versions of the book of Arta Viraf/'
8 It was a report submitted to the Historico-Philological Section
of the Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburg in the sitting of the 16th
March 1911.
FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PARSIS 27
clear. Therefore, we thought it of some interest to intro-
duce for the purpose of explaining those details some materials,
as yet unpublished ; we have in view the illustrations in the
Gujarati versions of the book of Arta Viraf of the Parsi funeral
ceremony." In explaining the details, Mr. Inostrantsev has
followed my description in my Paper on "The Funeral
Ceremonies of the Parsis ; their Origin and Explanation." 1
A$ for the illustrations, he has followed two miniatures in
two manuscripts of the Gujarati Viraf -nameh in the Bibliotheque
Nationale of Paris (Nos. 75 and 76, Fonds Indien). Concluding
his paper, he says : " Thus, it can be seen, that the Gujarati
miniatures give us a representation of the Parsi funeral cere-
mony in the XVII-XVTII centuries, very similar to the con-
temporary ritual of Parsiism."
The object of this paper is to show, that the miniatures,
found in the two manuscripts of the Bibliotheque Nationale,
and which one may find also in some other similar manuscripts
of the versions in India or elsewhere, are not the faithful re-
presentations of the ceremonies observed in the 17th acd 18th
centuries, as misunderstood by our author. They arc, as it
were, a mixture of the picture of the ceremonies as observed
in thoso centuries and of the picture, imagined by the author
of the versions or by the painters of the miniatures, as existing
In the times of Darius and Alexander the Great. Before I
proceed to the object proper of my paper, I beg to say in
passing, that there is not such a great gap of materials between
"the ancient traditions of the A vest a " and "the very late
compel- dia on religious traditions (the so-called c rivayets '),"
as our author seems to think. Various Pahlavi writings,
including the Pahlavi commentaries of the Vendidad, and some
Persian writings like those of the Sad-dar, often referred
to by the writers of the Rivayets, fill up the gap.
I will treat my subject under two heads. I. Examination
of the two manuscripts of the Viraf -nameh referred to by Mr.
Inostrantsev and of other MSS. of the kind, and II. Examina-
tion of the contents of the preliminary part of the Gujarati
Viraf -nameh in order to show that the miniature of the funeral
referred to by Mr. Inostrantsev refers to the funeral of Dara
( Darius III, Darius Codomanus ) and not to that of the
Parsees of the 17th or 18th century.
1 Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. II, pp.
405-440. Reprint, 1st edition in 1892 ; 2nd edition in 1905.
28 VUNEBAL CEREMONIES OF THE PAB8IS
I.
Mr. Inostrantsev refers to two Gujarat! manuscripts of the
The two Maims- Viraf -name h in the Paris Bibliotheque
cripts referred to Nationale, Nos. 75 and 76 (Fonds Indien).
by Mr Inoatrant- They are the two manuscripts referred to
aev ' by Mr. Blochet, as XLVII and XLVIII
in his consecutive order of numbers in his Catalogue. 1
Anquetil Du Perron has thus referred to one of them (No. 76) a
" XIV Viraf-namah En Indien du Guzarate.
" Volume in-4 de 288 pag. tres-bien ecrit, avec beaucoup
de figures.
" Cette Traduction du Viraf-namah a etc faite sur le Perfan,
par le Destour Roustoum Assa, il y a soixante-dix a quatre-
vingts ana. Le Volume commence par ccs mots Indous :
Ketab Viraf namai lekise.
II finit par ceux ci :
Kiiabtche leki ii."
We will, at first, examine, who the real author of the Guja-
The Author of ra ^ version of the Viraf -Namah is. Is
the Gujarati ver- it Rustam Asa, as said by Anquetil and
sion. repeated by M. Blochet in his catalogue or
Rustam Pcshotan \ Anquetil speaks of this Gujarati transla-
tion of Arda Viraf as having been made by Dastur Rnstam
about 70 or 80 years before his time, i.e., 70 or 80 yeprs before
his visit to Surat (May 1758 to 1761 A. 0.), where he must have
taken down the note or memo of the date of the Gujarati
version. So, we find, that the year 70 or 80 years before
comes to some year between 1680 and 1690. Now, we know
of no Dastur Rustam Asa of this time, as the author or a ver-
sified Gujarati Viraf-nameh. Pcrhap?, one may think, that
Anquetil may have mistaken the name of a copyist Dastur
Rustam for that of the author. But, we find no mention of
any Dastur of the name of Rustam Asa at this period in the
literature of the time. In fact, in the Index of well-known
1 Catalogue des Manuscrits Mazd&ms ( Zenda, Pehlvis, Parsis
et Persans ) de la Bibliotheque Nationale (1900,) p. 75.
2 Zend-Avesta, Ouvrage de Zoroastre, Tome Premier, Second*
Partie, Notices XIV, p. XXXV.
FUNERAL CEREMONIES 0V THE PARSIS 29
ahd even of partially known Parsees of the time, given by
Mr. B. B. Patel in his Parsee Prakash, we find no Dastur or
even a known Mobed or layman of that name in the 17th or
18th century. 1 So, I think, that Anquetil has perhaps either
misread or misunderstood the name for the name of Dastur
Rustam Peshotan. We know of a learned priest of the time,
known as Ervad or Dastur Rustam Peshotan Hormajiar
(^ormazdyar), as the author of a Gujarat! Viraf-namch. We
find the following particulars about him from various sources :
(1) We find his name as one of the writers of a letter from
Surat to Persia in the matter of the new Tower of Silence,
founded by Nanabhoy Punjiah 2 written in 1668 A. C.
(2) We find his name as Dastur Rustam Peshotan in a
writing from Persia, dated Roz 26 Mah 10 Kadmi 1039 Yaz-
dazardi (July 1670), which is known as Dastur Asfandyar's
Rivayat.3
(3) We know him as the writer in Gujarati verse of a
Zarthosht-nameh. Therein, he gives his name as Ervad
Rustam Peshotan sut (i.e., son of) Hormazyar Ervad Ramyar,
and tbo date asRozFarvardin Mah Khordad 1044 Yazdazardi
(i.e., 1675 A. C.) 4
1 I have inquired from Ervad MahiySr Nowrojoe Kutar who is fami-
liar with the names of old Dasturs of Surat, Naoeari and elsewhere.
He also, in his reply, dated 7th March 1923, says, that he knows of no
Dastur of the name of Rustam Asa.
2 Tarsi Prakash, I. 16 (vide Darab Hormazdyar'a Rivayat by Ervad
Maneckjra R. Unwala, with my Introduction, Vol. I, p. 103).
3 Jbid I, p. 16.
4
Met
Hl Met >f\
Manuscript containing both Zarthosht-nameh and Siavakhsh-
nameh belonging to Mr. Behramgore Tehmuras Anklesaria, pp. 2-3.
The whole manuscript was completed on Roz Adar Mah A van 1221 A.Y.
(1852 A. C.) and was written by Mobed Jamshed bin Khorahid bin
Kaus bin Jamshed bin Maneck bin Behram bin Darab bin Sohrab bin
Maneck bin Peshotan laqab Sanjaneh, descended from Neryosang
Dhaval (Ibid, p. 219). The portion of Zarthosht-nameh was completed
30 FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PABSIS
(4) We also know him as a writer in Gujarat! verse of the
Siavakhsh-namah. He gives therein his name as Rust am
Peshotan Hormazdyar, 1 his town as Surat,* and the date of
the completion of the writing as Boz Hormazd, Mah Shahrivar,
Samvat 1736 3 , i.e., about 1679 A. C.
(5) In a letter, dated 1683, from Surat to Naosari we find
his name among other signatories, but we read after his name
the words ^i. >U^ $^ct>l, ., written by the hand of Maneck
Rustam. This Maneck Rustam seems to be his son, and he
may have signed the letter on behalf of his father, who, perhaps,
could not sign it himself owing to old age, or who, for some
other reason like illness, may have directed his son to sign
the document. 4
on Boz Astad, Mah Meher, 1221 (Ibid, p. 100), We find this date in the
Persian couplets at the end of Zarthost-nameh. In this Persian colo-
phon he gives hie name as Jamshed son of Khurshid. He gives his
grand-father's name as Kaus. The Siavaksh-nameh, which follows, has
colophons both in Gujarati and Persian (pp. 219-220). In the Guja-
rati colophons he carries on his pedigree higher than that of his grand-
father. In the Persian colophon at the end (p. 220) the scribe gives
the name of the place where he wrote it as Hind, in the country of
Kohkan town of Kaliani.
Zarthosht-nameh has been published by Mr. Bohramgoro Tehmuraa
Anklesaria in the several issues of the Zarthoshti (vide its various issues
from Farvardin 1273 A. Y. to Da6 1275 A. Y.).
(The Shiavakhsh-nameh edited by Ervad Tehmuras
D. Anklesaria p. 2.)
$ -"Mm (Ibid, p. 224)
tf Id
4 In those times, the son, at times, signed on behalf of his father.
For example, I have seen in the old records of the Parsee Panchayat,
Moola Feeroz, the well-known learned scholar, sign the public Reso-
lutions of: the Panohayat or Aojuman on behalf of his father.
FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PARSIS 31
From all that is said above aud what follows, we determine
the following dates about this Dastur Rustam Peshotan :
1651 A. C. The date of his Viraf-nameh, determined from
what follows.
1668 Letter to Persia in the matter of Nanabhai Pun-
t jiah's Tower of Silence.
1670 Letter from Persia, wherein he is one of the ad-
dressees.
1675 Wrote the Siavakhsh-nameh.
1679 Wrote hia Zarthost-nameh.
1683 Signed a letter to Naosari with other writere,
but not with his own hand. It was signed by
his son, thus indicating advanced old age.
Now, there remains another event in Dastur Rustam Pesho-
tan J s life, referred to first in the above
Dastur Rustam ligt> w hi c h, though I mention last, is not
nftmak fta date * hc lcast important for our subject. That
is the event of his writing the Gujarat!
Viraf-nameh referred to above. We will see from what is
said below, that it seems, that the date of this event precedes
that of all the above named events. In this work also, he
gives his name as Ervad Rustam Peshotan sut Hormazdyar. 1
We do not find the author giving the date of his writing
this \\ork, as he has done in the case of his other two works,
the Siavakhsh-nameh and the Zarthosht-nameh. Ervad
Tehmur^a Anklcsaria, the editor of the Siavakhsh-namah,
gives the dates of the above two n&mehs, but not the date of
H*
32 FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PARSI3
this Viraf-nameh, because he did not find it in his MS. also. This
puzzled me also at first. But, I think, we can trace the date
from the last line of his Viraf-nameh. The last line is not
P. 6 of a manuscript in my possession, presented to me by the late
Ervad Jamshorlji Sorabji Dastur of Naosari in June 1902. It is a copy
from the original, I pioduce here for inspection this manuscript writ-
ten in 1121 A. Y. (about 1752 A. C.). The colophon of this manuscript
runs thus: ^^ \{o\ ^ c^ a^ eft \o tf
This colophon does not give the name of the scribe, but it gives the
date of its being written as Samvat 1801, Yazdazardi 1121. The
owner of the manuscript, one Kuvcrji Kila Patel Bharucha endorsea
at the end in his own hand the sale of the book to Hormusji
Maneckji Marolia in Samvat 1907, i. e., about 106 years after the above
Sam vat year of the colophon. In this endorsement, in order to distin-
guish the date of the sale which he gives, he says in the very beginning
that the above date is that of the original manuscript. I give
below his endorsement of sale :
'll Ml- \\ \l- 13 t-U.
Subsequently, the purchaser, Hormusji Maneckji, sells it with another
endorsement to Nanabhai Hormusji Damania. Then the new
purchaser, Nanabhai Hormusji Damania makes a note on it of the
purchase and says that it was bought for Be. 8&.
At the end of my manuscript of the Gujarati version of Dastur Rustam
Peshotan, I find a rough painted picture of a girls' school witn four
girls standing with open books in their hands before a priest-teacher
also holding an open book in his hand and sitting on a ch.ir with a
table before him. The picture bears the heading : .
I do not know who this Bur jorji Sorabji Dastur is.
The picture gives one an idea of the dress of the Parsi girls about 50
years before our times. I remember seeing such dress in my boyhood.
The word t/^f^l(H (ischol) for English ' school ' and the use of a chair
and table show the picture to be of comparatively recent times.
The Parsi writers of the present day are, at times, found fault with,
as introducing foreign words in the Gujarati language and corrupting it.
But the use of the English word ' Doctor ' in the above writing of Sam-
vat 1907 shows that if the introduction of foreign words in a language
ia a fault, it ia a fault, not of the present pars! generation.
FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PARSI8 33
a rhymed line of the last couplet but is a line in prose. The
line runs thus :
''There was a limit at the last millenium which is completed."
I do not clearly understand the signification of this sentence.
I suspected from the line being an unrhymed line that, possibly
some words suggested the date. My suspicion turned out to be
true. The words *HI^ % 44^ ( $<rvi\) written in Persian as
*> !>*>*> f gi ye according to the memoria technica of abjad, the
date when Dastur Rustam Peshotan completed his work. The
words dkfiar, i. e., end, and samapat i.e., finished, ledto the sug-
gestion. Taking these words for the date, the date of the
work would be 1020 Yazdazardi, 1 i.e., about 1651 A. C.
I think, that as far as I know, that is the first instance in a
Qujarati book written by a Parsi, of giving the date, of the
writing according to the Persian Abjad process.
The date is quite possible. We saw above that in 1037
Yazdazardi (1668 A. C.), Rustam Peshotan was a signatory
in a letter to Persia. This letter was written by two brothers
Kuverji Nanabhoy and Hirjee Nanabhoy, the two sons of a
great man of Surat, Nanabhoy Poojia, who had built at his
own expense a new Tower of Silence at Surat. So, by this
time, Dastur Rustam was well-advanced in years to acquire
an honourable position among his people. So, it is likely that
m 1651, i.e., 17 years before this letter was written, he was
sufficiently well educated to write such a book.
We find that Rustam Peshotan has referred to himself
Rustam Pesho- in tne preliminary or introductory part
tan's reference to of his work. He first praises God
himself in the and then the Mazdayasni religion given
work - by God, which he says, he studied well
( lit. letter by letter ^f^X ^^\\ ). He then praises Zar-
thusht as the priest of priests, or as the teacher (guru of
teachers ^i<2l Q\ ). He deplores that he had to live
in the Kali yug ( fct-fl Jji<H ) and asks the protection of God,
as he had to suffer much ( ^cft *H<lfg* modern **(cl$ )
patiently. Then, he prays for Sarasti( $.1 Hi eft f r Shrasvat
the goddess of learning) to write his work. He then speaks.
1020.
34 FUVBRAL CEREMOHI1S OF THE
of reading the Viraf (nameh) before a Dastur. He then speaks
of the precious Viraf -namehs in Persian by Zarthusht Behram
and Noshirwan Behram and the Viraf-nameh known as Kauei
Viraf ( M*A 4Uli )* Dastur Rustam Peshotan writes as
follows about this matter:
MV>U ^^ ^i^- 2
At the end of the above passage, he says that he was a pupil
if Dastur Burjor. This Dastur Burjor seeins to be the well-
onown Dastur Burjor Kamdin, the compiler of the Riv&yat
known by his name. 3 He then refers to himself as the writer
kn the following verses,:
MR
*in<IR
1 This book, known an Vir&f-i K^usi ( i.e., Viraf-nameh written by
K&us), was written in about 133 A. C. by Kaus bin Fariborz bin Nav-
roz, a Persian Zoroastrian from Yezd, at the desire of Maneck Changa
and his son Bahman Maneck, the son and the grandson of the well known
leader Changashah of Nao&ari (Pars! Prakash, p. 7 ).
2 Folio 5.
3 We see Burjor Kamdin's name in a lettef to and from Persia,
written in 1626 and 1627. We also see it with that of Ervad Rustam
Peihotan in a letter from Persia in 1670 (Parsi Prakash I, p. 16).
VCNBRAL CEREMONIES OF THE PARSI9 35
It appears, that there is another Gujarati versified version
Another Guja- of the Virftf-namah. I produce one for
rati versified ver. inspection. It has been presented to our
aionofthe Viraf K. R. Cama Oriental Institute by Mr. Burjor
Namah. p Kumana recently, on 17th October 1921.
We find the following colophon at the end :
'HC-tl
Wa see from this colophon that this manuscript is about
74yeaidold. Now this version is not a new version from the
original Persian, but it is version of the versified version of
Dastur Rustam Peshotan. Dastur Rustam Pesholan's version
is ver difficult to understand. The late Ervad Tehmu-
ras Fmshaw Anklesaria, who edited Dastur Rustam's Shia-
vakhsh-namah, had to give a rather long glossary ^for it. It
seems that the writer of this version of Rustam's version,
finding the original version difficult to understand by ordinary
readers of his time, thought it advisable to render it into
simple Gujarati of his time. There are several facts which
make it evident that this is a version of Dastur Rustam
Peshotan 's Gujarati version :
(1) In the preliminary or introductory part the writer
refers to a teacher Burjo (Burjo Kamdin) just as Dagtur
Rustom has done (folio 2).
36 FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PAR3IS
(2) The writer thus mentions Ervad Rustam, the original
author, at the end (f. 1286) :
Here he thanks Ervad Rustam, the original author.
(3) There are numerous verses which show that Kooman&
has followed Rustam. As an instance, I give a few from the
preliminary or introductory portion.
Rustam (f. 1 &)
* ^
>UV>1
Koomana f. 1 a
CM
As another instance for comparison of the language, let us
take some verses after those of the account of the death of Dara
at the hand of Alexander. Dastur Rustam Peshotan says
(f. 23 6):
VH V*fl >
iMlH
FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PARSE* 37
Koomana renders this as follows :
Both have given pictures, but they vary. I am not a con-
noisseur of art, but I think that the art, whatever it be, dis-
played in the older version is better than that of the later one.
We also find in this later version of Koomana (f. 11 6) a very
rough miniature of the funeral. But it differs from that in
Peshotan's version in my manuscript and in the Paris
manuscript. This seems to show that the later versifier
Koomana did not attach much importance to the subject.
He or his painter acted according to his fancy.
Koomana gives one picture (f . 6 b) which we do not find in
the older version of Rustam Peshotan. It is given under the
following red ink heading :
i.e., The throne of Alexander from which he scattered
the sesamum seeds. This subject refers to a story given
by Nizami. It says, that when Alexander's messengers
carried his letter to the* court of Dara asking for submission,
Dara gave to the messengers a ball, a bat and a box
of sesajaum seeds to signify that Alexander was still a boy
who should better play with bat and ball than fight, and that,
if he f jught, he (Dara) would defeat him with an army as
large in number as the sesamum seeds in the box. It is
said thai Alexander's courtiers, on receiving these things,
tried to turn the scale upon Dara and asked Alexander to
take all these as good omen. They explained that as a bats-
man throws a ball anywhere he likes, so he (Alexander) can
show his strength anywhere in the world and conquer the world.
They threw the sesamum seeds on the ground and they were
soon swallowed by birds. So, Alexander would soon swallow
(t.e., conquer) the country of Iran and other countries. This
story is illustrated in this picture which shows Alexander
throwing with an uplifted hand the seeds from a horse. We
see the seeds scattered in the vicinity. Though, as said above,
the author, in his heading, speaks of Alexander as sitting upon
the throne, in the miniature he is represented as riding a horse.
38 FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PABSIS
II.
The above examination of my manuscript of the Gujarati
version of the Viraf-namah by Dastur Rustam Peshotan leads
us to examine and see that the miniatures referrred to by Mr.
Inostrantsev do not refer to a Parsi funeral of the 17th or
18th century as supposed by him.
The Persian Viraf-namahs of which Dastur Rustam gives
a version in his work, follows generally,
The Introduc- with some exceptions in details, the Pah-
tionofthe PaMavi lavi Viraf-namah. The Pahlavi Viraf-
" namah begins with a reference to Alexander,,
who conquered Iran and burnt its religious
and other literature in the royal archives of the Daz-i-
Napisht, and says that Adarbad Maraspand, the Iranian
Savanarola, going through an ordeal, restored to some
extent the old religion. It then introduces Ardai Virftf
as bringing about, by his visit to the other world,
further restoration. The Persian Viraf-namah makes a further
mention and that is of the name of Ardeshir Babegan, the
founder of the Iranian Renaissance after Alexander the Great.
We find this in the Introductory part of the Persian prose
Viraf-namah quoted and translated in the Pahlavi Viraf-namah
by Drs. Hoshang and Haug (pp. XV-XIX and LXXXIV-
LXXXVII). We find the same in the Persian Viraf-namah
by the late Dastur Kaikhusru Jamaspji in his edition of the
Pahlavi Viraf-namah (Pers. text pp. 1-i). Again, we find the
same in the Persian Viraf-namah of Noshirwan Marzban, given
in the Darab Hormazdyar's Rivayat. 1
The Introductory part of Dastur Rustam's Gujaiati version
The Introduc. S 068 a little further into the past than
tion of Dastur those of the above Pahlavi and Persian
Rustam Pesho- Viraf-namahs. The following hei dings tell
tan's Gujarati ^ w h a t further matter he dves in
VirAf-namah. his work.
(1) *
(2) ^
(3)
1 Darab Hormazdyar's Riv&yat by Maneckji R. Unvala with my
Introduction, Vol. II, pp. 331-342.
2 In my copy there is a blank in the page under this heading,
perhaps because the copyist found that part destroyed in the earlier
manuscript from which he copied.
FUNEBAL CEREMONIES OF THE FAB8X8 39
Here we find a miniature painting wherein a messenger pre-
sents an epistle (from Alexander) to a king sitting on his throne
(Darius).
Here there is a similar
painting to show that Alexander receives a letter from Darius.
<5) tu$ tfli'tt sim^fc/^ *AM <*>{M -*U<0 ^l^l. Here
is a painting which shows Alexander marching towards Persia
with his army.
(6) Then there is another painting with no heading as
usual in red ink, to show what that part of the book refers to.
But it seems that this painting represents Dara (Darius) march-
ing with his army against Alexander.
(7) *R tftt^ifel SUttl ^ *fl& *fcl tl&ftl ** Here is a
painting showing Dara riding on a white horse and
Alexander on a black horse, both meeting on a battle-field and
raising arms against one another.
(8) *ll$ W'K tttft ^U<iwi trfUNt*lfcr8pU&. Here is a
painting which shows Dara fallen on the ground and Alexander
holding his head on his lap. This shows that the battle took
place and Dara was killed. Alexander, out of sympathy,
sitsby Dara's side, laying his head on his lap. The sympathy
was more due to the fact, that Iranian tradition represented
that Alexander came down from a Persian ancestry and that
he was a step-brother of Dara.
(9) tug tuft t>H>i ^lftp{Ti*HU Ki ng D^a was taken
to the Tower of Silence. Here comes the particular miniature
which f< rms the subject of Mr. Inostrantsev's Report.
Dastur Rustam Peshotan simply refers in. passing to the dis-
posal of the body of Dara in the Tower of Silence in the
following three couplets (f . 24 a) :
4U FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE P ARSIS
Translation. (Alexander says) Ye all Iranians ! Do all that
is needful for this (Persian) king. Dispose of his body in the
Tower (dami). 1 He (Alexander) leaving there the head (of
Dara) got up from there and weeping thus went to his tent.
All good near ones (of Dara) thus treated him ; placing him on
a golden (^ili or handsome) bier carried him to the Dakhma.
We see from the above preliminary portion of the Gujarat!
Viraf-namah, that Dastur Bustam describes at first the war
between Darius and Alexander who is referred to in the intro-
ductory part of the Pahlavi Viraf-nameh as bringing ruin
upon Persia. The miniature painting, therefore, is not that of an
ordinary funeral of a Parsi of the 17th or 18th century as sup-
posed by Mr. Inostrantsev, but that of the funeral of King
Dara (Darius), as conceived by a Persian writer of the 17th
century. I think that the fact of the Viraf-namah having
been written in Gujarati and that very difficult old Gujarati,
which, at places, is not intelligible even to us, has somewhat
misled the Ruspian scholar. He has allowed himself to be
guided more by the miniature than by the to him unintelli-
gible- contents of the work.
If we compare the two miniatures the one giver by Mr-
Inostrantsev from the Gujarati Viraf-namah (No. 76 in the
National Library of Paris) and that in my copy of the boob,
we find a good deal of similarity. Mr. Inostrantsev says, that
the miniature in the other manuscript of the above library
is similar. So, it appears that the two manuscripts of the
Gujarati versified version of Viraf-namah in the Paris National
Library are copies of Dastur Rustam Peshotan's version
We will now try to understand the miniature given by
Explanation of Mr - Inostrantsev . Dastur Rustam Pe-
the Miniature shotan, or the painter of the miniature who
Painting, <jrew j t at y s instructions, had tv borrow
the elements of the picture from two sources.
(1) The funeral ceremony as it prevailed at the time, i.e.,
in the 17th Century and
(2) The funeral ceremony of a royal personage of the time
of Darius and Alexander.
1 Dami (u*J.S). That the word dami is used for dakhma, appears
from the fact, that the second version above referred to uses the word
dakhraa for RUstam's dami ( -
FUNEBAL CEREMONIES OF THE PABSIS 41
There was no difficulty about the first, as the Dastur knew
what it was. As to the second, he knew, that as Dara or Darius
was a Parsi king, the main features of the ceremony
must be the same, but there must be some additional append-
age on account of the deceased being a king. If we bear
this in mind, the details of the miniature seem to be clear.
Some of the differences between the actual modern ceremony
and tj^at as conceived or suggested by the author of the minia-
tures can at once be explained, if we bear in mind, that the
procession in this case is supposed to be direct from the battle-
field where Dara was killed. This fact explains the following
points which have perplexed Mr. Inostrantsev :
(1) The head of the deceased is uncovered, because Dara
is being carried direct from the battle-field to the place of the
Tower of Silence, where the final ceremony was to be perform-
ed and the body disposed of. We learn from Rustam's Viraf-
namah that Alexander bad cut off the head of Dara. Dara's
royal hat is lying on the ground (vide the preceding picture
in my manuscript). Again, he is described as holding the
severed head in his hand and as leaving it there on the battle-
field before he went to his tent. ' We read (f. 24 a.) :
., He (Alexander) leaving there the head (of Dara) got up
from there. So, the carriers are supposed to have temporarily
attached the head by some means to the body. Thus, we see,
why the head is naked.
Our author says " There is no mention in the essay of
Mr. Modi as to how the corpse has to be put on the stretcher.
In the miniature in the Gujarati manuscript, the corpse dressed
in white is lying with the face uncovered, when the bearers
are carrying him head forward. (In the picture in Ms. N. 75
the corpse if being carried feet foremost.)" * The practice in
India is tb it of putting the corpse on the bier feet foremost,
as shown in the second miniature referred to by our author.
The Far azi&t- namah of Darab Pahlan says on this subject;
A** a (gj~9 !jl~3 ^ jj *tf i.e., the face of the dead body shall
point towards the Dakhraa.
Besides the above clear facts, as expressed in the above
referred to quotation from the text of the Gujarati Ardai Viraf,
saying that the corpse was directed by Alexander to be carried
1 Journal, No. I, p. 73.
42 FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE P ARSIS
for disposal, the following facts lead to show, that the picture,
though it is a picture of a funeral, is not the picture of a regular
funeral for the disposal of the body in the Tower, after the
last ceremony is performed, but the picture of simply carrying
the corpse from the battlefield to the place of the Towers
something like that which we see at times in Bombay, of corp-
ses being conveyed from Hospitals to the place of the Tower,
where they are placed in a particular place for the last obse-
quies to be performed before the disposal of the body in the
Tower.
(1) The head is uncovered. No Parsis of the 17th or the
18th century or even of the present century would ever think
of carrying a body bareheaded to a Tower. Here, in the
miniature it is the corpse of a king whose head was cut off
on a battlefield that is being carried from there, for the
last obsequies.
(2) The face is uncovered. In a regular Parsi funeral
that is not the case.
(3) The dress of the carriers shows that thry are not the
regular nasasalars or carriers clothed in all white. At least
their head-dress clearly shows this.
(4) The uncovered hands without gloves also show t!:at it
is not a regular funeral.
(5) The two well dressed persons carrying flags show that
there is something unusual, not seen in a Parsi funeral.
Here, the body is that of a king who is being carried from a
battlefield in a procession, and so, men with flags form a proper
appendage.
(6) The presence of a horse in the procession also shows
that there is something unusual. The horse is wit out a rider,
and he represented the horse ( of Darius ) whoso ri ler is killed
in the battle.
(7) The drawings of the Tower and the Sagdee in the pic-
ture show that the procession is represented as having enter-
ed into the premises of the Tower. So, the presence of
more than one dog there is natural. At the Towers they goner-
ally keep more than one dog, to be used when more than one
funeral come in at the same time. Here the dogs are unchain-
ed and move about loose. This fact also shows that it is net
the last formal funeral, during which the dog is carried with
a chain by a person to the corpse for the sagdid.
FUNERAL CBREMONIES OF THE P ARSIS 43
Mr. Inostrantsev thinks that the hut in the picture, " the
hut with the man sitting in front of the same, represents, most
probably, either the house of the deceased or a special build-
ing, known as ' Nassakhanah. J " No, it is the Sagri near
a Tower, where a fire or lamp is always burning. 1
The entrance to the Sagri is small and very low down on the
ground. This may perhaps surprise even a Parsi of the
present generation who generally sees sagris of a better form.
But I remember, seeing in my younger days sagris of the type
in the picture under consideration. Formerly, they were
generally small and low on the ground and their entrances
were also small. Anybody who wanted to enter had to stoop
down, and to go in, in something like a- sitting posture. " The
man sitting in front," as said by our author, seems to show
him in the posture of entering it.
Our author says : " Unexplained from the Parsi ritual
remains the representation of the two persons in front carry-
Ing banners and the saddled horse." He explains this by the
analogy of some burial ceremonies of contemporary Musulman
Persia. There is no need of such an explanation. The ex-
planation is as given above. It is the preliminary funeral
procession of a royal corpse being carried to the premises of
the Towers from a battlefield. The writer of the Viiaf-narnah
or the painter of the picture has dwelt upon his .imagination,
or on what he saw at Surat, to give an idea of the procession
of the cortege of a royal personage like king Dara. In drawing
upon his imagination, the writer or the painter may have had
before him what he may have seen at the Mahomedan courts
of the Nawa.br of Surat.
I Vide mv "Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the
Parsis." (19? )), p. 72.
APPENDIX.
Since writing the above, Mr. Beheramgor Tehemuras
Anklesaria has kindly given me another Ms. of a Gujarat!
version of the Viraf-nameh. It begins with the usual Pahlavi
and Persian forms of invocation and then has the following
heading in red ink :
i.e., This Viraf-nameh has been copied after simplification from
the one which was written with pictures.
The word ^ul (w\ Pers. a l * i.e., simple) makes it clear,
that, according to the scribe, it is a simplified version from
the original. He does not name the original, but, comparing
the texts we easily find that it is a simplified rendering from
the original of Rustam Peshotan. The simplicity is mostly
in that of changing the old archaic forms of words of Rustam
Peshotan into simple forms, so that the readers of the scribe's
time: can understand the book more easily. It is the rendering
of a kind similar to that of the Manuscript referred to by me
in my above paper. This simple rendering stands between
the original of Rustam Peshotan and the rendering of the
Kumana-text, which is much simpler than that of this
version.
This Ms. has the following Gujarati colophon a; the end.
\W
tfl
1cliHtt
FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE PARSI3 45
Translation : Finished with salutation, joy and pleasure
on the auspicious day Mino, (i. e., spiritual) Ram in auspicious
month Khurdad Amshaspand, Parsi year 1170 Yazdezerdi.
Day i ........ month ........ year 1215 Hijri. The
book of Viraf is finished on this day. Its \\riter is
Mobed humble, (i e. t dust-like) Mobed Kustom, son of Sohrab,
con of Khorshed, son of Mehcinosh surnamed Miuocher Homji.
(He) has copied it for looking into it for himself from another
book. Its juzs are written 12, twelve by calculation.
The Gujarati colophon is followed by a colophon hi Persian
verses. 1 give below some extracts from this writer and
Rustam Peshotan and Kumana to show, how the later
versions are simplified.
Rustam Peshotan's version (f. 26).
cif^
Minooher Homji's Ms. (folio 7.)
1 It seems, that the writer of the version of the scribe intended
to give the Mahometan day and month, but, not knowing them at
the time, left blanks which he forgot to fill up later on.
48 FUNERAL CEREMONIES OF THE FARSIS
tiki
cl
Si 5j*Hrt x i SUQ Si
Wfl tiki SHU afel
JlvT
dl
Kumana(foHo 12 a).
ell
ivf te
tiki wi^(l ^^T Si IR^I a
^l<Hl Mi^l k/oytfl <<l6 id H?tiltil
tiki '
Mitil (Ml
ll<l wftflRW MRA^Hl cfl^Q
tik
tiki
^ Wtiltil
Mittti Wtiltil
A NOTE 1 ON THE "PARSEE MASSACRE
AT VARIAV."
According to the Kissoh-i-Sanjan, a there was an old Parsee
settlement at Variav, near Surat. Some recent writings 3 refer to
a fight or massacre at this place, wherein many Par sees, especial-
ly women, were killed. The Par sees of Malesar at Naosari
still observe the day of the massacre on Parseo Roz 29, Mah 1
by celebrating the Baj, i.e., by performing tho annual funeral
ceremony. Recently, a Parsee Journal cast some doubts on
the authenticity of the event, on the ground, that something
more authentic must be pointed out to prove the authenticity
of the event. In my paper on " An Old Manuscript of the
Kitab-i-Darun Yashtan," 4 read before the Jarthoshti Din ni
Khol Karnari Mandli, I drew attention to a reference to the
event of the massacre in that manuscript, written in Sam vat
1806, i.e., about 173 years ago. In an Appendix 5 to that paper, I
drew attention to an older manuscript, a Disa Pothi, written
inSamvat 1793, i.e., about 186 years ago. In a post-script to
tha"- appendix, 6 I referred to another older Disa Pothi, written
in Samvat, 1782 i.e., about 197 years ago. Thus, I showed that
there was some truth in the statements of tho later writers
about the event which seemed to be authentic. Now, the
object of this Note is to refer to a still older book, written more
thar 300 years ago, wherein the event is referred to. The
reference in this book further shows the authenticity of the event.
Tho book, 7 I want to refer to in this Note, is that of Rev.
Fenry Lord, written in A.D. 1621, i.e., about 301 years ago.
1 Chis note was read before tho Jarthoshti Din ni Khol Karnari Man-
dli, at its sitting of 16th December 1922, Samvat 1979, 1292 A. Y.
2 Vide my " A Few Events in tho Early History of the Parsees and
their Dates," p. 14.
fe
353-65.
4 Published in the Journal of the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, No. I,
p. 17.
5 Ibid, p. 31.
6 Ibid, p. 32.
7 ' A Discovery of two foreign sects in the East -Indies, viz., the Sect
of the Banians, the ancient natives of India, and the Sect of the Per-
48 PAESEK MASSACRE AT VARIAV
He was at Surat as the Chaplain of the English factors for several
years. Lord, in his Introduction, says, that his information
was obtained from " one of their (i.e., the Parsees') church-
men called their Daroo, 1 and by the interpretation of a Persee,
whose long employment, in the Company's service, had brought
him to a mediocrity in the English tongue." He refers to this
event in the first chapter " declaring who these Persees are,
their ancient place of abode, the cause of relinquishing their own
Country, their Arrival in East India, and their abode there."
At first, under the marginal heading of " oppressed by the
Mahometans," he thus speaks of the cause of th^ir coming to
India. " The Mahometans upon the death of Yezdegerd, carried
all in conquest before them, and subjected the natives of the
country as vassals unto them ; and, as new lords bring in new
laws, they contented not themselves to bring them to their
form of government in state subjection, but also in matters of
religion, to live according to Mahomet's constitutions, compelling
them to be circumcised according to the Mahometan custom,
contrary to the form of their own religion and worship. These
Persees, not enduring to live contrary to the prescript of their
own law, and less able to reject their yoke, many of them by
privy escape, and as close conveyence as they might of their
goods and substance, determined a voyage for the In lies,
purposing to prove the mildness of the Banian Rajahs, if there,
though they lived in subjection for matter of government,
they might obtain liberty of conscience in course of religion."
Lord then speaks of their coming to the shores of the Persian
Gulf and embarking from a place named Jasques on a fleet of
seven juncks. He then speaks of their coming to Sanjan, and
it appears, from what he says of tho treaty with the Raja, that
the same Raja ruled over Nuncery (Naosari) and Sanjan. The
Parsees in five of the seven juncks or boats thus treated with
the Raja who ruled over all the regions including Naosari and
Sanjan. Then, he thus speaks of the Parsees in the othei two
juncks : " The other two juncks remaining, one of them put
into the road of Swaley, 2 and treated with a Rajah that then
sees, the ancient inhabitants of Persia, together with the Religion and
Manners of each sect, in two parts, by Henry Lord, sometime resi-
dent in East -India, and Preacher to the Honourable Company of Mer-
chants trading thither.'* This book is included in Churchill's Collection
of Voyages and Travels. The section of the Parsees is at pp. 328-42.
The first edition as a separate book was published in 1630.
1 For the word Daroo, vide my Paper on " Anquetil Du Perron of
Paris and Dastur Darab ot Surat" ( J. B. B. B. A. S. of 1916, VoL
XXIV, p. 386). Vide my Anquetil Du Perron and Dastur Darab, p. 71
2 Modern Sum&ri.
PAKSBJE MASSACRE AT VABIAV 49
resided at Bariaw near unto Surat, who entertained them on
like conditions to the former ; l but the Rajah of that place,
having wars with a neighbouring Rajah, who got the conquest,
the Persoos that resided with tho conquoied, were all put to
the eword, as adherents to the Enemy." Then Lord says,
that the seventh junck wont to Cambay and was received by
the ruling power there " upon the prementioned conditions."
It would seem that tho details of what happened at Sanjan,
according to the Kisseh-i-Sanjan,at the time of the invasion cf
Mahomed Begada, have been transferred by Lord to Bariav also.
But, however that may be, there is no good reason to doubt
the main fact, recorded by Lord, of a defeat and a massacre of
Parsis at Bariav (Variav). Thus, in his book written in 1621
A.C. i.e., about 301 years ago, we find an older authority than
that of the three Parsee manuscripts referred to above. Lord
does not give the date of the event but merely refers to a massacre
at Variav (Beriaw). 80, it appears certain, that the event
happened some time earlier, much earlier than 1621 A.D.
The later oral tradition, as recorded in the above- Bombay
Gazetteer of Sir James Campbell, and in Mr. Sorabji Desai's
History of Naosari connects the event with a massacre of
women f rst and then of mtn. Mr. Desai attributes it to differ-
ences with tho adjoining Bhils ; the Gazetteer to differences
with the Rajput chief of Ratanpur. The latte: seems to be
more probable, and Lord's account seems to support it. Both
the Gazetteer's account and Mr. Desai's account associate
women specially with the event amd speak of their bravery.
But Lord does not refer to any special part played by the women.
Again, our own three authorities, the Kitab-i-Darun Yasht
and the two Disa-pothis do not refer to any special part played
by women. The Kitab-i-Damn Yasht speaks of " JJ<n^l<l>U
^H N&H MlV^H'^Hl'" These Gujarati words seem to refer to
a massacre, of the males, not of females. Had there been
an anw joar over the final letter a (^1).), we could have
positively said, that both males and females were included.
But, anyhow these words do not seem to associate the event
specially with women. Again, the words of the first Disa-pothi
are ^l>Uld ct^CI^UHl ^Cl1 They also do not inolicate
anything special about women ; but, at the same time, they
do not exclude women. In the same way, the second Disa-
pothi also does not specialise women but speaks generally.
Lord also does not refer to women. So, it seems, that we
must wait till some further authority is discovered to.
connect the event particularly with women.
1 i.e., conditions similar to those with the Bajah at Sanjan.
7
A FEW NOTES ON THE PAHLAVI TREATISE
OF DRAKHT-I ASURlK.*
I.
This paper has been suggested to me by a brief study o* a
paper, entitled " Drakht-i-Asurik," by Dr. Jamshedji Maneckji
Unvala, published in a recent " Bulletin of the School of Oriental
Studies, London Institution 5J (Vol. II, Part IV., pp. 637-678).
Dr. Unvala gives his " wording of the text " and translation
with copious notes, all preceded by a Preface. As he says
in the Preface (p. 640), his " wording of the text is based mostly
on the text published in the Pahlavi Texts," edited by Dastur
Dr. Jamaspji Minocheherji Jamasp Asana (pp. 109-114), pub-
lished in 1913 with an excellent Introduction by Mr. Behram-
gore Tahmuras Anklesaria. 1 The Pahlavi text was, ere this,
published and lithographed l>y Mon. E. Blochet in the "Revue
de L'Histoire des Religions" (Tome XXXII (189(5), Litho-
graphed Pahlavi, pp. 18-23) under the heading "Textes Pehlvis
inedits relatifs a la Religion Mazdeenne." This text is the
seventh or the last of the seven texts published and translated
with notes by M. Blochet in the Review. 2
Blochet calls this text an "apologue," 3 , i.e., a moral fable
and says: "Cette fable est tiree bu manuscript Supplement
persan, no. 1216, p. 1-4, La copie est tres moderne et en
beaucoup d'endroits fautives. " 4 He, in his "Catalogue
des Manuscrits Mazdeens (Zends, Pehlvis, Parsis et Fersans)
de la Bibliotheque Nationale " (p. 68), speaks of the above
"supplement porsan 1216," as "Recueil de differents traites
zends et pehlvis" arid of this Pahlavi text as "Fable pehlvie,
contenant une descussion entre un chene et un^ chevre
* This paper was read before the Jarthoshti Dan-ni khol karnari Mandl
on 27th July 1923.
1 Mr. Behramgore Ankleaaria had also, with his learned father, the
late Ervad Tahmuras Dinshaw Anklosaria, a great and important hand
in the preparation and publication of the Texts.
2 Two texts precede pp. 99-115 of the Translation and Notes. This
text precedes p. 217.
3 Revue de PHistoire des Religions (1895), Vol. 32, p. 233.
4 Ibid, pp. 236-37.
A FEW NOTES ON THE DRAKHT-I ASURlK. 51
sur la question de savoir lequel des deux est le plus utile a
1'homme." 1
Dr. West, in his article on Pahlavi Literature (Grundrisa
der Iranischen Philologie I Bank II, p. 119), speaks of thia
treatise as " Darakht-i-Asftrig ", professing " to be an alter
cation between a tree growing in the country of Asur and a
goat, in which both state their claims to being more useful
than the other to mankind. *'
Thus, we see that five Iranian Scholars have more or less
referred to this text. Three of thorn- Bloohet, Jamaspji and
Unvala have published the text- Two of them Biochet and
Unvala have also translated it. One of them Behramgore
has given a purport of it in his Introduction (pp. 37-39) ot
Jamaspji's edition. West has very briefly said what it contains.
The story in brief is, that a certain tree says to a goat, that
it (the tree) is more useful to mankind than the goat. The
tree enumerates the different uses for which it is used. Then,
the goat runs down the tree and advances' its own claim as
being more useful to mankind than the tree, the tree of Asur.
The writer docs not give the title of the writing. What
Blochct says 2 generally of the Pahlavi writings is true of
this also, that k bears no name. Dr. Unvala, in his article,
Heads tho text as " Drakht-i-Asurik " in Pahlavi. But he
has added the heading from himself. It does not occur in the
texts given by Biochet and Jamaspji. In the text itself, the
tree is referred to in four places by name:
1. In tho very beginning (S. II) 3 , it is spoken of as " the
tree which grows on the frontiers of the country (city) of Asurik
(drakM ai r'ost aest (ast) levin an shatra Asurik)."
2. Then in S. 20, as " drakht-i- Asurik." 4
3. T\en in S. 45, as " drakht-i- Asurik."
4. Then in S. 48, as " drakht-i-Asurik."
1 i. e. f " A Pahlavi fable containing a discussion between an oak and
a she -goat on the question as to which of the two is most useful to
mankind. "
2 " L'ouvrage (Bundehesh) est absolument anonyme et sans titre.
commo d' ailleun malheureu3sement , presque tons les livres pehlvia"
(Le Revue del'Histoire des Religions, 1895, Vol. XXXII, p. 100).
3 1 give the figures as given by Jamaspji.
* Unvala adds here and in the following an ' ' of his own. Th
other texts do not give it.
62 A FEW NOTES ON THE DRAKHT-I ASUB1K
Thus we see that the tree is spoken of thrice as "Darakht-
i- Asurik," and in one place only, and that in the very begin-
ning, as "the tree growing on the frontiers of the Asurik coun-
try or the Country of Asur." The kind or the species of the
tree is not mentioned at all. On the other hand, the animal,
with which there has arisen the question of superiority, is men-
tioned clearly as goat (^buz (^>J )
II.
Now the question I propose determining is : Which is the
tree referred to as the Darakht-i- Asurik ? Of all the five scho-
lars referred to above, four do not say what the tree is. Bloche,
only says what tree it is, and that even, not in his article of
translation and notes in the Review of the History of Religions
but in his above-mentioned Catalogue of the Iranian MSS. in
the National Library of Paris. He speaks of the tree in
French as " chene " which means an '* oak ". West dors not
say what tree it is. Behramgore doos not say what tree it is,
but he seems to take it to be a large tree with hard wood. Un-
vala also does not say what that tree is, but from his rendering
of several words, he seems to take it for a large tree like the
oak. I beg to submit that the tree is tho date-palm. All
the various uses which the tree claims for itself do not suit the
oak, but they suit the date-palm. We will look into the pro-
perties claimed by the tree, to see, that they all suit the date-
palm. In doing so, I will submit my Notes on some words
here and there, where I differ from the learned scholars who
have written on the subject. The properties and uses &,re the
following 1 :
(1.) Dry trunk (dun khushk).
(2.) Green top (sar lachin) 1 .
1 Blochet reads the words as razin and says : "Razin est 1'equivalent,
de tor, qui signifie, en persan, humide, raouille et de la, en pftrlant d* une
plante, vert, verdoyaiit," i.e 'Razin is the equivalent of tar which signifies
in Persian, ' humid* watery, ' and from that, on speaking of a plant
'green verdent' (Revue de 1'Histoire des Religions (1895), Vol, 32, p. 237).
Unvala follows Blochet, and translates the word as " Moist. " He says.
"The copyist has written the ideogram for tar 'aside, besides/ instead of
If 'tarr fresh,' M.P.j-V* Blochet calls this " an abusive use in Pahlavi"
of a " synonyme de tar pour traduire lo zend taro dans des expressions ou
il a un sens tout different." Such an "abusive use " of synonyms is
possible. We find such misuse in the Persian rendering of a word in
the Pahlavi Vandidad (Ch. V. s. 30). In the A vesta of this section, we
A FEW NOTES ON THE DRAKHT-I-ASURIK 53
(3) Fibres (straight) like canes (rish kanya) 1 .
(4) Fruits like grapes (bar maned angur).
(5) Sweet produce (bar shirin).
(6) Fruits eaten by kings.
d, that Ahura Mazda, in reply to a question as to how many persons
out of all those who are sitting together in close contact with a dead body
e;g., on a carpet, are defiled, if an unholy wicked person dies in their
midst , says :
i.e., (such a wicked man is ) like a frog whoso poison is dried up (hushk
P. <***^ ) and which has been dead more (taro) than a year ago."
Now the word taro ( V'*? ) in the Avesta is used in this sense of
"over, beyond, outside" (Vend. III. 29; XIV 16; XV 9, 10, &c.). So
he first Pahlavi translator very properly seems to have rendered it by
the ideagram Mpr (levin, read also roin or ruin. Hoshang's Vend.
glossary, p. 200) which means " before, in front, foregoing." But the
gloss of i* in Persian is given as^-* i.e., moist. The Persian commentator
took the Pohlavi rendering 'levin' of the Avesta V*V to mean Jt* moist
(Hoshang's Pahlavi Vendidad, p. 1 78, n. 4. ) He was misguided by
the Avesta word tard which he took to correspond to Persian j*
Again, finding the word *k hushk' dry' preceding it, he was easily misled
to take this word for 'moist* and so gave it as^3 The word V&
in the text is tho same as Irr
But, though this abusive use is possible, I beg to suggest another
derivatioT . It is from the Avesta root yj* Sans, f^ Lat.
licere, licetare, linquere, to leak Pers. &^>j It is the root vihichwe
find in our English word 'Irrigate* Cf. j*cW*^j~OW* (Vend.
13) 'irrigating twice.' Again, in the light of what Hoshangji says, as
mentioned above, one may be tempted to read the word roin or
ruin, i.e., 'foregoing 1 and take it to mean 'lofty.' In that case, the
word may be taken to be the same as Pers. raiwan
"preceding/* The words may then mean "lofty top" and they also
uit a characteristic of the date tree.
1 Kanya, Pahl. Vend V., 44. ArabJ 1 ** a cane.
54 A FEW NOTES ON THE DRAKHT-I'ASURIK
(7) Plates of a weaver's shuttle (makukan 1 takht).
(8) Canopy 2 of the sails of ships (bad banan <jUlj ^lj)
(9) Brooms to sweep houses (jinak rub ---- mun man vira-
zend.)
(10) Stick for beating oxen, while separating grain from
straw (Gawaz 3 ____ mun kupend gah va beranj).
(11) Bellows for blowing fire (daminak (p. /**a). . . .atashan
vazai) .
(12) Shoes 4 of the farmers (mok-i-varzegaran. p. 3j*).
(13) Shoes of the bare-footed (nakh]an-i-barhane-payan.
p. ^IdO shoes. A^ is also a palm-tree. So perhaps,
the shoes were so-called, because they were at first
prepared from palm-trees).
(14) The rope (rasan Arab, i^j) with which goats' feet
are tied.
(15) The stick (P. chub) which they put 5 on the necks
(gardan &*>j$) of the cattle.
a weaver's shuttle.
2 V*V* "Tapestry with which they adorn the walls on feast days"
(Steingass). Unvala translates it as "'cloth.' It Seems to be the same
as the Avesta word " fraspat" (Yasht XV, 2, 7, 11 ) in the sense of
" canopy." I have seen, in some parts of the Chinese Sea, sails made
of a kind of matting.
3 _*)*4i(52, Pers. 3!> an ox-goad. I think, it is a reference
to the process of separating grain from the husk, in which process the
ox is made to walk over the Stalks of the rice-plants. Unvala seems
to havo taken the tree to be the oak, and so he takes gauidz f o r
mortar (P. }\y means mortar also)^
4 Unvala, perhaps with the idea of taking the tree to be l the oak,
adds in bracket the word "wooden" before " shoes."
5 Behramgore and Unvala take the word JVy mdchend from
Pers. mdchidan, to kiss, and translate, " the stick wherewith they kisa
(machend ) the two apples of the neck " (Behramgore), or "the post
with which they kiss thy neck " (Unvala). But I think, that to speak
of a stick or a piece of wood, put round the neck of a goat or an ox to
prevent it from running away easily, as " kissing the neck " of the goat
is too dignified or high-flowing a way of speech to be applied to a goat.
Blochet translates as : baton avec lequel on te fait courberle col" (p. 234).
(The stick with which they bend down the neck.) So, he does not take
the word machend in the sense of " kissing," but in that of 'bending.*
A FEW NOTES ON THE DRARHT-I-ASURIK 55
(16) The peg (mikh &* ) by which they hang the head
down. (This refers to the practice of hanging the
carcase of the slaughtered animal by its feet with a
view to dress it properly.)
(17) Chips of wood for roasting (you) the goat. 1
I derive the words tyvt WO from Avesta f >-?' Sans. Jff^-j^
i.e., to place over, Our Gujerati word l45j^ comes from this root
p>G which we find in Lat. e.mwrc<7-ere, to lay aside.
1 The sentence runs thus:
Chiba humanam ataran mun lak sich barizend. In this sentence Blochet
gives the last but one word as CU instead of as ft-** and he trans-
ti
lates the sentence as follows: " Jo deviens le combustible du feu
avec lequel on te rechauffe durant los riguours de 1* hiver,, (i.e., "I become
tho combustible of fire with which they warm thee during the rigour of
winter.)"
In the first place, I think the word *sij' or 'saj.' as given by Blochet,
is miswritten. In his Notes he (p. 238, Note 26) gives the word as
"sij, sej,Zend ithyfjd." The Pahlavi of the Avesta word is 0-^ as given
in Dastur Jamaspji's text. From what I had heard at the time, Dastur
Jamaspji himself had given a copy of some of his rare Pahlavi texts
and among them of this text to Darmesteter, when he was in Bombay
in 1887, and, I think, that the text, which Blochet handles in his
translation and which he has given as " supplement Persan 1216 " in his
Catalogue (p. 68) formed a part of Darmesteter's collection presented
to the Bibliotheque Nationalo by Mme. Mary Darmesteter in 1895
(vide Blochet's Catalogue, Preface p. 2). So, I think, the word, as he
has gi\en it, is miswritten. Leaving aside the question of the reading
of tho word, I do not understand how Blochet ha arrived at the
translation ^hich ho gives, viz., "warming the goat during the rigour
of winter " Tho rendering is far-fetched and we do not know on what
ground he has based that rendering. Unfortunately he is silent on
the point in his Notes.
Behramgore Anklesaria gives the rendering as " Fuel am I of the fires
wherewith, too, they roast thee" (Introduction of the Pahlavi texts
p. 38). He seems to have taken the word ' sich' for a word earring
the idea of "too." The last letter ' ch* seems to have led him to that
interpretation.
Unvala translates: "I am the fuel of the fire which roast thee complete-
ly. " He takes the word in question to be the same as modern
sich, " preparation, order" and says: " Most probably the meaning
" preparation " is developed from the original meaning * pain/ * the
successful passing through pain,' and hence preparation ...... Here
of course I take the verb adverbially through and through, and the
56 A FEW NOTES ON THE DKAKHT-I ASURIK
(18) Shade 1 in summer.
(19) The seat 2 of cultivators.
expression sez bristun equal to modern Persian &**** t ^ s ^^ to cook
thoroughly." This seems to be much far-fetched, and so, he very rightly
hesitates to accept this as a correct rendering and adds : '* or does the
word signify some product of the goat " ?
Thus, we see, that the word sfch troubles all the above three learned
scholars. I think the difficulty is solved, if you take the word to bo the
same as Pers. iHS** 'a roasting-spit, ' a word which we Parsees stil
use as ( *J<yV c U< T {l ) *ft*. The word ^flk is given in the Gujarat!
and English Dictionary, compiled by Mirza Mahomed Cauzim and
Nowrozjee Furdoonjee (1846) as meaning "a spit, an iron rod for roasting
meat" (p. 377). The authors derive the word from P. ** The word
chfba (which is also found as chipa, vide Glossary of the Viraf-nameh
by Hoshang-Haug, p. 127) means " fire wood/' as well as "chips of wood,
sticks" (Ibid). Now, here, the reference seems to be to tho practice in the
East, which we saw upto a few years ago in Bombay and which we still
see in some centres of date-palms, such as Naosari, Surat, Gundavec, &c.
People going on picnic parties to drink toddy, the juice of the date-palm.
under the date-palms, get some palm- branches cut and prepare chips from
the hard portion of its wood and then pierce pieces of mutton through
it to be roasted in fire. The practice is known tp many of us "'ho have
attended such toddy picnic parties at Naosari. Bearing this fact in
mind, and taking tho word sich to be the same as Pers. &* Sfkh, ow,
modern Parsee Gujerati tnk ^A\% f the difficulty is solved and the
translation is easy as " I am (i.e., I form) the chips of wood with the
roasting spits of which they roast thee on fire.
1 The word asayfc is Pers. /oU 'shade,' Gujerati &fi|i. But, as
it is used in connection with shatraddrdn or ShehrdArdn i.e.} rulers
of cities, Blochet and Behramgore take it as referring to umbrellas
held over kings. The proper word for umbrella is CL> ^ *! '* ' saye-
ban and so, I agree with Unvala, and say that the word simply refers to
the shade given to all, even to kings, by the palm. For what we know,
the umbrellas of kings are made of richer stuffs than date-palm leaves.
2 This word is variously read. Blochet reads it as " arsh" and puts
the mark of question (?), to doubt whether the reading is correct. He
Bays : "Je ne connais aucun mot iranien ou semitique, qui puisse en
etre rapproche. La lecture en est aussi douteuse que le sens " (p. 238).
Then hesitatingly he Says : " La phrase signifie mot a mot : Je suis
1'arsh (?) (ruche.) des ouvriers en miel." So, Blochet hesitatingly takes the
word for bee-hive (ruche). Behramgore reads the word as kharya. To him,
the meaning seems to be unintelligble. Unvala takes it to be an ideogram
forshakr, i.e., sugar. The ideogram for shakr (sugar) in the Pahlavi
Pazend glossary is atdr ^(CP (Hoshang-Haug, Chap. V).
I read the word as arsh t Arab, uv* which has several meanings, such
as, "throne, chair of state, roof of a house, a tent," &c. It also means
NOTES ON THE DRAKHT-I ASUBIK 57
(20) A place of conversation (gob-gac) ? l
(21) Agrainary. 2
(22) Medicine chest (P.
*'stay, support." So, I think the word may mean 'a seat" a tent or
shed. It refers to the use of the palm leaves, both for matting and for
tent-like huts or sheds, by poor cultivators ; or it may be taken in the
sense of the word, "support " and to refer to the fact that the poor
live upon the fruits of the palm trees. Again, the word can also be read
as kharsh, and, in that case, it may be the same as Arabic
" earning sustenance for one's family." In that case, it may be taken
in the second meaning ol the above word 'arsh.'
1 Blochet takes the word to mean "miel," i.e., honey. We find the
word in the Pahlavi Pazend glossary (Hoshang-Haug, p. 121), read as
gobashya. Then, it is added in a bracket that " it ought to be read
" dobashya." The meaning of the word is given as 'honey/ It is said
to be the same as angmin fjljfp (ibid. p. 63), Pers. i&k&\ Blochet
with some hesitation tranlates the sentence containing this and the
preceding words as " Je suis I'arsh de ceux qui recueillent le miel. "
Beiehramgore finds it difficult to understand this word. He simply gives
thb meaning of the sentence as " I am the kharya of the farmers, the
gohashyd of the nobles." I am not sure of my reading. Unvala translates
tne sentence as, " I am the sugar of the cultivators and the honey of the
noble. " fhe meaning seems probable, if we take it, that the reference
is to the preparation of sugar from the juice of the palm and to the
f reparation of honey by the bees from its flowers or juice. But, as
the uses mentioned above and below the one in question, do not refer to
its use as any food, but to its Use for the ordinary purposes other than
that of food, I do not think that this meaning will do. I think that just
s the above arsh refers to some kind of seat, this word also may be taken
for a similar purpose. So, I am inclined to take it as gob-gas, i.e., a
parlour, a place where noblemen may sit and talk. It seems to refer to
some ornamental arbour made of the branches of the date-palm. Aa
said above, I am a little doubtful of my rendering. If we accept the
rendering of Unvala for this and the preceding word as "sugar and
honey," which on the face seems to bo possible, then it may be said in
upport, that both sugar and honey are made from dates of the date
palm.
a Blochet divides the word as }f ) CJ? and translates as "rouet
et le fuseau" (p. 234), i.e., "a spinning wheel and a spindle." Behram-
gore takes it for tafaiig -&*3 a musket. Unvala takes the word
for chest. The word is used in that sense in the Pahlavi Vendid&d (VII,
48), where Dastur Dorabji takes it for 'chest* (Vide his Phl. Vend.
p. 124, n. 3). I take the word in the sense of Pers, Jp*$* tapangd, which
means "a grainary" (Steingase). We know, that even now, in some
parts of Gujarat they make large baskets from palm-leaves to store
8
58 A FEW NOTES ON DBAKHTI-ASURIK
(23) Growth form seeds. 1
(24) Nest of birds (asyan murvijgan).
