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Full text of "The Cambridge History Of India Volume III"

Cambridge University Press 
Fetter Lane, London 

New York 
Bombay, Calcutta, Afadra* 

Toronto, 
Macmillan 

Tokyo 
Maruzen-Kabushiki-Kaisha 



All rights reserved 



THE 

CAMBRIDGE 
HISTORY OF INDIA 

VOLUME III 

Turks and Afghans 

EDITED BY 

LT. -COLONEL SIR WOLSELEY HAIG 

K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., C.B.E., M.A. 

LECTUllER IN PERSIAN 

IN THE SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL STUDIES 
UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 



CAMBRIDGE 

AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 
1928 



The Syndics of the University Press are 
deeply indebted to Sir Dorabji Tata 
for his generous contribution towards the 
cost of the illustrations in this volume 



PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN 



PREFACE 

This volume deals generally with the history of India under 
Muhammadan rule from the time of the earliest invasions of 
the Muslims to the overthrow of the Lodi dynasty on the field of 
Panlpat and the establishment of Babur the Tiitmrid on the throne 
of Delhi, and covers the period unfortunately described by that 
usually careful scholar, the late Mr Edward Thomas, as that of the 
"Pathan Kings" of Delhi. Of the five dynasties which occupied 
the throne of Delhi during this period, from about 1200 to 1526, 
three were Turkish, or of Turkish descent ; one claimed to be of 
Arab blood, and one was Afghan, but probably not Pathan. 

Mr Thomas's misnomer, after clinging obstinately, for many 
years, to this period of Indian history, has been generally discarded, 
and the period is now known a# that of the Sultanate, or Kingdom, 
of Delhi, as distinguished from the Empire of the Tiniurids founded 
by Babur. This distinction is not entirely accurate, or satisfactory, 
for it suggests that the earlier Muslim rulers were content with a 
comparatively small kingdom in the neighbourhood of their capital, 
whereas for nearly half a century they ruled virtually the whole 
sub-continent of India, two at least of them being emperors of 
India in a truer sense than any of the first four Timiirids, and the 
ruin of their empire covered the greater part of India with a 
number of independent Muslim states. Nevertheless the term will 
serve, for imperial rule was not characteristic of the sovereigns of 
Delhi during the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries. 
During the first century of their rule they were consolidating and 
extending their authority ; then followed half a century of empire, 
and then the disintegration of that empire. 

It is only in respect of Delhi, the historic capital of Muslim rule 
in India, that it has been found possible to adhere to the year 1526 
as the termination of an epoch of that rule. In the case of other 
states, both Muslim and Hindu, it has been found necessary to 
carry the local history on, either to the termination of the state's 
independence or to a period at which it may conveniently be re- 
linquished. The history of the Hindu Kingdom of Vijayanagar, for 
instance, is continued to 1565, the date of its overthrow by the 
confederate Muslim Kingdoms of the Deccan ; that of the Muslim 
Kingdoms of Malwa, Gujarat, Bengal, and Kashmir to the dates of 
their annexation by Akbar, and that of the independent Kingdoms 



vi Preface 

of the Deccan to 1600, the date of the capture of Ahmadnagar by 
Akbar's third son, Sultan Daniyal. 

Chapter I of this volume is introductory, and treats of the con- 
quest of Sind by the Arabs in the eighth century. The Arabs never 
extended their authority or their influence beyond Sind and 
Multan, and their rule in those countries was a mere episode in 
the history of India. Chapter n treats of the Yainini or Ghaznavid 
dynasty. MahmwTwas a raider rather than a conqueror, but he 
and his successors were Indian rulers by virtue of their annexation 
and occupation of the Punjab, the last of their great possessions 
which remained to them. Chapter in treats of the first actual 
Muslim conquerors of Northern India, Mu'izz-ud-din Muhammad 
b. Sam of Ghiir, his lieutenants, and his successors, the earlier 
Slave Kings of Delhi ; and Chapter iv of the rule of Ghiyfis-ud-din 
Balban and his worthless son. Chapter v treats of the Khalji 
dynasty and the first Muslim conquest of the Deccan ; Chapter vi 
of the first two Sultans of the Tughluq dynasty, and the second 
conquest and revolt of the Deccan ; Chapter vii of the later 
Sultans of the Tughluq dynasty and the invasion of India by 
Tlmfir ; Chapter vm of the Sayyids ; and Chapter ix of the Lodi 
dynasty. Then follows a series of chapters dealing with independent 
Muslim Kingdoms, all of which, with the exception of Kashmir and 
Khandesh, rose on the ruins of the great empire of Muhammad 
b. Tughluq ; Chapter x with Jaunpur ; Chapter xi with Bengal ; 
Chapter xn with Kashmir; Chapter xni, which has been written 
by Professor Sir E. Denison Ross, with Gujarat and Khandesh ; 
Chapter xiv with Malwa ; Chapters xv and xvi with the Bahmani 
Kingdom of the Deccan ; and Chapter xvii with the five inde- 
pendent Muslim Kingdoms of the Deccan. Chapter xvm treats 
of Hindu states in Southern India, and Chapter xx with those in 
Northern India ; and Chapter xix treats of the states of Sind and 
Multan during their independent existence. Chapter xxi, which 
has been written by Mr G. E. Harvey of the Indian Civil Service, 
deals with the history of Burma between the years 1287 and 1531; 
and Chapter xxn, by Don Martino de Zilva Wickremasinghe, with 
the history of Ceylon from 1215 to 1527- Chapter xxm, written by 
Sir John Marshall, C.I.E., Director General of Archaeology in India, 
who has also supplied the illustrations to this volume, deals with 
the monuments of Muhammadan rule in India between the years 
1200 and 1526. . . 

A few explanations remain to be offered. The system of trans- 
literation adopted is that used by the Government of India in their 



Preface vii 

official publications. Except in the chapter on Ceylon diacritical 
marks, with the necessary exception of the macron, have been 
avoided. The hamza is represented, when necessary, by ', the letter 
by ', and the letter J> by 7. It has not been considered necessary 
to distinguish between the letters ^ and ^T and and ^T by under- 
lining the combinations kh and yh, and, in order to preserve the 
correct pronunciation of names and titles in which the Arabic 
article occurs, such forms as 'Ala-ud-din and Badl'-uz-Zaman have 
been preferred, partly for typographical and partly for other reasons, 
to the more scholarly and correct *Ala-a/-din and Badi*-a/-zaman, 
or 'Ala'u'-d-din and Badl'u-'z-/aman. 

In place-names the spelling of the Imperial Gazetteer of India 
has, with few exceptions, been followed, but the adoption of q as 
the equivalent of J> necessitates the substitution of Qandahar for 
the better-known Kandahar, and e, representing no Arabic or 
Persian letter, has been omitted from such names as Fathabad 
and Fathpur, the Gazetteer spelling of which serves only to stereo- 
type a vulgar and corrupt pronunciation. The name of the great 
river of Southern India JH spelt Krishna, as there appears to be no 
justification for the Gazetteer spelling Kistna ; Ausa has been 
substituted for Owsa as the name of a town in the Deccan hardly 
well enough known to entitle it to the honour of a conventionalized 
spelling ; and the name of the founder of the LodI dynasty is spelt 
Buhlul, as there apjiears to be no reason to preserve the mis- 
pronunciation enshrined in the more familiar Bahlol. 

In order to avoid, as far as possible, the use of foreign words 
the plural of the words amir and malil 9 has usually been translated 
by * nobles,' which will not mislead the reader if it be remembered 
that there has never been a recognized hereditary aristocracy in 
Muslim Kingdoms. The ' nobles ' were military officers, or officers 
of state with military rank, whose titles, though occasionally revived 
in favour of a deserving son, did not become hereditary until the 
crown became so weak that a son was able to assume his father's 
office and title. In the chapters on the history of the Deccan the 
word * Foreigners/ when spelt with a capital letter, denotes members 
of the Foreign party. 

A few words, such as Islam, Sultan, and Raja have been treated 
as naturalized English words, and written without the macron, ex- 
cept when they form parts of names or titles. 

My best thanks are due to Sir John Marshall and Sir E. Denison 
Ross for having kindly undertaken arduous work in connection 
with this volume in spite of heavy official duties. I must also 



viii Preface 

acknowledge the assistance of Mr G. E. Harvey, Mr S. Erishnaswami 
Ayyangar, Don Martino de Zilva Wickremasinghe, and Mr W. E. C. 
Browne, who has prepared the index. In conclusion, I desire to 
express my gratitude for the advice and assistance which I have 
at all times received from Professor E. J. Rapson, the editor of 
Volumes I and n of this history. 



W. H. 



THE ATHENAEUM 
26 March 1928 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

CHAPTER I 

THE ARAB CONQUEST OF SIND 

By Lt.-Coloncl Sir WOLSELEY HAIG, K.C.I.E., C.S.I., C.M.G., 

C.B.E., M.A., Lecturer in Persian in the School of Oriental 

Studies, University of London. 

PAGE 

The rise of Islam 1 

Provocation given to Hajjaj by Dahir of Siml 1 

Unsuccessful invasions of Sincl 2 

Successful invasion of Muhammad i!m Qasim 2 

Capture of Debul, Nlriin, and Selnvan 3 

The Islamic law 3 

Capture of Slsam 4 

Defeat and death of Dahir 5 

Administration of Lower Sind 5 

Capture of A ror and Mul fan 6 

Fate of Muhammad ibn Qasim 7 

Muslim governors of Sind 8 

Effect of the establishment of the *Abl)asid dynasty 9 

Virtual independence of Sind 9 

Principalities of Multan and Man sum 9 

Effects of the Arab conquest of Sind 10 

CHAPTER II 

THE YAMINI DYNASTY OF GHAZNI AND LAHORE, 
COMMONLY KNOWN AS THE GHAZNAYIDS 

By Lt-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

Origin and rise of the Yainlnl Dynasty 11 

Sabuktigln 12 

M ah mud 12 

First expedition into India, the Punjab 13 

Expedition to Uch 14 

Defeat and flight of Anandpal 15 

Submission of Daud of Multan 15 

Apostasy and .punishment of Nawasa Shah 15 

Invasion of India, and defeat of Hindu confederacy . . . . 16 

Expedition to Ghur 16 

Invasion of India. Battle of Taraori 17 

Expedition to Multan 17 

Expedition into the Punjab, defeat of Bhmipal 17 

Expedition to Thanesar 17 

Invasion of Kashmir 18 

In vasion/>f India 18 

Submission of the Raja of Kanauj 19 

Expedition to avenge the death of the Raja of Kanauj .... 21 

Expedition into Dir, Swat, and Bajaur 22 



x Contents 

PAGE 

Expedition Against Ganda of Kalinjar 22 

Expedition to Somnath 23 

Capture of Somnath .24 

Punitive expedition against the Jats 26' 

Death of Mahmud 26 

His character 26 

Mas'ud 27 

Confusion in the Punjab 28 

Expedition into India and capture of Hans! 31 

TheSaljuqs 31 

Flight and death of Mas'ud 32 

Maudud 32 

Hindu invasion of the Punjab 33 

Death of Maudud 33 

Mas'ud II, 'All, and 'Abd-ur-Rashid 33 

Tughril, Farrukbzad, Ibrahim 34 

Expedition into India 34 

Mas'ud III, Shlrzad, Arsalan, Bahrain 35 

Bahrain's flight into India, the burning of Gha/nl 36 

Khusrav Shah and Khusrav Malik 37 

Capture of Khusrav Malik by Muhammad ibn Sam .... 37 

CHAPTER III 

MU'IZZ-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BIX SAM OF GHUR AND 
THE EARLIER SLATE KINGS OF DELHI 

By Lt-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

Gliiyas-ud-din and Mn'i/z-ud-din of Ghur 38 

Capture of Multan and Uch 38 

Expedition to Gujarat 39 

Annexation of the Punjab 39 

Defeat of Muhammad at Taraori 40 

Muhammad'g victory at Taraori 40 

Qutb-ud-dm Aibak 41 

Capture of Delhi by Aibak 42 

Conquest of Bihar 42 

Conquest of the Doab and capture of Benares 43 

Conquest of Ajiner 43 

Raid into Gujarat 43 

Qutb-ud-din Aibak appointed viceroy 44 

Capture of Bayana . 44 

Defeat of Aibak by Bhim of Gujarat 44 

Raid into Gujarat 44 

Muhammadau administration 45 

Five years' peace in Northern India 45 

Conquest of Bengal 46 

Capture of Kalinjar and Mahoba 47 

Rebellion in the Punjab 47 

Suppression of the rebellion . 48 

Death of Muhammad b. Sam 48 

Qutb-ud-din Aibak Snltan of Delhi 48 

Invasion of Tibet 49 



Contents xi 



PAGE 

Death of Ikhtiyar-ud-dm Muhammad . . * 50 

Aihak captures and is expelled from Gha/ni 50 

Death of Qutb-nd-din Aihak and accession of Xram Shah ... 50 

Affairs of Bengal 51 

Accession of Iltutmish 51 

Defeat and death of Taj-ud-din Yildiz 52 

Establishment of Iltutmish's authority in Bonsai 53 

Recovery of Ranthamhhor and Multfin 53 

Suppression of two rebellions in Bengal 54 

Recovery of Gwalior and invasion of Malwa 55 

The Qatb Mingr 55 

Suppression of a rising of Isma'ilT heretics 56 

Death of Iltutmish. H is character 56 

Rukn-ud-din Firiiz 56 

Disintegration of the kingdom 57 

Deposition of Firus and enthronement of Raziyya 58 

Suppression of a rising of Ismail! heretics 59 

Suppression of a rebellion in the Punjab 60 

Deposition of Raziyya and enthronement of Bahrain .... 60 

Death of Raziyya 60 

The Forty Turk! nobles 61 

M ugh ul raids, and capture of Lahore f>2 

Deposition and death of Bahrain 63 

'Ala-ud-dln Mas'fid 64 

Defeat of the Muslims in Bengal 65 

Deposition of Mas'Qd and enthronement of Xasir-iuUliu Mahmud . 66 

Ghiyas-ud-din Balban 66 

Expeditions into the Doab and Mewat 67 

Disgrace of Balban 68 

Bal ban's restoration to favour 70 

Rebellion in Multan and Uch 71 

Rebellion in Multan and Uch is crushed ....*.. 72 

Suppression of rebellions in the Doab and Mewat < ^ 

Treaty of peace with the M ugh uls 73 

Death of Nasir-nd-din Mahmud and accession of Balban ... 73 



CHAPTER IV 

GHIYAS-UD-DiN BALBAN, MU'IZZ-UD-DiN KAIQUBXD, 
AND SHAMS-UD-DiN KAYUMARS 

By Lt.-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

Severity and austerity of Balban 74 

The Mughal menace * . . 75 

Submission of Bengal, restoration of order in the Doab and subjuga- 
tion of Kat eh r 76 

Re-establishment of royal authority in the Punjab 77 

Disorganization of the army 77 

Muhammad Khan appointed heir apparent and governor of the Punjab 78 

Rebellion in Bengal 79 

Suppression of the rebellion, Bughra Khfm appointed to Bengal . . 81 



xii Contents 

PAGE 

Death of Balban and accession <ff Kaiqubad 82 

Weakness of Kaiqubad 83 

Mughul raids 84 

Meeting 1 between Kaiqubad and his father, Bughra Khan ... 85 

Death of Kaiqubad 87 

Condition of the kingdom of Delhi .88 



CHAPTER V 

THE KHALJl DYNASTY AND THE FIRST CONQUEST 
OF THE DECCAN 

By Lt. -Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

Unpopularity of the Khal jis 91 

Weakness of Jalal-ud-din Firu/, 92 

The Thaos 93 

Death of Sidi Mania 94 

Mngbul invasion 95 

Designs of 'Ala-ud-din 95 

'Ala-ud-din's invasion of the Deccan 96 

Death of Flriiz 98 

Accession of 'Ala-ud-din 99 

Conquest of Gujarat 100 

'Ala-ud-din's religious schemes 101 

Mughul invasion 102 

Rebellion of Akat Khan 103 

Rebellion in Delhi 104 

Capture of Rantharabhor 105 

'Ala-ud-dfn's ordinances 106 

Capture of Chitor 108 

Unsuccessful expedition to Warangal 108 

Mughul invasion 109 

'Ala-ud-din's scale of prices 110 

Mughul invasion 110 

Conquest of Malwa Ill 

Rescue of Ratan Singh of Chitor Ill 

Mughul invasion 112 

Expedition to Deogir 112 

Capture of Deval Devi 113 

Subjection of Marwar 114 

Subjugation of Warangal 115 

Subjugation of Dvaravatipura and the Peninsula 116 

Massacre of the Mughul "New Muslims" 117 

Sickness of 'Ala-ud-din 118 

Death of 'Afeud-dln 119 

Death of Malik Naib and accession of Qutb-ud-din Mubarak ... 120 

Plot against Mubarak 121 

Debauchery of Mubarak, his assumption of the title of Caliph . . 122 

Treason of Khusrav Khan . . 123 

Death of Mubarak and accession of Khusrav 124 

Defeat of Khusrav by Ghazi Malik Tughluq 125 

Accession of Ghiyas-ud-d!n Tughluq 126 



Contents xiii 

CHAPTER VI 

THE REIGNS OP GHIYA8-UD-DIN TUGHLDQ AND 
MUHAMMAD TUGHLUQ, AND THE SECOND CON- 
QUEST AND REVOLT OF THE DECCAN 

By Lt.-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY UAIG 

PAGE 

Restoration of order by Tughluq 127 

Encouragement of agriculture 128 

Administration of Tughluq 129 

Expedition to Warangal 130 

Rebellion of Muhammad, Ulugh Khan 131 

Second expedition to Warangal 131 

Tughluq's expedition to Bengal 132 

Subjugation of Bengal 133 

Death of Tughluq 134 

Accession of Muhammad 135 

Amir Khusrav the poet 135 

Character of Muhammad 136 

Revenue administration 139 

Rebellion of Gurshasp 140 

Transfer of the capital to Daulatahad 141 

Rebellion in Multan 142 

Mughul invasion 143 

Compulsory transfer of the populace of Delhi to Daulatabad . . . 144 

Muhammad's fictitious currency 145 

Rebellion in Bengal 147 

Ibn Batutah 147 

The kingdom of Madura established 149 

The fanning of the revenue 151 

Rebellion of Hushaug 151 

Rebellion in the Punjab 152 

Famine 152 

Rebellion in Hansi 153 

Rebellion in Bidar 154 

Foundation of Sargadwart 154 

Expedition into the Himalaya 155 

Successful rebellion in Bengal, and unsuccessful rebellion in the Deccan 156 

Rebellion of *Ain-ul-Mulk, Governor of Oudh 157 

Mission to the Caliph 158 

Reception of Ghiyas-iid-din the 'Abhasid 159 

Rebellion in Multan. Famine 100 

Muhammad's Regulations 161 

Ibn Batutah's mission to China 1(53 

Reception of the Caliph's envoy 164 

Rebellion in Kara 165 

Partition of the Deccan 165 

Rebellion in Gujarat 166 

Muhammad marches into Gujarat 167 

Revolt of the Deccan 168 

Rebellion of Taghi in Gujarat 169 

Independence of the Deccan 170 

Operations in Gujarat 171 

Death of Muhammad 172 



xvi Contents 

CHAPTER X 

THE KINGDOM OF JAUNPUR 
By Lt. -Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

PAGE 

Malik Sarvar establishes his independence in Jaunpur .... 251 

Death of Sarvar and accession of Ibrahim 251 

Death of Ibrahim and accession of Mahmud 252 

War between Jauupnr and Malwa 253 

Death of Mahmud and accession of Muhammad 254 

Death of Muhammad and accession of Husain 255 

Invasion of Orissa 255 

Invasion of Delhi 256 

Hnsain is defeated by Buhlul 257 

Husain flees to Bengal 258 

Review of the Sharqi dynasty of Jaunpur 259 



CHAPTER XI 

THE KINGDOM OF BENGAL 

By Lt.-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

Ancient divisions of Bengal 260 

The house of Balbau in Bengal 261 

Tughluq restores the authority of Delhi 262 

Successful revolt against Muhammad Tughluq 262 

lliyas re-establishes the independence of Bengal 263 

Sikandar Shah and Ghiyas-ud-din A'zain 264 

Character of Ghiyas-ud-din A'zain 265 

Raja Ganesh 266 

Jalal-ud-din Muhammad 267 

Assassination of Fath Shah and accession of Barbuk .... 268 

Assassination of Barbak and accession of Firuz 269 

Death of Firuz and accession of Mahmud 270 

Assassination of Mahmud and accession of Muzaffar .... 270 

Death of Muzaffar and accession of Husain 270 

Extension of the frontiers of Bengal 271 

Death of Husain and accession of Nusrat 272 

Effects of Babur's invasion on Bengal 272 

The Portuguese in Bengal 273 

Assassination of Nusrat and accession of Firuz 273 

Assassination of Firuz and accession of Mahmud 273 

Sher Khan assume* the royal title in Bengal 274 

Humayun invades Bengal and occupies Gaur 275 

Humayun retires and is compelled to recognize Sher Khan as Sovereign 

of Bengal . 275 

Sher Shah remodels the administration 276 

Genera] character of the Muslim kings of Bengal 276 



Contents xvii 

CHAPTER XII 
THE KINGDOM OF KASHMIR 

By Lt-Colonel Sir WOLSBLEY HAIG PAGB 

Introduction of Islam into Kashmir by Shah Mfrza 277 

Accession and deposition of Jamshid 277 

Accession of 'Ala-ud-din 277 

Death of 'Ala-ud-din and accession of 8hihab-ud-din .... 278 

Death of Shihab-ud-din and accession of Qutb-ud-din .... 278 

Death of Qntb-nd-din and accession of Sikandar 279 

Persecuting zeal of Sikandar the Iconoclast 280 

Death of Sikandar and accession of 'All Shah 280 

Accession of Zaih-ul-'A bidin . . .281 

Tolerance, benevolence and enlightenment of Zain-iil-' A bidin . . 282 

Strife between the sons of Zain-ul-' A bidln 283 

Death of Zain-iil-' A bidin and accession of Haidar Shah . . . . 284 

Death of Haidar and accession of Hasan 285 

Death of Hawin and accession of Muhammad 285 

Deposition of Muhammad and accession of Fath Shah .... 285 

The Nur-Bakhsh Sect 286 

Restoration of Muhammad 287 

Restoration and second deposition of Fath Shah 287 

Second restoration of Muhammad 287 

Third deposition of Muhammad and accession of Ibrahim . . . 287 

Death of Ibrahim and accession of Na/uk Shah 287 

Third restoration of Muhammad 287 

Death of Muhammad and restoration of Nazuk Shah .... 288 

Conquest of Kashmir by Mirzu Haidar 288 

Expulsion of the Foreigners and restoration of Nazuk .... 289 

Deposition of Na/uk and enthronement of Ibrahim II .... 289 

Deposition of Ibrahim II and enthronement of I sma'il .... 289 

Death of Isma'il and accession of Habib Shah 289 

Deposition of Habib and usurpation of Ghazi Chakk .... 290 

Abdication of Ghazi Shah and accession of Husain 290 

Abdication of Husain and accession of *Ali Shah 291 

Death of 'Ali Shah and accession of Yumif 292 

Expulsion of Yusuf, and his recovery of his throne 292 

Invasion of Kashmir by Bhaffwan Das 293 

Annexation of Kashmir by Akbar 293 

CHAPTER XIII 
GUJARAT AND KHANDESH 

By Professor Sir E. DENISON Itoss, C.I.E., Ph.D., Director of 
the School of Oriental Studies, University of London, and 

Professor of Persian 

Establishment of the independence of Khandesh and Gujarat . . 291 

Muzaffar I of Gujarat 295 

Death of Muzaffar I and accession of Ahmad 296 

Death of Bfga Ahmad of Khandesh 296 

Accession of Naslr Khan in Khandesh 297 

Invasion of Gujarat by Hilshanfif Shah of Malwa 297 

Invasion of Malwa by Ahmad I of Gujarat 298 



xviii Contents 



PAGE 

War between Gujarat and the Beooan 299 

Death of Nasir Khan of Khandesh and accession of 'Adil Khan I . 300 
Death of 'Adil Khan I and accession of 'Adil Khan II . . . .300 