(25) shelter to workers 2 (u)L^K /oU)
(26) Bunches of date-fruits which serve as food, hanging
from the top. 3
1 This subject does not seem to have been properly understood
by Blochet and Unvala. Behramgore has not given its purport, Blocnet
has taken the word ^* as khastS />*~^ with the preceding sentence
translating it as fatigues, i.e., fatigued. Unvala has done'the same.
I think Behramgore Anklesari* is quite right in ending the preceding
sentence with p^*)- The next word, which Blochet and Unvala
have wrongly read khaste P. yJuA is pers. haste ^ " fruit-stone "
(Steingess. Vide also in Wollaston's English-persian Dictionary, p. 1230.
the word "stone" where the word for " seeds of fruit " is given as kastt).
I read the sentence as follows : "Haste bard ramittinam povan n6k b&m
rtist amat arzewl mard-Ame digham bard Mvindsend", i.e., when they
throw my stones in new ground, I grow up (as a tree). When people (thus)
appreciate mo they do not destroy me (i.e., my stones or seeds). Here
the reference is to the fact that when the seeds or stones of the date-fruit
are thrown on the ground after the fruit is eaten and when they fall on
good soil, they shoot forth as new date plants. For this purpose people
do not destroy the stones of the fruit, but collect them.
2 Reading the word as k&rigardn as given in the foot note in Dastur
Jamospji's text,
8 This seems to be a difficult passage. Blochet reads it as "boya-
- . - de
f , .--./- - ..... - -^ during the whole day there may be
freshness for them. He is not sure of this reading and translation and
therefore says ; "Cette traduction est conjecturale." Unvala translates ;
"I wish ; may there be golden-coloured rivers". He reads rtf)l as
vS '^v ^T^Ar *l river8 ' com P arin 8 to* word with Avcsta
vaidhi ra Vendidad (V. 6) where Bartholomae takes it for kanal (an ta
wlK^lS^n^*^-^ al ng th canal AltiraLTschea
WOrterbuch 1344). The word in that sense cnn be derived from vad
Sans, 3*? to moisten lat. unda (cf. inundation). But Unvala very
S^l^'^^ 1 * 1 ^ 140118 Th ^bove translation rtma^s
doubtful, because here the idea of a river does not fit in.
as foUows > Allowing in the
benman 8havt z ^h mardu-
va lokhma min 14 bar i vashtmund hambord
., on my heaJ (or top) there grow (humaaed, lit. happen)
A FEW NOTES ON DBAKHT-I ASURIK 59
All the qualities and uses of the tree, enumerated above
tend to show, that the tree is the date-palm. The reference
in the very begining to the trunk being dry and the top
moist points to the date-palm, which oozes at the top and
gives the sweet juice of toddy. The oak does not give any
sap at the top. Again, the " cane-like fibres " are more the
products of date-palms than of oaks. Then the grape-like
sw^et fruits, eaten even by kings, refer more to the date
from date-palms than to the fruits of oak trees. It is
true that oaks do give some edible fruits but they are
eaten by the poor. Mr. C. P. Johnson in his article on oak 1
says of the fruit: "The acorns of the oak possess a consider-
able economic importance as food for swine . . ..In times of dearth
acorns were boiled and eaten by the poor as a substitute for
bread. . . .Large herds of swine in all the great oak woods of
Germany depend for their autumn maintenance on acorns."
These acorn fruits cannot be * ' the grape-like sweot fruits eaten
by kings " as referrd to in our Pahlavi book. The description
applies to the date-fruit, the best quality of which, even now,
adorns the dining tables of kings. I will not enter here into
all the uses of the tree referred to in our paper, but simply
say that ail these uses suit more the date-palm than the oak.
In some cases the products of the oak tree cannot at all
be adopted for the uses.
I beg to submit that the Pahlavi word JO* read
" Asurik " by all the above learned scho-
Another reading lars may be read as Khajurik. The first
worded as*asu- letter can be read as <kh '' there is some
"k." difficulty about the second letter in which
I think there is one extra stroke; we have )0 * or
Otherwise the word can easily be read as khajurik which
means a date-palm. But then one may say that we have not
in Avesta, Pahlavi and persian the word khajurik for the date
tree. But, the word seems to be an old Aryan word, since
gold-coloured buenches (vid P. xo)- Then this happens that poor
men who have no wine or bread eat my fruits (P. jlj) which hang in
companionship (i.e., in bunches P. ^&j* *,). This passage is a clear
reference to the gold-col ured bunches of dates which hang form a date
tree. The dataa form staple food of many people.
I Encyclopaedia Britannica, Vol. XVII, 9th Ed., p. 692,
60 A FEW NOTES ON DRAKHT-I ASURlK
we have in Sanskrit a word tgrfiT Kharjur, which according
to Apte,i moans a date-tree.2 The word ^ JJj)3*i may be,
if the second letter is written with a flourish or a higher stroke
as 3J))0" kharjMk. The fruit itself, of which we speak
as khajur ^i^g\ is also spoken of in Sanskrit as kharjur.
III.
Then, if we take the reading to the Kharjur, whichis the city
spoken of as the city of the Date-Palm
'^Shat I t^k. " * u *ty of Palmyra which
i-Khajurik. was so named by the Greeks and Romans.
It is a small hamlet now, but at one time,
it was a renowned city. 3 It was situated in an oasis of the
great Syrian desert. It is the Tadmor 4 of the old Testament
of the Hebrews. The name means the city of Palm-trees
The Greek name Palmyra is a translation of the old Hebrew
name. Thus, we see that Palmyra would be a proper render-
ing of our city of Khajuri or the City of date-palms. Just as
khajuri (date-palm) is a sacred tree among the Parsees, so it
was a sacred tree among the Hebrews and the early Christians.
The latter have still a Holiday, known as the palm-Sunday,
when branches of palms are placed over the altar.
Then the following description of the date-palm 6 summarises
a few facts of what we read in our Pahlavi treatise : "Not only
are dates a staple diet in Arabia .... but the plaited leaves fur-
nish mats and baskets, the bark is made into ropes p.nd the
seeds are ground up for cattle. From the dates is made a kind
of Syrup date-honey or dibs, a valuable substitute for sagar."
IV.
Thne the next question is, wether under the word goat buz
j* there is any particular species meant or the whole class of
1 Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 443.
2 The Unadi autra IV, 90. Vide " Ujjvaladdatta's Commentary on the
Unadisutras, edited from a Manuscript in the Library of the east India
House by Theodor Aufrecht (1859) p. 109. We find form this that
khajuri is a feminine from ( 1%^ JST^T )
3 Smith's Classical Dictionary.
4 Cf. Our Indian word tad ^^ for a species of the Palm-tree.
* Rev. Hasting'8 Dictionary of the Bible, vide Palm-tree.
A FEW NOTES NO DBAKHT-I AStTRIK 61
goats? The following statement of the goat perplexes us a
little. It says:
"Lakhvar val pusht yakhsunam kufan val kuf vazlunet
raba keshvar Mm min kost-i Hindukan lavin an Varaash-i-
zareh javait sardeh mardum mun katrund lavin an btin."
Translation. Again, I carry (men) on my back from moun-
tain to mountain. There go (over my back) to great countries
from the frontiers (of the country) of the Hindus to the fron-
tiers of the sea Varkash, different kinds of men who live on
the frontiers of that country.
Now this statement about the carrying of men over their
backs from mountain to mountain form the forntiers of India
to the shores of the Vouru-kash, the Caspian, seems puzzling
in the case of ordinary goats. So, I think this is an allusion to
that particular kind of goats which are known in the higher
mountains of the Himalayas as the ydks. We read the follow-
ing of the ydk: "It occurs both wild and as the ordinary
domestic animal of the inhabitants of that region, supplying
milk, food and rament, as well as being used as a beast of
burden '\
1 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., Vol. 24, p. 725.
62
A NOTE ON "AN OLD MANUSCRIPT OF THE
DIVAN-I-HAF1Z," RECENTLY PRESENTED
TO THE LIBRARY OF THE K. R.
CAMA ORIENTAL INSTITUTE.
This manuscript bears No. 176 in the catalogue of the books
and manuscripts of the Instiute, completed by Mr. Bomanji
Nusserwanji Dhabhar, M.A., and published in 1923.
Mr. Dhabhar describes it as follows on page 173 of the
catalogue :- " 176 Divan-i-Hafiz 7'6" X 4-9". Half bound;
country made paper ; if. 179 written in 15 11. to the page ;
somewhat worm-eaten. This MS. was written in A.H. 964.
It was originally presented by Mr. Charles K. Elphinstone
to Mr. Cursetji Jamsetjee (afterwards Sir Jam shed ji II)."
The date of completion, given at the end of the volume, is
the 29th of Muharrm, 964 Hijri, corresponding to 2nd December
1556 A.D. . The statement in Persian regarding the presen-
tation of it, by Mr. Elphinstone, to Mr. Kurshedji (afterwards
Sir Jamshedji Jeejeebhai, the second Baronet), is on a fly-leaf
at the beginning. It appeears to have passed from Mr Khur-
shedji to his younger brother, Mr. Sorabji Jamshedji, a well
known Persian scholar. As to how it subsequently came to
be presented to the Institute, will be seen from the following
note at page VII of the preface of Mr. Dhabhar's catalogue :
"These manuscripts and a large number of printed books
were presented by Sheth Sorabji's widow, Bai Bachubai to
the late Shams-ul-Ulama Dastur Dr. Peshotan B. Saiijana,
Principal of the Sir J. J. Madressa, about 30 years ago. His
son and suecessor in the Principal -ship, Shams-ul-Ulama Dastur
Darabji sent them, in 191 1, to the Trustees of the Parsee
Panchayat as very little use was made of them at the Madressa.
The Trustees have presented them to this Institute, so that
a much larger circle of students may have the benefit of them."
The folios of the manuscript have been numbered in Persian,
presumably by the original copyist, in a peculiar manner. They
have not been placed at the tops of pages a usual, but at the
tops of the Gazals, which begin on the first page of each folio,
so that they appear sometimes in the middle of a page. Some
one has numbered the folios in pencil in English at the top,
not from the right to the left, as usual, but from the left to the
right, so that the book ends on the folio marked 1 in English,
but 180 in Persian.
" AN OLD MANUSCRIPT OF THE DIVAN-I -HAFIZ," 63
The following list of old manuscripts of Hafiz, with their
dates, compiled by me from the information kindly furnished
by the authorities of various libraries, and from other sources,
may be of use to scholars :
Library. A. H. date. A.C. date.
1. Bodlein 843 1439
2. British Museum .. .. 855 1451
3. Royal Asiatic Society . . . . 872 1467-68
4. Bankipore 9th century
5. British Museum .. .. 921 1515
6. Cama Oriental Institute .. .. 964 1556
7. Bankipore 971 1563
8. Imperial Library (Calcutta) . . . 16th century
9. Bengal Asiatic Society . . . . 1013 1604
11. Mulla Feroze Library (Bombay)
No. 261 1035 1625
11. German Oriental Society .. 1098 1686
12. Imperial Library (Calcutta) .. 1137 1724
13. Mulla Feroze Library (Dr. By-
ram ji Pestanji's presentation
No. 27) 1158 1745
14. Mulla Feroze Library, No, 251 1181 1767
15. Mulla Feroze Library, No. 250 1197 1782
16. Bankipore Library, other six
MSS llth and 12th
centuries.
Major H.S Jarrett in the Preface of his edition of the Divan-
i- Hafiz, published at Calcutta, in 1881, refers to an old manu-
script which he had collated with Hermann Brockhau's text
(A.O. 1854 ) which itself was based on Sudi's rescension con-
isdered to be the most authentic. " It is dated A.H. 978 (1570
A.c.) 1 He does not say where that old manuscript is at
present. So I have not included it in the above list.
1 Lt.-Col. H. Wilberforoe Clark, in the preface of his translation of
the Divan-i-Hafiz. (1891 A,O., V), gives the corresponding Christian
year aa 1593. That seems to be a mistake.
A FEW NOTES ON ANQUETIL DU PERRON'S
OWN COPY OF HIS " ZEND AVESTA,
L'OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE,"
RECENTLY DISCOVERED IN
COLOMBO.
The K. R. Cama Oriental Institute has been recently presented
with an unique copy of the three volumes
of Anquetil Du Perron's " Zend-Avesta>
Ouvrage do Zoroastre." The value of these volumes lies in this,
that (a) they are the copy of the author's own library, that (b)
they are embellished with the author's own notes in his own hand
writing and that (c) they contain, attached to their flv-leaves>
some original letters, received by him from contemporary
scholars and others, on subjects referred to in his work and on
other collateral oriental subjects.
Mr. Kaikhosru Dadabhoy Chowksy of Colombo wrote to me,
on 2nd December 1923, saying, that a gentleman there, who, he
subsequently wrote, was a well-known solicitor in Colombo, had
a copy of three volumes of Anquetil, which seemed to be those
of the author himself ()i*i&c{i<rQ ^ini'Kl "l 41^11 <&tPl & )
He further asked my advice as to what should be the price of
these and as to which Institution they can be presented, when
obtained. When Mr. Chowksy said that the volumes seemed
to belong to the author, I thought to myself, that the copies of
the author himself could not have come from distant Paris
to Colombo, because, most of Anquetil's literary possessions
were presented to the well-known Bibliothfcque du Koi, now
known as the Biblioth&que Nationale of Paris. However, I wrote
in reply on llth December 1923, saying that the volumes may be
presented to the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute. The volumes
were then carefully brought to me, by our mutual friend
Mr. P. Muncherjee of Bombay, with one letter, dated 7th
January 1924 from Mr. Chowksy, and another, dated 24th
December 1923 from the owner of the volumes, Mr. Leslie de
" ZEND AVBSTA L'oDVRAGKE DE ZOEOASTRE " 65
Saram of the well-known firm of Messrs. F. J. and G. de Saram,
proctors of Colombo. Mr. Leslie de Saram also said in his letter
that " Anquetil Du Perron's works appear to be the Author's
copies." He kindly wrote in his letter that he presented the
Volumes to the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute. On looking
to the Volumes, I was delighted to find, that what had " seemed"
to Mr. Chowksy and what had " appeared to be " to Mr. Leslie
de Saram, was a fact and that the volumes were An quf til's
own Library copies, which he had embellished with his further
notes here and there. I was further pleased to find that
Anquetil had attached, here and there, to the fly-leaves, c.,
some original communications from known literary personages
of his time. The very first letter struck me as an important
document.
I had the pleasure of reading before this Society two papers
on Anquetil, one on 16th December 1915, entitled " Anquetil
Du Perron of Paris. India as seen by him (1755-60)" and
another on 7th February 1916, entitled "Anquetil Du Perron of
Paris and Dastur Darab of Surat." 1 In the first 2 of these two
papers, I have briefly referred to a subject which had annoyed
Anquetil on his return home and which had led him to ask for a
certificate from the Librarian of the Bibliotheque du Roi. I
found, tnat the very first communication attached to the first
flv-leaf of the first volume sent to me was the original certificate.
1 will refer to this subject later on. The perusal of this certifi-
cate and a further hasty dip into the volumes at once led me to
think, that it was an unique gift that I had, by the grace of God,
been fortunate to secure for my dear K. R. Cama Oriental
Institute. I take this opportunity to thank Mr. Leslie de
Saram, on my own behalf for kindly accepting my suggestion,
and, on behalf of the Institute, for kindly presenting to it these
valuable volumes valuable not only for its contents of Notes,
some original letters, plans, &c., but also for the sentimental
value of being tho copies of the author himself. These volumes
will be, therefore, a valued possession of the Institute, valued
as much as the unique old Ms. of Dante's Divine Comedy
possessed by our Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.
I take this opportunity of thanking Mr. Chowksy also for
kindly accepting my suggestion and conveying it to thegenerous
donor.
1 Journal Vol. XXIV, pp. 313-381 and 386-458. 1 have later on em-
bodied these Papers in my book containing my contribution in Gujerati
in 32 parts to the columns of the local Jam-i. Jamahed, commencing from
10th July 1914 and ending on 3rd April 1915. The book is entitled
" Anquetil Du Perron and Dastur Darab."
2 Journal, Ibid. p. 379.
9
66 "ZEND AVESTA I/OUVKAGE DE ZOROASTRE "
II
On finding, that I was fortunate in securing these valuable
The object of this volumes, I thought of studying the docu-
paper * ments and Notes attached to the Volumes.
It is not very difficult to read the handwriting of the letters
received by Anquctil, but it is very difficult to read Anquetil's
hand. In some places, it requires an effort like that of deci-
phering an old worn out inscription. I have introduced the
members of this Society to Anquetil's handwriting, in my
paper read before it on 13th July, 1903, and entitled " Notes of
Anquetil Du Perron on King Akbar and Dastur Meherji Rana." 1
In that paper, I have given a photo facsimile of a leaf from one
of the collections of Anquetii's manuscript notes in the Biblio-
thequo Nationale, and you will see, on looking at the facsimile,
that his hand writing is not such as could be easily read, at least
by us foreigners, who are not versed in the French language
and are not familiar with Ms. writing.
That being the case, I requested M. Daniel Levi, Consul of
France, to kindly copy for me the letters and other papers
in these volumes. It was of course "a large order," but ho
has kindly done some work, all along being inspired ^ith the
laudable aim of being of some use in the acquirement of some
further knowledge about his great compatriot, who may oo
said to have been one of the first, if not the first, pioneers of
Oriental learning in Europe. I beg to thank M. Levi for all
the trouble he has kindly taken.
I was thinking of leisurely studying the documents and then
submitting a paper before our Society, but am led to submit a
paper, however incomplete, early. It seems that M. Daniel
Levi had sent some information of the discovery of Anquetil's
volumes, with a copy of some documents, to his learned father,
Dr. Silvain Levi, one of our esteemed Honorary members.
Dr. Levi communicated the news to the Societe Asiatique, at
its sitting of 12th June 1924. I learn from M. Daniel Levi that
the discovery of the volumes, especially on account of the
documents attached to them, " seems to have made quite a
sensation in the Oriental world in Paris." Prof. Senart, on
learning the news at the above meeting of the Societe Asiatique
wrote to me on the same day. Speaking of the discovery of
these volumes as a '* precious discovery " (la precieuse decouvert
que vous avez faite), he has asked for the volumes to be sent to
Paris, with a view to get all the documents photographed there.
So, I propose sending shortly, with the sanction of my Committee
i Vol. XXI, pp. 537-551.
" ZEND AVESTA L'OTTVRAGTC BE ZOROASTBE " 67
of the Cama Institute, these volumes to Paris on loan. But,
before I do so, I propose showing the volumes to the members of
our Society and to submit a few Notes on some of the Letters
and Notes attached to the first volume l .
III.
One would like to trace the history of the change of hands
History of the which the volumes underwent. This history
migration of these of the migration may be divided into three
volumes from Paris parts :
to Bombay.
(a) The Migration from Paris to England from 1805 to
1866.
(6) The Migration from England to Ceylon,
(c) The Migration from Ceylon to Bombay.
As to (c) I have spoken above as to how the volumes have
come to ny hands from Ceylon. As to (6), we have no materials
to trace their coming from England, where they were upto 1852,
to Ceylon. As to (a), we have sufficient materials supplied by
the volumes themselves to see how they went from Paris to
England. The Notes on the Volumes themselves help us to
trace the history from 1805, the year of Anquetil's death, to
1866, upto which the volumes were in the hands of an English
Scholar.
1 After writing the above, the Committee of the K. R. Cama Oriental
Institute, in order to provide against a possible loss on the way to Paris,
resolved that a copy of the Ms. Notes of Anquetil's volumes should be
taken, before sending the volumes to Paris. As to the first volume, I
have done my humble best to decipher all the notes. I have spent a
number of hours and days in doing this work with the help of a powerful
magnifying glass. I have given my own notes in full, and I beg to sub-
mit, in all humility, that in the matter of the elucidation of Anquetil's
notes, as far as the first volume is concerned, I have left little undone*
As to the other two volumes, 1 had entrusted the work of copying the
notes to M. B. Benveneste, a promising young French scholar, who is now
in our midst. He has kindly taken a copy of these notes. He, in hia
letter, dated Poona, 6th October 1 924, says : " that diabolical hand ia
much more difficult to read than I supposed, and I had much trouble
to get through it." If a French scholar has found the work of decipher-
ment so difficult on account of Anquetil's " diabolical hand," I, a
foreigner, crave indulgence for my faults which must be many in the
decipherment.
68 "ZEND AVESTA I/OUVBAGE DE ZOROASTRB "
We often put down our names on our books, but Anquetil
The Author's own has nofc done 8* So, in the first place,
copy. How it pasa- we must assure ourselves that the volumes
ed into the hands are Anquetil's own. There are several
of Lanjuinais. facts to prove that, (a) For that purpose
Anquetil's hand-writing is the principal criterion. Fortunately
we have, as said above, in one of our Journals, 1 a facsimile
copy of his handwriting. On comparing the handwriting of
the facsimile with the handwriting of the author's Notebin
this volume, we easily identify both.
(b) These volumes contain other handwritings also, here and
there, especially in the beginning of the volumes and they are
of the subsequent possessors of the Volumes. Some of these
writings also show that the volumes were the author's own.
We read, on the very first fly-leaf, the following :
"Jean Lanjuinais J'ai achete" cet exemplaire, a la
vente de M. Anquetil Du Perron ; c'est oui 2 1'exemplaire,
de sa bibliotheque ; ct il la enrich^ de ses notes."
This note shows that (a) the Volumes are the author's own
copy and (6) they were purchased by Lanjuinais from the auction
of M. Anquetil's property. The writer of the Note is M. Lanjui-
nais, the purchaser himself, and so, he wrote in the first person.
(c) Then, there is a very small slip of paper about 3 inches
in length and fths in J>readth, attached, on the top on the right
hand side, to the original Certificate of the Librarians of the
Bibliotheque du Hoi, above referred to, which is attached to
the 3rd fly leaf of the first volume. We read thereon, in a hand-
writing which seems to be the same as that of the preceding
note of Lanjuinais, the following :
" Achete* 48 f . & la vente de 1'auteur en 1805."
This note also shows, (a) that the volumes belonged to Anquetil,
(6) and that they were purchased in auction in 1805, the very
year in which Anquetil died, for 48 francs. 3
(d) Lastly, we read on the title-page of the first volume, the
following note, which, I tliink, is in the hand of the subsequent
purchaser Dr. Lee : " Exemplaire de 1'auteur et annote* par lui,
1 Vol. XXI, pp. 537.551.
a I am a little doubtful
<wi, i.e. f indeed, or it may 1
According to the exchange of the pre-war times, the cost would come
to about Ro. 24
a I am a little doubtful about this reading. The word seems to be
, i.e. f indeed, or it may be "c'etoie," t.e., " it was."
" ZEND AVESTA I/OUVBAGE DE ZOROASTRE " 69
acheteasa vente par M. Lan juinais qui 1'a aussi annote et rempli
de ses notes."
This Note then means to say that these volumes (a) belonged
to Anquetil, (b) were annotated by him, (c) were purchased by
M. Lanjuinais at Anquetil's auction, and (d) were also annotated
by Lanjuinais.
As to the lasb observation, as far as the first volume is concern-
ed, there seem to be no annotations by Lanjuinais. There
are one or two by Dr. J. Lee, to whom I refer later on.
(e) A further Note on the second page of the first fly-leaf of
the first volume which is an extract from an advertisement
in the oriental catalogue of a firm of Book-seller^ Messrs.
Ho well and Stewart, also shows, that the volumes (a) were
Anquetil's copy, (6) were sold by auction, (c) purchased therein
by Lanjuinais (d) annotated by him, and (e) were again to be
sold by the Booksellers. This note, written in a fair hand,
seems to have been entered here by the third possessor, Dr. Lee,
of whom we will speak a little later on.
Now, as to who this M. Lanjuinais who purchased the volumes
from the auction of Anquetil's property
njumais. Qn ^. g ^^j^ wag> j think, that he was Jean
Lanjuinais, who was born at Kennes in 1753 and died in Paris
in 1827. He was a member of the Institute. He was the author
of several books on the languages and religions of Asia. He
had published in 1821 " Memoire sur la religion", inj.1823 " La
Religion des Indous selon les Vedas." He was the author of a
number of other books on a variety of subjects. Most of his
publications in various quarters were collected and published
in 1832, in four volumes, by his son Victor Ambroise Lanjuinais. 1
Before, proceeding further, let us consider, why these
volumes passed into the hands of the
Why these vol- auctioneer, and not into the Bibliotheque
T,Tth id R?Hr 5S! du Roi, where all of Anquetil's Mss. had
into the Bibliotne- i r i < n/r m -m i *
quo du Roi. passed. We learn from Mon. E. Blochet s
"Catalogue des Manuscrits Mazde*ens
( Zends, Pehlvis, Parsis et Persans ) de la Bibliotheque
Nationale" (p. 1), published in 1900, that the Mss. of most of
Anquetil's hand notes had gone into the Bibliotheque Nationale
of Paris. Some of his manuscripts were deposited in the
Library by Anquetil on 15th March 1762. He himself thus
1 Grand Dictionnaire Univ&sale du X1X silcle par Pierre Larouse
1873, 10th Vol. p. 104.
70 "ZEND AVESTA I/OTJVKAGE DE ZOEOASTBE "
speaks of this event : " Le lendemain, 15 Mars, je deposai a la,
Bibliothfcque du Roi les Ouvrages de Zoroastre et les autres
Manuscrits que j'avois destines pour ceprecieux Tresor." 1
Then some of his other manuscripts were, later on, deposited
in the National Library on 2nd May 1805 2 i.e. three months
and a half after his death, which occurred on 17th January
1805. So, the question naturally arises, why, though all his
manuscripts and papers were deposited in the National Library
after his death, this rare copy of his own, in which he had made
some marginal and other notes and in which he had attached
some appreciative letters referring -to his work received by
him, did not pass into the possession of the library but went
into sale with some of his other possessions. I think, that the
reason may be this : When somebody examined after his death
all his property and selected the Mss. to be handed over to
the Bibliotheque Nationale, he did not notice the precious
documents and notes in the volumes themselves. Looking
from without, he may have found, that the volumes were, merely,
a copy like many other copies of the work. He may not have
examined the volumes from within, and so he did not think
them worth possessing for the Bibliothfcque.
It appears from what is said above, on the authority of
M. Blochet's catalogue, that AnquetiFs
Why Anquetil's valuable Mss. &c. which were with him*
property all went passed on into the Bibliotheque du Roi,
to auction earlier. O n 2nd May, within about 3J months after
his death. The auction sale of the other
property must have taken place soon after. One can under-
stand well, why Anquetil's things were sold off during thj very
year of his death. We learn, from what is said of him in the
Dictionary of M. Larouse, that in his old age, Anquetil had
grown very eccentric. One can see from the account which I
have given of his travels in India, that he was a little eccentrio
from his very young age. That eccentricity may have grown
with age, and Larouse says, that, though reduced to much
poverty in old age, he refused the help offered to him by the
French Government and by some learned Societies of France,
and he moved about in such a miserable condition, that passers-
by took him for a beggar.
This being the case, it is possible that some of the ordinary
retail trade business men whose debts he may have incurred
1 Zend A vesta, Tome I, Partie I, p. cccclzxvii.
2 BlocbeVa Catalogue p. 2.
11 ZEND AVESTA L'OFVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE " 71
for pretty little things of food &c. may have forced his property
to be sold off by auction. I think, that the price, 48 francs, is
too poor for his three volumes, irrespective of the question of
their belonging to the author himself. That the original cost
price must be very high appears from what we will see later on,
that two scholars had borrowed these volumes from a sub-
sequent purchaser. This was the case perhaps, because they
could not afford to buy them at a high price.
From two notes, one on the first fly-leaf, and another at the
top of the first page of the second volume,
From the hands we find that in 1828, i.e., twenty -three years
of Lanjuinais to afterward, the volumes were again put out
those of Dr. Lee. f or Sa i e b y Book-sellers, Howell and Stewart,
most probably at the instruction of Lanjui-
nais. We read the following note on the first fly leaf, which
is a copy of the title-page of Anquetil's printed work :
" 4299. Zend-Avesta, ouvrage de Zoroastre contenant
les Idees Theologiques, Physiques, et Morales de ce Legis-
lateur, les Ceremonies du Culte Religieuse qu'il a etabli, et
plusieurs Traits importants relatifs a 1'Ancienne Histoire des
Perses, trad ait 1 sur 1 'original Zend avec des Remarques,
et accompagne do plusieurs Traite's 2 a eclaircir les matieres qui
en sont 1'object, par 3 Anquetil Du Perron. 4 3 Vols.
"The author's own copy, plates, very neat. 7-17-6. Lond.
1771. 6
" Exomplaire de 1'auteur, et annotee par lui, achete a sa vente
par M. Languinais,* qui la 'a aussi annote et rempli des ses notes."
" Ms. Note. It contains two additional maps in the Ms. by
the author, besides his alterations &c., and also many letters
addressed to him on the subject of the work, from eminent
orientalists, with his remarks on them.
" Supplement to Howell and Stewart's Oriental Catalogue."
It seems that either the book-sellers may have put this note
1 Two words " en Frar^ois " whic-h we find on the title-pago have
been omitted here by mistake.
2 The word " propres ", as given in Anqaetil*? title page, is omitted.
3 The word " M." is omitted.
4 Then follow the words of the Book-sellers.
5 The year 1771 13 the year, given on the title page, as the year of the
original publication. The word Lond. (for London), preceding the year,
is either a mistake for Paris, or was intentionally though wrongly put
by the Book-sellers to draw attention to their place of business.
We find here the fourth letter of the name as ' g' in place of * J.'
72 " ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTKE "
on the book, copying it from their catalogue to identify it with
what was stated in their catalogue or the next purchaser may
have written it to note the importance of the work. The
latter seems to me to be the case. The price mentioned
7-17-6 draws our attention and confirms my above stated
inference, that the sale of Anquctil's property, where the volumes
fetched only 24 francs was a hasty one.
The second short note on the first page of the second leaf
runs : " Messrs. Howell and Stewart. December 24, 1828."
This note seems to have been written by the next purchaser
to say, that he bought these volumes from the book-sellers,
named therein, on 24th December 1828. We saw above, that
M. Lanjuinais died in 1827. So, it seems that, on his death, the
volumes were placed by his heirs at the above book-sellers to be
sold by them, and so they advertised the sale in their catalogue.
The number 4299 seems to be the running number of this
catalogue.
It seems that these volumes then passed from Lanjuinais
through the above book-sellers, to the hands of Dr. Lee. There
is a note on the top of the second page of the second fly-leaf
which runs thus :
" Lent to Mr. Cullimore returned,
" also to Daniel Sharpe, Esq Returned 13th May
1841."
Then, there is a letter attached to the first page of the second
flyleaf from the above Mr. Daniel Sharpe of " 2 Adelphi Terrace 1
13fch May " to Dr. Lee. The letter is dated 13th May and the
year is not given. But it appears from the previous note,
wherein the return of the book is noted, that it was 1841. The
letter runs as follows :
2, ADELPHI TERRACE,
13TH MAY.
MY DEAR SIR,
I cannot return your Books without begging you to accept
my best thanks for the kind loan of them. They have been of
the greatest use to me which has been the cause of my keeping
them so very long.
Yours very truly,
DR. LEE, LONDON * DANIEL SHARPE.
I Adelphi Terrace, is a part of London near the Strand, which was
first turned into a terrace in or about 1768, by the architect brothers,
John and Robert Adam (Cunningham's Handbook of London (1849)
(Vol. I. p. 3.)
* The word here may be read " London " but the reading is uncertain
The name is followed by a letter which looks like E.
_" ZEND AV15STA I/OUVBAQE DE ZOROASTRJE " 73
Though the above letter has nothing to do directly with
Anquetil Du Perron, it shows, that Anquetil's work began to be
appreciated also by scholars other than Iranian, and, as the
writer says, it was found to be "of great use." We will examine
here, who the above three personages were.
There were several personages of the name of Dr. Lee at the
l D L time of which we find Ms. notes in Anquetil's
r * ee * volumes, (a) In the first volume, we find
the name on the back of the right hand cover as " J. Lee Doctors
Commons 1828." (6) On the second page of the first fly-leaf
of the second volume, we read : " J. Lee Hart well." (c) On the
second page of the first fly-leaf of the third volume, we read :
" J. Lee Hart well." Taking into consideration these names in
the volumes, I think, that this Dr. Lee is Dr. John Lee, who
lived from 1783 to 1866. 1 He was a collector of antiquities.
He took his Doctorate (L. L. D.) at Cambridge in 1816. His
original name was Fiott, as he was the eldest son of John Fiott.
But he took the name of Lee under the will of his maternal uncle,
William Lee. He travelled in the East as one of the travelling
bachelors of his University from 1807 to 1810. He had acquired
various oriental manuscripts in Turkey. On his return, he
resumed Ms study of Law and in 1815 was admitted as a member
of the college of Advocates. He practised in Ecclesiastical
Coarts, and hence it is, that we find him adding after his name
" Doctors Commons." 2 In 1830 he built an observatory in
his Hartwell House. This reference explains the name " Hart-
well " which we find in the Notes in Anquetil's volumes after
his name, as his place of residence. He had joined the Royal
Astronomical Society and was appointed its President in 1862.
To this Society, he gave the advowson (i.e., the right of present-
ing or nominating to a vacant benefice or living in the Church)
of Hartwell. Ho died on 25th February 1866, leaving no issue.
So, his property "passed to his brother Rev. Nicholas Fiott
who assumed the surname of Lee."
1 Dictionary of National Biography, edited by Sydney Lee (1892)
Vol. XXXII p. 362.
2 " Doctors' Commons " was " a Society of Ecclesiastical lawyers in
London, forming a distinct profession for the practice of the civil and
canon laws." In 1768, the society obtained a royal charter and took
the title of " The College of Doctors of Law." Those who had taken the
Degree of Doctors of Law at Oxford or Cambridge were then admitted as
advocates by the Archbishop of Canterbury and admitted in this College.
The College has been now dissolved, the Ecclesiastical Courts having been
thrown open to the whole Bar (Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th Ed. Vol . 7
10
74 "ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAQE DE ZOROASTRE "
The above said Hartwell house was in Buckinghamshire and
it had a large library of books on Law and Theology.
Thus the mention of " Hartwell " and " Doctors Commons "
shows, that out of several Dr. Lees, it was this Dr. John Lee
who had possessed these volumes.
Now, as this Dr. John Lee died in 1866, it seems probable
that the volumes may have remained with him in England upto
1866. He had left no issue ; so, his property had passed to his
brother Rev. Nicholas liott, who assumed the surname of Lee.
The Cullimore referred to in the volumes seems to be Isaac
9 ri,iiim^r Cullimore, an Irishman, who was born in
' Lummore - 1791 and died in 1852. He was one of the
Orientalists of the first rank of his time. Egyptology was his
special line of study. He made use of astronomy in fixing
dates of important events in Ancient History. From 1842,
he had begun issuing plates of cylinders and seals from the
collection of Sir William Ousley and Dr. Lee. 1 This fact
explains, why Cullimore had come into contact with Dr. Lee and
why he had borrowed Anquctil's volumes from Dr. Lee.
Mr. Cullimore 's name is referred to again three times in these
volumes. We find it in the beginning of each volume. For
example, a Note, most probably in the hand of Dr. Lee, refers
to him on the top of the first page of the second leaf. It reads.
" Papers marked by Mr. Cullimore with papers. XVIII. 18 Errata
Discours Pr&iminaire. CCCXVIII. 318
CCCCLXXX. 480
CCCCLXXXIV. 484
It seems, that Mr. Cullimore may have, in his study of the
volumes, noticed what seemed to be some important matter
on particular pages, which, he, in order to draw the attention of
Dr. Lee, marked with pieces of paper. Lest the slips of papers
may be lost, Dr. Lee seems to have put down in the form of a
Note, the numbers of the marked pages. We find similar notes
on the 2nd fly-leaves of the second and third Volumes. The
numbers of pages seem to have been originally marked by Dr.
J^e in Arabic numbers. Latterly, he or somebody else, has given
the pages in Roman numbers. The reason seems to be, that
l Dictionary of National Biography by Leslie Stephen (1888) Vol.
Alll p. 282.
" ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAOE DE ZOROASTRE " 75
Anquetil has marked all the pages of his first volume entitled
" Di scours Pr&iminaire " in Roman numbers. The first
Volume was, as it were, an Introduction, and Introductions
generally bear such Roman numbers. Being an Introduction,
it was published after the second volume, as said by Anquetil
in the commencement of his Errata (p. XVIII of the 1st set of
pages). Now, the fact of the pages being marked both, in
Roman figures and Arabic figures, seems to have led somebody
to make a remark written crosswise, on the right hand margin
of the first page of the second leaf of the 1st volume questioning
the propriety of doing so. The writer says : " Qu. 1 What
does this mean ? The author never observed the difference
between Roman and Arabic numerals." The writer of the
observations has put his initial ' R ' under the observation.
This initial ' R ' may turn out to be of some use in tracing
the migration of the Volumes to Ceylon.
Now, as to why Cullimore drew the attention of Dr. Lee to the
particular pages of Anquetil's first volume, we are not in a position
to speak positively. Perhaps, he had given his reason in an
accompanyin g letter wlu'ch Dr. Lee did not attach here. However,
I beg to suggest the reasons for the references in the first
Volume, why Cullimore may have drawn the particular atten-
tion of Dr. Lee to the above pages.
P. XVIII Errata. Here, Anquetil says, that he at first
thought, of writing a Discourse about 60 to 80 pages,^ and that
he proposed publishing only one Volume. The Discourse grew
to more than 500 pages and the Errata itself occupied 19
closely printed pages. This was extraordinary and was
perhaps thought worth drawing attention to.
P. CCCXVIII Discourse. Here Anquetil states how different
Mss. of the Vendidad differed and agreed, and he refers to a
promise which Dastur Darab had made of producing a Ms.
similar to that possessed by Muncherjee, the broker of the Dutch
factory at Surat. So, perhaps Cullimore wanted to draw the
attention of Dr. Lee, to this fact of the Mss. of the Vendidad
differing a good deal. Perhaps, this has some bearing on tho
question of doubts thrown on the authenticity of the Zend-
Avesta books, as discovered by Anquetil. We know that
William (afterward Sir William) Jones had, in his vehement
letter to Anquetil shown this doubt and had thought that the
Zend Avesta books were a fabrication of the Indian Dasturs.
1 Question.
76 "ZEND AVBSTA L'OUVBAGE DE ZOBOASTRE "
P. CCCCLXXX. Here, the statement drawing particular
attention is that about priests reciting the whole Zend Avesta
by heart, without understanding the meaning.
P. CCCCLXXXIV. Here, Anquetil explains the plan of his
work, and says that he wants to present himself only as a tran-
slator, and, the most, as a historian, without passing judgments.
This plan he says, may not be approved by others. Cullimore
perhaps wanted to draw Dr. Lee's attention to this statement.
Daniel Sharpe seems to be the geologist, Daniel Sharpe, who
3 Daniel Shar e WftS ^ m in 1806 ftnd died in 1856 * T^ 011 ^
p ' a great student of geology, he was also a
student of philology and archaeology and worked in the line of
the decipherment of inscriptions. Anquetil has given a number
of inscriptions in his work, e.g., three plates of Inscriptions of
writing passed by the King of Malabar in favour of the Jews. 1
Irrespective of his philological and archaeological studies,
perhaps he may have tried to look into Anquetii's works from his
geological point of view. It may appear strange, why he, a
geologist should read and like Anquetii's book on the Iranians,
but, like all good scientists, he perhaps wanted to know the
views, however crude they may appear to us, of the ancient a
about the early creation. For example, the 1st and 2nd
chapters of the Vendidad may have interested him from a geogra-
phical point of view. In the 18th century, India was known to
Eurppean Scholars, more from the books of travellers. Now,
Anquetil not only describes his long tour in India, but always
gives references to other writers. For example, in the second
Volume (Tome I partie 1 p. 270 n.l), Anquetil gives P list of
some of the writers on India. Among them one writes on the
climates of India, a subject which should interest a geologist.
Again, Anquetil himself speaks on various subjects referring
to India. So his volumes contained, here and there, some
subjects which might interest geologists.
The above note of the Booksellers dated 24th December 1828,
T> u ui n i the above letter to Dr. Lee dated 1 3th May
Frobable Lonclu- *
i o n , as to the 1841 and the above few particulars about
f * e Dr ' LeC) lead us to Sa y> that Anquetii's
Volumes left France in 1828 and went into
the hands of Howell and Stewart, Booksellers of England, who
1 "Inscription en ancien Tamoul, renferment les Privileges accordla
aux Juifs, il y a environ mille ans par Scharan Peroumal, Empereur de la
Cdte Malabae." (Plate 1 after p. CLXX, Tome I, Zend Avesta).
" ZEND AVESTA I/OtrVRAQE DE ZOEOASTRE " 77
advertised for sale, as said above, in their " Oriental Catalogue."
Dr. Lee may have purchased them from these booksellers in
some year after 1828, when he prosecuted his studies on Oriental
subjects. Dr. Lee died in 1866 and it seems probable that the
volumes must have remained with hi mupto the year of his death,
We saw above that they were with him upto May 1841 when
they were returned to him by Daniel Sharpe. A great scholar as
he was, he could not have parted with the volumes in his life
tiine. So, the volumes must have remained with him in England
upto 1866. Then they must have gone into the hands
of his brother Rev. Nicholas Fiott, who on Dr. Lee's death
assumed the name of Lee.
Now, there remains the question of the migration of the
volumes from England (Buckinghamshire) to Colombo in
Ceylon. On inquiry from Mr. Leslie de Saram through Mr.
Chowksey, I am told by Mr. Chowksey that the owner does not
well remember how the volumes came to his hands. I have
heard nothing further. I have written to Mr. De Saram again
lasfc week.
(APPENDIX S. III.)
After writing the above, I heard further from Mr. Leslie De
Saram. In his letter dated Colombo 19th April 1924, he said
^ I cannot say with any certainty. I have been collecting
books sine I was a boy I have frequently bought
parcels of books at auction sales for the sake of one or two of
the volumes contained therein. The volumes I gave your
Institute must have come to me in that way, or they may have
been originally in the library of a great uncle of mine, Charles
Ambrose Lorenz, who was a scholar and a book-lover. In any
case I have very little idea of how the volumes came into my
possession. So, it seems, no useful purpose would be served by
speculation on the point. However, it is a source of gratifica-
tion to me that the volumes should have found a suitable home
and that they have interested and been appreciated by you."
Then I had the pleasure of going to Ceylon from Madras,
where I had gone during the Christmas Holidays of 1924,
to attend there, as a delegate of this and two other Societies,
the third Oriental Conference. When at Colombo, I had the
pleasure of having a long interview with Mr. Leslie de Saram on
6th January 1925 and was much benefited by the talk. In
this long conversation, Mr. De Saram mentioned the name of
two Lee's (father and son) as having been in Colombo for some
time. Mr. de Saram knew nothing of my having traced the
78 "ZEND A VESTA I/OUVRAGE DB ZOBOASTEB "
transfer of the volumes from Anquetil's house to Dr. Lee of
Buckinghamshire. So this sudden casual mention by him of
the Lee's at Colombo pleased me very much as supplying a
further clue for tracing the migration of Anquetil's volumes
from England to Ceylon. I give below the result of my above
very interesting and instructive conversation with Mr. De
Saram and of some subsequent further study of the question of
the transfer of the volumes to Colombo.
There was in Ceylon one George Lee as Post -master General.
He was the translator of a French book. Mr. De Saram kindly
gave me fche book for perusal and I found its title-page as follows :
" The History of Ceylon"
Presented by Captain John Rebeyro to the King of Portugal
in 1685.
Translated from the Portuguese, by the Abbe Le Grand.
Re -translated from the French Edition with an Appendix
containing Chapters illustrative of the Past and Present
condition of the Island by George Lee,
Post-master General of Ceylon.
Fellow of the Universal Statistical Society of France, &c., &c.
Ceylon.
Published at the Government Press, Colombo, 1847."
A few particulars of this George Lee, as given in " Ceylon, by
Plate Ld." (p. 84) are as follows : *
" George Lee. Date of Appointment, 30th November 1844.
Date, when left Ceylon, 1st September 1859."
Now, the question is who was this George Lee ? Was he any way
connected with Dr. John Lee, in whose hand Anquetil's volumes
had passed and who died in 1866. Or was he any way related
to the brother of the above Dr. John Lee, Rev. Nicholas
(Fiott) Lee to whom all the property and, in that, possibly
the three volumes of Anquetil of Dr. John Lee passed. We
find nothing further than what we find from the above title
page, viz., that he was in Colombo in 1847.
1 I con indebted to Mr. Chowksey for kindly showing me the book
and giving me particulars about him and his son.
" ZEND AVE3TA I/ OUTRAGE DE ZOROASTRE " 7
Again this George Lee had a son named Frederick Lee
who was in the Civil Service of Ceylon. The Civil List of
Ceylon gives the following particulars *about him :
" Date of Appointment, 10th June 1864.
Died 4th December 1899."
V/e do not find any further particulars about these two Lees.
We are not, in any way, sure that they were in any way re-
lated, and, if related, how, to the above Dr. John Lee or to
his brother, Rev. Nicholas Fiott. But, as far as nothing to the
contrary is known, we may take it that these two Lees, father
and son, were, probably in some way, related to the above
Dr. John Lee or his brother. Rev. Nicholas Lee. We can then
account for the migration of the volumes from Dr. John Lee's
Hart well House in Buckinghamshire to Colombo.
Again the fact that George Lee knew well French, so as to
translate a book from French into English, shows the likelihood
of there being some connection between the brother Lees of
Buckinghamshire and Lee's father and son of Ceylon.
Then arises the question, how the volumes passed into the
hands of Mr. Leslie De Saram from the Lee family of Colombo.
For the consideration of this question, a few facts about the
history of the family, kindly communicated to me by Mr. de
Saram during my interview, are interesting :
Charles Ambrose Lorcnz of Ceylon, mentioned by Mr. Leslie
De Saram in his above mentioned letter to me dated 19th
August 1924, was the son of a Prussian officer in the Dutch
India Company's service. He was of French abstraction.
Both he and his wife, Mrs. Lorenz, knew French very well. He
was the paternal uncle of the mother of Mr. De Saram. The
lady was taken to be an accomplished French scholar. These
Lorenzes were very friendly with the above Lees of Colombo.
In the Ceylon Celebrities (p. 50), it is said of this Charles
Ambrose Lorenz that he lived from 1829 to 1870.
According to Mr. De Saram, it is likely that the book passed
into the hands of his mother's uncle, Charles Ambrose Lorenz
(1829-1870), from the hands of the elder Lee who was in Ceylon
from 1844 to 1859.
But there is another probability. Dr. John Lee lived upto
1866, and as it seems probable, that a good scholar as he was,
80 "ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOBOASTBE "
he may have kept the volumes with him upto his death, it is
probable, that they passed into the hands of his brother, and
it is from this brother that they may have passed into the hands
of the junior Lee, and then they passed from his hands, when he
died in 1899, to the hands of Leslie De Saram, either by pre-
sentation, as the families were in close friendly relations, or by
purchase in an auction, as he was, as said in his above letter,
fond of collecting books from a boyish age.
Anyhow, my visit to Ceylon and my conversation with Mr.
Leslie De Saram, wherein he casually mentioned the name of
the Lee's have helped me to be in a position to say that the
volumes probably passed from the Lee's of Buckinghamshire
to the Lee's of Colombo and that they passed into the hands of
the family of M. De Saram or of Mr. de Saram himself, either by
presentation, the two families being friendly, or by purchase
from an auction sale of Mr. Lee, the son. )
IV
Certificate and Notes in the flrst volume.
After examining the notes in the first volume, made by
hands other than Anquetil's which trace the history of the
migration of the volumes from Paris to Colombo, we will now
examine the first volume in the following order.
1 . The important letter attached to the first fly-leaf of
the first volume.
2. Anquetil's MS. notes on slips of paper attached to
various papers, and of the pages of the volumes.
3. The marginal notes of the volume.
The Certificate of the Librarians.
We will first examine a document on which a slip of paper
containing six notes is gummed. It is a very important docu-
ment. It is an original certificate of the two librarians of the
Biblioth&que du Roi, by which name the Biblioth&que Nationale
was then known. We will see, what this certificate is for, and
why Anquetil has attached so much importance to ifc, and why
he has preserved it, gumming it on a fly-leaf of his very first
volume.
" ZEND AVESTA T/OT7VEAGE DE ZOBOA&TBE " 81
Unfortunately for Anquetil, he had as it were enemies, or,
more properly speaking, hostile critics at home as well as abroad.
As to hostile critics abroad, they arose after the appearance of
his work on the Zend-Avesta in 1771. The first and the
most powerful among these was William Jones, a young Oxonian
then, afterwards Sir William Jones, the founder of the Bengal
Asiatic Society. Fired by what seemed to him to be rather a
disrespectful way in which Anquetil wrote about some Oxford
Scholars, ho took up cudgels on their behalf. I need not dwell
long on the subject, as I have referred to it in my paper on
Anquetil before this Society, but simply say, that no doubt,
Anquetil was generally a little rough in his manners.
Now, leaving aside the question of his later critics abroad,
we find that he had hostile critics, at home, raised also perhaps
by his rough way of asserting himself. I say, perhaps, because
we have no materials before us to say anything emphatically.
Perhaps, the cause may be some pretty jealousies, which we see
among some scholars. Whatever the reason may be, doubts
were thrown upon Anquetii's assertion, that he was the first
Frenchman to produce, and bring to notice, the Zend Avesta
in Paris. I will first give here the above certificates and then
state the whole case :
" Je soussigne, Garde des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque
du Hoi, certifie que les seuls ouvrages connus sous le nom de
Zoroastre, quo possede maintenant la Bibliotheque du Roi,
sont les Livres Zends et Pehlvis, qui y ont ete deposes par M.
Anguetil Du Perron 1 le 15 Mars 1762 ; et que je n'ai point oui
dire qu'on y on ait jamais vu d' autres, ni que M. Otter eut
comment la traduction d'aucun Manuscrit de ce genre.
A Paris le 26 Avril 1770.
Bejot
J'atteste la mmo chose ; a la Binliotheque du Boi, le 2 26
Avril 1770.
Capperoimier. 3
Translation. I the undersigned, the keeper of the Manu-
scripts of the King's Library, certify that the only works,
1 Those underlined words are written in the margin with the usual /V
both there and in the body of the letter, to show that they were
omitted at first. They are written by the same hand.
2 Anquetil who has given the certificate in his Zend Avesta (Vol. I
p. 501 ) has given the word as * ce '. It may be so read here also.
3 Anquetil spells the name with three ' n *s (Ibid).
11
82 "ZEND A VESTA L'OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE" ,
known under the name of Zoroaster, which the King's Library
possesses at present, are the Zend and Pehlvi books, which
have been deposited there by M. Anquetil du Perron (on)
the 15th March 1762 ; and that I have neither heard it said,
that anybody has ever seen others, nor that M. Otter had
commenced the translation of any manuscript of this kind.
At Paris the 26th April 1770.
Bejot.
I certify the same thing ; at the Library of the King.
26th April 1770. Capperonnier.
Both the signatories were known scholars of the time and
I will speak of them here.
Frangois Bejot was born at Montdidier in 1718 and died at
Paris in 1787. He was at first Professor
Bcjot> of Greek in the Bibliotheque du Koi and
he had prepared the catalogue of this Library. He was a
member of the Acade*mie des Inscriptions. He wap latterly,
also appointed a Professor at the College of France.
Jean Capperonnier was born in 1716 and died in 1776.
He was a Professor in the College of France.
Oapperonmer. ^ ^^ he wag em p loyed Qn or( j mar y
Literary work in the Bibliotheque du Roi, where he latterly
became its Librarian. He was a member of the Acade'mie
des Inscriptions. He was the author of several learned works.
The Capperonnier's were a learned family.
This certificate is quoted by Anquetil in his book of the Zend
Avesta (Vol. I Part I pp. 600-501). So, at the bottom of this
letter, we find a Note in his own hand, saying " Voy. a la fin de
ce Vol. P. DI." l This is a reference to his first volume of
Zend-Avesta, containing the Preliminary Discourse, where,
while referring to the subject, he has quoted the letter in full.
Anquetil seems to have attached great importance to this certifi-
cate, and, so, after quoting it in his book, he seems to have
preserved it by attaching it to a fly-leaf of his own copy.
1 i.e., aee (voyez) at the end of this Volume p. 501.
1 " ZEND A VESTA Z/OUVRAGE DE ZOBOASTR W 83
Now, as to why he was led to give importance to such a certifi-
cate, duly attested by other persons, is explained by the following
matter as given in the preliminary discourse of his work.
According to Anquetil'a statement, he wrote from Surat on 4th
April 1759 to M. le Comte de Caylus* and to
T '* Z ? Pa A JT 8t l M ' r Abbd Barthelemy and announced that he
p. COCCXOIX. had commenced translating the Zend Avesta
books and that the translation of the first
fargard (chapter) of the Vendidad was finished. His letter must
have arrived in Paris at the end of the year 1759. In a letter
to him, dated 10th March 1760, M. le Comte de Caylus expresses
his pleasure on hearing the news, and says, that by the appear-
ance of his book, all the hardship and troubles that he had
Buffered in his travels in India will be recompensed. Now,
there had appeared in Paris a dictionary, entitled " Dictionnaire,
Historique Portatif " (a portable Historical Dictionary), in
the year 1752, from the pen of M. 1'Abbe Ladvocat. In 1755,
there appeared another edition of that Dictionary. In both
these editions, there was no mention at all of any book of
Zoroaster having come to Paris, or of having been deposited
in the Royal Library or of any attempt of translating it. But
in the tlord edition of that dictionary published in 1760 i.e.,
in the year next after that in which Anquetil announced to his
above patron friends at Paris, that he had secured the Zend
Avesta books and had commenced translating them, there
appeared a passage, saying that there existed in the Royal
library a folio book referring to Zoroaster, and that a savant,
the late M. Otter, had commenced translating it, but finding,
that it. contained many fables, he had discontinued his
work.
1 He was born in Paris in 1692 and died in 1765. He was an archaeolo-
gist who had travelled in the East. He had made efforts in Asia Minor to
discover the ruins of Troy. He was helped in his work by Abb6 Barthe-
lemy. He was Bishop of Auxerre (the ancient Aulissio durum) in France
which had a seminary for religious learning. He had called Anquetil to
this town for study in his boyhood. Anquetil refers to him, more than
once, in the Preliminary Discourse of his work on Zend Avesta. He speaks
of him and M. Lamoignon de Malesherbes as his patrons (' protecteurs,*
Zend Avesta, T. I. P. I. p. 316). He also speaks of his having presented
to him an idol, which he had taken away, or rather stolen, from the cave-
temple of Jogeshri in the Salsette (Ibid. p. 390 n.). He has taken a note
of this presentation on the margin (A mon retour je Pai donng a M. C. de
Caylus). He also mentions both the above personages with gratitude
for his having been presented with a telescope which he regrets he could
not make use of in India in a great solar eclipse of 30th December 1768.
(Ibid. p. 316). It will be interesting to know where the above idol pre-
sented by Anquetil to Comte de CayTus is at present.
84 "ZEND AVESTA L'OUVBAGE DE ZOBOASTRE" '
Now, this was an attempt to discredit the adventure of
Anquetil and to deprive him of the credit of taking to France,
for the first time, the work of Zoroaster and of being its first
translator. Anquetil took it, that the statement which did
not occur in the first two editions, was given by the author
M. L'Abbe Ladvocat, who was then the Librarian of the Library
of Serbonne in the third edition, after the above referred to
announcement in 1759 to the above mentioned scholars in Pans,
viz., that he was translating the works of Zoroaster and that,
that was done with a view to deprive him of his proper credit.
At first, he says, he did not think it necessary to take notice
of this matter, advanced without proofs, as such matters ordinarily
fill up abridged dictionaries like that of the Librarian of the
Serbonne. Again, he says, that it was known that the author
of the dictionary was very little careful about the correctness
of his statements and rarely took the trouble of resorting to
original sources for his statements. But, later on, he thought
that his silence was likely to be misunderstood. Again, the
mis-statement was carelessly reported by other authors. A
new Dictionary, published in Amsterdem (Rouen), under the
name of Nouveau Dictionnaire Historique-Portatif, in 1769,
had repeated the above mis-statement. Again in 1770, it was
repeated, in the words of the above mentioned l'Abb6 Ladvocat
by the author of " de la Philosophie de la Nature " (Vol. I, p. 112
n. a). So, Anquetil thought it necessary to contradict the
statement. First of all, he assured himself, that in the Royal
Library there existed no book attributed to Zoroaster, as mis-
stated by 1'Abbe* Ladvocat, and to announce the fact publicly,
he got the above mentioned certificate from the two custodians
of the Library. In his Zend Avesta, besides publishing the
certificate, he advances three more points to prove that the
statement of TAbbe* Ladvocat was wrong and says at the
end l :
"Ces quatre points e*tablis d'une maniere incontestable,
menent a la consequence suivante ; S9avoir, que ks Livres
Zends et Pehlvis, que j'ai dtposts & la Bibliotkeque du Roi, U 15
Mars 1762, sont les premiers , les seuls, Manuscrits de ce genre,
lea seuk ouvrages de Zoroaslre, qu'on y ait jamais vus ; et que
je suis le premier en France, qui aye pense" a enrichir ma Patrie
de ces Ouvrages, a les traduire, comme je suis le premier en
Europe qui aye appris les Languages dans lesquels ils sont
e*crits." a
l Tome I, p. 1, p. 502.
a The italicized words are italicized by Anquetil.
" ZEND AVESTA L'OUVRAQE DE Z OR OAST RE " 85
It appears from a very badly written slip of paper, attached
with some other papers, to the first page of the second
fly-leaf of the 2nd Vol. (Tome I, Partie 2), that the question
had not died out even after this certificate and even after the
publication of Anquetil's Zend Avesta. I give below the read-
ing and translation of Anquetil's Notes on this slip of paper.
(a) The first note which is very badly written reads thus,
BO far as it can be read :
" le 15 Fev. ' 1785.
"M. Bigot m'a dit a 1'Acad. que des professeurs de TAcad.
lui avaient dit que ies livres de Zor. etaient a le Bibliot. du Roi
avant que je Ies apportasse ; il ne leur a pas repondu ; aussi
Ies Messrs, des Chret. ont. . . .ete centre moi ; an.
il y a Messrs, a la du Roi qui pas nous
dire que done."
(6) Another Note just below the above, over the same slip,
equally badly written, says :
" Mu-credi (?) 16 Fevr. 1785.
J'ai dit la chose &, M. de Gingnes l qui m'a repondu : Lundi
matin un professeur de 1'Acad. de m'a dit a 1'audi-
ence de M. que chez le Ministre
quclqu'un avait dit que Contes des Inscription sde la Bibliothequo
du Roi peu d'qu'il qu'avant que j'eusse apporte Ies
ouvres Je Zoroastre, ils etaient d6ja &, la Bibliotheque du Roi.
M. De Gingnes lui dit voila M. Bigot (a 1'audience)
vous allez voire que cela est faux ; ils a M. Bijot
qui la afferme. Je que cela 6t6 dit chcz le Ministre
contre moi cerconstances on cherche a m'aneantir.
I. Ho was Joseph de Guignes, a great Orientalist, who know Chinese.
Ho was born at Pontoise in 1721 and died in 1800. He was a professor
at the College of France and was the custodian of Antiquities at Louvre.