Invasion of Gujarat by Mahinud I of Malwa 301 

Defeat of the army of Gujarat by Rana Kumbha 302 

Qutb-ud-dm of Gujarat invades the Rana's territory .... 303 

Death of Qutb-ud-dm and accession of Daud 303 

Deposition of Daud and enthronement of Mahmud Begarha . . . 304 

Mahinud Begarha marches to the aid of Nizam Shah of the Deccan . 304 

Mahmud's invasion of Sorath 305 

Invasion of Sind by Mahinud Begarha 307 

Conspiracy against Mahinud Begarha 308 

Mahmud besieges Champaner 309 

Capture of Champaner 310 

Depredations of the pirate, Bahadur Gilan! 311 

Defeat of the Portuguese fleet off Chaul 312 

War of accession in Khaudesh 313 

Accession of 'Adil Khan I II in Khandesh 314 

Death of Mahmud Begarha. His character 315 

Defeat of the Egyptian fleet by the Portuguese off Diii . . . .316 

Designs of Muzaffar II of Gujarat on Malwa 317 

Campaign in Idar 319 

Massacre of the Rajputs in MandQ 319 

Muzaffar II invades the territories of the Rana 320 

Flight of Bahadur, Muzaffar's second son, from GujarSt. . . . 321 

Death of Muzaffar II. Disputed succession in Gujarat .... 322 

Enthronement of Bahadur in Gujarat 323 

War between Gujarat and Ahmadnagar 324 

Bahadur retires from the Deccan 325 

Dispute between Bahadur and Mahmud II of Malwa .... 326 

Conquest of Malwa by Bahadur 327 

Completion of the conquest of Malwa 328 

Rupture between Humayun and Bahadur 329 

Capture of Chitor 330 

Defeat of Bahadur by Humayun 331 

Invasion of Gujarat by Humayun 332 

Humayun is recalled from Gujarat by events in Hindustan . . . 333 

Death of Bahadur at Diu 334 

Accession of Muhammad Shah of Khandesh to the throne of Gujarat . 335 

Death of Muhammad and accession of Mahmud III . . . . 335 
The Egyptian fleet and the army of Gujarat besiege the Portuguese 

in Diu 336 

Raising of the siege of Diu 337 

Mahmud III frees himself from Darya Khan 338 

Overthrow of 'A lam Khan 339 

Defeat of the army of Gujarat by the Portuguese 340 

Successes of the Portuguese 341 

Death of Mahmud III 342 

Accession of Ahmad II 343 

Death of Ahmad II 344 

Accession of Muzaffar III 345 

Civil war in Gujarat 346 

Akbar invades Gujarat 347 

Akbar annexes Gujarat 348 



Contents xix 



CHAPTER XIV 

THE KINGDOM OF MALWA 

By Lt.-Colonel Sir WOLSELBY HAIG 

PAGE 

Dilavar Khan establishes his independence in Malwa .... 349 

Death of Dilavar Khan and accession of Hushang 349 

Invasion of Malwa by Muzaffar I of Gujarat 349 

Hushang's two invasions of Gujarat 350 

Hushang's expedition to Orissa 351 

Death of Hushang and accession of Muhammad Shah .... 352 

Mahmud Khaljl usurps the throne 353 

Mahmud's expedition to Delhi 354 

Mahmud invades the dominions of Rana Kumbha 355 

Mahmud's second invasion of the RanaV dominions 356 

Mahmud's two invasions of Gujarat 356 

Mahmud's invasion of the Deccan 356 

Mahmud recovers Ajmer from the Rana 357 

Mahmud invades the Deccan but is compelled to retreat .... 358 

Mahmud's third invasion of the Deccan 358 

Kherla is captured by the army of the Deccan but recovered by Malwa 359 

Death of Mahmud I. His character 360 

Accession of Gliiyas-ud-din 361 

Folly of Ghiyas-ucl-dm 362 

Fratricidal strife between Ghiyas-ud-din's SOUH 363 

Accession of Nasir-ud-din 364 

Death of Nasir-ud-dm and accession of Mahmud II 365 

Predominance of the Rajputs in Malwa 366 

Revolt of Bihjat Khan of Chanderl 367 

Mahmud II flees from the Rajputs and takes refuge with Muzaffar of 

Gujarat 368 

Mahmud II is defeated by the Rana, Saugrama 368 

Bahadur Shah of Gujarat annexes Malwa 369 

Shuja'at Khan appointed viceroy of Malwa by Slier Shah ... 370 

Annexation of Malwa by Akbar 371 



CHAPTER XV 

THE KINGDOM OF THE DECCAN, A.D. 1347-1436 
By Lt-Colonel Sir WOLSKLEY HAIG 

Bah man Shah establishes his independence in the Deccan . . . 372 

Consolidation of the kingdom by Bahman 373 

Suppression of a revolt and establishment of Gulbarga OH the capital . 374 

Division of the Deccan into four provinces 375 

Death of Bahman Shah and accession of Muhammad I . . . 376 

Administration of the kingdom 377 

The rise of Vijayanagar 377 

Muhammad I issues a gold currency 378 

War with K&nhayya of Warangal 380 

First war with Vijayanagar . 381 

Peace with Yijayanagar 382 

62 



xx Contents 



PAGE 

Suppression of the rebellion of Bahrain ....... 382 

The great mosque of Ghilbarga ......... 383 

Death of Muhammad I and accession of Mujahid ..... 383 

Second war with Yijayanagar ......... 383 

Assassination of Mujahid and accession of Daud ..... 384 

Assassination of Daud and accession of Muhammad II . . . . 384 

Famine in the Deccan ........... 385 

Rebellion of Baha-ud-dm of Sagar ! ..... 385 

Death of Muhammad II and accession of Ghiyas-ud-dm .... 386 

Deposition of Ghiyas-ud-din and accession of Shams-ud-din . . . 386 

Deposition of Shams-ud-din and accession of Firuz ..... 387 

Third war with Yijayanagar ......... 387 

The exploit of Qaxi Siraj-ud-din ......... 388 

Defeat of the Hindus ........... 389 

War with the Gronds of Kherla ......... 390 

Mission sent by Firuz to Timur and its results ...... 391 

The goldsmith's daughter of Mudgal ........ 391 

Fourth war with Yijayanagar. Defeat of the Hindus .... 392 

Expeditions into Grondwana and Telingana ...... 393 

Fifth war with Yijayanagar, and defeat of Firuz ..... 394 

Abdication and death of Firuz and accession of Ahmad .... 395 

Sixth war with Vi jayanagar .......... 396 

Defeat of the Hindus and massacres in the Yijayanagar kingdom . . 397 

Peace with Yijayanagar. Famine in the Deccan ..... 398 

Expeditions to Warangal and Mahur ........ 399 

War between the Deccan and Malwa ........ 399 

Defeat of Hushang Shah of Malwa ........ 400 

Ahmad I selects Bidar as his capital ........ 400 

War between the Deccan and Gujarat ....... 401 

Eherla is annexed by Malwa ......... 402 

Death of Ahmad I ............ 402 

The "Foreign "question in the Deccan ....... 403 

CHAPTER XVI 

THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE KINGDOM OF THE 
DECCAN, A.D. 1436-1490 

By Lt.-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

Accession of 'Ala-ud-din Ahmad II ........ 405 

Expedition to Yijayanagar and the Konkan ...... 405 

War with Khandesh ........... 406 

Seventh war with Yijayanagar. Defeat of the Hindus .... 407 

Unsuccessful expedition into the Konkan ....... 408 

Massacre of the Foreigners Iby the Deccanis ...... 409 

Rebellion of Jalal Khan .......... 409 

Death of 'Ala-ud-dln Ahmad II and accession of Humayun . . . 410 

Rebellion of Sikandar Khan and Jalal Khan ...... 410 

Humayun the Tyrant ........... 411 

Death of Humayun and accession of Nizam Shah ..... 412 

Mahmud I of Malwa invades the Deccan ..... ... 413 

Retreat of the army of Malwa ......... 413 

Second invasion of the Deccan by Mahmud I of Mftlwa .... 413 

Death of Nizam Shah and accession of Muhammad III . . . ... 413 



Contents xxi 

PAGE 

Else of MahinQdGa van to power. 414 

War in the Konkan and Orissa 415 

Foreigners and Deccanis 416 

Famine in the Deecan 417 

Campaign in Telingana 417 

Invasion of the Carnatic 418 

The subdivision of the Four Provinces 419 

Murder of Mahmud Gavan ? 420 

Disaffection of the provincial governors 421 

Death of Muhammad III and accession of Mahmud .... 422 

Contest between Foreigners and Dcccauin 423 

Decline of the royal authority 423 

Death of Malik Naib, leader of the Deecanis 424 

Partition of the kingdom 425 

Qftsim Barid becomes regent 426 

Rebellion of Bahadur Gllani 427 

Strife between the provincial governors 428 

Strife between Sunnis and Shiahs 429 

Mahmud attempts to regain his freedom 430 

Last days of the Bahmani dynasty 431 

Extinction of the Bahmani dynasty 432 

CHAPTER XVII 

THE FIVE KINGDOMS OF THE DECCAN, A.D. 1527-1599 
By Lt.-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

The Five Kingdoms Bijapur, Ahmadnagar, Golconda, Berar, and 

Bldar 433 

Events in Bljapur and Ahmadnagar 434 

War between Ahmadnagar and Berar 435 

War between Vijayanagar and Bijapur 435 

Bahadur of Gujarat invades the Deecan 436 

Isma'il 'Adil Shah captures Bldar 437 

Isma'il 'Adil Shah recovers the Raichur Doab 437 

War between Bijapur and Ahmadnagar . _ 438 

Death of Isma'il and accession of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah I . 439 

War between Bijapur and Vijayanagar 439 

The Shiah religion established in Ahmadnagar 440 

Assassination of Sultan Quit Qutb Shah of Golconda and accession of 

Jainshld Qutb ShSh 440 

Bijapur invaded by the armies of Yijayanagar, Ahmadnagar, and Gol- 
conda 441 

Plot to place 'Abdullah on the throne of Bijapur supported by the 

Portuguese 441 

Burhan Nizam Shah renews his alliance with Vijayanagar . . . 442 
Death of Jamshld Qutb Shah and accession of Subhan Quli. Deposi- 
tion of Subhan Quli and accession of Ibrahim 443 

War between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur 443 

War between Bijapur and the Portuguese 444 

Death of Ibrahim I and accession of ( Ali 'Adil Shfih I .... 444 

Confederacy against Ahmadnagar 445 

Arrogance of the Raja of Vijayanagar 446 



xxii Contents 



PAGE 

Muslim confederacy against Vijayanagar 447 

War between the confederacy and Yijayanagar 448 

The battle of Talikota 449 

Defeat of the Hindus and destruction of Vijayanagar .... 450 

Death of Husain I and accession of Murtaza Nizam Shah I . . . 450 

War between Bijapur and Ahmadnagar 451 

Confederacy against the Portuguese. Its discomfiture .... 452 

Invasion of Berar by Murtaza Nizam Shah I 453 

Annexation of Berar by Ahmadnagar . 454 

Intrigues between Golconda and Ahmadnagar against Bijapur . . 455 

Campaign in Berar 456 

Rebellion of B urban, brother of Murtaza Nizam Shah .... 457 

Death of 'All I and accession of Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II .... 458 

War between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur 458 

Troubles in Bijapur and imprisonment of Chand Bib! .... 459 
Bijapur is besieged by the armies of Ahmadnagar and Golconda. The 

siege is raised 460 

Death of Murtaza and accession of Husain Nizam Shah II ... 461 

Death of Husain II and accession of Isma'il Nizam Shah . . . 461 
Burhan Nizam Shah II, countenanced by Akbar, attempts to return to 

Ahmadnagar. His discomfiture 461 

Battle of Bohankhed. Deposition of Isma'il and accession of Burhan 

Nizam Shah II 462 

Burhan unsuccessfully attacks the Portuguese in Chaul .... 462 

Death of Burhan II and accession of Ibrahim Nizam Shah . . . 463 

Death of Ibrahim Nizam Shah. Civil war in Ahmadnagar ... 463 

A faction in Ahmadnagar appeals to Sultan Murad, son of Akbar . 463 

Appeal to Ibrahim 'Adil Shah II 464 

Sultan Murad and the Khan Khanan besiege Ahmadnagar . . . 464 

The siege is raised and Berar is ceded to Akbar 465 

Renewal of hostilities between Ahmadnagar and the Empire . . 465 
Murder of Chand Bibi. Ahmadnagar is captured by Sultan Daniyal, 

Akbar's youngest son 466 

CHAPTER XVIII 
HINDU STATES IN SOUTHERN INDIA, A.D. 1000-1565 

By S. KRISHNASWAMI AYYANGAR, M.A., Professor of Indian 
History and Archaeology, and Fellow of the University of 

Madras 

Rashtrakutas, Cholas, and Chalukyas 467 

Rajaraja Chola 468 

Contest between the Cholas and the Chalukyas 469 

Administration of the Southern Kingdoms 470 

The Hoysalas 471 

Contest between the Cholas and the Chalukyas 472 

Vikramaditya Chalukya 473 

Ballala Hoysala I 474 

Conquests of the Hoysalas 475 

Supremacy of the Hoysalas in the Mysore territory 476 

Decline of the Chalukyas 477 

The Kakatiyas of Warangal 478 



Contents xxiii 

PAGE 

The Yadavas of Deogir. Vira Ballala II 479 

Formal assumption of independence by Yira Ballala II . . . . 480 

ThePandyas 481 

Hoysala encroachments on the Ghola kingdom 482 

Somesvara Hoysala 483 

Invasion of the Hoysala kingdom by the Yadavas 484 

The four kingdoms of the South, Yadavas, Hoysalas, Kakatiyas, and 

Pandyas . . . ! 485 

InvasiorTof the Yadava kingdom by the Muslims 486 

Malik Kaffir's campaigns in the Decean and the Peninsula ... 487 

Conquests of Muhammad Tughluq 488 

Foundation of the Yijayanagar State 489 

The Muhammadan kingdom of Madura ....... 490 

Wars between the Bahmani kingdom and Yijayanagar . . " . . 490 

First Dynasty of Yijayanagar 491 

Magnificence of Yijayanagar 492 

Alliance between Orissa and the Deccan against Yijayanagar . . 493 
Usurpation of Yirupaksha in Vijayanagar, and his deposition by Saluva 

Narasimha 494 

Krishnadevaraya of Yijayanagar 495 

War between Yijayanagar and Orissa 496 

Failure of the attempt of the Muslims to recover the Raich UP Doab . 497 

Usurpation of the 4 Mad ' Tirumala in Yijayanagar 498 

Fall of Yijayanagar 499 

CHAPTER XIX 

SIND AND MULTAN 

By Lt.-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

Review of the history of Sind 500 

Sammas and Arghuns 501 

Tarkhans ... 502 

The Langahs of Multan 503 

Civil war in Multan 504 

Multan recovered by Kamran, brother of Humayun 505 

CHAPTER XX 

THE NATIVE STATES OF NORTHERN INDIA FROM 

A.D. 1000 TO 1526 

By Lt.-Colonel Sir WOLSELEY HAIG 

The Hindu Shahis and the Punjab 506 

Ajmer, Delhi, Chitor, Kanauj, Jijhoti, Chedi, Malwa, Bengal, and 

Kamarupa 507 

The Solankis of Gujarat 508 

Kanauj and Delhi 509 

Chedi, Malwa, and Chitor 510 

The Palas and Senas of Bengal 511 

The Chauhans and the Gtaharwars. The two battles of Taraori . . 512 

Extinction of the Gaharwars. The conquest of Bihar .... 513 



xxiv Contents 



PAGE 

Kamarupa, or Assam 514 

Decline of the Chandels 514 

Ranthambhor 515 

Invasion of Malwa by Iltutmish. Independence of the Chanhans in 

Ranthambhor 516 

Conquest of Ranthambhor and Gujarat by the Muslims .... 517 

Champaner, SirohT, and Cutch 518 

Surashtra, or Sorath 519 

The Gahlots of Chitor " \ 520 

The Rahtors of Mai-war 521 

Conquests of Chonda, the Rahtor. His death 522 

Rahtor influence in Mewar. The Rahtors of Baglana .... 523 

Legends of the Gahlots, or Sesodias, of Mewar 524 

Capture of CHitor by ' Ala-ud-dln Khalji and its recovery by the Sesodias 525 

Kshetra, or Khet Singh, of Mewar 526 

Expulsion of the Rahtors from Mewar 527 

Kumbha Rana of Mewar 528 

Sangrama of Mewar 529 

The Battle of Khanua. Death of Sangrama and accession of Ratan 

Singh II. Death of Ratan Singh and accession of Yikramaditya . 530 

The Jadons of Jaisalmer 531 

Legendary siege of Jaisalmer by 'Ala-ud-dm Khalji . . . . 532 

The fortress of Gwalior 533 

The Kachhwahas of Amber and Jaipur 534 

Gondwana 534 

Gond kingdoms 535 

Garha-Katanga, or Garha-Mandla; Deogarh; Kherla; and Chanda . 536 

The kingdom of Chanda 537 

The Gond kingdoms compared 538 



CHAPTER XXI 
BURMA, 1287-1531. THE PERIOD OF SHAN IMMIGRATION 

By G. E. HARVEY, Indian Civil Service 

Decline in Burmese culture owing to Shan immigration . . . 539 

The kingdom of A va 540 

The Three Shan Brothers 541 

Minkyiswasawke 542 

Razadarit of Pegu 543 

Arakan, Toungoo, and Pegu. Minrekyawswa 544 

Ava and Pegu 545 

Defeat and death of Minrekyawswa 546 

Nicolo de' Conti 547 

The Ruby Mine State. Chinese trade on the Irrawaddy . . . 548 

Burmese literature _. 549 

Massacres of monks in Ava. Decline of the kingdom .... 550 

The kingdom of Pegu 551 

Razadarit takes Pegu, Bassein, and Myaungmya 552 

Razadarit puts his son, Bawlawkyantaw, to death 553 

Death of Razadarit 553 

"The Old Queen," Shinsawbu 554 



Contents xxv 

PAGE 

Revival of religion 555 

Takayutpi, last king of Pegu 556 

Talaings. Portuguese trade 556 

Toungoo 557 

Influx of Burmans into Toungoo 558 



CHAPTER XXII 
CEYLON, A.D. 1215-1527 

By DON MARTINO DB ZILVA WICKREMASINGHE, Professor 
of Tamil in the School of Oriental Studies, University of 

London 

Kaiinga Yijaya-Bahu, the invader 559 

Parakkama-Bahu II expels the invaders from Ceylon .... 560 

Reign of Parakkama-Bahu II 561 

Bhuvaneka-Bahu I, Parakkama-Bahu UI, Bhuvaneka-Bahu II, 

Parakkama-Bahu IV, and Bhuvaneka-Bahu III . . 562 

Bhuvaneka-Bahu IV, Parakkama-Bahu V, Vikkama-Bahu III, Arya 

Chakravarti of JafPna, Bhuvaneka-Bahu V 563 

Overthrow of the Tamil, Arya Chakravarti 564 

Chinese invasion 565 

Parakkama-Bahu VI 565 

Jaya-Bahu II, Bhuvaneka-Bahu VI, Parakkama-Bahu VII, Parak- 
kama-Bahu VIII 566 

Parakkama-Bahu IX. Arrival of the Portuguese 567 



CHAPTER XXIII 
THE MONUMENTS OF MUSLIM INDIA 

By Sir JOHN MARSHALL, C.I.E., M.A., LittD., Ph.D., Director 
General of the Archaeological Survey of India 

Influence of India and of Islam on Indo-Islamic Art .... 568 

Local styles of Muhammadan architecture 569 

Hindu and Muslim art 570 

Union of strength and grace in Indo-Islamic architecture . . . 571 

Influence of Hindu on Muslim art 572 

The Delhi group of Islamic monuments 573 

Persian architecture 574 

Monuments at Ghazni 575 

The Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque 576 

TheQutbMinar 578 

Sultan Gh&rl 580 

Arhal-din-ka-Jhompra at Ajmer 581 

Appearance of the true arch 582 

Jama'at Khana Masjid and Alai Darvaza 583 

Defences of Sir! 584 



xxvi Contents 

PAGE 

Tughluq&bad 585 

Public works of Firiiz Shah 587 

Monotony of the architecture of the Tughluqs 589 

Flruzabad 590 

College and tomb of Firiiz Shah 591 

Tomb of Tilangani 592 

The Lai Gumbad 593 

Tombg of the Sayyids 594 

Tombs of the Lodl period 595 

The Moth-kl-Masjid 596 

Multan 597 

Bengal 599 

The buildings of Gaur 601 

The AdmaMasjidof Pandua 602 

Buildings of Sikandar Shah's reign and the Eklakhi tomb at Pandua . 603 

The Dakhil Darwaza at Gaur 604 

The Tantipara mosque 605 

The Gunmant mosque 606 

The monuments of Husain Shah 607 

Gujarat \ 608 

The Jami' Masjid at Cambay. Ahniadabad, Songarh, Dohad, and 

Ahmadnagar 609 

The J ami' Masjid of Ahniadabad 610 

Tombs of the kings at Sarkhej 611 

Mahmud Begarha 612 

Chainpaner 613 

The step-wells of Gujarat 614 

The minarets of Gujarat 615 

Mosque of Siddi Sayyid 616 

DharandMandu 617 

The Hindola Mahall and Jami' Masjid at Mandu 619 

Tomb of Huahang 620 

The Jahaz Mahall 621 

Bayana and Nagaur 622 

Fathabad and Chanderi 623 

Badaun 624 

Irich and KalpT 625 

Jaunpur 626 

The Jhanjhrt Masjid, the Lai Darwaza, and the Jami* Masjid at 

Jaunpur 627 

TheDeccan 629 

Daulatabad 630 

Gawilgarh, Narnala, Mahur, and the fortresses of the Deccan . . 631 

Bldar and Parenda 632 

Narnala. Gulbarga 633 

The Jami' Masjid of Gulbarga 634 

Bldar 635 

The College of Mahmud Gavan. The Sola Khamb Mosque, and the 

Gagan, Tarkash, Chin!, and N agin a Mahalls 636 

Berar, Bldar, Bijapur, and Golconda. Khandesh 637 

Kashmir I . 638 

The Jami' Masjid at Srinagar 639 

The mosque of Shah Hamadan 640 



Contents 



XXVll 



PAGE 

BIBLIOGRAPHIES * 641 

CHRONOLOGY 664 

INDEX 716 

PLATES ILI at end 



LIST OF MAPS 



1. India in 1022 

2. India in 1236 

3. India between 1318 and 1338 

4. India in 1398 

5. India in 1525 

6. The Five K ingdoms of the Deccan 

7. South India, about 1100 

8. The Indian Empire and Ceylon 



between pp. 16 and 17 

between pp. 64 and 65 

between pp. 144 and 145 

between pp. 192 and 193 

between pp. 240 and 241 

between pp. 432 and 433 

between pp. 480 and 481 

in pocket at end of volume 



LIST OF PLATES 

I. 1. Detail of the star panels in the Ghaznl gate at Agra Fort. 

2. Delhi: the Quwwat-ul-I slam masjid\ arched screen of Qutb-ud- 

din Aibak. 

II. 3. Delhi: the Quwwat-ul- Islam mosque; carvings on original 
screen of Qutb-nd-dln Aibak. 

4. Delhi: the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque; carvings on screen 
extension added by Iltutmish. 

III. 5. Delhi: bird's-eye view of Quwwat-ul-Islam masjid and con- 
nected buildings (restored). 

IV. 6. Delhi: the Qutb minar from North-East. 

7. Interior of the tomb of the Emperor Iltutmish. 
V. 8. Tomb of Sultan Ghari. Roof of subterranean tomb-chamber. 

9. Arhal-din-ka-Jhompra masjid at Ajmer. Arched screen in 
front of prayer-chamber. 

VI. 10. Arhai-din-ka-Jhompra masjid at Ajmer. Colonnades in the 
prayer-chamber. 

11. Arhai-din-ka-Jhompra masjid at Aimer. Detail of marble 
mihrab. 

VII. 12. The Jama'at Khana masjid at the dargah of Nizam-ud-din 
Auliya. 

13. 'Alai Darwaza at the Qutb; south facade. 
VIII. 14. Interior of the 'Alai Darwaza. 

15. Tomb of Ghiyas-nd-din Tughluq: view from inside the castle 

walls. 

16. Tomb of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq, from the West. 
IX. 17. Conjectural restoration of the Kotla Firuz Shah. 

X. 18. Asoka's pillar with Firuz Shah's pyramidal substructure in the 
Kotla Firuz Shah: from South- West. 

19. College and tomb of Firuz Shah Tughluq at the Hauz-i-'Alal. 
XI. 20. Tomb of Firuz Shah Tughluq. 

21. Tomb of Khan-i-Jahan Tilangani. 
XII. 22. The Kalan masjid in Shahjahanabad. 

23. Tomb of Muhammad Shah (Sayyid), from South- West. 
XIII. 24. Bare Khan Ka Gum bad, from North-East. 

25. The Ba^a Gumbad and Mosque. 
XIV. 26. Mosque of the Bara Gumbad. 

2ft. Interior of prayer-chamber of the Moth-ki-masjid. 
XV. 28. Tomb of Baha-ul-Haqq at Multan, from East. 

29. Tomb of Rnkn-i-'Alam at Multan, from South-West. 



xxx List of Plates 



XVI. 30. Sectional drawing of the tomb of Bukn-i-'Alam at Multan. 

XYII. 31. Inscription on left of mihrab of Zafar EMn Ghazi mosque at 

Tribani. 
32. Adina Masjid, Panduah: the prayer-chamber as seen from 

the courtyard. 
XVIII. 33. 3dina Masjid, Panduah: the mimbar and central mihrab. 

34. Achna Mas j id, Panduah: corridor with royal gallery on right. 
XIX. 35. Sath Gumbaz mosque at Bagerhat, from South-East. 

36. The DakhU Darwaza at Gaur, from the North. 
XX. 37. Tantipara masjid at Gaur: details of terracotta decorations. 
38. Gunman t mosque, showing decoration of vaulted arch, at 
Gaur. 

XXI. 39. General view of Chhota Sona Masjid at Gaur, from East. ' 

40. Firuz Minar at Gaur. 

41. Details of central door of Chhota Sona Masjid at Gaur. 
XXII. 42. Bara Sona Masjid at Gaur, from North-East. 

43. Arcade in the prayer-chamber of the Bara Sona Masjid at 
Gaur. 

XXIII. 44. The Jam? Masjid at Cambay. 

45. Dholka: Balol Khan Qazfs masjid, entrance porch. 
XXIV. 46. Ahmadabad: Tin Darwaza. General view from East. 

47. The Jam? Masjid at Ahmadabad. 

XXV. 48. Champaner: Halol gateway (inner) from East. North- West 
corner. 

49. Champaner: Jam? Masjid. View from South-East. 

50. Champaner: Jam? Masjid. General view from South- West. 
XXVI. 51. The Palace at Sarkhej. 

52. Adalaj : stepped well. Interior view from second gallery. 

53. Ahmadabad: masjid of Sayyid 'Usman: tomb of Sayyid 

'Usman in front of view from South-East (at 'Usmanpura). 

XXVII. 54. Ahmadabad: Shah 'Alain's tomb. View from North-East. 

55. Ahmadabad: Bai Harass masjid at Asarwa. View from East. 

56. Ahmadabad: Mosque of Shah ' A lam. 
XXVIII. 57. Mosque of Earn Sipari at Ahmadabad. 

XXIX. 58. Siddi Sayyid's mosque at Ahmadabad. 

59. Perforated stone window in Siddi Sayyid's mosque at 
Ahmadabad. 

XXX. 60. The Delhi Gate of Mandii, from within. 
XXXI. 61. InterioroftheEastentranceporchoftheXa^Jfa^VrfatDhar. 

62. A corner of the Hindola Mahall at Mandu. 
XXXII. 63. Interior of the Hindola Mahall at Mandu. 

64. The Jamt c Masjid at Mandu, from the North-East. 

65. Interior of the Jdmi 6 Masjid at Mandu. 
XXXIII. 66. The tomb of Hushang. 

67. Interior of mosque of Malik Mughis (Mughis-ud-Dunya) 
(typical of the Mandu style). 



List of Plates xxxi 

XXXIV. 68. The rained College and tomb of Mahmud, with Tower of 
Victory on the left. 

69. The Jahaz Mahall at Mftndu. 

70. The palace of Baz Bahadur, with Bupmati's pavilion 

crowning 1 the hill in the distance. 

XXXV. 71. The Ukha Mandir at Bayana. 
72. The Ukha Masjid at Bayana. 

XXXVI. 73. The Shams Masjid at Nagaur ( Jodhpur). 
74. The Topkhana mosque at Jalor (Jodhpur). 

XXXVII. 75. Kushk Mahall at Fathabad near Chanderi. 

76. Jain? Masjid at Chanderi. 
XXXVIII. 77. Jam? Masjid at Budaun. 

78. Badal Mahall grate at Chanderl. 

79. The Lat at Hissar. 

XXXIX. 80. Chaurasl Gumbad at Kalpi, from South-East. 

81. Atala mosque at Jaunpnr. 

82. Atala mosque at Jaunpur. 
XL. 83. Jam? Masjid at Jaunpur. 

84. Jam? Masjid at Jaunpur. Exterior colonnades on south 
side. 

XLI. 85. The citadel at Daulatabad, with Chand Minar to the right. 

86. The entrance to the tunnel in the citadel at Daulatabad. 
XLII. 87. Bock-hewn moat around the citadel at Daulatabad. 
XLIII. 88. The Gumbad gate of Bidar Fort. 

89. The Fort at Parenda. 
XLIV. 90. The Path Darwaza, Golconda Fort. 

91. Mahakali Gateway of Narnala. 
XLV. 92. Tomb of Bahman Shah at Gulbarga, from North-East. 

93. Tomb of FirQ/ Shah Bahmum at Gulbarga, from North- 
West. 
XL VI. 94. The Jam? Masjid at Gulbarga, from North-East. 

95. Arcade in the Jam? Masjid at Gulbarga. 
XL VII. 96. Arch over entrance to Banda Nawaz, Gulbarga. 

97. Tombs of the later Bahmani kings at Bidar. 
XLVIII. 98. The Chand Minar at Daulatabad. 
XLIX. 99. Madrasa of Mahmud Gawan at Bidar. 

100. Tombs of the Faruql kings at Thalner, from North-East. 
L. 101. Tomb of the mother of Zain-ul-'A bidin. 

102. Mosque of Madam. 

LI. 103. Jam? Masjid, Snnagar; interior of cloisters. * 
104 Mosque of Shah Hamadan. 



LIST OF BIBLIOGRAPHIES 

PAGE 

Chapter I 641 

Chapter II 642 

Chapter III 643 

Chapter IV 644 

Chapter V 645 

Chapter VI . 646 

Chapter VII . 647 

Chapters VIII, IX and X 648 

Chapter XI 649 

Chapter XII 650 

Chapters XIII, XIV 651 

Chapters XV, XVI and XVII 652 

Chapter XVIII 653 

Chapter XIX 654 

Chapter XX 655 

Chapter XXI 656 

Chapter XXII 658 

Chapter XXIII 659 



CORRIGENDA 

p. 21, 11. 9, 11, 28, 33, 36, 40. For Nanda read Ganda. 

p. 22, 11. 23, 30, 37, 41. For Nanda read Ganda. 

p. 127, 1. 17. Delete pure. Delete note 1 , and substitute the following : 

1 Tughluq was the personal name of Ghiyas-ud-dln, but has been applied, both 
by Eastern and Western historians, to the dynasty founded by him, as though it 
were a patronymic. It is usually transliterated Tughlaq, but 1 follow Ibn Batutah, 
who is explicit on the point, and who, though not always a safe guide in the matter 
of proper names, must have known how the name was pronounced at Delhi in his 
time. 

p. 238, 1. 12. After provisions insert to pursue his advantage. 

p. 244, 1. 5. For in read to. 

p. 316, L 35. For 1510 read 1511. 

p. 441, 1L 10, 18. For Sadashivaraya read Rama Raya. 

p. 442, 11. 7, 24. For Sadashivaraya read Rama Raya. 

p. 443, 1. 2. For Sadashivaraya read Rama Raya. 

p. 444, 11. 2, 26, 29. For Sadashivaraya read Rama Raya. 

p. 445, 11. 11, 27. For Sadaahivafaya read Rama Raya. 

p. 448, 11. 10, 24, 30, 36. For Sadashivaraya read Rama Raya. 

p. 449, 11. 4, 15, 24. For Sadashivaraya read Rama Raya. 



CHAPTER I 

THE ARAB CONQUEST OF SIND 

THE rise of Islam is one of the marvels of history. In the 
summer of A.D. 622 a prophet, without honour in his own country, 
fled from his native city to seek an asylum in the town of Yathrib, 
since known as Madlnat-un-Ndbl, 'the Prophet's City/ rather 
more than two hundred miles north of Mecca, the town which had 
cast him out Little more than a century later the successors and 
followers of the fugitive were ruling an empire which extended 
from the Atlantic to the Indus and from the Caspian to the cataracts 
of the Nile, and included Spain and Portugal, some of the most 
fertile regions of southern France, the whole of the northern 
coast of Africa, Upper and Lower Egypt, their own native Arabia, 
Syria, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Persia, Afghanistan, Baluchistan and 
Transoxiana. They threatened Christendom almost simultaneously 
from the east and the west, besieging Constantinople three times 
and advancing into the heart of France, and but for the decisive 
victory of Theodosius III before the imperial city in 716 and the 
crushing defeat inflicted on them near Tours in 732 by Charles 
the Hammer, the whole of Europe would have passed under their 
sway. The battle of Poitiers decided whether the Christians' bell 
or the muezzin's cry should sound over Rome, Paris and London, 
whether the subtleties of the schoolmen and later, the philosophy 
of Greece, or the theology and jurisprudence of the Koran and 
the Traditions should be studied at Bologna, Paris, Oxford and 
Cambridge. 

By the beginning of the eighth century of the Christian era the 
Arabs had carried their arms as far as the western confines of India 
and bore sway in Mekran, the ancient Gedrosia, that torrid region 
extending inland from the northern shore of the Sea of 'Oman. 
Immediately to the east of this province lay the kingdom of Sind, 
ruled by Dahir, son of the usurping Brahman Chach. 

An act of piracy or brigandage, the circumstances of which are 
variously related, brought Dahir into conflict with his formidable 
neighbours. The King of Ceylon was sending to Hajjaj, viceroy of 
the eastern provinces of the caliphate, the orphan daughters of 
Muslim merchants who had died in his dominions, and his vessels 
were attacked and plundered by pirates off* the coast of Sind. 
C.H.I. HI. 1 



2 "The Arab Conquest of SM [CH. 

According to a less probable account, the King of Ceylon had 
himself accepted Islam, and was sending tribute to the Commander 
of the Faithful, Another author writes that 'Abdul Malik, the fifth 
Umayyad, and father of Walld, the reigning Caliph, had sent agents 
to India to purchase female slaves and other commodities, and that 
these agents, on reaching Debul, Dahir's principal seaport, had been 
attacked and plundered by brigands. 

It is the results rather than the details of the outrage that 
are important. Hajjaj sent a letter through Muhammad b. Harun, 
governor of Mekran, demanding reparation, but Dahir replied that 
the aggressors were beyond his control, and that he was powerless 
to punish them. Hajjaj then obtained from Walld permission to 
send an expedition into Sind and dispatched 'Ubaidullah against 
Debul, but he was defeated and slain and Budail, who followed 
him, shared his fate. Hajjaj, deeply affected by these two failures, 
fitted out a third expedition, at the head of which he placed his 
cousin and son-in-law, 'Imad-ud-dln Muhammad, son of Qasim 1 , a 
youth of seventeen years of age. 

Muhammad, with 6000 Syrian horse, the flower of the armies 
of the Caliphs, a camel corps of equal strength, and a baggage train 
of 3000 camels, marched by way of Shiraz and through Mekran 
towards Sind, crossing the frontier at Armail, probably not far 
from the modern Darbeji. On his way through Mekran he had 
been joined by more troops and the Arabs appeared before Debul, 
then a seaport situated about twenty-four miles to the south-west 
of the modern town of Tatta, in the autumn of 711. His artillery, 
which included a great balista known as ' the Bride/ worked by 
five hundred men, had been sent by sea to meet him. The town 
was protected by strong stone fortifications and contained a great 
idol temple, from which it took its name. The siege had continued 
for some time when a Brahman deserted from the temple and in- 
formed Muhammad that the garrison consisted of 4000 Rajputs 
and that 3000 shaven Brahmans served the temple. It was im- 
possible, he said, to take the place by storm, for the Brahmans had 
prepared a talisman and placed it at the base of the staff of the 
great red flag which flew from the steeple of the temple. Muhammad 
ordered Ja'wiyyah, his chief artillerist, to shorten the foot of ' the 
Bride/ thus lowering her trajectory, and to make the flagstaff his 

mark. The third stone struck it, shattered its base, and broke the 



1 Not Qasim or Muhammad Qasim, as he is sometimes called by European historians. 
This vulgar error, arising from a Persian idiom in which the word ' son ' is understood 
but not expressed, should be avoided. 



The Fall of Debul 



talisman. The garrison, though much disheartened by the destruc- 
tion of their palladium, made a sortie, but were repulsed, and the 
Arabs, planting their ladders, swarmed over the walls. The Brah- 
mans and other inhabitants were invited to accept Islam, and on 
their refusing their wives and children were enslaved and all males 
of the age of seventeen and upwards were put to the sword. The 
carnage lasted for three days and Muhammad laid out a Muslim 
quarter, built a mosque, and placed a garrison of 4000 in the town. 
The legal fifth of the spoil and seventy-five damsels were sent to 
Hajjaj, and the rest of the plunder was divided among the army. 

Dahir attempted to make light of the fall of Debul, saying that 
it was a place inhabited by mean people and traders, and as Mu- 
hammad advanced towards Niriin, about seventy-five miles to the 
north-east and near the modern Haidarabad (Hydrabad), ordered 
his son Jai Singh to leave that fort, placing a priest in charge of 
it, and to join him in the strong fortress of Bahmanabad. The 
Arabs, after seven days' march, arrived before Nirun early in 712, 
and the priest left in charge of the place surrendered it to Mu- 
hammad, who, placing a Muslim governor there marched to Sehwan, 
about eighty miles to the north-west. 

This town, populated chiefly by priests and traders, who were 
anxious to submit at once to the invaders, was held by Bajhra, son 
of Chandra and cousin of Dahir, who upbraided the inhabitants for 
their pusillanimity and prepared, with the troops at his disposal, to 
defend the place, but after a week's siege lost heart, fled by the 
north gate of the city, crossed the Kumbh, which then flowed more 
than ten miles to the east of Sehwan, and took refuge with the 
Jats of Budhiya, whose raja was Kaka, son of Kotal, and whose 
capital was at Sisam, on the bank of the Kunibh. The inhabitants 
of Sehwan then surrendered the town to Muhammad, who granted 
them their lives on condition of their remaining loyal and paying 
the poll-tax leviable from non-Muslims. 

Sir William Muir has observed that the conquest of Sind marks 
a new stage in Muhammadan policy. The Islamic law divides 
misbelievers into two classes, 'the People of the Book/ that is 
Christians and Jews, as the possessors of inspired Scriptures, and 
idolaters. The first, when conquered, are granted, by the authority 
of the Koran, their lives, and may not lawfully be molested in any 
way, even in the practice of the rites of their creeds, so long as 
. they loyally accept the rule of their conquerors and pay the jizya 
or poll-tax, but a rigid interpretation of the Koran, subsequently 
modified by commentators and legislators, allows to idolaters only 



4 The Arab Conquest of Sind [CH. 

the choice between Islam and death. By a legal fiction which 
placed the scriptures of Zoroaster on a level with the Old and New 
Testaments as a divine revelation the Magians of Persia had often 
obtained the amnesty which was strictly the peculiar privilege of 
Christians and Jews, but Hajjaj, a bitter persecutor, knew nothing 
of the lax interpretation which tolerated idolatry on payment of 
tribute, and in Central Asia idolators were rooted out In India 
Muhammad granted the amnesty to idolators, and in many cases 
left their temples standing and permitted their worship. At Debul 
he had behaved as an orthodox Muslim, but his subsequent policy 
was toleration except when he met with obstinate resistance or 
his troops suffered serious losses. Thus we find the zealous Hajjaj 
remonstrating with the young soldier for doing the Lord's work 
negligently and Muhammad consulting his cousin on the degree of 
toleration permissible. His campaign in Sind was not a holy war, 
waged for the propagation of the faith, but a mere war of conquest, 
and it was undoubtedly politic in the leader of a few thousand 
Arabs to refrain from a course which might have roused swarms of 
idolators against him. 

The endeavour to follow in detail the movements of Muhammad 
after the fall of Sehwan bristles with difficulties. The unsatisfactory 
attempts of historians to reproduce in a script utterly unsuited to 
the purpose the place names of India, the corruption of their ver- 
sions of those names by copyists who had never heard and could 
not read them, and above all the constant changes in the face of 
the country due to the repeated shifting of the courses of the great 
rivers which traverse it, combine to confound the student The 
general course followed by him may, however, be traced. 

From Sehwan he marched to Sisam on the Kumbh, defeated 
the Jats, who attacked his camp by night, and captured their 
stronghold in two days. Bajhra, Dahir's cousin, and his principal 
followers were slain, but Kaka submitted, and afterwards joined 
the Muslims. 

In accordance with orders received from Hajjaj, Muhammad 
returned towards Nirun, there to make preparations for the passage 
of the Mihran, the main stream of the Indus, which then flowed 
some distance to the east of Nirun and between it and his objective, 
the strong fortress of Bahmanabad, where Dahir was prepared to 
oppose his further advance into the country. He halted on the 
western bank of the river, opposite to a fortress called Baghrur by 
the Arab chroniclers, but was delayed there for some months by 
scurvy, which broke out among his troops, by a malady which 



i] The Death of Dahir 5 

carried off a large number of his horses, and by the impossibility 
of obtaining boats. Hajjaj sent him sage advice as to the best 
means of effecting the passage of the river and, what was more to 
the purpose, two thousand horses and a supply of vinegar for his 
suffering troops. This last was transported in a concentrated form. 
Cotton was saturated in it and dried and the operation was repeated 
until the cotton would hold no more ; the essence could then be 
extracted by the simple process of soaking the cotton in water. In 
June, 712, Muhammad crossed the river with his troops without 
serious opposition from the Hindus. 

Dahir had meanwhile assembled an army of 50,000 horse, and 
marched from Bahmanabad to Rawar to meet the invader. The 
armies lay opposite to one another for several days, during which 
some skirmishing took place, and on June 20 Dahir mounted his 
elephant and advanced to the attack. The battle was sustained 
with great valour on both sides, but an Arab succeeded in planting 
an arrow, to which burning cotton was attached, in Dahir's elephant, 
and the terrified beast turned and fled towards the river, pursued 
by the Arabs. The driver arrested his flight in midstream and 
induced him once more to face the enemy, and the battle was 
renewed on the river bank. Dahir charged the Arabs, and did great 
execution among them until he was struck by an arrow and fell 
from his elephant. He contrived to mount a horse, but an Arab 
cut him down, and the Hindus fled from the field, some towards 
Aror, the capital, and others, with Jai Singh, to Bahmanabad, while 
Dahir's wife, Rani Bai, and her handmaids immolated themselves 
at Rawar, to avoid falling into the hands of the strangers. 

The remnant of the Hindu army rallied at Bahmanabad and 
offered such a determined resistance that 8000 or, according to 
another account, 26,000 of them were slain. Jai Singh, loth to 
sustain a siege in Bahmanabad, retired to Chitrur and Muhammad 
captured Bahmanabad, and with it Rani Lad!, another wife of 
Dahir, whom he afterwards married, and Suryadevi and Parmaldevi, 
Dahir's two maiden daughters, who were sent through Hajjaj to the 
Caliph. 

After the capture of Bahmanabad he organised the administra- 
tion of Lower Sind, placing governors in Rawar, Sehwan, Nirun, 
Dhaliya, and other places, and on October 9th set out for Aror, 
receiving on his way the submission of the people of Muthalo and 
Bharur, arid of the Sammas, Lohanas, and Sihtas. 

Aror was held by a son of Dahir, called by Muslim chroniclers 
Fufi, whose conviction that his father was yet alive and had but 



6 The Arab Conquest of Sind [CH. 

retired into Hindustan to collect an army encouraged him to offer 
a determined resistance. Muhammad attempted to destroy his 
illusion, which was shared by the people of Aror, by sending his 
wife Ladi to assure them that her former husband had indeed been 
slain and that his head had been sent to the Caliph's viceroy, but 
they repudiated her with abuse as one who had joined herself to 
the unclean strangers. Fufi was, however, at length convinced of 
his father's death, and fled from Aror by night Muhammad, on 
learning of his flight, attacked the town, and the citizens, deserted 
by their leader, readily submitted to him. 

He appointed a governor and a judge to Aror and marched 
towards Multan. On his way thither he first reached a fortress to 
which Kaksa, a cousin of Dahir, had fled from Aror. Kaksa sub- 
mitted to him, was taken into his confidence and became one of 
his most trusted counsellors. Continuing his march north-eastwards 
he came to a fortress of which the name has been so corrupted that 
it cannot be identified, but it lay on the northern bank of the Beas, 
as it then flowed. It was bravely defended for seven days, but was 
then deserted by its governor, a nephew of the ruler of Multan, 
who took refuge in Sika, a fortress on the southern bank of the 
Ravi. The people, left to themselves, surrendered the fortress and 
were spared, but the garrison, to the number of four thousand, 
was put to the sword, and their wives and children were enslaved. 
After appointing an Arab governor Muhammad crossed the rivers 
and attacked Sika, the siege of which occupied him for seventeen 
days and cost him the lives of twenty-five of his best officers and 
215 men. When the commander of the fortress fled to Multan and 
the place fell, he avenged the death of his warriors by sacking it 
and passed on to Multan. The Hindus were defeated in the field 
and driven within the walls but held out until a deserter pointed 
out to Muhammad the stream or canal which supplied the city 
with water, and this was destroyed or diverted, so that the garrison 
was obliged to surrender. In the great temple were discovered a 
golden idol and such quantities of gold that the Arabs named the 
city 'The House of Gold. 1 The fighting men were put to the sword 
and their wives and children, together with the attendants of the 
temple, numbering six thousand souls in all, were enslaved, but 
the citizens were spared. Amir Daud Nasr was appointed to the 
government of the city and another Arab to that of the province, 
and Arabs were placed in charge of the principal forts. * 

There is a conflict of authority regarding Muhammad's move- 
ments after the capture of Multan in 713, which laid at his feet 



i] Fate of Muhammad b. Qasim 7 

upper Siud and the lower Punjab. According to one account he 
became involved in hostilities with Har Chandra, son of Jhital, raja 
of Qinnauj, not to be confounded with the great city of Kanauj in 
Hindustan, and marched to meet him at Odipur, fourteen miles 
southward of Alwana, on the Ghaggar, and according to another 
he returned to Aror, but his career of conquest was drawing to a 
close, his sun was setting while it was yet day. 

The romantic story of his death, related by some chroniclers, 
has usually been repeated by European historians, but is devoid of 
foundation. It is said that when the Caliph Walid sent for Suryadevi 
and Parmaldevi, the daughters of Dahir, he first selected the elder 
for the honour of sharing his bed, but the damsel protested that 
she was unworthy, for Muhammad had dishonoured both her and 
her sister before sending them to his master. Walid, transported 
with rage, wrote with his own hand an order directing that the 
offender, wherever he might be when the message reached him, 
should suffer himself to be sewn up in a raw hide and thus dis- 
patched to the capital. When the order reached the young hero it 
was at once obeyed. He caused himself to be sewn up in the hide, 
the contraction of which as it dried would crush him to death, 
enclosed in a box and sent to Damascus. The box was opened 
in the presence of the Caliph and Suryadevi, and Walid pointed 
proudly to the corpse as evidence of the obedience which he was 
able to exact from his servants. Suryadevi, having read him a 
homily on the duty of investigating all complaints made to him 
before issuing orders on them, confessed that her accusation was 
false, that Muhammad had scrupulously respected her honour and 
that of her sister, but that she had had no other means of avenging 
her father's death. Walid condemned both sisters to a horrible 
death. We need not stop to inquire whether they were immured 
alive, or whether they were dragged through the streets of Damascus 
by horses until they expired. Both accounts are extant, but the 
end of the young conqueror, though tragic enough, was not due to 
an act of romantic and quixotic obedience to a distant and un- 
grateful master. 

Walid died in 715 and was succeeded by his brother Sulaiman ; 
to whom Hajjaj had given great offence by encouraging Walid in 
the design of making his son rather than his brother his heir. 
Hajjaj was beyond the reach of mortal vengeance, for he had died 
before Walid, but the new Caliph's hand fell heavily on his family 
and adherents. Yazld, son of Abu Kabshah, was appointed governor 
of Sind and Muhammad was sent a prisoner to Mesopotamia, where 



8 The Arab Conquest of Sind [CH. 

he was imprisoned at Wasit by Salih. He could not have fallen 
into worse hands, for Adam, Salih's brother, had been one of the 
numerous Khariji heretics put to death by the bigoted and brutal 
Hajjaj. His murder was now expiated by the gallant young con- 
queror of Sind and his relations, who were tortured to death by 
Salih's orders. 

Yazld died eighteen days after his arrival in Sind, and Sulaiman 
appointed Habib, son of Muhallab, to succeed him. Habib adopted 
a conciliatory policy, and allowed the princes expelled by Mu- 
hammad to return to their states, so that Jai Singh, son of Dahir, 
established himself at Bahmanabad, Aror being retained as the 
capital of the viceroy, whose only warlike operation appears to 
have been the reduction of a refractory tribe to obedience. 

Sulaiman died, after a reign of no more than two years, in 717, 
and was succeeded by his cousin, the pious and zealous 'Umar II, 
to whom the toleration of idolatry, even on the fringe of his empire, 
was painful He wrote to the princes of Sind, urging them to 
embrace Islam and earn the temporal as well as the eternal blessings 
which would follow their acceptance of the true faith. Many, among 
them Jai Singh, responded. 

Junaid, governor of Sind under the Caliph Hisham (724-743), 
was active and energetic, but unscrupulous. He prepared to invade 
the territory of Jai Singh, now a Muslim and a feudatory of the 
Caliph, but when Jai Singh protested against the aggression re- 
assured him. Jai Singh responded by sending to him assurances 
of his loyalty to the Caliph and the tribute due from his state. 
Hostilities nevertheless broke out, and Jai Singh was defeated and 
slain. Each has been accused of perfidy, but Junaid is convicted 
by his subsequent conduct. When Chach, Jai Singh's brother, fled 
to Mesopotamia to complain against him ' he did not cease to con- 
ciliate him until they had shaken hands, and then he slew him.' 