His " Histoire Ggn6rale des Huns " published in 1753, is a very im-
portant book in 5 volumes for the study of the history of the Huns. He
was selected a member of the Royal Society of London in 1752. In
1759 he published a Mempire in which he tried to prove the theory that
Chinese civilization had its origin in Egyptian colonization a theory,
which even after more than 150 years had not died out but is
re-submitted with vigour even now. M. De Guignes was with Abbe
Bathelemy, a co -examiner at the direction of the Academic of the
Ms. work of Anquetil before its publication. (Vide for their certificate
Anquetil's Zend-Avesta Vol. I. p. XXXVII, the page after the Errata).
86 "ZEND AVKSTA L'OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTBE" '
We see from this Note, that the question had not died out,
and that, now and then, doubts were raised, as to whether
Anquetil was the first to carry the books of Zoroaster to France.
From what Anquetil says at the end, it seems, that he felt, that
some hostile critics 'wanted to ruin his reputation. All this
explains why Anquetil attached great importance to this certifi-
cate and gummed it to his first volume.
In this connection, one may read with advantage the extracts
given by Anquetil on the unnumbered page between the 36th
page of the Errata and the first page of the " Discours Prelimi-
naire " given under the heading, " Extrait des Registres de r
Academic Boyale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres " and signed
by the " Secretaire perpetual" and the "syndic.'*
V.
Manuscript Notes on the fly-leaves of the First Volume.
The very first set of Notes is that on a piece of paper, gummed
on the original certificate which is referred to later on, which
is attached to the first page of the third fly-leaf of the first
Volume. It is marked as " Vol. I, No. 1" at the bottom by a
hand other than that of AnquetU's. At the top, there is a
passage in Latin which runs thus : l
De inscriptionibus Palmyrenis quae in Museo Gapitolino
The Note refer- adservantur interpretandis epistola F.
ring to Palmyra Augustini Antonii Georgii Eremitae August-
Inscriptions, iniani ad eruditissimum virum Nicol.. Can-
onicum Fogginura Corsinianae Bibliothecae praefecto. Eomae
1782. in 8 176 P.
(Translation).
Letter of the Augustinian Hermit,* Brother Augustine Antony
George, on the interpretation of the Palmyra inscriptions,,
which are preserved, in the Capitoline Museum, to the most
learned Nicolas, Canon of Fogginum, Prefect of the Corsinian
Library. Rome 1782. in 8 176 P.
l. I give the correct reading and translation as kindly done for me by
Father R. Zimmermann, Professor of Sanskrit in St. Xavier's College.
t The order of Augustinian Hermits referred to here, was a monastic-
order among the Roman Catholics which claimed to have originated
from St. Augustine. This order was known as the Augustin Cannons. It
was properly founded in the llth century. They are expected to follow
what IB called "the Rule of Augustine/ The Rule briefly is "that
" ZEND AVE3TA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTBE " 87
The Palmyra Inscriptions referred to here, have been found
The Palmyra "* n " n8 * t ^ ie Once VeT ^ ^ amous cl ^>J
Inscriptions. * Palmyra which is spoken of in these
Inscriptions themselves as Tamar. In the
Bible (I Kings IX, 18 ; 2 Chronicles VIII, 4) it is spoken of as
Tadmor, which is said to be a later form, changed from the
original Tamar. It is said, that at first, it was Tamar in I
Kings IX 18. The city is said to have been first built by Solo
mon. It flourished for centuries as a great emporium of trade.
Palmyra is its later Greek and Latin name. It had a large
temple dedicated to the Sun. The temple had 390 columns
out of which 60 were found when its ruins were first discovered
by European travellers. 1 In my paper, entitled " A Few
Notes on the Pahlavi Treatise of Darakht-i Asurik" *, I have
tried to show, that the Pahlavi " Shatra Asurik " is, properly
speaking, " Shatra khajurik", i.e. " City of Date-palms," and
that this city is the ancient city of Palmyra, which was so
called, because it had many palm-trees. 3 In the Hebrew name
Tadmore, found in the Bible, I venture to suggest that the; first
part of the name, tdd is something like our Indian tdd (clU)
which is one of our Indian Palm species.
Now, the reason why Anquetil has taken a Note of its inscrip-
tion in his own copy of the Zend-Avesta, is not clear, (a) It
was, perhaps, because the city had long historical connections
with the Persians in whose hands, it had passed for a long time.
the monks are to have all things in common ; that the rich who enter
into the order are to sell their possessions and give them to the poor;
that nothing is to be received without leave of the superior ; that they
are never to eat, but in their monastery ; that when they go abroad, they
must go two together in company ; that they are to employ the first part
of the morning in labouring with their hands, and the rest in reading; they
have Saturday allowed to provide themselves with necessaries, and are
permitted to drink wine on Sundays ; and if at any time they are obliged
to retire through persecution, they are to betake themselves immediately
to the place whither their superior has withdrawn. These, with several
other precepts relating to charity, modesty, chastity, and other Christian
virtues, constitute what is called the rule of Augustine, which was read
to the monks once a week. The Augustines are clothed in black and
make one of the four orders of mendicants. 1 * ( Beeton's Dictionary ).
% l. Encyclopedia Britt. 9th Ed. Vol. 18, p. 198.
*. Journal, K. R. Cama Oriental Institute, No. 3, pp. 78-90.
8. " Even the name of Tadmor or Palmyra, by its signification in the
Syriac as well as in the Latin language, denoted the multitude of palm
trees which afforded shade and verdure to that temperate region." Gib*
ton's Decline and Fall of Rome (Ed. of 1845) Vol. I. p. 183. According
to Burgess, the Tad (Borassus and fla belli form us) is known as Palmyra
palm (Burgess's Rock-cut temples of Elephanta p. 1).
88 "ZEND AVBSTA I/Ot7VRAQE DE ZOROASTRB" ,
(6) Again, as said above, the city had a sun -temple. 1 So, its
inscriptions may be of some use in the study of what was said
in the Zend Avesfca about the reverence paid by the Persians
to Khorshed the sun, and Meher (Mithra) the Yazata presiding
over Light. In fact, we find, as we will see later on, a reference
to Mithra in Anquetil's further note on this very slip of
'paper, (c) Again, perhaps the face of Zoroastrian priests using
the leaves of the date-palm in their liturgical services, 2 may
have interested him in the matter of the City of palms.
I do not know what particular book of Palmyra Inscriptions
and what particular letter is referred to. It was only at tho
end of the 18th century that the ruins were discovered. 3 It
was in 1751 that Wood and Dawkins first studied its architecture
and it was in 1753 that they published copies of its inscriptions.
" The great epigraphic wealth of Palmyra was first thoroughly
opened to study by the collections of Waddington and Do
Vogiie made in 1861-62." 4 So it seems that Anquetil's reference
is to a manuscript letter and not to a printed letter. Anquetil
gives reference to 6 pages of the book and takes a note of what
these pages refer to. I will speak here of the 6 references :
Tho first note reads " Refute 1'Abbe* Barthelemy." It means
that the above-mentioned Inscriptions refute
The six notes on Abbe Barth&emy. As Anquetil has not
the slip about the gtafced what part i cu i ar statement of Abtie
Palmyra Inscription -,- ,, /, .* . .. T .
(a) Refutation of Barthelemy is in question, I am not, at
Barth&emy. present, in a position to speak on tho
subject. If the book of inscriptions is
identified, we may, later on, refer to its page 176, and see
what the subject is.
As to Abbe Barthelemy, he was Jean Jacques Barthelemy,
who was born in 1716 and died in 1795.
Abb6 Barthelemy. He had assisted Anquetil in his adventure
of coming to India. He was learned in
various subjects. Ho was a great friend of Comte de Caylus
who also had assisted Anquetil in his project. His studies
1 Vide Dr. Robertson Smith's interesting article on Palmyra in Encyl.
Britt. 9th Ed. Vol. XVIII.
2 Vide my " Religious Customs and Ceremonies of the Parsees "
pp. 291-93. For Anquetil's references to the Date-tree, vide his Zend
Avesta Vol. II. pp. 399, 404.
3 Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire I. p. 183 n. (Ed. of
1845).
4. Dr. R. Smith in Encyclopaedia Britannica 18th vol. (9th ed.) p. 203.
AVBSTA I/OUVRAGE DB ZOBOASTRB " 89
are spoken of, on account of their variety of subjects, as " une
mosaiique". He had made a large collection of medallions.
He was an author of a number of books. We learn the follow-
ng particulars about him from Anquetil's own work.
(a) When Anquetil communicated to him, as to other savants,
his project of going to India for study, he approved the project.
He and other scholars encouraged him and pointed to him the
Academie des Belles Lettres as the final goal of his work i.e
they hinted, that if he succeeded, his success will lead to his
being elected a member of that body (Us me montrerent de
loin I'Acad&nie des Belles- Lettres comme le terme de ines
travaux). 1
(6) It was this abbe who procured for Anquetil the help of
other influential personages. 2
(c) The year 1761 was the year of the Transit of Venus,
After Anquetil's departure from Paris to start for India,
when he was waiting at the Orient, a town in the Bay of Biscay,
where he had arrived on 16th November 1754, some of his
friends thought of the coming Transit and it occurred to them
that Anquetil may carry astronomical instruments with him
to Tndia to observe the Transit scientifically. So, M. le Comte
deCaylus and M. Lamoignon de Malesherbes sent to Anquetil
when he was waiting at the Orient, a box containing the
instrument. L'Abbe Barthelemy sent, in the box, some books
also from his library to help Anquetil (" M. TAbbe Barthelemy
grossit la caisse de plusiers lion Livres tires de son Cabinet)."*
(d) In his return voyage to Europe, his ship, which left
Bombay on 28th April 1761, halted for some days at Hanover
and atTellichery whence he went to Mahi. There, he received
a letter from Abbe* Barthelemy, whom he had previously inform-
ed that he had finished the translation of the first chapter of the
Vendidad, advising him to go on drawing out from the Dasturs
all possible light, which they can give, on ancient Persia till he
finished translating the whole of the writing attributed to
Zoroaster. He also recommended Anquetil to include in his
voyage, Egypt, where many discoveries were made at the time
by M. de Guignes 3 .
1 Zend A vesta, vol. 1. p. VI.
2 Ibid. p. X.
3 Ibid p. CCCXVI n. 1.
90 "ZEND AVBSTA I/OUVRAQE DE ZOEOASTEE
(e) Anquotil refers to him again in his account of his return
to Paris, and says, that he found in him an " obliging scholar "
(s$avant obligeant). 1
(/) Ho and M. de Guignes were the two examiners who
were named by the Academy to examine his Ms. work before
publication (Fide for their certificate Anquetil's Zend A vesta
Vol. I p. xxxvii, the page after the Errata,) 2
We have in our Society's Library the English translation in
7 volumes of the work of Abb Barthelemy, entitled " Travels
of Anacharsis the younger in Greece." The author, in these
volumes, introduces us to the antiquities, manners and customs
of ancient Greece, and that not in a direct form, but in the form
of a description by a traveller, named Anacharsis, who travelled
in Greece in the 4th century B.C. I think, in the selection of tho
title for his work, Abbe* Barthelemy followed Xenophon, who
has, in his Cyropaedia, taken Cyrus the Elder as the hero of his
book, and has given his views, associating them with the name
of Cyrus. The full title of Abbe Barthclemy's work is " Voyage
du jeune Anacharsis en Greco dansle milieu du quatrieme Siecle
avant 1'ero Chretienne." Anacharsis the younger, under
whose assumed name Barthelemy handles his subject, is
supposed to boa descendant of Anacharsis, the Scythian philo-
sopher, who flourished in the 7th century B.C., and who visited
Athens in the time of Solon. He was "tho only barbarian
ever admitted to the honour of citizenship. 3
The second Note on the above slip of paper referring to
(b) The Cypress the Palmyra Inscriptions, runs thus :
of Aderbedjan.
" P. 42 explique d'une maniero curieuso le Cypres
plantS dans 1'Aderbedjan." (Hyde p. 382).
The reference to Dr. Hyde is to the second edition of his
Historia Religionis Veterum Persarum (Ed. of 1760). The
reference is to the subject wherein the author refers to the tree
at Kashmar or Kftshmar (^^tf). Anquetil, in his Zend-
Avesta, refers to Zoroaster having brought a cypress in
Kaschmer in Korassan (Vol. I, partie 2, pp. 33, 46-47 and 61).
1 Ibid CCCCXXXIX and n. 1. Vide my " Anquetil Du Perron of
Paris and Dastur Darab of Surat " p. 68.
2 Ibid CCCCLXXVIII.
8 Boston's Dictionary of Geography and Biography, new edition by
G, R. Emewon Vol. I, pp. 123-124.
" ZEND AVBSTA I/OUVBAGE DE ZOKOASTBE " 91
The cypress, referred to, is the cypress, which, according to
Firdousi and other writers, Zoroaster planted
The Cypress. ^ ihe court of j^g Qushtasp. Firdousi
says : " It was a tree with many roots and a large number of
branches, spreading from the mansion of Gushtasp and the
top of his palaco. The leaves of that tree were good counsels
and the fruit was wisdom. How can one who eats of such fruit
(viz tt wisdom) die ? "* Now, the reason, why Anquetil has
taken this note, seems to me to be, that the author referred to
by him has spoken of it as the Cypress planted in Adarbadgan,
while all references to it point to Khorassan as the place of its
growth. As the name of the place differed, Anquetil seems to
have taken a note of it.
The third note refers to Anquetil himself. It says : " P. 49
(c) A refutation Me refute sur 2 ce que j'ai dit quo Zoroastre
of his view. n'avait (?) pas et6 instruit par les Juifs."
It seems that the book referred to above refutes the view of
Anquetil that Zoroaster was never instructed by the Jews.
I cannot trace where Anquetil has said so. I have nob been
able to find any statement to that effect in his Zend Avesta.
On his return to Paris and before the publication of the three
volumes of his Zend-Avesta, he had published according to
Dannesteter, 3 the following articles :
(a) "Me'moire sur Tauthenticite do T A vesta " in the " Journal
des Savants." of May- June 1769. This Journal is not available
here. 4
(b) "Comparaison du systeme the*ologique des Mages
d'apres Plutarque et d 'apres les toxtes Zends. ' ' It was published
1. Vuller's Text of the Shah-nftmah III p. 1497, Vide my paper before
the B. B. R. A. S. entitled "Cashmere and the Ancient Persians" (Vol.
XIX pp. 247-48. Vide my Asiatic Papers, Part I, pp. 109-10). Vide
Ousley's Travels in Persia Vol. 1 p. 389. Vide The Dabistan by Shea
and Troyer, Vol. I pp. 306-9. Vide \&>\\ R ^*U*<1 by Dastur
Erachji S. Moherji Rana, p. 40. Vide Jackson's "Zoroaster, the Prophet of
Iran " p. 80. Ousley (Travels in Persia Vol. I. p. 389) says that " the
tree reminds us of that extraordinary triple tree, planted by the Patriarch
Abraham and existing until the death of Christ."
2. Perhaps the word may bo read 'do.*
8. Zend Avesta Vol. I Introduction p. XIII.
4. I am very sorry to read, what our Librarian says in his letter, dated
24th July 1924 : "I regret we have not any volume of this in the Library.
We had a few odd volumes but they were discarded by the Managing
Committee a few years ago.*' It is a pity, that such old Journals of
learned Societies are discarded in this way.
92 "^END AVBSTA L'OUVRAGE DB ZOBOASTBE"
in the " Me*moires de I'Acad&me." The full title of the Memoires
is " Histoire de I'Academie Royale des Inscriptions et Belles
lettres, avec les Memoires de Litterature tire des Registre de
cette Acad6mie, depuis 1'annee MDCCLXIV jusqua et compris
1'annee MDCCLXVI", Tome Trente-quatrieme p. 376. The
full title of Anquetil's article is " Systeme Theologique des
Mages, selon Plutarche, compare" avec celui des anciens livres
que les Parses attribuent a Zoroastro, leur Legislateur.," 1
(c) " Exposition du Systeme the"ologique des Perses d'apres
les textes zends, pehlvis, et parsis ; recherches sur 1'age de
Zoroastre." This article was published in the above Memoires
Vol. XXXVII pp. 570-710. It'is not available here.
I do not find in the above available volume, the above referred
to view of Anquetil. So, perhaps it is in one of the other two
articles.
(d) Note on the The fourth Note reads thus :
Calbovis.
" Les Calbovis du mont Leban. Hyde 615."
The Calbovis 2 seem to be the Kalbians who live round about
mount Libanu or Lebanon. John Henry Grose, in his " Voyage
to the East Indies." (1757), refers to them, and says that, like,
the Suffists, they "outwardly conform to the Mahometan religion"
(p. 357).
The reference to Hyde is to the second edition of Dr. Hyde's
above mentioned Veterum Persaram HistoriaReligionis p. (515),
where in the Appendix I, referring to p. 36 of the text a noto
is given on the Calbii and Durzii living on Mount Lebanon.
The fifth note is not legible. It reads like (p.) " 152 Agli
(e) A reference to Co1 Ormuzd."
Ormuzd-
I do not understand what is meant to be said here. Perhaps
what was meant by Anquetil is that Agli (or whatever the name
may be), referred to in the book of Palmyra Inscription, is the
same as Onnazd of Persia.
The sixth and the last note on this slip of paper is (p.) " 166
(/) Reference to Matarbal Mithra ou le soleil." The first
, a * word is not clear. Perhaps, by a reference
to the book of Palmyra Inscriptions, some light may be thrown
1. This Memoir is in our Library. It is 1. 1. o-l.
2. The reading is doubtful.
' ZEND AVESTA l/OUVRAGE DE ZOEOASTEE " 93
on the word. What is meant by Anquetil seems to be that the
name (whatever it may be) is the same as Mithra or the Sun of
the Avesta.
Now, we como to a Note on the first page of the third fly-leaf
of Vol. I. We read : Voy (ez> 1'extr (ait)
n <^!i enC L dans le Journal des Savants. November 1771
seau aid others PP- 709-716 ^n. 4* par M. do Guignes, la
reponse generate b, la critique par M. de
Guignes. Mai 1772 p. 252-(272)-274.
" Le 25 avr (il) 1788 M. Genin l r Comm. des afE (aires) Etrang
(ores) a fait la 2 e lecture de son 2nd Meme sur les Runes ; il a
dit qu'il avait re$ (u) une lettre de M. Rousseau Consul General
de Bagdad qui lui marque qu'il a vu dan les mains des Parses
d'lezd des Mss. en caracteres de Pcrsepolis clous 2 et jc lui ai
repre*sente* quo le fait etait certainement faux, qu'il fallait les
attendre (?) que c'etait du zend ou du PMvi.
" Oe Rousseau un natif d'Ispahan, a e"t a Surate du tem(p)s de
mon frere s'est siuve 3 a Paris portant toujours 1'habit (?) 4 . . . .
long aupres de M. Do Captries qui a e*te Consul a Bassora, et
il dira voir tout ce qu'on lui demandera. C'est lo caractere
des Chretiens (?) du pays. 6
The reference in the above note to De Guignes' reply to the
criticism in 1771 seems to be to the theory,
Guiime? theo. which he held > that the ori g in * the Chinese
nation was an Egyptian colonization. He
stuck to this theory, upto his death on 19th March 1800 *
His work on this subject was entitled " Memoire dans lequel on
prouve que les Chinois sont une colonie Egyptienne " published
in 1759-60. His theory is said to have seduced a number of
savants at the time but was criticised as absurd by others.
The Rousseau referred to in the above note was Jean Fran9ois
Rousseau. Xavier Rousseau who was born at Ispahan
in 1738 and died in 1808. He was a great
French diplomat. The famous Jean Jacque Rousseau (1712-1778)
. 1 Doubtful. It may be ' intr.' for Introduction. 3 Cuneiform, lit.
nails. 5 Concealed, disguised, reserved. 4 Doubtful. It seems to be
some word for dress.
6 Then follow four lines, which are illegible owing to faint ink.
C We find even now the theory occasionally propounded, that Egypt
was the country from which civilization spread to the East and furthest
East. -Vide "The Childran of the Sun". A study in the Early History of
Civilization " by W. J. Perry. Vide my paper "A Few Notes from
Recent Anthropological Literature" road before the Anthropological
Society of Bombay on 2nd July 1924.
94 " ZEND AVESTA I/OUVBAGE DE ZOEOASTBE
whose philosophy had greatly influenced the France and even
the Europe of his time, was Ids father's cousin. His father had
come to Persia, in 1708, on an embassy, and had become a prin-
cipal jeweller (le principal joaillier) of the Shah there. Young
J. F. Xavier Rousseau knew several languages of Asia and
Europe. He was " charge" des affaires " of France in Persia in
1775. During his visit of Paris he continued to put on oriental
costume. 1 In 1782, he was the consul of France at Basra.
Later on, he became consul at Bagdad and remained in that
post till his death. The writer of his life in the Dictionay of
Larouse says : " Son erudition and son autorite* furcs tres
utile aux voyageurs Niebuhr, Pages.... et autres." It was
during the time of his stay in Persia as " charge^ des affaires"
that he must have visited Yezd, and it must be during that
visit that he may have seen in the hands of the Parsees there
some Avesta Mss. which he thought were in the letters of the
Persepolitan Cuneiform inscriptions. Anquetil very properly
corrected him by saying that the Mss. he may have seen must be
in Zend (Avesta) and Pehlvi characters.
As to what Anquetil says, that Rousseau was in Surat when
his brother was there, we do not find any direct statement to that
effect in the account of his life in the Dictionary of Larouse.
But, we read there, that " he came to the help of severaf French-
men who had fallen in a miserable condition in India, sent them
money for maintenance in the colony of Mahi (" vint au secourfc
de plusieurs Francais qui e*taient tombes dans la misere dans
Tlnde onvoya a ses frais des vivres a la colonie de Mahi.")
As to AnquetiFs reference to his brother Anquetil du Brian-
court being in Surat, we know from his first volume, that he was
at Surat in the service of the French factory. He came to India
some time after An que til's arrival.
Then we come to four lines which, of all the Notes of
M. Anquetil, are the most difficult to read,
Reference to Mr- not on i v on account o f their bad handwriting
00 z ' but also because of their very faint ink.
M. Daniel Levi has read some words hero and there as follows :
" M. Clod attaquer les saints livres Zend Avesta
...... Appele" la Zend Av Phfflo-phuiller." After
several hours painful attempt with a magnifier, I have read a
1 It ie this fact that is referred to above in the Note..
" ZEND AVBSTA I/OUVBAOE DE ZOROASTEE " 95
part of this Note as follows, and in my reading I think I am sure
with the first name :
M. Clootz P l du club du Jacobin retracte une ....
qu'il avait de I'Evangtie 2 de 1'ac-
ceptcr d'attaquer ce saint livre zend Avesta
appele le zend Av le Philo-
soph 10 Fev. 1791.
The M. Clootz, referred to in this most difficult of difficult
notes of Anquctil, is Baron Jean Baptiste who was born in 1775
and died in 1794. He was known as Anacharsis Clootz, the
first part of which name Anacharsis, he had assumed from the
name of the book of Abbe Barthelemy above referred to (p. 90),
viz., " Voyage du jeune Anacharsis en Grece Etc." He was born
near Cleves and had gone to Paris at the age of eleven for study.
While there, he took up the Anarchic teachings of his uncle Corne-
lius de Paum. Thereafter, he gave up his title and his Christian
baptismal name and took up the above name of Anacharsis and,
like the holder of that fictitious name in Barthelemy 'a work,
travelled and wandered in Europe, preaching anti-Christian
views. Not only did he preach against Christianity but ran
down all revealed religions. He returned to Paris in 1789. He
was a member of the Jacobin Club, a club of the most violent
revolutionists, founded in Paris in 1789. Robespierre, the
chief of the Jacobins (1758-1794) brought about his dismissal
from the Jacobin Club, and some time after, he was put to death.
It seems that like Robespierre, his character was possibly
made up of contradictions. Robespierre had at first conscien-
tious scruples against the infliction of death sentence, but when
he came to power, he caused many deaths as a Revolutionary,
and he himself, becoming a victim was dragged to the guillotine.
Similarly, Clootz, who also became a victim of his own anarchical
teaching and was condemned and put to death, had at first
run down all religions, but, latterly, his extravagances are said
to have become somewhat solemn and he published a book on,
at least, one religion, the Mahomedan, under the title of " La
Certitude des Preuves du Mahometism."
Now AnquetiFs above note, though mostly illegible, seems to
point to some events and traits of the character of Clootz. If
I have read the word correctly, there was something, in 1791,
1 This illegible word seems to signify some office or position held by
M, Clootz in connection with the Jacobin Club,
* Doubtful.
96 "ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE"
about three years before his death, of a kind of " reJracte" or
retraction of what was previously said. His expulsion from the
Jacobine Club at the hands of Robespierre may be due to some
kind of retraction. Anquetil's note, if fully deciphered by better
readers than myself, will help us to know what is said about the
Zend Avesta in this note.
This indistinct note finishes the notes on the fly-leaves of the
first volume.
VI
NOTES IN THE BODY OF THE VOLUME.
Now, we come to a number of Notes in the text itself of the
first volume. We find I. Notes on slips of papers, and II.
Notes on the margin. I will now speak of thase :
I. NOTES ON SLIPS OF PAPER.
We find that Anquetil has put down some Notes ox* slips of
paper. It seems that Dr. J. Lee, who subsequently owned the
volumes, put the slips mostly in their proper places. That*it
was he who did so appears from his name " J. Lee " which he
has put down on most of them. I will now speak of these Notes
on slips attached to different pages.
This Note reads as follows: " Etablissement a
it w u * Bamlipatam (Palorte) des cent personnes (?)
B^* ab sU P cetan(1777 V (?) donn6 par Hider
after p. 120. Acbar."
Translation. Establishment of Bamlipatam (Palorte) of
hundred persons, this year 1777 given by Hider
Acber.
Bamlipatam is a village in the Malabar district. It was the
Portuguese name of Palorte. Anquetil himself says : " Palorte,
quo les Portugais appellent Bamlipatam" (Tome I P. I. p. 126
n. 1). Its river also carries the same name (Ibid. p. 169 1. 3).
It had a Catholic church dedicated to " Notre Dadame des
Neiges." (Ibid p. 184 No. 28). Palorte is also written as
Pallourte (Vide Tome II Index p. 748 col. 2). Hider Acbar
seems to be the Haider All of Mysore (1702-1703).
" ZBND AVESTA L'OUVBAOB DE ZO&OASTBB " 97
The first words in the third line are difficult to read. Are
they " parsee de Bombay "(?) It is with very great diffidence
that I suggest this reading. It is known that a Parseo of Bombay
was associated with Haider Ali in his war with the neighbouring
state. We read in an account of Hyder Ali's life f " He is
said to have induced his brother to employ a Parsee to purchase
artillery and small arms from the Bombay Government." 2 Wo
read at the bottom of the slip in pencil a note saying " Vol.
I p. 187." It seems to be in the hand of Dr. Lee. The slip
must strictly be said to belong to p. 126 n. 1, where we find a
reference to Bamlipatam.
In interpreting these notes, we must bear in mind, that they
are mere stray notes put in by Anquetil, to be perhaps amplified
and connected with the text ; so they must not be taken as a
running sentence.
2 The slip on p.
1 70, on an abbe and The next slip is attached to p. 170. It reads :
the Avosta Ahun-
avar.
" Le 7 3 9*>rc 1783*.
M. PAbb6 Adheach, chanoinie de M. D. qui travaille sur le
Zend-Avesta &c. m'est voir avec M. G. ? au
surtout. Ques. sur le Verbe, 1' Yonover, la Parol. Autre dito il y a
predicateur a dit quo la croyance de Vcrbe &c. ctait
dans TOrient avant le Chrestianism a cite les passes (?)
M. P Adheach lira sur Pautorite cite" &c. me con-
sultera &o.
1 During my visit of Mysore and Seringapatam about 18 years ago,
I remember having soon, in a largo picture in a pnlaco, a Parsoo standing
with othor courtiers in his full dress.
3 Encyclopsadia Brittanica 9th Ed. Vol. 12 p. 427 col. 2.
9 The figure may be read 5, but as it is liko tho second figure of the
year (1783), I have read it as 7.
4 Tho last figure may bo read aa 7 ; But as ' 7 ', the second figure in
the number for the year is not like this, one should not read it as 7.
The second figure in the year (1783) cannot bo other than 7 because
Anquetil lived in the century denoted by 17. As he speaks of tho visit
of a person to him, there is no doubt that the year is seventeen hundred
and eighty -three (tho last figure may be different).
13
98 "ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRACIE DE ZOBOASTRE"
Translation : 7th November 1783.
Mr. Abbe Adheach (of the) Canonry of M.D. who works on
the Zend Avesta &c. came to see ine with M.G (?)
Question. On the Word, the Yonover, 2 the Word. Another
Question. 3 There is a preacher (who) has said thai/ the
belief of the (Holy) Word &c. existed in the East before Chris-
tianity. (He) has cited the passages. Mr. (abbot) Adheach
will read ? on the authority quoted &c. (and) will consult
me.
>
This slip of paper attached to the plate between pp. 270 and
271, bears some faint writing in pencil by some later hand,
giving the decipherment of some words. Then at the bottom,
it has the following, words :
"Vol. I, p. 170
J. Lee."
It seems, that the slip was, at first, a loose slip, and the above
referred to Dr. Lee, thinking that it referred to something on p.
170 of the first volume, wrote that Note with his own hand. But
it does not appear to have any reference to anything said on this
Then some later handwriting (which also seems to be that of
Dr. Lee) has corrected this reference in faint pencil and we read
* See Vol. 2,176 (=1, 2, 176)." This is a very proper correction,
because, on p. 176 of the second part of the first volume, we find
a reference to the Ahuna vairya prayer, and the word there is
written by Anquetil as " Honover."
1 This word seems to be surtout. If so, it may mean, with the pro-
ceding word which seems to be au (au surtout), " in an overcoat"- or it
may mean especially. Then the word may run in connection with what
follows i.e., he came to see me especially on the question. (The question
is referred to in the next line.)
'A * Houover (Avesta " Ahuna Vairya," the prayer known
hfl Vairy6). Anquetil says of it: " Norn general de la parole
as . o : orn genera e a paroe
d prmuzd (Vide his Zend Aveata, Tome II, Table des Matieres, p. 007
1st Column).
3 We read the word 'dito ' (Eng. ditto) under the word " question )"
of the preceding line. So, I think what Anquetil means to say ia that
his another question was &c."
11 ZEND AVBSTA I/OTTVBAGE DE ZOEOASTRE " 99
We read on this slip : " Apres la mort du chef des grands
m. r Marates resident & Ponin, guerre pour le
to p5oanEvent P* des biens entre Rgunatrao et sa
at Poona. niece femme de Moraro; lo l r cede Salsette
aux Anglais, pour le faire un appui. Us
prennent Tanin le 28- 10 bre 1774 ; s'appairent leur (?) Les
Marates saisi de'lois se recouvertent (?) Us ........ anglais
qu'jis prient aux Francais de faire un establissement chez eux I 1
Translation. On the death of the chief of the great Mahrattas,
residing in Poona, war for the division of the property between
Ragounathrao and the family of the wife of Morarao. The
firsfc (i.e., the former ?) gives Salsette to the English for their
rendering him support. They took Thana (on) the 28th of
December 1774. They ally themselves to them (?) ; the Mah-
rathas seized with power ...... recover. They ........ the Eng-
lish ........ They request the French to establish themselves
amongst them (?)
The Ragounathrao, referred to in this Note, is the Maratha
chief Raghuba (also known as Raghunatii) who was the son of
Baji Rao I. of Poona. The Maratha power was in ascendancy in
the latter half of the 18th century, and in 1760, when Anquetil
was in Bombay, the Mahratha Empire was in its zenith. The
Morarao, referred to here is Madho Rao also spoken of as Madhav
Rao. He was the fourth Peshwa. The following passage from
Vincent Smith's "The Oxford Student's History of India' 1
(6th Ed., 1916, Chap. XXIV, p. 266) explains the event referred
to herein : " Tho war known as the first Maratha war arose
out of a disputed succession to the office of Peshwa. Madho
(Madhava) Rao, the fourth Peshwa, died in 1772 ...... and
was replaced by his brother Narayan Rao, who, nine months
later, was murdered by his uncle Raghoba (Raghunath). The
succession was contested between the murderer and tho
supporter of his victim's posthumous child, who set up a
regency. The English authorities at Bombay promised their
support to Raghoba at the price of the cession of Salsette 2
and Bassein and an agreement to the effect, the Treaty of Surat
(1775) was concluded without the knowledge of the Governor-
General. 3 But he found himself obliged to support the
Bombay President in the war which ensued."
, 1 The last 4 lines are illegible and unintelligible to me, because Anque-
til has added a line over a line and simply scribbled.
8 Tanin or Thana, referred to in this note, formed a part of the Salsette*
a Hastings was the Governor-General at the time.
100 "ZEND AVESTA L'OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE"
The following genealogical Table explains the relationship
between the different Peshwas :
BALAJI VISHWANATH
1st Peshwa in 1714.
Died in 1720,
Baji Rao I, 2nd Peshwa, Raghoba or
Died 1740 Raghunath Rao.
Balaji, 3rd Madho or Madhava Narayan Rao, murdered
Peshwa. Rao, 4th Peshwa, by Raghoba in
Died in 1772. 1772.
At the foot of this note also, we read, in Dr. Lee's hand, a
Note saying " Vol. I, p. 424." There is also the same Note in
faint pencil. It seems, that at first, he made the Note in
pencil, and then, assuring himself that he was right, he made
the Note in ink. This Note properly points out the place or
the page where the slip should go because, it is here (pp. 424-
425), that Anquetil refers to Thana (Tanin) in describing his
return journey to Surat from the Elephanta caves. As all the
events had happened subsequent to his departure from India
he takes a Note of what he had subsequently heard or read.
Having finished an examination of the Notes on slips of
paper, I now come to the marginal Notes in the Volume itself.
II MARGINAL NOTES.
We have a number ef marginal notes. They are of two kinds :
(1) Those which correct the error in the print, and (2) those
which give some additional information on the subjects, treated
in the pages on the margin of which they stand. As to the errors
in print, we find, that Anquetil seems to have gone over his
work very carefully with a view, perhaps, of a second edition.
We find from these volumes, that he had taken care to mark
even the errors of the omission of small punctuations like
comma, &c. There are marginal notes, drawing attention here
and there to other references. We know, that in the first
volume in the first set of pages, numbered XVII-XXXVI,
Anquetil has given a very long exhaustive Errata (p. XVII)
"ZEND A VESTA L'OUVRAQE DE ZOROASTRE" 101
saying : " H y a beaucoup do fautes dans cet ouvrage ; le
plus grand nombre est de moi, les autres on e*chappe a
I'lmpression. Jo m'arreterai surtout a celles qui blessentle
sens, ou qui le rendent incertain ; le Lectuer voudra bien corriger
le reste de lui-meme, et suppleer la ponctuation dans les
endroits ou, quoique vicieuse, elle ne cause aucune obscurite."
This explains his solicitude to note down even the minutest
errors, like those of punctuations, with a possible view
to a second edition.
The following is a list of the pages bearing marginal Notes,
with my few observations :
P. XX of Errata.
(a) The first important marginal note in the Errata reads :
1 . . des Lettres du Bengale etab!6 Mogul par les Marates.
Siege a Dohli Gazette de France 2 31 Juill. 1772.
AnquetiFs references in the Marginal Note to the events of
1772 seem to be explained by what we read in Smith's " Oxford
Students' History of India " (p. 261). We read there as
follows : " But the Marathas, although hit hard by the disaster
of Panipat, soon began to recover power, and at the close of
1^70, Mahadaji Sindia occupied Delhi. He persuaded Shah
Alain to quit Allahabad and return to the capital. The
Emperor thus became a dependent of the Marathas, and
Hastings was justified in withholding a payment of the Bengal
tribute, and in treating Allahabad and Kara as abandoned by
the emperor."
The event also seems to be explained by the following which we
read in the History of Dow (2nd edition, vol. II, p. 333), referred
to by Anquetil on the page of the Marginal note :
" The King (Alamgir II) and his eldest son Ali Gohar, were, in
the meantime, kept state prisoners. The latter made his escape
in 1772 The vizier, by the means of insidious letters,
in which Ittul Raw and many other Omrahs, sworo
to protect him, inveigled him to Delhi. But, in violation of all
oaths and fair promises, he was instantly confined by Ghazi in
the house, of Alia Murda, where he remained for the space of
two months/ 1
1 The edge of the page having been cut off, the first word is not clear.
it may be lu, i.e., read.
2 Doubtful reading.
102 "ZEND AVBSTA I/OUVRAQE DE ZOROASTRfi"
Anquetil's reference to Mr. Dow's History on p. 20 of his
Errata, is to the first edition of Alexander Dow's " History of
Hindostan; translated from the Persian." After the publication
of Anquetil's work, a new edition of this History was publish-
ed in 1812, in three volumes, in an amplified form, with two
dissertations in place of one referred to by Anquetil. The
title of this new edition runs thus : " The History of Hindostan ;
translated from the Persian, to which are prefixed t^vo
Dissertations ; the first concerning the Hindoos, and the
second on the Origin and Nature of Despotism in India ;
by Alexander Dow, Esq. A new edition in three volumes,
London 1812."
(6) The second marginal note of the Errata is not clearly writ-
ten out. When the difficult parts are properly arranged as in-
dicated by marks like A and x it reads thus :
P. 486 lig.' 1 9 lis 2 . est precedee de'.
P. 486 lig. 3 lis. Vendidad sade" . Je donne separement la Vendi-
dad proprement si-dit quoiqu' il f assent partie du Vendidad-
sade ou il est mele* avec Izeschne et la Vendidad parceque."
These marginal notes, in order to be better understood, must
be read with what is said on page 486 of the first volume of
Anquetil 11. 9 and 3. Anquetil wants to make a reference to
what he has said on p. 486 and suggests a correction. The
references to the Vendidad Sade* and the Vendidad properly
so-called refer to the fact that this Vendidad contains in itself
the Yasna and the Visparad also.
MARGINAL NOTES OP DISCOURS PRELIMINAIRE.
P. 80. The Note reads : "Bibl. Germ. T. 48 p.112." I do not
know to what Library (Bibliotheque) Anquetil refers. He seems
to desire to add this marginal note of reference, if another edi-
tion of his work was published. Perhaps the word Germ, may
be read Gen. m., i.e.. Gen til Ms. Then, that may be a reference to
the library of an orientalist M. Gentil. Vide below (p. 107),
marginal note of p. 274.
l Abbreviation 'ofligne' 2 Abbr.ofliaez
3 The word Sade, if it is Pers. Sdtkh, simple, seems to be a misnomer,
because such a Vendidad is not "simple " but "mixed/* So, I think,
the word may be Sada, inconvenience, trouble, because the recital of the
three the Vendidad proper, the Yasna and the Viaperad-causes an in-
convenience or trouble to the reciter, requiring him to be very careful
to preserve the proper order of the arrangement of the chapters.
"ZEND AVBSTA I/OUVBAGE DE ZOROASTRE" 103
P. 48. "ou du Schodjaa frere de Aurangzebe. Voy. do
Graaf (?) p. 4749."
He says of the palace referred to in his text, that it was of Shuja,
the brother of Aurangzebe. Shah Jahan had four sons, of
whom Shuja was the second and Aurangzebe the third. I do not
know what book of voyage Anquetil refers to.
( P. 83. There is a marginal note in English in pencil on p. 83
of the Discourse, which refers to Ezour 1 Vedam, which reads :
" This book is a forgery of the Jesuit Missionaries." This note
seems to have been made by a later owner of the volumes, most
probably by the above-ref erred to Dr. Lee. 1)
P. 119. " M. Dupleix, tir6 du Bengale, remplac6 par un
homme foible, occupe luimeme & la cote par les guerres &c.
tout cela prepar6, concerte par les Anglais, pour Temparer
Surem et tranquiliser du Bengale ".
Translation. M. Dupleix, withdrawn from Bengal, (and) re-
placed by a weak man, occupied himself on the coast, with the
wars, all that prepared (and) concerted by the English in order
to possess Surem (pore) and tranquilise Bengal.
The reference here to Dupleix's withdrawal from Bengal is to
the fact of his being the superintendent of French affairs in Chan-
darnagar near Calcutta in 1730. The town grew in power and pros-
perity under him. The reputation that he made there led to his
being .appointed in 1742, the Governor-General of the French
territories in India. Latterly, he came to the South, to the
Madras Presidency. In the wars, which rose between two
rival claimants for the sovereignty of Carnatic and the Deccan,
the British took the side of the rivals who were opposed to those
whom Dupleix favoured. The town Surem (written in an
abbreviated form with a point at the end) seems to be Seram-
pore near Calcutta. It was for some time held by the Dutch,
but in 1845 it was sold to the English.
P. 120. The note reads : " La compag. Angloise, en ren-
dant justice a la probite de M. Spencer, pense differomment de
ses operations dans le Bengale. Memoirs de M. Verelst.
Append(ix) p. 134."
This Mr. Spencer is Mr. Spencer who was the Commis-
sioner of Marine in Bombay at the time when Anquetil came to
Bombay before his departure to Europe and with whom he
lived in Bombay. At first, he was the Chief of the English
Company at Surat. Anquetil refers to his " probit6 " more
than once in his work. The English are said to have made their
i. Yftjur Veda.
104 "ZEND AVBSTA I/OUXRAGE DE 7X)BOASTRE "
name in his time, owing to his good qualities. He says " Mais
co nom, ils no le doivent qu'aux qualite's personnelles du
Chef de T entreprise (M. Spencer). II n'a pas moins fallu que
rhumanite* , la douceur, la probitt de cegene'reus Anglois, pour fair
oublier aux naturels du Pays la violence qu'il exei9oit au nom
de sa Nation. (Tome I., P. 1., p. 119, last para). Anquetil re-
fers to Spencer's " bonnes manieres " further on also. (Ibid
p. 297, 1. 13). Again, he says of him : " Si jamais hommo a
ete propre a concilier des partis anim6s Tun contre T autre,
e'etoit ce genereux Anglois " (Ibid p. 437). He desired the
union of England and France. (Vide also Ibid, pp. 302, 307,
309).
This and the previous marginal notes are in connection with
a long dissertation of Anquetil on the subject of the possession of
power in India by the different European nations. It is a sub-
ject worth reading even now. What Anquetil means to say by
this Note, is, that even a good and honest man like Spencer
failed in Bengal, wherein there was much of avidity in tho
management of affairs. I cannot make out who the Monsieur
(the name is not clear) referred to by Anquetil, is, and what his
memoire was. Anquetil refers to a number of Memoirs in his
original notes printed in the margin of his pages.
P. 123. The Marginal notes of this page seem to point out
the marginal sub-headings of the subject, which may be printed,
if a second edition was ever wanted. Or, perhaps, Anquetil
only put these for his reference.
(P. 179. Here, there is a Note in English, which runs as :
" 825. Aiphab. Samper. Bora 1772." The number 825 is a
correction of number 822 in the body of the text. But, I cannot
trace who Aifab Samper, who is said to have been born in 1772,
is. The Note is not in tho hand of Anquetil, but seems to bo in
the hand of Dr. Lee. "Tho word ' born ' is not French and so
evidently it is not a note by Anquetil. 1 )
P. 211. We read the following Notes :
(a)" Sevadji fils du Ram Raja, fils de Sevadji.
By this note, Anquetil corrects his statement in the original.
The original said that Ram Raja, a Prince of tho Marathas
was tho son of Schah Raja who was the son of Sambadji Raja.
In this marginal note, he says, that Ram Raja was the son of
Sevadji and had himself a son named Sevadji.
(6) Again, lower down, he speaks of Sambadji as tho son of
the great Shivaji and again corrects or modifies that statement by
a second marginal Note which reads : Sambadji " fils ami 6
de Rama Raja, fils de Sevadji.".
"ZEND AVBSTA L/OUVRAGE DE ZOBOASTRE*' 105
Anquetil seems to be under some confusion about the des-
cendants of the great Maratha leader Shivaji, owing to the fact,
that in the rising and descending genealogy of the great
Mahratta leader, there are several names that are common.
To make the matter clear to the readers, I give below the
ascending and descending lines of Shivaji who was related to
the Bhonsle (the Bonsolo of Anquetil) family.
Balaji, alias Shivaji (B. 1533).
I
Maloji (B. 1550) Vithoji (B. 1553)
Shaha
Sarfji
Sambhaji Shivaji
the great leader (B. 1627. D. 5th April 1680)
Sambhaji (B. 1657 by wife Rajaram ( B. 1664 by wife
Sayabai of the Nimbalchar Soyerabai of the
family. Shirke family. Married
Tarabai).
I
Shah Raja (Shahu) also Sambhaji Shivaji.
known as
| Shivaji.
Ramraja (B. 1758).
The Ramraja, spoken of by Anquetil as the son of the great
Shivaji, is generally known as Rajaram. 1 The lower names in
the above table arc such as are given by Anquetil in the margin.
(c) The third Note on p. 211 refers to Nana, another name, as
said by Anquetil, of Balaji Rao who was Peshwa from 1740 to
1761. It runs thus :
"Passe dans 1761. Deux enfants. 1 2 Madorao, sous la
tutelle de Raguenatrao, son frere.
1. " Tho Life of Shivaji Maharaj, Founder of the Maratha Empire,
by Prof. Takakhav, adopted from the original Marathi work of K. A.
Koluskar (1921), p. 550. I have prepared the upper part of the above
genealogical table from the text of this book.
2. i.e., the first.
14
106 "SEND AVESTA L'OUVRAGE DE ZOBOASTRE"
2 01 Naranvao, assassine ensuite par Raguenatrao en 1774,
Naranrao 9 2 an age, fils de ce dernr 3 , Prince Naranrao 4 )
Translation. Died in 1761. Two children. 1 Madorao,
under the guardianship of Raghunathrao, his brother. 2 Naranrao,
assassinated afterwards by Ragunathrao in 1774. Naranrao
9 years of ago, son of this last Prince {Naranrao 6 )
The above names in the marginal notes of Anquetil are ex-
plained by the following genealogical table of the Peshwas. 6
(the Peseve of Anquetil, Tome I, P. 1. p. 211 n.). The events
referred to are mentioned in brief with the names. 7
(1) Balaji Visvanath (1707-20).
(2) Baji Rao (1720-40),
(3) Balaji Baji Rao Raghunath Rao or Raghoba
(1740-61 ) . who claimed Teshwaship
I (1773-74).
(4) Madho Rao (1761-72) (5) Narayan Rao assassinated by
Raghunath Rao or Raghoba
(1772-73).
(6) Madho Rao Narayan (1774*95)
commited suicide.
1 i.e. tho second.
2 I am doubtful about the figure. It may be some other number of
one digit.
3 Dernier. 4 Tho next line is cut off with the paper.
6 The words which I have read " 9 an age " are very badly written.
They can be ruid as one word and as " savage " for " savage, " i.e., wild.
Then in that case, the word in the next line which I have read above as
" prince" may be read as " prive " (i.e., deprive), and then, the meaning
would be " The savage or the wild or mad son of the last (person)
deprives (himself, of his life)." The missing portion may be words
saying something like that. Then the reference may be to the fact
that this Naranrao, the (Madhorao) Narayan of our genealogical table
which follows, had committed suicide.
6 The Oxford Students' History of India by Vincent Smith (1916),
p. 304.
7 Shahu (D. 1748), the descendant of Shivaji, had Balaji, Vishwanath as
his Peshwa. This Balaji Vidshwanath died in 1720 and his son Baji Rao
I. succeeded him. Baji Rao was succeeded by his son Balaji. From
1727, when Shahu had given full powers to Baji Rao I, the Peshwas
had become the ruling dynasty.
" ZEND AVESTA L'OUVBAGE DE ZOROASTRE " 107
P. 229. " J'ai lu et 1 j'ai appris des gens du pays, lea details
relatifs aux femmes Indoues qui se brulent. Mais je n'ai pas
assist^ a cette ceremonie barbare, quoique religieuse ; parce que
ce qui regarde les Indous n'etoit que se eonduire dans sa (?)
place ; j'ai ajoute oe trait pour me delivrer des mille de ques-
tions que Ton. me fassoit sur les usages du pays on cela, j'ai
manque a la verite. 3 Le voyageur de sa tour a tout vu, appri
tout de yeux s'affablir. . . .dans ce qu'il zelement vrai. "
The last two or three lines are not clear to me, owing to the
last letters on the margin having been cut off. But the sense
of the whole seems to bo clear. Anquetil seems to defend him-
self against anything that may be said against his views, express-
ed in his work on this page about the Hindu custom of Suttee,
of which he says in his original writing : " Nature (here) being
enervated by heat and accustomed to violence of despotism
they look to misfortune, to death itself, with a kind of careless-
ness or of courage, which, in free countries and temperate cli-
mate, one hardly* finds among women." 4
P. 274. The first marginal note runs as " meurt 91 ans.
Gent. (?) t.e., " Died (at the age of) 91 years."
Auran'gzeb is said to have died at the age of 88 in the begin-
ning of March 1707. 6 Gent, seems to be (M.) Gentil.
The second note on p. 274 runs as :
" Le 11 Rabbiussani, 1179 dc T heg* dans les plaincs dc Panipat,
&c., &c. Mst. * de M. Gent.
In tfiis note, Anquetil gives the Mahomedan date and the
authority of an event in the reign of Shah Jehan II. As to the
1 Tho word et soeraa to havo been cut off with the page.
a Tho first part of tho word having been cut off with the margin tha
word is not intelligible to me.
3 A letter is cut off with tho margin, but tho word scorns to bo verite.
4 Vide my " Anquotil Du Perron and Dastur Darab " p. 23.
It seems that in ancient timea tho custom of Suttee was not confined
'to India. Vide my paper on Suttee.
e Vincent Smiths' " Oxford Students, History of India " (1916) p. 219.
6 Hijri.
7 Manuscript. The word may be ' Sujet '. If wo take it for Msa.
they arc referred to by Anquetilin his work (Tomo I. P. 1 p. 256). If we
read the word for sujet (subject), Anquetil, when ho refers to M. Gentil,
speaks of tho reference as a " sujet " (Ibid). Vide tho Index, of Anquetil.
(Tomo II pp. 685-6),
108 "ZEND AVBSTN L'OUVBAGE DB ZOROASTBE"
authority, Gentil, he was an Artillery officer of the French
army in the Deccan. He had a taste for Oriental Literature
and had with him several manuscripts of Oriental subjects.
M. Gentil had been of great use to Anquetil in various matters. 1
P. 332. " Iliaques ou hypogastriques."
This note is in connection with AnquetiFs account of his ill-
ness caused by his attempt of assisting a Couli 2 or labourer in
lifting up a load. The attempt had caused looseness of some
arteries. In this note, he adds that the arteries referred to were
the "iliac or illiacal and the hypogastric." The iliac arteries
are those which are related to "the ilium or flank- bone " 3 ;
Hypograstric arteries are those related to the hypogastrium i.e.,
those situated in the lower part of the abdomen. 4
P. 333." Ou iliaques."
Anquetil continues his account of his abovo ; illness for three
pages. Here, he adds in the marginal note that the arteries
which he called " arteres umbilicales " in his original writing
are also known as " iliac."
P. 334." le battements de "
Anquetil, in his continued description of his illness, says, that
at last his complaint was cured by a Parsce who took two hours
after the work of restoring the arteries to their proper position
and was all perspired (en nagc) in the operation. Ho said :
" il sentoit 1'artere." To make the meaning clear he adds the
above words before " artere," which mean " the stamping of" 6
1 Ibid VLI. pp. 232, 233, 257.
2 Cooli is a word for porter, a carrier. I think it is an Europoanisod
form of India ^l^l "Gari", a porter or a labourer (Vide Shanuni
Edalji's Dictionary).
3 Webster's Dictionary.
4 Ibid.
6 As to the Parsoe,who cured Anquetil and of whom he speaks as " the
Great Deliverer " (or Succorer)"un Parse robust que j'appellerois presque
le Grand Frere secouriitc de Surate, (p. 333), I thinkho may be an ancestor
of the family of the well-known bonesotter of Surat, known ns Bhimji.
The profession of bone-setting and such other work relating to injured
limbs &c. is hereditary in the family. A later member of the family,
Bhimji Jivanji Randelia, so called, because they came from Rander, a
town near Surat, was well known as Bhim, and on his doath (23rd May
1875) was spoken of as "Bhim Dov" i.e., " Bhim god," on account of
his extraordinary feower of curing and setting broken bones. He was
"ZEND AVESTA L'OUVRAGE DE ZOBOASTBE" 109
P. 365. " Us sont les astronomes tres probablement."
In this marginal note, Anquetil takes the " D jetties " to be
probably astronomers. Bat that does not seem to be the case.
Jatti is Sanskrit yati ( srf^ ) and this is a religious mendicant
class of the Jain sect. The word at first means " restraint,
control." Then, it is, applied to " an ascetic, one who had
renounced the world and controlled his passions." 1
Some of the words on this page are underlined in ink, by
somebody. The above marginal note in French and this under-
lining are not in the hand of Anquetil. They seem to be by the
next French possessor M. Lanjuinais. The final ' s ' at the end
of two words in this note, compared with the final ' s ' in tho
hand note of Lanjuinais on the back of the first cover of this
first volume, shows that this seems to be the case.
P. 368. " et le 2d grammair."
Here Anquetil explains the word ' Viakkeran ' ' grammar.'
P. 369." Bhratiah porteur."
Anqueiil explains by this note the word ' Bera ' which he also
explains in his Index (Tome II. p. 644) as " Porteur, nom
donne* dans los terres a ceux qui portent lo Palanquin." As to
tho first word bhratiah, he seems to derive it from a Sanskrit
word.
P. 384. " Pris par les Anglais Comm. par le Gen. Goddard,
le 10 Janvier 1787, Conv. de 1'Sur 22 Mai 1781.
This note refers to Bassein. By the Treaty of Surat in 1775,
the British had promised help to Raghunath or Eaghoba, re-
ferred to in a preceding note, in the war of succession to the
Peshwaship, on the condition that he ceded Salsctte and Bassein.
The Gen. (General) Goddard, referred to in the Note, is Colonel
Goddard whom Hastings had sent from Bengal to Surat. Tho
Treaty of 1782 known as the Treaty of Salbai (a town in Sindia's
territory) secured Salsette and Bassein for the English. 2 The
given a public testimonial in 1867 by the public of Bombay. Many
Europeans sought his advice in case of accidents. He had learnt tho
work from his father Jivanji Sorabji Randolia who died on 16th April
1341 aged 72. I think tho Parsee referred to by Anquetil may ta this
Jivanji 's grandfather.
1 Apte's Practical Sanskrit English Dictionary.
2 Vincent Smith's Oxford Students' History of India, p. 267.
110 "ZEND AVESTA I/OUVBAQE DE ZOROASTRE "
word after the first figures, 1781, seems to be " Conv." an
abbreviation of Convention, i.e., Treaty. The word Sur. seems
to be for Surat. The words seem to refer to a Treaty made on
22nd May 1781 after the capture of Bassein by Col. Goddard on
10th January 1781.
P. 407. " Large environ de 2 Cannes et demie, et."
He added this note to give an idea of the breadth (large) of
the gallery in a cave in the Kanheri caves. Canne is a long
measure. It seems to be something like' Indian kathi.
P. 423. " Noircie par 1'ardeur de soleil, de la nature des
pierres de monte, ou de ce qu'on appcle ddba, ou de haul et
bos apportt."
Translation. Blackened by the heat of the sun, of the
nature of the stones of the mountain, or of what one calls
ddba or procured from high and low (or above and below).
Anquetil gives this note on the word " pierre noire", used by
him in his text in his description of the Elephanta caves near
Bombay. The word daba, which he has underlined, is, I think,
the Indian word dhdpo ( vrpJT ) from dhdmpvu to cover from all
directions, i.e., as Anquetil says, from abovo and below. These
are big slabs of stones.
P. 427. " Je me rendit a Gourbander et suivi en faito.' i.e.
" I went to Gourbander and followed in fact."
This Note is in connection with Anquetil's account of his
return journey to Surat from the Elephanta caves. He adds
hero, that he passed by Gourbander. Gourbandor is Gore
Bunder which is on this side of the Bassein creek. It is the last
place in Salsette proper, where formerly passengers got into
boats to cross over to Bassoin on their way to Surat.
P. 476. Here, the Marginal Note simply points at transferring
throe words from a line above to a line lower down.
p. 489." hist Rel. v. Pers. p.
These abbreviated words on the margin when fully written
would be :
" Historia Religionis Veterum Perserum, page "
This is a reference to Dr. Thomas Hyde's great book on tho
Religion of the Persians. Anquetil has not marked the page,
but it is the one which he has marked as " P. 18 " in the com-
mencement of the lines quoted. We find the lines in Avesta
"ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAOE DE ZOKOASTEE " 111
Characters both in the first edition of 1700 and in the second
edition of 1760. The words "liscz peziram" given in brackets:
(p. 481) last but two lines) are Anquetil's own addition.
P. 490. " Sont rapportes en caracteres persans a la p. 278-
<lu nouv (eux) ouvrage de M. Hyde, ils "
We find the two couplets (baets), referred to by Anquetil,
on p. 18 of both the editions of Hyde and also on p. 277 of the
first and on p. 278 of Hyde's second edition. In his text,
Anquctil speaks of the couplets occurring " du commence-
ment du Viraf-namoeh, Poeme Persan." For these lines in
Persian, vide "Arda Viraf Nameh. The Original Pahlavi
Text, with an introduction and Persian Version of
Zartosht Behram," by Dastur Kaikhusru J. Jamasp Asa (1902)
Persian Text p. 1 couplet 16.
P. 493. We have two marginal notes on this page :
(a) "et dans la Traduction du Saddar porta 1 65' p. 487.
bonam T-/I Mazdiyasenan llcligionem percipito."
On this page, Anquetil criticizes and finds fault with Dr.
Hyde's rendering of some passages of the Persian Saddar (Book
of 100 gates or chapters), which Dr. Hyde has translated into
Latin in his book " Historia Religionis Veterum Persarum." He
points out, that Dr. Hyde has, in more than one place, mis-
understood the word Mazdaya^nan, by taking it to be the
name of a book, instead of taking it for the " followers of God."
(b) " p. 487. au bien de dire que les femmes ne sont pas
oblige* a la priere nomine ntasch, voici comme il s'exprime
' Fceminis Salutationem (feu Gomprecalionem, ut salvere jubeat)
non injungunt\ preuve qu'il ne savoit pas cc quo c'est que lo
neaisch. "
The page reference in the beginning is to Hyde's above work y
the second edition whore Hyde speaks of the 65th chapter of
the Sad-dar. Anquetil has attempted, in his work, to show that
Dr. Hyde did not know Zend and had made mistakes in
understanding the Persian Sad-dar. He has given some
instances to prove his statement, and, here, in the marginal
note he gives another instance. ^This subject occurs in the
65th chapter of the Sad-dar. It is the 69th chapter of the
1 i.e., Chap. 65 of the Saddar.
a Here, the page is of the 2nd ed. of Hyde.
112 "Z3ND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOEOASTRE " .
Sad-dar Bundehesh (Vide the Sad-dar Nasr and Sad-dar
Bundehesh, edited by Bomanji Nasarvanji Dhabhar 1909 p.
138.) The Sad-dar referred to by Anquetil is the Sad-dar
known as " Saddar-i-Behr-i Tavil" in verse (Vide chapt. 65 of
the Gujarati Translation of the Saddar-i-Behr-i Tavil by
Dastur Jamaspji (1881) p. 289)."
P. 500.-" Diet, histor. 5^ edit, en 8 vol. 1783 art. 1 Zoroas^re.
Le Zend Avesta cite comme depose^ a la Bibl. du Roi en 1762,
trad. 2 et publie en 1770. 3 2 vol. en 4par M. Anquetil.
This marginal note is in reference to the question,, as
mentioned above, raised by a writer of the time, that Anquetil
was not the first to translate and publish the Zend Avesta, a
question, which seems to have affected him much on his* return
to Paris from India. Here, he points out, that his work was
referred to in the 5th edition of the Dictionnairc Historique.
P. 508. "en Pontecheri."
This additional Note on the margin refers to Anquetil's de-
scription of the coins used in the South of India in Mahi and
Talichery. In the body of his work, he has given the reading
on the obverse, as " Talicheri P saneh 175," i.e. This inscription
is in Persian, meaning "Talicheri, struck in (P. i.e., pa or ba,
meaning, * in ') the year 175. (The last digit is omitted because
it changes according to the different years). Then Anquetil gives
the inscription on the reverse as " bera Kopni Francis " which
when written in Persian will read : <jH^Lr* t^**** <^LH .-
"For the French Company." Now, in this marginal" note, he
adds, that there were also on the reverse, the words " in Pondi-
chery."
P. 517. (a) " avaient "
(6) " Qui leur a et6 enleve en 1769."
These two marginal Notes seem to have been added by
Anquetil with an eye to a second edition, because, after the time
when ho wrote this volume and before he revised it, the Dutch,
of whom he speaks in the text, had removed their company
from the Persian Gulf.
l Article. 2. Traduit.
3 The'Ogure may bo read as 3 (three), Then, in that cose, the two
parts of tho 1st volume are taken as two volumes,
"ZEND.AVESTA L/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE " 113
P. 519. (a) " morceau "
(6) " morceau de plomb, quarre "
(c) " de plomb "
P. 520.- "en gras "
P. 525. "et tits s adoriferante "
These marginal notes are only intended for additions to be
mado in the second edition.
P. 533. The word " (H) eloua " corrected from " houleh "
is Pcrs. jl*. or jl-a. (halv or halveh) i.e. sweets. The words
* Nan o halava " would mean " Bread (Pers. nan) and sweets."
P. 534. (a) "Paritachhat " (b) " Sakep dew." The first word
seems to be PGis t parizddi.e., born of a fairy. It is opposed to the
word Dew or Dev (i.e. demon) which follows. The next word
" batchit " in the text seenis to be Indian 3RT%<T (Batchit i.e.,
conversation.) This word corresponds to the word conference in
the text. The Rajah Bai referred to in the text as the well-
known Birbal murician, poet, story-teller, and conversation-
alist "of the court of Akbar (Vide Akbar, the Great, Mogul, by
V. Smith, p. 236). He seems to have had some discussions
with one Din Sakeh ". (6) Ihe marginal word "kitab" is
Pers. v ljk ^ i.e., Book.
P. 536. " Feridoun." The Note corrects the words " sous
les premiers rois do " for Feridun, because the story of Zohak
is connected with that of Feridun, the Thraetaona of the Avcsta.
The Note seenis to be by some other hand.
P. 537. " Molavai No fer v.irez."
Anquutil corrects the name of Abu Fazl, wrongly given as the
name of the Persian Translator, for this name.
P. 539. " Sur beaucoup de mots "
These words are added simply to render his meaning clear.
P. 541. " Lo Ferouesahi Pehlvi "
This Note simply adds the name of the Pahlavi Farokhshi 1
to his names of prayers in the Text.
VII
A FEW MS. NOTES OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
Coming to the second volume (?>., the second part
of the first volume), I will briefly refer, firstly to two
important letters, and then to an extract on the Elephanta
caves, taken from another Journal or book, the name of which
l For Farokhshi, vide my " Religious Customs and Ceremonies of the
Parsees."
15
114 "ZEND AVBSTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE"
is not properly legible. 1 .may take a more detailed
survey of this volume at some other time. On the back of
the cover of the second Volume, we find the words " Lee,
Hart well," most probably written by Dr. Leo himself.
Then, on the 1st page of the first fly leaf, we find a Note,
saying " Pages marked by Mr. Cullimore with papers ", and
then follow the numbers of pages in Arabic figures with re-
ferences here and there as to what subjects of the Volume they
refer to. This note also seems to have been made by Dr. Lee.
Then follows a letter attached to the fly leaf of the 2nd
1. P. Van Dyko's Volume (Tome Premier, Second Partie).
Letfcor - It has a Note at the top, in the hand of
Anquetil, saying, when the letter was received, and when it was
replied to &c. with some remarks. The letter runs thus :
MONSIEUR,
Parmi quelques Manuscrits Orientaux qu'un Capitaine do la
Marine demeurant en cette ville m'a donne* pour examiner s'ils
etaient de quelqu' importance, j'ai trouve un dont, je ne connais
pas d'abord les lettres mais en les confrontant avec quelques
alphabets que Mr. Niebuhr a donne* au 2 Tome de SCT voyages,
j'ai de*couvert qu'il etait ecrit en la langue que Mr. Nie*buhr
appelle Zend : mais comme cette langue in'est cntierenicnt
inconnue, je ne suis pas en 6tat de juger si ce livre cst de
quelque utilite a la litterature, et comme je ne connais dans ce
pays 9! personnc qui a quelque connaissance de cette langue,
j'ai pris le parti de vous fairc part dc cette decouverte esperant
qu'elle vous pourra contribuer quelques plaisir.
Lo M'scrit est e*crit en format de petit Atlas sur du velin
parfaitement bien conserve en caractere assez gros tres distinct
sans aucun omemcnt : les pages sont marquees en haut
de chifres Tndiens depuis 1 jusques a 332, les lignes sont
Bouvent entrecoupees par quelques mots ecrits do rouge en
oaractero Arabcs, mais comme je soupconno par le mot &*?
qui s'y trouve souvent en langue Persane. Pour vous mettro
en etat de jugur tant soit peu sur le contenu je joins ici
quelques des premieres lignes que j'ai copie* avec toute
1'aocurateBse, qui me fut possible:
"ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAQE DE ZOROASTRE" 115
j ** ' ck
' &
la soconde ligne cat 6crite de rouge comme aussiles figures ^ M
et />* a la cinquieme et sixieme ; comme les caracte"res Arabes
sont bcaucoup plus minces et serres quo les autres, je n'ai pas
pu metlre la quatrieme ligne tout de suit comme au Mscrit |
ainsi jo Tai continue en montant.
Voila, Monsieur, ce que j'espere citre suffisant pour vous faire
connaitro ce Mscrit ; s'il vous semble digne de votre attention,
je vous prio de me vouloir honorer de votre re"ponse, et de m'en
indiquer s'il se peut faire, le contenu ; rien ne me sera plus
agre*able quo d'etre en etat de vous rendre quelques service et en
m 'off rant a ccla j'ai 1'honneur de me nommer,
Monsieur,
Votre T.H. et T.O. Serviteur,
P. Van Dyke.
Bois le Due 17-85.
Mon adresse est
^ P. Van Dyke
Precopteur dc 1'ecole Latine,
a Bois le Duo.
in de hinthamerstraat.
TRANSLATION.
" Sir,
" Among some Oriental Manuscripts which a Captain of the
Marine living in this town has given me for inspection, if they
are of any importance, I have found one, of which I do not know
the letters at the first sight, but on comparing them with some
alphabets which Mr. Niebuhr has given in the 2nd volume of his
Voyages, I have discovered that it (the Ms.) is written in the
language which Mr. Niebuhr calls Zend.' But as this language
116 "ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAQE DE ZOROASTRE "
is altogether unknown to me, I am not in a position to judge,
if this book is of some use to Literature, and, as I do not know,
in this country here, anybody who has some knowledge of this
language I have taken the course to inform you of this discovery
hoping that it can give you some pleasure.
" The Manuscript is writ ten in the form of a large square folio,
on perfectly well-preserved vellum in characters sufficiently
large and very distinct, without any ornament. The pageb are
marked over the top in Indian figures from one up to 332 ; the
lines are often intersected by some words written in red in
Arabic characters, but, as I suspect, by the word goftan which
occurs often, in the Persian language.
" In order to place you in a position to judge, ever so little,
about the contents, I annex here some of the first lines 1 which
I have copied with all the accuracy that was possible for me :
The second line is written in red, as also the figures td ke and
s'e in the fifth and sixth (line). As the Arabic letters are more
thin and squeezed together than others, I have not been able to
put the fourth line continuously as in the Manuscript ; sol have
continued it upright (or in an ascending way).
" Here, Sir, there is, what I hope to be, sufficient to enable you
to recognise the Manuscript, if it appears to you to be worthy
of your attention. I request you to be good enough to honour
me with your reply and indicate to me, if that is possible, the
contents (of the Ms.), There will be nothing more agreeable to
ine than to be in a position to do you service, and in offering my-
self to that (service), I have the "honour to name myself
Sir,
Your very humble 2 and very
obedient servant
P. Van Dyke.
Bois le Due 17-85.
My address is
To P. Van Dyke
Preceptor of the Latin School
at Bois le Due
In Hinthamerstraat 3
1 Vide the original letter abovo for tbeso lines.
3 T. H." is an abbreviation of " Tr6a Humble " and M T. D/' of
" Tr6s Obediant " or " Tr6s oblig6."
3 Tlio last part of tht> numo seems to mean " street.' 1
" ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE " 117
On the very top of the letter, Anquetil has written 9 lines of
his Note, as to (a) \vhen he received the letter, (b) when ho
replied, and (c) what he wrote in reply. It is difficult to read
these lines. M. Daniel Levi has kindly tried to read 4 lines
and has left off the rest as illegible. I have tried to read further
but not with much success. I give here the reading :
" Recu le 15 Avril 1785
Repondule 17 Avril 1785. les 5 lign 1 . trad. 2 avec la lecture.
Engage le Capit. a le presenter aux Et Gen. puis depose a la Bibl.
de Leyde. On peut 1'envoyer a M. le G. Irving a qui j'en
rendrai compte. Je lire le F f . .du Zoroastrc (?) Les
lettres en rougo rendre quelle ta que se goftan &c de
Surate l'B e Ex. commence cclui d' Oxford celui do
la Bodl.3
In this Note, Anquetil takes a note of what he had written on
17th April 1785, to Van Dyke, in reply to his letter of 15th
April. He read and translated the passage given in facsimile
by Van Dyke in his letter, and recommended, that the Ms. may
bo first presented to the Et. Gen. and then deposited in the
Library of Leyde. 4 It can then be sent to M. G. (in France) to
whom Anquetil may submit his report.
Anquetil then takes a note of what he said in reply about
the Arabic figures and the Persian word ' goftan ' written in
Arabic characters. I will explain here, the specimen para given
by Van Dyke and explained by Anquetil.
The specimen quotation by P. Van Dyke is a mixture of
Pazcnd, Pahlavi and Persian. The characters are A vest a and
Arabic or Persian. The first line is the usual Invocation of
God in Pazend, the second in Pahlavi, and the third in Persian.
I give here the translation :
1 Abbreviated for * li^ues '.
2 Abbreviated f.*r "traduit **
3 Bodlliein (Library).
4 " Et. Gon " seems to be the abbreviation of Etats Generates (i.e.,
States General), which was formed in the 17th century and to which tho
sovereign power was transferred.
The Biblioth&que of Leydo, in which Anquetil recommends the book
to be placed, is tho well-known Library of Leyden which had come into
existence since tho foundation of tho University of Loyclcii in 1575 by
William the Prince of Orange. It is said to possess a rich collection of
Arabic and other oriental manuscripts. A catalogue of its oriental Mss.
is said to have been published in six volumes iu 1851-77.
118 "ZEND ALESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE "
Translation ; In the name of God, the Giver of Justice.
In the name of the Creator Ahura Mazda and the Amesha-
spand (s).
In the name of God who is Giver, Benevolent and Just.
I have begun in the name of the Creator who is the Knower of
Secrets, so that he may give divine guidance (taufiq) 1 for 2
the praise of god (yak ta) to every tongue. 3 (Kecitc the prayer)
" Ferstuye upto (td M) staomi ashem " Ashem Vohu. (times) 4
In Van Dyke's letter, under his specimen Avesta Pahlavi
Pazend Persian passage, Anquetil adds correctly a note in his
own hand, saying :
. " Comm. du Vendidad Sade."
Hero the word c * comm." is an abbreviation of " commence-
ment."
I beg to produce here, as a specimen, a copy of an old Ms. of
tho Vendidad, written at Naosari on roz 2 Bahman mah 11
Bahman, year 1073 A. Y. (A. C. 1704) i.e., about 70 years
before Anquetii published his Zend Avesta. It was written by
the well known Dastur Darab Pahlan.( 5 )
I give below for comparison the commencement.
The first four Pazend, Pahlavi and Persian lines are written
in red ink. Then the 5th Avesta lino is given in black. The
word vad and the figure are also given in red ink. The figure for
three is given in Persian.
1 The word as written in the specimen passage by Van Dyke, is not
correctly written. The word is J^3^3 He has given two nuktehs over
tho letter ' ya ' which are unnecessary. It may be the fault of the original
writer or his fault in copying.
* Lit. * in ' or ' tinder '.
3 It is possible, some may read and translate the last Persian words
in a different way. As Van Dyke has written the words crosswise in a
line sloping upwards, tho reading is rather difficult and one can read other-
wise.
4 The F&rstuye prayer is known as " Ayestani Patet " i.e., " tho Re-
pentance prayer in A vesta," to distinguish it from Patot Pa shorn An i
etc. written in Pazend language. It is the prayer given in Yasna XI. sa
1 7-18. Here, instead of giving tho whole prayer, it is briefly referred to,
giving only the first and the last words.
* For the Life and Work of this Dastur, vide my "The Persian Farziat
nameh and Kholasah-i- Din of Dastur Darab Pahlan, Text and Version
with Notes "{1924).
J'ZBND AVESTA I/OUVRAOE DE ZOROASTRE " 119
^ Jaa.
w
We see on comparison that here also, the Invocation is given,
in red ink, in Pazend, Pahlavi and Persian languages. The
wording of the Invocation varies and we find the variation in
many Mss. The scribe has his own way of invoking the name of
God. The style is well-nigh the same but the wording differs
a little. The A vest a portion which is the beginning proper of
the Vendidad Sade is the same with this difference that in the
specimen Ms. which I produce, we have the Pahlavi word vad
for the Persian equivalent ta ko ^ 1 3 in Van Dyke's Ms.
The word means ' upto ' and it explains the ritual. In such an
explanation of the ritual, different scribes vary.
We must note here, that Van Dyke, who seems to have known
Arabic characters, has misread, miswritten and misunderstood
the Persian words /$ ^3. lie seems to have taken the words
written jointly to be some word for an Arabic figure. Anque til's
explanation, as given in his Ms. note on the top of the letter, is
not legible, but it seems from what I can make out, that ho has
properly understood the word to be rf ^ " td kt, " i.e., " up to."
Anquetil also explains what Van Dyke says about the oft
repeated word, " gottan ", in his Ms. of the Vendidad.
This word often occurs in the portion which explains the ritual.
For example, when the sacred formulas of Ashem Vohu, Yatha
Ahu Vairyo, &c. are to be repeated more than once, the^ scribes
give the instruction hi Persian, saying : ^^ j l ? j* j (& J^. *~
i.e., to repeat " twice or thrice," and so on.
I have written to the Librarian of the Library atJLeyden,
to enquire, if the Ms. was at the Library, and as to who the-
Captain referred to was.
Mr. P. Van Dyke refers in his letter to M. Niebuhr's 2nd
Volume. It seems strange, why Van Dyke refers to Niobuhr's
120 " ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOEOASTRE "
work for the specimen of, what he calls, the Zend writing and not
to Anquetil's own volumes of the Zend Avesta, one of which,
the second volume (Tome I, Partie 2, p. 77) contains a specimen
of the Zend characters. The Plate attached to p. 77 of this
volume contains an example of the very commencement of the
Vendidad Sade under the heading " Commencement du Vendidad
Sade " with a " Lecture et Traduction litteraire." But it seems
that though Anquetil's work was published in 1771, Van Dyke
had not seen the volumes. He had heard of the name and famo
of Anquetil, but AnquetiFs volumes do not seem to have gone
in 1785, when he wrote the letter, to his town of Bois le Due.
Van Dyke's Boi le Due is " a city of Holland, capital of the
province of North Brabant, 28 S. S. E. of Utrecht 1 ." At present
it holds seven churches, an episcopal palace, a grammar school
" once attended by Erasmus." It is the seat of a Vicar General.
It was called Duke's Wood, because it was once a hunting
lodge of the Brabant dukes. When we remember the fact,
that Anquetil himself had studied Hebrew, Arabic and a little
Persian at Amersfoot, which also is in the Province of Utrecht
in Holland, it seems, as it were, quite appropriate, that a preceptor
of the province of Utrecht, should in a literary matter, seek the
advice of Anquetil who also was educated in Utrecht. 2 The
fact of M. Taillcfer, the head of the Dutch factory at Surat,
being very kind to Anquetil when he was at Surat, is also ex-
plained by the fact that Anquetil had studied at his (Taillcfer 5 s)
mother country of Holland. 3
The first page of Van Dyke's letter bears a Note at the bottom
saying :
" Zend Avesta Vol. 2 (I. 2) "
This Note seems to be in the hand of Anquetil himself.
He seems to have thought, that the letter may better he attached
to the second Volume (i.e., Tome I, Partie 2) as that volume
contained his own reading and translation of the commencement
of the Vendidad Sade (on p. 76). The figures " I. 2 " in brackets
seem to mean Tome I, Partie 2.
1. Encyclopedia Brittamca (9th ed.) Vol. III., p. 864.
2. Vide my paper " Anquetil Da Perron, India as seen bv him," road
on 16th December 1915 before the B. B. K. A. Society,
3. Ibid.
" ZEND AVESTA l/OUVBAGE DE ZORO ASTRB " 121
Then, after some scraps of paper with Notes, the next letter
is one from Frederic Miinster, Professor of
the University of Copenhagen, dated 24th
April 1801. We find it among others,
attached to the first page of the second fly-leaf of Vol. 2 (Tome
I, Partie 2). The letter with AnquetiTs Note runs thus :
Recule28Mai 1801 (?) par M. Gregoire remis a
de 28 par M. M. Cannes et Grezille.
MONSIEtTR,
La ce*iebrit6 de votre nom, acquise a si juste litre, me donna
la hardiesse de vous adresser cetto lettre pour obtenir de votre
zele pour les sciences que vouz avez enrichies des e"claircisse-
ments que personne que vous ne pourra donner, et qui seula
pourront me mettre en etat de continuer les recherches aux-
quelles j'ai depuis quelquo temps vou6 mes heures de loisir.
Vos moments vous sont precieux. Je n'en abuserai pas.
Je vous exposerai en peu de mots ce que je souhaite d'obtenir
de votre bonte.
Mes 6tudes sur les inscriptions a cloux de Perse'polis, dont j'ai
dernierement publie les resultats dans les actes de notro acade'mie
deo sciences, m'ont convain9u que cotte classe descriptions
qui est alpha bdtique est 4crite en languo Zende. J'en ai tach6
d6chifrer quelques lettres : je crois avoir reussi a deviner les
deux voyelles dominantes, et a d^couvrir plusieurs rapports
entre les lettres persepolitaines et celles des Alphabets Zend,
Pehivi, Arm6nien et Georgien. Mais cela ne suffit pas : j'ai
6t6 arret^ tout court par Fimpossibilite de dechifrer les terminai-
sons des mots lesquelles d'ailleurs etaient assez faciles a recon-
naitre, parcequeles mmes mots reviennent avec des flexions
diff6rentes, quelquos fois aussi avec deux ou trois lettres
dififerentes au commencement. C'est pourquoi j'ose vous
prier de vouloir bien me communiquer un extrait de votre
Orammaire Zende, qui, en me donnant les declinaisons et
conjugaisons de cette langue me mettrait en 6tat de les appliquer
4 cos caracteres inconnus, et de faire un second essai d'en
dechifrer quelquesunes. Je pourrais alors esp^rer do faire des
progr6s plus hereux et peut 6tre m^me de frayer la route sur
laquelle on pourrait parvenir en son temps & d6voiler le contenu
de ces precieux monuments de la religion des Parses.
Voila, Monsieur, la faveur que j'ose vous demander. Si vous
pouves mo 1'accorder, compt^s je vous en prie sur ma plus vive
16
122 " ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTBB "
reconnaissance. Je suis entierement a vos orders pour toutes
les commissions litte*raires dont vous voudrcz m'honorez dans
nos contrees. Le citoyen Gregoire vous remettra un exemplaire
do mes memoires sur les inscriptions Persepolitaines quo j'aurai
soin de lui envoyor avec lo premier voyageur qui part d'ici pour
la France. Je vous prie de 1'accepter comme une marque du
respect que je vous ai voue depuis ma jeunesse. Veuilioz bien
en agreer les assurances.
FREDERIC MUNSTER,
Professeur de rUniversite* de Copenhague et Membre
de I' Academic des Sciences Danoise.
lisle des illumines depuis la fondation de la secte en 1770
jusqu'a la decouverte de ses ecrits originaux eu 1786.
A (Spart-Ingolstadt fondateur de la Weihaupt, Profesar en
droit acus) addition
Munster (son nom de guorre), professeur en thdologie a
Oopenhague (p. 123).
dans les Mem. pour servir a VHistoire du Jacobinisme par
M. Vab. Barruel Tom 4. 1799 ch. 8 p. 287.
AU CrrOYEN,
Anquetil Duperon,
Rue Chauss6e d'Antin, a Paris.
Vis a vis la rue de provence,
je tiens cette addresse de M. Grdgoire,
Translation.
Sm,
The celebrity of your name, very rightly acquired, gives me
the courage to address this letter to you, in order to obtain from
your zeal for the sciences which you have enriched, some explana-
tions, which nobody other than you can give, and which alone
can put me in a position to continue the researches, to which,
I have, since some time, devoted my hours of leisure.
Your time is precious to you. I will not misuse that. I wili
explain to you in few words what I desire to obtain from your
kindness.
" ZEND A VESTA L' OUTRAGE DB ZOROASTRE " 123
My study of the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Persepolis of which
I have lately published the result in the records of our Academic
of Sciences has convinced me that this class of inscriptions,
which is alphabetic, is written in Zend language. I have tried
to decipher some letters. I believe I have succeeded to guess
the two principal vowels and to discover several resemblances
between Persepolitan letters and those of the Zend, Pahlvi,
Armenian and Gregorian alphabets. But that does not suffice.
I have been altogether stopped short by the impossibility of
deciphering the terminations of words, which in other respects,
were very easy to recognise, because the same words recur with
different reflexions, sometimes also with two or three different
letters in the beginning. This is, why I request you to be good
enough to communicate tome an extract of your Zend Grammar,
which, by giving me the declinations and conjugations of the
language will place me in a position to apply them to these
unknown characters and to make a second attempt to decipher
some. I can then hope to make more successful progress, and,
perhaps, also to open the ways on which one can succeed, in
his time, to unravel the contents of these precious monuments
of the religion of the Persians.
This is, Sir, the favour which I venture to ask of you. If you
will be able to grant it, count, I pray you, upon my very sincere
obligations. I am entirely at your command in the matter of
all literary errands (or orders) with which you will be pleased
to honour me in our country. Citizen or freeman Gregory will
send you a copy of my Memoirs on the Persepolitan Inscriptions
which I will take care to send to him with the first voyager who
starts from here for France. I request you to accept it as a
token of respect which I have vowed to you since my youth.
Be good enough to accept my assurances.
, FREDERIC MUNSTER,
A Professor of the University of Copenhagen and Member of
the Danish Academy of Sciences.
The freeman Gregoire seems to be Henry Gregorie (1750-
1831), who was a bishop of France. He was chosen one of the
deputies of the clergy at the election of the States General
in 1789.1
I will finish this paper with a few Notes on an Extract on a
piece of paper about Elephanta. There is
Notes on Elephanta. ft ^.^ Q{ paper attached to the first page of
the second folio (marked XIII) which is of local importance to
1 Beeton's Dictionary of Geography and Biography.
124 "ZBNA AVESTA L'OUVBAGE DE ZOROASTEE ir
us. It refers to our famous Elephanta caves. Anquetil
when he was living in Surat, had come down here in 1760 to
Bee these caves. He did not go there via Bombay as travellers
generally do now. A year before he came to Elephanta, he was
under great obligations to the English who had helped him in his
time of need, perhaps more than his own French people. But
in July 1760, there happened an event at Surat which estranged
him from the English. 1 So, he chose to visit the Elephanta ca^es,
rather stealthily from the direction of Salsette which *was then
under the rule of the Mahrattas. He crossed the harbour side
from Trombay in a boat which took him two hours to reach the
island. 2 He has described his visit of the Elephanta caves in
his volume of Preliminary discourse which forms the first volume
of his Zend Avesta.
Now I give here the Note ( 3 ) of Anquetil and my translation :
''On ecrit 4 de Bombaye que partie de Tune des trois figures
colossales de la fameuse caverne de 1'Elephant afin (?) e'eroule'e
sans qu'on sait pas comment. Get evonenlent est d'autant
plus donn6 que les Portugais derniers (?) maitre de cette isle et
pouss6 par un ze"le superstitieux entreprirement en vain de
detruire ces statues memo avec la canon. Le vaste cavitd que
les renferme et qui a etc pratique" dans un roc tres dur, presente-
un temple souterrain de 80 a 90 pieds de long sur 40 de large, et
supporte par deux rangees de colonnes place's a une e"gale distance
entre el les.
"Au fondsont place's les trois colosses dont la surface(de frag nt
de la il a face) de Tun comporte au moins cinq pieds de long ;
quelques unes de peintures autour des corniches conservent
I Vide for this event, my paper before this Society, on Anquetil Du
Perron p. 44.
3 I may say here, that I had requested, last year, Mr. Carter,* the Col-
tector'and Development Officer of the Salsetto, to kindly determine the
site of AnquetiFs travels and to prepare an itinerary plan of his travels*
I had the pleasure of visiting with him, a part of Anquetil's itinerary
on the Coorla side from which he crossed over to Elephanta. I beg to
draw the attention of members, interested not only in Anquetil's journey,
but in the question of the past and present of the Salsette, to his paper
On the subject, read before my Anthropological Society of Bombay.
"Note on the Historical Geography of the Thana Konkan and of
jSalsette" and "Anquetil Du Perron in Salsette" (Your. Anth Sty. VoJ,
XIII No. 7, pp 16-29.)
. 3 The passage is an extract from an European periodieal of hie times
Anquetil has copied it on a small piece of paper which is. attached to the
second folio. It is written in an awfully bad hand, and,, had it not been
ior M. Levi, I would have probably given it up. I have taken the-
liberty of correcting M. Levi's reading hero and there.
4 M. Levi reads this as " On ae vit."
" ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTBE " 125
encore leur premiere fraicheur, quoique vraisemblablement
elles datent du meme temps que la construction du temple,
Le bas de cet edifice est generalment convert d'eau sans qu'on
ait pu parvenir a Taffranchir, et il eat probable que l^croule-
ment arrive est provenu de celle circonstance. Ni les livres
ni la tradition pas meme des conjectures n'ofirent de lumiere
sur 1'origin de ce merveilleux ouvrage. II faut esperer que le
coirite etabli dans Tlnde sous les auspices du Gouvernment
pour faire des recherches sur les antiquite's de ce pays parviendra
a obtenir quelques renseignements des Bramines du continent."
Citoyen Prane ? No. 123. 26, ventose, lundi, 24 FeV . ( ? cent.)
p. 1 10 ventose.
Translation : One writes from Bombay that a part of one of
the three colossal figures of the famous cave of the island of
Elephanta has fallen down without one knowing how. This
event is rather surprising because the Portuguese (who were)
the late masters of this island and (who were) impelled by a
superstitious zeal, had attempted in vain to destroy these
statue** even with the cannon. The vast cavity, which contains
them and which has been made in a very hard rock, holds an
underground temple, 80 to 90 ft. in length, over 40 in breadth
and (which is) supported by two rows of columns placed at equal
distances between them. At the furthest end are placed the
three columns, the surface of one of which permits at least five
feet of length. Some of the paintings round the cornices still
preserve their original freshness, although probably their date
is the same (i.e., as old) as that of the construction of the temple.
The lower part of this edifice is generally covered with water
without one being able to succeed to refresh himself, and it is
probable, that the fall (of the column) which has happened
has resulted from this circumstance. Neither books, nor
tradition, nor also conjectures offer any light on the origin of this
wonderful work. One must expect, that the Committee,
appointed hi India under the auspices of the Government to
make researches about the antiquities of this country, will
succeed to obtain some information from the Brahamins of the
continent " (Citizen No. 123. 26 Ventose. 1 Monday
24th February ( ) p. 1. 10 ventose.
Now, in Anquetil's account of his visit to the Elephanta caves
given in his first volume, we find the following reference to three
figures in the caves :
1 Ventose is ** the sixth month of the calendar of the first French Re-
public from February 10th or 20th to March 20th. " Citoyen. . . .seems to
be the name of a journal in which Anquetil read the Note.
126 " ZEND A VESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE"
"A I'extremittS oppose, (8)i sont trois figures d'hommes
assis sur des sieges s6 pares et sur une meme ligne ; celui du
milieu a quatre bras et est entierement nud : ils sont accom-
pagnes de Gones a tlte d'elephant. Ce grouppe est compost
de huit figures de moyenne grandeur et mutilees. Celle du milieu
qui est plus grande, parait avoir la main sur le sein d'une femme
qui n'a plus de tete."*
Translation : At the opposite extremity (8) are three figures
of men sitting on separate seats and in the same line. That
in the middle has four arms and is entirely naked. They are
accompanied by Gones (Ganesh) with the head of elephant.
This group is composed of eight figures of moderate grandeur
and mutilated. That in the middle, which is larger, appears to
have the hand on the breast of a woman which has no more the
head.
I think, that the " trois figures " in the above extract attached
to the second volume are the "trois figures" referred to by Anque-
til in his above account of his visit of the Elephanta caves. Thus,
he took an interest in what was said in the Journal. He there-
fore copied, on a piece of paper, the extract and attached it
to his volume. The three figures seem to be those which we
generally taken to be those of Siva, Brahma and Vishnu. 3
We gather the following facts from the above extract attached
by Anquetil to his second volume : 1. One of the three colossal
figures in the cave had fallen down at the end of the 18th cen-
tury, in some year after 1771. 2. The Portuguese had, during
thek occupation of Bombay and the adjoining islands, attempted
to destroy some of the statues in the caves with cannons 4
but with no complete success. 3. The writer thinks rhat the
fall of one of the statues may be due to the moisture of under-
ground water there. 4. Some pictures round the cornices
preserved their original freshness at the time. 5. Neither books,
nor tradition, nor conjectures could throw any light at that
time upon the origin of the wonderful work of the cave. 6. The
Government of Bombay, had, at that time, appointed a Commit-
tee to make researches about the antiquities of that part of the
country, especially by means of inquiries from the Brahmins.
1 This number refers to the figure in the plan of Elephanta on PI. IV.
p. cccxcivof vol. I.
2 Tome I, P. I., p. ccccxxii.
'3 Rock-cut Temples of India by James Ferguson (1845) p. 65.
4 We must bear in mind that the canons of those days were not like
those of our times. Again, out of those that were commonly used, only
the smallest and lightest must havo been used, because larger ones could
not be carried across the harbour and over the hill.
" ZEND AVESTA l/OTJVRAGE DB ZOEOASTRB " 127
One of these statements gives us the approximate date
(about 1771) of the fall of one of the three colossal figures.
Another statement tells us that our Government was encouraging
antiquarian researches even in the end of the 18th century.
As to the statement, that the Portuguese had attempted to
damage the figures in the cave, it seems, that the attempt was
made about two hundred years before Anquetil's time. A writer,
John Hinghen Van Linschoten, who wrote in 1579, alludes to
some mischief at the hands of the Portuguese. He says : "It
is thought that the Chinos (which are very ingenious workmen)
did make it when they used to traffique in the countrie of India.
These Pagodas and buildings are now whollio left, overgrowne,
andspoyled since the Portugales had it under their subjections." l
Anquetil's own version of the damage to the statues, as given
in his Zend-Avesta (Tome I Partie I p. 422 n. 1) surprizes us,
as he says, that the Hindus themselves were to a certain extent
responsible, though unwittingly, for some of the damage. He
says : Lorsque les Marates eurent repris Salcette, pour faire
tomber le platre avec lequel les Portugais avoient masque
plusieurs figures, ils tirerent dans le Pagodes de Monpeser and
d'E16phante quelques coups de canon, qui firent sauter avec le
platre une parti des bas-reliefs. Voyant 1'effet de la canonade,
ils la firent cesser et prirent le parti de degager les figures en
dtant le plaster avec le marteaur.
Translation :When the Marathas took Salsette, in order to
remove the plaster with which the Portuguese had covered
several figures, they took in the pagodas of Monpeser and
Elephanta some pieces of cannon which made fall with the
plaster a part of the bas-relief. Seeing the effect of the
cannonade, they ceased and took the course of clearing the
figures by removing the plaster with hammers.
According to this statement, both the Portuguese and the
Hindus damaged the statues the Portuguese wittingly and the
Hindus unwittingly. The Portuguese, out of their improper
zeal for their own religion and their dislike for another religion,
covered up, the features of the statues, &c., by plasters. When
the Mahrathas came to power, they, finding that the figures were
covered up by plasters, and finding that the plasters could not
be removed by ordinary methods began removing these by
cannons. But finding, that this process further damaged the
l As quoted by Dr. Burgess, in his " Bock-cut Temples of Elephanta.'*
Front page.
128 " ZEND AVESTA I/OUVRAGE DE ZOROASTRE "
statues, they ceased doing so and attempted to remove the
plasters carefully with hammer. Dr. Burgess says about the
above statement of Anquetil that " he had perhaps jumbled
his information." l
We read the following different accounts about the damage
to the figures in Burgess's Rock-Cut Temples of Elephanta:
" 12. De Couto mentions that in his time many of the
sculptures had been broken* ' by the frolic of the soldiers of the
fleet that visited the places' and adds ' what was spared by the
soldiers, is so badly cared for, that it is grievous to see thus
destroyed one of the most wonderful things in the world ;'
and from the way in which he speaks of its having been
defaced in his own time, we may well infer that it had then only
recently ceased to be used. 2 Linschotcn visited it in 1579 and
writes : ' These Pagodas and buildings are now whollie left over-
growne, and spoyled, since the Portugales had it under their
subjection." Fryer, in 1673 says : it was ' Defaced by the
Portugals who have this island also ; ' and P^ke in 1712 says :
* The Portuguese now fodder all their cattle there in the rainy
seasons and to defend them from the violence of the monsoons :
and lately one of their Fidalgos, to divert himself with the
echo which is here most admirable, fired a great gun into it with
several shots, which has broken some of the pillars.' Grose evi-
dently found this later circumstance remembered, but materially
exaggerated in his time: he says the figures ' had also continued
in a tolerable state of preservation and wholeness considering
the remoteness of their antiquity until the arrival of the Portu-
guese, who made themrselvcs masters of the place, and in the
blind fury of their bigotry not suffering any idols but their
own, they must have been at even some pains to maim tnem and
defaced them, as they now remain, considering the hardness
of the stone. It is said they even brought field pieces to the
demolition of the images, which so greatly deserved to be spared
for the unequal led curiosity of them".
1 The Rock temples of Elephanta or Gh&rd,puri described and illus-
trated, by J. Burgess, M. R. A. S., R R. G. S. p. 55.
2 Ibid.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OP ZOROASTER.
I.
INTRODUCTORY.
There is as great a diversity of opinion among writers, ancient
and modern, about the country of the birth of
Introduction. Zoroaster, as that about his age. Some
place it in the East and some in the West.
Even China in the furthest East and Syria and Europe in tho
West are mentioned as the countries of his birth. De Pastoret *,
says : " Je ne m'arreterai point a prouver son existence
Je ne sais comment U arrive que la post6rite ignorent
souvent ou fut le bcrceau des hommes celebres. On diroit
que le hasard, en cachant les lieux qui les ont vu naitre, a voulu
s'unir a la raison, pour nous prouver que I'univers entier doit
e*tre regarde* comme la patrie des Sages qui l^clairent. Celle
du tegislateur des Perses et mal connue. Son origine et I'e'poque
de son existence meme sont contestees. 3 Mais queUe fut
sa patrie ? Ceux-ci la placent dans la Chine ; ceux-la au sein
de 1'Europe ; d'autres en Syrie 4 (Hyde, Chap. 24 p. 315. Med
jidi, Bundari, et plusieurs autres, historiens. Voyez aussi Hyde,
p. 319, et les Memoires de 1'Academie, torn. 31, pag. 371)." 8
Anquetil Du Perron said in 1761 : " Vingt endroits differensse
disputent cette gloire. Si Zoroastre, par exemple, reparoissoit
sur la terre, se reconnoitroit-il aux portraits que 1' on a f aits
1 This paper formed the subject of a discourse, delivered at the K. R
Cama Oriental Institute, on 20th August 1926, tho occasion of the 17th
anniversary of the death of Mr. K. R. Cama.
2 Zoroastre, Confucius et Mahomet, par M. De Pastoret. Soconde Edi-
tion (1788) p. 3. 3 Ibid. * Ibid p. 6.
6 Translation. I will not wait to prove his existence ... I do not
know why it happens that posterity often forget (the name of the place)
where the cradle of celebrated men was. One will say that chance, in
concealing the (names of) places, which had seen them born, has rightly
wished to unite to prove to us that the whole universe must be regarded
as the country of the Sages who have instructed it. That (i.e. the place)
of the legislator of the Persians is badly known. His origin and also
the epoch of his existence are contested .... But where was hia
country ? These (i.e., some) place it in China, those (i.e., others) in
the heart of Europe ; others in Syria.
190 TEE BIRTH- PLAGE OF ZOROASTER
de lui. Ne* moins de six cens ans avant Jesus-Christ, il serait
assurement surpis de se voir renvoye* au-del& de la guerre de
Troie. L'Adorateur du Terns sans bornes (1'Eternel), principe
de tout ce qui existe, entendroit-il son nom, sous celui de Pretre
des Etoiles ? Issu du sang des Rois de Perse, et Mede de
naissance, que diroit-il de se trouver releguo dans la Palestine
au service des Esclaves de ses Peres ? Telles sont les me*ta-
morphoses que produit quelque fois THistoire ".* (Zend Avesta
Tome 1, seconde partie, p. 5).
Anquetil does not give the names of the 20 places spoken
oi as the country of Zoroaster, but, we gather the following
few names from different writers : (1) Bactria (Balkh).
2. Urumiah. 3. Shiz and 4. Rae (in Media). 5. Pars or Persia
proper. 6. Palestine, where he is associated with Jeremiah. 2
7. Europe. 3 8. Egypt.* 9. Assyria (Assur). 10. Istakhar
(Mount Nepasht). 5 11. Chaldsea. 12 Babylon. 13. Syria. 14.
China. 15. Pamphylia (in Asia Minor). 16 Proconnessus (an
island of the Propontis) *. (17.) To the above list, I will add,
on the authority of a recent Persian book, named Farazastan
(p. 234 1. 5), of which I will speak later on in detail, Naosari
in Gujarat, a province of India, as the 17th place claiming the
glory of being Zoroaster's birthplace.
1 Translation. Twenty different places claim this honour (of being
the birth-place of Zoroaster). If Zoroaster, for example, were to reappear
on the earth, will he recognize himself among the portraits which they
have drawn of him ? Born, less than six hundred years before Jesus
Christ, he shall assuredly be surprized to see himself put back before
the Trojan war. The Adorator of Time without limit (the Eternal),
the principle of all that exists, will he hear his name as that of the Priest
of Stars ? Descended from the blood of the kings of Persia a.id Media
in (the matter of) birth, what will ho say to find himself relegated to
Palestine in the service of the slaves of his fore-fathers ? Such are the
metamorphoses which History produces.
2 Tabari places him in Jerusalem. Vide below, the author quoted
in* the Sharastan-i CheMr Chaman. Medjidi referred to by Hyde,
Religionis Per a a rum, 2nd ed. of 1760, p. 315.
8 Vide, M. De Pastoret, quoted above.
4 SMrastan-i CheMr Chaman, Ms. of the Mulla Feroze Library (411
VIII 56, and Rehatsek's catalogue p. 204) folio 56b.
5 Baidawi referred to by Hyde 2nd ed. p. 317. This mount Nepasht is
the Daz-i Napisht (Dinkard. Vide Zend Pahlavi Glossary, by Hoshangji,
Introduction, p. XXXII) or karitd-i Napesht (VirnAf-Ameh I, 7) of
Pahlavi books. Vide my article in J. R. A. S., April 1918, p, 311 . Vide
Reference to this article in G. Le. Strange 's Nuzhat-al Qulub of Ham-
dulla Mustawfi p. 190.
David Shea's History of the Early kings of Persia, translated from
Mirkhond, p. 274.
THE BIETH-PLACK OF ZOBOASTER 131
Among Parsee writers, the work in Gujarati, entitled " Jar-
thosht-nameh," (i.e., the Book of Zoroaster) by the late Mr.
Kharshedji Rustomji Cama, is held, as a standard work on
Zoroaster, based on the authority of the Avesta writings. Therein,
the author says : ff
i.e., " Thus, there is a difference of opinion about the
birth-place of this great Prophet among people, since olden
times. It does not appear, that we have even now come to
the position of removing that difference."
Among foreign i.e., non-Parsee writers, the work of Prof.
Jackson of America, is a standard work. He says : 2 " The
question of Zoroaster's native place is a subject that has been much
debated. The problem is moro complicated because of the un-
certainty which exists as to whether his birth place and early home
was necessarily also the chief scene of the teacher's activity. . . .
If we omit the question of his ministry for the moment and
speak simply of his native place, we may say without much
hesitation, that the consensus of scholarly opinion at this time
is generally agreed in believing that Zoroaster arose in the west
of Iran. Oriental tradition seems to be fairly correct in assign-
ing, as his native land, the district of Atropatene or Adarbaijan,
to the west of Media, or even more precisely the neighbourhood
about Lake Urumiah. There is ground, furthermore, for be-
lieving in the tradition which says that his father was a native
of Adarbaijan, a region of naphtha wells and oil fountains,
and that Zoroaster's mother was from the Median Ragha (Rai)."
Object of this The object of this Paper is two-fold: (1)
Fa P er - First of all, I want to speak on the whole
question of the birth-place of Zoroaster. In doing so, in order
to make my paper somewhat complete in itself, I will go over
some ground already trodden over and go over some fresh
ground as well. I will try to collect all the materials in this
paper. (2) Then, I will specially draw the attention of my
readers to the Pahlavi treatise of the Shatroiha-i Airan, which
has recently come to light. It was published for the first time
in 1896 by the late Dastur Dr. JamaspjiMinocherjee Jamaspa-
( ^KO ) , Ml. X*.
2 Zoroaster, the Prophet of Ancient Iran, by A. V. Williams Jackson
( 1899), p. 16.
132 THE BERTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Sana. 1 I translated it for the first time in English and
Gujarat! with Notes and published my Translation in 1899. l
I will speak later on, at some length, on the subject of this
treatise and my translation. In that Pahlavi treatise, a place
named Amui (which name can also be read a a Amvi) is men-
tioned as being in Azarbaizan and as the place of Zoroaster.
Now, in my flying tour of Persia last year, I had the
pleasure of visiting Azarbaizan, its capital Urumiah, and a
village named Amvi, which I beg to identify as the Amui or
Amvi of the Pahlavi Shatroiha-i Airan. It is this visit that
has led me, on my return, to further study , and I beg to submit
this paper as the result of that study.
As to the materials to determine the question, we have, both
our own, or what we may call, Iranian ma-
Sources, terials and foreign materials. Among the
foreign writers, the principal are the Classi-
cal writers. In order to make my paper a little complete,
though not perfectly complete, in itself, before coming to our
Iranian books, I will briefly say a few words on the Classical
writings.
II.
CLASSICAL AND MODERN WESTERN WRITERS.
The very first question is, whether Zoroaster belonged to the
Western Classi- East or * tne West to Balkh (Bactria) in
cal Writers on the the East or to Media in the West. Let us
Country of Zoro- first examine this question from the mate-
aster ' rials supplied by Western Classical writers.
Prof. A. V. W. Jackson has well-nigh exhaustively examined
the materials supplied by these Classical writers. So, I will
not dwell long over this branch of the subject but, thanking
him, briefly sum up here the result of the materials collected
by him. 2
The following Classical writers speak of Bactria as the coun-
try of Zoroaster: 1 Cephalion (A. C. 120), 2 Theon (130),
l It is included in his Pahlavi Texts from p. 18 to p. 24. The Texts
were published in two parts. The first part was published in 1896. The
whole, with the second part, was published in 1913,, 'with an Introduction
by Mr. Behramgore Tahmuras Anklesaria.
3 Zoroaster the prophet of Ancient Iran. Appendix IV pp. 186-206.
Vide also, the article (art. 9), headed " Stellen der Alton tiber Zoroas-
trisches (i.e., Passages in olden writings on Zoroastrianism), by FT.
Windischmann, inhia " Zoroastrische Studien" published by FT. Spiegel
in 1863 pp. 260-313. Vide the translation of this article by Dastur
Darab Peshotan Sanjana, in his " Zarathushtra in the Gathas and in
the Classics," pp. 65-141.
THE BERTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 133
3 Justin 1 (120), 4 Arnobius, a native of Africa, who lived
about 300 A.C. 5 Eusebius (264-340), 6 Epiphanius of Cons-
tantia (320-402), 7 Ammianus Marcellinus, who went with
Emperor Julian to fight against the Persians (363 A.C.), 8
Paulus Orosius, who passed over from Spain to Africa in A.C.
413, 9 St. Augustine (354-430), 10 Isidorus, Bishop of Seville in
Spain (570-636), 11 Hugo de Sancto Victore (1st half of 12th
century).
The following Classical writers speak of Zoroaster as belong-
ing to the West to Media or Persia (Pars) : 1. The Elder Pliny 2
(A.C. 23-79), 2 Clemens Alexandrinus (200), 3 Origenes (185-
254), 4 Diogenes Laertius (210), 5 Porphyrius (233-304), 6
Lactantius (300), 7 Greegory of Tours (538-593), 8 Chronicon
Paschale or Chron. Alexandrinum (7th Century), 9 Georgius
Syncellus (800), 10 SuidasS (970), 11 Michael Glycas (1150).
Prof. Jackson draws the following " estimate of the Classical
allusions " : " The classical allusions on the subject of Zoroas-
ter's nationality are rather contradictory and conflicting. They
refer to Bactria on the one hand and to Media and Persia on
the other. The allusions to Persia are doubtless to be taken
in a broad and general sense. It will be noticed, moreover,
that the direct place of birth is not necessarily implied in these
national appelatives. In point of time, few of the classical
passages are much older than the more direct Oriental allu-
sions ; some of them are even later. They are of value chiefly
for bringing out both sides of the question of eastern Iran and
1 He is a historian of uncertain date, but of not later than 4th
century ; perhaps 2nd century.
2 Pliny speaks of there being possibly two Zoroasters. He says :
" Whether there was only one Zoroaster, or whether in later times there
was a second person of that name, is a matter which still remains un-
decided.'* (Natural History, Bk. XXX Chap. 2. Bostock and Riley's
Translation of 1856. Vol. V p. 422). Further on, while speaking of
Professors of the art of magic, he names among others one " Zaratus of
Media " (Ibid). Thus, we see, that Pliny himself speaks of one per-
sonage as Zoroaster and another as Zaratus of Media. It is of the
first personage, Zoroaster, that he says that it was said that there were
more personages than one of that name, and that he lived, according to
Eudoxus, 6,000 years before Plato, and according to Hermippus, 6000
years before the Trojan war.
As to the word "magic ", used above by Pliny, we must take the word,
in the sense, as said by Webster, of " the science or practice of evoking
spirits or educing the occult powers of nature, and performing things
wonderful by their aid." Natural magic is "the art of employing the
powers of nature to produce effects apparently supernatural."
s This writer also thinks that there were two Zoroasters (Jackson's
Zoroaster p. 190 j.)
134 THE BIBTH-PLACE OF ZOBOASTEB
western Iran, and they are of importance when checked by
tradition or when used for throwing additional light on tradi-
tion."
Prof. Karl Geldner, in his article on Zoroaster, says : " The
later Greek writers place him with almost one consent in the
East of Iran and more particularly in Bactria." 2
Let us note here in passing, that as alluded to above, some
of the Classical writers speak of there beeing
7n^f^ ha ^nn C S e more than one Zoroaster. As seen above,
Zoroaster accord- TJ,. f * . -, , , . . ,^ ^.^,^1
ing to some Clas- Punsays so. Suidas (about A.D. 970)
sical writers. " assumes a second famous representative
of the name, a Perso Median sage." 3 Accord-
ing to David Shea, the translator of Mirkhond's Rauzat-us-
safa, six Zoroasters were counted up by Stanley. He says:
"The profound Stanley, in his Lives of the Philosphers,
reckons up six Zoroasters the Chaldsoan, or Assyrian; the
Bactrian, contemporary with Ninus ; the Persian or Medo-
Persian ; the Pamphylean ; the Proconncsian, mentioned by
Pliny ; and the Babylonian, the master of Pythagoras, accord-
ng to Apuleius. This learned critic remarks, that we must not
be surprised if the name of Zoroaster, one of the benefactors of
the human race, be given to those, who in after ages distinguish-
ed themselves in a similar career." 4
I will close this section by giving here the views of a few of
the modern writers who have specially
Modern Writers. written on the subject about Zoroaster's
Birth-place.
1 Anquetil Du Perron, after saying, as said above, that about
20 places claim the honour of being the birth-place of Zoroasterj
speaks of Urmi or Urumiah as the birth place of Zoroaster.
He says : " Cependent, malgr6 1'obscurite* qui semble couvrir tout
ce qui regarde Zoroastre, je crois avoir prouve assez posi-
tivement dans le Me'moire dont j'ai parle* plus haut 6 que ce
l Zoroaster, the Prophet of Ancient Iran, p. 191.
3 Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th Ed., Vol. XXIV, p. 820
3 Jackson's Zoroaster, p. 190.
4 History of the Early kings of Persia, translated from the original
Persian of Mirkhond, entitled the Rauzat-us-Safa, " by David Shea (1832)
p. 274.
6 M&moire do 1'Acadfcnie des Belles Lettres. Tome XXXI p. 370
et suive.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 135
Legislateur cst ne & Urmi, Ville de FAderbedjan ; et ce fait
explique les surnoms de Mede, de Perse, de Perso-Meade,
quo differens Auteurs lui ont donnas." l
(2) M. De Pastoret, who wrote in 1788, agrees with AnquetiPs
view. He says : Abulfeda, et M. Anquetil pensent qu'il 6toit
n dans la Perse, et c'est & Urmi qu'ils accordent la gloire de
lui avoir donn6 le jour. 2 Leur opinion est la plus vrai-
semblable. . . .On pourroit citer d'ailleurs un assez grand nom-
bre d'ecrivains, qui, en celebrant Zoroaster, ne le designent
jamais que par les surnoms de Perse ou de Perso-Mede." 3
^ 3** Sir John Malcolm speaks of him as a " native of
Azarbaijan " and says that " he was born at the town of
Oormia." 4
4. Sir Henry Rawlinson speaks of Azarbaijan, and therein,
of the mountain of Takht-i Suleiman or Shiz as Zoroaster's
place. 6
5. Accordingto Sir H. Rawlinson,' another writer, who pre-
ceded him, also pointed to Azarbaijan as Zoroaster's place. He
quotes the writer to say : " The first appearance of Zoroaster
seems to have been in Azarbayan ; and the first fire-temple is
said to have been erected at Xiz in Media. 7
1 Zend Avesta T. I, P. II pp. 5-6.
Translation. However, notwithstanding tho obscurity which seems to
cover all which relate to Zoroaster, I believe to have proved sufficiently
positively in the Memoir, of which I have spoken above, that this legis-
lator was, born at Urmi, a city of Aderbedjan ; and this fact explains
the surnames of Median, Persian and Perso-Median which different
authors have given him.
2 Zend-Avesta, T. 1, part 2, p. 5. M&moire de TAcad. t. 31, p. 371.
Abulfeda, t. 3 p. 58.
3 Zoroastre, Confucius et Mahomet, par M. De Pastoret (1788), p. 6.
Translation. -Abulfeda and M. Anquetil think that he was born in
Persia and it is to Urmi (Urumiah) that they give the glory of having
given him birth. Their opinion is very probable. One can cite,
moreover, a number of writers who, on speaking of him, never desig-
nate him under any other surname than that of Persian and Perso-
Median.
4 Malcolm's History of Persia, 2nd edition of 1829 vol. I p. 45 n. s.
5 Memoir on the Site of tho Atropatenian Ecbatana. Journal of the
Geographical Society of London, Vol. X (1841) pp. 65-168.
Ibid p. 68.
"Modern Traveller, Persia and China Vol. I p. 60. (Ptobftbly
from Texeira's History of Persia.)'*
136 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
6. Haug says that " his jbome seems to have been in Bac-
tria, which is called Berekhdha drmaiti in the Gathas, and
Bdkhdhi (a corruption of the former) in the VendidSd." 1
7. Harlez is uncertain and hesitating, but still he is inclined
to take Media as his birth place. He says : La question pour-
rait se re*soudre facilement si Ton osait affirmer que le pays qui
parlait la langue de 1'Avesta et pour lequel ce livre fut com-
posd est necessairement celui ou le fondateur du Mazdeisme
vit le jour : on verra que ce pays e*tait bien probablement la
Medie. Mais la conclusion dSpasserait les premices. II en
serait de memo si Ton pre*tendait que sa terre natale a du 6tre
celle ou il exerca son action." a
8. Dr. Mills says : " As to the further question, ' Who was
Zarathushtra and when and where did he live ' ? diversity of
opinion still prevails." Were the Gathas first sung in the
East or the West of Iran ? I would here say that I regard
this point as especially open I think that the scene of the
Gathic and original Zoroastrianism was the North-East of Iran. 3
9. Prof .^ Jackson says : " Apparently he was born some-
where in Azarbaijan. The places specially mentioned are
UrumiSh, Shiz (Av. Chaechista, probably anc. UrumiSh) and
the river Darej." 4
10. Dr. Moulton agrees with Prof. Jackson and says that
" Zoroaster was born in Azarbaijan in Western IrSn, but there
is at least a good case for supposing him to have preached in
Bactria in Western Irfin." 6
1 1 . Prof. Geldner says : " As to the birth place of Zoroaster, the
Avesta is silent. In later tradition two places contended for
this honour : the older and more widely spread story made him
a native of Bai (Rhagae) in Media, another of Shiz, the capital
of Atropatene, also in Media. It is hard to decide whether
both traditions rest merely upon priestly pretensions of a later
date or whether one of them is not perhaps authentic."*
Essays on the Parsees, 2nd Ed. of 1879, edited by West, p. 297.
Avesta. Introduction, p. XXIV.
S. B. E., Vol. XXXI, Introduction, pp. 22 and 27.
^Zoroaster, Prophet of Ancient Iran, p. 205.
Early Zoroastrianism, p. 83.
lEncyclopwdia Britaunica, 9th ed, Vol. 24, p. 821, Col. 1.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 137
12. Another writer in the same work in his article on Uru-
miah says that " according to an old tradition, Urmia was the
birthplace of Zoroaster." 1
13. A third writer in the same work, in his article on Azer-
bijan, speaks of its town of Urumiah as " the supposed birth-
place of Zoroaster." a
)4. Ferdinand Justi 3 first refers to the Avcsta passage
which places Zoroaster on the banks of the Dareja in Airyana
Vaejo. He then says that he was born at Rae ( Ragha ) and
from there went to Azerbaijan. He then refers to the authority
of Abulf eda 4 who places him in Azerbaijan.
15. Dr. Geiger, in his " Vaterland und Zeitalter der Avesta "
(1884), points to East Iran as Zoroaster's country. 6
16. Dr. Emil J. Von Dillon, points to Media as Zoroaster's
country. He produces several evidences to show that the
Hom3 of the Ave~ta was in the West, in Media. So, the home
of Zoroaster, who wrote the Avesta, was also in Media.
17. Spiegel speaks of Media as the birthplace of Zoroaster.
^ 18. Prof. Darmesteter speaks of Media as the traditional
<c native place of Zoroaster. . . Although epic legends place the
cradle of Mazdean power in Bactria, at the court of King
Vishtasp, Bactria was only the first conquest of Zoroaster,
it was neither his native place, nor the cradle of his religion "
(S. B. E. Vol IV Introduction III, 16 p. XLVII).
The writers of the volume of " the Persian Empire and the
West" in " The Cambridge Ancient History series," write (1926
pp. 206-7): " Ho (Zoroaster) neither was born nor workedin Persia
proper, the home of the Achaemonidae The scene of
Zoroaster's activity was not Persia proper : it was Media, accord-
ing to one theory, Bactria according to another ; or it may
have included both regions."
1 Ibid., Vol. 24, p. 12, Col. 2.
2 Ibid.. Vol. 3, p. 168.
8 Handbuch der Zend-sprache (1864), p. 122.
4 Abulfedae Historia Anteislamica, Arabioe of E. Duobus edited by H.O.
Fleischer (1831). p. 161. I refer, at some length, to this author, later on.
As referred to by Dr. Emil J. Von Dillon. Vide the translation of
Dr. Dillon's article by Mr. T. A. Walsh, published by the Bombay
Samachar Press in 1887, under the title of ' V Tho Home and Age of the
Avesta," pp. 2-4. ^
Ibid. pp. 4-10.
18
138 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
III.
IRANIAN MATERIALS. VARIOUS SUCCESSIVE
QUESTIONS BASED UPON THEM.
I will now proceed to examine the question of the Birthplace
of Zoroaster on the authority of our Iranian materials* I will
first refer to the ancient Iranian books i.e., to the A vesta and
Pahlavi books, and then I will refer to the later Iranian
books of Mahomedan writers. While referring to the Avesta
and Pahlavi books, I will proceed step by step to the
consideration of questions suggested by the reply of each
preceding question. The Questions and Replies are tho
following :
(A) Where was Zoroaster born ? In the House of Pourush-
aspa.
(B) The House of Pourushaspa. Where was it situated ?
On the Banks of the Dareja river.
(C) The River Dareja. Where did it flow ? It was an affluent
of the Daiti.
(D) The River Daiti. Where did it flow ? In Airyana Vaeja
(Iran Vej).
(E) Airyana Vaeja. Where was it situated ? In Atardpa-
takan.
(F) Ataropatakan. Where was it situated ? It is the mo-
dern Azerbaijan.
(G) Ataropatakan or Azerbaijan. In which part of tnis coun-
try did Zoroaster's Birth take place ? In the district
of Mount Asc&vant and lake Chaechasta, the modern
Urumiah.
(H) Urumiah. In which town of Urumiah did Zoroaster's
Birth take place ? In the town Amvi or Anrai.
IV.
(A) WHERE WAS ZOROASTER BORN? IN THE
HOUSE OF POURUSHASPA.
We have two direct references to the birthplace of Zoroaster
in the Avesta, which say, that he was born in the house_of Po-
urushaspa.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOEOASTEE 139
There is a conversation in the Haoma Yasht (Ya9na IX) bet-
ween Zoroaster and Haoma, the founder
ce^n^the^ves^a f the ritual f the Haoma J uico > who
(a) S Haoma Yasht. appears before Zoroaster as a handsome
personage, in the morning, in the Ha van gah,
when he (Zoroaster) was consecrating fire for a ritual (atarem
pairi-yaozdathentem, IX, 1) and reciting his Gathas. On
Zoroaster's inquiring, as to who he was, the person declared him-
self to be Haoma, who was the discoverer of the Haoma plant
and its ritual, and recommended Zoroaster to pound Haoma
twigs and drink the juice, as other great benevolent philanthro-
pic personages (Saoshyants) had done before him. Zoroaster paid
homage to the person before him, and asked him, as to who the
personages were that followed his ritual and drank Haoma
juice, and as to what advantages they derived from the ritual
and drink. Haoma named Vivanghhvat, Athwya, Thrita and
Pourushaspa as the personages who had drank Haoma juico
with ritual and who had the consequent advantage of having
born to them great personages like Yimo Khshaeta (Jamshed),
Thractaona (Faridun), Urvakhshaya and Keresaspa (two bro-
thers) and Zarathushtra. Here, Haoma who addresses Zoroas-
ter speaks of him as born in the house of Pourushaspa.