Junaid afterwards carried the Muslim arms further into India, 
but the places which he captured or menaced cannot now be satis- 
factorily identified. He was afterwards promoted to the viceroyalty 
of the eastern provinces of the Caliphate, and was succeeded in 
Sind by Tammim, son of Zaid-ul-'Utba, a feeble ruler distinguished 
chiefly by his lavish generosity, whose successor, Hakam, found 
Islam languishing and the people, for the most part, relapsed into 
idolatry, and was obliged to build for the Muslims two strongholds 
to serve as cities of refuge, cU Matyuzah, ' the guarded/ and Man- 
surah, long the capital of the Muhammadan province of Sind, lying 
a few miles to the north-east of Bahmanabad. He and his lieutenant 



i] The ^Abbasids 



'Amru, son of the unfortunate Muhammad, laboured to recall the 
people to the faith of Islam and to restore the military reputation 
of the Muslims, and their successors ' continued to kill the enemy, 
taking whatever they could acquire and subduing the people who 
rebelled.' 

In 750 the 'Abbasids overthrew the Umayyads and- sent officers 
to expel those who had held offices under them in the provinces. 
Mansur, who now held Sind, resisted with some success the adhe- 
rents of the new line of Caliphs, but was at length defeated and 
driven into the desert, where he perished miserably of thirst. Musa, 
who expelled him, repaired the city of Mansurah and enlarged the 
mosque there. 

Al-Mansur (754-775), the second 'Abbasid Caliph, sent to Sind 
Hisham, who reduced Multan, still in arms against the new dynasty, 
and captured Qandail, which may be identified with Zihri in Balu- 
chistan, about fifty-seven miles south-west of Ganda va ; and Kandharo, 
on the south-western border of the present Bahawalpur State. 

Governor was regularly appointed to succeed governor until 
Bashar, son of Daud, rebelled against the Caliph al-Ma'mun, who 
reigned from 813 to 833, and Ghassan, who was sent to suppress 
his rebellion, carried him to Baghdad, and left as his own deputy 
in Sind, Musa, son of Yahya, son of Khalid, son of Barmak. Musa 
the Barmecide, an active and energetic ruler, died in 836, but 
before his death ventured on a step which clearly indicated that 
the hold of the Caliphs on Sind was relaxing. He nominated his 
sou 'Amran as his successor, and the significance of the measure 
was hardly diminished by the formality of obtaining al-Mu'tasim's 
recognition of the appointment When provincial governments in 
the east begin to become hereditary they are in a fair way to be- 
coming kingdoms. 

4 Amran made war upon the Jats, whom he defeated and subju- 
gated. He also defeated and slew a fellow Muslim, Muhammad, 
son of Khalll, who reigned at Qandail, and attacked the Meds of 
the sea coast of Cutch. Of them he slew three thousand and ad- 
vanced as far as Adhoi, in eastern Cutch. 

The later history of Islam in Sind is obscure, but the religion 
flourished, and retained its dominion over idolatry. The authority 
of the Caliphs in the province was virtually extinguished in 871, 
when two Arab chiefs established independent principalities at 
Multan and Mansurah. The former comprised the upper valley of 
the united Indus as far as Aror; the latter extended from that 
town to the sea, and nearly coincided with the modern province of 



io The Arab Conquest of Sind [CH. T 

Sind. Little is known of the details of the history of these dynas- 
ties, but they seem to have left the administration of the country 
largely in the hands of natives and to have tolerated freely the 
Hindu religion. Their power was maintained by an Arab soldiery 
supported by grants of land, and though they were in fact inde- 
pendent they retained the fiction of subordination to the Caliphate, 
for as late as the beginning of the eleventh century, when Mahmud 
of Ghazni was wasting northern India with fire and sword, the 
Muslim governor of Sind professed to be the Caliph's representative. 
Of the Arab conquest of Sind there is nothing more to be said. 
It was a mere episode in the history of India and affected only a 
small portion of the fringe of that vast country. It introduced into 
one frontier tract the religion which was destined to dominate the 
greater part of India for nearly five centuries, but it had none of 
the far-reaching effects attributed to it by Tod in the Annals of 
Rdjasthan. Muhammad b. Qasim never penetrated to Chitor in 
the heart of Rajputana ; the Caliph Walid I did not ' render tribu- 
tary all that part of India on this side the Ganges' ; the invader 
was never ' on the eve of carrying the war against Raja Harchund 
of Kanouj,' much less did he actually prosecute it ; if Harun-ur- 
Rashid gave to his second son, al-Ma'mim, 'Khorassan, Zabulisthan, 
Cabulisthan, Sind and Hindusthan,' he bestowed on him at least 
one country which was not his to give ; nor was the whole of 
northern India, as Tod maintains, convulsed by the invasion of the 
Arabs. One of these, as we have seen, advanced to Adhoi in Cutch, 
but no settlement was made, and the expedition was a mere raid ; 
and though the first news of the irruption may have suggested 
warlike preparations to the princes of Rajasthan their uneasiness 
cannot have endured. The tide of Islam, having overflowed Sind 
and the lower Punjab, ebbed, leaving some jetsam on the strand. 
The rulers of states beyond the desert had no cause for alarm. 
That was to come later, and the enemy was to be, not the Arab, 
but the Turk, who was to present the faith of the Arabian prophet 
in a more terrible guise than it had worn when presented by native 
Arabians. 



CHAPTER II 

THE YAMlNl DYNASTY OF GHAZNl AND LAHORE, 
COMMONLY KNOWN AS THE GHAZNAVIDS 

THE Arabs never carried the standards of Islam far beyond the 
Indus, and though the doctrines of the new faith were accepted by 
many and familiar to all of the inhabitants of Sind, and Muham- 
madan dynasties were ruling at Mansura until A.D. 976 and at 
Multan until a later date, India in general remained untouched by 
Islam until the beginning of the eleventh century, by which time 
the faith had lost its political unity and the control of its destinies 
had passed from the hands of the Arabian successors of Muhammad 
into those of independent dynasties acknowledging the Caliph at 
Baghdad merely as a spiritual head. 

In the early part of the tenth century the descendants of Saman, 
a Persian chieftain of Balkh who had accepted Islam, extended 
their dominion over Transoxiana, Persia, and the greater part of 
the present kingdom of Afghanistan, but their great empire waned 
almost as rapidly as it had waxed and their power gradually passed 
into the hands of the Turkish slaves to whom they had been wont 
to entrust the principal offices in their court and kingdom. One of 
these, Alptigfn, rebelled and established himself at Ghazni, where 
he reigned as an independent sovereign, though his successors 
found it convenient, when they were in difficulties, to acknowledge 
the Samanids, who now held their court at Bukhara, and to court 
their favour. Alptigin was succeeded in 963 by his own son Is-haq, 
on whose death in 966 Mansur I of Bukhara acknowledged Balka- 
tigin, a former slave of Alptigin. Pirai succeeded in 972, whose 
reign of five years is remarkable for the first conflict in this region 
between Hindus and Muslims, the former being the aggressors. 
The raja of the Punjab, whose dominions extended to the Hindu 
Rush and included Kabul, was alarmed by the establishment of a 
Muslim kingdom to the south of the great mountain barrier and 
invaded the dominion of Ghazni, but was defeated. 

Pirai's rule became unpopular and he was expelled, and on 
April 9, 977, Sabuktigin, a slave upon whom Alptigin had bestowed 
his daughter's hand, ascended the throne at Ghazni. He found it 
expedient to seek, and readily obtained, confirmation of his title 
from Nuh II of Bukhara, but thenceforward made small pretence 
of subservience to a moribund dynasty. 



12 The Ghaznavids [CH. 

* 

Later Muhammadan historians are prone to represent Sabuk- 
tigln, who never crossed the Indus and led only two expeditions 
against the Hindus, as a champion of the faith whose chief occupa- 
tion was the propagation of Islam with fire and sword among the 
idolaters of India. In fact he was fully employed in extending the 
area of his small state, which at first comprised little beyond the 
immediate neighbourhood of Ghaznl. In the first twelve years of 
his reign he extended his frontiers to the Oxus on the north and 
approximately to the present boundary between Afghanistan and 
Persia on the west. Two years after his accession Jaipal, raja of 
the Punjab, again invaded the kingdom of Ghaznl from the east, 
but terms of peace were arranged, and in 986 Sabuktigln, whose 
power had been rapidly growing, invaded his enemy's territory and 
carried off many captives and much booty. Two years later he 
again attacked Jaipal and compelled him to cede Kabul and much 
other territory, but these expeditions were undertaken rather as 
measures of reprisal and for the purpose of securing his dominions 
than with any intention of propagating the faith. 

In October 994 Sabuktigln, by aiding Nuh II of Bukhara to 
expel Abu 'AH Sunjur, a rebel and a leader of the Isma'ilian here- 
tics, from Khurasan, obtained the government of that province, 
to which he appointed as his deputy, his eldest son, the famous 
Mahmud. Sabuktigm died, in August 997, near Balkh, having 
firmly laid the foundations of the great empire which was to be 
extended and consolidated by his more famous son. 

The nobles of Balkh, in obedience to Sabuktigln's will, acknow- 
ledged as their sovereign his younger son Ismail, but a party 
favoured the claims of the more able and energetic Mahmud. 
Mahmud wrote to his brother demanding the cession of Ghaznl 
and promising to retain him as governor of Balkh, but his demand 
was rejected, and the two brothers, one from Nishapur and the 
other from Balkh, marched on Ghaznl. In a battle fought near the 
city Ismail was defeated and compelled to take refuge in the fort- 
ress, but his nobles surrendered him to his brother, who imprisoned 
him for the rest of his life. 

Mahmud was born on November 1, 971, and was therefore 
twenty-seven years of age when he deposed his brother and ascended 
the throne in 998. His kingdom at the time of his accession com- 
prised the country now known as Afghanistan, and Khurasan, or 
eastern Persia. In the following year he added to it the province 
of Sistan. After this success he sought formal recognition of his 
sovereignty from the Caliph, al-Qadir Billah, who sent him a robe 



n] Mahmud 1 3 

of investment and a patent conferring on him the titles Yamm-ud- 
Daulah and Amm-ul Millah, from the former of which his successors 
are known to eastern historians as the Yammi dynasty. It was on 
this occasion that he is said to have vowed to undertake every 
year an expedition against the idolaters of India, but intestine 
troubles claimed his immediate attention. 'Abd-ul-Malik II, the 
last Samanid ruler of Bukhara, was driven from his kingdom in 
999 by Abu'l-Husain Nasr I, Ilak Khan, of Kashghar, and his 
brother, Abu Ibrahim al-Mustansir, who had found an asylum in 
Gurgan, thrice attempted to establish himself in Khurasan, where 
his forefathers had held sway. Twice he drove Nasr, Mahmud's 
brother, from Nishapur, only to be expelled when Nasr returned 
with reinforcements, and on the third occasion he was defeated 
and fled to the Ghuzz Turkmans, with whom he took refuge. 

It is difficult to follow the long series of expeditions led by 
Mahmud into India in pursuance of his vow, to reconcile the accounts 
of historians who contradict not only one another but themselves, 
and to identify places disguised under a script ambiguous in itself 
and mutilated by generations of ignorant scribes. The number of 
these expeditions is almost invariably given as twelve, but there 
are few historians who do not give accounts, more or less detailed, 
of more than twelve. The first is said to have been undertaken in 
999 or 1000, when Mahmud, after annexing Sistan, crossed the 
Indian frontier and plundered or annexed some towns, but the 
authority for this expedition is slight, Mahmud had at this time 
little leisure for foreign aggression, and the campaign may be regarded 
either as apocryphal or as a foray undertaken by some of his officers. 

In September, 1001, Mahmud left Ghazm with 15,000 horse and 
advanced to Peshawar, where Jaipal I of the Punjab was prepared 
to meet him with 12,000 horse, 30,000 foot and 300 elephants. The 
raja was expecting reinforcements and was in no haste to engage 
before their arrival, but Mahmud's impetuosity left him no choice, 
and on November 27th the two armies advanced to the attack, 
discharging clouds of arrows. Those of the Hindus did great execu- 
tion, but the Muslims had the better mark, and their arrows, as 
well as the swords of their horsemen, rendered many of JaipaTs 
elephants unmanageable or useless. The Hindus could not with- 
stand the impetuosity of the Muslim horse and by noon were in 
full flight, leaving 15,000 dead on the field or slain in the pursuit. 
Jaipal and fifteen of his relations were captured, and their jewels, 
including a necklace of enormous value worn by the raja, formed 
part of Mahmud's plunder. 



14 The Ghaznavids [CH. 

After the battle Mahmiid attacked and plundered Und 1 , then 
an important city, and Jaipal was permitted to ransom himself for 
a large sum of money and a hundred and fifty elephants, but as 
the ransom was not at once forthcoming was obliged to leave 
hostages for its payment. His son, Anandpal, made good the defi- 
ciency and the hostages were released before Mahmud returned to 
Ghazni, his soldiers speeding them on their way with a contemp- 
tuous buffet on their hinder parts. 

After Mahmud's departure Jaipal, overwhelmed with shame and 
mortification, bowed to the decision of his subjects, who refused to 
acknowledge a king who had been a captive in the hands of the 
Muslims, and, after designating Anandpal as his successor, mounted 
a funeral pyre and perished in the flames. 

In 1002 Mahmud was occupied in crushing a rebellion in Sistan. 
The leader of the rebels escaped death by means of a ready tongue 
and when brought before his conqueror addressed him by the then 
unfamiliar title of Sultan 2 . He was pardoned and rewarded with 
the government of another district, Sistan being included in the 
provincial government of Khurasan. 

In his campaign against Jaipal Mahmud had expected aid from 
Bajra, the ruler of Bhatiya, the modern Uch, who had been on 
friendly terms with Sabuktigin, but he had been disappointed and 
in 1004 he marched from Ghazni to punish Bajra for his failure to 
support him. He was stoutly opposed but defeated Bajra before 
Uch and compelled him to flee for refuge to the jungles on the 
banks of the Indus, where, to escape capture by the Muslims, he 
stabbed himself. His head was carried to Mahmud and a general 
massacre of his disorganised troops followed. Mahmud, after plun- 
dering Uch, remained there for some time, engaged in making 
arrangements for the permanent annexation of the state and the 
conversion of its inhabitants, and it was not until the rivers were 
in flood in 1005 that he set out on his return journey. In crossing 
them he lost his plunder and much of his baggage, and was attacked 
during his retreat by Abu-'l-Fath Daud, the ruler of Multan, and 
suffered considerable loss. 

Daud was the grandson of Shaikh Hamid Lodi, who had esta- 
blished himself in Multan and had always cultivated friendly rela- 

1 This is the town variously called Hind, Ohind, and Waihind. It is situated in 
34 2' N. and 72 27' E. fifteen miles above Attock, on the west bank of the Indus. 

2 According to another account the Caliph bestowed this title on Mahmud, who is 
said to have been the first prince so honoured, but this is improbable, for Mahmud never 
used it on his coins but was always content with the designation of Amir, which seems 
to have been that by which the Caliph distinguished him. 



1 1] Defeat of Anandpal 1 5 

tions with Sabuktigin, but his grandson had embraced the doctrines 
of the Ismail! sect, and was therefore as abominable in Mahmud's 
eyes as any idolater in India. In the autumn of 1005 Mahmud 
had marched against him, and in order to avoid the_passage of 
the rivers in their lower waters marched by way of Und, in the 
dominions of Anandpal, of whose subservience he was assured. 
Anandpal, however, opposed his advance, but was defeated and 
fled into Kashmir, and Mahmud pursued his way through the 
Punjab, plundering the country as he advanced. 

The defeat of Anandpal and Mahmud's triumphal and devas- 
tating progress overcame the resolution of Daud, who shut himself 
up in Multan, and when Mahmud prepared to form the siege of 
the city offered as the price of peace a yearly tribute of 20,000 
golden dirhams and abjuration of his heretical doctrines. The 
invasion of his northern province by the Turks of Transoxiana 
under Abu'l-Husain Nasr I of Bukhara obliged Mahmud to accept 
these terms, and he returned with all speed towards the Oxus, ap- 
pointing as governor of Und, by which place he marched, Sukhpal, 
a grandson of Jaipal, who, having been taken prisoner with his 
grandfather, had accepted Islam, and was now known as Nawasa 
Shah. We are not concerned with the details of Mahmud's cam- 
paign against the Ilak Khan, who was defeated and driven across 
the Oxus, but it is an interesting fact that a corps of Indians formed 
part of the victorious army. 

On his return towards Ghaznl in 1007 Mahmud learnt that 
Nawasa Shah had apostatised, was expelling the subordinate Muslim 
officers from the district committed to his charge, and purposed to 
rule it either as an independent sovereign or as the vassal of his 
uncle, Anandpal. He marched at once towards Und and ordered 
those of his officers whose fiefs lay near that district to attack the 
renegade. They captured Nawasa Shah and the treasure which he 
had amassed and carried him before Mahmud, who confiscated his 
wealth and imprisoned him in a fortress for the remainder of his life. 

In the following year Mahmud resolved further to chastise 
Anandpal for his opposition to the passage of the Muslim army 
through his dominions on its way to Multan, and in the autumn of 
1008 marched to Peshawar. Anandpal, who had been aware of his 
intention, had appealed for aid to other Hindu rajas, and one his- 
torian mentions the rajas of Ujjain, Gwalior, Kalinjar, Kanauj, 
Delhi, and Ajmer as having either marched in person or sent troops 
to his assistance. The number and consequence of his allies are 
perhaps exaggerated, but it is evident from Mahmud's excessive 



1 6 The Ghaznavids [CH. 

caution that Anandpal had received a considerable accession of 
strength and that the army which he led into the field was a very 
different force from that which Mahmfid had so easily brushed aside 
on his way to Multan. Among the most valuable of Anandpal's 
auxiliaries were the wild and warlike Khokars from the lower hills' 
of Kashmir. 

The Hindu army was encamped between Und and Peshawar, 
and Mahmud lay in camp before it for forty days without venturing 
to attack it, although each day's delay brought it fresh reinforce- 
ments and the only inconvenience which it suffered arose from the 
difficulty of provisioning so great a force. This was alleviated by 
the devotion of the men's wives, who sold their jewels to enable 
their husbands to keep the field. 

Mahmud protected his flanks with entrenchments and instead 
of following his usual impetuous tactics strove to entice the enemy 
to attack him in his own strong position. In this he succeeded and 
the Hindus attacked on December 31. A force of 30,000 Khokars, 
bareheaded and barefooted and armed with strange weapons, 
charged both his flanks simultaneously, passed over his trenches, 
and did such execution among his troops that he was meditating a 
retreat when a fortunate accident decided the day in his favour. 
Anandpal's elephant took fright and bore his rider from the field, 
and the Hindus, believing their leader's flight to be intentional, 
broke and fled. The battle was now at an end and the pursuit 
began. The Muslims pursued their enemy for a great distance, 
slaying 8000 and taking thirty elephants and much other plunder. 
The dispersal of this great army opened the way for a raid into 
India and Mahmud marched towards the fortress of Nagarkot, 
or Kangra, famous for its wealth. So little had his victory and 
subsequent advance been expected that the fortress had been left 
without a garrison, and was occupied only by the Brahmans and 
servants of the temple, who appeared on the walls and offered to 
surrender. After some parleying the gates were opened to Mahmud 
on the third day after his arrival, and the booty which fell into his 
hands is said to have amounted to 700,000 golden dinars, besides 
large quantities of vessels of gold and silver and of unworked gold 
and silver, and jewels. With this plunder he returned to Ghazni 
and exhibited it, piled on carpets in the courtyard of his palace, to 
the wondering eyes of his subjects. 

A year later he marched to Ghur 1 , a small district in the hills , 
between Ghazni and Herat, which had hitherto remained inde- 

1 Usually written G/tor, but Ghur is correct. 



The Cambridge History of India, Vol. Ill 



Map I 




INDIA 

in 1022 

The boundary of the Kingdom of Ghuni i. shown 

thui: 

Countrin and People, thiu ... CHAUHANS 

Toww Pamhur 

River. MaftanaJt 

Scale. 

g<) 9 cp IPO , aoo 

ngli>hM>le* 

IPO <^ 190 ayo aoo 

Kilometre* 



1 1] . Defeat of Ehimpal 1 7 

pendent under its Tajik or Persian rulers, defeated its prince, 
Muhammad bin Surf, and reduced him to the position of a vassal 
This expedition, though not directly connected with the history of 
India is interesting in view of the subsequent relations between 
the princes of Ghur and those of Ghazni. The former exterminated 
the latter and achieved what they had never even attempted the 
permanent subjugation of northern India. 

Later in 1010 Mahmud again invaded India. There are some 
discrepancies regarding his objective, which the later historians, 
who confound this expedition with that of 1014, describe as 
Thanesar. He probably intended to reach Delhi but he was met 
at Taraori, about seven miles north of Karnal, by a large Hindu 
army, which he defeated and from which he took much plunder, 
with which he returned to Ghazni. 

In 1011 he visited Multan, where his authority was not yet 
firmly established, brought the province under more efficient control, 
and extinguished the still glowing embers of heresy. 

Meanwhile Anandpal had died and had been succeeded by 
his son, Jaipal II, who made the fortress of Nandana 1 his chief 
stronghold, and in 1013 Mahmud invaded India to attack him. 
On hearing of Mahmiid's advance he retired into the mountains, 
leaving his son Nidar Bhimpal, or Bhimpal the Fearless, to defend 
his kingdom. The accounts of the campaign are strangely at 
variance with one another. According to one Bhimpal was besieged 
in Nandana and forced to surrender, while according to another 
he ventured to meet Mahmud in the open field, and was with 
difficulty defeated. Defeated, however, he was, and Mahmud turned 
into the hills in the hope of capturing him, but captured only his 
baggage. Large numbers of the natives of the country, guilty of 
no crime but that of following the religion of their fathers, were 
carried off to Ghazni as slaves, and the remarks of one historian 
probably reflect contemporary Muslim opinion on this practice: 
' Slaves were so plentiful that they became very cheap and men of 
respectability in their native land were degraded to the position 
of slaves of common shopkeepers. But this is the goodness of God, 
who bestows honour on His own religion and degrades infidelity/ 
An officer named Sarugh was appointed governor of Nandana and 
held that position at the time of Mahmud's death. 

Mahmud was next attracted by the wealth of the sacred city of 

.Thanesar, between Ambala and Karnal, and in 1014 marched from 

Ghazni. When Jaipal heard of his intention he sent a mission to 

1 Situated in 80 43' N. and 73 17' E. 
C.H.I. III. 2 



1 8 The Ghaxnavids % [CH. 

Ghazni, offering to send him fifty elephants annually if he would 
spare so sacred a place, but Mahmud rejected the offer and required 
of Jaipal a free passage through his territory. Jaipal perforce 
assented, but warned Bijayapal, the Towar raja of Delhi, of the 
approach of the invader, thus enabling him to summon others to 
his assistance. 

Mahmud marched with such rapidity through the Punjab as to 
forestall BijayapaTs preparations, and found the shrine at Thanesar 
undefended. He entered it without encountering serious opposi- 
tion 1 , plundered it of its vast treasures, and destroyed its idols, 
except the principal object of worship, which was sent to Ghazni 
to be buried in a public thoroughfare, where it might be trodden 
underfoot by the people. After this easy success Mahmud wished 
to march on Delhi, but was over-ruled by his advisers, who were 
averse from advancing so far into India until the annexation of 
the Punjab should have furnished a base of operations within its 
borders. 

In 1015 Mahmud invaded Kashmir and besieged Lohkot or 
Loharkot, but the weather was so inclement and the garrison so 
constantly received reinforcements that he was compelled to raise 
the siege and retire. This was his first serious reverse in India. 
His ariny lost its way in the unfamiliar highlands and its retreat 
was interrupted by flooded valleys, but at length, after much toil, it 
debouched into the open country and returned to Ghazni in disorder. 