Ho says ( Yagria Ha IX, 13):
-* '
Translation. Thou, Holy Zarathushtra ! wast born in the
house of Pourushaspa, as one opposed to the Daevas and as the
follower of the way of Ahura.
The Pahlavi version of this passage runs thus :
^ _ Y
1 Ha 0, s. 43. Spiegel's Pahlavi Ya$nn p. 73, 11. 2-4. Vide Dr. M. B.
Davar's " Pahlavi version of Yasntt IX (1904) "p. 20 ; Dr. 3. M. Unwalla'a
NoryosangU's Sanskrit Version of the Horn Yasht (1924), p. 23.
140 THE BIBTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation. Then, from him, you, Holy Zarathushtra, were
born in the house of Pourushaspa, as one opposed to the Daevas
( and) as the follower of the religion of Ahura Mazda.
The next direct reference is in the 19th Chapter of the Vendi-
dad. This chapter is spoken of as a brief Zar-
^6) The Vendi- thusht-nameh 1 i.e., the Book of (the life of)
Zoroaster. Darmesteter speaks of it as " The
Revelation " and as " the framework of the Vendidad." 2 In his
French translation, he speaks of it as " Lutte et Revelation " i.e.
"Contest (with Ahriman) and Revelation." 3 In this Aves-
taic Zarthusht-nameh, we have an account of Zoroaster's attempts
to withstand the temptations of the Evil spirit and of his con-
verse with the Higher Powers. Ahriman asked one of his host,
a Druj, a demon named Buiti, to smite Zarathushtra. Zara-
thushtra withstood the machinations of the Druj with his firm
belief in the old Mazdayasnan religion and with the recital of
prayers, before the waters of the good Daiti river. He went for-
ward to repell the attack with material and spiritual weapons.
(s. 4). As to the material weapons, ho went forward holding
big stones in the hands (asand zasta drazimno kato-masangho).
His spiritual weapons were the sacred formulae of the Ahunava
which he recited and the liturgical services which he performed
with the liturgical utensils of the hdwmm, tashta, &c. In the
end, when Ahriman and his associates found themselves
unsuccessful in tempting Zarathushtra, they gave expression to
their disappointment by saying (S. 46).
Translation Alas ! Holy Zarathushtra is born in the house
of Pourushaspa ! How are we to obtain his death ?
Ml. 3M.
2 S. B. E., Vol. IV, 1st ed., p. 203.
8 "Co Fargard est devenue c6K>bre sous le titre de " R6cit de la
Tontation de Zyroastre ..... Le veritable titre|serait Lutte et B6v61ation :
lutto de Ahriman contre Zoroastre qu'il essaye d'abord de touor, puis do
sfiduire : r6 relation de la loi d'Ormazd a Zoroastre" (Zend Avesta Vol. 11^
p. 256.)
4 'The Pahlavi rendering runs: "Aigh Zarhunt Ahldban zarthusht
dayan m&n-i Pdurushaspa ". Spiegel's Vendfdad p. 220. Dastur Dorabji's
Pahl. Vend. p. 211. Dastur Hoshang's Vendidad, p 643. Daetur Jama-
epji's Text in Gujarat! p. 136.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER HI
These two Avesta references directly point to the house of
P6urushaspa as the birth-place of Zoroaster.
Pourushaspa was the father of Zoroaster. So one may very
rightly think : " Why was there the neces-
Whya Special sity o f sa ying, that Zoroaster was born in
SS^HooJe t the house of his father ? A11 ^Wren are
born in the houses of their fathers. " One
answer to this question may be, that the phraseology is an ordi-
nary one, meant simply to indicate family. But, a particular
significance seems to have been meant. In the East, all children
are not born in the houses of their fathers. Many of them.
especially the first-born, are born in the houses of their mothers.
Even now, that is the custom among Parsees in India. In the case
of the first child, the mother generally goes to the house of her
parents for delivery. 1 So, perhaps, the special mention of the
house of Pourushaspa was intended to signify, if the above was
also the custom in olden times, that Zoroaster was born, not in
the house of his mother as usual, but in the house of his father.
He was the eldest son of his father. This is evident from the fact
of his conversation with Haoma. Before his birth, Pourushaspa
had no children. He performed the ritual of Haoma and drank
Haoma- juice and Zoroaster's birth was the result. So, as the
eldest son, one may expect, if the above Parsee custom was an
old Iranian custom, that Zoroaster should have been born in
the house of his mother. But, we learn from the later Pahlavi
books, that Dogdho, the mother of Zoroaster was much har-
assed even in her pregnancy, by the evil-minded people of her
country. So, we may take it that this may be the reason why
she delivered at the house of her husband and not at that of
her parents.
There is also a third reference, which, though it does not speak
of the birth of Zoroaster in Pourushaspa's
An indirect re- house, speaks of the house where Zoroaster
ference in the Ven- ,. , ' r T , . , i , , ,,
didad. lived as a grown up man. It is that of the
Vendidad (Chap. XIX, 4) where Zoroaster is
spoken of as finding his weapons to oppose Ahriman in the
house of Pourushaspa. We read the following question and
reply :
1 The prevalent Parsee custom is, that not only does the mother,
In the case of .the first-born, give delivery in the house of the parents,
but, it is expected that the parents of the mother are also to provide
the whole or a part of the dowry of her first-born daughter.
142 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
i.e., Where did you get hold of these (weapons) ? ...... In the
house of Pdurushaspa.
V.
(B) THE HOUSE OF POURUSHASPA. WHERE WAS IT
SITUATED * ON THE BANKS OF THE DARfijA.
The above two references directly point to the house of
P6urushaspa as the birth-place of Zoroaster. Tho third
reference indirectly points to it as his home. But they do
not say where the house of Pourushaspa was situated. So,
we will now examine this question. We -vill examine tho
question, (1) at first, on the authority of the Avesta, and (2)
then, on that of the Pablavi books.
(1) THE SITUATION OF THE HOUSE OF P6URUSHASPA,
ACCORDING TO THE AVESTA.
We do not find in tho Avesta any direct reference to tho situ-
ation of the house. But, we find two indirect references, which
lead us to say, where, most probably, that house was. With tho
help of the direct statements of later Pahlavi writings, these
Avestaic references, though indirect, are of great importance.
Both these references occur in tho above-said Avestaic Zarthusht-
nameh (Vendidad Chap. XIX, 4 and 11). The first of these
two (s. 4) localizes the house of Pourushaspa, and the second
localizes the place of his converse or consultation with Ahura
Mazda and the Ameshaspentas. Tho place named in both
these passages is the same, and the place of a Prophet's
meditation and converse with the Higher Powers is generally
expected to bo near his home.
(a) The first reference, to which we have passingly referred
above, is in reply to a question, arising from the temptation and
opposition of the Evil powers. When they find Zoroaster
opposing them, both with material and mental or spiritual
weapons, they inquire about the weapons. In reply to tho
questio^whence the above weapons were procured, we read
(Vend. XIX, 4).
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 143
Y^Ull/JU }.()*>/) * pUA>{/
'-' u
Translation. Where, in this world, which is wide, round,
far-extended, did you catch hold of these (weapons) ?
(Reply) In the house of Pourushaspa on the hill (or rising
ground) above Dare j a.
This reply points to the situation of Pourushaspa's house
(where Zoroaster was born), as being on the banks of a river
named Dare j a and on a rising ground of that river.
(b) The second reference is in an account of Zoroaster's con-
sultation with Ahura Mazda and his Ameshaspands. When
Ahriman offered him tho temptation of temporal sovereignty,
Zarathushtra declined it. Then Zarathushtra had a spiritual
converse with Ahura Maz4a in the presence of the Amesha-
spentas, Vohumano, Asha Vahishta, Khshathra-Vairya and
Spenta Armaiti, wherein he asked, as to how he was to save
himself from the evils of Ahriman. Ahura Mazda replied, that
he could do so by prayers and by observing righteousness,
harmony, order &c., as seen in the grand Nature round about.
Wo read the following about the place of the converse or con-
sultation with Ahura Mazda (Vend. XIX, 11.)
A6 **">
144 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation. Zarathushtra asked Ahura Mazda ..........
when he was sitting l , wisely meditating 2 on Ahura Mazda,
Vohu-mano, Asha-vahishta, Khshathra-vairya, Spenta-ftrmaiti,
on the hill (or rising ground) above the Dare j a.
The preceding passage pointed to the place where Zoroaster
got the material and spiritual weapons to oppose Ahriman.
This passage points to the place, where he had a consultation
with Ahuramazda and the Ameshaspands, so as to be better
prepared to oppose Ahriman. The place is named as Dar^jya-
paitizbarahe i.e., the hill or the rising ground of (the river)
Dareja. Thus, these two passages help us, to some extent, in
determining, where the house of Pourushaspa was situated.
I have given above, my translations of these passages ; but,
v . .. . before proceeding, I must say here,
transition. 100 '* * hat the se two passages are differently
translated by various translators.
(a) Anquetil Du Perron takes both the words to be common
nouns. His translation is too free. He translates the sentence
of the first passage thus : " Apres avoir passe (comme) un
pont qui s'etend au loin, il alia dans le lieu fort." Here, he
translates the word "DarSja" as " au loin (i.e., far off) 3 taking
it to be the same as Pers. daraz ( jL)^ ). He translates * zbara '
as "lieu fort" (i.e., strong place) and he seems to take the
word to be Arabic jabr (j** ) strong.
(6) Spiegel and Haug also take the words to be common
nouns. Spiegel 4 translates them as "in great strength."
(c) Haug 5 translates them as " incline to support (Pduru-
shaspa's house)."
Harlez and Darmesteter, Jackson, Justi and Windischmann
have taken Dareja as a proper noun as the name of a river,
and zbar as common noun.
1 Aonghand. ah, as ( 3TRf ) to sit.
* Vbhu-maidh6 from mad to be wise ; madha, wisdom.
8 Zend A vesta, Tome I. second partio, p. 413.
4 Block's translation Vol. I, Vendfdod, p. 137. Spiegel says in a
footnote p. 143 n. 3 : " This verse is by no means clear.'*
5 Hang's Essays, 2nd ed. of 1878, p. 253. Haug seems lo derive the
word Dareja from dar ( l^j ) Sans, ^ {, Guj. H*3 to hold fast
to support, and the word zbar from zbar \^Lj5 ) Sans, $7? to
be crooked. Both are far-fetched meanings.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 146
(d) Harlez translates: " Pres du Dareja, au bord clove*." 1
i.e., near Dareja on elevated bank.
(e) Darmesteter translates as " sur la haute rive de la Dareja" 2
i.e., " over the high bank of the Dareja." In his English
translation, he translates as "by the river Dare 1 j a, upon the
mountains. 3
(/) Jackson translates in one place, as "by the Dare j, upon
its high bank " 4 and in another, as "on the high bank of the
Darej." 6
(g) Justi also takes Dareja to be a proper noun and zbar
(zbarangh) to be a common noun. He translates the sentence
thus : " An dem (Fluss) Dareja (gclegnen) Berge, in dcr
Wohnung des Pourusha9pa." ft i.e., on the (River) Dareja
(situated in) the mountain in the house of Porushaspa.
(h) Windischmrnn translates " Darej ya paiti zbarahi " as
" am Hiigel der Darega " i.e., " on the hillock of Dareja." 7
In another place, he translates these words as " Krummung
der Daregya " 8 i tCtf " the crookedness or curve of the Dareja."
(*) Ervad Framji Aspandiarji Rabadina 9 hafl taken both the
words to be common nouns. In his translation, he has fol-
lowed much the Pahlavi. 80, his translation is not so clear as
to enable us to say what he understood by these two words but
it is clear that he took both the words to be common nouns.
He translates the whole sentence thus : "7t
& ^ ^i^v>icft Ml^itT ww )
) It seems that he has
1 Avesta, VondfdAd, p. 192.
2 Lo Zend Avesta, Vol. II, p. 260.
3 S. B. E. Vol. IV, 1st od. p. 205.
* Zoroaster, the Prophet of Ancient Iran, p. 194.
6 Ibid, 1. 19
8 Handbuch der Zendspracho (1864) p. 177. Vide the word * Paiti -
zbaranh.'
7 " Zoroastrischo Studien " (1863) p. 48.
8 Ibid. p. 54, 1. 32.
4tUit, <i*\ HittSJ ^ilMdl JJrfJUcfl cl^Ml, WMlHl Mni iWlR
ti. *t. IKoo Ml. ^i2-^<#.
19
146 THE BERTH-PLACE OF ZOEOASTEB
taken the word Dareja to be something like a word derived
from dar ^juj Sans. >rc, Guj. ty^' and the word zbar, to
be Pers. jabr ( j& ) strong and hence ejmati
i. e., wonderful,
(j) K. R. Cama has translated the passage thus : fe '
p . l Here he takes both the words to be proper
nouns.
(k) K. E. Kanga translates the sentence thus : "
fcl ^f^Hl^l *\*i\ $<\\'' ). 2 Thus, he also takes
both the words to be proper nouns. He emphasises his meaning
in a foot note by saying :
i-" Then, he proceeds to say where the river Dareja
was, as stated in the Bundehesh, but says nothing about, what
he calls, the mountain Zabar.
(I) The Pahlavi translator has translated the first of these
two passages thus : 3
_ p
<*1s> aniifn, ^ i^e, Hi. 3M.
WillCrt (<UK) Ml. 33.
8 DafiturDarabPoshotanSanjana's VendidAd,p.l98, 1.9. Vtde Spiegel's
Pahlavi Vendidad p. 211, 1.7 ot seq. Spiegel's text omits the word
zamik (earth) by some mistake. Vide Pahlavi Vendidad (M5<H<.
I'll tit) ) in GujarAti characters by Dastur Jamaspji Minocherji
Jamaspaeana (1908) Text p. 130, 1.17, Translation p. 165. Vide Dastur
Hoshangji's Vendidad, p. 610 11 7 et seq.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 147
Translation : Which (i.e., the stones referred to in the
preceding passage) he got from Dadar Oharmazd. He had
got that from this earth which is wide, round and far extensive
for passage, in the house of Porushasp near Darzi Zabar.
Haug has thus translated this passage of the Pahlavi Tran-
slation : " Who thus besought the creator Auharmazd : Where
is that kept on this wide, round, far-traversed (earth, which)
.is +o be fixed on the roof in the dwelling of Porushashp." 1
Here, Haug adds in a foot-note : " The words darjik zbdr, being
merely a transcription of the Avesta, are translated in accordance
with the meaning adopted in p. 333, note 4." This is a reference
to his translation of the corresponding Avesta passage referred
to above by me.
Dastur Jam asp ji has translated this Pahlavi passage thus:
(P. 165)
We thus see, that the Pahlavi translator has not translated
the two Avesta words, Dareja and Zbar, but have simply
repeated these names. So, he does not help us in any way.
The Pahlavi rendering of the second passage of the Vendidad
(XIX, 11) runs thus 2 .
i
1 Haug's Essays,. 2nd ed. of 1878, p. 380.
8 Dastur Darab's Text of the Vendidad, p. 200. This edition has,
preceding the above quotation, the usual Pahlavi rendering of the
Avesta " peresat Zarathushtr6 ' ' &c. Perhaps, the editor seems to have
added this from himself to fill up the gap. Spiegel (Vendidad
lt Pahlavi
Pahlavi p. 213, 1.4). Dastur Jamaspji ( M^l <u1tlt Pahlavi Vendidad
in Gujarati characters, p. 131) and Haug (Haug's Essays, 2nd ed.,
p. 382) have not this portion. Dastur Hoshangji's edition (p. 616, 1. 3)
also gives this addition. Haug adds in a note (n. 3): " The Pahlavi
translator omits the usual opening invocation of the Creator." Again.
Dastur Darab's Text repeats the word " shapir. " We do not find in
any other edition, this repetition.
148 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation On Darji-zbar, where sat 1 Oharmazd and the
good Vohuman, according to their grades. The grade consisted
of this that next to Vohuman were Asha Vahishta and Shatri-
var and Spendomad.
Dastur Jamaspji translates this passage thus ( p. 167 ).
Haug renders the passage thus (p. 382) : " Through what is to
be fixed on the roof where Auharmazd (and) the good one
[Vohuman] of good estimation are stationed (ahist), [this
' estimation ' (stands) for Vohuman again] (with) Ashavahisht,
Shatver, (and) Spendarmad." 2
Thus, we find from the Pahlavi rendering of this passage
also that the translator has simply repeated the words Dareja
and Zbara.
From the above passages of the Avesta Vendidad and their
Pahlavi renderings, we see, that there
Zbara not a pro- is a variety of opinions about the two
per noun. words Dar&ja arid zbara as to whether
they are proper nouns or common nouns.
I agree with those scholars who take Dareja to be a proper
noun and zbara to be a common noun. My principal reason
for doing so is this : In the case of the word Dareja, we are
in a position to identify it on the authority of the Pahlavi
Bundehesh, and to say, that it is the name of a river, but we are
not in a similar position in the case of the word ' zbara/ if we
take it to be a proper noun.
(a) If zbara were a proper noun, we would find its name in
the list of mountains mentioned in the Zamyad Yasht. But
1 " Nashist " soems to bo a correction by Dastur Darab (op. cit. p.
200). The word, as given by Spiegel (op. cit. p 213), Jamaspji
(p. 131), and Haug ( p. 382), is KW-Jey- * a-hist in the sense of
standing. Of course, the original Avesta has aonghanO in the
sense of * sitting.* Vide above, my translation of the Avesta passag .
2 I think that Haug seems to have missed the point which the Pahlavi
translator meant to convey, viz. that the Ameshaspands stood in the
order of precedence according to their rank.
THE BIRTH-PLAGE OF ZOROASTER 149
we do not find it there. The very fact of its name being
associated with Zoroaster should have given it importance
and a place in the list of Zamyad Yasht (Yt. XIX).
(6) Again we have a long list of mountains in the Pahlavi
Bundehesh (Chap. XII). There also, we do not find the name
as that of a mountain.
The word forms a compound with paiti, as paiti-zbara 1 and
is in the locative case with the name Dareja. So, it may form,
as it were, an adjective of Dareja meaning something like the
hilly Dareja. In that case, our translation may undergo a little
change. But, under any circumstance, it is not a proper noun.
I think, that the word zbara is used in the sense of a mountain.
As said above, Harlez and Darmesteter take the word in the
sense of a mountain. The word seems to correspond with Pers.
jabl. (cU*. ), pi. jabal. It is significant, that according
to Stcingass, 2 Media (Persian Irak) the country of Zoroaster is
spoken o{ as ' biladu' 1-jabal." i.e. the country ot mountains.
Wo will see later on, in Sec. XI that the Arab writer Sharastani
also associates Zoroaster with a mountain in Azarbaijan
(u 1 *^ jiT Jxv & d^). Cureton's Ed. of Sharastani p. 185.
Haarbriieher's Translation p. 281.
Thus then, what we see from the Avestais, that Zoroaster was
born in the house of Pourushaspa and that the house of Pduru-
shaspa was situated on a hill or rising ground on the river
Dareja. Before proceeding to determine the place of the river,
we will examine a few passages from the Pahlavi Bundehesh, which
also speak of the house of Pourushaspa as the place where
Zoroaster was born, and which also say that the house was on
the river Dareja.
(2) THE SITUATION OP THE HOUSE OF ZOROASTER, ACCORDING
TO THE PAHLAVI BOOKS.
Among the Pahlavi books, the one which refers directly to the
1 The Pahlavi birth-place of Zoroaster is the Bundehesh. In
Bundehesh. it, we find two references to the birth-place:
(A) The Bundehesh has a special chapter on the subject of
rivers under the title of " Chegunih-i rudha " i.e. " The Nature
of Rivers " (Chap. XX). There, in a long list of rivers, we read
1 Of. Paiti -ayangha, paiti -dana.
2 Persian Dictionary, p. 355.
150 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
he name of a river as Daraja ( -*tW*'^ ). As the name is
written in Avesta characters there is no doubt about its reading.
This Pahlavi Daraja is the Avesta Darej a. After first naming
the rivers, the writer proceeds to give a brief description of
them. There we read the following about Daraja :
lie)
Translation.- Daraja river (is) in Airan-vej, on the bank 2
of which was the house of Porushasp. the father of Zar
thusht.3
This Pahlavi passage is variously translated :
(a) Anquetil has translated it thus : " Le Daredj6 (est dans)
PIran-vedj, oil Poroschasp, pere de Zoroastre, a porte" (a
engandre) ce (Legislateur). (Zend Avesta Tome, II p. 393.)
(b) Justi thus translates it (Der Bundehesh, p. 29) : " Der
Fluss Daraja in Airyanem vaejo (ist es) an welchem das Haus
des Pourushaopa, des Vaters Zarathustra's, auf einer Anhohe
lag," i.e., The river Daraja in Airyana Vaeja is that on which
the house of Porushaspa, the father of Zarathushtra, was
situated on a rising ground (or hill).
1 Justi p. 53, 11. 6-7. West S. B. E. Vol. V, Chap. XX 32. Vide my
Gujarftti Transliteration and Translation of the Bundehesh, p. 96.
Windischmann's Zoroastrische Studien, p. 8, s. 24. Weatorgaard
p. 53, 1. 6. M. R. Unwala's Lithographed Ed. of Westergaard's text,
p. 62, 1.2. Grand Buxxdehesh, edited by Mr. Behramgore T. Anklesaria,
p. 89, 11.2-3.
> P. J 4 b&r may also mean branch (Steingass).
3 The Pazend Bundehesh gives the version as follows : (E. K. Antia's
Pazend texts, p. 11, 1. 2. Chapter. IV.)
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 151
Justi in the Worterbuch attached to his Bundehesh (p. 86)
connects the word *-*\ with P. ^V^. In another passage
of the Bundehesh (Chap. XXTV, Justi, p. 58), we have
tt in place of *
(c) West translates it thus : " The Daraja river is in Airanvej,
on the bank (bar) of which was the dwelling of Pdrushasp, the
father of Zaratusht." *
(d) Jackson translates it similarly "The Daraja river is in
Airan Vej, on whose bank (bar) was the abode of Porushasp,.
the father of Zaratusht. 2
(e) K. R. Cama, quoting this passage, translates it thus :
<>iiM ^^Md H* t." 3 (3) Here he takes
the word ' bar ' for "Mi&U&ti J> i.e. high place or bank.
(/) In my Gujarati translation of the Bundehesh, I have trans*
latod it thus :
M1M ^mi*Hi M* #i" 4 . *-e. The Daraj river is in Iran-veji;
on the banks of which was the house of Porushaspa.
We find the word bar (darya bar) in the sense of shore or
bank in Minokherad (Chap. LXH, 33). 6 Its Sanskrit version
gives the word as Sg5cf i.e., the seashore. It is signi-
ficant, that like the Iranian word bdr, its Sanskrit equivalen ,
toJalso is used for both (a) "a slope, declivity, precipice;" and
(6) " the shore or bank " ( Apte, Sans.-Eng. Dictionary of 1890,
p. 525).
1 S. B. E., Vol. V, Isted., p. 82.
* Zoroaster, the Prophet of Ancient Iran, p. 193.
3 Gujarati Zarthusht nameh, 2nd ed., p. 37, 11. 1-3.
4 Vide my Transliteration and Translation in Gujarati of the Bun-
dehesh, p. 97.
* T. D. Anklosaria's Edition, p. 167, 1. 2, Purahishna LXI, 33.
152 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Windischmann thus translates the passage : Der Daraja,
1st in Airanvic ; auf seiner Hohe ist die Wohnung des Pursa9p
des Vaters Zartust's. (Zoroastrische Studien, p. 98)., i.e. r
The Dara ja is in Airanvej ; on its height is the residence of Pur-
sagp, the father of Zartusht.
This passage of the Bundehesh is very important. It is, as
it were, a kind of paraphrase of the Avesta passage of the Verdi-
dad. I have dwelt on it at some length, giving various tran-
slations, with a view to show that, notwithstanding some vari-
ations in its translation, it also helps us to see that, as said in
the preceding section,the word zbara in the Avesta passage is not
a proper noun. It is replaced here by the word bar.
(B) The second reference to the river in the Bundehesh is in
the chapter (Ch. XXIV, 15) which treats of the Chieftainship
(radih) of men, animals and all other things. It is, as it were,
a chapter on Vispa-rad, i.e., on what are considered to be the
chiefs (rata or rad) of particular classes. For example, it says
that the white kharbiz is the chief (or the best) of all the goats.
The white-haired, strong-kneed and two-shouldered camel is the
chief of all camels. Similarly, we read the following in the case
of rivers. 1
Translation. Daraja river is the chief of all rivers, because it
had on its height (i.e., on its bank) the house of the father of
Zarthusht. Zarathusht was born there.
This passage of the Bundehesh also determines, that the river
Daraja (Dareja) was the river of the birth-place of Zoroaster.
Though small, ifc was held in veneration on account of the fact
of Zoroaster's birth on it and was therefore taken to be the
* chief ' of rivers.
1 Justi's Texfc, p. 58. 11. 5-7 ;West. S. B. E.. Vol. V, Isted., p. 89. Grand
Bundehesh by T.D. Anklesaria, p. 121, 1. 8. (Here, the word "rud " after
DAraja is omitted and in place of the word bala we have b&r). Win-
dischmann, Zoroastrisch6 Studien, p. 103, s. 15. Westercaard's ed ,
p, 58, 1. 6. M. R. U vala'g Ed., p. 69, 1. 6. *
TttE BIBTH-PLAOE OF ZOROASTER 153
(C) We have a reference to the birth-place of Zoroaster in an-
other chapter (XXXII, 2) of the Bundehesh. We read there :
Translation. From Porfishasp, Zartuhust was born on the
Darga (Dareja) of the good religion.
My translation requires a few words for justification as it
differs from previous translations.
Justi, who has in his translation numbered this chapter as
XXXIII (p. 45, 1. 6), translates this passage thus : " Von Pou-
nishafpa wurde Zarathustra auf seinem Stammsitz Hidainis
erzeugt," i.e. From Pourushacpa was born Zarathushtra at
his ancestral seat Hidainis. In his " Worterbuch " (glossary),
attached to his Bundehesh, for the word dargd (\j& p. 139),
he gives "Palast, Pforte," i.e., palace, gate, and gives the
modern Persian dargah ( atfjA ) as its equivalent. As to
Hadinash (u^i */ p. 269, glossary, as transliterated by him), he
says: "Name des Palastes des Pourushagpa," i.e., " the Name
of a palace of Pourushaopa." Under this word, he gives the
translation of the sentence as " Von Pourushacpa wurde
Zarathustra in Palast Hidainis erzeugt," i.e., From Pour-
usacpa, Zarathushtra was born in the palace of Hidainis.
Thus, he takes Pdrfishaspa to be the possessor of a palace
named Hidaini which he takes to be the place where Zoroaster
was born.
Windischmann translates thus: "Von Porusacp, Wurde
Zartust an dem Sitz des Dargaflusses erzeugt " (Zoroastrische
Studien, p; 119), i.e., From Porusacp was born Zartusht on a
seat of the river Darga. Windischmann thus speaks about the
Word which he reads hidainis : " Hidainis ist wahrscheinlich
ein Zendawort, was ich auf hidhaiti (Yasht Fr., II, 2): sitzen*
Zuriickfiihre ; es bedeutet daher wohl einen Wohnsitz (Ibid, p.
160), i.e. 9 Hidainis is probably a Zend word which I derive
1 Justi's Bundehesh, p. 79, 1. 10. Grand Bundehesh by T. D.
Anklesaria, p. 235, 11. 3-4. Weetergaard'e Ed., p. 79, 1. 9. M. R. UnW*i*V
Uthographed editioa of Weetrgftrd'fl Text, p. 96, 1. 10. WiadMnnmi
).
154 THE BIKTH-PLAOE OF ZOROASTER
from (lit. take back to) hidhait, seat ; hence it may well indicate
'residence.'
Dr. West translates it thus : " By Portishasp was Zaratftsht
begotten for a sanctuary of good religion." l About the two
words " darga hidainish ", he says : " the Pazand words dargd
hidainish appear to be merely a misreading of Pahl. dargds-i
Hudinoih". So, he has followed Justi and taken this word
dargd to be Pers. dargdk.
In the edition of Westergaard, 2 the text of this sentence is
the same as that of Justi.
In the Grand Bundehesh, we find the sentence thus : (Ervad
Tehmuras's ed., p. 235, 1. 3) :
So, we see that here, the two separate *] val and daragd,
have been joined together, and the next word is given as
"andainish" The last letter & h at the end of the word
vataragah* seems to help Justi and West, who have taken the
word to be the same as dargdk.
The Pazend Bundehesh 3 gives the sentence as follows :
/fly>l -M
Here, the two Pahlavi words "val Daraga" are combined
into one as Nodarga, and the next word read as Haidansh.
1, S. B. E., Vol. V. (1880), p. 141.
2 Weatergaard's Ed., p. 79, 1. 9; M. R. Unwala's lithographed edition
of Westergaard's Text, p. 92, 1. 10, has miswritten the word at
Hadaiuish.
< Edalji K. Aatia's Ed,, Ohap. XXV, p. 57, 1. 5.
THE BIRTH-PLACE 07 ZOROASTER 155
The Persian Rivayet of Darab Hormuzyar, while giving the
genealogy (kursi) of Zoroaster, gives this passage as follows in
Avesta characters. 1
jwej
It is difficult to know how the writer has understood the
words no dargah-i-daenish.
\
I think, that the word, given as dargd ^(fi/*) by Justi and
Westergaard,as(va)dargah OMUQB/JipJ^ by the Grand Bunde-
hesh,and (no) darga-^Qg/tfa Jbj by the Pazend Bundehesh,is a
corrupted form of the word dareja -^&r^ written in the pre-
vious part of the Bundehesh as -^t^-"'^ The Grand Bun-
dehesh and the Pazend Bundehesh have joined the preceding
particle val -*1 with it. Windischmann seems to have taken
the word correctly.
As to the second word, hidainish, as given by Justi, it seems to
be hudaGna -^JHJj^Ny i&-> of good religion. It is applied as
an epithet to the river Dareja, perhaps, because Zoroaster, the
promulgator of the good religion was born on its banks.
Thus, we see that this passage of the Bundehesh also
refers to the Dareja river as the place of the house of the birth
of Zoroaster.
In my Gujarati Transliteration and Translation of the Bun-
dehesh (p. 176), published in 1901, I have referred in a
l Dorab Hormuzyar's Rivayet by Ervad Manookji Rustomji Unwala,
with my Introduction, vol. II, p. 44, 11. 4-5.
]56 THE BIRTH-PIACE OF ZOROASTBR
footnote to this point. I said (I translate from my Gujarati) :
" I think this to be a corrupted form of the Daraja (of Chap. XX),
on the shore of which Zoroaster was born. In another foot-
note I have suggested that the word hudanish, written with
different variations, may be a corrupted form of Airan-Vej
which word occurs with Dareja in Chap. XX.
P6rft8haep*8 fa- In the Dinkard (Bk. VII), we find a re-
* erence to the house of Paitira8 P a
of Pdrushasp. We read there : l
to ^ tto * erence to the house of Paitira8 P a
v ipcp
Translation,- Then on account of (the fact) that they were
not happy (khursand la yehvunt) owing to the troubles (sari-
nashn a ) from the demons and from the Kavis and the Karaps
of the district (mata), the father ordered the girl to go (satun-
tan) to Patiritasp, the father of the family, 3 who (was) in the
town of the Spitamas which was a village on (the river) Arak ;
and the girl accepted the order of (her) father.
Thus what we gather from the Avesta and Pahlavi passages
examined in this section is this : The House of Pourfishaspa,
where Zoroaster was born, was situated on some high ground
on the banks of a river, named Dareja.
1 Dastur Darab's Ed., vol. XIII, p. 23, 1. 4 of the Text of Book VII,
p. 21 of Translation, Chap. I, 9. West, S. B. E., vol. XLVII, pp. 19-30,
Chap. II, 9. D. M. Madon's Ed., vol. II, p. 602, 11. 13-10.
a Pera. jU trouble, affliction.
8 P. jjjja family, tribe, people.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 157
VI.
(C) RIVER DABEJA. WHERE DID IT PLOW?
IT WAS AN AFFLUENT OF THE DAlTI.
Now, having determined, both from the Avesta and the
Pahlavi books, that Zoroaster was born in the house of his
father Porushaspa on the bank of the river Dareja, we will
proceed to determine where Dareja was situated. The Pahlavi
books help us to determine its situation.
The Bundehesh (Chap. XX, 32) says of the Dareja, that it
was situated in Airan- Vej . The very passage
1. The Bundehesh. quoted in the preceding section (p.22) says
so. There, we read, "Daraja rftd pavan
Airan-Vej ", t\e., "The river Daraja is (situated) in Airan-Vej ".
I have examined the passage at some length, while speaking of
the house of Pdrfshaspa ; so I will say nothing further about
it here.
The Pahlavi Zadsparam also helps us in determining the
situation of the river Dareja. It says that
2. The Zadsparam. Dareja was a branch of a larger river, the
Daiti. In this book, we have a chapter
on the seven questionings (haft prashnoih) or conferences which
Zoroaster had with the seven Ameshaspentas, as referred to in
the Dinkard. 1 There, in the narration of the seventh meeting
with the seventh Ameshaspand Amardad, we read 2 :
Translation. For the holding of the seventh inquiry in rela-
tion to Amerdad, the Spirit of the trees (i.e., the Vegetable
1 DJnkard, Bk. VIII, Chap. XIV, 5, 6, 7; S. B. B., vol. XXXVII, p. 32 ;
Chap. XIII of Dastur Darab P. Sanjana's Dinkard, vol. XV, p. 32 ; D.
M. Madon'a Ed., vol II, p. 691.
2 Behramgore T. Anklesaria's Text, p. 88, Chap. XXIII, 7 ; WealV
Chap. XXII, 12 (S. B. B., vol. XLVII, p. 162).
158 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
creation) accompanied Zartusht to a conference l , on Dareja's
rising ground (Darajin zbar) on a branch (bar) of the water of
the Daiti and other places. 2
This passage is important, as it points to some connection of
the river Dareja with another river, Daitik, with which the name
of Zoroaster is associated. We will see, later on, that the river
Daiti was in Airan-Vej. So, the river Dareja, which is a branch
of it, and on which stood the house of Porushaspa, where
Zoroaster was born, was also in Air&n-Vej.
Thus, these two Pahlavi books, the Bundehesh and the Zads-
param, say, that the river Dareja was in Airan-Vej. The
Bundehesh directly says so. The Zadsparam indirectly says
so. But the indirect reference of the Zadsparam is important
in one other matter, viz., that it points to the Dareja being a
tributary or affluent of the Daiti.
VII
(D) THE RIVER DAlTl. WHERE DID IT FLOW ?
IN AIRAN-VfiJ.
We saw above, in the preceding section, that the river Dareja
is spoken of as connected with a larger river Daiti. So, we will
now examine briefly, what is said about this river Daiti in
Parsee books.* We will see, what is said of it, first, in (A) the
Avesta, and then, (B) in the Pahlavi books.
(A) RIVEK DilTl IN THE AVESTA.
The river Daiti is spoken of in the Avesta as Vanghu Daiti,
i.e. the good Daiti. Similarly, in the Pahlavi, it is spoken of
as Veh Daiti or Shapir Daiti, "veh" being the Pahlavi
Aryan rendering, and " Shapir " the semetic equivalent of
Vanghu. We find the name in the following places in the
Aveata :
(a) Vendidad I, 3, where Airan-vej is spoken of as the
country of the good Daiti
1 Ham-pusagih for Hampursagih as given in a footnote of the Text.
2 West (S. B. E., XLVII, p. 162, Chap. XXII, 12) translates : " For
the occurrence of the seventh questioning, which is Amtirdad's, the spirits
of plants have come out with Zaratusht to a conference on the preci-
pitous bank of the Dareja, on the bank (br) of the water of Dtttih,
and different places."
THE BERTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 159
(b) Vend. II, 21, where both, Ahura Mazda and Yima
Khshaeta (Jamshed), are spoken of as known in
the Airan-Vej of the good Daiti (Srutd Airyene
Vaejahi vanghuyao Daityayao).
(c) Vend. XIX, 2, where Zarathushtra is represented
as doing homage to the good waters of the good
Daiti (apo vanghuhish frayazaeta vanghuyao
Daityayao).
(d) Ormazd Yasht (Yt. I, 21), where the worshipper
pays his homage, among others, to the Kayanian
glory, to the country of Aeryana Vaeja and to
the waters of the Daiti (nemem kavaem kharend,
nemd Airyene Vaejahi ...... nemo aipi
Daityayao).
(e) Aban Yasht (Yt. V, 17), where Ahura Mazda is
represented as paying homage to Ardvicura in
the Airy ana Vaeja of the good - Dditi. (Tarn
yazata yo dadhvao Ahur6 Mazdao Airyene
Vaejahi vanghuyao Daityayao).
(/) Aban Yasht (Yt. V, 104), where Zarathushtra pays
a similar homage to Ardvi9\ira in the Airan Vej
of the good Daiti.
(gf) Aban Yasht (Yt. V, 112), where Zarir is represented
as paying homage to Ardvi9ura on the other
side of the good Daiti (pasne ap6 Daityayao).
(h) Gosh Yasht (Yt. IX, 29), where king Vishtasp is
represented as paying homage to Dravasp on
the other side of the good Daiti (pasne apo
Daityayao.)
(i) Bam Yasht (Yt. XV, 2), where Ahura Mazda is
represented as paying homage to Ram Khastra
in the country of Airyana Vaeja of the good
Daiti (Airyene Vaejahi Vanghuyao Daityayao).
We find from these Avesta passages that, wherever Airyana
Vaeja is mentioned as the place of worship, there, the name of
the river Daiti is also mentioned. Airyana Vaeja is spoken of
as the country of the good river D&iti.
160 THE BIBTH-PLAOE OF ZOROASTER
(B) DilTl IN PAHLAVI BOOKS.
In the Pahlavi Vendidad, the name of the river Daiti occurs
1. The Vendidad. three times.
(a) We read of Airan-Vej, in the very first chapter of the
Pahlavi VendSdad, as being the very first of the countries
mentioned there and as the country of the good Daiti. (Shamir
Daiti. Pahl. Vend. I, 3). The passage speaks of this Daiti as
a river. We read: l
Translation. It (is called) good Daiti, because the river
Daiti flows in that place (and) they do tillage (there) by
avaepa$m* There are some who say thus : that (water) coires
by avaepa$m and they do cultivation (kar) in that place.
1 Dastur Hoshangji's Vendidad p. 4, 1. 6 f ; Dastur Darab's Text, p. 2,
1. 12 ff. Spiegel, p. 2. 1. 12. Nowroji Manockji Kanga'a Pahlavi Vendidad
(1900), p. 12. Dastur Jamaspji's Gujarati Pahlavi Vendidad, p. 1.
3 This word is written in A vesta characters
Dastur Hoshang thinks .that, perhaps, it may be for IfO" *
He puts a mark of interrogation to express his doubt. He then adds :
It is " traditionally explained as ' a subterranean canal of water ' or
* a reservoir of water.' Jm this case its latter part must be either oepem,
apem or dpem. It is evident from the word being not written in Pahl.
characters, that either there was no Pahl. equivalent of it cr the translator
did not know it. It seems to me that the word simply mean* ' a fall of
water ', * a source of water ' or a ' sangam ' ( ^Jn*i ) t.e., confluence
of two or more rivers, as is olear from the contents of the Pahl. Comm.
to I, 3 (Vendtdftd Glossarial Index, pp. 41-42)." I think that the tradi-
tional meaning of " a subterranean canal '* or " a reservoir of water "
is correct. The word may be derived from Ay. ava (*"*) below
and ap ( O' ) water. Thua it means " aubterranean.water," Dustur
Jamaspji translates thus :
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 161
Here, it is explained, that the river is spoken of as good,
because it helps the cultivation of Airan-vej.
(b) The next reference is in the second chapter (II, 21) where
the famous (namik) Airan-Vej is twice spoken of as the country
of tho good Daiti ( V^^O ^fl^O tt Q\f*'
and is associated with king Jamshed and his colony (var).
(Dastur Darabji's Pahl. Vend. p. 18 1. 13). King Jamshed had
there a converse with Ahura Mazda.
(c) The third reference is in the 19th chapter of the Vendidad
(XIX, 2), where also we read of Airan-Vej, being the country
of the river Daiti. Here, it is associated with Zoroaster, who
is spoken of as having paid homage to the good waters of the
good Daiti (avash mayaM shapir faraz yazbahunit mun shapir
Daiti) and as declaring the Mazdayasnan religion.
2 The D' ka d There arc several references to the river
in the Dinkard.
(a) Zoroaster in his 30th year, had a conference with Ahura
Mazda through Vohumano on the banks of the river
We read. 2 (Bk. VII).
j wo <r
m
3j ww
? 53i JR^WI (^) iQ (Mll^l) wirtS ^ Stf! H f3li3l <Hal i^ 5."
( Pahlavi Vendid^d in Gujar&ii p. 2.)
Wo find from this Gujarati translation of tho PahJavi rendering, that
Dastur Jamaspji has given the ;word " 4R*i " "iountain " for
"avaepaSm."
1 -Vt Dastur Darabji gives tho word as *Q which seems to be
a mistake (Pahlavi Vondtdad, p. 197).
3 Dastur Darabji's DinkArd, Vol. XIII, p. 63, Bk. VII, Chap. II, 51-52,
West. S. B. E. Vol. XLVIT, p. 47, Chap. III. 51-52. D. M. Madon's
Dink&rd, Vol. II, p. C24, 1. 3, ot scq.
3 I have taken this word as giveii in tho foot-note 4 of p. (53 of
Dastur Dorabji's Dink&rd, Vol. Xlll.
162 THE BIBTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
v
Translation. On the completion (bundagih) of thirty yoars
from (his) birth, Vohuman6, the Ameshaspand, came for concord
(ashtih) of ( i.e., to meet) Ahura Mazda, when he (Zarathnshtra)
was drawing water for Horn-ritual (Homigan) from the single-
flowing (aevatak, i.e., the main) river as is mentioned in Religion
thus: When he (Zarathushtra ) arrived at the third affluent
(tachashneh) upto that which is the good Daiti, he went forward.
(6) We also find a reference to the river, in the next chapter
(Bk. VIII, Chap. Ill, &9), as a river whence Zoroaster fetched
water for the Haoma ceremony. Its water with the proper
ritual is said to give healthfulness (Bishazasnnih min maya-i
homigan Zarathusht min rud-i Daiti. . . .) l
(c) The next reference in the Dinkard (Bk. VII, Chap. VIII,
60) points to the situation of the river Daiti as being in Airan-
vj. The 88th chapter of the 7th book speaks of the coming
to an end of the millenium of Zoroaster on account of the
apostle Aushidar. It is said that, at his age of thirty, the
apostle will have some conference with the Higher powers and
there is sdme hope of fresh life and prosperity " in Air&n-vej.
where the good Daiti is situated". )tb
(d) The next reference is in Bk. VII, Chap. IX, 23. It is
similar to the preceding, and points to Airan-vej as the country
in which the Daiti runs ( J^K) CJ)0 tS ftNP 1 Airan-
vej Aigh shapirD&iti). 3
1 Dastur'Darabji's Dink&rd, Vol. XIV, p. 11, Bk. VII, Chap. Ill, 29.
West, S. B. E., Vol. XLVII, Chap. IV, 29, p. 57. D.M. Madon's Ed. f
Vol. H, p. 631, 1. 10.
Pastur Darabji'a DinkArd, Vol. XIV, p. 83. Bk. VII, Chap. VII.
60. West, S. B. E., XLVII, p. 107, Chap. VIII. D. M. Madon's Ed.,
Vol. II, p. 688, 1. 2.
3 Dastur Darabji's DinkArd, Vol. XIV, p. 91, Chap. VIII, 23. West,
S. B. E., Vol. XLVII, p. 112, Chap. IX, 23. D. M. Madon's Ed.,
il. p 672, 1, 1,
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 163
There is another reference in the Dinkard which, I think,
i \ na- A * T * 01 is important. The river Daiti is differ-
ed Adkh^ entl y identified. Some identify it with
e
Zarafshan and some with the Araxea.
We read thus in the Dinktod, about Zoroaster's conference
with the Higher Powers : l .
Translation. When he (Zarathushtra) came to the fourth
affluent (tashum tachashnih), up to the good Daiti, Arikhshan
river which was the name of it, and Zartuhsht was drawing,
from its midst, water for Haoma ritual.
Dastur Darabji says in the foot-note (Vol. XIII, Translation,
p. 55, n. 1 ) : " The Daitya river is generally identified with
the river Araxes, the river Arikhshan here mentioned." The
name can very easily be read Aushan. In that case can it be the
Anshan referred to by Cyrus as his and his ancestor's place
(Encyl. Br., 9th ed., Vol. 18,p. 565, Persia) ?
There are three references to the Daiti in the Bundehesh.
(3) The Bunde- Two occur in the 8 P ecial chapter on the
heeh. nature of the rivers (Chap. XX, 7, 13).
(a) The first reference (s. 7) simply includes it in the list of
rivers. (6) The second reference (s. 13) tells us, where it is 'situ-
ated, and gives some particulars. We read (Chap. XX, 13) :
1 Dastur Darabji's DinkArd, Bk. VII, Vol. XIIIJp. 64, Chap. II, 54.
West reads the name of the river as AfishAn (S. B. E., Vol. XLVII, p.
48, Bk. Ill, Chap. Ill, 64). D. M. Madon's Ed., Vol. II, 9, p. 624, 1. 19.
164 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOBO ASTER.
tie)
Translation. The Daiti river flows in Iran-vej. (It) comes out
from the mountain of Gurjastan. Of all rivers, the kharfas-
tara (L e. noxious creatures) ( abound ) in this the most, as, it ia
said that " Dati is full of Kharfastars."
(c) Then in its chapter of chief tainship (radih) (Ch. XXIV, 14),
the Bundehcsh speaks of the Daiti as the chief of running waters.
(Daiti rud tachakan 3 rad). 4 The Dare j a, as seen above, owed its
superiority or chieftainship to its being the river on which the
house of Zoroaster was situated, but this Daltik is taken to be
superior among rivers for its swiftness of flow.
There are several references to the river in the Pahlavi Zads-
(4) 2&ds arara P^ram : (a) The first is in the chapter (Chapter
II, 6 ) on the approach of Ahriman to (harm)
the creation (madam dayan yatuntan-i Ahriman val dam). 6
1 Justi's ' Bundehesh, p. 61, 11. 9 to 52, 1.1. West, S. B. E., V,
pp. 78-9, .Chap. XX, 13. Westergaard's Text, p. 51, 1. 19. Litho-
graphed edition of Unwala, p. 60, 11. 8-10. My Bundohesh, p. 94. Grand
Bundehesh by T. D. Anklesaria, p. 87, 11. 7-9. Pazend Bundohesh by
E. K. Antia, pp. 9-10, Chap. IV,
2 Juati gives f?Y It seems that the original copyist may have
written the word V? twice by mistake and this word was then
mixed with the word min. Or, wo may render the sentence, as given
by Justi thus : The Dftiti river is that river (which) comes from Air&n-ve2{.
3 From Av. Y** tach Sans. <T^ Pers. er^ 13 to flow.
* Justi, p, 58, 11, 4-5. West, S. B. E., Vol. V, p. 89. Wostergaard's
J3d. f p. 58,1. 4. Ed. by Unwala, p. 68, 1. 5. My Bundehesh, p. 110, 1.4.
he word 'av'
h (E. K An
' c ' Ankte8ttria '
. f . ,. . . y nwaa, p. , . . y unehes, p. 110, .4.
Grand Bundehesh, p. 121, U. 7-8. It adds the word 'avan' (waters)
otter -the \vordtaohakan', Pazend Bundehesh (E. K Antia 's Pazond
texts), p. 44, 1. 4.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 165
There, Ahriman is represented as coming to the bank of the
river Daiti (pavan bar-i maya-i Daiti) l
(b) The next reference is in Chapter XXI (s. 5). We read :
ijua
Translation. Zaratuhsht went to the banks of the waters of
Daiti for pounding (hunitan rai) Horn, because, on account of
the conference of Zaratuhsht on it. It (the Daiti) is the chief of
the waters of A wan. It has consisted of four channels (baeta,
lit. houses).
This passage, like the passage of the Bundehesh above re-
ferred to, points to Daiti as being the chief of rivers, on account
of its shores being the seat of Zoroaster's performance of the
Haoma ritual and on account of Zoroaster holding there his
conferences with the Higher Powers. Just as Yazdan, the
plural of Yazd is used for God, so here out of respect the
Daiti is referred to as Awan, i.e., the water of waters (awan,
plural of aw). It is this word, Awan, that has passed current
among the Parsecs as Awan yazad (^i^i H<*0 f or the Yazata
presiding over waters.
(c) We read further on in the same chapter in connection
with Zoroaster's conference with the Ameshaspanda : 3
j
1 Ibid. p. 10, 1. 14, Chap. II, a. 9. West.. S. B. E., Vol. V p 162
Chap. II, 6.
2 Vichftakiha-i Zdtsparam, by B. T. Anklcsaria, pp. 78-79, Chap.
XXI, 1. West, S. B. E., Vol. XLVII, p. 155, Chap. XXI, 5.
3 Bohramgoro T. Anklosaria's Vichitakiha-i ZAdsparam, p. 81, 11. 1-2
Chap. XXI, 10. West, S. B. E., Vol. XLVII, Chap. XXI, 13.
166 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation. The place (gay) of the meeting (anjuman) was*
in Iran and in the direction of the regions (matin) on the banks
the waters of the Daiti.
Here we see Daiti associated with Airan.
(d) Then Daiti is again referred to (Chapter XXIII of B. T.
Anklesaria, chap. XXII, 12 of West) as the seat of the conference
of Zaratuhsht with Ahura Mazda. We read : l
na
Translation. Zaratuhsht, the personage who was the sup-
porter (bortar) of Oharmazd, arrived for a conference on the
banks of the waters of the Daiti.
I translate the sentence as we find it in the only text avail-
able. But, I think, the words " bordar tan " found here are
mis written for " bordan rai " which we find in similar passages
of other conferences.
(e) Then, in an account of the conference with the fifth Amesha-
Bpand, Spendarmad, we read of Zoroaster meeting the Amesha-
spand on a. spring, flowing from the Asnavad mountain and
meeting the Daiti : *
1 IVd, Vichitakiha, p 85, Chap.. XXIII, 1. West, 8. B. E., Ibid.
p. 180, Chap. XXII, 2.
2 Behramgore T. Anklesaria's Ed. p. 87, 1. 8. Chap. XXIII, 6. West,
8. B. E., Vol. XLVII, Chap. XXII, 9.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 167
Translation. For the fifth questioning (or conference, para-
*hna), which was with Spendomad, the spirits (mind) of the
regions and quarters and stations 1 and towns 2 (rutastakan)
and villages (mataan), as many as required, went with Zarthust
to the consultation (ham-pursagih) at the place .... where there
is a spring (khani), 3 which comes from the Asnavad 4 mountain,
and goes to the Daiti.
This passage gives us some additional information. It says
that there flowed into the Daiti, a stream which had its source
in the Asnavad mountain, which, according to the Bundehesh
(Chap. XII, 26), was in Azerbaijan, and which was the seat of
the sacred fire of Azar Gushasp. (Chap. XVII, 7.)
(/) The next reference in the Zadsparam (Chap. XXII s. 12)
speaks of the seventh consultation of Zoroaster with Amerdad
"on the river Dareja's high ground on the bank of the waters
of the Daiti ".
The Dadistan-i Dini refers to this river. The 89th question
in this book is about some immortals( ahosh).
(5) The DAdis- Seven rulers of this class are named. Among
l tAn-i Dini. these, one is Gopat-shah, ruling over the
land of Gopat, which land is spoken of as
"having the same boundary (ham vimand) with Airan-veJ
on the banks of the waters of the Daiti (pavan bar-i maya-i
Daiti)". 9 This passage shows the connection of Airan-veJ
with the river Daiti.
1 Av. ?"** station. 5 Pers. &*.jj village.
3 Pers. &> ^ Av. *& Sans- *SN.
3 Av. *#-).i>* (ZamyM Yasht.) Yt. XIX- 5, Atash Ny&sh, 5
Sirouzeh 9. V*de my Dictionary of Avestaic Proper Names.
* B. T. Anklesaria's Ed. p 89, Chap. XXIII, 7. West, S. B. E.,
Vol. XLVII, p. 162, Chap. XXII, 12.
6 Ervad Tehmuras Dinshaw Anklosaria's Ms. Text, p. 380, 11. 5-6.
Tehmuras's Transliteration in Avesta characters, p. 276, 1. 3. His
GujarAti Translation with mv Introduction, pp. 204-5. West, S. B. E.
XVII L, p. 257, Chap. XC, 4.
168 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
i.e., the country of Gopat which has the same boundary ( vimand)
as that of Iranvej on tho banks of the waters of the Daiti.
We gather the following from the above references to the
Daiti in the Avesta and Pahlavi books :
(a) Airan-vej is spoken of as the country of the good Daiti.
(b) Tho Daiti is spoken of as " good ", because it helps the
tillage of this part of the country.
(c) This part of Airan-vej where tho Daiti flowed was the
place, where Yima-khshaeta (Jamshcd) had a con-
ference with Ahura Mazda.
(d) Zoroaster paid homage to tho fertilizing waters of the
Daiti.
(e) Airiin-vej, the River Daiti and tho Kayanian glory arc
associated together, i.e., the country of Airanvej where
good Daiti flowed was a scat of the glorious kings of
Airan.
(/) Ahura Mazda and Zarathushtra and other worthies of
Iran, paid homage to Ardvi9\ira in this Airan-vej of
the good Daiti.
(</) Zoroaster had conferences with Higher Powers in the
country of this river.
(h) One of tho affluents of the river is Arikhshan or Aushan.
(i) The Daiti river is in Airan-vej .
(j) It was a swift-flowing river.
(k) A stream from the Asnavant Mountain flowed into it.
The principal fact, which we see in the midst of all the above
references is this, that the river Dfuti, of which tho river
Dare j a, on which Pouriishasp's house stood, was a branch, was
situated in the region of Airan-vej. One of the passages
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 169
(passage (e) of the Zadsparam) says further, that one of the
affluents of the Daiti flowed from the Asnavant mountain.
Having determined, that the river Daiti, on a branch of which
named Dareja, there stood the house of Pourushaspa in which
Zoroaster was born, was situated in Airan-vej, we will proceed to
determine, on the authority of the old Iranian books, the situ-
ation of the country of Airan-vej.
VIII.
(E) AIRAN-VfiJ. WHERE WAS IT SITUATED ? IN
ATARPATAKAN.
In this section, we will examine what is said of Airan-vej (A)
in the Avesta and (B) in the Pahlavi books, and determine
where it was situated.
(A) AlBAN-V&J IN THE AVESTA.
Airan-vej is referred to in the Avesta 6 times.
(a) We find a reference to it in the first chapter of the Vendi-
dad. It is one of the 16 best places created
1 The Vendidad. by Ahura Mazda. It stands there first in
the list. Scholars have differed and still
differ about the situation of this Airan-vej. Some scholars
have looked for this country to some place between the Oxus
(Amu Darya) and the Zaxartes (Sir-Darya) on the North-west of
the modern Bulur Tag;h and a little north of the Pamirs. The
Vendidad speaks of this country as one, where there prevails a
long winter of ten months and a short summer of two months
(Vend. I, 4). It is this reference to the climate that has led
Bunsen and other scholars to look for it toward the Pamirs. 1
But it appears on other grounds that one need not go so far.
(b) Then, we find a reference to it in the- second chapter of the
Vendidad, which is a kind of brief Jamshed-nameh, treating of
one great work of king Jamshed, viz., the building of a mm, i.e.
an enclosure or a colony, the area of which he increased three times,
as the population in it increased from a small select number to a
large number. Therein (Chap. II. 21), is an account of a con-
iferse, conference or consultation of Jamshed with Ahura Mazda ;
Vide my Essay in Gujarat! on the Geography of the Avesta (1887)
$".) PP 123-25.
170 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
and Air3n-vej of the good Daiti river is the country of that con-
ference. There, both Ahura Mazda and Jamshed (Yima-
khshaeta) are spoken of as known and praised in Airyana Vaeja
of the good (river) Daiti.
"*> *W'
We find this fact mentioned another time also in the same para.
in a little altered form.
(c) In the Vendidad (Chap. XIX 39), the country of Airyana-
vaeja seems to have been indirectly associated with king Jam-
shed. There, all the seven keshvars or regions (Haft-keshvar)
are praised, and then the country of Airyana and king Jamshed
, are praised. We read :
Translation. I praise the Glory of the countries of Airyana.
I praise the Glory of Yima Khshaeta (Jamshed), the master of
flocks.
This invocation of Airyana and Jamshed, one after another,
in the same passage, points to some relations between them.
It seems that Airyana- vadj a was, as it were, the centre of the
countries spoken of as Airyana. Airyana- vaeja is spoken of
in the singular in the first and second chapters. Here in the
19th chapter, Airyana is spoken of in the plural as Airyanam
dakhyunam. So Airyana-vaeja may be taken, as it were, as the
cradle of the people of all countries known as Airyana or
Iranian countries (airyanam dakhyunam).
(d) We again find Airyana- Vaeja referred to in the Hormazd
Yasht (Yt. I, 21) in association with the good Daiti. There,
homage is paid to both, the Airyana- va^j a and the Daiti (Nem6
Airyene* Vaejahi, ---- nemo aipi Daityay^o).
(e) In the Aban Yasht (Yt, V, 17), Ahura Mazda is repre.
sented as giving offerings to Ardvigura Anahita in the Airyana-
vaeja of the good Daiti (Tarn Yazata yodadhvao Ahuro Mazddo
Airyene Vaejahi vanghuyao Daityayao).
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 171
(/) In the same Yasht (s. 104), Zarathushtra also is repre-
sented as giving similar offerings in the Airyana-vaeja of the
good Daiti.
(g) In the Ram Yasht (Yt. XV, 2), Ahura Mazda is represent-
ed as giving offerings to Ram Khastar in the Airyana-vaeja of
the good Daiti.
We learn from all these passages of the Avesta, some of
which we have also referred to above in the consideration of
the situation of the Daiti, that Airyana-vaeja is closely associ-
ated with the river Daiti. It was the cradle of the old
Mazdayacnan religion, and later on, of the Zoroastrian
Mazdayacnan religion. Ahura Mazda, Jamshed and Zoroaster
were associated with it. It was the first-founded country
of the world, and had long 'winters. The countries known
as Airyana or Iranian seem to have taken their origin from it.
The Avesta does not directly tell us where Airyana-vaeja was
situated. But, rs we saw above that the Daiti (with its
affluent Dareja), with which it is associated, was situated in
Atarpatakan, we may take it that Airyana-vaeja also Was
situated in Atarpatakan. However, we will further determine
the situation from Pahlavi books also.
(B) AIRAN-Vfij IN THE PAHLAVI BOOKS.
Just as the 19th chapter of the Vendidad is the Avestaic
Zarthusht-nameh, so the 7th book of
1. The Dinkard. the Dinkard is properly said to be the
Pahlavi Zarthusht-nameh 1 .
(a) There, in the seventh book, Iran-vej is spoken of as the
country where the good D&iti runs.
(6) The same reference occurs further on in Chapter IX 3 .
1 Dastur Darabji's DinkArd, Vol. XITT, Introduction, p. IX.
2 Ibid Vol. XIV, Text p. 83, 1. 9, Bk. VII, Chap. VII 60. West, S. B. E.
Vol. XLVII, p. 107, Bk. VII, Chap, VIII, 60. D. M. Madon's Ed. Vol.
II, p. 668, 1. 2.
3 JfcwiText, p 91, 1. 7 Bk. VII, Chap. VIII, 23, West, Chap. IX.-23,
S. B. E., Vol. XLVII, p. 112. Madon's Ed. Vol. II, p. 672,1. 1.
172 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOEOASTER
(c) Then, in another place, fire appeals to Ahura Mazda
to be sent away to Airan-vej from other countries where it is
not well cared for. 1 We read :
i.e., Then Oharmazd ! take (yensiun) me (there) ; then (adin)
give (i.e., place) me there in the midst of Airan-vej.
(d) Then the van-i javit tbish i.e., the tree which does no
harm is spoken of as being in Airan-vej 2 .
(e) In another place the hill of Daiti, the Chakat Daiti is
spoken of as being in Airan-vej. 3
2. The Bunde- In the Bundchesh, Airan-vej is mentioned
hesh. 9 times :
(a) Chap. XII, 25, where Iran-vej is said to be the country
of the mountain Kundrasp.
(6) Chap*. XIV, 4, where it is mentioned as the place where
certain chosen cattle are referred to as having been carried
to Airan-vej.
(c) Chap. XX, 13, where it is spoken of as the country of
the Daiti river, the river full of noxious creatures.
(d) Chap. XX, 32, where Airan-vej is said to be the country
of the river Dare j a near which was the house of Zoroaster^
father.
4 Ibid Vol. XVII, p. 22,ll.|ll-12, Bk. IX, Ohap. XI, 3. West, S. B. B. f
Vol. XXXVII, p. 190, DinkArd,Book IX, Chap. XII.3. Dastur Darabji's
Dinkard, Vol. XVII, Text p. 22, 11. 11-12, Chap. XI, 3. Madon's Ed. Vol.
II, p. 797, 1. 9.
6 West, S. B. E, Vol. XXXVII, p. 202. Bk. IX, Chap. XVI. 13.
Dastur Darabji's DinkArd, Vol. XVII, p. 38, 1. 10. Chap. XV, 11.
6 Dastur Darabji's Dinkftrd, Vol. XVII, p. 47, 11. 3-4, Bk. IX. Chap.
XIX 3, West, S. B. E., Vol. XXXVII, p. 210, Bk. IX, Chap. XX. 3.
Madon's Ed. Vol. II, p. 809, 1. 3.
THE BIETH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 173
(e) Chap. XXV, 11, where it is spoken of as the country
where winter arrives on roz Adar, mah Deh, the day when
all men kindle a fire.
(/) Chap. XXIX, 4, where Airan-vej is spoken of as " Var-1
Jam-kard " i.e., the colony founded by Jamshid. This is
just in line with what we saw above, in the references in the
A vesta, where Jamshed was associated with Airan-vej.
(g) Another passage in the same chapter (s. 5) speaks of
Airan-vej as containing the " van-i javit bish " i.e., the tree
keeping away pain.
(h) Another passage (s. 12) in the same chapter is the most
important passage for our purpose of identification. We read :
" Airiin-vfcj is in the direction of Ataropatakan. "
Thus according to this passage, Airan-Ve"] is in the direction
or in the quarter (kost) of Atar6patakan, the modern
Azerbaijan.
(i) Chap. XXXII, 3. This passage also is very important.
We learn from it, that Airan-Vej was the very first country
where Zarathushtra preached his new religion. We read :*
1 Just i 'a Bvmdehesh, p. 70. 1.8. Ervad Tahmuras's Grand Bundehesh
(1908), p. 198, 1. 13. My Bundehesh (1901), p. 148, I. 17. Westergaard's
Text, p. 70, 1. 8. Edition of M. R. Unwala (1897) p. 82, 1. 6. West, S. B.
E., Vol. V, p. 120. Chapter XXIX, 12 Anquetil Dr. Perron, T. II p.
410* Chap. XXX. Windischmann Zoroastrische Studien, p. 112. p. 13.
* Justi's Text, p. 79, 1. 12. Grand Bundehesh of T. D. Anklesaria,
p. 235, 1. 5. (Here, we have the word nazdest in place of farttim).
Westergaard's Text, p. 79, 1. 11. Unwala's Lithographed ed., p. 92, 1. 12.
My Bundehesh, p. 176. E. K. Antia's Pazend Bundehesh, Pazend Texts.
p. 57, I. 6, Chap. 25. Anquetil Du Perron, Tome II, p. 419,
(Chap. XXX. Anquetil 's footnote 9 is interesting and shows, how
*his sentence has been read and understood in various ways. He
veads frfa ddd for fraz yasht. He says that some read the word preceding
c Mediomh, viz parshunt (spread), as Farsho (s) ta (r)and some as pursant
i.e. with years, and some as " pur sud " " with success ". West. S. B.
E., Vol. V, p. 141, Chap. XXXII. 3. Windischmann. Zoroastrische
Studien, p. 119, Chap. XXIII.
174 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation. Zoroaster, when he brought the religion, he
first praised (fraz-yasht) (and) spread it in Airan-Vej. Mediomah
accepted the religion from him.
This passage then points to Airan-Vej as the country of the
first appearance of Zoroaster as a new prophet.
,,. In Minokherad, there are several re-
3. Minokherad. ferences to
(a) We read in Chap. XLIV, 17, that there was a strong
winter there 1 .
i.e., The demon of Winter is more powerful (patakhshatar)
in Airan-Vej ..... There are 10 months of winter and two
months of summer in Airan-Vej.
This description of winter is the same as that in the
Vendidad (Chap. I, 4).
(b) A further reference in the -same book and chapter
speaks of Airan-Vej as being superior to other countries. We
read (Chap. XLIV, 24) a .
V
i.e., Oharmazd created Airan-vej better than other places
and towns.
(c) Then Kangdez is spoken of as being in the direction of
Airan-vej.
1 Danak-u Mainy6-i Khard, Pahlavi, Pazand and Sanskrit Texts,
edited by Ervad Tehmuras Dinshaw Anklesaria, with an Introduction
by myself, p. 128, 1. 2. Dastur Darah's Text, Ed,, p. 65, 1. 11. Weflt'a
Mainyo-i- Khard, Pazand and Sanskrit Texts, p. 44. Translation, p. 172.
8. B. E., Vol. XXIV, p. 86, Chap. XLIV. 17.
2 Ervad T. D. Anklesaria's Text, p. 128, 1. 7. Dastur Darab's Text, p,
66, 1. 16. West's Pazand-Sanskrit Texts, p. 45, S. B. E., Vol.
XXJLV. p. 86.
THE BIBTH-PLACE OS ZOEOASTEB 175
Translation. Kangdez is placed in the eastern region (run)
near Satvas within the limits (vinand) of Airan-vej.
(d) Airan-vej is the seat of Jamshed's Var or colony
i.e., The Var made by Jamshed was made underneath the
ground in Airan-vej.
(e) Airan-vdj is spoken of as being in the region of Khaniras:
8j oVj))w AHJJJ t eji AJ-N He)
i.e., Gopatshah is in Airan-vej in the region of Khaniras.
To sum up the contents of the references to Airan-vej in
the Avesta and Pahlavi books : (a) Airan-vej is the country
of the Dareja and the Daiti River. (6) It was the seat of
Jamshed's var or colony (c) It was situated in Ataropatakan*
(d) It was the country where Zoroaster first preached his
religion and made Maidyomah his first disciple, (e) It has
a long severe winter of ten months. (/) It is situated in the
region of Khaniras. Of all the references, the most important
is that of the Bundehesh, which definitely says, that it was
situated in Ataropatakan.
Later Oriental writers differ as to the extent and area of
Airan-vej or Iran. Dastur Hoshang says
The Area of Air- under the word Airan-vej (Vendidad, Glos-
an " ve J* sary, p. 15), that according to Persian geogra-
phers, Airan-vej, included many countries.
1 T. D. Anklesaria's Text, D. 164. Dastur Darab's Text, p. 86, 1. 6.
West*8 Pazand-Sanskrit Text, p*. 66, 1. 7. West, S. B. E., Vol. XXIV,
p. 109, Chap. LXII, 13-14.
2 Ibid, Ibid, Ibid. West, S. B. E., Vol. XXIV, p. 109. Chap. LXII, 16.
3 Ibid, p. Ill, West, Chap. LXII, 31. T. D. Anklesaria's Text. op.
cit. p. 166, 1. 11, Dastur Darab's Ed., p, 80, 1, 19.
176 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
rf J
Here, we see, that in the name Iran, were included, Iraq, Fars,
Khorassan, Azarbaijan, Ahwaz, Tabaristan and even Syria.
Yaqout 1 in his Modjezn el Bouldan, on the authority of Abou'r-
Rihanel-Kharezmi, includes Fars, Djebal andKhoraoan in Ir&n.
But all these Arab writers seem to refer to the later area
and extent of Airan-vej. They seem to refer more to the
countries known as the Airyana or Iranian countries.
We saw above, that in the Vendidad (I, 3-4), it is said of
mu i^ A- Airan-vej, that there were ten months of
The cold of Air- wintej . and twQ of 8ummer The MinQ .
J * kherad (West, Chap. XLIV, 17, S. B.E., Vol.
XXIV, p. 86) also refers to it. It says: "The demon of
winter is more powerful in Airan-vej. And, it is declared
by Revelation that in Airan-vej 1 there are ten months of winter
and two months of summer and even those two months of warm
weather are cold to water, cold to earth and cold to
plants. And their adversity is the winter." This statement
has led many a scholar to look elsewhere for Airan-vej,
because Azerbaijan, where Airan-vej is said to have been
situated, is not so cold. But, in this connection, one may read
with some .interest, what Prof. Jackson says from his own
experience of the cold of Azerbaijan as late as in March.
He says : "In the daytime I was compelled to wear my
sleeping-jacket over my head to shield my frost-beaten face from
the congealing wind, and as evening fell I muffled a bathrobe
over this to add some warmth. I envied anyone whose lot it
might be to make the journey in midsummer instead of in
winter, and I understand why the Avesta regarded winter as
' the work of demons ' and said that it was created by Ahriman
as a blight to mar the perfection of Airyana Vaejah, the Azer-
baijan of to-day, which otherwise would have been a paradise.
In this land the Vendidad says ' there are ten months of
winter and two months of summer. A gloss, it is^
true, changes the text to 'five months of winter and seven
months of summer,' but judging from my own discomfort
(for March seemed in the Avestan words to be the very ' heart
of winter ' zimahe zaredhaem), I felt inclined to agree with the
original reading." Again, we must bear in mind, that Prof.
1 Dictjionaire Gteographique, &c., de la Perse, par Barbier de Meynard*
p. 63.
2 Persia Past and Present, p.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 177
Jackson speaks here about the plains. But, in the mountains
close by, there must be more terrible cold ; and poets and seers
like the old writers of the Vendidad, often wrote from the tops
of mountains.
Henri Rawlinson also speaks thus of the cold of the country :
" The severity of the winter is equally characteristic ; for I
suppose there is no inhabited part of Azerbaijan where the snow
lies as deep as around Takht-i-Soleiman." 1
I was travelling in Azerbaijan in the latter part of September
(1925), and then even, when I expressed a desire to go to some
place on the mountain of Sahand, which I saw daily from the
plains, I was prevented on the ground, that there was terrible
cold there.
We find, that Henri Rawlinson, on various grounds, identifies
T, ,. , the land of Airan-vej with that of Azerbaijan.
R a w 1 1 n s o ii s J - 1
Identification of In his very interesting and learned article
on the " Site of Atropatenian Ecbatana,' '
he says: "I believe there are sufficient
reasons for identifying the Airyana Vaedjo, or Airyana the pure,
of the Zend A vesta, with Azerbaijan. Monsieur Quatremere
has succeeded, in the most satisfactory manner, in tracing
the application to the province of Media, of the names of Aria
and Ariana from the remotest antiquity down to times com-
paratively modern Anquetil du Perron, in translating
the supposed works of Zoroaster, insisted on assimilating the
title of Airyana to that of the province Arran, north of the
Araxes." 2 In the Vendidad, Airan-vej is spoken of as con-
taining the calamity of snakes. On this point, Rawlinson
says : " The circumstance of the great snake, also, which
Ahriman created in the rivers, is, perhaps not less curious, when
we remember that there arc as many stories of this nature
connected with the Median dynasty from its bearing the family
name of Azdehak, or the Dragon, and when we see that at this
present day, a ridge of rock, formed by the calcarious deposit
of the water, retains this very title of the Dragon." 3
1 Memoir on the site of the Atropatonian Ecbatana, by H. C. Raw-
Lnson. Journal of tho Royal Geographical Society (1841), 10th Vol.,
p. 131.
2 Ibid, Vol. X, p. 120.
3 Ibid p. 131.
23
178 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
IX.
(F) ATAROPATAKAN. WHERE WAS rr SITUATED ?
IT IS THE MODERN AZERBAIJAN.
Having traced the situation of the house of Pdrushasp on
the banks of the Dare j a, an affluent of the Daiti in Airan-vej,
in the country of Ataropatakan, we will now speak of Atar6pa-
takan and settle its situation.
Although we find a name Atarepata ( -upug-f /j
in the Avesta (Farvardin Yasht, Yt. 13, 102), the name there,
is that of a person 1 and not that of a place or country. So,
we will turn to Pahlavi books.
Firstly, as to the name itself, the word Azerbaijan cornea
Meaning of the from AtarSpata -^ eH-** ^ the
word Azerbaijan. Ayegta (Faryardin Ya sht, Yt. XIII, 102
where the word seems to be the name of one of the
members of King Gushtasp's family. 2 The name may mean
" one protected " (pata, from -">) S. <rr. to protect), or one
\
who protects (in the sense of 'y-***Q S. qrasr defender).
In the Farvardin Yasht there are several other names that
are derived from dtar, fire ,e.g., AtarS-kharenangh, Atare-chithra,
Atare*-zantu, AtarS-danghu, Atare-data, Atare-vanu and Atare*-
savangh. 3 Similarly, we find in the Vendidad (XVIII, 52)*, the
names of Atare-data, Atare-chithra, Atare-zantu and Atare-
dakhyu, the last of these four names, being another form of
Atar-danghu.
Again, we learn from Firdousi 5 that Asfandyar, the son of
Gushtasp, had two sons, bearing the names Azar-faruz (jjj*jjf)
and Azar-noush dj>jhtf ) The members of Gushtasp's family
may have even founded some Fire- temples bearing their names;
l Vide my " Dictionary of Aveataic Proper names," pp. 30 and 32.
a Vide my "Dictionary of Avostaic Proper Names," p. 31.
3 Farvardin Yasht, 102, Wostorgaard, p. 238.
4 Ibid, p. 463.
5 Mohl. Tomo IV, 456.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 179
For example, we learn from Firdousi that Azar-noush had
founded a Fire-temple named Noush-azar which was latterly
destroyed by Arjasp, the Turanian king. The Pahlavi
Bundehesh gives the name of one of the four sons of Asf andyar
as A tar 6- tars ah 1 .
This old Avestaic word Ataro-pata may have suggested
for this part of Persia the name Atar-patakan, i.e., "the
country protected by Fire or the country protecting or
holding Sacred Fire ". Then, the Pahlavi word Ataropatakan
has given us the Persian form 'Azarbadgan
which latterly became Azarbejan or Azrabaijan ( <j l 54Ojf ). f
Yaqout takes the word in the above sense of protection. He
says : " Ibn el-Moqanna says that Azerbaijan takes its name
from Azerbad ........ Azar signifies fire in the language
of the Magis and baigan ( u &> ** ) would have the sense
of ' guardian or protector'. This word would, then mean
guardian of fire 'or ' house of fire'. This opinion is very pro-
bable because the temples of fire are very numerous in this
country." 2
Strabo (Bk. XI, Ch. XII, 1), seems to support the above
statement of Yaqout, made on the authority of Ibn el-
Moquanna, that the place takes its name from one Azerbad.
He says : It (Atropatian Media) had its name from Atropatus,
a chief who prevented this country, which is a part of Greater
Media, from being subjected to the dominion of the Macedon-
ians. When he was made king he established the inde-
pendence of this country." 3 The Pahlavi treatise of
Shatroiha-i Airan also connects the name, as we will see later
on, at the end of this section, with a person, but the person
named is one Airan Gushasp who also is spoken of as a
chief of the army (sepah-pat). Strabo speaks of Atropatus
as a chief.
Yaqout notes an interesting fact about the saving of the
province and its fire-temples from ruin at the hands of the
invading Arabs. He says : ' " This Khalif (Omar ben Khattab),
on sending Moghalrah ben Schabah as governor to Koufah,
1 Chap. XXXI, 29. Vide my Bundohesh, p. 172.
2 I translate from the French translation of Barbier de Meynard
(Dictionnairo G^ographique, &c., p. 15),
3 Hamilton and Falconer's Translation (1850), Vol. II, p. 262.
180 THE BERTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
sent him a letter ^which gave to Hodhaifah ben el- Yemen, the
government of Azerbaijan. This person, who was then at
Nehawend, marched immediately on Azerbaijan at the head
of a large army and stopped at first at Ardebil which is to-day
comprised in the province, and where had united the chief
persons ( & ( ijj* ) who had come from Badjrewan, Mimend,
Bedd, Miandj, and other neighbouring villages. They fought
energetically and in the end made peace, on paying 800 000
drachms (about eight millions), on condition that their
lives would be saved, that no prisoners be taken, that
the temples of fire shall be respected, that the Kurds of
Bolaschjan ( u 1 ^^ ), of Silan (u%"), of Miandouzan
( ^Ijj^jU/o ) mav not be molested, and that the inhabitants
of Schiz ( j*A ) , in particular, should have the right to sing
their plaintive ballads (j*) ) l during their religious feasts as
well as to observe their faith publicly." a
We will now examine the Pahlavi books to determine the
Pahlavi Books position of Ataropatakan.
on Ataropatakan.
1. The Pahlavi We read the 3 following in the Pahlavi
Vendidad. Vendidad (Chap. I. 15) ;
1 Dastur Darabji's Vendidad p. 8 Dastur Ho s ha n g's p. 16;
Spiegel's p, 6. Daatur Jamaspji*s Guj a r&ti Ed. p. 4. Nowroji Kanga's
p. 18,
2 I give my translation from the French of Barbier de Meynard'a
Dictionnaire G6ographique. p. 10.
to the Parsi custom of reciting some prayers ia a kind of muttering tone,
in what is spoken of, as ''taj", spokon of by Mahomedan authors as
> f J
wunzame
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 181
Translation. The twelfth of the places and cities which I,
who an Hormuzd, created best is Kak which is of the three
classes in Ataropatakan. [There are some who call it RaS ......
There are some who say that Zarathushtra was of that place.
He (Zarathushtra) was the head (pat) of these three (classes of
the place) which they called Kae. It is called (the city) of three
classes because there three classes (patvand, lit. relatives) were
(i. e. arose) in and continued from that place.
We see from this passage of the Pahlavi Vendidad that the
author speaks of Rak, called Rae by some, in Ataropatakan, as
the place of Zoroaster.
We find the following references to Ataropatakan in the
2 The Bundo- Bundchesh :
hosh.
(a) (Chap. XII, 26.) It is the country where the Asnavand
mountain is situated
lie e
i.e. The Asnavand mountain (is situated) in Ataropatakan. 1
(6) (Chap. XX, 23) Here the river Sped is spoken as being
in Atardpatakan and as the place where Dahak (Zohak) prayed
to Ahriman
1 Justi's Bundehesh, p. 24, 1. 2. West, S. B. E. V., p. 39. Westergaard,
p. 24, 1. 2. Unwala's lithographed text, p. 28, 1. 8. Windischmann
6. 74 My Bundehesh, p. 42. The Grand Bundehesh (Bohramgore,
T. Anklesaria's Ed., p. 79, 1. 11) gives the name of the mountain as
which can be read as Ausind.
182 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
roooo
.e. The Sapid river in Atar6p&takftn they say that Dahak
asked for a desire (ayaft) there from Ahriman and (his) demons.
We find from this passage that, just as Jamshed with his tar
has been associated with Airan-vej in Atardpatakan, so Zohak,
the great enemy of Jamshed also is associated with the country
of Atar6p&takan. This passage supports the later Arab writers
who have included Iraq in AirAn-veJ in the country of Ataropa-
takan.
(c) Similarly the river Zahavayi is said to be in Atar6p&takan
(Chap. XX, 25) 3 Dr. West says, that it is " possibly one of
the rivers Zab, which rise on the borders of Adarbijan, flow into
the Tigris, and so reach the Persian Gulf, the sea on the coast of
Pars. Or it may be the Shirvan, another affluent of the Tigris,
which flows through the district of Zohab."
(d) (Chap. XXII, 2). The lake Chaochast is spoken of as
being situated in Atar6 patakan. This lake is, as we will see
later on, identified with the modern lake Urumiah :
Vo oftf
i.e. Lake Chaochast is in Atarop&takan. Its waters are warm,
keeping off (lit. separate from) sickness (bish, pain) 4 wherein
no life-bearing (jan-var) thing exists.
(e) XXIX, 12. We have referred above (sec. VIII. B)
to this passage which speaks of Atarop&takan as the country
containing Airan-vej.
1 Justi's Bundehesh, p. 52,1. 12. My Bundehesh, p. 94. West, S. B. E.
V p. 80. Windischmann, p. 98. Westergaard, p. 62, 1. 11.
2 Justi p. 52,1. 16. My Bundehesh, p. 96. West, p. 81. Windiachmann
p. 98. Westergaard, p. 52, 1. 15.
3 Just! p. 55, 1. 11. My Bundehesh, p. 103. West, p. 85. Westergaard
p. 55, 1. 10. Windischmann, p. 101.
4 This seerns to be a reference to its health-giving properties. I
remember having heard, when travelling in its district, that people from*
adjoining places went there to have a bath,
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
We will now look into the Z&dsparam.
(a) Chap. XI, 9. Here Ataropatakan is spoken of as con*
2. Zadsparam Dining the mount Asnavand on which
burnt the fire Gushasp. We read :
-> tftJi) JDO-U tta
Translation. Kivr Gushasp (was placed) on Mount Asna-
vand in Ataropatakan.
(6) Chap. XVI, 12. The second reference to Atar6p&takan in
the Zadsparan is in connection with Zoroaster's miracle of being
thrown in a den of wolves, where he was miraculously saved.
His mother, on going to the den under the apprehension of find-
ing her child dead, was pleased to find it alive. Then, she said
to herself : " I will not hereafter, as long as I live, give the child
to any body, even if both the towns Ragh and Ndtar were to
unite together he^e." The last words, viz. " Not even if both
the towns Ragh and Notar were to unite together "
*(Vl
1
have, as it were, become proverbial. They mean something like
our English words " Even if Heaven and Earth were to meet."
This phrase is used more than once in different places. 3 Now,
here, these two provinces are spoken of as being in Atardpa-
takan.
V
ej
)
1 Vichltakiha-i Zatsparam by Mr. B. T. Anklesaria, p. 42, 1,13, Chap.
Ill 85. West, S. B. E. Vol. V ,p. 186, Chap. XI 9.
2 Vichitaktha-i Zatsparam by B.T. Anklesaria p. 64, 1. 8, Chap. X. 14.
West, S. B. E. Vol. XLVI1, p. 146, Zadsparam Chap., XVI, 11.
. . . .
Dastur Dorab. Vol. XIII, p. 62. Chap. II. 19. Madon's Ed. Vol. II,
617, 1. 20.
4 Vichitakiha-i Zattsparam, by B. T. Anklesaria, p. 64, Chap. X, 15.
West, S. B. E. Vol. XLVII, p. 147. Zadsparam, Chap. XVI, 12.
184 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation. These two towns are in Ataropatakan, in
thought like (chegun) sixty farsangs from Chist. Zarthusht
was from Ragh and Vishtasp from Notar.
This Chist seems to be a short form of (lake) Chaechast the
modern Urumiah. Wo see from this passage, that the early
infant life of Zoroaster is associated with Ataropatakan and
with its lake Chaechasta.
In the Bahman Yasht (chap. I, 7) there is a reference
3. The Bahman to * ne * act * king Khusro (Nosherwan Adal)
Yasht. sending for learned priests from all parts of
the country and among them a priest named Nishapur of Dad
Hormazd from Ataropatakan.
J r*>r y
yr
Translation. That Anoshiravan called before himself Khusi-u
(son) of Mahvandad and Nishapur 2 (son) of Dad Ormazd who
was the Dastur of Ataropatakan.
The Pazend Jamaspi speaks of Azerbaijan as a place of evil
repute. It says : 3
4. The Pazond n A A A . A
Jamaspi. -UpJfe*^/ Jj/A/^)I? ^ $&<%"']'
i.e., Adharbadhigan which was a town 4 of bad persons.
1 Zend-i Vohuman Yasht by Dastur Kekobad Adarbad, p 2,1. 13
West, S. B. E. Vol. V, p. 194, Chap. I, 7.
2 Dr. West takes the name as " D&d-Ahurmazd of Nishapur." The
usual ' i * between the two names is joined with the word < Nishapore.*
This seems to have led him to take this form as the name. But I
think that it is a small mistake of the copyist and we are not to take
the word as Nishapuri as West soems to have taken it. Dastur Kekobad
takes the name as Shapur of Dad Hormuzd. But then he ignores the
i ' after Dad Hormazd.
8 Ftdethe Pazend Text in my. Jamaspi, p. 58, 1. 9 for Toxfc; p. 108
for translation.
4 P. li^jj a village, a town.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOKO ASTER 185
This statement about Azerbaijan refers to the fact of the
attempts of annoyance made against Zoroaster by evil-minded
persons of the country. A passage in the Dinkard shows that
even the country of the Prophet's mother was not free from
such evil-minded persons.
A Pahlavi treatise, named Shatroiha-i Air&n, of which I will
speak at some length later on, seems to
S 6 Shatroiha " show that Ataropatakan was also the name
of a town. We read therein l
i.e. The city of Atar&patak&n was founded by Airan Gushasp
who was the commander of the army at Ataropatakan.
Possibly the city latterly gave its name to the province. From
Summary of the these various references to Ataropatakan,
references to Atar- , ,, - . ,. ,
^pAtakAn. wo l earn tnc following facts.
(1) It was the country where stood the Asnavand moun-
tain.
(2) It was the country, in which stood the lake Chae'chast,
the modern Urumiah.
(3) It was the country wherein burnt the sacred fire, Adar-
Gushasp.
(4) It was the country where occurred an extraordinary
occurrence of Zoroaster's childhood, viz., his being saved
from a den of wolves in which some evil-minded people
of the country had thrown him.
Now several facts lead us to say, that the Ataropatakan of the
Pahlavi books is modern Azerbaijan. The most evident of these
are the following :
(1) Firstly, Azerbaijan is a later form of the name of the
country derived from the word AtarSpatakan, which,
at first, became Adarbadgan and then Adarbaijan or
Azerbaijan. The word when written in Pahlavi can
assume the form.
1 Pallavi Texta by Dastur Jamaspji, p. 24, 1. 2. Vide my Translation
in English in my AiyAdgAr-i- Zarir&n, Shatroiha-i- Airn va
Afdiya va Sahigiya-i- Seiatan, p. 115.
24
186 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOBOASTEE
(2) Secondly, ChaSchasta is spoken of as a lake in AtacrSpa-
takan. Chaechasta is spoken of by a later Mahomed-
an writer on the Geography of Persia, as we will see
later on, as the modern lake Urumiah which is situated
in Azerbaijan. So, Ataropatakan, the country of lake
Chaechasta, is the same as Azerbaijan, the country of
the lake Urumiah.
(3) The^Pahlavi books speak of a mountain called Asnavand
in Atardpatakan. A mountain of a corresponding name
is in modern Azerbaijan. We will refer to it later on.
X.
PERSIAN BOOKS BY PARSEE WRITERS
ZARTHUSHT-NAMEH.
Before proceeding further in the matter of the remaining
further questions of our inquiry, we will see in this section, what
some later Zoroastrian writers of Persia have said in Persian
on the subject of Zoroaster's birthplace.
The Persian Zarthfisht-nameh 1 was written, as the author says,
The Persian Zar- w ^ nm ^ wo days. It was commenced on roz
of Adar and finished on roz Khorshed mdh
Abdn 647 Yazdazardi. The latter date cor-
responds to 12th August 1278 a . So, the work
is about 650 years old. The author speaks of himself as
I For an account of the book, vide the following : (a) Dr. West's article
on Pahlavi Literature (Grundriss der Iranischen Philologie), p. 122.
(6) A free GujarAti version of Zarthusht-nameh with Notes, published ,bv
Dastur Peshotan Behramji Sanjana in 1864. Two editions of it have
since then been published, the first in 1902 and the second in 1924.
(o) The Text and Translation with Introduction and Notes, published in
St. Petersbourg in 1904, by Prof. Frfideric Rosenberg under the title of
"Le Livre.de Zoroastre (Zaratusht Naraa)' ' . (d) Anquetil Du Perron's " Vie
de Zoroastre" (Life of Zoroaster), in the second part of his first volume of
** Zend-Avesta, POuvrage do Zproastre", pp. 1-70. Anquetil says: "Ce
quo je vais en rapporter est pris, pour la plus grande partie, du Zerdust-
namah et du Tchengr6ghatch-namah, Poemes Persans " (p. 6). (e) The
translation in English by E. B. Eastwick, published in 1843 by Dr. John
Wilson of Bombay as an appendix to his '^Parsi Religion" (p. 47fl et seq.)
(/) Hyde has referred to this Zarthusht-nameh in the 24th Chapter of his
"Historia Religionis Veterum Persarun (2nd ed. pp. 332-35.)
Le Uvre de Zoroaetre, (Zar&tusht NAma) de Zartusht-i BahrAm ben
PajdO, publi6 et traduit port Fr6d6ric Rosenberg (1904,) (11. 1548.50).
THE BIBTH-PLACE OF ZOEOASTKB 187
Zarthush Behram Pazdu. 1 It seems that the author was
encouraged to write the book by another learned man, named
Kaikaus, who was the son of Kaikhosru who lived in Rae*. 2
The author gives the following account of his work : 3 "I saw
a book in the possession of a Mobad-i Mobadan (i.e. a High
Priest; lit. a priest of priests), which contained various matters,
such as, an account of the world (sar guzasht-i Jehan), an account
of the ancients (pishinyan) and of kings, a commentary (sharh) of
the Avesta and Zend and the story of Zoroaster's birth and his
life. This manuscript book had got so old and worn out that
it was difficult to handle it. The old Mobad, who possessed it,
was getting anxious, lest the book may get destroyed (gardad
tabah), and so he asked mo to translate it in Persian. I am a
young man, as yet, free from the anxiety of a married life. I am
one who am putting on a kusti on my waist and know something
of Vasta (Avesta) and Zend. I took to heart what the old Mobad
said and took up the thought of putting the work into verse. I
spoke on the subject to my father Kaikhosru the son of Dara
who belonged to an old family of Rai ( ^j ). My father en-
couraged me to take up the work". 4
This statement shows that the author followed some old writ-
ten and oral tradition. This is the oldest Persian book, written
by a Zoroastrian on the subject of Zoroaster. While speaking of
the ancestry of Zoroaster, he speaks of Rae as being the country
of the family. We read :
Ibid. 11. 1553-54.
2 The author says :
(Prof. Rosenberg's Edition, 11. 1540-41) i.e. I have written this pious
story from tho words of tho learned, intelligent, clever, religious -minded
Kai Kaus. His father was Kai Khosru and he was of the city of Rae.
3 I do not translate but merely give the purport.
* Rosenberg's Text p. 3.
5 Ibid, p. 4, 11. 68 et soq. Rosenberg's text gives the word as [?*
instead of ^5]^ and ! jO^4 instead of i$'jO-^ in tho next
188 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation. Prom this noF > stock (i.e., of Faridun) of which
I spoke, there was a personage of pious thoughts in Rae. The
name of this person was Paitarasp. The name of his son was
Pourushasp. Zoroaster who was the key for the difficulties of
the world, was descended from him. There was also a woman
from this (family) stock, possessing glory, crown, good stature
and dignity. She was the mother of fortunate Zarthust. Her
name was Dughdho.
Dastur Peshotan's version of the Zarthusht-nameh seems to
have followed a Ms. which gives the last word of the first lino
of the above first couplet as Ilae and he takes the name to bo
that of the city of Rae. 1
In the Persian Rivayat, compiled by Darab Hormuzdyar,
on the authority of the letters and writ-
Porsian ings received from Persia, we have an
account of Zoroaster under the heading of
jl ^0^6,0* j J.A+**J c*3jj (j^ i.e. The Gcneology of the
Prophet Zoroaster and some facts about him. We read theie.
Translation.Tho city of the house of Holy Zartosht
Asfantoman was Rae. Four chiefs of the Ragha of Zarathustra.
The dead body of Holy Zortosht is placed in the city of Balkh.
This passage speaks of Ragi or Rae as the place of the
house of Zoroaster and of Balkh as the place of his birth.
lino. But the foot-noto collations give correct reading. The text
followed by Dastur Poshotan in his GujarAti translation (p. 10) also
gives the word as Rae.
1 Dastur Peshotan's version runs thus: "(M*
'
Ml. \o. 0(1
Unvdlft,
(2) DftrAb HormazdyAr's RivAyatby Ervad Manockji Rustamji
with my Introduction Vol. II., p. 43. $
THE BIRHT-PLACE OF ZOROASTEK 189
I will refer here to a lecent book, the second edition of which
was published as recently as 1919 A. C. in
Bombay, by Arbab Kaikhosru Shahrokh of
Tehran, a distinguished Persian Zoroastrian,
a member of the present Persian Parliament. The title of the book
is Farugh-i Zazdayasnii.e. " The Light of Mazdaism." It may
be taken as reflecting the view of the modern Zoroastrians of
Forsia which view seems to have been guided by what is said in
the above Zarthust-nameh. We read therein :
Translation. The Holy Zarathustra Aspitaman was born in
the city of Rae, which, in the Avesta langauge, is written as
Ragh, and, in the Pahlavi language, as Ragti.
It seems, that the city of Rae, from which, Doghdho, the
mother of Zoroaster came, was not the city
&*& kn wn fa y ? h ? Greeks as K8h- ." ** *
be a city of that name in Azerbaijan. Ragha
is mentioned in the Vendidad (I. 16) as one of the best 1C
places erected by Ahura Mazda> In the Pahlavi rendering of
that passage, we rcad^that it is in Ataropatakan. It seems to
bo a city in modern Azerbaijan and not the modern Rae nea?
Tehran.
XI.
LATER MAHOMEDAN WRITERS ON THE SUBJECT
OF ZOROASTER'S COUNTRY.
We have so far examined what old Iranian writers of the
Avesta and Pahlavi books said of the birth-place of Zoroaster.
We have seen on their authority, that Zoroaster was born in the
house of Pourushaspa, which was situated on a high ground on
the banks of the Dare j a, an affluent of river Daiti, which ran in
Airan-vej in Atropatakan which is modern Azerbaijan. We
have so far answered six of the successive questions (A to F)
with which we started our inquiry about the Home of Zoroaster.
Now, before proceeding further to answer the other two re-
maining question^ G and H viz. (G) in what part of Azerbaijan
and (H) in what town of that part was that Home situated,
we will see, what some later well-known Mahomedan authors
say on the subject of the Home of Zoroaster.
1 Farugh-i Mazdaysni by Kaikhugru shahrokh Kermani, second edition
of 1919, p. 29, last lino.
190 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOKOASTBR
Tabari, (A. 0. 838-923), in his account of the reign of
Tabari. Gushtasp, gives the following account of
Zoroaster :
|*LJl.xJ,.&jJj.P J^fU jt j
Uj \
0^3
jj J J^J
%Lu!|j
\j ^
Translation. ^The Magis have a prophet, whom they call
Zerdasht, who introduced this religion of Fire-worship. He
claimed to be a prophet (and said) "I am a prophet." He
showed them Fire-worship as a righteous thing till the time of
Gushtasp. He was the disciple of Azir, 3 on whom may there
be the blessing of God. He opposed Azir. Then the master
prayed for Zerdasht and said that God all honour and respect
on Him may show him a mark. 4 The Prophet of the people
1 I follow the abridged Persian rendering as given in Naval Kishor's
edition 2 Munshi Naval Kishore's Text, published in July 1874, p.
206, 11. 12etseq. 3 Zoten berg gives the name as Aziz (Tabari traduit
par Zotenberg Vol. I, p. 499). Azir is Esdraa of the Christians.
* Zotenberg translates "le d6'figura" i.e. disfigured him.
THE BIWPH-PLACE OF 2OROASTER 191
of Israel (thereupon) removed him from himself and ho came
from Jerusalem to Iraq and from Iraq went to Balkh to the
father of Gushtasp and claimed to be a prophet and said
" God-all honour and respect be on him-has sent me towards
you and has ordered you that you promulgate this fire-worship
and has ordered to you the observance of these customs. This
Zardusht has received marks from my prophet Azir and has
learnt (wise) words from him." Gushtasp when he turned (i.e.
was inclined ) towards him, made fire-worship righteous for
them (i.e. the Magis). *
This peculiar account of Tabari, makes Zoroaster at first an
inhabitant of Jerusalem and then that of Iraq and then repre-
sents him as going to Balkh. However this account places him
at first in the West. The Arabic text of Tabari (Annales of
Tabari by J, De Goeje, Vol. V*, P. 648) speaks of Zoroaster
going to Azerbaij&n from Palestine ( ^k-U* ) to preach his
religion and from there to Bait ah (Ibid H. 9 to 12).
Hamzah 2 Isfahani, a contemporary of Tabari, in his
Tarikh-i Seni Muluk*al-Arz wa P Anbiya
ha 2Hamza Isfa-
" Chronological History of the Kings of the
World and Prophets," associates Zoroaster with Azerbaijan.
Iu his account of the reign of Gushtasp, he says :
Dr. Gottwaldt thus translates the Arabic into Latin : " Ad
hunc trigesimo rcgni anno, cum ipso L annos esset natus, Zer-
duscht Adjerbeidjanensis accessit atque religionem exposuit." *
Prof. Jackson gives the following translation : " In the thirtieth
year of Gushtasp's reign, when he himself was 60 years old,
Zardusht of AdarbaijUn came to him and expounded the reli-
gion to him." 4
1 Zotenberg's version, given on the authority of another text, differs
somewhat from the above version* given by me on the authority of Naval
Keshore's Text; but both the versions agree in this, that Zoroaster came
to Balkh from the West.
2 Dr. Gottwaldt's Edition (Hamzao Ispahanensis Annalium
Libri X. edidit J. M. E. Gottwaldt, 1844), p. 36, 1. 18 et seq. Vide
the Edition of Hamza by the Kaviani Press of Berlin, p. 27, 1. 14.
3 Hamzao Ispahanensis Annalium, Libri X, Tome II, Translatio Latina
(1848) p. 26.
4 Zoroaster, the Prophet of Ancient Iran, p. 199.
192 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Ma9oudi, who was born at the end of the 9th century (Died
3 Macoudi 956 A ' C '^ s P eaks * Zoroaster as Zeradasht
(c*.iMjj ) and as coming to the court of
Yustasf (vAwULo) or Gustasp as one of the inhabitants of
Azerbaijan (t^^Jj^ **?' &* ) The genealogy of Zoroaster, 1
which Macoudi gives, corresponds, to a certain extent, to what
we find recited in our Afringans. He says, that at Zoroaster's in-
stance Gustasp sought out the sacred fire founded by
Jamshed in the province of Kharzem ( (*J j'^ ) an< * placed it in
a Fire temple in the city of Darabjard (A/v.l)^ A**) in Pars.
( o*J^). In Ma9oudi's time (Hijri 332), the temple was known
as Azarjui ( ^^j *1 ) and was held in high respect by the Magis
of his time. This sacred fire was, according to Persian tradition,
ere this, discovered by Kaikhosru, when he went on an expedition
against the Turcs in Kharzem. 2 He says further that the
Magis placed Zoroaster 258 years before Alexander.
In these references, the reference, most important to us in our
present inquiry, is, that which says that Zoroaster came from
Azerbaijan.
Abu'l Fath Muhammad Asch-Sharastani (A.C. 1086-1153), who
4 Sharastani * 8 g enera ^y known as Sharastani, because ho
was born in Sharastan, a town in Khorasan,
in his book, entitled Ketab-ul-milal wa al-nahal JUJlwUi")
(<JsuJ| j, i.e., " Book on religious and philosophical sects," has
a separate chapter on Zoroastrians (*AaljjJl).3 Therein,
he thus speaks of the countries of Zoroaster's parents :
c$3JI
1 Macoudi 's Lea Prairies d'Or, pa^ Barbier do Meynard et Pavet de
CourteiUo, Vol. II, p. 124, Chap. XXI.
2 Ibid, Vol. IV, Chap. LXVIII, pp. 75-76.
8 Vide p. 185 (11. 8 et seq) of Rev. William Cureton's edition, entitled
Book of Religious and Philosophical Sects, by Muhammad Al-Sharas-
tani," Part I (1842).
THE BIRTH-PLACE OP ZOROASTER 193
Dr. Haarbriicher thus renders the version :
" Sie (die Zaraduschtija) sind die Anhanger des Zaraduscht
Ibn Burschasb, welcher in der zeit des Konigs Kuschtasf Ibn
Luhrasb erschien ; sein Vater war von Adsarbaidschan und
seine Mutter, mit Namen Dughdu von Rai." * (i.e., The
Zardushtians are the followers of Zaradusht son of Burschasb
who appeared in the time of King Kuschtasf, son of Luhrasb.
Hid father was from Adsarbaidschan and his mother, with the
name Dughdu, from Rai).
We see from this passage, that Sharastani speaks of the coun-
try of Zoroaster's father as Azerbaijan, and of his mother as Rae.
Further on, Sharastani refers to a tradition of Zoroaster being
fed on the milk of a cow which was made to eat a particular kind
of herbage. In that connection also, a mountain of Azerbaijan
is mentioned as the place where Zoroaster was fed. 2
(a) Yaqout (1V78-1228), in his Mo'djem El-Bouldan, while
5 Y out speaking of Urumiah, says : 3 C'est une
grande et ancienne villc de 1'Azerbaidjan, a
3 ou 4 milles du lac qui porte so nom. On pretend quo c'est
la ville de Zcradescht (Zoroastre) et qu'elle a 6t6 fondee par
les adorateurs du feu/ 7 4 Here, Yaqout says, that the town
of Urumiah in Azerbaijan was the house of Zoroaster.
(b) Again Yaqout speaks of a place called Oustounawend
aj j I3y.^f ) as a celebrated fortress, and says that, it was said to
1 Abu'l-Fath Muhammad asch-Schahrastani's Religionspartheion und
Philosophen-Schulen, von Dr. Thoodor Haarbriickcr (1850), Part I, p. 280.
2 Curoton's Ed. op cit. of " Tho Book of Religious and Philosophical
sects" p. 185, last line( V^.J tf J 1 *^ (j ^** ) Dr. Haarbriicker'
German Translation, op. cit., p. 281 (auf die Spitze ernes Berges in
Adsarbaidsch&n, i.e., on the summit of a mountain in Azerbaijan). Tho
word jabl here seems to be the same as the Zbara of our A vesta books
referred to above (Vend. XIX 4 and 11 ; vide above Sec. V). Sharistani
also refers here to Zoroaster curing a blind man, at Dinavar ( Jj &t & ),
by dropping into his eyes a few drops of the juice of a plant. Cureton's,
Ibid, p. 187, 1. 9. Haarbriicker's German Translation, p. 283.
3 I give the version of Barbier de Meynard. Dictionnairo G6ogra-
phique, Historique et Litt6raire de la Perse (1861), par Barbier de
Meynard, p. 26."
4 i.e., It is a large and ancient city of Azerbaijan, 3 or 4 miles
from the lake of that name. They maintain, that it is the city of Zor-
oaster and that it was founded by the worshippers of fire."
25
194 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
exist since more than 3000 years and it was the place of mes-
mogan (u U*~*). He then explains this word, saying that mes
meant grand and mogdn signified Magi. This mes is Avesta
maz 3C 9 Pahl. O^Pers. *#, Sans. q%, Latin, magnus. Thus
the word maamaga would mean "the High Mobad or Priest."
Yaquot then adds that Khaled beseiged this place and
destroyed the power of the last of the Chief Magi priests. He
also carried away two daughters of this Head priest to
Bagdad. 1 Now this Oustounawend is the Avesta Asnavant
( PHp0 Jamyad Yasht, Yt. XIX. 5). It was the
mountain which is associated with lake Chaechasta (Urumiah)
in the Atash Nyaish and Sirouzeh, and which, according to the
Bundehesh (Chap. XII, 26), was in Azerbaijan.
(c) Then, Yaqout, while speaking of Shiz (I*** ), says, that it
is a district of Azerbaijan and is believed to be the country of
Zeradusht, the prophet of the worshippers of Fire. 2 He adds
that Urumiah is the chief place of this district.
(d) We find another reference to Zoroaster and to his connec-
tion with the West, with the country of Azerbaijan, in Yaqout's
description of a place named Man-dinar ( j&a a 1 * ). 3 He says,
that the place, latterly known as Nehavand, was known by that
name. He says, on the authority of another writer, that Mah-
Dinar was, at first, known as Din-Zeradasht (v*ai;j &k) 9
because its people had accepted the religion of Zoroaster very
zealously.
In all these references, Yaqout, associates Zoroaster with
Azerbaijan generally, and with some particular places specially.
Of Urumiah, he says, that it was taken to be the city of Zoroas-
ter.
(a) Abulfeda 4 (1273-1331), the celebrated Arabian writer on
6 Abulfeda History and Geography, who had fought in
the Crusades against the Christians and was
thus much conversant with this part of the country, says in
his History, that Zoroaster was from Azerbaijan
1 Ibid p. 33. 2 Ibid p. 367. 3 Ibid p. 515.
4 Abulfedae Historia - Anteislamica Arabice E. Duobus, (1610).
Latin version and notes by H, O. Fleischer (1831), p. 150 , 1. 18.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 195
i.e., Zaradasht was (one) of the inhabitants of a village out of
the villages of Azerbaijan.
(6) According to Hyde, he says in his Annals, that Zoroaster
came from Urmi or Urmiah ( tf *;t or /*jl ) l which, we know,
is in Azerbaijan.
Hamd-Allah Mustaufi, who lived in the early part of the 14th
_ , century, refers to Zoroaster in his account
. Hamd- Allah *
Mustaufi-i Qazwini. of ^e reign of Gushtasp, 2 in his Tarikh-i
Gazideh ( & ^ gj U). He does not directly
refer to the country of Zoroaster. But, what he says of
Gushtasp's embassy to Roum ( ^j ) to ask the Romans, to
adopt the Zoroastrian faith immediately after himself
adopting the faith of Zoroaster, leads us to say, that,
perhaps, he took Zoroaster to belong to the West. How-
ever, he places the religious activity of Gushtasp, both in the
West, and in the East. He represents Gushtasp as building a
great wall in Samarkand against the Turanians, as building the
fire temple (^l*A3f) o f Dizhur (jj3*) in Iraq and as
founding the cities of Baiza and Fasha ( l ^j ^) in
Pars. 3
Mirkhond (1433-98), a bigoted Mahomedan writer, who refers
8. Mirkhond. * Zoroaster and his teachings in offen-
sive language in his account of Gushtasp,
speaks of Azerbaijan as Zoroaster's country. He also, like
1 Hyde (2nd Ed. p. 315), who refers to Abul Peda as saying that
Zoroaster arose in Urmi or Urmia " Apud Abulphcdam Vol. 3, p. 58,
Zerdusht dicitur ortus ex vT*-^ Urmi, sou rt*J* Urmia." I
have not boon able to verify this statement of Abul Feda, in his Annals
by Adler (1791).
2 Prof. Edward Brown's Text of the TArikh-i Guzida (Select History)
published in Leyden in 1910, pp. 96, 1. 17 to p. 37. Vide Prof. Brown's
Tankh-i -Guzida, abridged in English" (1913) pp. 31-32. According to
this author, Paridun had passed to the .Romans &k*jj an
agreement (Sahd-nAmeh) permitting them to profess any religion they
liked. So, when GushtAsp pressed them to adopt the new faith o
Zoroaster, they produced this agreement and were left to their own
choice.
3 IbM. Text p. 97, last line.
196 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Tabari, represents him as being a disciple of one of Armiah's
(Jeremiah's) disciples ( <^ l *"j' s*/o^3i jl ^ ^^ l ^). 2 He
then represents Zoroaster, as giving to his teachings, the name
of Zend and Pazend ( *>) ^ j *>) ). He adds that the wrong
believers (o &** & bad keshan) who followed these teachings are
known as Zendiqs ( & & j ) and that many people in the precincts
of Azerbaijan ( u^kjaf *j*j* j6 ) accepted his teachings.
Then, Mirkhond, differing from others, does not represent
Zoroaster as going to the East, to Balkh to the court of Gush-
tasp, but represents Gushtasp as going from Balkh to the West
to Istakhar, to meet Zoroaster there. We read : (Naval
Keshore's Text I, p. 180,1. et seq).
jl
JuuU
Translation. His (Zardusht's) fame came to be talked of in the
court of Gushtasp. Gushtasp, showing a desire for the inter-
course of Zerdusht, (and) attaching great importance (?) to an in-
terview with him, went to him (lit. placed his face in his direc-
tion) from the limits of Balkh with a large number and with all
(taltaiz) or * *** (taltaizat) or
diiciplea.
I follow Naval Keshore's Text, Vol. I, pp. 179, last lino et seq,
THE BIKTH-PLACE OF ZOKOASTER 197
solemnity (aidi). When the work came from mystery to the
publicity of soundness 1 (i.e. when what was hidden became
known i.e. when he learnt the teachings of Zoroaster), Gushtasp
brought with all efforts his son Isf andyar into the religion of the
Magis, 2 and, founded fire-temples all around in his territories and
ordered that 12,000 cow-hides may be tanned 3 and turned and
thinned like the hide of the deer; and idle tales (muzakhrafat)
wliich were accepted, and conclusions (natayaj, pi. of natijah)
of unsound (namustaqim) nature of Zoroaster, which were
fit for being burned (ihraq) were written in dissolved (mahldl or
legalized) in (ink of) gold and silver on the leaves (of these
hides) ........ When Gushtasp came to Istakhar, he ordered
that a vault (dokhme) may be made and the book of Zend may
be placed in it with all honour.
In his account of Zoroaster, Mirkhond represents the Prophet
as coming down to the plains from the mountain of Ardabil.
We read :
) ^\^ ) JuJ )j*
JjU Ut
jy Jjj
Translation. At the very moment when Zardusht was born,
he laughed, so much so, that all, who were present, heard his voice,
and, when he came to age, he went up a mountain out of the
mountains of Ardabil ; and he came down from that place and
(with) a book in his hand, and said : ' This book has descended
from the roof of the house which is situated on this mountain
and he gave that book the name of Zend/
1 " Munjabir," restored to soundness (Steingass).
2 Shea, in his translation (History of the Early Kings of Persia, p. 285)
makes Isf andyar, the agent to bring Gusht&sp to the faith of Zoroaster.
Ho translates : "GushtAsp afterwards, through the exertions of his son
Esfendiar, came over to the religion of the Magi." He seems to have
followed a different text.
3 Dibftghat, tanning.
4 Munshi Nawal Kishore's Text, Vol. I, p. 180, 1. 12. Vide Shea's
History of the Early Kings of Persia translated from the original Persian
of Mirkhond entitled the Rauzat-us Safa, p. 286.
198 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
According to Yaqout, 1 there was a town of the name
of Ardabil, near the mountain. It was a chief place of Azerbai-
jan before the advent of Islamism. According to other writers, 2
it was founded by Kai-Khusru at the foot of the mountain of
Silan on the side of which stood a fortress called Behman-diz or
Rouyin-diz. It was the capture of this fortress which Kai
Kaus proposed that Fariburz and Kai-Khusru should make.
The one who captured it was promised the kingdom of Iru/n
in inheritance. Kai-Khosru conquered it. 3 This mountain
Silan of Yaquot is the same as Mount Savalan or Sabilan near
Ardabil, the mountain of Zoroaster's conferences with Ahura
Mazda. According to Kazwini also, Ardabil stands at the foot
of Mount Sebilan.
We thus see from Mirkhond that he placed the birth-place of
Zoroaster in the West, in Azerbaijan. He represents the pro-
phet as coming down from the mountain of Ardabil after receiv-
ing his revelation from God.
If we sum up the statements of the above writers, we find
Summary well-known Mahomedan writers, like Hamza
Isfahani, Ma9oudi, Sharastani, Yaqout, Abul-
feda and Mirkhond, place the Home of Zoroaster in Azerbaijan.
Tabari places him in the West and mentions Azerbaijan as
his place of preaching. Hamd-Alla Mustaufi does not directly
name any country but he points to the West as Zoroaster's
country.^ He represents Iraq in the West, also as a place of the
early activity of Gushtasp. 4 Of all the above writers,
Yaqout is very important, because, he not only places him in
Azerbaijan, but directly points to Urumiah in A zerbaijfm as
his birth-place. Again, he associates three other places in
Azerbaijan with Zoroaster. These are (a) Ustunawend (*Jj l*jLf )
which is the same name as Asnavant of the Avesta ; (6) Shiz,
supposed by some to have been an abbreviated and changed
form of ChaSchasta ; and (c) Mah-dinar (also known as Din-i
Zardasht). Thus, wo see that all the Mahomedan writers speak
of the West as Zoroaster's country. Seven of them distinctly
1 Dictionnaire G6ographique de la Perse, par B. de Meynard, p. 21.
2 Ibid. Foot-note 1.
3 Mohl. Tome II, p. 549. The Geographical part of the Nuzhat-al-
Qulftb composed by Hamd-All&h Mustaufi of Qazvin (1340), translated
by G. Le Strange (1919), p. 84.
4 The Geographical part of tho Nuzhat-al-Qulftb of Hamd-AllAh
Mustawfi of Qazvin (340 A. 0.), Text by G. Le Strange, pp. 79 and 122,
Tanslation, pp. 73 and 94.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 199
speak of Azerbaijan as his country, and one of them, Yaqout,
distinctly speaks of Urumiah in Azerbaijan as his birth-place,
and even associates other places in Azerbaijan with his name.
I will finish this section by speaking of some other less import-
ant later Mahomedan writers, some of whom are referred to in
the Sharastan-i Chehar Chaman.
T n the Sharastan-i Chehar Chaman (
f f UF g ardens )> written
Mahomedan '
authors referred to Behram bin Farhad Aspandyar Farsi
<^ J 1 ^- 1 ^ * r 1 -*) ' we have a
long reference to Zoroaster, in the account
of the reign of Gushtasp.
The author flourished in India in the time of Emperor Jehan-
gir. He is said to have been a disciple of Dastur Azar Kaevan. 3
The author of the Sharastan refers to some previous Mahomedan
writers who had referred to Zoroaster and refutes their mis-
statements. Among the books of these previous writers, he
refers to Tazkarat al avam ( ^j*-^ 8yx3 ) 3 written by Mir
Murtaza Elam ul Hada ( ^^\ ^ \s'*lr* J* ) who was a
bigoted Mahomedan writer and who found fault with Gushtasp
1 Manuscript of tho Mulla Ferozo Library (Catalogue of Rohatzek
VIII, 56, p, 204), folio 2a,l. 13. The Mulla Ferozo Library has a manus-
cript translation of this book in Gujarati from tho pen of Dastur
Edalji Sanjana. Tho Ms. was presented to the Library by Mr. Jamshedji
Bomanji Wadia in 1014. It is not an exact translation, but a freo version
with the translator's own comments hero and there.
2 Dastur Izar Kafivftn bin Azar Gushasp was a learned Zoroastrian
priest of Persia. He had a sufeistic bent of mind. Ho sooms to have
been attracted to India by the eclectic school of thinkers founded by
Akbar. For his lineage, traced from the early Poshdadians, vide the
Dabist&n (Shea and Troyer's Translation. Vol. I. pp. 87-88, 2nd section,
describing tho Sfpasian sect, of Chap. I on tho Religion of the Persian).
He had come to India from Persia with a number of disciples, among
whom ono was Forzanah Behram tho son of Farhad, tho author of the
Sharistan (Ibid, p. 77). Ho had 12 disciples from Persia and ho made
many disciples in India. Ho lived in Patna and died there at the age
of 85 in 1673 A.C. (Ibid p. 89). For an account of his life in tho Persian
Text, vide pp. 29 ot soq. of tho Bombay edition of 1262 Hijri. For some
particulars about Farzanah Bohram, the author of SharistAn-i Chohar
Chaman, vide Shea and Troyer's Translation of the Dabistan, Vol. I,
pp. 108-9.
3 Ms. of the Mulla Foroze Library f. 55b, 1. 14. Bombay Lithographed
edition of Hijri 1327, p. 164, 1. 10.
200 THE BIRTH-PLAGE OF ZOROASTER
for following the religion of Zartusht. He refers to another
Mahomedan author Tabasar ul awam ( p'^*-" tj*^* ) l , as saying
that Zardusht, the prophet of the Magis, was from Azerbaijan
( c**! ^ e^kjif 3! o-J^ ^ ) 2 and that he lived in
Pars (oAU c**Ut ,j.jlj ja). 3 Our author of the Sharistan
defends Gushtasp and Zardusht from the aspersions of these
bigoted Musulman writers, and, while doing so, he says that
Zardusht was from the city of Rei jl s&* ^H^ov^ 3' ^J j
(c*l ^jjt-* 4 . He speaks of a story wherein Zoroaster is
represented as resting in a tomb for some time and then
re-appearing with Zend and Pazand 6 ). Our author refers to an
author Mir Mokhtar who said that Zartusht was from Egypt,
that^he was there with Jeremiah and that from there he went
to Azerbaijan
, J i*A* j
The author refutes this statement about Jeremiah and
then refers to the spread of the new religion at tho hands
of Gushtasp and to the writing of Zend A vesta on 12000 golden
leaves, &c. He then refers to 24,000 Fire-temples founded by
Gushtasp and says, that out of all these, the two best were
those- of Pars and Azerbaijan in the province of Maragh
i.e. The best of tho Fire-temples tho Fire4emples of Pars and
Azerbaijan were founded within the limits of Maragh6 which
is one of the oldest cities of that district. 7
Ibid, L 55b, I. 16.
Ibid \. 17. Bombay Ed., p. 154, 1. 18.
Ibid, 1. 18. 4 Ibid, L 56a, 1. 8 Ibid. 6 Bombay Ed., p. 155.
Ibid, f. 56a, last lino, to f. 56b. 1. 1. Bombay Ed., p. 156, 1. 7.
Ibid, f. 56b, 11. 13-14. Bombay Ed. (p. 157, 1. 8) varies a little in the
Text.
8 Dastur Edalji Sanjana, in his above-mentioned GujarSti version
gives tho name of Marugh as Moruo ( MRl^ ) f . 238b, last lino,
This must bo an error in the Ms. from which he translated. Maragh6
is still byiowa as an important part of tho present Persian Azerbaijan*
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 201
The author of the Sharastan-i Chahar Chaman then refers to
a Mahomedan author named Mir Mokhtar O liA *^* ) and
gives the meaning of the word Azerbaijan as " the fire (jaf )
which gives life ( cA*^ eU* ) "
As to the Fire- temple of Pars, he says that no other
ter^.ple in Persia was held in such reverence and respect as this.
It continued so till the time of the Arabs, who destroyed it. 1
* \3
Translation. Three thousand Magi persons (i.e., Mobads)
always served (at the Fire-temple), till the time of the coming
of the army of the Arabs when this fire-temple was desecrated
at the instance of Abdulla Omar.
The author of the Sharistan, while speaking on ridzat in hia
account of King Gushtasp, quotes Mirkhond and other writers.