In 1016 and 1017 Mahrnud was occupied in Khvarazm and in 
the northern provinces of his empire, and it was not until 1018 
that he was able again to turn his attention to India. He now 
prepared to penetrate further into the country than on any former 
occasion, and to plunder the rich temples of Hindustan proper. 
With an army of 100,000 horse raised in his own dominions and 
20,000 volunteers from Turkistan, Transoxiana, and the confines of 
Khurasan, soldiers of fortune eager to share in the rich spoils of 
India, he marched from Ghazni in September, before the rainy 
season in India was well past, and, guided by the Lohara raja of 
Kashmir, crossed with some difficulty the Indus and the rivers of 
the Punjab. On December 2 he crossed the Jumna and pursued his 
march southwards. Avoiding Delhi, he followed the eastern bank 
of the Jumna until he reached Baran, the modern Bulandshahr, 

% 

1 According to al-'Utbl, one of the earliest authorities, the Hindus had assembled, 
and it was only after overcoming a desperate resistance that Mahmud entered the' 
shrine, but al-'Utbi's topography is faulty, and he appears to be confounding this 
expedition with another. 



n] . Capture of Kanauj 19 

the first strong place which lay in his path. Hardat, the governor, 
fled from the fortress and left the garrison to make what terms 
they might with the invader. They propitiated him by the sur- 
render of a great quantity of treasure and thirty elephants, and he 
passed thence to Mahaban, on the eastern batik of the Jumna. 
Kul Chandra, the governor of this place, drew up his forces and 
made some attempt to withstand the Muslims but his army was 
put to flight and he first slew his wife and son and then committed 
suicide. Besides much other spoil eighty elephants were taken by 
Mahmfid at Mahaban, and he crossed the river in order to attack 
Muttra, the reputed birthplace of Krishna and one of the most 
sacred shrines in India. The city, though fortified and belonging 
to Bijayapal, the raja of Delhi, was undefended, and Mahmud 
entered it and plundered it without hindrance. His hand was not 
stayed by his admiration of its marble palaces and temples, un- 
sparingly expressed in the dispatch in which he announced his 
success, and the temples were rifled and, as far as time permitted, 
destroyed. The plunder taken was enormous, but it is difficult to 
believe stories of a sapphire weighing over sixteen pounds and a 
half and of five idols of pure gold, over five yards in height, though 
the quantity of gold taken may very well have been over 548 pounds, 
as is recorded. 

Mahmud continued his march and on December 20 arrived 
before Kanauj, the capital of the Rahtor Rajputs, whose raja, 
Jaichand, terrified by the numbers, the discipline and the achieve- 
ments of the invading army, withdrew from his strong city, the 
ramparts of which were covered by seven detached forts, and left 
it open to Mahmud, who occupied both the city and the forts. 
The raja returned and preserved his city from destruction by 
making submission to the conqueror and surrendering eighty -five 
elephants, much treasure and a large quantity of jewels. 

From Kanauj Mahmud marched to Manaich, afterwards known 
as Zafarabad, near Jaunpur. The fortress was strongly garrisoned 
and well furnished with supplies, but a vigorous siege of fifteen 
days reduced the defenders to such despair that they performed 
the rite of jauhar 1 , first slaying their wives and children and then 
rushing out to perish on the swords of the enemy. 

1 This Hind! word signifies * taking one's own life ' and is applied to a rite performed 
by Rajputs when reduced to the last extremity. First the women and children are 
destroyed, or destroy themselves, usually by fire, and the men, arrayed in saffron robes, 
rush on the enemy sword in hand and fight until all are slain. Instances of the per- 
formance of this rite, the object of which is to preserve the honour of the women from 
violation by the enemy, are common in Indian history. 



2o The Ghaznavids [CH. 

After plundering Manaich, Mahmud attacked Asiil, a fortress 
in the immediate neighbourhood, defended by deep ditches and a 
dense jungle, that is to say an enclosure of quickset bamboos, similar 
to that which now surrounds the city of Rampur in Rohilkhand 
and forms an impenetrable obstacle. Asm was the stronghold of a 
powerful chief named either Chandpal or Chandal Bor, who had 
recently been at war with Jaichand. On hearing of Mahmud's 
approach he fled, leaving his capital a prey to the invader. 

From Asm Mahmud marched westwards to a town which ap- 
pears in Muslim chronicles as Sharva and may perhaps be identified 
with Seunza on the Ken, between Kalinjar and Banda or Sriswagarh 
on the Pahuj not far from Kunch. This town was the residence of 
another Jaichand, who is said to have been long at enmity with 
Jaichand of Kanauj and even now held his foe's son in captivity. 
Jaichand of Kanauj, who wished to terminate the strife and had 
sent his son Bhlmpal to arrange a marriage between his sister and 
Jaichand of Sharva, wrote to the latter dissuading him from rashly 
attempting to measure his strength against that of the invader, 
and Jaichand of Sharva followed this advice and left his capital, 
taking with him into the forest in which he took refuge the greater 
part of his army and his elephants. Mahmud, not content with the 
plunder of Sharva, pursued him by difficult and stony tracks into 
the forest, suddenly attacked him shortly before midnight on 
January 5, 1019, and defeated him. Jaichand's elephants were 
captured, specie and jewels rewarded the exertions of the victors, 
and captives were so numerous that slaves could be purchased in 
the camp at prices ranging from two to ten dirhams. 

After this victory, the last exploit of a most laborious and 
adventurous campaign, Mahmud returned to Ghazni, and the booty 
was counted. It is impossible to reconcile the conflicting accounts 
of the enormous quantity of treasure taken, but the plunder in- 
cluded over 380 elephants and 53,000 human captives. Of these 
poor wretches many were sold to foreign merchants, so that Indian 
slaves became plentiful in Transoxiana, Iraq and Khurasan, ' and 
the fair, the dark, and rich and the poor were commingled in one 
common servitude/ 

It was after this most successful raid that Mahmud founded at 
Ghazni the great Friday mosque 1 known as 'the Bride of Heaven ' 

1 In a Muslim city each quarter has its mosque for the daily prayers, but it is the 
duty of the faithful to assemble on Fridays at a central mosque in order that the whole 
congregation may make a united act of worship. This mosque is known as the Masjid- 
i-Jdmi 1 , ' the mosque which gathers all together.' The expression ' Friday mosque ' is 
not a literal translation, but is a convenient English equivalent. 



n] Defeat of Nanda 21 

and the college which was attached to it. His example was 
eagerly followed by his nobles, who had been enriched by the 
spoils of India and were amply supplied with servile labour; 
and mosques, colleges, caravanserais, and hospices sprang up on 
every side. 

The date of Mahmud's next expedition is given by some histo- 
rians as 1019, but those authorities are to be preferred which place 
it in 1021. Its occasion was the formation of a confederacy, headed 
by Nanda, raja of Kalinjar, for the purpose of punishing Jaichand 
of Kanauj for his pusillanimity and ready submission to the invader. 
Nanda led the army to Kanauj and defeated and slew Jaichand, 
whose death Mahmud resolved to avenge, and an army greater 
than any which he had hitherto led into India was assembled at 
Ghazni for the purpose. Jaipal II, who had tamely acquiesced in 
Mahmud's passage through the Punjab, was now dead, or had 
abdicated the throne, and had been succeeded by his more spirited 
son, Bhimpal the Fearless, who joined the Hindu confederacy but, 
instead of rashly opposing Mahmud on his western frontier where 
he would have been beyond the reach of help from his allies, with- 
drew to the banks of the Jumna, where they might have supported 
him. Here Mahmud found him encamped, and hesitated to attempt 
the passage of the swollen river in the face of his army, but eight 
Muslim officers, apparently without their king's permission or 
knowledge, suddenly crossed the river with their contingents, 
surprised the Hindus and put them to flight. The eight officers 
continued to advance and occupied a city which cannot now be 
identified 1 , and Mahmud, whose way was cleared before him, crossed 
the Jumna and the Ganges, and found Nanda awaiting him on the 
banks of the Sai with an army of 36,000 horse, 105,000 foot, and 
640 elephants. Before this host Mahmud's heart failed him for a 
moment, and he repented of having left Ghazni, but prayer restored 
his courage and he prepared for battle on the following day. In 
the night, however, Nanda was unaccountably stricken with panic 
and fled with a few attendants, leaving his army, his camp and his 
baggage at the mercy of the invader. The confusion which prevailed 
among the Hindus on the discovery of Nanda's flight was at first 
suspected by Mahmud to be a stratagem to induce him to attack, 
but having ascertained that it was genuine he permitted his army 
to plunder the camp, and a vast quantity of booty was collected 
. without a blow. Of Nanda s elephants 680 were taken and Mahmud, 

1 'Professor Dowson has suggested that it was BarT, in the present state of Dholpur, 
but the identification is unconvincing. 



22 "The Ghaxnavids [CH. 

who was apprehensive of disturbances in the Punjab, returned, 
content with this victory, to Ghazni. 

Later in the same year he led an expedition into two districts 
disguised in Persian histories under the names of Qirat and Nur 
and said to have been situated between the boundaries of India 
and Turkistan. The most probable conjecture identifies them with 
the districts of Dir, Swat, and Bajaur. The enterprise was success- 
ful and the command of the last named district having been bestowed 
upon 'All bin Qadr, a Saljuq Turk, Mahmud again invaded Kashmir 
and besieged Loharkot, but abandoned the siege after a month and 
retired from Kashmir. He did not return at once to Ghazni, but 
marched into the Punjab to chastise Bhimpal for having joined 
the confederacy of the rajas of Hindustan. The army, instead of 
besieging Lahore, dispersed throughout the neighbouring country 
in order to subsist upon it and to prevent supplies from reaching 
the capital, and Bhimpal was reduced to such straits that he fled 
and sought an asylum with the Chauhan raja of Ajmer. His flight 
marks the formal annexation of the Punjab by Mahmud, who may 
henceforth be regarded as an Indian ruler. Less than a century 
and a half after his death the Indian province of his great empire 
became the kingdom and the sole refuge of his descendants. 

In the autumn of 1022 Mahmud again invaded Hindustan in 
order to inflict further punishment on Nanda of Kalinjar. He 
marched through the Doab, crossed the Jumna below Delhi, and 
was attracted by the strong fortress of Gwalior, to which he laid 
siege but, finding that the operation was likely to be protracted, 
permitted the Kachhwaha raja to compound for a formal submission 
by a gift of no more than thirty-five elephants, and pursued his way 
towards his real objective, Kalinjar, to the reduction of which he 
was prepared to devote more time. After a protracted siege Nanda 
was permitted to redeem his stronghold for three hundred elephants 
which, instead of being formally delivered, were mischievously 
driven in a body towards the Muslim camp, in the hope that they 
would throw it into confusion ; but the Turks had by now some 
experience of elephants, and caught and managed them. According 
to a possibly mythical account of the event, their success compelled 
the unwilling admiration of Nanda, who addressed to Mahmud an 
encomiastic poem which was so highly praised by learned Hindus 
in the Muslim camp that its author was rewarded with the govern- 
ment of fifteen fortresses, a grant probably as hollow as "the flattery 
which had earned it. After this composition with Nanda, Mahmud 
returned to Ghazni with his spoils. 



n] Somnath 2 3 

In 1023 he was occupied in Transoxiana and in the following 
year set out on his most famous expedition into India. There is a 
conflict of authority on the subject of the date of his departure 
from Ghazni, but he appears to have left his capital on October 17, 
1024, at the head of his own army and a body of 30,000 composed, 
as on a former occasion, of volunteers from Turkistan and other 
countries, attracted by the hope of booty. 

It is said that the impudent vaunts of the Brahmans attached 
to the wealthy religious establishment of Somnath, on the coast of 
Kathlawar suggested to Mahmfid the desirability of striking a blow 
at this centre of Hinduism. The wealth and importance of the 
shrine far exceeded those of any temple which he had yet attacked. 
One thousand Brahmans daily attended the temple, three hundred 
barbers were maintained to serve the pilgrims visiting it, and three 
hundred and fifty of the unfortunate women whom the Hindus 
dedicate nominally to the service of their gods and actually to the 
appetites of their priests danced continually before the idol, which 
was a huge lingam or phallus. These priests and attendants were 
supported from the endowments of the temple, which are said to 
have consisted of the revenues of 10,000 villages, the idol was 
washed daily with water brought from the Ganges, 750 miles distant, 
and the jewels of the temple were famed throughout the length 
and breadth of India. 

The Brahmans attached to this famous shrine boasted that 
their master Shiva, the moon-lord, was the most powerful of all 
the gods and that it was only owing to his displeasure with other 
gods that the invader had been permitted to plunder and pollute 
their shrines. This provocative vaunt suggested to Mahmud the 
destruction of the temple of Somnath as the readiest means to a 
wholesale conversion of the idolaters. 

He reached Multan on November 20 and decided to march 
across the great desert of India to Ajmer. In his arduous under- 
taking he made elaborate preparations. Each trooper was ordered 
to carry with him fodder, water and food for several days, and 
Mahmud supplemented individual efforts by loading his own estab- 
lishment of 30,000 camels with water and supplies for the desert 
march. These precautions enabled his army to cross the desert 
without mishap, and on its reaching Ajmer, or rather the Chauhan 
capital of Sambhar, for the modern city of Ajmer was not then 
built, the 'raja fled and the invaders plundered the city and slew 
many Hindus, but did not attempt the reduction of the fortress. 
From Sambhar the army marched towards Anhilvara, now known 



24 The Ghaznavids [CH. 

as Patan, in Gujarat, capturing on its way an unnamed fortress 
which furnished it with water and supplies. Mahmud, on arriving 
at Anhilvara early in January, 1025, discovered that the raja, 
Bhimdeo, and most of the inhabitants had fled, and the army, 
having plundered the supplies left in the city, continued its march 
to Somnath. On his way thither Mahmud captured several small 
forts and in the desert of Kathiawar encountered a force of 20,000, 
apparently part of Bhimdeo's army, which he defeated and dis- 
persed. Two days' march from Somnath stood the town of Dewalwara, 
the inhabitants of which, secure in the protection of the god, had 
refused to seek safety in flight and paid for this misplaced confidence 
with their lives. 

On reaching Somnath the Muslims perceived the Hindus in 
large numbers on the walls, and were greeted with jeers and threats. 
On the following day they advanced to the assault and, having 
driven the Hindus from the walls with well directed showers of 
arrows, placed their scaling ladders and effected a lodgement on 
the rampart. Many Hindus fell in the street-fighting which followed 
but by dusk the Muslims had not established themselves sufficiently 
to justify their remaining in the town during the night, and with- 
drew to renew the attack on the following morning. They then 
drove the defenders, with terrible slaughter, through the streets 
towards the temple. From time to time bands of Hindus entered 
the temple and after passionate prayers for the moon-lord's aid 
sallied forth to fight and to die. At length a few survivors fled 
towards the sea and attempted to escape in boats, but Mahmud 
had foreseen this and his soldiers, provided with boats, pursued 
and destroyed them. 

When the work of blood was finished Mahmud entered the 
temple, the gloom of which was relieved by the light from costly 
lamps, which flickered on the fifty-six polished pillars supporting 
the roof, on the gems which adorned the idol, and on a huge golden 
chain, the bells attached to which summoned to their duties the 
relays of attendant priests. As the eyes of the conqueror fell upon 
the hewn stone, three yards in height above the pavement, which 
had received the adoration of generations of Hindus, he raised his 
mace in pious zeal and dealt it a heavy blow. Some historians 
relate that when he commanded that the idol should be shattered 
the Brahmans offered to redeem it with an enormous sum of money, 
and that their prayers were seconded by the arguments of his 
courtiers who urged that the destruction of one idol would not 
extinguish idolatry and that the money might be employed for 



n] Sack of Somnath 2$ 

pious purposes. To both Mahmiid replied that he would be a 
breaker, not a seller of idols, and the work of destruction went 
forward. When the idol was broken asunder gems worth more 
than a hundred times the ransom offered by the Brahmans were 
found concealed in a cavity within it and Mahmud's iconoclastic 
zeal was materially rewarded; but this story appears to be an 
embellishment, by later historians, of the earlier chronicles. Of the 
fragments of the idol two were sent to Ghaznl to form steps at the 
entrance of the great mosque and the royal palace, and two are 
said to have been sent to Mecca and Medina, where they were 
placed in public streets to be trodden underfoot. 

Mahmud was now informed that Bhimdeo of Anhilvara had 
taken refuge in the island of Beyt Shankhodhar 1 , at the north- 
western extremity of the peninsular of Kathlawar, and pursued 
him thither. If the chroniclers are to be credited it was possible 
in those days to reach the island on horseback at low tide, for 
native guides are said to have pointed out the passage to Mahmud 
and to have warned him that he and his troops would perish if the 
tide or the wind rose while they were attempting it. Mahmud 
nevertheless led his army across and Bhimdeo was so dismayed by 
his determination and intrepidity that he fled from the fortress in 
a mean disguise and left it at the mercy of the invaders, who slew 
all the males in the town and enslaved the women, among whom, 
according to one authority, were some of the ladies of Bhimdeo's 
family. 

From Beyt Shankhodhar Mahmud returned to Anhilvara, where 
he halted for some time to refresh his troops. It is difficult to believe 
that the climate and situation of the city and the reputed existence 
of gold mines in its neighbourhood induced Mahmiid seriously to 
propose that the court should be transferred thither. The historian 
responsible for this statement adds that Mahmud's proposal was 
successfully combated by his counsellors, who impressed upon him 
the impossibility of controlling from Anhilvara the turbulent pro- 
vince of Khurasan, the acquisition and retention of which had been 
so difficult and so costly ; and Mahmud prepared to return to GhaznL 
The line of retreat chosen was through the desert of Sind to Multan, 
for Mahmud was loth to risk his booty in a battle with the raja of 

1 The stronghold is variously styled in Persian texts Eandana, Khandana, and 
Khan d aba, in which some resemblance to the last two syllables of the name of the 
island can hp traced, but the Persian script, being easily corruptible by ignorant or 
careless scribes, is ill-suited for the preservation of the correct forms of proper names, 
and.it is the description of Bhimdeo's retreat that enables us to identify it with Beyt 
Shankhodhar. 



26 The Ghaznavids [CH. 

Sambhar, who had closed with a great army the line by which he 
had advanced. 

The army suffered much in its retreat, first through the arid 
desert of Sind and next through the Sind-Sagar Doab, where it 
was so harassed and delayed by the Jats of that region that it was 
not until the spring of 1026 that it reached Ghazni. 

Mahmud's vanity was flattered after his return by the receipt 
of complimentary letters from the Caliph al-Qadir Billah conferring 
fresh titles on him, distinguishing his sons in the same manner, and 
formally recognizing him as ruler of Khurasan, Hindustan, Sistan, 
and Khvarazm, the whole of which great empire, with the exception 
of India, where he held only one province, actually acknowledged 
his sway. 

In the autumn of this year Mahmud made his last incursion into 
India, a punitive expedition against the Jats who had harassed his 
retreat He marched to Multan and there prepared a fleet of 1400 
boats, each armed with an iron spike projecting from the prow 
and similar spikes projecting from the gunwale on either side and 
carrying a crew of twenty men armed with bows and arrows and 
hand grenades of naphtha. The Jats launched four, or, according 
to some authorities, eight thousand boats and attacked the Muslims, 
but their boats were pierced or capsized by the spikes and the 
victory was so complete that the Jats, almost to a man, were drowned 
or slain. The Muslims then disembarked on the islands where the 
Jats had placed their wives and families for safety and carried off 
the women and children as slaves. 

The remainder of Mahmud's reign was occupied by the suppres- 
sion of the Saljuq Turks, whom he had incautiously encouraged too 
far and by the annexation of western Persia. He died at Ghazn! 
on April 21, 1030. 

It is only in a limited sense that Mahmud can be described as 
an Indian sovereign, for it was not until the later years of his reign 
that he annexed and occupied the Punjab, the only Indian province 
which he held, but he was the first to carry the banner of Islam 
into the heart of India and to tread the path in which so many 
followed him. He founded an Indian dynasty, for the later kings 
of his house, stripped of all their possessions in Persia, Transoxiana, 
and Afghanistan, were fain to content themselves with the kingdom 
of the Punjab, which had been but an insignificant province of his 
great empire. 

To Muslim historians Mahmud is one of the greatest of the 
champions of Islam. How far his Indian raids and massacres were 



n] Mas^ttd I 27 

inspired by a desire of propagating his faith, for which purpose they 
were ill adapted, and how far by avarice, must remain uncertain, 
for Mahmud's character was complex. Though zealous for Islam 
he maintained a large body of Hindu troops, and there is no reason 
to believe that conversion was a condition of their service. The 
avarice most conspicuously displayed in his review of his riches 
before his death and in his undignified lamentations over the pros- 
pect of leaving them gave way to lavishness where his religion 
or his reputation was concerned. His patronage of architecture 
adorned Ghazni with many a noble building and his no less munifi- 
cent patronage of letters made his court the home of Firdausi, 
'Asairi, Asadi of Tus, Minuchihrl of Balkh, 'Unsuri, 'Asjadi of Marv, 
Farrukhl, Daqiqi, and many other poets of less note. His treatment 
of the first-named poet, whom he paid for his great epic in silver 
instead of the promised gold, is remembered to his discredit, though 
it was probably due less to his niggardliness than to a courtier's 
jealousy. 

Some European historians, ignorant of the principles of oriental 
abuse and of the Islamic law of legitimacy have asserted, on the 
authority of the satire which Firdausi, after his disappointment, 
fulminated against his patron, that Mahmud was a bastard, but 
Firdausi's charge against him is only that his mother was not of 
noble birth. He seems to have been the son of a concubine or hand- 
maiden, but by the law of Islam the son of a concubine or handmaiden 
is as legitimate as the son of a regularly married wife. 

The story of the contest between Mahmud's two sons is a mere 
repetition of that of the contest between Mahmud and his brother 
Ismail. Mas'ud, the abler of the two, was at Hamadan when his 
father died, and at once set out for Ghaznl, where a party of the 
nobles had, in obedience to Mahmud's will, acknowledged Muhammad 
as their sovereign. Mas'ud was joined during his advance by several 
of the leading nobles, including Ayaz, Mahmud's favourite slave 
and confidential adviser, and on October 4 those who had hitherto 
supported Muhammad perceived that his cause was lost, imprisoned 
him, and joined his brother, who had reached Herat, but their tardy 
submission availed them little, and they were either executed or 
imprisoned for life. The unfortunate Muhammad was blinded, and 
was carried by Mas^ud to Balkh, which for a time became the royal 
residence. 

Mas'tLd never attempted to emulate his father's activity, but 
history now sheds more light on the administration of the Indian 
province of the empire. The government of the Punjab had been 



28 The Ghaxnavids [CH. 

entrusted by Mahmiid to a Turkish officer named Ariyaruq, whom 
Mas'ud summoned to Balkh. He was charged with oppression and 
extortion, with preventing his victims from having access to their 
sovereign, and with retaining with treasonable intent a large part 
of the revenue. His power was so great that it was considered 
unlikely that he would obey the summons of Mas'ud, but he pre- 
sented himself at Balkh with a large contingent of Indian troops 
and by ingratiating himself with the leading courtiers contrived to 
evade for some time an inquiry into his administration, but his 
enemies watched their opportunity and one day, when they knew 
that he was drunk, persuaded Mas'iid to summon him to court. He 
was constrained to obey and Mas'iid, incensed both by his dilatori- 
ness in appearing and by the unseemliness of his conduct, caused 
him to be arrested as a preliminary to an investigation. His Indian 
troops were disposed to attempt a rescue but were dissuaded by 
the threat that the first act of violence would be the signal for his 
execution and by the promise that they should not suffer by the 
change of masters, the royal officers were thus enabled to enter 
Ariyaruq's quarters, and seize his movable property, his treasure, 
and, more important than all, his accounts, which furnished ample 
evidence of his misconduct. He was sent to Ghur, where he was 
put to death, and his friend Asaftigln Ghazi shortly afterwards 
shared his fate. 

Mas'ud entered Ghazm on May 23, 1031, and incurred much 
odium by requiring, against the advice of his counsellors, a refund 
of all the largesse which had been distributed by his brother on 
his proclamation as Amir. 

The affairs of the empire were now suffering from the loss of 
Mahmud's strong guiding hand. Western Persia was disturbed and 
a new governor was sent thither, but the Punjab was in even greater 
confusion, for no governor had been appointed since the recall of 
Ariyaruq, and the officers sent to seize his property and conduct a 
local inquiry into his administration were unable to cope with the 
opposition of his relations and their dependants and partisans. 
There was nobody at court fit for the important post of governor 
of the Indian province, and Mas'ud, with some misgivings, appointed 
to it his father's treasurer, Ahmad Niyaltigin, whose honesty was 
dubious and whose inexperience of civil and military affairs was 
notorious. It was believed that the retention of his son at Ghaznl 
as a hostage would ensure his fidelity and the instructions issued 
for the guidance of officials in India indicate the nature of the 
irregularities of Ariyaruq's administration. They were not to under- 



n] Troubles at Lahore 29 

take, without special permission, expeditions beyond the limits of 
the Punjab, but were to accompany Ahmad 011 any expedition which 
he might undertake ; they were not to drink, play polo, or mix in 
social intercourse with the Hindu officers at Lahore ; and they were 
to refrain from wounding the susceptibilities of those officers and 
their troops by inopportune displays of religious bigotry. 

Mas'ud would have visited the Punjab in person had his presence 
not been more urgently required in the north, where the Saljuqs 
threatened Balkh, and in the west, where the governor of 'Iraq 
needed support and where the daily expected death of the Caliph, 
al-Qadir Billah, might breed fresh disorders. The news of his 
death actually reached Balkh on November 9. Ahmad Niyaltigin, 
on arriving in India, at once quarrelled with Abu-'l-Hasan, 'the 
Shirazi Qdzt,' one of the officials who had been sent to collect the 
revenue and inquire into Ariyaruq's administration. Abu-'l-Hasan 
was inclined to resent what he regarded as his supersession by 
Ahmad and the latter's success in collecting revenue which he 
himself had been unable to collect, but his opposition was based 
chiefly on the newcomer's treasonable designs. Ahmad's appoint- 
ment had turned his head, and he encouraged the circulation of 
a rumour that his mother had been guilty of an intrigue with 
Mahmud, of which he was the offspring, and planned an expedition 
to distant Benares, the wealth of which might enable him to establish 
himself as an independent sovereign in India. Abu-'l-Hasan advised 
him to devote his attention to the civil administration and to dele- 
gate the actual command of the troops to a military officer, but 
was curtly told to mind his own business. Each party then reported 
the other to Mas'ud, Ahmad complained that Abu-'l-Hasan was 
attempting to undermine his authority and Abu-'l-Hasan warned 
his master of Ahmad's designs. In this contest Abu-'l-Hasan was 
worsted. He was ordered to confine his attention to the collection 
of the revenue, which was his affair, and to leave the general civil 
and military administration to the governor. 