His account in some parts seems to have been copied verbatim
from Mirkhond. He says : a
Translation. It is said in several books (written) in Arabic
mixed with Persian (e.g.), in Mu'ajam al asar and Eauzat-us-
Aa said by Prof. Jackson (Persia Past and Present, p. 61), they
speak of " a subterranean chamber near Maragha, with a fire altar, aa
attributed to his (Zoroaster's) worship." According to Ibn Haukal
Maragha ( /^ \yo ) is at a distance of three farsangs (i.e., about 10 miles)
Maragha spoke .
(Pahlavi min ' arrab. Nuzhat-Al QulAb of Hamd-AUah Mustaufi of
Oazwin by O. Le Strange, Text p. 87, 1. 9. Ibid Translation, p. 88).
1 Mulla Feroze Library Text f. 56b., last line. Dastur Edalji
Sanjana'aMa. translation, f. 238b, f. 238b., Bombay Ed., p. 157, 1.
202 THB BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTBB
safa that Zardusht possessed muck skill in the learning of philo-
sophy. In the beginning, he was into the companionship (and)
pupilage of Prophet Irmiah (Jeremiah) ...... Many people with-
in the limits of Azarbadgan were inclined towards him.
The Sharistan-i Chehar Chaman then says, that Gushtasp,
hearing of the fame of Zardusht, went to him from Balkh, and,
through the exertion of Asfandiar, entered into his religion *nd
got his teachings written on 12000 cow skins. 1 He does not
give in his account the name of Istakhar, which Mirkhond gives
as the city where the King and the Prophet mot and where the
writings were deposited, but gives instead, the word^& maqr
which means " Scat of Government." 2
The above statement of Zoroaster being a pupil of Jeremia is
given in the Sharistan-i Chehar Chaman,
Zoroaster and ,, ,, ., , . , ,
Jeremiah. on tno authority o* a writer named Mir
Mokhtarof Tehran (&>[>& j&*>< j* ) in
his Makhzan al Akhbar. (/^l &j&* ) 3 . But the author
himself refutes the story. He says :
Translation. It is said in the Makhzan al Akhbar which is
(one) of the writings of Mir Mokhtar, that Zardusht lived in
Egypt in the company of the prophet Irmiah (Jeremiah). He
had learnt properly many sciences from that prophet. He had
acquired (their knowledge) well. He was especially well-versed
in the rare sciences of alchemy and (limy a). When he came to
1 Ibid, p. 151, 11. 11-14. a Bombay Ed., p. 161, last line.
S ^A jt^ (jjlJU.jl.i Ma. of the MuUa Feroz Library f. 66a last
line. Vide the GujArati Ms. of the version of the book by Dastur Edalji
Sanjana in the Mulla Feroze Library f. 235a. Bombay Ed, op. cit,,
p. lOfcJf, 6.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 203
the country of Azerbaijan, he passed there some time, and then,
he placed himself under the services of the king of the time,
Gushtasp.
Mir Mokhtar is then reported to say that it was by this know-
ledge of the rare sciences of Alchemy, &c., that he performed
miracles in the court of Gushtasp and won him over to his new
religion. Behram Farhad, the writer of the Sharistan-i Chehar
Chaman, refutes these statements at some length.
Tabari l also, as said above, refers to this story of Zoroaster's
association with Aziz, which was a tittle of Jeremiah, and says
that he learnt from him Magic and Poetry. According to Prof.
Jackson, 2 " The Syriac writer, Gregorius Bar Ebhraya (about
A.D. 1250) in his Arabic Chronicon, p. 83 (ed. Salhani Beirut,
1890) says that he was a disciple of Elijah." Prof. Jackson re-
fers to the story, and explains how it may have arisen. He
says : " Two or three Arabic authors allude to Zoroaster as
being of Palestinian origin, and that he came from that land to
Adarbaijan ; and they proceed to identify him with Baruch the
scribe of Jeremiah. This confusion is presumably due to
their having confounded the Arabic form of the name Jeremiah,
Armiah (/H^/f) with Zoroaster's supposed native place,
Urumiah, Urmiah ( s*t*j* ). 3
The Persian Dabistan, whose author 4 lived from about 1615
2. Dabistan. * 1670, says that, according to general be-
lts authority of a li e f Zoroaster came from Azerbaijan. We
Naosan priest. _
read :
1 Tabari par Zotenberg, I. p. 499.
2 Zoroaster, the Prophet of Ancient Iran, p. 201.
3 Ibid, pp. 197-98.
- 4 Mohsan Fani was said to be the author of this book. Vide for the
question of the authorship and for the authors time, the Dabistan
translated by David Shea and Anthony Troyer (1843), Vol. I, Preliminary
Discourse by Troyer pp. X-XV.
' Bombay Edition of 1264 Hijri t p. 86, 1 4.
204 THB BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation. It is well known among men, that Zardusht fo
an Azarabadgani (i.e., an inhabitant of Azarbadgan). But the
non-Behdins (i.e., non-Zoroastrians) say and the writer of (this)
book has heard from Mobad Tarrav whose native place is
Naosaori (Naosari) in the Government of Gujarat that the
birth-place of Zartusht and the habitation (abadi) of his illus-
trious forefathers (nam-darash) 1 is the city of Rai.
Shea and Trover's translation runs as follows : a
" It is generally reported that Zardusht was of Azarbadgan or
Tabruz 3 ; but those who are not Behdinians or ' true believers %
assert, and the writer of this work has also heard from the
Mobed Torru of Busawari, in Gujarat, that the birth-place and
distinguished ancestors of the prophet belong to the city of
Rai."*
We find from this translation, that the text of the Dabistan
which Shea and Troyer have followed, gives ohe name of the
Gujarat town ^jj^y Naosaori (Naosari) as Busawari {sJ)^j*. 9
This reading takes the unkteh to be below the word, instead of
above the word, as given in the Bombay edition which I have
followed. In the Bombay edition, the first letter of the name of
the town is clearly & nun. There is no town in Guzarat of
the name Busawari. So, evidently, the name is miswritten in
the edition followed by the above translators.
Again, the name of the informant given as jjj* , both, in
these translators' edition and in the Bombay edition which I
Lave followed, is not a familiar name. It does not seem to be
the name of a Parsee Mobad or priest. So, taking the town to be
Naosaori, as given in the Bombay edition, the name
seems to have been miswritten for j j^H Barzo, which is a Parsee
name. The same word, read asTorro, can, with a change in the
nuktehs, be read as Burzo.
1 N&m-d&r may mean, those bearing the name of Zartusht, i.e., his
successors, known latterly as Zarathushtro-temas. Or the phrase,
"abadi namdarsh ", may mean "illustrious posterity". The word
&bdi, i.e., " prosperity " means " prosperity of progeny ".
a The Dabistan, translated by Shea and Troyer, VoL I, p. 263.
' 3 The above quoted Bombay edition does not give this name,
Perhaps this name is Tabriz, the modern capital of Azerbaijan.
4 'Rails the most northern town of the province Jebal or Irak Ajem,
the country of the ancient Parthiaus " (Anthony Troyer, The Dabiatao
by Shea and Troyer, p. 204, n. i.)
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 205
Now, the time when Mohsan Fani, flourished is about 1615 to
1670, the time of the reigns of Jehangir (1&05-27), Shah Jehan
(1627-66) and Aurangzeb (1666-1707). So, it seems that the per-
son Barzo may be the well-known compiler of the Persian
Rivayat, known as the Rivayat of Barzo Kamdin, who lived at
this time. 1 We learn from various Parsee sources that his
name occurred either as a signatory or as a person addressed, in
various documents bearing dates of years 1626, 1627, 1649,
1670. 2 So, it seems to be evident that the Barzo of Naosaori,
mentioned in the Dabistan, is the well-known Barzo Kamdin.
who flourished from about the beginning of the 17th century
up to some time after 1670 A.C. We thus see that the author
of the Dabistan, says, on the authority of others, and among
them of Barzo (Kamdin) of Naosari, that the birthplace of
Zoroaster was Rae in Azerbaijan.
A badly written manuscript of the Dabistan seems to have
misled, as we will see below, a later writer, as it did in misleading
Shea and Troye* to take the name of a town in Guzarat as
Busawari instead of Naosari.
3. Nameh-i Far- In a recent work on the ancient history
Az ^ tAn ; rt It8 M f n" o* Persia, entitled Nameh-i Farazastan
ence vo iNaoo-
ari as the birth ( v&*j[f /**U ), we read (on p. 234, 1. 5 et
place of Zoroaster seq) as foUows .
JJJO>. ^jlj jUT
1 After writing the above, I find with pleasure that I am preceded in
this view by Prof. Shapurshaw Hormusji Hodiwala who has suggested
the name in his learned work " Studies in Parsee History ", published
in 1920 (p. 93).
Vide Parsee Prakash, Vol. I, pp. 11, 12, 14 and 16.
3 From fardz, before. Like the word Bastan, the word Farazastan
seems to mean "old, ancient." So, the name Nameh-i Farazastan seems
to be the same as Bastan-nameh i.e. The History of the Ancients. It
appears from the preceding foreword, that the late Mr. Maneckji Limji
Hataria, who had lived long in Persia, as the Agent of the Bombay Parsees,
to look after the welfare of the Zoroastrians of Persia, had requested a
earned person of Persia, named Mirza Ismail Khan, to write a History
>f the ancient Persians. It was written as desired, but, both, Mr. M. L.
Kataria and the author died without seeing it published. So, Mr.
Hormazdyar bin Behram Bahman Jamshed got it published at Bombay
on roz Hormazd, mah Aban 1252.
206 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOBOASTXR
Translation. When Zaratusht walked (into) existence (i.e.
appeared in this world), in (the city of) Pursaoari, (one) of the
cities of Guzarat, he laughed at the commencement on birth, to
such an extent, that the people in the neighbourhood heard the
voice of his laughing.
Thus, this book speaks of Guzarat as the country of Zoroaster.
Now, there is no town in Guzarat of the name of Pursaoari
) So, as in the case of the name in the edition of the
Dabistan followed by its translators Shea and Troyer, here also,
the name is misspelt and misread. It is Naosaoari (Naosari).
So, taking the name of the town as Naosaoari or Naosari, we
find that this book says that Zoroaster was born in the town of
Naosari in Guzarat.
One may find it astounding to learn that even Gujarat in
India is referred to by a writer as the birthplace of Zoroaster
and he may find it difficult to account for this astonishing
statement. But, I think, we are in a position to see how
such a statement has come to be made. It is the Dabistan
passage, above referred to, that seems to have led the writer to
make this astounding statement.
(a) First of all, the name of the city seems to have been mis-
written in various manuscripts of the Dabistan. The Ms.,
which Shea and Troyer used, gives as said above, the name as
Baosaori ( ^j j^y ). The lithographed copy, which I possess,
gives the name somewhat correctly as Naosaori ( ^jj l --y ). To
be more correct, the second wav ( ^ ) is not necessary. It seems,
that the writer of this recent book, either had, in his manuscript,
the word with the first letter marked with three nuktehs below,
instead of one of Shea and Troyer's Ms., and instead of one
riukteh above as in the Ms. of the lithographed text which I
have followed ; and so, he read the word as Pursawari ; or, he,
by mistake misread the word.
(b) Secondly, as to his making the city of Guzarat whether it'
be Baosaoari, or Naosaoari or Pursaori, the birth-place of
Zoroaster, I think, that he misread the last two words, which are
M "O-Jr A (Shehr-i Rai ast) as c**.]^ Shekr ast i. e. is the
"city. I confess, that I myself at first found it a little
difficult to read the words, and, had it not been for Shea
and Troyer's translation, perhaps, I also would have been
misled izt some other way. A good copyist would separat?
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 207
the last word as c**l ^ j (Rae* ast). So, I think, the writer
of the Nameh-i Farazastan, while trying to draw his information
from the Dabistan, was misled by not finding the name of the
city of Rae given separately in his copy of the Dabistan, and he
mixed up what was said about Rae as Zoroaster's birth-place
with Naosari, a city of Guzarat.
Dastur Hoshang Jamasp quotes the Persian Dictionary
4. A Persian Die' Kashf -ul-laghSt (oUlJl OAT) as saying, that
tionary Kashf-ul- Zoroaster was an Azerbaijani, i.e. an
inhabitant of Azer-baijan. It says :
i.e. " It is said that Zoroaster of Azerbaijan was the master of
an acceptable religion." 1
The most recont Mahomedan writer on the History of ancient
Persia is Mirza Abbas bin Mahmadali Shus-
C. Irtn-nAmeh. tari> who has published in 1925, the first vo-
lume of his work, entitled " Iran-nameh." a
The author has, at first, followed the Pahlavi writings,
like that of the Zadsparam, and has represented Zoroaster,
as coming to* Balkh crossing the river Daiti. Then he refers
to the difference of opinions about the birth-place and says :
Translation. It is possible that, there was a Zardusht in
Balkh and two other personages of the same name had appeared
in Azarabadgan and Rae. 3
I refer to this most recent writer to give one an idea, how, up
to now, attempts have been made to explain the variety of
names, suggested as those of the birth place of the Prophet.
1 VendidAd, Vol. II, Glossarial Index, by Dastur Hoshang Jamasp
(1907) p. 39 ; vide the word " AtaropadgAn."
The author ia Professor of Persian in the College of the Maharaja of
Mysore.
3 IWdf., Vol. I, p. 65, 11. 4-5.
208 THE BIRTH-PLACE 0V ZOROASTER
XII.
(G) ATAROPATAKAN OR AZERBAIJAN. IN WHICH
PART OF THIS COUNTRY DID ZOROASTER'S
BIRTH TAKE PLACE ? IN THE DISTRICT
OF MOUNT ASNAVANT AND LAKE
CHAftCHASTA, THE MODERN
URUMIAH.
In our inquiry, we have, so far, extended, as it were, our
vision step by step from a small place to a large place from
the House of Pourushaspa to the province of Azerbaijan. But
we have not as yet, been able to locate the house. To do so,
we have now to narrow or reduce the field of our vision,
from a province to a town to trace therein the birth-place of
Zoroaster. We have not as yet pointed to any direct state-
ment in reply to the question : " Where in Ataropatakan or
Azerbaijan was the house situated ?
We have a statement in a Pahlavi book, which directly an*
swers the question and names a town in Azarbaizan as Zoroas-
ter's place. But, before coming to that book, we will prepare
our way by examining a number of indirect statements or re-
ferences which point to the district of Mt. Asnavant and
Lake Chaechast as the place of Zoroaster. So. I will first speak
of Mount Asnavant and its connection with Zoroaster, and then
of Lake Chaechasta. I will speak in the following order :
1. Mount Asnavant.
2. Lake Chaechasta.
3. The Relation between the two.
1. MOUNT ASNAVANT.
According to the Pahlavi books, the Dinkard 1 and the Zad-
iur _j. **, sparam,* Zoroaster had seven consult-
Moontams, seats *
of Zoroaster's Con- ations or conferences (ham-pursagih) with
saltation with the seven Ameshaspands. According to
lg M " the Zadsparam (Chap. XXII),' the
first consultation with Ahura Mazda was on the bank of
1 Book VII, Chap. Ill, 46-60. West, S. B. B.. XLVII, pp. 46-60.
* Chap. XXII. West, 8. B. E., Ibid., pp. 159-62.
3 Vichitakiha-i Zatsparam, by Behramgoro T. Anklesaria, p. 85, Ch ap.
xxm*
THE BIBTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 209
the river Daiti ( _ ^^^3 J ^ J *-"]); the second
with Vohuman on the mountain of Hugar ('*))**) and
Ausind ()01)*)j the third with Arta Vahishta on T6jan
water (-\J-^ IPteW) the fourth with Shatvir (Shehrivar
at Sarai ( JiiVtt ) ^ which is a town on Mivan (^-C); the
fifth with Spendomat on a spring (khanik) ^^O* which come
out from Mount Asnavad (^KJ-**)* the sixth with Khordad
at the Asnavad mountain ; and the seventh with Amerdad on
the high ground of Dareja ( 2^X J^j) on tne bank of the
Daitya ( _ J^^U -* "K)^ J ~J Mfl)* All the places
named here are in Ataropatakan. I think that the Mountain
Ausind 5)0)^ mentioned above, in the account of the second
conference, viz., that with Vohumano, may also be a mis-
written form of Asnavant.
In the above statement, a mountain named Asnavant is one of
the places, where Zoroaster had his converse,
v<mt, MO the A soat nis consultation (ham-pursagih), his con-
of Zoroaster's f erenco with Ahura Mazda and His Amesha-
?he H^her Powe^ Spentas. In the examination of this ques-
tion, the Pahlavi books are more useful than
the Avesta. However, we will, (A) at first, see, what the Avesta
books say of Mount Asnavant and (B) then, we will examine
the Pahlavi books.
27
210 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
(A) MT. ASNAVANT IN THE AVESTA.
We have the mention of Mount Asnavant
in the Avesta in the following four places :
(a) The Zamyad Yasht.
(6 & c) The Greater and the Smaller Sirouzahs.
(d) The Atash Niyish.
Mt. Asnavant is mentioned in the list of mountains in the
(a) The Zamyad Zamyad Yasht. This Yasht consists of two
Yasht. Mountains subjects: (1) The list of the mountains of
and
Kharenangh .
1. It is said that there are 2,244 mountains. We read at the
end of the list (Yt. XIX 7)
?***>'.
Translation. Spitama Zarathushtra ! there are thus two
thousand two hundred and forty and four mountains.
In the Pahlavi Bundehesh (XII, 2) these 2,244 mountains are
said to form one range of mountains the Elbourz, the Kara
Berezaiti of the Avesta . We read :
l Justi's Bundohesh p. 21, 1. 16. Vide my Text and Translation of
the Bundehesh in GujarAti, pp. 36-37. Grand Bundehesh of T. D.
Ankleaaria, p. 76, 1. 11. Windischmann, p. 21, 1. 15. M. B. Unwala's
Lithographed ed. p. 25, 1. 11.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 211
i.e., There have grown up other mountains from the Elbourz,
numbering two thousand two hundred and forty-four.
Out of these 2,244 mountains, the Zamyad Yasht names about
52 principal ones. It seems, that the first Meridian of the Iran-
ians passed through Mount Taera which stands 48th in the
lift. 1 It is said to have 180 raozin ( ]f^Y ) i.e., windows
or apertures, corresponding to our " degrees " on both sides. 2
in this list of 52 mountains referred to by name, one is
Asnavant. It is 36th in the list.
2. The second subject treated by the Zamyad Yasht, after
T h o K h a r 6- * no enumeration of the mountains, is KliarG-
nangh. its seat nangh, i.e. the Glory or Halo possessed by
in Mountains. ^ ^^ WQrthieg of Iran The Iranian
Kharenangh has. like the Iranian Fravashi or Farohar, a peculiar
signification. While the Fravashi is possessed by all living be-
ings, from Ahura Mazda down to the vegetable world, the Khare-
nangh is possessed only by men and the Higher Powers. Even
Ahura Mazda and his Immortal Ameshaspands have their Khare-
nangh. The Kharenangh of Ahura Mazda is like the " Gloria in
Excelcis" or Glory to God in the Highest, of St. Luke (II. 14).
All men have a kind of Kharenangh, halo or glory, but the great
men of a country have a peculiar brilliant Kharenangh. It is the
halo painted round the faces of prophets, seers and other great
men by the artists. I think that the following words of Prof.
Darmesteter give a good idea of the Iranian Kharenangh : " Lo
Hvareno est le principe celeste qui donne a celui qui en
est investi la puissance, la virtu, la genie, le bonheur : c'est la
fortune divine. C'est par lui que les rois sont rois : quand un
roi est renverse, c'est que le Hvareno Fa abandonn6." 3
Now, the reason, why the Kharenangh or Glory of the great
men of Iran is associated with mountains in the Zamyad Yasht,
seems to be threefold :
1 Vide my GujarAti Essay on the " Geography of the Avesta " in my
aWctl i*u<u*a H* *"W<1 tofl, <g3ll</l tR 5*Hl*3, p. 177.
2 For some accounts of these mountains, vide my Gujartni Dictionary
of Avestaic Proper names. Vide p. 93 for Tafcra and p. 21 for Asnavant.
3 Le Zend Avesta, Vol. II, p. 615. i. e. The Khareno is the source
which gives to him who is invested with it, power, virtue, genius,
good fortune ; it is divine fortune. It is by it that the kings are kings :
when a king is overthrown, it is because the Kharqno has abandoned
him.
212 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
(1) The Kharenangh or Glory or Halo is a kind of Divine
Light. The Sun is the source of all Light, and poets
and great writers among various nations have associated the
sun with mountains. The sun, rising from the summits of
mountains, gives, as it were, the idea of the mountains being
the seat of the Sun. The words, Kharenangh and khur (Khur-
shed, Sun), come from the same root, khar Sans. ;EJJ to shine.
(2) The Kharenangh, the halo is a divine gift ; and divine
thoughts are often associated with high mountains. There is,
as it were, something, on the other side of mountains, above the
mountains, which is unseen, something mysterious, which is
associated with the idea of God. *
(3) The Glory of Kings is allegorically associated with the
Sun and with mountains. The Glory of the kingdom of Iran,
the Glory of the Iranian king, is associated with mountains.
Abu Fazal, in his Ain-i Akbari, speaks of Royalty as a ray of
the Sun. 2
Now, after the list of the enumeration of mountains in the
Zamyad Yasht, there follows a list of the great worthies of
Iran who, one after another, possessed, more or less, the Iranian
Glory, the Glory of the country of Iran. Among the recipients
of this Kharenangh, this Divine glory, one is Zarathushtra
(Yt. XIX, 79). It was by virtue of its possession, that Zoroaster
thought, spoke and acted in the matter of the promulgation
of his new religion. We read :
*
Translation. Which (Kayftnian Kharenangh) associated itself
with Holy Zarathushtra, whereby he thought according to
1 Vide my Paper in Gujarftti on " Kharenangh or Khoreh " in my
"Lectures and Sermons on Zoroastrian subjects" Part II, pp. 161-77.
* Bengal Asiatic Society's Edition of the Ain-i Akbari, by Blochmann
Vol. I. p. 2. U. 22-23.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OP ZOROASTER 213
Daena (i.e. according to thoughts suggested by Religion), ho
spoke according to Daena, ho acted according to Da6na.
Thereby he was, in the whole of the corporeal world, the Holiest
in Holiness.
Thus, in the Zamyad Yasht, we find Zoroaster as one who
had acquired Divine Glory, the seat of which was, as it were, in
the mountains. Among these mountains, one was Asnavant.
In the Siroza Yasht (I. 9 ; II, 9), with the invocation of tho
(b) The smaller H ly Fire ar associated tne invocations of
and (c) thoTirger Mt. Asnavant, Lake Chaechasta and tho
^ Kayanian Kharenangh, referred to above.
__,. . . . -i
This association of ideas, suggest (a) the
association of the Divine Glory, acquired, among others, by
Zarathushtra with Mt. Asnavant and (b) the association of tho
mountain with a lake named Chaechasta.
But, after all, these are, as it were, distant suggestive
references. In the A vesta, there is no direct connection of
Zoroaster with Mt. Asnavant. But tho Pahlavi books point to
this direct connection.
(B) MOUNT ASNAVANT IN PAHLAVI BOOKS.
In some Pahlavi books, we find a closer association of Zoroaster
with Mt. Asnavant. We find direct references to the fact, that
Mt. Asnavant was tho seat of some of Zoroaster's consult-
ations (hampursagih) or conferences with the Higher Powers.
We find Mt. Asnavant referred to three times in the Bun-
dehcsh : (a) It is first referred to in a long
hesh. 6 Un Q " * ist * tno mountains in the chapter on the
"Nature of Mountains'* (Chegunih-i Kufan,
Chap. XII). All the mountains are said to have grown up out
of earth in 18 years (Chap. XII 1. Cf. pavan hasht-deh shant
hamak bara kuf min zamik madam rust humand. Chap.
VIII 5), 1 but the Elbourz took 800 years to grow up to
perfection. (Albourz val bundagih hasht sad shant hamak rust
Chap. XII, 1) 2 . Then the Bundehesh adds that 2,244
mountains form the long range of the Elbourz, and Asnavant is
one of these.
1 My Text and Translation in Gujar4ti of tho Bundehesh. p. 32
West, S. B. E. Vol. V. Ch. VIII, 5 p. 30 Justi, p. 19. 1. 15. Wester'-
gaard's Ed., p. 19, 1. 5. Unvala's Lith. Ed. p. 22, 1. 14.
2 Ibid p. 36. Justi's Ed., p. 21. 1. 12. West, S. B E. Vol. V, p 34
Westergaard, p. 21, 1, 11. Unvala'a Lith, Ed,, p. 25, 1, 8,
214 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
(6) Then, as to its situation, the Bundehesh says that it is in
Azerbaijan. We read :
i.e. Mt. Asnavand (is) in Ataropatakan.
(c) Then, in the chapter on Fire (Chap. XVII, 7) Mt. Asna-
vant is spoken of aa the seat of the Sacred Fire of Azar Gushasp,
founded by king Kai-khosru, when he was destroying idol-
worship on the banks of lake Chaechasta. Wo read :
Translation. Atar Gushasp was thus protecting the world
up to the time of the sovereignty of Kaikhusro. When Kai-
khusro destroyed (lit. dug out) the idol-houses on lake Chae-
chasta ...... at the very same place, on the Asnavand mountain,
he put up the Fire Gushasp in its proper place.
These passages of the Bundehesh are very important for two
reasons. (1) Firstly, the first passage points to Azerbaijan as
the place of Mt. Asnavant. (2) Secondly, the second passage
associates Mount Asnavand with lake Chaechasta. We saw
above, that the Avosta (Sirozah and Atash Nyaish) also pointed
to such an association.
The Pahlavi book, which comes to our help in directly asso-
ciating Zoroaster with Mt. Asnavant, is the
J5. Tho Zadspa- Z adsparam. The first eleven chapters of
the book are, as said by Dr. West, 3 some-
thing like a paraphrase of most of the first 17 chapters of the
1 Justi's Bundohesh, p. 24, 1. 2.
2 Justi's Bundohesh, p. 41, 11. 13-18.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 215
Bundehesh, but the second part (Chap. XII-XXIII) forms, like
the seventh book of the Dinkard, the Pahlavi Zarthusht-
narneh. In this part, we find two references to Mt. Asnavant
in Chapter XXII which bears the heading,
i.e. " On seven consultations 2 about religious matters, 3 with
seven Amcshaspands (which) took place at seven places.
In this chapter, we have an account of Zoroaster's consult-
ations or conferences with the seven Ameshaspands at different
places. Out of these conferences, two, the fifth and the sixth,
with Spendarmad and Khordad, are at Mt. Asnavant.
(a) As to the fifth conference, that with Spendarmad, I have
given the original passage above (sec. VII). So, I will give here-
again only the translation : We read :
" For the fifth questioning (or conference parashna), which
was with Spendomad, the spirits (min6) of the regions and quar-
ters and stations and towns (rutastakan) and villages (mataan),
as many as required, went with Zarthusht to the consultation
(ham-pursagih) at the place ........ where there is a spring
(khani) which comes from the Asnavad mountain and goes to
the Daiti."
(b) As to the sixth conference with Khordad, the passage runs
thus: 4
v
IKH*
1 Vichitakiha-i. ZMsparam, by Mr. Behramgore T. Anklesaria, p. 85,
1). 3-4.
2 Prashnoih, lit. Questioning.
3 Auddz, opinion.
* Vichitakiha-i Zadsparam, edited by B. T. Anklesaria, p. 88, 11. 6-8.
216 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Translation. For the sixth questioning, which was with
Khordad, the Spirit of the sea and rivers had gone with Zar-
thust to the consultation on the Asnavad mountain.
These two passages are very important. They directly asso-
ciate Mt. Asnavant with Zoroaster, as one of the places of his
Divine meditation, his converse with the Higher Powers, who
inspired him and who revealed to him his new religion. Again,
one of these passages associates the river Daiti, which, as we saw
above, both, on the authority of the Avcsta and the Pahlavi
books, flowed in the home-land of Zarathush.tr a, with Mt.
Asnavant.
Thus then, we learn from the indirect references in the Avesta
and the direct references of the Pahlavi Zadsparam, that the
house of Zoroaster was in that part of Azerbaijan where stood
Mt. Asnavant from which flowed an affluent of the Daiti. The
affluent may be the Dare j a.
(c) There is a third reference also in the early part of the
Zadsparam. It does not directly associate Mt. Asnavand with
Zoroaster, but it associates it with the Fire Gushasp, establish-
ed by Kaikhosru (on lake Chaechasta). It also places the moun-
tain in Azerbaijan. We read :
ne)
i.e. The Fire Gushasp (is) on Mt. Asnavant which is in Atar6-
patakan.
This passage is important in this, that it associates Mt. Asna-
vant, which the writer places in Azerbaijan, with the Fire
Gushasp, which, wo know was established by king Kaikhosru
on lake Chaechasta.
We have seen so far, that Zoroaster's very early life, before he
promulgated his religion, was spent in the vicinity of Asnavant
mountain which is in Azerbaijan. But much of our work
would be made easy if we could distinctly identify Mt.
Asnavant with any known mountain of Persia. Geographical
names so often change their forms while coming down from ago
to age, that, at times, it is difficult to identify ancient places.
But this mountain is associated in the Avesta (Siroza Yasht
s. 9. Atash Nyftish &c.) with lake Chaechasta and with King
1 Ibid, p. 42, 11. 13-H. Its Chap. IV, 85. ~~~
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOEOASTEE 217
Kavi Husrava ( Kaikhosru ). This lake was a place of prayers
for Iranian kings and personages even before Zoroaster. So, let
us proceed to determine further the question of the site of Mt.
Asnavant with the help of this fact of its association with
Chaechasta. We will, therefore, see what is said of Chaechasta
in our Books.
(2) LAKE OHA&CHASTA.
I will examine what is said of it (A) first in the A vesta
books and then (B) in the Pahlavi books.
(A) 'LAKE CHAECHASTA IN THE AVESTA.
is mentioned several times in the Avesta. It is mentioned
as the place of the prayers of some great men of Iran.
(a) Haoma, a pious person, living on its shores, prays to
Dravasp, for the boon of being able to capture Frangrasiana
(Afrasiab), in order to hand him over to Kavi Husrava (Kai-
khosru), to be punished by him for his having murdered Sia-
vakhsh, the father of Kaikhosru. Haoma's prayer runs thus
(Gosh Yasht, Yt. IX 18) :
'J
Translation. I may bind Franghrasyana, the wicked TUP
...... so that Kava Husrava, the son, may punish him
on the other side of Lake Chaechasta, (which is) deep and
broad-watered, in revenge for (the murder of his father) Siavar-
shana.
1 Some MSB. give tho word aa *&*>> vide Westergaard Yt. V
49n-2.
28
218 THE BIRTH- PLACE OF ZOROASTER
In this ^passage, the adjectives, deep (jafra) and broad-
watered (urvyapa) applied to the lake, are significant. I will
refer to them later on.
(6) There is an exactly similar prayer of the same Haoma in
the Ashi Yasht (Yt. XVII, 38).
(c) We learn from the Aban Yasht (Yt. V 49-50), that King
Kaikhosru prayed on this lake for victory against an enemy.
(d) King Kaikhosru prayed on the shores of this lake for
victory over Afrasiab, in revenge for the murder of his father
(Gosh Yasht, Yt. IX, 21).
(e) We find Kaikhosru saying a similar prayer in the Ashi
Yasht (Yt. XVII, 42).
(/) But the passages most important for our purpose, as we
will see later on, are the passages of the Sirouzi'h. Yasht, where
this lake is associated, not only with Kaikhosru, but also with
a mountain named Asnavant. We read (Siroza, 9).
Translation. "We invoke the Asnavant mountain created
by God. 'We invoke the lake Chaechista created by God.
(g) Similar is the invocation in the beginning of the Atash
Nyaish ( s. 5.)
We thus see, that Asnavant mountain is closely related with
Lake Chaechista.
(B) LAKE OHAfiCHASTA IN THE PAHLAVI BOOKS.
This lake is referred to several times in the Pahlavi books.
The Dinkard l twice refers to the Lake Chaechasta as the seat
1. The DinkArd * idol- worship destroyed by Kaikhosru.
l Dastur Dorfibji's Dinkard, Vol. XIII, p. 15. Book VII Intro-
duction 39. West, S. B. E.; Vol. XLVII, p. 14. Bk. VII, Chap. *> **
' d,, Vol II., p. 698. 11 20-21.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 219
(a)
Translation. The Glory reached Kaikhosru (the son) of
Siavkhsh ...... and it joined (ayukht) him in the destruc-
tion (makhituntan) and breakage of the idol-houses which
were on the shores of the Lake Chaechasta which formed a
strange (seat of) falsehood (darujih),
(6) The Dinkard (Bk. IX, Chap. XXIII, 6) again speaks of
Chaechasta as the place of idols destroyed by Kaikhosru. It
says that Soshyans held Kaikhosru in esteem for this work.
JW
3^1
\
Translation. The raising in esteem by Soshyos of Kai-
khosru on his destroying what were idol-temples on the shore
of the Lake ChaSchasta and on his smiting the magician Frasiav.
These passages are important in as much as they refer to the
event of the establishment of the Fire Gushasp referred to in
the statements about Asnavand, given above.
(a) In the seventh chapter (s. 14) of the Bundehesh, we have
an account of some extraordinary pheno-
hesh Un HHma of Nature which are spoken of as
ardab (P. v^l ) i.e., conflict or attack. In
this account, there is a reference to a great convulsion or
phenomenon, lasting for three days, with powerful wind (vat),
whereby three great seas and twenty-three small seas (tarta
zareh-i mas va bishto se zareh-i kas) were formed. In addition
to these, two sources (of water chashme) were formed. One
of these was the lake Chaechasta and another Sdvbar.
1 Ibid, Vol. XVH, p. 64, 11. lit seq. Bk. IX, Ch. XXII, 5. West.
S.B. E-, XXXVII, p. 225, Cbap XXIII 5. Madon's Ed., Vol. II. p.
818, 1. 6.
220 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
(6) King Kaikhosru is spoken of as destroying idolatry on
its shores and as founding the sacred fire, Adar Goshasp, in
its vicinity (Chap. XVII, 7). This passage of the Bundehesh
explains the above Avesta passage of the Sirouza Yasht and
the Atash Nyaish as to why, there, the lake and the king and
the mountain Asnavant (said to be the seat of the sacred
fire) are associated together.
(c) The lake is said to be 50 f arsaiigs distant from the lake
Husrav, which is identified by some with lake Van (Chap.
XXII, 8).
(d) A range of mountains called Asparoj
is spoken of as extending from lake Chaechasta to the country
of Pars (Chap. XII, 36). Dr. West takes this range to be the
mountain range of Western Persia of which Mount Zagros of the
Classical writers formed a part.
(e) The Bundehesh thus speaks of this lake in its chapter
on varhd i.e., lakes (Chap. XXII, 2). 1
Translation. Chaechasta is in Ataropatakan. Its waters are
warm 2 , (rendering people) free from injury wherein
no living thing (mandavamich) exists. Its source is connected
with the sea Farakhokant.
Thus, the 22nd chapter of the Bundehesh places this
Chaechasta lake in Azerbaijan.
The Pahlavi Zadsparam (Chap. VI, 22) also refers to an
extraordinary natural phenomenon referred
S " to > as sai< * above, in the Bundehesh, and
says, that the lake was the result of
that phenomenon. It adds that the lake is free from cold
l Justi's Ed. p. 55, 1. 11. The chapters referred to here are those of
West, S. B. E., Vol. V.
3 Medicinal if wo take word to bo darmdn.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 221
wind (la sarmd vM) and on its shore (bar) sits the victorious
Fire Gushasp 1 . This para then gives us some further inform-
ation viz., that the Sacred fire, Fire Gushasp founded by
Kaikhosru was founded on its shore.
The Bahman Yasht says : There arc some, who (have
sa id), 2 that Adargoshasp is on (the sh
f ) take Chaechasta which is deep and
and has waters free from harm (sheda).
(a) The Minokherad, referring to Idol worship, speaks of
5 Kaikhosru as destroying idol temples on
rad. m " the shore of this lake. It adds that, had
Kaikhosru not destroyed idol-houses
on lake Chaechasta, J J-w^O-tt^V* yy.
the work of the future apostles would have been very difficult. 3
(6) It refers to the same fact further on * and includes among
the good acts of Kaikhosru, the act of destroying the idol-
temples on the lake Chaechasta- 3 JJ< -()$-$)*> J
1 West, S. B. E. Vol. V, p. 173. Bohramgoro T. Anklesaria's Text,
Vichitakiha-i ZMsparam, Chap. III. 24, p. 27, 1. 2, n. 3.
2 Dastur Kaikobad Adar bad's Zand-i Vohuman Yasht p. 14, 1. 9.
West, S. B. E., Vol. V, p. 218, Chap. III. 10.
3 T. D. Anklesaria's Edition with my Introduction, p. 19, 1. 2 ; West
S. B. E., Vol. XXIV, p. 16, Chap. II, 95. Dastur Dorabji's Text, p. 9, 1. 9.
Andreas's Ed. p. 10, 1. 2; West's Pazend-Sanscrit Ed., p. 8.
* Ibid. p. 92, 1. 7. West, Chap. XXVII, 61. Andreas's Ed., p. 31,
i. 11; Dastur Dorabji'a Ed. p. 47, 1. 7.
222 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
If we summarise what is said above;
statements. * about Chaechasta, we gather the following
facts : l
1. It was a place of prayers for Kig Kaikhosru and Haoma.
2. It was a place, in the sequestered parts of which King
Frasiav (Afrasiab) had concealed himself for some time.
3. It was situated in the vicinity of Mount Asnavant.
4. There was in it a seat of idol-worship which King Kai-
khosru destroyed. That seat was a seat of strange falsehood
(shakaft drujih.)
5. After destroying idol- worship from there, Kaikhosru
founded the great Fire-temple of Adar-Gushasp.
6. The formation of the lake was due to some extraordinary
phenomenon of Nature. The phenomenon was accompanied
by high wind and lasted for three days. That great con-
vulsion of nature led to the formation of three great seas and
twenty -three small seas. Two big lakes were formed, one of
which was this Chaechasta.
7. It is 50 farsangs (about 150 to 200 miles) distant from
lake Husrava, another big lake formed by the above-mentioned
convulsion of nature.
8. It is situated in Ataropatakan (Azerbaijan.)
9. Its waters are (a) deep (b) medicinal, free (or giving
freedom) from injury t.c., possessing some medicinal qualities,
(c) permitting no animal life (d) and are connected by some
subterranean channels with a great sea.
Now let us see, with what modern place this lake Chae-
chasta can be identified.
(3) IDENTITY or CHA&GHASTA WITH LAKE URUMT^H.
There are several evidences to show, that the Lake Chae*-
Chagchasta, the chasta of the A vesta and Pahlavi books is
same as modern the same as the modern Lake Urumiah.
Lake Urumiah. The evidenceg ^ the following ._
(1) Etymological evidence.
2) Evidence of Physical nature.
0) Direct Evidence from a known Mahomedan author.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 223
I have, ere now, referred to this evidence in some of my pre-
vious writings. I have first referred to
sJIdJEST gical in m y G i erati * Essa y n *mm
V > U'il <r ft ^U^ (The Geography of Avestaic
times), submitted on 1st September 1884. 1
In Aban, Gosh and Ashi Yashts, 2 Lake Chaechasta, is spoken of,
as deep and with wide expanse of water (jafra urvyapa). Of the
word urvyapa (*Q - 4U **J> V the first part uru is the same
as uru in Urumiah. Uru ( (> >) Sans. ^ means wide.
The second part ap ( &* ,-&* ) Sans, m (lat. aqua, P.
vf ) is water. The second part rwya in Urumiah is Semetic
( -HjC in Pahlavi, U ma in Arabic) for water. In the Pahlavi
Bundehesh, while speaking of the water of Lake Chaechasta,
this very word " maya " is used. 3 The word urvydpa (in
some mss. urvapa) means wide or broad-watered. The later
modern word " Urumiah " is an exact rendering of the A vesta
word urvyapa, which is an adjectival epithet of Chaechasta.
What was, at first, a qualify ing adjective, has, latterly become
a proper noun.
We have several instances of this kind i. e. of adjectives
becoming proper nouns : (a) The first instance is not in the case
of a place, but in that of a person. Khusro Kobad (Chosroes I)
had the word Anousheravan (afterwards contracted to
Nousheravan), i.e., immortal-souled, applied to him as an
adjectival epithet. But, among later Iranian writers, the word
Nousheravan has become a proper noun and this king is spoken
of generally as Nousheravan.
(6) In another name of this very lake, we seem to have an-
other instance of an epithet of the lake giving the name to the
lake itself. Mayoudi says of Lake Urumiah : " It is situated
1 Vide my
(The Social Life, Geography and Articles of Faith of the Avestaic
times), p. 175. Fide my "Glimpse into the History and Work of the
Zarthoshti Din ni khol karnari Mandli (1922), p. 44, for my paper
on the subject before that Society in 1886. Vide my Dictionary of
Avestaic Proper names (1892), word Chaechasta, p. 77.
2 Yt. V, 49 ; Yt. IX, 18, 21 ; Yt. XVII, 38, 42.
3 Chap. XXII 2, Justi's Bundohesh, p. 55, 1. 11. Vide three pages
above for the passage quoted.
224 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
between the towns of Ourmiah and Meragh, and re
ceives in the country the name of Keboudnn (cJ 1 *^*"). 1
Prof. Jackson says : " The early Greek Geographer Strabo men-
tions it under the name of Spauta (written eiravTa in the Mss.)
which is supposed to be an error for Kapauta, the Persian Kabuda,
lit. c blue, cerulean '; but since my return to America I heard
two natives of Urumiah apply the name " Spaut ' to the lake,
although I did not hear it so called while I was in Azerbaijan
The attribute c cerulean ' is more probably due to the
color of the water, which presents a succession of blues melting
into purples, mingled with ultramarine and green hues which
were all the more conspicuous against a background of snowy
mountains and a shore whitened with crystals of salt due to
the incrustation of saline deposits." 2 So, just as the blue
colour (kaboud J)*0 of the water of the lake gave to the
lake one of its names (Kaboudan), so the broad expanse of its
water (urvyapa), gave it another name, viz., Urumiah, in which
maya is the Semetic word for ap, i.e. ,water.
The word urvapa or urvyapa is variously translated. Spie
gel 3 translates it as " rich in water "; Harlez as " broad-
watered" (aux eaux . . . largcs) 4 . Darmesteter 6 as " of salt
waters "; Jackson 6 as " whose water is salt ;" Justi 7 as " broit-
fluthig, i.e., broad-flooded ; Tehmuras Anilesaria 8 as ~vide-
waterod ( ^\[^\ Hl<gHl*(l ) ; Kanga 9 as wide watered
( ^"U Ml^tHMl ) Darmesteter has given a note over the
word in his fitudes Iraniennes (II. pp. 179-80), wherein he sug-
gests the signification of salt waters (aux eaux sale'es). But,
oven in the midst of all these significations, the philological
evidence stands.
l Magoudi, par BarbierdeMeynard et Pavebde Courteille, Vol. I, p. 97.
3 Jackson's Persia, Past and Present, p. 74.
3 Bieeck's Translation of Spiegel, Khordoh Avesta, p. 36, Aban Yasht,
* Avesta, p. 419.
S. B. E. ,Vol. XXIII, p. 66.
9 Persia, Past and Present, p. 73.
7 Handbuck der Zendspracho, p. 68.
8 Ardvicura Yasht ( ^HVflStf <Uct ), p. 43 (7).
* Khordoh Avesta, 10th ed. (1926), p. 269. Qoah Ylsht, 21.
THE K. R. OAMA ORIENTAL INSTITtJTE 225
There are several physical characteristics, attributed to the
formation of both, the Chaechasta and the
a ~ Urumiah which P oint to their bein g on e
and the same.
(a) The Pahlavi Bundehesh speaks of the formation of Lake
CLaechasta as the result of a great extraordinary natural phe-
nomenon in connection with water. It speaks of this pheno-
menon in its chapter (Chap. VII, 14) on " The Conflict with
Water (Ardab levatman maya)." It speaks, at first, of a great
storm which raged for 10 nights and days and then we read i 1
J
*-
_
_
Translation. In the end, the wind kept back the water in
the same way upto the end of the third day in different direc-
tions of land ; and three great seas and twenty-three small seas
arose from this (and) two reservoirs (chashma) of sea appeared
out of this one, the Lake Chaechasta, and one, Sovbar (or
Soubar), the sources of which are connected with the reservoir
of the (great) sea. 2
Now the formation of large salt lakes like the great Lakes
Caspian, Urumiah and Van, and other small lakes in, and in
the vicinity of, Azerbaijan are held by physical geographers
to be the result of a great natural phenomenon.
(6) The Pahlavi Bahman Yasht speaks of the waters of Lake
Chaechasta as medicinal and free from evils, i.e., disease (dar-
l Justi's Bundehesh, p. 17, 11. 16-18.
a Vide my Bundohosh in Gujardti for the transliteration and transla-
tion of the passage, pp. 30-31.
29
226 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
man * av i javid shaedaa (-HXX) tfty J ^ iP^) 2 * While
travelling in Azerbaijan from Tabriz to Urumiah, in October
1925. I heard,that people, even now, resort to the shores of
the lake for medicinal baths.
There is a similar reference to the waters of the Chaechasta
in the 22nd Chapter (s. 2) of the Bundehesh. There,
tho words, as given by Justi, are ^OJ
tfjnw -^
(garm may a javit bish aigh mandavamich janvar dayan la
yehvunet) 3 Here, the first word is ^J instead of 1-^.J
of the Bahman Yasht, and so, I, like Dr. West, 4 have read the word
as garm and translated it as warm (water). I think that hero
also tho word may be darman (P. u u j^, remedy, medicine). Tho
waters of a largo lake like tho Chaeehasta may not be hot.
With reference to what the Pahlavi books say of the waters, as
being javit-bish or free from disease, i.e., "having some medicinal
properties," let us note here, what Morrier saya of the waters
of the Urumiuh, of which he speaks as "the lake of Shahee." 5
He says : " Shahee, we hear, is inhabited, and contains
twelve villages, the inhabitants of which are said to be
strangers to the small-pox, and live to a good old age with-
out tho dread of it " 6
(c) The Bundehesh, in the passage, quoted just above (Chap.
XXII, 2), says of the waters of Lake Chaeehasta that they are
such "in which no living thing can live." (mandavamich j invar
dayan la yehvunet). This is true of Lake Urumiah. Yaqout
says of tho water of Urumiah, that they are " bitter and fetid
and have no fish or living animals". Baroier de Meynard thus
1 P. ujUj a remedy.
2 Dastur Kaikobad's Zand-i Vohuman Yasht, p. 14, 1. 9.
3 I have quoted and translated the passage in full in the preceding
section (a. IX),
4 S. B. E., Vol. V, p. 85.
B Morrior's Journey through Persia, Armenia and Asia Minor (1812),
Vol. II, p. 287.
6 Ibid, pp. 288-89.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 227
renders the passage : " Son cau est amOre et f6tide ; elle ne
rcnferme ni poissons, ni aucuno etre vivant." l Ibn Haukai
also says that it " contains not any living creature." 2 Mao>
oudi also, while speaking of the Dead Sea, refers to this fact.
He says : " They say that here is not in the world any other
lake, which contains neither fish nor, generally, any other
living being, except the one of which we speak and another
lake in Aderbaidgan on which I have sailed ". 3
Thus, we see that all the physical characteristics or qualities of
Lake Chaechasta, referred to in the Pahlavi books, are common
with what we read and know of Lake Urumiah. So, this fact
also points to Cha&chasta being the same as Urumiah.
The following statement of a recent writer on Urumiah points
to two of the facts, mentioned above, about the lake, viz., that
(a) it is wide- watered or extensive and (6) that there is very
little or almost no animal life in it. We read in the article on
Urumiah in the Encyclopaedia Britannica : 4 "According to an
old tradition, Urmia was the birth-place of Zoroaster." Then
the writer, speaking of the lake of that name near it, gives the
following particulars : It is about " 5000 ft. above sea-level. It
is 90 miles long north and south, 30 miles broad, and 250 round,
with a total area of 1600 square miles, but a mean depth of not
more than 10 or 12 feet (45 in deepest part sounded by Mon-
teifch) ........ There are as many as fifty-six islands ...... the
largest 5 miles by 2 ...... The lake is intensely saline more
so even than the Dead Sea, and is consequently inhabited by
no fish or other aquatic fauna, except a peculiar species of
small crustacean, which affords abundant food to numerous
swans and other wild-fowl." Another writer of the same
work, writing on Azerbaijan, speaks of this lake, which
is in this province, as " the supposed birth-place of
Zoroaster." 6
There is one statement in the above passage, which, at first
thought, seems to confound us. It is, that when the A vesta
speaks of it as jafra -u/^jL P. ^3} deep, in fact, it is not
so. This can be explained by saying, that the lake may be
1 Barbior do Moynard's Dictionairo Gootfraphiquo, &c., p. 85.
2 Ousloy's Oriental Googiaphy of Ebn Haukai (1800), p. 162.
3 I translate from tho French of Barbior do Moynard's Macoudi,
Vol. 1, p. 07.
* 9th Edition, Vol. XXIV, p. 12, col. 2.
5 Ibid, Vol. Ill, p, 108, col. 1.
228 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
deep in olden times, but now, by constant evaporation, not
sufficiently balanced by the inflow of fresh water, it has be-
come shallow. The writer of the above article says : " The
whole lacustrine basin, including the furthest sources of its
influents, has an area of about 20000 square miles, and the
flooded part stood formerly at a much higher level than at
present, as is shown by the water marks on the encircling
heights, and by the Shahi peninsula in the north-east, which
at one time was certainly an island." l If this explanation is
not acceptable, may I suggest another ? We may take the
word jafra (P.yJ) in the sense of "high." The modern
Persian zafra has, besides the meaning of " deep " also that
of high 2 , and we know that the lake is about 5,000 ft.
above the sea-level.
A known later Mahomcdan writer distinctly identifies Chac-
chasta with Urumiah. Hamd-Allah Mustawfi
in * ho Geographical part of his Nuzhat-al-
Qulub, written in 1340 A.C., in his section
on the " Account of the Lakes in Iran " (&^ j^ t& MjW^a
c**J e/f tfMj** j ) 3 speaks of this lake under the head
Chaechast ( Ow:$j^) 4 . This very fact of his using the older
Iranian name for this lake proves the identity. He thus-
describes the lake :
Translation. The Lake Chaichast (is) in the country of
Azarbuizan. They speak of it as a salt sea. The cities Urmiah
1 Vol. XXTV, p. 12, col. 2.
2 Vide jp$ in Steingass.
* The Geographical Part of tho Nuzhat-Al-Qulub composed by Hamd
Allah Mustawfi of Qazwin in 740 (1340), edited by G. Lo Strango (1915),
p. 240, 1. 11. Vide G. L. Strango's Translation (1910), p. 232.
* Ibid, Text, p. 241, 1. 3. Translation, p. 233.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 229
and Ushnuyeh and the villages of Khvarqan and Taruj and
Salinas are on its shores. There is an island in its midst and
on that place is a mountain which is the place of the burial of
the kings of the Moguls. , The waters of Taghtu and Jaghtu
and Safi and the river Sarav pour into it. Its circumference
may be forty-four farsangs.
This passage of Mustawfi is significant. It places the modern
cLy of Urmiah on the shore of this Chacchasta. Again, the ,
name of the city of Ashnuyeh (/oyl) seems to me to be
closely associated with Asnavant, the mountain in the precincts
of which Zoroaster had his revelation, as seen above.
Hamd-Allah Mustawfi speaks of the tombs of Moguls on lake
Chaechasta. We know that, lake Urumiah is, at times spoken
of as Shahi lake. At least, a portion of it is, even now, known
as Shahi. Prof. Jackson says : l "As for the modern name
of the lake, the natives generally term it Dariah-i Shahi, or
'Royal sea* after the mountain peninsula of Shahi or Shah
Kuh ". As to this Shah Kuh, Prof. Jackson says : 2 "A few
small islands the surface of the lake toward the south -
central part and from the middle of the eastern shore of the
mountain peninsula of Shahi or Shah-kuh juts out. This
tongue of land was onco an island twenty-five miles in circum-
ference, but it has become a part of the mainland, because
the lake has lowered somewhat.'* It appears that the island
is now spoken of as Shahi or royal, because, as said by Ham-
dala Mustawfi, there lived and died on it, some Mongol or
Mogul kings. ^
XIII.
(H) URUMIAH. IN WHAT PART OP URUMIAH WAS THE
HOME OF ZOROASTER SITUATED ? IN AMVI.
Now, having determined that the home of Zoroaster was in
Urumiah, there remains for us the last step or the last question :
In what part of Urumiuh was that home ? To answer that
1 Persia, Past and Present, pp. 37-74.
2 Ibid p. 73.
3 These Mongol rulers ruled in this part of the country in the 12th
and 13th centuries. The ruling dynasties of this land, after the (1)
Peshdadians, (2) Kayanians, and (3) Achaomeiiians were (4) the Ma-
cedonian Greeks of Alexander the Great (356-323) and his successors
up to B. C. 250; (5) the Parthians (250 13. C.~ 22G A.C.); (6) tho
230 THE BIRTH -PLACE OF ZOROASTER
question, there comes to our help a Pahlavi treatise. I will now
speak of that treatise and see, what is its reply to the question
and what name it gives us as that of the town which was the
homo of Zoroaster.
The Pahlavi Treatise is named Shatroiha-i Airan. It
helps us, not only to determine that Zoro-
aster belonged to Azerbaijan, but also to
determine which particular town or village
in Azerbaijan was the birth-place of Zoroaster. I had the
pleasure of translating this treatise in English for the first time
in 1899. Before publishing it, I had the pleasure of reading, in
January 1898 and March 1899, two papers before the B. B.
Royal Asiatic Society, based on this treatise. 1 I will quote
here, what I have said in the first of these two papers about
this Pahlavi treatise. " Shatroiha-i Iran or Cities of Iran is
the name of an old Pahlavi treatise lately published for the
first time, with some other Pahlavi treatises by the late
lamented Dastur Dr. Jamapji Minocherji. The book purports
to give the names of the founders of some of the known cities
of Western and Central Asia that had, at one time or another,
passed into the hands of the ancient Persians." I like to repeat
here, what I have said about my work of reading and transla-
ting this treatise, in my Gujarati preface of the book :
'" As said herein, of all my publications, published upto
that time (1899), I attach great importance to the book in
which the translation of this treatise was published. Out of
the three treatises comprised in this book, 2 I attach a higher
value than others to this particular treatise.
Sassanians (226 A.C. 651). Then "a succession of longer or shorter-
lived dynasties, like (7) the Ommiods (A.D. 661-749; (8) Abbasids
(749-847); (9) Ghaznavids (961-1186); (10) Seljuks (about 1030-1200);
(11) the Mongols under Jonghiz Khan (1162-1227) and under his grandson
Hulagu (d. 1265), who maintained his court at Maraghah " (Jackson's
Persia, p. 27.)
1 Those papers are entitled (1) "The Cities of Iran, as described in
tho old Pahlavi treatise of Shatroiha-i Airan" and (2) " The Etymology
of a few towns of Central and Western Asia, as given by Eastern Writers.**
These Papers are published in my AiyMgar-i-zariari, Shatroiha-i
Airan and Afdiya va Sahigiya-i Sisttin (Pahlavi Translations Part I).
2 I may say here, that, at tho time of the first selection of a scholar
for the Sir James Campbell Medal, tho lato Mr. Jackson had included
this work in his first selection of tho 10 best books, from the authors of
which one had to bo selected for tho modal.
THE BIBTH-PIACE Op ZOROASTER 231
As I have pointed out in my first paper on the subject before
the B. B. R. Asiatic Society, this treatise was written at the
end of the 8th century or in the ninth century. The treatise
speaks of 111 cities which, with few exceptions, are grouped in
large divisions. Many of the divisions are separated by the
common use of the words t: In the Direction of " (pavan koste).
In the division beginning with similar words -te$tty Mft)
P^WeMM W (pavan kostd AtarSpatakan) i.e. " in the direction
of Ataropatakan," two cities are named as Ganjak and Amui.
I will first speak of the city of Ganjak or Ganjah (^ft) 1 )
referred to here, as the mention of this town
anja ' is important in connection with the question
of Azerbaijan's connection with the Zoroastrian reverence for
fire: This city of Ganjak is spoken of by some asGazn. &j
or Jazn eJ->^. It is the city also known as Schiz (J-i-A ). Wo
read in Yaqout : " Shiz District of Azerbaidgan of which Mo-
ghai'rah ben Schabah took possession by capitulation. Its real
name in Persian iaDjezn ( y^ )or Guezn, of which the Arabs
have made Sckiz. They believe that it is the country of Zera-
duscht (Zoroastre), the prophet of the adorators of fire. The
chief place of this district is Ourmiah." 1 Then Yaquot, quoting
Mo9er says " One observes also at Schiz a temple of fire which
is for the inhabitants the object of great veneration. It feeds
all the sacred fire-hearths of the Guebrcs of the East and the
West. The dome is surmounted by a crescent of silver, consi-
dered as a talisman which several princes have tried in vain to
pull away from its base. What is remarkable of this place is
that the fire kindled since 700 years, leaves no ashes and ia
never extinguished." 2
Yaquot, on the authority of his same predecessor, Mo9er, can-
nccts with this town, in a somewhat varied or different form,
the story of the Persian Magi going to see the infant Christ at
Jerusalem. He speaks 3 of a king Hormuz building a temple
for this fire. Ho adds that, on hearing of the birth of the
1 I give my translation from the French of Barbier de Meyuard'
Dictionaire G6ographique de la Forse p. 367.
Ibid p. 368.
Aid p. 369.
232 THE BIRTH-PLACE OP ZOROASTER
infant (Jesus) at Jerusalem, in a village named Betlehem, this
king sent to him a messenger with perfumes, oil and milk.
Yaqout adds, that the messenger was given on his return a
sackful of some sacred earth by Mary. The messenger, on his
return journey, on coming to the place where Schiz stood, died. 1
King, r Hormuz, on hearing of this event, sent a person to
find out the place where the messenger died and to erect a
fire -temple there. The messenger could not trace the place,
but there appeared at once from the ground a flame. Ho took
that as the place of the death of the messenger, and built there on
the Fire-temple, known latterly as the Fire-temple of Schiz.
Yaqout says on the authority of another writer, that it was
at this Shiz, that "one finds Nar-dirakhsch ( cA^jajlJ ) a
Fire-temple much celebrated among the Magis and which tho
kings of Persia, at the time of their accession to the throne,
came to visit, on foot. The people of Meraghah call this
district Guezn ( &$ ) " 3 We thus see, that the city, known
as Shiz, is the city of Ganjah spoken of in the Pahlavi
Shatroiha-i Airan as Ganjak.
We have a very interesting and valuable paper of Henry
Bawlinson, entitled, " Memoir on the site of tho Atropatenian
Ecbatana," in the Journal of the Geographical Society of Eng-
land (Vol. X, pp. 65-158), wherein the author connects this
Ganjah or Shiz with the mountain in Azerbaijan, now known
as Takht-i Suleiman. He identifies Shiz with the Cauzaca of
the Greeks. This Greek name much resembles our Pahlavi
name Ganjeh. The same form of letter can be read as " k ",
1 This story explains, why tho Christians of Urumiah claimthcir Church
of Mat Mariam in the city to contain a tomb of one of tho Magi. I had
the pleasure of seeing this church, on 7th October 1925, during my visit
of Urumiah. The Bishop, Bishop -Madia, had kindly arranged to show
me the church which was boing repaired. According to this Bishop,
Malcoi, Bagdasor, and Caspar wero the throe Magi who had gono to
Jerusalem. Out of these three, Caspar was buried there.