Mas'ud suffered for his neglect of the warning. Ahmad led his 
troops to Benares 1 , indulged them with twelve hours' plunder of 

1 The date of this expedition coincides nearly with the date (June 19, 1033) assigned 
for the death of the mythical hero Salar Mas'ud, popularly known as Ghiizi Miyan, at 
Balraich. Salar Mas'ud is said to have been the son of Sillar Sahu and Mamal, sister 
of Mahmud. The only work, pretending to be a history, which treats of him, is the 
Mir'at-i-Mas'udi, written in the reign of Jahangir by 'Abd-ur-Bahman Chishti, who 
cites as his authority * an old book written by Mulla Muhammad of Ghazni, a servant 
of Sultan Mahmud, ' but no trace of this * old book ' is to be found and there is little 
reason for believing that it ever existed, save in the imagination of 'Abd-ur-Bahman 
Ghisht?, who seems to have been a crazy and credulous retailer of popular legends. The 



30 The Ghaxnavids [CH. 

the city and in 1034 returned to Lahore with enormous wealth. 
He reported his success in glowing terms to Mas'ud, but his report 
was not accompanied by the expected remittance of spoil. Abu-'l- 
Hasan reported at the same time that Ahmad was employing the 
plunder of Benares in the raising of a large army recruited from 
the most turbulent and disaffected ruffians of Lahore and the 
Puryab, that he openly boasted of being the son of Mahmud, 
and that he was on the point of repudiating his allegiance. This 
report was corroborated by Ahmad's conduct and it was decided 
to treat him as a rebel. There was an awkward pause when Mas'ud 
asked who would undertake the task of crushing the rebellion. 
The Muslim nobles, who understood the difficulty of the enterprise 
and disliked the Indian climate, were mute, and their silence was 
the opportunity of the Hindu Tilak, who offered his services as a 
native who knew the country and for whom the climate had no 
terrors. 

Tilak was of humble origin, being the son of a barber, but was 
handsome, enterprising and accomplished, speaking and writing 
well both Hindi and Persian. From the service of Abu-'l-Hasan he 
had been promoted to that of Mahmud's minister and eventually 
to that of Mahmud himself. He had deserved well of Mas'ud, for 
he had, at considerable personal risk, consistently supported his 
cause against that of his brother, and had been rewarded, after his 
accession, with the chief command of the Hindu troops and the 
rank of a noble of the empire. 

When Tilak reached India he found that the officers and troops 
who remained loyal to Mas'iid had taken refuge in a fortress near 
Lahore, where they were besieged by Ahmad. He occupied Lahore, 
seized several Muslims known to be partisans of Ahmad, and caused 
their right hands to be struck off. This ruthless measure so terrified 
the rebellious troops that many of them deserted Ahmad and joined 
Tilak. Judicious bribery still further thinned the ranks of the rebel 
army, and when Ahmad was forced to stand and face his pursuers 
he was defeated, and was deserted by all save a body of three 
hundred horse. Instead of pursuing him Tilak offered the lately 
rebellious Jats the royal pardon and a sum of 500,000 dirhams as 
the price of Ahmad's head. The Jats surrounded the fugitive, slew 

marvellous exploits of the young hero need not be related here, but he and his four 
mythical companions have become objects of worship to a peculiar sect, the Pachpiriyas, 
or followers of the five saints, which embraces ignorant Hindus as well as ignorant 
Muslims and is of great interest to students of folklore. There is probably some slender 
historical foundation for the myth, but it can no longer be traced. See E. and D. u, 
513-549 and The Heroes Five, by the late Mr B. Greeven, I.C.S, (Allahabad, 1898). 



n] Hindu Mercenaries 31 

him, and demanded their reward. Tilak retorted that they had 
already received it from the plunder of Ahmad's camp, but after 
some chaffering Ahmad's head and his son, who had been taken alive, 
were surrendered in consideration of the royal pardon and 100,000 
dirhams. Tilak presented his prizes to Mas'ud at Marv and was 
rewarded by further tokens of his master's favour. 

On August 29, 1036, Mas'ud sent his second son, Majdud, to 
India, as governor of the Punjab, and vowed, when he himself fell 
sick in the following year, that if he recovered he would lead an 
expedition into India and capture the fortress of Haiisi. On his 
recovery his advisers warned him in vain of the folly of engaging in a 
purposeless enterprise in India while the Saljuqs were threatening 
his northern and eastern provinces : Mas'ud insisted on the fulfil- 
ment of his vow and on October 5, 1037, he left Ghazni for India. 
On November 8 he reached the Jhelum and was detained there for 
a fortnight by an illness serious enough to startle his conscience 
into abjuration of the sin of wine-bibbing, and his wine was poured 
into the river and the use of intoxicants forbidden in his army. 
By November 29 he was able to take the field and on December 20 
arrived before Hans! and opened the siege of the fortress. In spite 
of an obstinate resistance the town was stormed on January 1, 1038, 
after the walls had been breached in five places, and was sacked ; 
the Brahmans and the fighting men were put to the sword and the 
women and children were enslaved. 

Mas'ud returned to Ghazni on February 11 to learn that the 
Saljuqs were besieging the ancient town of Rai, near the modern 
Tehran, and had also invaded Khurasan. He encouraged his officers 
with promises of speedy relief but lingered at Ghazni until the 
following winter and by the time he had taken the field Chaghar 
Beg Daiid the Saljuq was in possession of Nishapur. The campaign 
against the Saljuqs was ended by a crushing defeat sustained by 
Mas'ud in 1040 at Taliqan, three marches from Marv, Khvarazm 
was lost, and Mas'ud was compelled to retreat to Ghazni while the 
Saljuqs besieged Balkh. It was during this campaign that the 
character of the Hindu troops was first impugned. The Muslim 
officers complained that five hundred of them could not be induced 
to face ten Turkmans, and the Hindu officers retorted that while 
the Muslim troops had fared well their men were starved, and had 
received no flour for four months. When it was suggested that an 
Indian corps should be raised for the expulsion of the Saljuqs, 
Mas'ud exclaimed, with petulant ingratitude, 'Never! These are 
the men who lost us Marv.' 



32 The Ghaznavids [CH. 

On November 13 Mas'ud, overcome by craven fear, set out from 
Ghazn! for Lahore, taking with him the women of his harem, what 
remained of his father's treasure, and the brother whom he had 
blinded years before. He was now an object of contempt to his 
own troops, and when he reached the Marigala pass, a few miles 
east of Hasan Abdal, his guards fell upon his treasure-laden camels, 
divided the spoils, and gaining possession of the person of the blind 
Muhammad, acclaimed him as their Amir. Mas'ud was arrested 
and brought before the brother whom he had so cruelly mutilated, 
and was overwhelmed with shame when Muhammad told him that 
he bore him no malice and bade him choose his place of residence. 
Mas'ud chose the fortress of Girl and was sent thither, but was put 
to death a few months later by order of Muhammad's son, Ahmad. 
Mas'ud's son Maudud, who was at Balkh, marched to Ghazm on 
hearing of his father's deposition and Muhammad turned back to 
meet him. In the winter of 1041-42 the two armies encountered 
one another at Nangrahar, about half-way between Ghazn! and 
the Indus, and after an obstinate conflict Maudud was victorious 
and avenged his father's fate by putting to death with torture 
Muhammad and all his sons except two, 'Abd-ur-Rahim, whom 
he spared in return for consideration shown for the imprisoned 
Mas'ud, and Nami, who was governor of the Punjab. An officer 
sent to India had no difficulty in defeating and slaying Nami, but 
there still remained Maudud's own brother, Majdud, who had been 
appointed by his father to the government of the Indian province 
and had proved himself an energetic and capable commander. He 
had captured the important town of Thanesar and was now at 
HansT, awaiting a favourable opportunity for attacking Delhi, but 
on learning that Maudud had sent an army against him returned 
rapidly to Lahore, and arrived there on July 27, 1042. Maudud's 
troops reached the city one or two days later and it appeared 
probable that they would declare for the more capable and more 
popular Majdud, but on the morning of July 30 he was found dead 
in his bed. No cause is assigned for his death, and it may have 
been due to heat stroke, or some other rapidly fatal disease, but 
it is more probable that agents of Maudud had been at work. 

Maudud's authority was now established in the Punjab but it 
commanded none of the respect which the Hindus had yielded to 
the great Mahmud, and two years later Mahipal, raja of Delhi, re- 
captured without difficulty Hansi, Thanesar, and Kangra,. inflaming 
the zeal of his troops by exhibiting to them at the temple in the 
last-named fortress a replica of the famous idol carried off by 



n] Maudttd and ^All 3 3 

Mahmud, now believed to have returned by a miracle to its former 
shrine. 

Mahipal was encouraged by his success at Kangra to advance 
even to the walls of Lahore, and besieged the city, but the nobles, who 
had been too deeply engaged in quarrels regarding precedence, fiefs, 
and titles to send relief to the three lost fortresses, showed a united 
front to the enemy at the gates, and Mahipal was obliged to retire. 

In 1046 Maudud's chamberlain renewed the feud with Ghur by 
invading the small principality with a large force, and capturing 
two princes of the ruling house, who were carried to Ghazni and 
put to death. 

In 1048 Maudud, in order to allay the strife between the nobles 
of the Punjab, appointed his two eldest sons, Mahmud and Mansur, 
to the government of Lahore and Peshawar, and at the same time 
sent Bu 'Ali Hasan, Kotwal 1 of Ghazni, to India to curb the aggres- 
sion of the Hindus, in which task he succeeded well and captured 
a fortress which cannot now be identified with any certainty, but 
he fell a victim to one of the intrigues so common in oriental courts, 
and was rewarded, on his return to Ghazni, by being cast into 
prison, where his enemies anticipated the probability of his restora- 
tion to power by murdering him. 

Maudud died of an intestinal complaint on December 22, 1049, 
while preparing to visit his father-in-law, Chaghar Beg Daud the 
Saljuq, and in accordance, it was said, with his will, his infant son 
MasTid, aged three, was proclaimed Amir by the servants of his 
household, who proposed that the boy's mother, the daughter of 
Chaghar Beg Daud, should exercise the powers of regency, but the 
nobles of Ghazni, who had not been consulted, refused to ratify 
this arrangement, and on December 29 deposed the child and pro- 
claimed his uncle, 'All Abu-'l-Hasan, who married his brother's widow, 
the Saljuq princess. 

'All proved to be a feeble ruler, and in 1052 his uncle, 'Izz-ud- 
daulah 'Abd-ur-Rashld, the sixth son of Mahmud, was released 
from the fortress in which he had been imprisoned, advanced on 
Ghazni, deposed his nephew, and ascended the throne ; while the 
daughter of Chaghar Beg Daud, bitterly resenting her husband's 
deposition, left Ghazni and returned to her father. 

'Abd-ur-Rashld was a scholar with a taste for theology, but was 
as little fitted as 'All to hold the reins of government in troubled 
times. He appointed to the government of the Punjab Nushtigin, 

1 The Kotwal of a large city corresponded to the officer whom we designate 
Commissioner of Police, and exercised also extensive magisterial powers. 

C. H. I. IIL 3 



34 7>k Ghaznavids [CH. 

an able and active officer who recovered the fortress of Kangra 
and restored order, but in Tughril ' the Ingrate,' another servant, 
who had been a slave of Mahmiid, he was less fortunate. Tughril 
was sent to Sistan and reduced that province to obedience, but it 
was his own authority and not his master's that he established. 
His successes, which appear to have included some victories over 
the Saljuqs 1 , who now ruled Khurasan, enabled him to raise and 
maintain a large army, with which he marched to Ghaznl, defeated 
and put to death 'Abd-ur-Rashld and nine other members of the 
royal house, and ascended the throne. His treachery was generally 
abhorred, and he was assassinated, after a reign of forty days, by 
the royal guards. Nushtigin, who had left India on hearing of 
Tughrirs usurpation, arrived at Ghaznl a few days after his death 
and took counsel with the nobles regarding the filling of the vacant 
throne. There still survived, imprisoned in a fortress, Farrukhzad 
and Ibrahim, two sons of MasTid I, and the nobles elected the latter, 
but, on discovering that he was in feeble health, transferred their 
suffrages to his brother. Almost immediately after Farrukhzad's 
enthronement the kingdom was invaded by Chaghar Beg Baud who, 
after being defeated by Nushtigin, summoned to his assistance his 
more famous son Alp Arsalan, against whom Farrukhzad took the 
field in person. Alp Arsalan gained an indecisive victory and retired 
with his prisoners, leaving in Farrukhzad's hands those taken from 
Chaghar Beg Dafid by Nushtigin. An exchange formed the basis 
of a treaty of peace, and on Farrukhzad's death in March, 1059, 
his brother Ibrahim, who succeeded him, renewed the treaty and 
arranged a marriage between his son Mas'ud and the daughter of 
Malik Shah, Alp Arsalan's son. The treaty was faithfully observed 
by the Saljuqs during Ibrahim's long reign, and the security of his 
northern and western frontiers enabled him to devote his attention 
to India. In 1079 he crossed the southern border of the Punjab 
and captured the town of Ajudhan, now known as Pak Pattan. 
In the course of the same campaign he is said to have taken a town 
named Rupal, which was perhaps the place of that name in Mahi 
Kantha, as he appears to have advanced towards the western coast 
and to have come upon a settlement of ParsTs which may be 
identified with Navsari in Gujarat. This is the only supposition by 
which it is possible to explain a Muslim historian's obviously in- 

1 According to another account of Tughril 'B career in Sistan he temporarily trans- , 
ferred his allegiance to the Saljuqs, and, having acquired the art of war according to 
their system, utilized his knowledge for the destruction of his master, but he does not 
appear to have been acting, in his rebellion, as an agent of the Saljuqs. 



ii] Eahram 3 5 

accurate statement that he reached a town populated exclusively 
by Khurasanis who had been deported to India by Afrasiyab. 

Ibrahim died on August 25, 1099, after a comparatively peaceful 
reign of forty- two years, and was succeeded by his twenty-third son, 
'Ala-ud-Daulah Mas'ud III, surnamed al-Karim, who had married 
the daughter of Malik Shah. The chief events of his peaceful reign 
of seventeen years were an expedition beyond the Ganges, led by 
Tughatigin of Lahore, of whose exploits no details are given, and 
the appointment of Husain, son of Sam, to the government of Ghur, 
which is interesting as evidence that the Shansabani princes were 
still vassals of Ghazni. Mas'iid HI died in 1115 at the age of fifty- 
seven, and was succeeded by his son Shlrzad, who was deposed in 
the following year by his brother Arsalan 'Abd-ul-Malik. Arsalan's 
half brother Bahrain, who was the son of the Saljuq princess, fled 
for refuge to his uncle, Sultan Sanjar, in Khurasan, and Arsalan 
was foolish enough to treat his stepmother with indignity, and even 
to offer her a gross insult. His folly incensed Sanjar, who was 
already disposed to espouse the cause of his nephew Bahram, and 
he advanced on Ghazm with a large army. Arsalan was defeated 
within a few miles of the city and fled to India, and Sanjar placed 
Bahram on the throne and returned to Khurasan. Arsalan, on 
learning of his departure, returned to Ghazni and expelled Bahram. 
In 1117 Sanjar, who had succeeded, on the death of his brother 
Muhammad, to the sovereignty of all the dominions of the Great 
Saljuqs, was too much occupied with his own affairs to be able to 
send assistance to Bahram, but in 1118 he provided him with 
troops, and he marched to Ghazni and defeated and captured his 
brother. He was at first disposed to spare his life, but, on dis- 
covering that he was hatching schemes for the recovery of the 
throne, put him to death. 

Shortly after his accession Bahram marched into India to re- 
duce to obedience Muhammad Bahlim, who, having been appointed 
governor of the Puiyab by Arsalan, refused to acknowledge his 
successor. Bahlim was defeated and captured on January 22, 1119, 
but Bahram, with culpable leniency, not only pardoned but rein- 
stated him, and returned to Ghazni. Bahlim displayed great energy 
in subduing the minor Hindu chieftains on the borders of the Punjab 
and established himself in Nagaur, where he again repudiated his 
allegiance to Bahram. Bahram marched from Ghazni against the 
rebel, who "foolishly advanced northward and met him in the neigh- 
bourhood of Multan, where he was defeated, and in attempting to 
escape was swallowed up, with two of his sons, in a quicksand. He 

32 



36 The Ghaznavids [CH. 

deserves to be remembered, because he established Muhammadan 
rule over provinces which had never acknowledged the authority 
of the greatest of the Ghaznavids. Nagaur is situated more than 
300 miles to the south of Lahore, and it is said that Bahllm was 
accompanied, on his march against Bahram, by ten sons, each of 
whom ruled a province or district 

The later years of Bahrain's reign were overshadowed by the 
menace of the growing power of the Shansabam princes of Ghur, 
who had husbanded their resources while the Ghaznavids and the 
Saljuqs were at strife. Qutb-ud-din Muhammad of Ghur, having 
quarrelled with his brother, fled to Ghazni and married a daughter 
of Bahram, who, after harbouring him for some time, suspecteohim 
of plotting against him and removed him by poison. Qutb-ud-dln's 
next brother, Saif-ud-dm, prince of Ghur, invaded the Ghaznavid 
dominions to avenge his brother's death, defeated Bahram, drove 
him to India, and occupied Ghazni, appointing his brother Baha- 
ud-din Sam his lieutenant in Ghur. In 1149 Bahram returned 
suddenly from India, surprised Saif-ud-dm, and put him to flight. 
He was pursued and overtaken and was induced to surrender by 
a promise that his life should be spared, but the perfidious Bahram, 
having secured his enemy, first publicly exposed him to the derision 
of the populace and then put him to death. Baha-ud-dm Sam is 
said to have died of grief for his brother, and another brother, 
'Ala-ud-dm Husain, succeeded to the principality and in 1115 took 
a terrible revenge for Saif-ud-dm's death. He invaded the Ghazna- 
vid kingdom, defeated Bahram in three successive battles, captured 
Ghazni, and burnt it to the ground. The flames raged for seven 
days and the outrage earned for its author the name of ' Jahansuz,' 
'the World-burner/ The remains of the kings, except Mahmud, 
Mas'ud I and Ibrahim, were torn from their graves and burnt, 
and their tombs were destroyed, the male inhabitants, except the 
Sayyids 1 , who were carried to Ghur to be put to death there, were 
slaughtered and the women and children carried off into slavery, 
and 'Ala-ud-din, after leaving Ghazni, marched through other pro- 
vinces of the kingdom, destroying the monuments of the taste and 
munificence of its former rulers. 

Bahram had fled to India after his defeat, but ventured to return 
to Ghazni when the World-burner, shortly after his victories, in- 
curred the wrath of Sultan Sanjar the Saljuq and was defeated 
and temporarily imprisoned by him. Bahram, who died shortly 

1 Sayyids are descendants of Muhammad through his daughter Fatima, who was 
married to his cousin 'AH. They had two sons, Hasan and Husain, from one or other 
of whom all Sayyids claim descent. 



n] The End of the Dynasty 37 

afterwards 1 , is favourably known as a patron of literature. The 
famous poet Sana! resided at his court and another writer made 
for him a Persian translation of the Arabic version of the story 
Kalllah wa Damnah, the better known translation of which, the 
Anvar-irSuhattl, by Mulla Hasan Walz, al-Kashifl, was made in 
the reign of Sultan Hasan the Timurid. 

Bahrain was succeeded by his son Khusrav Shah, a feeble ruler 
in whose reign a horde of the Ghuzz tribe of Turkmans invaded 
Khurasan and defeated and captured Sultan Sanjar, who died in 
their hands in 1157. From Khurasan the Turkmans advanced on 
Ghazui, and Khusrav Shah fled before them to Lahore, where he 
died in 1160. The Punjab was all that now remained to the 
descendants of Sabuktigin of the wide domains of their ancestors. 
The Ghuzz Turkmans retained possession of Ghazni for ten years 
and it then fell into the hands of the princes of Ghiir. 

Khusrav Shah was succeeded by his son Khusrav, who bore 
the title of Malik. He was a mild and voluptuous prince to whom 
authority was irksome. The governors of the districts of his small 
kingdom behaved as independent rulers, but he recked nothing, so 
long as the means of indulgence was at hand. The districts fell 
one by one, as will be related in the following chapter, into the 
hands of Mu c izz-ud-din Muhammad bin Sam, the World-burner's 
nephew, who occupied Ghazni and ruled the southern portion of 
the country now known as Afghanistan as the lieutenant of his 
elder brother, Ghiyas-ud-dm Muhammad, who governed the now 
extensive dominions of his family from his capital, Firuzkuh in 
Ghur. In 1181 Mu'izz-ud-dm Muhammad appeared before Lahore 
and compelled Khusrav Malik to surrender, as a token of sub- 
mission, his finest elephant, and as a hostage, his son. Muhammad 
then inarched to Sialkot, built the fort there and placed one of his 
own officers in command of it. After his departure Khusrav Malik 
plucked up courage and besieged Sialkot, but could not take it and 
returned to Lahore. In 1180 Muhammad again appeared before 
Lahore and Khusrav sued for peace. He left the city, under a 
safe conduct, to arrange the terms, but Muhammad violated his 
engagement, seized him, and occupied Lahore. Khusrav Malik was 
sent to Ghiyas-ud-din at Firuzkuh, where he remained a prisoner 
until 1192, when Ghiyas-ud-din and his brother were preparing for 
hostilities against Sultan Shah Jalal-ud-dm Mahmud of Khvarazm 
and put him and his son Bah rain to death as dangerous incumbrances. 

1 According to another account Bahrain, regarding the date of whose death there 
are several discrepancies, died in 1152, before the burning of Ghazni, and had been 
succeeded by Khusrav Shah. The T.N. is followed here. 



CHAPTER III 

MU'IZZ-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD BIN SAM OF GHUR AND 
THE EARLIER SLAVE KINGS OF DELHI 

THE history of the Ghaznavids has given us occasional glimpses 
of the princes of Ghur and of the circumstances in which, during 
the conflicts of their powerful neighbours, they gradually rose to 
prominence. They have usually been described, on insufficient 
grounds, as Afghans, but there is little doubt that they were, like 
the Samanids of Balkh, eastern Persians. In 1163 Saif-ud-dm 
Muhammad, son and successor of the World-burner, was slain in 
battle against the Ghuzz Turkmans, and was succeeded by his 
cousin, Ghiyas-ud-dm Muhammad, son of Baha-ud-dm Sam, who 
in 1173 expelled the Ghuzz Turkmans from Ghazm and appointed 
his younger brother Shihab-ud-din, afterwards known as Mu'izz- 
ud-dm Muhammad, to the government of that province. 

The relations between the brothers exhibit a pleasing contrast 
to the almost invariable tale of envy, jealousy, and fratricidal strife 
furnished by the records of other Muslim dynasties. Ghiyas-ud-dm 
commanded, until his death, the loyal assistance of his brother, 
and in return reposed in him a confidence which was never abused 
and permitted to him a freedom of action which few other eastern 
rulers have dared to tolerate in a near relation. Muhammad 
acquired territory and wealth which would have enabled him, had 
he been so minded, to overthrow his brother arid usurp his throne, 
and was described on his coins as 'the great and victorious Sultan/ 
but the place of honour was always assigned to his brother's name, 
which was distinguished by epithets denoting his superiority. 

In 1175 Muhammad led his first expedition into India. Isma- 
'ilian heretics, long freed from the restraining hand of a powerful 
and orthodox ruler, had for some years borne sway in Multan. 
Muhammad captured the city, appointed an orthodox governor, 
and marched to the strong fortress of Uch, which he took by a 
stratagem. He promised to make the raja's wife, who was on bad 
terms with her husband, the principal lady in his harem if she 
would deliver the fortress to him. She declined the honour for 
herself but secured it for her daughter, caused her husband to be , 
put to death, and surrendered the city. She gained little by her 
unnatural treachery, for she and her daughter were sent to Ghazni, 



CH. in] Defeat of Muhammad 39 

ostensibly that they might learii the doctrines and duties of Mam, 
and there she died soon afterwards, justly scorned by the daughter 
whom she had sold. The unfortunate girl herself died two years 
later, never having been Muhammad's wife but in name. 

In 1178 Muhammad sustained his first reverse on Indian soil. 
He rashly led an army by way of Multan, Uch, and the waterless 
Indian desert against Anhilvara, or Patan, the capital of Bhim 
the Vaghela, the young raja of Gujarat. His army arrived before 
Anhilvara exhausted by its desert march and utterly unfit to en- 
counter the fresh and numerous army of Bhim. His troops fought 
with the valour which religious zeal inspires but were defeated, 
arid compelled to retrace their steps across the inhospitable desert. 
The sufferings of the retreat far exceeded those of the advance and 
it was but a miserable remnant of the army that reached Ghazni. 

He was nevertheless able, in the following year, to lead an army 
to Peshawar, which he wrested from the feeble grasp of the governor 
placed there by Khusrav Malik, and in 1181 he led to Lahore the 
expedition of which the result was the establishment of a fortress 
at Sialkot. 

The later successors of the great Mahniud had been unable to 
maintain their position in India by the strength of their own arm 
and the hostility of the rajas of Jammu had compelled them to 
ally themselves to the Khokars. The support of Khusrav Malik 
enabled these tribesmen to repudiate their allegiance to Chakra 
Deo of Janmiii and to resist his demands for tribute and the raja 
avenged himself by inviting Muhammad to invade the Punjab and 
promising him his assistance. Muhammad accepted the offer with 
an alacrity which did little credit to his zeal for Islam, reduced 
Khusrav to submission as has already been described, and at Chakra 
Deo's suggestion built the fortress of Sialkot for the purpose of 
curbing the Khokars. It was at the instance and with the assistance 
of these tribesmen that Khusrav Malik attacked the fortress after 
Muhammad's departure, and it was owing to Chakra Deo's aid 
to the garrison that the siege was unsuccessful. In 1186, when 
Muhammad invaded the Punjab for the second time, Vijaya Deo, 
the son and successor of Chakra Deo, aided him against Khusrav 
Malik, who was treacherously seized and carried to Ghazni as 
already described. 'Ali Karmakh, who had hitherto been governor 
of Multan, was appointed to Lahore, and Muhammad, having thus 
established himself in India, proceeded, by a series of operations 
differing, entirely from Mahmud's raids, to the conquest of further 
territory in that country. 



40 The Slave Kings [CH. 

In the winter of 1190-91, the south-eastern boundary of his 
dominions being then probably the Sutlej, he captured Bhatinda, 
in the kingdom of Prithvl Raj 1 , the Chauhan raja of Delhi and 
placed in command of it Qazi Ziya-ud-dm with his contingent of 
1 200 horse. Muhammad was preparing to return when he heard 
that Prithvi Raj was advancing with a vast army to attack him. 
He turned to meet him and encountered him at Taraori, near 
Karnal. The Muslims were overpowered by sheer weight of num- 
bers, and both their wings were driven from the field, but the 
centre still stood fast and Muhammad, leading a furious charge 
against the Hindu centre, personally encountered the raja's brother, 
Govind Rai, and shattered his teeth with his lance, but Govind Rai 
drove his javelin through the sultan's arm, and Muhammad, fearing 
to sacrifice his army by falling, turned his horse's head from the 
field. The army was now in full flight, and Muhammad, faint from 
pain and loss of blood, would have fallen, had not a young Khalj 
Turk, with great presence of mind, sprung upon his horse behind 
him until he reached the place where the fugitive army had halted. 
Here a litter was hastily constructed for him and the army con- 
tinued its retreat in good order. Prithvi Raj advanced to Bhatinda 
and besieged it, but the gallant Ziya-ud-dm held out for thirteen 
months before he capitulated. 

Muhammad's sole care, after reaching Ghaznl, was to organise 
and equip such an army as would enable him to avenge his defeat, 
and in 1192 he invaded India with 12,000 horse. He was not in 
time to relieve Bhatinda, but he found Prithvi Raj encamped at 
Taraori, and adopted tactics which bewildered the Rajput, a slave 
to tradition. Of the five divisions of his army four, composed of 
mounted archers, were instructed to attack, in their own style, the 
flanks and, if possible, the rear of the Hindus, but to avoid hand to 
hand conflicts and, if closely pressed, to feign flight. These tactics 
were successfully employed from the morning until the afternoon, 
when Muhammad, judging that the Hindus were sufficiently per- 
plexed and wearied, charged their centre with 12,000 of the flower 
of his cavalry. They were completely routed and Prithvi Raj de- 
scended from his elephant and mounted a horse in order to flee 
more rapidly, but was overtaken near the river Saraswati and put 
to death. His brother was also slain and his body was identified 
by the disfigurement which Muhammad's lance had inflicted in the 
previous year. 

This victory gave Muhammad northern India almost to the 

1 Called Rai Pithaura by Muslim writers. 



in] Qutb-ud-din Aibak 41 

gates of Delhi. Hans!, Samana, Guhram and other fortresses sur- 
rendered after the battle of Taraori, and the sultan marched to 
Ajmer, which he plundered, carrying away numbers of its inhabi- 
tants as slaves, but the city, isolated by the desert, was not yet a 
safe residence for a Muslim governor, and a son of Prithvi Raj was 
appointed, on undertaking to pay tribute, as governor. 

Muhammad appointed as viceroy of his new conquests Qutb- 
ud-din Aibak, the most trusty of his Turkish officers, who made 
Guhram his headquarters. Qutb-ud-dm, the real founder of Muslim 
dominion in India, had been carried as a slave in his youth from 
Turkistan to Nishapur, where he was bought by the local governor 
and, being again sold on the death of his master, passed eventually 
into the hands of Muhammad. He first attracted his new master's 
attention by his lavish generosity, and rose to the highest rank in 
his service. His name, Aibak, which has been the subject of some 
controversy, means either ' Moon-lord/ and may indicate that he 
was born during an eclipse, or 'Moon-face/ an epithet which in 
the East suggests beauty, though we learn that he was far from 
comely. He was also nicknamed Shot (' defective' or 'paralysed') 
from an injury which deprived him of the use of one little finger. 
He was active and energetic, an accomplished horseman and archer, 
and sufficiently well learned, and the lavish generosity which had 
distinguished his youth earned for him in later years, when wealth 
had augmented his opportunities, the name of Lak-bakhsh, or giver 
of tens of thousands. Muhammad trusted Aibak as he himself was 
trusted by his brother, and left him untrammelled, not only in his 
administration of the new conquests, but also in his discretion to 
extend them. 

Towards the close of the rainy season of 1192 an army of Jats 
under a leader named Jatwan, who owed allegiance to Raja Bhlm 
of Anhilvara, invaded the Hansi district and compelled Nusrat-ud- 
din, the Muslim governor, to take refuge in the fortress. Aibak 
marched to his relief and in September appeared before Hansi. 
The Jats had fled, but he followed them so closely that they were 
compelled to turn and meet him and were defeated and lost their 
leader. Aibak returned to Guhram and almost immediately set 
out for Meerut, captured the fortress from the Hindu chieftain who 
held it, and thus established an outpost to the east of the Jumna. 

Delhi still remained in the hands of the Chauhan Rajputs and 
was a nucleus of aggressive national and religious sentiment and a 
formidable obstacle to the progress of the Muslim arms. From 
Meerut, therefore, Aibak marched thither, and in December, 1192, 



42 The Slave Kings [CH. 

or January, 1193, captured the city which was destined to be the 
capital of the Islamic power in India. In 1193 he made it his 
headquarters, but allowed himself no repose there. 

Meanwhile an officer subordinate to Aibak had been carrying 
the banner of Islam further afield. This was Ikhtiyar-ud-din 
Muhammad, son of Bakhtyar, of the Turkish tribe of Khalj, which 
was settled in the Garmsir between Sistan and Ghazni. His mean 
and unprepossessing appearance and his ungainly build, which 
enabled him, while standing upright, to reach with his hands the 
calves of his legs, had long debarred him from employment com- 
mensurate with his ambition and his merits, and he had entered 
the service of Hijabr-ud-dln Hasan Adib, an adventurous officer who 
had conquered Budaun even before Muhammad had taken Bhatinda, 
and afterwards that of Malik Hisam-ud-dln Aghul Bak, another 
leader of the vanguard of Islam, who had established himself in 
Oudh, where Ikhtiyar-ud-din received some fiefs between the 
Ganges and the Son. From this advanced base he led raids into 
Bihar and Tirhut and took so much booty that large numbers of 
his own tribe, eager to serve under so fortunate a leader, joined 
him. With this accession of strength he invaded Bihar, took its 
capital, Odantapuri, put to death the Buddhist monks dwelling in 
its great monastery, and returned with his plunder, which included 
the library of the monastery, to make his obeisance to Aibak, now, 
in the summer of 1193, established at Delhi. The honours bestowed 
upon him aroused much envy and jealousy, and intriguers and 
backbiters were able to freeze the stream of Aibak's favour into 
the ice of suspicion and aversion ; but their malice overreached 
itself, for to compass Ikhtiyar-ud-dm's destruction they attributed 
to him a foolish boast, that he could overcome an elephant in single 
combat, and persuaded Aibak that the vaunt should be made good. 
It had never been uttered, but Ikhtiyar-ud-dm would not decline 
the challenge and, against the expectation of all, put the beast to 
flight. His success regained the favour of Aibak, who dismissed 
him with fresh honours to Bihar, after conferring on him as a fief 
his past and future conquests. 

After his departure Aibak marched into the Doab and captured 
Koil, and a month or two later joined his master with 50,000 horse. 
Muhammad had invaded India for the purpose of attacking Jai- 
chand, Raja of Kanauj and Benares, who according to Hindu 
accounts, had been his ally against Prithvl Raj, but on discovering , 
that the Muslims were determined to annex northern India, had 
repented of his unpatriotic alliance and was preparing to attack 



1 1 1] Delhi and Ajmer 4 3 

the intruders. Muhammad halted near Kanauj and sent Aibak to 
meet Jaichand, who was encamped at Chandwar, now Firiizabad, 
on the Jumna, between Agra and Etawah. The armies met on the 
banks of the river, and the Muslims were on the point of giving 
way when a fortunately aimed arrow struck Jaichand in the eye 
and he fell dead from his elephant, whereupon the Hindus broke 
and fled, and were pursued with great slaughter. Jaichand's body, 
crushed beyond recognition, was found with difficulty, but his 
attendants recognised it by means of the teeth, which had either 
been stopped with gold or were false teeth fastened with gold wire. 
The victorious army pressed on to the fortress of Asi, near Manaich, 
where Jaichand had stored his treasure, which was plundered. 
Thence it marched to Benares where it destroyed several temples 
and took much booty, and Muhammad then returned to Ghazni. 

Muhammad's policy in Ajmer was not entirely successful. The 
son of Prithvi Raj whom he had installed there was illegitimate, 
and the Rajputs, who resented his subservience to the foreigner, 
made his. birth a pretext for disowning him and elected in his place 
Hemraj, the brother of Prithvl Raj. Hemraj had molested Aibak 
when he was besieging Meerut, but had been defeated and driven 
off. In 1194 Rukn-ud-din Hainza, Qavam-ul-Mulk, who had cap- 
tured and held Ranthambhor, reported that Hemraj was in rebellion 
and was marching to attack him. Aibak marched from Delhi to 
the relief of the fortress, but Hemraj eluded him and took refuge 
in the hills of Alwar, the district then known as Mewat From this 
retreat he attacked and captured Ajmer, compelling his nephew to 
flee for refuge to Ranthambhor, and from Ajmer he dispatched a 
force under a leader named Jhat Rai against Delhi. A demonstra- 
tion by Aibak was sufficient to drive Jhat Rai back to Ajmer, 
whither Aibak followed him. Hemraj came forth to meet his enemy 
but was defeated and driven back into the city, where he mounted 
a funeral pyre and perished in the flames, and a Muslim officer was 
appointed to the government of the city and province. 

In 1195 Aibak formed the ambitious design of avenging his 
master's defeat in Gujarat and punishing Raja Bhim for having 
molested Nusrat-ud-dm at Hansi, and marched to Anhilvara. 
Kunwar Pal, the commander of Bhim's army, retired before him 
but was compelled by a close pursuit to turn and stand. He was 
defeated and slain, and while Bhim took refuge in a remote corner 
of his kingdom Aibak plundered his capital and the neighbouring 
country and returned with much booty to Delhi by way of Hans!. 
Muhammad, on receiving Aibak's dispatch announcing his success, 



44 The Slave Kings [CH. 

summoned him to Ghazni, where he received him with every 
demonstration of approval and formally appointed him viceroy of 
the Muslim dominions in India. Aibak was detained for some time 
at Ghazni by a serious illness and shortly after his arrival at Delhi, 
towards the end of 1196, was called upon to meet his master, who 
had led an expedition into India, at Hansi. During this campaign 
Bayana was captured and was placed under the command of a 
Turkish slave named Baha-ud-dm Tughril, and Muhammad ad- 
vanced to Gwalior. He found the fortress too strong to be taken 
by a coup de main and he could not spare the time for a regular 
siege, but the raja was prepared to purchase immunity for himself 
and his dominions, and in consideration of a promise to pay tribute 
and the immediate payment of a first instalment he was permitted 
to retain possession of his state and his fortress. 

In the hot season of 1197, when Aibak was at Ajmer, the Mers, 
who inhabited the neighbourhood of that city, rose in rebellion and 
invited Raja Bhim of Gujarat to aid them in expelling the Muslims. 
Aibak heard of these communications, and in spite of the great 
heat of the season inarched from Ajmer and attacked the Mers 
early one morning before their ally had joined them, but their 
superior numbers enabled them to maintain the conflict through- 
out the day, and when the battle was renewed on the following day 
Bhim's army arrived and overpowered the Muslims, driving them 
back into the city. Here Aibak was besieged until the news that 
a large army was marching from Ghazni to his relief caused the 
Mers and Raja Bhim's army to retreat. The reinforcements reached 
Ajmer late in the year, and in December Aibak inarched on Anhil- 
vara by way of Sirohi to avenge his defeat. He found Bhim's army 
awaiting him at the foot of the Abu hills in a position so strong 
that he hesitated to attack it, and his caution enticed the Hindus 
from the position which constituted their strength. Aibak, now on 
equal terms with his enemy, attacked shortly after dawn and was 
obstinately resisted until midday, when the Hindus broke and fled. 
They suffered severely : 15,000 were slain and 20,000 captured and 
twenty elephants and much other plunder were taken. Aibak ad- 
vanced, unopposed, to Aiihilvara, plundered the city and returned 
with much wealth, of which he transmitted a due proportion to 
Muhammad and to Ghiyas-ud-dm. 

During the next five years the two brothers were much occupied 
with the affairs of Khurasan, and Muhammad had so little leisure 
to spare for India that the northern provinces enjoyed a period of 
comparative repose, welcome to the troops after nine years' warfare, 



in] Early Muslim Rule 45 

and beneficial to the country. We may imagine that the conquerors 
employed this interval of peace for the establishment of their simple 
system of government, but of this no details are given, for Muslim 
historians are concerned almost exclusively with war and court 
intrigue. There is no reason to believe that the system established 
by the earlier conquerors differed from that which we find in 
existence at a later date under Muslim rulers. Military fief-holders 
were responsible for the preservation of order, for the ordinary 
executive duties of government, and for the collection of the 
revenue when it was necessary to use any degree of force, but in 
matters of detail full use was made of indigenous institutions. 
Hindu accountants kept the registers in which was recorded the 
landholder's or cultivator's normal liability to government, Hindu 
village officials ordinarily collected such revenue as could be col- 
lected without the employment of force, and Hindu caste tribunals 
decided most of the disputes to which Hindus only were parties. 
Disputes between Muslims were decided by Muhammadan qdzw 
and mnftJs, and differences between Hindus and their conquerors 
either by these officials or by the strong hand of the fief-holder or 
his deputy, whose natural predilection for their co-religionists would 
be restrained sometimes by a sense of justice but more often by 
their interest in repressing misconduct likely to lead to disorders. 

It must not be supposed that this description applies uniformly 
to the whole of the territory over which the Muslims pretended to 
dominion. Extensive tracts often remained under the rule of Hindu 
rajas or landowners who were permitted to retain their authority 
on promising to pay tribute or taxes, which they paid when the 
central authorities was strong and withheld when it was weak. 
Both the extent and the boundaries of fiefs held by Muslim officers 
were uncertain and a strong or ruthless fief-holder would extinguish 
all vestiges of Hindu authority in his fief, and even beyond its 
borders, while another, weak or accommodating, might deal with 
lesser Hindu proprietors as the central government dealt with the 
rajas and great landholders. The history of northern India exhibits, 
until the middle of the sixteenth century, many instances of the 
extent to which Hindus regained their power under a weak govern- 
ment, as well as of their sufferings under despots strong enough to 
indulge their bigotry without restraint 

The five years 1 interval of peace was limited to the provinces 
in north-western India under Aibak's immediate control, for 
Ikhtiyar-ud-din's activity was not abated. After returning, in 1193, 
from Delhi to Bihar he hatched schemes of conquest which should 



46 The Slave Kings [CH, 

extend the dominion of the faithful to the sea on one side and 
beyond the great mountain barrier of the Himalaya on the other. 
Lower Bengal was now ruled by Lakshman, of the Sen dynasty, 
who, having been a posthumous son, had succeeded at his birth to 
his father's kingdom and was now an aged man dwelling peacefully 
at Nabadwipa or Nadiya, which his grandfather had made the 
capital of Bengal In 1202 1 Ikhtiyar-ud-dln left Bihar with a large 
body of horse, and marched so rapidly on Nadiya that he arrived 
at the city with no more than eighteen companions. Nadiya was 
partly deserted at this time, many of its wealthier inhabitants 
having retired and settled further to the east, owing, it is said, to 
predictions in ancient books that the city would be captured by 
the Turks 2 , but their flight may be more reasonably attributed to 
authentic stories of the activity and rapacity of the Muslims than 
to ancient prophecy. Lakshman Sen, whether from apathy or from 
confidence, had refused to leave his capital, and when the intruders, 
who had been permitted to pass through the city under the im- 
pression that they were horsedealers from the north, reached his 
palace gates he was sitting down to a meal. The Muslims cut down 
the guards and bystanders, burst into the palace, and at once all 
was uproar and confusion. The raja, in the half-naked state in 
which a Hindu of high caste is obliged to eat, left his unfinished 
meal and escaped by boat, and the adventurers were able to hold 
their own until the rest of the army arrived, when they plundered 
the treasury of the accumulations of a peaceful reign of eighty 
years and sacked and destroyed the city 3 . Ikhtiyar-ud-dm retired 
to Gaur or Lakhnawati, where he established himself firmly as 
governor of Bengal, founded mosques, colleges, and caravanserais, 
and caused the Khutba 4 to be recited in the name of Mu'izz-ud-dm 
Muhammad, who had succeeded as sole ruler on the death of his 
elder brother, Ghiyas-ud-din, on February 11, 1203. 

Lakshman Sen escaped to Vikrampur, near Sonargaon and eight 
miles south-east of Dacca, and from this town, which had been the 

1 This date is not quite certain. Some authors place the expedition a year later and 
one some years earlier. 

2 The predictions, as recorded by Muslim historians, were strangely minute in 
matters of detail, but these historians wrote after the event, and the original texts 
which they cite cannot be traced. 

8 Some suspicion rests on the details of this account, which is drawn from Muslim 
sources. 

4 This is a homily and bidding prayer recited in mosques on Fridays and festivals 
and contains the name of the ruling sovereign, whose title it formally acknowledges. 
Among Muslims it is one of the two symbols of sovereignty, the other being the minting 
of money. 



in] Bengal 47 

favourite residence of his great-grandfather Balal Sen, ruled the 
narrow remnant of his kingdom, in which he was succeeded by his 
son Madhav Sen, who, again, was succeeded by his own son Su Sen, 
the last of the line. 

The peace in northern India was broken by Aibak,who in 1202 
attacked Parmal, the Chandel raja of Kalinjar, whose ancestor had 
paid tribute to Mahmud. Parmal was defeated, and in order to 
retain possession of his fortress accepted the position of a vassal, 
but while he was collecting the stipulated tribute suddenly died, 
and his minister Aja Deo, who aspired to his throne, refused to 
abide by the treaty and, trusting to a spring which had never been 
known to fail, resolved to stand the chances of a siege, but a few 
days after he had closed the gates the hitherto inexhaustible spring 
dried up, and the citizens, confronted with the prospect of death 
from thirst incautiously admitted the besiegers without making 
fresh terms. Aibak punished Aja Deo's treachery by treating the 
city as one taken by storm. Plunder amounting to far more than 
the promised tribute was taken, 50,000 captives, male and female, 
were carried oft' as slaves, and the temples in the city were converted 
into mosques. After capturing Kalinjar, Aibak reduced without 
difficulty Mahoba, the civil capital of the Chandel state, and on his 
way towards Budaun received Ikhtiyar-ud-dm, who presented to 
him the spoils of Nadiya. 

Muhammad bin Sam sustained at the hands of the Turkmans 
of 'Ala-ud-din Muhammad Khvarazm Shah, near Andkhul, in 1205, 
a defeat which dealt a fatal blow at his military reputation in India. 
It was reported, and for some time believed, that he had been 
killed, and his old enemies the Khokars and some other tribes to 
the north of the Salt Range rose under the leadership of Rai Sal, 
a petty raja who, having been converted to Islam, had since relapsed. 
The rebels defeated the deputy governor of Multan and plundered 
Lahore, and by closing the roads between that city and Ghaznl 
prevented the remittance of revenue from the Punjab. Muhammad, 
intent on avenging his defeat at the hands of Khvarazm Shah, 
ordered Aibak to deal with the rebellion in India, but this step 
confirmed the rebels in their belief that the reports of his death 
were true, for they did not understand the difficulties which con- 
fronted him in Central Asia and could not believe that he would 
entrust to a subordinate a task so important as the suppression of 
. their rebellion. Muhammad at length perceived the necessity for 
taking the field in person, and on October 20, 1205, set out from 
Ghaznl for India. He left Peshawar on November 9 and fell 



48 The Slave Kings [CH. 

suddenly on the Khokars in a position of their own choosing 
between the Jhelum and the Chenab. They withstood him from 
daybreak until the afternoon with such obstinacy that the tide 
of battle was only turned by the arrival of Aibak with the army of 
Hindustan. The Muslims pursued the Khokars with great slaughter 
and took so many alive that five Khokar slaves sold in the camp 
for a dinar. Of the two leaders of the Khokars one, Sarka, was 
slain and the other, Bakan, made his way to a fortress in the Salt 
Range but, being pursued thither, saved his life by surrendering. 
A body of the more determined rebels fled from the fortress into a 
dense jungle where they perished miserably when the forest was 
fired by the Muslims. 

Muhammad arrived at Lahore on February 25, 1206, and gave 
his troops permission to return to their homes in order that they 
might be ready to accompany him on his projected expedition to 
Khvarazm. On his return towards Ghazni he was assassinated, on 
March 15, on the bank of the Indus. 

The circumstances of his death are a vexed question. The legend 
which attributes it to Prithvi Raj who, according to the bards of 
the Rajputs had not been slain at Taraori but was wounded and 
taken prisoner and remained, after having been blinded, a captive 
for the rest of his life, is mentioned by one Muslim historian but 
may be dismissed without hesitation as a fabrication. Other 
authorities attribute the deed to some of the Khokars whose homes 
had so recently been made desolate, but though these were perhaps 
privy to the design, and, if so, certainly furthered it, the actual 
assassins appear to have been fanatical Shiahs of the heretical 
Ismail! sect. A few years before this time these heretics had again 
established themselves in Khurasan, where they are still numerous, 
and held possession of that province until Muhammad crushed 
them in 1199, and restored his brother's authority. A number of 
these bound themselves by an oath to slay the persecutor of their 
faith, and found on this occasion their opportunity. 

The body of the murdered sultan was carried to Ghazni and 
there buried. His nominal successor was 'Ala-ud-dm, of the Bamiyan 
branch of his family, who was almost immediately supplanted by 
Mahmud, the son of Ghiyas-ud-dm, but these princes were mere 
pageants, and the real successors were the provincial viceroys, 
Taj-ud-din Yildiz, governor of Kirman, and Qutb-ud-dm Aibak, 
who assumed the title of Sultan at his master's death and was, 
acknowledged as sovereign by Ikhtiyar-ud-din of Bengal and by 
Nasir-ud-dm Qabacha who, having distinguished himself at the 



in] Death of Muhammad b. Sam 49 

disastrous battle of Andkhui, had in 1205 been appointed governor 
of Multan and Uch, and had married Aibak's daughter. 