2 This story is a kind of version of tho Iranian story, in which there
appeared a sudden flash of light, when Kaikhosru was attacking a certain
place in the neighbourhood. Kaikhosru put up the fire of the flame in
a tomple, latterly known as tho temple of tho sacred fire of Adar Gushasp.
Compare with this version the statement of the Pahlavi Shatroiha-i
Airan, that Atar6patak&n was founded by Airan GousMsp.
3 Yaqout's " Dictionnaire G6ographique, &c." par Barbier de Meynard,
pp. 369-70. Barbier de Meynard adds in a foot-note that Athar-el-
Bilad, giving the same passage, gives the name of tho temple as Azereksch.
The word nar jtt in Arabic means fire. So, in the name N^rdirokhsh,
we see an Arabic fgrm of Azarekhsch.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTEB 233
and " g "*. He has tried to show on the authority of Mocer,
the Arab writer quoted by Yaqout, of Zakariya and of others,
that the Fire- temple of Shiz or Ganzaca or Ganjah is ascribed
to Zoroaster.
1 have entered into a rather long account about Ganjeh, the
town of Ataropatakan referred to by the Pahlavi Shatroiha-i-
Aiian, because it helps our consideration of the question of the
next city named in the treatise after Ganjeh. Both these cities
of Ataropatakan are associated with the name of Zoroaster.
The Pahlavi treatise associates the second town, viz., Aniui or
Anivi, directly with the name of Zoroaster. We will now
consider the statement about this town.
In the description given by this treatise of the second city
* . Amui (I pronounce the name as I first read
Amui. . v L
it), we read as follows : 2
Transliteration. Shatr6stan-i Amui zandak-i pur marg kard
va Za.tusht-i Spitaman min zak madiml yehvunt.
Translation. The city of Amui was founded by the sorcerer
who is full of destruction (i.e., Ahriman), and Zartusht of Spi-
tama was of that city.
Now, in this Pahlavi treatise, the phraseology for the founda-
tion of all the cities is well-nigh the same as that given in the
above quoted section. It is " Shatr6stan-i ...... kard." In
the intervening gap, the name of the city and the name of
the founder are mentioned and here and there some interesting
facts about the city or the founder are mentioned in brief. As
founders of the cities, we find mostly the names of the ancient
kings and other worthies of Iran. But, in the case of this city
rf Amui in Ataropatakan or Azarbaizan, the founder mention-
ed is not any king or great personage but " zandak-i purmarg."
1 I have referred to Rawlinson's paper in my CujarAti paper, on the
" History of tho Fire temple of Azar GousMsp." Vide my tftt'ft Rx^l
G.in 1 (Iranian Essays. Part I.)
2 The Pahlavi Texts, edited by tho late Dastur Jamaspji Minocherji
Jamasp-Asana,with an Introduction by Bohramgoro Tahxnuras Ankle.saria
(1903) p. 24, s. 59. Vide My " Aiyadgilr-i Zariron Shatrdihd-i-Airan va
Afdiya va Sahigiya-i Sola tan, pp. 116-11 7.
30
234 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
Now what is this word zandak. In the Vendidad (Chap.
The Zandak XVIII, 55, 59), there is an allegorical conver-
sation between the Yazata Sraosha, and the
Druj, representing the Evil power. The Druj says that four
kinds of persons make her pregnant, i.e., lead to the increase
of her power. The fourth of such wrong-doing persons is one,
who goes about without being properly initiated into the reli-
gious fold. Such a man is compared to " zanda yatumenta."
Here, the word yatumenta is clear. It means " magician "
(from ydtu Sans. 3r Pers. ^ ). But the word Zanda is
differently translated. Spiegel has translated the word as "a
slayer." 1 Harlez 2 does not translate the word. He gives the
rendering of both the words as " les Zands sectateurs des
Yatus." Haug 3 translates the word as " spells." Darmes-
teter 4 does not translate the word but uses the same word in
his translation (the Yatus and Zandas), but says in the foot-
note : " the zanda is a hobgoblin." In his later translation 6
also, he does not translate the word but says in a foot-note :
" Zanda apotre d'Ahriman," i.e., zanda, apostle of Ahriman.
Kanga 8 translates it as <H*|'^> i.e., terrible.
The word occurs also in the Yaona (Ha LXI 3.) :
There also, it is variously translated :
Spiegel* translates it as " wizard ". Harlez uses the same
word (Zands et les Yatus) 8. Darmesteter 9 renders the word
as " Magie " (la Magie et les magiciens). Then, in a long note
(n. 8), he seems to connect the word with the later sect of the
" zendiks," of whom the Yazidis are the " modern specimens."
Thus we see, that though the translators differ, it is clear,
that the word " zand " is used in the sense of a bad person.
I Block's translation, p. 132 (121).
3 Avosta, p. 186.
3 Haug's Essays, 2nd ed., 249.
* S. B. E., Vol. IV, 1st ed., p. 199.
G Zend Avesta, Tomo. II, p. 251.
Vondid&d, 3rd ed., p. 295.
7 Bleek, Yacna, p. 129. Spiegel's Chap. LX.
8 Avesta, p. 383, Chap. LX.
Le Zend Aveata. Vol. I. p. 384.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 235
As to Pur-marg, the next word of the Pahlavi treatise, it is the
Pur-marg (Pouru- Avesta Pouru-maharka ( -
maharko). x
i.e. " full of death, or one bringing death and
destruction." It is often used with Ahriman e.g. in the Vendi-
dad (Chap. I, 3,5, 6, 7, 8 etc.)
Now why are other cities in the Pahlavi treatise associated
with the names of some great kings and personages of Iran as
founders, but not so, this city of Amui which is spoken of as
having been founded by Zendak-i Purmarg i.e. by Ahriman, or,
if not by Ahriman, by some evil-minded person ? The reason
is suggested by the account of the birth and childhood of
Zoroaster as given in Pahlavi books. We learn from these books
that the surroundings of the parents of Zoroaster the surround-
ings of the house of his mother's parents at Rai and those of the
house of his father in Azerbaijan were of all those evil-minded
persons, who hau begun to harass Zoroaster's mother and father.
The phraseology of the above passage draws our special atten-
tion from the fact, that it is similar to that
of The passage? 1087 which we find in the Pahlavi Vendidml, (1, 16)
with respect to the city of Rae. We read
there as follows :
_ p>
Translation. (Ahura Mazda says that the twelfth of the
glaces erected by him was) Rak of the three classes in
Ataropatakan. There are some who call it Rai. It has three
classes, three because good Acrun (Athenians), Artheshtftr
1 The Ms. used by Dastur Hoshangji gives the name as such, but some
Mss. give jA Vide his Pahlavi Vendiddd, p. 15, and foot-note.
2 One Ms, gives an additional word viz,, paeUk, but this is a later
addition.
236 THE BIKTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER
(Rathaeshtar) and Vactriyus are in that (place). There are some
who say that Zarthust was of that place. 1
Thus we see that, when in the Pahlavi Shatroiha-i Airan, the
phraseology is " Min zak madina yehvunt," that in the Pahlavi
Vendidad is " Min zak zinak yehvunt." In one, we have nuxdind
(the city), and in another, zindk (the place).
Again, the fact that the Pahlavi translator has added the
word Ataropatakan in his translation, is significant. Rak was
taken to be in Ataropatakan.
Then the question naturally arises : Why is it that in the
Pahlavi Vendidad the town of llak (otherwise called llae) in
Ataropatakan is spoken of as the place of Zoroaster, when in
the Shatroiha-i-Airan, Amui in Ataropatakan, is spoken of as such.
The reply is given by what we read of Kai in the Arabic writing
of SharastAni. It says of (^^^L>3) Zaradusht 2 v* ^ y
We saw above (s. XI.) that Dr. Theodor Haarbriichcr has
thus translated this sentence: " Sein Vater war von Adsarbaids-
chan, und seine Mutter, mit namcra Dughdu, von Hal." 3 i. e.
His father was from Azerbaijan and his mother, with the name
of Dughdu, from Kae.
Thus, we see, that Zoroaster is said to be of two places viz. (1)
Amui in Azerbaijan according to the Pahlavi Shatroiha-i Airan,
and (a) Rak (or Rae) in Azerbaijan, according to the Pahlavi
Vendidad. He is thus associated with two places, because his
father was of Amui in Azerbaijan and his mother of Rak in
Azerbaijan. In the phraseology of both these books the Sha-
tr6ih&-i- Airan and the Vendidad we find no word specially
speaking of birth. They merely say, that Zoroaster was of such
and such a place. But in the case of Azerbaijan, we saw in our
l Vide for the text of tho passage, Dastur Hoehangji 'a Vendidfid p. 15;
Dastur Darabji's Pahl. VcndidAd, p. 8. Spiegel's Vondidftd p. 6, 1. 1 For
Essays, 2nd ed., p. 3(>2.
2 Tho Text of Rev. William Cureton Ketab-ul-milal w a al-nahl
(1842) p. 185 1. 9 (Book of Religious and Philosophical Sects by
Muhammad al Sharastuni, Part I.)
3 Abu'1-Fath Muhammad asch-SchahrastAni's Roligionspartheien
und Philosophen Schulen, von Dr. Thoodor Haarbrucher Erster Theil
(1st Vol. 1850) p. 280.
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOBOASTEB 237
lengthy examination of the Avesta and Pahlavi passages, that
three of the writers associate the birth (zato, temman zad) of
Zoroaster with Atarfipatakan.
Thus, with the help of the Pahlavi Shatroiha-i Airan, we have
been able to advance a step further. Before that treatise came
to light in 1897, we were only in a position to determine that
Zoroaster was born in Ataropatakan, but with its appearance, I
pointed out for the first time in my paper, read before the B. B. R.
Asiatic Society on 26th January 1898, that we were in a position
to fix the town of Zoroaster's birth^ I said at that time in my
above paper : " Amui. There is one thing mentioned by our
text about this town which draws our special attention, because
it is mentioned here for the first time and not mentioned in any
other book. It is this : that Zoroaster was of this city (Zar-
tusht-i Spitaman min zak madiuu yehvunt). Amui is nowhere
else mentioned in connection with Zoroaster. Then the question
is in which part of Iran are we to look for this town as the city
of Zoroaster V I proceeded at that time to answer the ques
tion, but I find now, that I was on the wrong track. It had
been a dream of my lifo to visit Persia. I had thought of
including Azerbaijan in that visit, and of going there from the
Tehran side. Now, thanks to God, my dream has been realized.
I beg to submit that my dream is more than realized, because
I think niy visit of Azerbaijan last year has enabled me to
identify a particular village as the Amui of the Pahlavi
Shatroiha-i Airan. I will speak of this visit in the next section.
XIV
A VISIT OF THE VILLAGE OF AMVI.
I paid a visit to Persia on my way back to India. I went to
Persia from Russia, where I had been kindly invited as a guest
by the Russian Academy of Sciences which celebrated its bi-
centenary in September 1925. The Russian Government had
kindly given me all facilities to cross over to Persia. I first
visited Baku and Derbcnd in Russian Azerbaijan and then
entered Persian Azerbaijan via Tiflis and Julfa. I first stayed
for a few days at Tabriz and from there went to Urumiah.
Leaving Tabriz on the 5th of October 1925, and staying for
the night on the way at Tasuch, I arrived at Urumiah on the
night of the 6th and stayed with the Governor of the district
Haji AUkhan Bahadur. I beg to take here a note of my sincere
238 THE BIRTHPLACE OF ZOROASTER
gratitude to the Hakim Saheb for the very kind hospitality I
had at his hands.
The next morning, my first question of inquiry to the Hakim
was whether there was in the vicinity any town or village of
the name of Amui which, as said above in the preceding section,
was mentioned in the Pahlavi Shatr6iha-Hran as the place of
Zoroaster. The Hakim Saheb said, he knew of no place there
known as Amui. However, he said, he would make inquiries.
He kindly did so, and then $aid, that there was no place known
as Amui, but there was one known as Amvi. I was extremely
pleased to learn this, because I at once thought, that the same
word in Pahlavi and in Persian, can be read either as Amui or
Amvi. So, I expressed a desire to go and see the village which
I was told, was at a distance of about 12 miles. As there was
no road, it was difficult to go there. But the Hakim kindly
arranged for my visit. He himself had never seen the place.
He accompanied me. Had he not kindly done so, I would have
been obliged to return disappointed, because there was no pro-
per road, even for a cart. As he said, I was the first to take
the motor there and it took the motor six hours to pass over the
distance of about 12 miles. The way was, at a number of
places, cut off by ab-jftis or water-courses, and the motor, more
than once, stuck into the mud of these water-courses, taking,
at one place, about an hour and a half to extricate it. At one
place, the water was given another channel by filling up the
former channel with stones collected on the spot, and then even,
all attempts to extricate the motor failed. Fortunately there
came in a Kurdish villager and the Governor sent one of his
two attendants on his horse to an adjoining village. A few
villagers came in with their shovels and spades and extricated
the motor.
We arrived at the village of Amvi at about 4 o'clock in the
afternoon. It is, at present, a small village of about 25 Kurdish
families. Except the tradition and that even not generally
known to all the villagers that Zardusht was of that district,
there was nothing special to point out to us, that the statement
of the Pahlavi Shatrdih&-Mran, viz., that Amvi was the place
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 239
of Zoroaster, may possibly apply to this place. But there was
one ruin which was pointed out to me from a distance, which
undoubtedly showed that it was at one time a Zoroastrian
town. That was the ruin of a Gaor-tapah />** jjf. The word
Gaor is another form of gabr 1 (j ). So, Gaur-tapah would
mean the Hill of the Gabrs." 2
The village is situated on a beautiful site. The mountain,
situated at some distance behind, was covered with snow. There
ran in the vicinity a beautiful small river which the people
named Rud-khsineh-i Tfdin ^ U ^J^jj. This is the
present Kurdish name of the river. We saw in the preceding
sections that the river with which the abode of Zoroaster is
associated in tho Avesta is Dareja an affluent of the Daitik.
If this village of Amvi is really the place of Zoroaster as I
think it to be referred to in the Pahlavi Shatr6iha-i-Iran
it is difficult to identify Dareja with Tiilin, after the long lapse
of time especially because Geographical names often change in
many parts of Asia. On approaching the town, for more than
a mile, we see, here and there, land covered with loose stones
suggesting the ruins of a great town. The Rais of the village,
who had fortunately happened to come to Urumiah and who
had accompanied us, told me that there was a tradition
prevalent there that, at one time, the village was a great town.
XV
AMUI ON A SASSANIAN COIN.
1 will conclude this paper with a brief Note on a matter, to
q which Mr. Muncherji Pestonji Khareghat
n. a has kindly drawn my attention. It is this :
The Sassanian kings marked their coins
with the names of the mints where they were coined. Full
names of the mint-towns were not given, but only the initial
letters. But in rare cases full names were given. Mordtmann
has taken note of a coin with the mint name of AMIU \ J **
* Vide for an explanation of the word, my paper, entitled " An Avesta
Amulet for contracting Friendship", read before the Anthropological
Society of Bombay. (Journal Vol. V, No 7, pp. 418-26. Vide my
Anthropological Papers, Part I, pp. 137-139).
2 For those Gaor tappahs of Azerbaijan vide my paper before the
Anthropological Society O f Bombay read at tho Prince of Wales Museum
on the 4th August 1926.
Vide Jackson's " Persia Past and Present ", p. 91, for an account ofb
Gaur-tapah which he also names " ash-hills " ( Vide Ibid, pp. 90-98).
240 THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOBOASTEH
It is a, coin of the 5th year of Khusrau 7. It is* the first coin in
his list of the "Zwiter Typus". Mordtinaim has not read the
legend of the coin. 1
Mr. J . Do Morgan, in his article on the Sassauian Mints refers
to this coin. He gives the letters as lUMA reading tho name in
the usual Pahlavi way from right to left. 2 He says :
IUMA UIMA.
Cet induice est cit6 par le Dr. Mordtmann qui n'en propose
par de lecture, peut-etre Amui ^5^*' Amol sur 1'Oxus."
This Amui seems to be this town of Amui near Urumiah
and not Amol on the Oxus.
Mr. Furdoonjee D. J. Paruck has referred to this coin in his
" Sassanian Coins" (p. 136). This is a coin of the 5th year of the
reign of Khusro I and the name of the mint town as suggested by
Do Morgan (op. cit.) is Amui
Now seven other coins with the mint town letters --** have
been found and that name is taken to be that of Amol inTabar-
isfcan. 3 So, it seems that it is likely that the four letters AM 1 U or
AMUI in the above single-known coin of Khusro I were specially
intended to distinguish the mint name Ainui from the mint town
name of Amol signified by the letter AM *> on other coins.
One may infer from this fact, that tho coin may have been
struck at the above village of Amui or Amvi in Azerbaijan
which, though now a small Kurdish village, may have been, as
it appears, from the surrounding debris of stones and as tradi-
tionally believed, at one time, a big town, a town with a royal
mint.
1 Zoitschrift der Doutschen Morgonlandischen Gesellschaft for 1830.
Vol. 34, p. 116, 1. 17.
2 " Contribution a T Atude des Ateliers monfitaires sous la Dynastie
des Rois Sasaanides do Perse (Rovue Numiamatiquo for 1913, p. 108,
S. 8, No. 17).
3 " SftBsanian Coins " by Paruck p, 135,
THE BIRTH-PLACE OF ZOROASTER 241
Of course, this fact, viz., that there existed a mint in the town
of Amui or Amvi, if accepted, does not supply any further proof
of this town Amui being a place of Zoroaster, but it leads us to
infer, that the town associated with the name of Zoroaster as
his place or birth-town, had grown into importance, possibly,
among other reasons, by the fact that it was associated with
t^he life and teachings of Zoroaster.
I do not like to complete this paper without mentioning a few
honoured names of persons who had helped
A titud PrG8Si n f me in my travels in Azerbaijan. The Russian
ru 1 u ' Academy of Sciences, which had kindly
invited me, with more th'an hundred scholars from various coun-
tries of Europe, America and Asia, as its guest, at its bi-cente-
nary celebrations, had, with its Government, besides making
my visit of Russia itself interesting and 'nstructive, helped me
very much in my travels towards the frontiers of Persia. I beg
to thank the Academy and the Government for all this help.
Then on coming to my fatherland of Iran, the Airyana
(Vacja) of my Zoroastrian Mazdayacnan ancestors, I was helped
in my travels by all the Persian authorities. I beg to tender my
humble tribute of rospect and my most respectful gratitude to His
Imperial Majesty the Shah of Persia, who was then, at the time of
my entry into Persia, still the Prime Minister of Persia. At tho
request of Arbab Kaikhosru Shahrukh, to whom I tender my
best thanks for all his kindness during my travels in Persia,
His Majesty was pleased to direct that H. E. Mahomed Husein
Khan, the Farman-deh of Azerbaijan and Mirza Mahomed
Khan, the Governor of Tabriz, may kindly give me all necessary
help. I beg to tender my best thanks to these high officials. I also
beg to thank Yavar Abdul Husein Khan Tabatabai, the rais
of the city of Tabriz for the very kind hospitality of his house
that he extended to me during my stay at Tabriz. H. E. the
Farman-deh, in his turn gave me a general letter of Intro-
duction to all Government officials on tho way and a special
letter upon the Hakim of Urumiah, Haji Alikhan Bahadur who
kindly gave me the hospitality of his house. I cannot suffi-
ciently thank all these high officials for all the help they kindly
gave to me. I note with pleasure, that all these favours were
due to Arbab Kaikhosru Shahrukh, whom the Persian com-
munity of Iran is glad to see, taking a prominent part in the
affairs of the uplift of Persia.
51
Aban (Hah) . .
Yasht (See Yasht)
Abbasids
Abdulla Omar . .
Abu Fazl
Abulfoda 135, 1
"Account of the lakes in Iran
Achaemeaians . .
Adam John
Robert . .
Adarbad Maresp nd
Adar-Gushasp (Goshasp)
Adler
Adsarbai dschan
Afrfsiab
Afringan
Agni
Agraeratha (Agreras) . .
Ahriman 140, 141
176, 177
Ahuna vairya . .
Ahura Mazda 53,
143, 144
162, 170, 18
Ahwaz
Ain-i Akbari
Airan Gushasp
Airan-Vej 151
160, 161, 162
170, 171, 172
176,17,, ..__,.
Airyana, Iranian Countries
Akbar, King
Akbar, Court of
the Great
Akhbar Makhzanal .
Alamgir II. (King) .
Alchemy
Alexander, the Great
39, 40,
Alexander's courtiers .
Ali Gohar
AH khan Bahadur Haji
Allahabad
Alia Murda . .
INDEX.
Page
Page
Amesha Spenta (Ameshaspand
118,142,143, 144,162,211
.. 186
Amerdad .. .. 157,209
o
America 224
.. 230
Ammianus Marcellinus . . 133
.. 201
Amol 240
. 113, 212
Amu Darya 169
L94, 195, 198
Amui (Amvi) 132, 138, 229, 232
n Iran" 228
233, 235, 236, 237, 238,
.. 229
239, 240
.. 72
Andrea 221
.. 72
Anklosaria Ervad Tehmuras
.. 38
Dinsha 30, 35, 146, 151, 152 r
p) 185, 220
153, 164, 173, 174, 176,
221, 222, 232
210, 221
.. 195
Anklosaria Behramgore
.. 193
Tehmuras 29, 30, 44, 50, 61,
.. 20
52, 55, 56, 58, 132, 150, 157,
3, 17, 192
164, 181, 183, 208, 215, 2:1, 233
.. 17
Anoushoravan (Nousheravan) 223
.. 20
Anquetil Du Perrou . . 28, 48, 64,
143, 144, 164
65, 66, 73, 75, 76, 80, 81, 82,
181, 233, 235
83, 88, 90, 94, 96, 97, 98, 102,
.. 98
105, 106, 107, 110, 114, 116,
18, 139, 142,
117, 120, 122, 127, 128, 129,
147, 159, 161
134, 135, 144, 173, 177, 186
208, 211, 235
" Anquotil Du Perron of Paris
.. 176
and Dastur Darab of Surat."
.. 212
65, 107
.. 185
Anquetil Du Perron on King
57, 158, 159,
Akbar and Dastur Moherji
67, 168, 169,
Raria, Notes of . . 66
73, 174, 175,
178, 182, 189
Anquetil Du Perron's own copy
of his ze nd Avosta L'Ouvrage
trios 170,
de Zoroastre . . . . 64
171, 176
AntiaE. K. .. 150,154,164,173
66, 113, 199
Anthropological Society of
.. 113
Bombay . . 27, 93, 124, 239
.. 113
Apuleus . . . . . . 134
.. 202
Arabia 60
.. 101
Arabs 201
202, 203
Arabic Chronicon . . . . 203
36, 37, 38,
Araxes . . . . 163, 177
41, lv,2, 229
Ardai Viraf 38
. . 37
Ardebil . . . . 180, 197, 198
101
.. 237
Ardoshir Babegan . . . . 38
Ardoshir of Persia . . . . 9
.. 101
Ardvi^ura Andhita .. ..170
.. 101
Aria 177
244
INDEX
Page
Ariana . . . . . . 177
Arikhshan (Aushan) . . . . 163
Arjasp 179
Armenia 226
Armiah's (Jeremiah's) disciples 196
Arnobius . . . . . . 133
Arta Vahishta . . . . 209
Arta Viraf, book of the Parsi
Funeral Ceremony . . 26, 27
Artheshtar (Rathaeshtar) 235, 236
Asfandyar .. 178,179,202
AshaVahista .. 143,144,148
Ashem Vohu 119
Ashi yasht (see yasht)
Ashnuyoh 229
Asia 226, 239
Asiatic Papers . . . . . . 91
Asiatic Society, Bengal . . 212
Asnavant (Asnavad) moun-
tain 138, 166, 168, 181, 183
184, 185, 186, 194, 198, 208,
209, 210, 211, 213, 214, 216, 218,
222, 229
Asparoj 220
Assyria (Assur) . . . . 130
Asur 51
\tashNyuish 167, 194, 210, 216
220
Athornans 235
Atropatus .. .. ..179
Augustine St. .. .. ..133
^urangzobe . . 103, 107 205
Aushidar . . . . . . 162
Ausind . . . . 181, 209
Avosta Pazond-Snnskrit Mss.
of tho Sarosh Hadokht ..1, 4,
Awan (water) 165
yazad 165
Azar 179
AzarbaizAn (Aderbedjan)
(Adarbadgfm) (Ataropate -
kdn) 90, 91, 131, 132, 138
149, 167, 175, 176, 177, 178, 181,
182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 189,, 191,
192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199,
200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 207,
208, 209, 214, 220, 222, 224, 225,
226, 227, 228, 230, 232, 233, 235,
236, 237, 239, 240
Azar-fairiiz .. .. .. 178
Azar Gushasp 167, 199, 214
Azar-noush . . . . 178, 179
Azar Kaev&n Dastur . . . . 199
Azdohfik . .. .177
Azerbad
Azir (Azis)
page
..179
190, 191, 203
B
Babylon 1CD
Bactria (Balkh) 130, 132, 134,
136, 137, 188, 191, 197, 202, 207
BaHirewan 180
Ba e Jad .. .. 94, 194
Bagdasor 232
Bahman Yasht (see yasht)
Baiza 195
Baj .. 9, 10, 13, 14, 17, 18,19
21,22
Baj of Agreras .. . . 19
Ardafarosh . . . . 10
Bahmani an festival .. 21
,, Hapta Arr shaspand . 21
,, Mirio Marcshpand
(also known as Mino
Mareshpand Jashan). . . 1 7
Moktatma . . . . 21
Pantha Yazata . , 21
Thanak (Sri Thanak) 18
Vauant . . . . 20
Baji Itoo I . . . . 99, 10O
Baku ^37
Balaji Vishwanath . . 100
Baltah 191
Bamlipatam . . . . 96, 97
Baniom Kajahs . . 48
Bankipur Library . . 63
Btiptiste Baron Jean . . . . 95
Bariav (See Variav)
Bartholemy M. L.'Abbe 83, 88,
89, 90, 95
Baruch 203
Barzo 204, 205
Barzo Kamdin . . . . 205
Bassoin, capture of .. ..110
Bastan-nameh 205
Bay of Biscay 89
Bedd 180
Bohdinians . . . . . . 204
Behedin Dadabhoy Cawasji . . 10
Bohman-diz(Kouyin-diz) ., 19$
Behram Farhad Aspandyar 199,
203
Bejot Francois . . . . 82
Bolaschjan, Kurds of . . . . 180
Bengal Asiatic Society . . 81
tribute 101
Bengali S.S 16
INDKX
245
Page
Bcnvcsneste M. E. . . . . 67
Betlehem 232
Bbarueha Ervad Shoriarjoo . . 4
44 Bhim Dov " 108
Bhoxwlo (Bonsolo) family .. 105
Bhownagar . . . . . . 1
B'bliotheque Nationale 27, 55,
64, 66, 60, 80
Birbal 113
B. B. R. A. Society (Sco Royal. .
Asiatic {Society.)
Birth-Place of Zoroaster 129, 131,
133, 135, 136, 141, 144, 145, 146,
148, 152, 154, 156, 160, 162, 163,
164, 168, 172, 174, 182, 186, 187,
189, 198, 205, 206, 208, 227, 230
Blcok .. .. 144,224,234
Blochott E. . . 28, 51, 52, 55, 57,
58, 69, 70
Bodloin Library . . 63
Bogdanov L. . . 26
Bombay Gazetteer .. 11, 47, 49
Bombay Samaehar . . . . 137
Bostock and Ri ley's transla-
tion 133
Brahma 126
British Museum Library . . 63
Brown Prof. Edward . . . . 195
Buckinghamshire . . 79,80
Bulletin of tho School of
Oriental Studies, London
Institution . . . . 50
Bulsar 17
Bulur Tagli 169
Bundehesh 146, 148, 149, 150, 151,
152, 154, 157, 158, 172, 173,
175, 179, 181, 182, 194, 210,
213, 214, 215, 219, 220, 223,
225, 226
Burschasb . . . . . . 1 93
Busaw&ri 205
Burgess Dr 127, 128
Calbovis 92
Cam a Kharshodji Rustomji 131,
140, 146, 151
Oriental Instituo, K.R. I, 5,
6, 26, 35, 47, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66,
67, 87, 129
,, Memorial Volume . . 2
Cam bay.. . .. ..49
Campbell Sir Jamos 49, 230
Capperonnier Jean
Caspian
Cauzaca. .
Cui7,,n Mirza Mahomed
Caylins M. do Comto do
Cephahon
Page
.. 82
.. 225
.. 232
.. 56
83, 8D
132
Ceylon .. 67, 77, 78, 79,
Chaochasta, lake 138, 182, 184,
185, 186, 194, 198, 208, 213,
214, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220,
221, 223, 225, 226, 227, 228, 229
Chald;a 130
Chandarnagar . . . . . . 103
Charna Jamshedji Merwanji . . 25
China 129,130
Chist 184
Chowksy Kaikhosru Dadabhoy
64, 65, 77, 78
Christ Jesus .. 130, 231, 233
Chromcoii Paschaleor Chron . . 133
Churchill's collection of Voy-
ages and Travels .. 11,48
Civil Service of Ceylon . . 79
Clark Lt. Col. H. Wilberforce 63
Clemens Sic xamlrmus .. 133
Cleves 95
Clootz Anacharsis . . 95
Colombo 64, 77, 79, 80
Colophon of a document of
tho Naosari
Clergy . . 2
(Gujerati) an old
Ms. of the Ki-
tab-i-Darun
yasht . . . . 7
,, Old Parsee Ms. of
the Sarosh-Ha-
dokht . . 3, 4
,, Persian in Aves-
tic characters
of Kit&b-i-Da-
run Yasht . . 7
" Contest (with Ahriman) and
Revelation.".. .. .. 140
Copenhagen . . . . . . 121
Couli or labourer . . . . 108
Crusades 194
Cull i more Isaac . . 74
Cureton Rev. William. . 149, 236
Cursctji Jamsetjeo (Sir Jam-
shedji Jeejoebhai the JI
Bart.) 62
Cypress . . . . 90, 91
Cyrus 163
Cyrus tho Elder . . .90
246
INDEX
Dabistan 199, 203, 204, 205, 206,
207
Dadabhoy Kavasji . . . . 20
Dadistan-i Dini .. ..167
Daena 213
Dahak (see Zobak)
Daitiriver 138, 157, 158, 159, 160,
161, 162, 163, 164, 171, 172,
175, 178, 189, 207,209, 215,
216, 239
Vanghu .. . . 158
Dainania Nanabhai Hormusji 32
Bami (dakhma) (See Tower of
Silence).
Dante's Divine Comedy, Ms.
of 65
Dara (Darius) the King 27, 36,
37, 39, 40, 41, 42, 187
Darabjard 192
Darab Hormazdiar 29, 155, 188
Pahlan, Dastur, 4, 41, 118
Dareja (Darej) 136, 138, 141, 144,
145, 146, 147, 148, 149, 150,
151, 152, 155, 156, 157, 158,
178, 209, 239
Dariah-i Shahi (Royal Sea) . . 229
Dar-i M>her, a building . . 8
Darmestcter, Professor 8, 5,, 91,
137, 140, 144, 145, 149, 211,
224, 234
Darzi Zabar 147
Dastur Burjorji Sorabji . . 32
Ervad Jam shed ji
Soraoji . . . . 32
Kekobad Adarbad 184,221
Meherji Rana . . 66
Rustam Peshotan . . 35
41 Dati is full of Kharfastars." 164
Davar Dr. M. B . . . 139
Dawkins . . . 88
Daz-i Napisht . . . 38
Dead Sea . . . 227
Delhi .. . ..101
Derbend . ..237
Desai Sorabji Mancherji 11, 16
DesheraTekdi ' t$Ui Aiil ". . 12
Despotism in India, Origin and
Nature of 102
Dhabhar Bomanji Nusserwanii 62,
112
Dictionnaire Historique For-
tatif 83
Dillon-i Hafiz, an old Ms. of 62, 63
DinSakeh ...... 113
Dinavar.. .. .. .. 193
Dinkard 156, 157, 171, 172, 173,
183, 185, 208, 215, 218, 219
Djn-Zeradasht ...... 194
Diogenes Laertius . . . . 133
Disa Pothi, an old Ms. of the
" Parsee Massacre at Variav." 47
Divan-i -Hafiz, an old Ms. of 62, 63
Dizhur ........ 195
Dow Alexander . . . . 102
, History of .. 101,102
Drakht-i Asurik, notes on the
Pahlavi Treatise of 50, 87
Dravasp ...... 217
Druj ........ 234
Dughdho 141, 188, 189, 193, 236
Duke's Wood ...... 120
Duploix M ....... 103
Durgan Singh ji, Rija .. 17
Dyke P. Van 114, 116, 117, 118,
119, 120
E
EastwickE. B. .. ..186
East Indies . . . . 47
Ebhraya Gregorius Bar . . 203
Egypt . . 89, 130, 200, 202
Elbourz .. 210, 211, 213
Elephanta Caves 100, 110, 113,
124, 125
Elijah
Elphmstone Charles K.
Emerson G. R
Encyclopaedia Britannica
England
Entee Burjorji Ardeshir
Epiphanius
Eudoxus
Eusebius
*' Even if Heaven and Earth
were to meet" . . . . 183
203
. . 62
.. 90
59, 61,
227
.. 67
1, 5,
.. 133
.. 133
133
Falconer
Farakhdkant . .
Farazastan
Farazi at -nameh
Faribug
Farokhshi Pahlavi
Fars
.. 179
.. 220
.. 130
4, 118
.. 198
.. 113
.. 176
INDEX
247
Page
Farugh-i Mazdaysni,t.e., "The
Light of Mazdaism " . . 189
Farvardin Yasht (See Yaaht).
Farzanoh Behram . . . . 199
Fasha 195
Feridun (Faridun) .. 113,195
FIrdousi .. 91, 178, 179
Fire -temples 178
Fire-temple, Pars of . . . . 201
Schiz of . . . . 232
Fleischer, B . O. .. 137,194
Frangrasiana (Afrasiab) 217
Fravashi (Farohar) .. ..211
Funeral Ceremonies of the
Parsis . . . . 26, 27
Gabrs . . 239
Gambarya vad "M"<M$I q$" . . 12
Ganjak (Ganjah) 231, 232, 233
Ganzaca, Fire temple of . . 233
Gaor-taph 239
Gazn (Jazn) 231
Goiger, Dr 137
Geldner, Prof. Karl 134, 136
Oent.il, Mon 108
Geographical Society of Eng-
land. . 232
> Lon-
don.. 135
" Geography of the A vesta
George Augustine Anthony
Georgius Syncellus
German Oriental Society
Library
Germany
Ghazi
Ghaznavids
211
86
133
63
59
.. 101
.. 230
.. 128
.. 211
.. 191
.. 167
167, 175
Gharapuri
" Gloria in Exce cis '
Goeje,J. de
Gopat
Gopat-Shah
Gosh yasht (See Yasht).
Gottwaldt 191
Gourbander (Gore Bunder) .. 110
Grand, Abbe Le . . . . 78
Gregorie, Henry . . . . 123
Greegory of Tours .. ..133
Grose, John Henry . . . . 92
Guebres 231
Guezn 232
Guignes, M. de . . 89, 90. 93
Page
*" Gujarat Parsees " .. .. 11
Gunjab, Fire -temple of . . 233
Gurjastaii . . . . . . 164
Gushtasp, King 91, 178, 190, 191,
192, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199,
200, 201, 202, 203
H
Haarbrucher, Dr. Theodor 193,236
Hufiz 63
Haider Ali . . . . 96, 97
Hakim Sahob . . . . . . 238
Hamd-Aliah Mustaufi 198, 201>
228, 229
Hamilton . . . . . . 1 79
H am za- Isfahan! . . . . 191
Hanovor . . . . . 89
Haoma 139, 141, 162, 217, 218,
221
Yasht (See Yasht Horn).
Yazad . . . . 19
Hara Berezaiti . . . . 210
Harlez 136, 144, 145, 149, 224,
234
Hastings, Governor -General 99,101
Hataria Maneckji Limji . . 205
Hang 38, 136, 144, 147, 148, 234
Haukal Maragha . . 201, 227
Hermippus . . . . . . 133
Himalaya . . . . . . 61
Hmdostan, History of . . 102
Hirjee Nanabhoy . . . . 33
" Historia Religionis Veterum
Persarum " . . . . . . m
History of Naosari (See Nao-
sari, History of)
Persia . . . . 135
the Early Kings of
Persia . . . . 130
Hodhaifah ben ol- Yemen . . 180
Hodiwala Shapurshaw Hor-
musji . . . . . . 206
Holland 120
Homaji Baj " gwi oti* . . \\
" Home and Age of the Avesta"137
Home of Zoroaster . . 189, 229
Horn -ritual (Homigan) . . 162
Horn Yasht (Seo Yasht).
Hormazd Yasht (See Yasht).
Hormazdyar Behram Rahman 205
Dastur Rustom
Peshotan ..29,30
Hormus, King . . . . 231, 232
248
INDEX
Pago
Howell .. 69, 71, 72, 76
Hugar 209
Hugo do Sancto Victore . . 133
Hyde, Dr. Thomas .. 110, 111, 195
Hypograstric arteries . . . . 108
I
Ibanel-Moqanna . . . . 179
Imperial Library, Calcutta 63
Inostranaev, K. A. 26, 27, 28, 38,
40, 41
Inscriptions Cuneiform .. 123
Persipolis . . 123
Ionia . . . . . . . . 4
Iran (See Persia)
Kingdom of .. ..198
Iran nameh 207
Iranian Renaissance . . 38
,, Savanarola . . 38
World .. ..210
Irani dus .. .. ..211
Iraq 176, 182, 191, 195, 198
Irmiah (Jeremiah) prophet of 202
Isfandyar (See Asfandyar).
Isiodorus .. .. ..133
Islamism . . . . . . 198
Ispahan 93
Istakhar 130, 196, 197, 202
Jackson, A.W. Williams 131, 132,
133, 136, 144, 145, 151, 176,
177, 203, 224, 229, 230, 239
Jackson's " Zoroaster, the
Prophet of Iran " . . . . 91
Jaghtu 229
Jamasp Asa Dastur Hoshung
38, 147, 160, 207,
236
Dastur Kaikhus-
ru J. 38, 111
Jamasp Asana Dastur, Dr.
Jamaspji Minocheherji 50, 61,
131, 146, 147, 148, 233
Jamasp i . . . . . . 1 84
Jarn-i Jamshed . . 65
Jamshed 139, 159, 168, 182, 192
Jamshed-nameh . . . . 169
Jamshed's Var . . . . 175
Jamyad Yasht (See Yasht
zamyftd).
Pago
Jarrott, Major H. S. . . . . 63
" Jarthosht -nameh " (See
Zarthosht -nameh).
Jaahans of Mehergan (See
Mehcrgan).
Jehangir, the Emperor 199, 205
Jehangir Khan. . . . . . 230
Jeremiah (See Irmiah)
Jerusalem .. 130, 191, 231
Jogeshri, Temple of 83
Johnson, C. P 59
Jones, Sir William . . . . 81
Joti (See Zaoti).
Jubilee Volume, Sir J. J. Z.
Madressa 20
Julfa 237
Julian, Emperor . . . . 133
Justi Ferdinand, 137, 144, 145,
150, 151, 152, 1^3, 154, 155,
164, 173, 181, 182, 210, 213,
220, 223, 224, 225, 226,
Justin 133
Kaikans .. .. 187, 19,
Kaikhosru (Kai-Khusru) 187, 132,
198, 216, 217, 218, 219, 220,
221, 222, 232
Kaikhosru Shahrokh Arbab 189
Kali Yug 33
Kamdin Dastur Burjor . . 34
Shapur's Rivayet 9
Kanga, Edulji C. . . . . 224
K. E 146
Nowroji Manockji 160, 180,
236
Kangdez .. .. 174,175
Kaiihcri caves .. .. ..110
Kara 101
Karkaria Merwanji . . . . 24
Kashmar or Kashmar. . .. 90
KausiViraf 34
Kayanians . . . . . . 229
Keboudan 224
Keluskar, K. A 105
Kercsaspa 139
Kermaii (City) . . . . 3
Kormani Kaikhusru Shahrokh
(See Kaikhosru Shahrokh
Arbab).
Khaled 194
Khaniras 175
Khareghat, M. P. . . 20, 239
INDEX
249
Page
Kharenangh . . . . . . 210
Kharfastars . . . . . . 1 64
Kharzom 192
Khorassan 90, 91, 176, 192
Khordad 209
Kh-rshod (Sun) .. 88,212
Khusro Kobad (Khosroes I) 223
Khshathra-Vairya . . 143, 144
Khusrau 7 240
Khusro (Nosherwan Adal) . . 184
Khusro 1 240
Khvarqan 229
Kila Patol Kuverji Bharucha 32
Kissch-i Sanjan 10, 47, 49
Kitab-i Darun yasht, an old
MS. of 6, 7, 47
Kohkan, town of Kali an i . . 30
Korans 23
Koufah 179
Kumaria Burjor P. . . . . 35
Kundrasp, mountain . . . . 172
Kurdish river 239
villager . . . . 238
Kuschtasf 193
Kusiti 187
Kutar Ervad Mahiyar Now-
rojee . . . . . . . . 29
Kuverii Nanabhoy . . . . 33
Lactantius . . . . . . 1 33
Ladvocat, M. L'Abbe . . . . 83
Lanjuinais, Jean . . . . 69
' M. 68, 72, 109
Victor Ambroise . . 69
Larouse, M 70
Lebanon (Libanu) Mountain 92
Lee, Dr. J. 69, 71, 72, 73, 74,
75, 76, 77, 96, 98, 100
Lee, Frederic . . . . . . 79
George . . . . 78, 79
Rev. Nicholas (Fiott) . . 78
Leslie do Saram 64, 65, 77, 79, 80
Levi, Dr. Silvain . . . . 66
M. Daniel 66, 94, 117
Leyden .. 117, 119, 195
Linschoten, John Hinghen Van. 127
Lord, Revd. Henry . . . . 47
jorenzj Charles Ambrose 77, 79
Luhrasb 193
M
Macedonians . . . . . . 1 79
Macqudi 192, 198, 223, 224, 227
Page
Madon, D. M. 156, 157, 161, 162,
171, 183, 218, 219
Madras 77
Magic 203
Magis 232
religion of . . . . 197
Mah-dinar (Dm-i Zardasht) 194, 198
M>thi, Colony .. .. 94,112
Mahomed Bcgada . . 49
Mahomodan rule over Naosari 2
Mahratta freebooters . . . . 8
Mahvandad 184
Maidyomah 175
Mainy6-i Khard 174
Makhsaruil Akhbar (See Akhbar
Makhzanal).
Malcoi 232
Malcolm, Sir John . . . . 135
Malesar .. 11, 12, 13, 24
MalcKherbos, M. Lamoignon do 89
Mar&ghe (Maragha) 200, 201, 230
232
Marcellinus Ammianua .. 133
Marlirt, bishop . . . . 232
Marolia Hormusji Maneckji . . 32
Mary 232
Mazdayasni religion 33, 140, 161,
Media 131, 132, 133, 135, 137, 177
Median dynasty . . . . 177
Mehor (Mithra) . . 88, 93
Meherangan, Jashans of . . 19
Mchcrii Rana Dastur Erachji
S 91
Mohta, S. S 17
" M-3inoire sur la religion " . . 69
Meragh 224
Moynard, B. do 198, 226, 232
Miandj 180
Mianclouzaii 180
Michael Glycas . . . 133
Mills, Dr 136
Mimeiid .. .. ..180
Minochcr Homji Rustom
Sohrab Khorahed . . . . 45
Minokherad .. 174, 176, 221
Mirkhond 134, 195, 196, 197,
198, 201, 202
Mivan 209
Mobad-i Mobadan (A High
Priest) 187
Mocer 231, 233
Moghairah ben Sehabah . . 179
Moguls 229
Mohl 198
Mohsan Fan! . . . . 203, 205
250
INBEX
Page
Mokhtar Mir . . 200, 201 , 202, 203
Mongol (Mogul) Rulers . . 229
Monpesor . . . . . . 127
Monteith 227
Morarao (Madho Rao) (Madhav
Rt\o) . . . . 99, 106
Morrier 226
Mordtman ' .. .. 239,240
Morgan J. Do 240
Moulton, Dr 136
Muajam al asar . . . . 201
Muktad 21
Holidays .. ..21
Muhammad Abul Fath . . 236
Mulla Ferozo Library 63, 201, 202
Munshi Naval Kishor 191, 196
Munshi RustornjiNussorvanji.. 17
Munstcr, Frederic . . . . 121
Murtaza Elamul Hada . . 199
Mysore 97, 207
IM
Nameh-i Farazastan . .
Nanabhai Punjiah
.. 205
. . 33
Punjiah's Towor of
Silence . . . . 31
Naosari 2, 8, 4, 11, 12, 13, 16, 24,
30, 31, 32, 47, 48, 49, 56,
118, 130, 204, 205, 206,
207
' History of .. 11, 16
Mahomed rule over . . 2
Parsis of . . 13
Priests of . . . . 8
Nar-dirakhsoh 232
NasasAlars, carriers of dead
body 42
Nassakhanah . . . . . . 43
National Library of Paris,
Iranian MS. in . . . . 52
''Nature of Mountains " .. 213
Naval Keshore (See Munshi
Naval Keshore).
Nawabs of Surat . . . . 43
Nazhat-al Qulub 130, 198, 228,
Nehawend . . . . 180, 194
Nejai Shekan (Breaker of
Envy) 8
Neryosang Dhaval . . . . 29
Sanskrit version of 1 39
Niebuhr 115,119
Nilkanth, Rao Bahadur Ra-
manbhai Mahipatram . . 17
Nishapur 184
Dad Hormazd of ..184
Page
Nizami , . . . . . . . 37
Noii-Behdins (non-Zoroastrians)204
Noshirwan Behram . . 34
Noshirwaii Marzban . . . . 38
N6tar 183,184
Nowrozjee Furdoonji . . . . 56
Omar ben Khattab
Ornmiads
Orient (Town) . .
Orosius Paulus
Ottor M.
Ousley, Sir William
Oxus . .
..179
. . 230
. . 89
.. 133
. . 83
74, 201, 227
.. 169, 240
Paitiraspa (Paitirasp) 156, 188
Paitizbaranh . . . . . . 145
Palestine .. .. 130,191
Palestinian origin . . . . 203
Palm Sunday . . . . 60
Palmyra City 87
Inscription 86, 92
Pamphylia 130
Ptuiipat, disaster of . . . . 101
Pardi 17
Pars .. 198, 200, 201, 220
Pans 65, 67, 80, 82, 83, 91 95
,, National Library . . 40
Parsees of Malesar . . . . 47
Parsi Journal . . . . 47
King 41
Prakash 2, 7, 8, 19, 29, 34,
205
Parthians . . . . . , 229
Paruck Furdoonjeo, D. J. . . 240
Pastoret, Mon. De . . . . 135
Patel Bomanji Byramji, Khan
Bahadur .. .. 8, 11
Patot Avestam .. ..119
Pashemani .. ..119
Patna 119
Pathan Rahemankhan Kale-
khan 17
Paulus Orosius . . . . 13?
Paum Cornelius de . . 95
Perry, W. J 93
Persia 2, 9, 31, 33, 34, 39, 40, 48,
89, 130, 133, 135, 137, 179,
186, 199, 201, 211, 212,
226, 232
INDEX
251
Peraia, Geography of . . 1 86
, Past and Present " . . 239
Persian Magi . . . . . . 231
Persians, Religion of .. ..110
Peshdadians 229
Peshwas, genealogical Table
of .. .. 100, 105, 106
Plato 133
Pliny 133, 134
Poetry 203
Poona 99
Porphyrius 133
Pourushaspa 138, 139, 140, 141,
142, 144, 147, 149, 150, 151,
153, 150, 157, 158, 160, 162,
164, 166, 172, 180, 188, 189, 208
Prince of Wales Museum . . 239
Procounessus . . . . 130
Punjiah r - ^Mioy . . . . 29
Pythagoras 134
Quatremere, Mona 177
Rabadina Ervad Framji Aspan-
diarji . . . . . . 145
Rae (Rai) 130, 137, 181, 187, 188,
1 S9, 193, 204, 205 207, 235, 236
Ragh 183, 184
Raghoba (Raghunath) 99, 100
Raghunathrao 106
Rajah Bai 113
Ram Yasht (See Yasht).
Ram Khastar 171
Ramraja (Rajaram) . . 104, 105
Randelia Bhunji Jivanji . . 108
Jivanji Sorabji . . 109
Rander 108
Ratanpur, the Rajput Chief
of 11,49
Raihvi 23
Rauzat-us Safa .. 134, 201
Rawlinson, Sir Henry 135, 177, 232,
233
Rebeyro, Captain John . . 78
" Religious Customs and Cere-
monies of the Parsees " . . 88
Rennes 69
" Revue de 1' Bistoiro des
Religions " . . . . 50
Rivayets 9
Page
Rivayet, Darab Hormazdiar's
29, 155
Dastur Asfandyar's. . 29
Robespierre . . . . . . 95
Romans. . . . . . . . 195
Rosenberg, Prof. Frederic 186, 187
Rouin 195
Rousseau. Jean Francois Xavier
93,94
Jacquo . . 93
Royal Asiatic Society, Bom-
bay Branch 63, 65, 91,
230, 231, 237
Astronomical Society 73
Geographical Society .. 177
Rud-khanch-i Tahn .. ..239
Rupram, Rao Saheb Mahipa-
train .. .. ..14
Russia 237
Russian Academy of Sciences 237
Rustarn Khorshed Aspandyar 2, 3
Peshotan . . 33, 45
Rustarm's dami . . . . 40
S. B. E. Vol. IV
163
137, 140, 145,
234
V 150, 152, 154,
164, 165, 173, 181,
182, 183, 213, 221, 226
, XXIII.. .. 224
, XXIV
, XXXI
, XXXVII
175, 221
.. 136
157, 172,
219
XLVII 156, 161,
171, 183, 208, 218
112
112
112
167,
Sad-dar-i-Bchr-i Tavil
Sad-dar Bundehesh
Nasr . .
Safi 229
Sagdco (Sagdid) (Sagri) . . 42
Sahand . . . . . . 177
Saklatwaia Jamsetjee Edulji 6
Salrnas 229
Salsette and Bassein, cession
of 99 ,
Samarkand 195
Sambadji 104
Samper Aifab . . . . . . 104
Sanjan .. 10, 11, 48, 49
Sanjan, Fire -temple of . . ) 6
252
INDEX
Sanjana Dastur Edulji . . 199,
200, 202
,, ,, Mo bads . . 8
Peshotm By-
ram ji 18,186
Sanjana Shams-ul-Uluma Das-
tur Darabji P. 62, 132, 146, 157
236
Saoshyants
Dr. Peshotan B. 62
. . 139, 219
Sarai 209
Saram, F. J 65
G. de 65
Sarasti (Shrasvat), goddess of
learning . . . . . . 33
Sarav 229
Sarosh-Hadokht, an old
Avesta-Pazend-Sanskrit MS
of 1
Sarosh Hadokht yasbt (see
Yasht).
Sassanians . . . . . . 229
Sassanian coins . . 239, 240
Kings . . . . 239
Mints . . . . 240
Satvas 175
Savalan (Sabilan) . . . . 198
Schiz 231,232
Seorirai Kharshedji Nusser-
wanji . . . . 11
Seljuks 230
Senarte, Prof 66
Seringapatam . . . . . . 97
Shah Alam 101
Shahee 226
Shahi (Shah Kuh) . . 228, 229
Shapurji Edulji . . . . 108
Sharpe Daniel . . 72, 76, 77
ShahJahan .. .. 103, 205
II .. .. 107
Sharastan (Sharistan) 192, 201
Sharastan-i -Chehar Chaman 130,
199, 201, 202
Sharastani Abul FathMuham-
mad Asch . . 192
,, Muhammad Al .. 192
Shatrivar 148
Shatroiha-i Airan 131, 179, 185,
230, 232, 233, 236, 237, 238, 239
Shatvir (Shehrivar) . . . . 209
Shea David 130, 197, 203, 204,
205, 206
Shehryar, Emperor Yazdajard 2
Page
Shirvan . . . . . . 182
Shivaji . . . . . . . . 105
the great Maratha
leader . . . . 105
genealogical table of 105
Shiz 130
,, Fire-temple of . . . . 233
Shuja 103
Siavaksh .. .. 217, 219
Siavakshnameh . . . . 29
Siddha Raj Jaisinha, King of
Anhilwad 16
Silan 180, 198
Sindia Mahadaji . . 101
Sir -Darya (See zaxartes).
Sirouza Yasht (See Yasht).
'* Site of Atropatenian Ecba-
tana" 177
Siva 126
Smith, Dr. Robertson . . 88
Vincent 99, 101, 113,
S6vbar (Soubar) . . 219, 225
Sped (Sapid) river 181, 182
Spencer Mons. . . . . . . 103
Spendomad . . , . ] 48, 209
Spenta Armaiti . . 143, 144
Spiegel, Fr. .. 132, 137, 139,
144, 14f
Sraosha 234
Stanley 134
Stewart 69, 71, 72, 76
Strabo .. .. 179, 224
Strange, C. Le. . 130, 198, 228
" Studies in Parsee History " 205
Suidar 133
Surat 8, 9, 33, 48, 49, 75, 94,
103, 110, 120, 124
Treaty of . . . . 99
Suttee, the Hindu custom of 107
Swaley . . . . . . . . 48
Syria .. .. 129, 130, 176
Tabari 190, 191,
Tabaristan
Tabasar ul a warn
Tabriz
Tabruz
Tadmor
Tara
Taghtu
Taillefer, Mon.. .
Takakhav, Prof.
196,
204, 226
198, 203
176, 240
200
237
204
60
211
229
120
105
INDEX
253
Page
Takht-i Suleiman 135, 177, 232
" Tamam Avesta " . . . . 20
Tarikh-i Gazideh .. ..195
Tarikh-i Seni Muluk-al-Arz . . 191
Tarrav Mobad (Toiru Mobod) 204
Taruj 229
Tasuch 237
^ata Sorabji Nusserwanji . . 8
Tavarikh-i Naosari .. .. 11
Tazkarat a) a warn . . . . 199
Tehran . . . . 189, 202, 237
Tellichery .. .. 89,112
Texeira 135
Thanak in Gujerati means a
kind of altar on which offer-
ings are arranged . . . . 18
Theon 132
Thraetaona .. .. 113,139
Tiflis . . 237
Tigris 182
Tower of S I. -* 17, 33, 39, 41
Treaty of cJurat . . . . 99
Trojan War (See War).
Trombay 124
Troy, ruins of 83
Trustees of the Parsi Punchayet
Fund and Properties 4, 62
Turanians . . . . . . 195
U
Udvada 17
Udvada Fire-teraple .. .. 17
Upadhyaya Vajeram Fran-
shanker . . . . 17
Urumiah 130, 131, 132, 134, 137,
138, 182, 184, 185, 186, 193,
194, 195, 198, 203, 208, 222,
225, 226, 227, 228, 229, 232,
237, 239, 240
Urvakhshaya 139
Ushnuyeh 229
Utrecht, province in Holland 120
Unvala, Dr. Jarashedii Maneckji
50, 139
Unwala Ervad Manookjee
Bustomji 4, 5, 8, 29, 150, 152,
153, 164, 155, 173, 188,
210
Unwala Ervad Rustomji Bah-
manji . . . . . . 8
Vaotriyus
Van ..
.. 236
220, 225
Page
Vanant (Star) . . ' . . . . 20
Yasht (See Yasht).
Vanghu (See Dftiti).
Variav (Bariav) .. 47, 49
Behedins .. ..24
Massacre at 10, 11, 24, 47
49
Settlement . . . . 11
*' Var-i Jam-kard " . . . . 173
"Vaterland und Zeitalter de
Avesta" 137
Vault (dokhme) (See Tower of
Silence) 197
Vendidad 23, 75, 83, 140, 160,
169, 170, 171, 174, 175, 176,
177, 178, 180, 181, 189, 207,
234, 235, 236
Vendidad Sade 102
Victore Hugo de Sancto . . 133
" Vie de Zoroastre " (Life of
Zoroaster) 186
Viraf -i Kausi (See Kausi Viraf ).
Viraf-nameh 32, 34, 35, 38, 40,
43, 44
Viraf-nameh, Gujerati MS. of 28, 29
Dastur Ruahtom
Peshotan's . . 31
Vishnu
Vishtasp, King
Vi spar ad
Vohuman
Vohumand
.. 126
.. 137
102, 152
148, 209
143, 144, 161, 162
Vohuman Yasht (See Yasht)
W
Wadia, Jamshedji Bomanii . . 199
Walsh, T. A 137
War between Carnatic and
the Deccan 103
First Maratha .. ..99
Trojan . . . . 130, 133
West, Dr. 160, 152, 164, 156, 157,
158 162, 164, 165, 166, 167,
171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 181,
182, 183, 184, 186, 209, 213*
214, 218, 219, 220, 221, 226
Westerguard, Prof. 160, 152, 153
154, 164, 173, 178, 181, 182, 213
Wi lliam, the Prince of Orange 117
Wilson, Dr. John . . . . 186
Windischmann, Fr. 132, 144, 145,
150, 152, 153, 155, 173, 181, 182.
210
Wood 88
Worterbuch 161
254
INDEX
Xenophon
Xis ..
.. 90
.. 135
Yaqout 179, 193, 194, 198, 199,
226, 231, 232, 233
Yasht Aban
Aflhi
Bahman
Farvardin
Gosh . .
Horn
Hormazd
Ram
Sarosh Hadokht
SirouzA,
Vanant . .
159, 170, 218
223, 224
. . 218, 223
184, 225, 226
.. 20, 178
159, 218, 223
18, 139
..170
159, 171
4
.. 220
20
Zamyad (Jamyad) 148, 149,
167, 210, 211
Yatha Ahu Vairy6 . . . . 119
Yazd 94, 165
Yazdejard Sheriyar, Emperor 2, 48
Yimo Khahaeta (Jamshed)
(See Jamshed).
Zab, river 182
Zabar, mountain 146, 147, 148
Zadsparam 157, 158, 182, 207,
208, 216, 220
.Zagroa .. .." .. ..220
Zah&vayi river .. ..182
Zakariya 233
Zamyad (Jamyad) Yeasht (See
Yasht).
Zaoti (Zoti) 23
Zarafshan 163
Zarathushtra (Zoroaster) (zar-
thosht) (Zardusht) (Zartosht) 18,
26, 82, 84, 91, 129, 130, 132,
136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141,
143, 144, 145, 149, 155, 156,
170, 171, 173, 174, 175, 177, 181,
183, 184, 185, 188> 189, 190,
191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196,
200, 202, 203, 204, 220, 222,
227, 229, 230, 231, 233, 236,
237, 238, 239
" Zarathushtra in the Gathas " 132
Zardushtians, followers of Zara -
dusht . . . . . . 193
Zarthosht-nameh (Zarthusht
nameh) 18, 29, W " , 140, 142,
151, 171, 186, 188, 189, 215
Zarthusht (Zartosht) Bchram 34,111
Zaxartes (Sir-Darya) .. ..169
Zend Avesta, L'Ouvrage de
Zoroastre . . . . . 64
Zcndiqs . . . . . 196
Zimmerman, Fr. R. 86
Zohab 182
Zohak (Dahak) . 113, lol
Zoroaster, religion of . . 28
the Prophet of An-
cient Iran 131, 132, 134, 136,
145, 151, 161, 203, 206, 207,
208, 216
"Zoroaster's conference with
the Ameshaspands *' .. 165
Zoroastrian reverence . . 231
Zotenberg 191
" Zwiter Typus " .. ..240