We may now conveniently revert to the course of events in 
Bengal, where Ikhtiyar-ud-din, having firmly established himself in 
Lakhnawati, had begun to indulge in dreams of carrying his arms 
beyond the Himalaya. He had already extended his influence to 
the foot of these mountains among the Mongoloid tribes, Koch, 
Mech, and Kachari, and one chieftain, known after his conver- 
sion as 'All the Mech, had exchanged his animistic belief for the 
doctrines of Islam. 'All undertook to guide Ikhtiyar-ud-din through 
the great mountains and about the middle of the year 1205 he set 
out, with an army of 10,000 horse, on his perilous adventure. The 
interest which this enterprise might have possessed is unfortunately 
diminished by the impossibility of tracing the adventurer's foot- 
steps, for the vague accounts of historians ignorant of geography 
preserved in corrupted texts afford us no means of following his 
course. Having entered into a treaty with the raja of Kamrup, 
who agreed to refrain from molesting him and to assist him, at 
least with advice, he inarched from Debkot in the modern district 
of Dinajpur, to the banks of a great river which seems to have 
formed the boundary between his territory and Kamrup and 
followed its course northwards for ten days until he reached a city, 
perhaps Burdhankot, in the raja's dominions. Here the river was 
spanned by a stone bridge, and Ikhtiyar-ud-din, leaving a force 
to hold the bridge, set out, against the advice of the raja, who 
counselled him to wait for the spring, for Tibet. In what direction 
he marched, or what part of Tibet was his objective, is uncertain, 
but after fifteen days 1 marching he reached a strong fortress 
standing in open country which was well cultivated and thickly 
populated. The inhabitants joined the garrison of the fortress in 
opposing the invader and though Ikhtiyar-ud-dm held his ground 
throughout the day his losses w r ere very heavy and information 
received from prisoners, who reported that large reinforcements 
from a neighbouring city were confidently awaited, convinced him 
of the necessity for an immediate retirement. During his retreat 
he paid the penalty of his rashness in advancing so far into an un- 
known country without securing his communications. The natives 
had destroyed or obstructed the roads and burnt all vegetation, so 
that neither fodder nor fuel was procurable and the army was 
reduced to living on the flesh of its horses. When the river was 
reached it was discovered that the inhabitants had taken advantage 
of quarrels between the officers left to secure at least this point to 
C.H.I. HI. 4 



50 "The Slave Kings [CH. 

destroy the bridge, that the river was unfordable, and that no 
boats were at hand. The raja of Kamrup perfidiously attacked 
the retreating army and drove it into the river. Ikhtiyar-ud-dm 
succeeded in reaching the opposite bank with about a hundred 
horsemen, with which sorry remnant of his army he returned to 
Lakhnawatl. 

This was the greatest disaster which had yet befallen the 
Muslim arms in India. Armies had been defeated, but Ikhtiyar- 
ud-dm's force had been all but annihilated, and it would have been 
well for him to have perished with it, for he could not show his 
face in the streets of Lakhnawatl without encountering the gibes 
and reproaches of the wives and families of those whom he had led 
to their death, and early in 1206 he took to his bed and died, of 
grief and mortification, as some authorities assert, but he was in 
fact murdered by 'Ali Mardan, a leading member of the Khaljf 
tribe. 

On Ikhtiyar-ud-din's death the government was assumed by 
Muhammad bin Shiran, a Khalji officer who had acted as one of 
his deputies during his absence in Tibet. 'All Mardan was im- 
prisoned, but escaped and fled to Lahore, where he persuaded 
Aibak, from whom he concealed his share in Ikhtiyar-ud-din's 
death, to depute an officer from Oudh to make a fresh distribution 
of fiefs among the officers in Bengal. In the course of the dissensions 
which arose in connection with this redistribution Muhammad bin 
Shiran, 'All Mardan's principal enemy, was slain, and 'AH Mardan 
persuaded Aibak to appoint him governor. 

Nasir-ud-dm Qabacha's acknowledgement of his father-in-law, 
Aibak, as his sovereign aroused the resentment of Taj-ud-din Yildiz, 
governor of Kirman, who claimed the succession to Muhammad in 
Ghazni and, in consequence, the sovereignty of the Punjab. He 
sent an army against Qabacha and drove him from Multaii but was 
in turn attacked by Aibak, defeated, and driven back to Kirman. 
Aibak, elated by his success, entered Ghazni as a conqueror in 
1208-09 and celebrated his victory with wine and revelry, while 
his troops robbed and ill-treated the citizens. They secretly in- 
formed Yildiz of the state of affairs and he suddenly marched on 
Ghazni and so completely surprised Aibak that he fled to Lahore 
without striking a blow. 

Early in November, 1210, Aibak's horse fell upon him as he was 
playing chaugan or polo and the high pommel of the saddle pierced 
his breast, inflicting a wound so severe that he died almost im- 
mediat^ly. The nobles, in order to avoid the confusion and strife 



in] Iltutmish 51 

inseparable from a delayed or disputed succession, hurriedly pro- 
claimed Aram Shah, sometimes described as Aibak's adopted son 
but usually believed to have been a son of his body. 

The death of Aibak affords us an opportunity of turning again 
to the course of events in Bengal. 'AH Mardan, on receiving the 
news, adopted the style of royalty and the title of Sultan 'Ala-ud- 
din. To his own subjects he was a ruthless and bloody tyrant, and 
the Hindu rulers on his borders stood in such awe of him that the 
tribute with which they conciliated him filled his treasury. The 
rapid growth of his power and prosperity so unhinged his mind 
that he believed himself to be monarch of all the known world and 
bestowed upon his subjects and suppliants grants of the most 
distant kingdoms and provinces. To a poor merchant of Isfahan 
who had been robbed of his goods in Bengal he made a grant of 
his native city and province, and none dared to suggest that the 
grant was but breath and paper. The violence of his temper 
increased with his mania until neither the Khaljl noble nor the 
humble trader of the bazar was secure, and when he had reigned 
for about two years a party among the nobles conspired and slew 
him, and raised to the throne Hisam-ud-dm 'Iwaz, governor of the 
frontier district of Debkot. 

On Aibak's death Qabacha also declared himself independent 
in Multan, and nothing was left to Aram Shah but Hindustan and 
a part of the Punjab, where the turbulence of the Hindus threatened 
his rule and alarmed the stoutest hearts among the Muslims. From 
Lahore the new king marched to Delhi, but the nobles who had 
remained in the capital when Aibak marched to Lahore, and had 
had no voice in the election of Aram Shah, were loth to accept so 
feeble a ruler, and invited Shams-ud-dm Iltutmish, son-in-law of 
Aibak and the foremost of his slaves, to ascend the throne. Iltutmish 
marched from Budaun to Delhi, defeated and captured Aram Shah, 
who met him in the plain before the city, and ascended the throne 
in the latter half of 121 1. Of Aram Shah, who reigned for less than 
a year, nothing more is heard. 

The new king, who is usually, but incorrectly, styled Altamsh 
by European historians, was a Turk of the Ilbarl tribe who, though 
of noble birth, had, like Joseph, been sold into slavery by his 
brothers. When he and another slave named Aibak Tamghaj were 
first carried to Ghazni Muhammad would not pay the price 
.demanded for them, but afterwards permitted Qutb-ud-din Aibak 
to purchase them at Delhi. Tamghaj was slain when Yildiz drove 
Qutb-ud-din Aibak from Ghazni, but Iltutmish advanced rapidly 

42 



52 The Slave Kings [CH. 

in his master's favour and held in succession the fiefs of Gwalior, 
captured in 1196, Baran (Bulandshaiir) and Budaun. 

It was but a remnant of Aibak's wide dominions that Iltutmish 
gained by his victory over Aram Shah. 'AH Mardan was independent 
in Bengal, Qabacha seemed likely, besides retaining his indepen- 
dence in Multan and Sind, to extend his authority over Lahore and 
the upper Punjab, and Yildiz, who held Ghazni, pretended, as 
Muhammad's successor, to suzerainty over all the Indian conquests 
and asserted his claim by issuing to Iltutmish a commission as 
viceroy. The position of Iltutmish was so precarious that he dared 
not at once resent the insult, but he neither forgot nor forgave it 
Many of the Turkish nobles, even in Hindustan, chafed against his 
authority and he was for some time occupied in establishing it in 
the districts of Delhi, Budaun, Oudh, and Benares, and in the sub- 
montane tract of the Himalaya. 

In 1214 'Ala-ud-dm Muhammad Khvarazm Shah drove Yildiz 
from Ghazni, and the fugitive took refuge in Lahore and expelled 
the officer who held the town for Qabacha. Iltutmish protested 
against this act of aggression, and when the protest was disregarded 
marched towards Lahore. Yildiz accepted the challenge and on 
January 25, 1216, the armies met on the already famous field of 
Taraori. Yildiz was defeated and taken, and after being led through 
the streets of Delhi was sent to Budaun, where he was put to death 
in the same year. 

After the overthrow of Yildiz, Qabacha again occupied Lahore, 
but in 1217 Iltutmish expelled him from the city and recovered the 
upper Punjab. 

In 1221 the effects of the raids of the heathen Mughuls which 
afterwards became a source of constant anxiety to the sultans 
of Delhi, first made themselves felt in India. These savages, under 
their leader, the terrible Chingiz Khan, drove 'Ala-ud-dm Muham- 
mad Khvarazm Shah from his throne, and his son, Jalal-ud-dm 
Mangbarni, took refuge in Lahore and sent an envoy to Iltutmish 
to beg for an asylum in his dominions. The fugitive and his 10,000 
troops were most unwelcome guests on the frontier, and Iltutmish, 
having put the envoy to death on the pretext that he was attempting 
to stir up sedition, replied that the climate of Lahore was likely to 
be prejudicial to Mangbarnfs health and offered him a residence 
near Delhi, The offer was declined and Mangbarni retired towards 
the Salt Range, where he first attacked and defeated the Khokary 
but afterwards found it to his advantage to enter into an alliance 
with them, and by a marriage with the daughter of their chief, 



in] Multan 53 

who had long been at enmity with Qabacha, acquired an interest 
in an intestine feud. With his new allies he attacked Qabacha and 
compelled him to comply with an exorbitant demand for tribute. 
Rumours that Chingiz had discovered his retreat and purposed to 
follow him thither seriously perturbed him, and by extorting a 
farther sum from Qabacha and plundering Sind and northern 
Gujarat he amassed treasure sufficient to enable him to flee, in 
1224, to Persia. 

The defeat and humiliation of Qabacha had profited Iltutmish, 
who was at leisure, after Mangbarni's flight, to turn his attention 
to Bengal, where Hisam-ud-clin 'Iwaz had assumed the title of 
Sultan Ghiyas-ud-din, and in 1225 he led his army through Bihar. 
On his approach 'Iwaz submitted to him, abandoned the use of the 
royal title, acknowledged his sovereignty and presented to him, as 
tribute, thirty-eight elephants and much treasure, and Iltutmish, 
after appointing his eldest son, Nasir-ud-dm Mahmiid, governor 
of Oudh, and establishing his own governor in Bihar, returned 
to Delhi. 

In 1226 Iltutmish recovered Ranthambhor, which, in the con- 
fusion which followed Aibak's death, had fallen into the hands of 
the Hindus, and in the following year took Mandawar, a strong 
fortress eight miles north of Bijnor held by Rahup, an Agarwal 
Baniya who had captured it from a prince of the Parihar dynasty. 
Having thus established his authority in Hindustan and Bengal he 
decided that the time had come to deal with Qabacha, who still 
maintained his independence in Sind and the lower Punjab and 
had not abandoned his pretensions to the upper province. He 
marched first towards Uch, and Qabacha withdrew to Ahrawat 1 on 
the Indus and moored his boats near his camp, leaving his minister 
to defend Uch. As Iltutmish approached Uch his lieutenant, Nasir- 
ud-din Aiyitim, advanced from Lahore and besieged Multan, and 
Qabacha took to his boats and fled to the island-fortress of Bakhar, 
in the Indus, leaving his minister to follow him with the treasure 
stored at Uch. On February 9, 1228, Iltutmish arrived at Uch and 
opened the siege, at the same time dispatching a force under his 
minister, Kamal-ud-din Muhammad Junaidi, entitled Nizam-ul- 
Mulk, in pursuit of Qabacha, who in his despair sent 'Ala-ud-dm 
Bahrain Shah, his son by Aibak's daughter, to make terms. Bahrain 
was successful, and in accordance with the treaty Uch was sur- 
, rendered en May 4, but Junaidi was either not informed of the 

1 This place cannot now be identified and is not to be sought on the Indus, which 
has changed its course considerably since the thirteenth century. 



54 The Slave Kings [CH. 

treaty or wilfully disregarded it, for he continued to besiege Bakhar, 
and Qabacha was drowned in the Indus. The circumstances of his 
death are variously related ; some writers say that he was accident- 
ally drowned in attempting to escape, and others that he committed 
suicide by throwing himself into the river. His death ended the 
campaign, and his troops transferred their services to Iltutmish, 
who returned to Delhi in August, leaving Junaidi to complete the 
conquest of lower Sind. Malik Sinan-ud-din Chatisar, eleventh of 
the Sumra line, a Rajput dynasty the later members of which 
accepted Islam, submitted and was permitted to retain his territory 
as a vassal of Iltutmish, whose dominions were thus extended to 
the sea. 

Iltutmish, as a good Muslim, had, while still employed in estab- 
lishing his authority, sought from the 'Abbasid Caliph of Baghdad 
confirmation of his title and he was gratified by the arrival, on 
February 8, 1229, of the Caliph's envoy, who invested him with a 
robe of honour and delivered to him a patent which conveyed the 
Caliph's recognition of his title as Sultan of India. 

After the retirement of Iltutmish from Bengal in 1225 'Iwaz 
rebelled, expelled the king's governor from Bihar and ill-treated 
those who had acknowledged his authority. The governor fled to 
Oudh and in 1227 Mahmud, the son of Iltutmish, invaded Bengal 
from that province to punish the rebel. 'Iwaz being absent on 
an expedition ; he occupied LakhnawatI without opposition, and 
when 'Iwaz returned he defeated him, captured him, put him to 
death, and imprisoned the Khalji nobles who had formed a con- 
federacy to oppose the suzerainty of Delhi 1 . 

Mahmud now governed Bengal as his father's deputy, and made 
the most of an opportunity which was closed by his early death in 
April, 1229, for he defeated and slew raja Britu, possibly the raja 
of Kamrup, who had, until that time, defeated the Muslims on every 
occasion on which they had attacked him. On Mahmud's death 
Balka, the son of Iwaz, caused himself to be proclaimed king of 
Bengal under the title of Ikhtiyar-ud-din Daulat Shah Balka, and 
it was not until the winter of 1230-31 that Iltutmish was able to 
lead an army into Bengal to crush the rebellion. Balka was captured 
and probably put to death, and 'Ala-ud-dm Jam was appointed 
governor of Bengal 

1 According to another account 'Iwaz had died before this time and -it was his son ( 
Nasir-ud-dm who invaded Bihar and was afterwards defeated and slain by Mahmud, 
but this account and another, which describes N&sir-ud-dln as Balka, seem to be based 
on a confusion of the events of 1227 with those of 1229-81. 



m] Malwa 55 

The king's next task was the recovery of his first fief, Gwalior, 
which, since the death of Aibak, had been captured by the Hindus, 
and was now held by the raja Mangal Bhava Deo, son of Mai Deo 1 , 
and in February, 1232, he invested the fortress, which he besieged 
until December 12, when the raja fled by night and succeeded in 
making his escape. Iltutmish entered the fortress on the following 
morning and, enraged by the stubborn resistance which he had en- 
countered and by the raja's escape, sullied his laurels by causing 
700 Hindus to be put to death in cold blood On January 16, 1233, 
he set out on his return march to Delhi, where, in this year, he 
purchased the slave Baha-ud-dm Balban, who eventually ascended 
the throne as Ghiyas-ud-dln Balban. 

Iltutmish had now established his authority throughout the 
dominions which Aibak had ruled, and in order to fulfil the duty 
of a Muslim ruler towards misbelieving neighbours and to gratify 
his personal ambition set himself to extend those dominions by 
conquest. In 1234 he invaded Malwa, captured the city of Bhllsa, 
and advanced to Ujjain, which he sacked, and, after demolishing 
the famous temple of Mahakali and all other temples in the city, 
carried off to Delhi a famous lingam, an image of Vikramaditya, 
and many idols. The lingam is said by some to have been buried 
at the threshold of the Friday mosque of Old Delhi, and by others 
to have been buried at the foot of the great column of red sandstone 
built by Iltutmish. 

This famous column, known as the Qutb Minar, was founded in 
1231-32 in honour of the saint, Khvaja Qutb-ud-din Bakhtyar Kaki, 
of Ush, near Baghdad, who, after residing for some time at Ghazm 
and Multan, settled at Delhi, and lived at Kilokhri, highly honoured 
by Iltutmish, until his death on December 7, 1235. The name of 
the column has no reference, as is commonly believed, to Qutb-ud- 
din Aibak, the master and patron of Iltutmish. 

After the king's return from Malwa a serious religious disturb- 
ance broke out at Delhi, where a large community of fanatics of 
the Isma'ili sect had gradually established itself. They may have 
been irritated by persecution but they appear to have believed 
that if they could compass the king's death they might be able to 
establish their own faith as the state religion. They plotted to 
assassinate Iltutmish when he visited the great mosque for the 
Friday prayers, which he was wont to attend unostentatiously and 
. without guards. One Friday, accordingly, while the congregation 
was at prayers, a large body of Isma'ilis ran into the mosque armed, 

1 Otherwise Blrbal Deo. 



56 The Slave Kings [CH. 

drew their swords, and attempted to cut their way through the 
kneeling multitude to the Sultan, but before they could reach him 
he made his escape and, the alarm having been given, the people 
crowded the roofs, walls, and gateways of the mosque and with 
a shower of arrows and missiles annihilated the heretics. Such 
adherents of the sect as remained were diligently sought and were 
put to death. 

In the winter of 1235-36 Iltutmish led an expedition against 
the Khokars, whose hostility to the Muslim rulers of India had 
survived the extinction of the dynasty of Ghur, but on his way he 
was stricken with an illness so severe that it was necessary to carry 
him back to Delhi in a litter. As his life was ebbing the courtiers, 
desirous of averting the horrors of a disputed succession urged him 
to name his successor. Mahmud, the only one of his sons who, 
having reached maturity, had shown any promise, was dead, and 
the dying monarch named his daughter Raziyya. The courtiers, 
scandalised by this suggestion, urged the insuperable objection of 
her sex, and the king, languidly replying that they would find her 
a better man than any of her brothers, turned his face to the wall 
and died, on April 29, 1236 1 , after a reign of twenty-six years. 

Iltutmish was the greatest of all the Slave Kings. His achieve- 
ments were hardly equal to those of his master, but he never had, 
as Aibak had, the moral and material support of a great empire. 
What he accomplished he accomplished by himself, often in the 
face of great difficulties, and he added to the dominions of Aibak, 
which he found dismembered and disorganised, the provinces of 
Sind and Malwa. That he was even more profuse than his master 
is little to his credit, for the useless and mischievous prodigality of 
eastern rulers is more often the fruit of vanity than of any finer 
feeling, and at a court at which a neat epigram or a smart repartee 
is almost as profitable as a successful campaign the resources of 
a country are wasted on worthless objects. 

The courtiers, disregarding their dying master's wishes, raised 
to the throne his eldest surviving son, Rukn-ud-dm Firuz, who had 
proved himself, as governor of Budaun, to be weak, licentious and 
worthless. The nobles assembled at the capital returned to their 
fiefs with well-founded misgivings, and Firuz, relieved of the re- 
straint of their presence, devoted himself entirely to pleasure, and 
squandered on the indulgence of his appetites the treasure which 

1 The oldest extant authority is here followed. Other historians give dates corre- 
sponding with April 17, May 2, and May 5. One gives a date corresponding with May 19, 
1237, but this is certainly incorrect, and is probably due to a scribe's error. 



in] Rukn-ud-dln Firuz 57 

his lather had amassed for the administration and defence of the 
empire. He took a childish delight in riding through the streets 
on an elephant and scattering gold among the rabble, and so 
neglected public business that the direction of affairs fell into the 
bands of his mother, Shah Turkan, who, having been a handmaid 
in the harem, now avenged the slights which she had endured in 
the days of her servitude. Some of the highly born wives of the 
late king were put to death with every circumstance of indignity 
and those whose lives were spared were subjected to gross and 
humiliating contumely. 

The incompetence and sensuality of Firuz and the mischievous 
activity of his mother excited the disgust and indignation of all, 
and passive disaffection developed into active hostility when the 
mother and son barbarously destroyed the sight of Qutb-ud-din, 
the infant son of Iltutmish. Nor was intestine disorder the only 
peril which threatened the kingdom, for the death of Iltutmish had 
been the opportunity of a foreign enemy. Malik Saif-ud-dln Hasan 
Qarlugh, a Turk who now held Ghazni, Kirman and Bamiyan, in- 
vaded the upper Punjab and, turning southwards, appeared before 
the walls of Multan. Saif-ud-dln Aibak, governor of Uch, attacked 
and routed him and drove him out of India, but to foreign aggression 
the more serious peril of domestic rebellion immediately succeeded. 
Ghiyas-ud-dm Muhammad, a younger son of Iltutmish, rebelled in 
Oudh, detained a caravan of treasure dispatched from Bengal, and 
plundered many towns to the east of Jumna, and 'Izz-ud-dln rebelled 
in Budaun. In the opposite direction the governors of Multan, 
Hans! and Lahore formed a confederacy which, to within a distance 
of ninety miles from Delhi, set the royal authority at naught In 
Bengal no pretence of subordination remained. In 1233 'Izz-ud-dm 
Tughril Taghan Khan had succeeded Saif-ud-din Aibak as governor 
of the province, but Aor Khan, who held the fief of Debkot, had 
established his independence in the country to the north and east 
of the Ganges and had recently attempted to expel Tughril from 
Lakhnawatl. He had been defeated and slain, but neither antagonist 
had dreamt of appealing to Delhi, and Tughril, who now ruled the 
whole of Bengal, was bound by no ties, either of sentiment or 
interest, to the unworthy successor of Aibak and Iltutmish. 

When Flriiz awoke to a sense of his danger his situation was 
already desperate. He turned first to attack the confederacy which 
threatened him from the north-west, but as he was leaving Delhi 
he was deserted by his minister JunaidT, who fled and joined Izz- 
ud-din Jani at Koil, whence both marched to join the confederates 



58 The Slave Kings [CH. 

of the Putyab. Firuz continued his march, but had not advanced 
beyond the neighbourhood when the officers with him and the slaves 
of his household murdered two of his secretaries and other civil 
officials, including Junaidi's son, and at the same time the news of 
a serious revolt at Delhi recalled him to the capital. His mother 
had made preparations for putting to death his half-sister Raziyya, 
whose abilities she regarded as a menace to his authority, but the 
populace, aware of the high esteem in which the princess had been 
held by her father, rose in her defence, and before Firuz could 
reach Delhi his mother was a prisoner in the hands of the victori- 
ous rebels. Those who had defied his authority at Taraori deserted 
him and joined the people of Delhi in raising Raziyya to the throne, 
and Firuz, who took refuge in Kilokhri was seized and put to death 
on November 9, 1236, after a reign of six months and seven days. 

The task which lay before the queen would have taxed even 
her father's powers. Junaidi and the governors of Multan, Hansi, 
Lahore and Budaun, who were marching on Delhi, had all been 
implicated in excluding her from the throne, and still declined to 
recognise her. She summoned to her aid Nusrat-ud-din, who had 
been appointed to Budaun after the defection of 'Izz-ud-din Jani, 
but before he could cross the Ganges he was defeated by the con- 
federates, in whose hands he died, and they besieged her in her 
capital, but she marched out and encamped on the banks of the 
Jumna. She was not strong enough either to give or accept battle, 
but she turned her proximity to their camp to good account and 
by means of dexterous intrigues fomented distrust and dissension 
among them. She induced 'Izz-ud-dm Jam and Ayaz of Multan to 
visit her and to treat for the betrayal of some of their associates, 
and then circulated in the rebel camp an account of all that had 
passed at the conference. Consternation fell upon all, no man 
could trust his neighbour, and Saif-ud-din Kuji of Hans!, 'Ala-ud- 
dm Jam of Lahore, and Junaidi, who were to have been surrendered 
to her, mounted their horses and fled, but were pursued by her 
cavalry. Jam was overtaken and slain near Pael, Kuji and his 
brother were taken alive and put to death after a short imprison- 
ment, and Junaidi fled into the Sirmur hills, where he died. 

Raziyya's astuteness thus dissolved the confederacy and estab- 
lished her authority in Hindustan and the Punjab, where Ayaz was 
rewarded for his desertion of his associates with the government of 
Lahore in addition to that of Multan, and Khvaja Muhazzib-ud-din 
Husain, who had been assistant to the fugitive minister, Junaidi, 
succeeded him in his office and in his title of Niz&m-ul-Mulk. The 



in] Raziyya 59 

queen's energy and decision secured for her also the adhesion of 
the governors of the more distant provinces of Bengal and Sind, 
who voluntarily tendered their allegiance, but she found it necessary 
to send a force to the relief of Ranthambhor, where the Muslim 
garrison had been beleaguered by the Hindus since the death of 
Iltutmish. Qutb-ud-dm Husain, who commanded the relieving force, 
drove off the Hindus, but for some unexplained reason withdrew 
the garrison and dismantled the fortress. 

Raziyya now laid aside female attire, and appeared in public, 
both in the court and in the camp, clothed as a man and unveiled. 
This seems to have given no cause for scandal, but she aroused the 
resentment of the nobles by the appointment of an African named 
Jalal-ud-din Yaqut to the post of master of the horse, and by 
distinguishing him with her favour. Later historians suggest or 
insinuate that there was impropriety in her relations with him, but 
the contemporary chronicler makes no such allegation, and it is 
unnecessary to believe that she stooped to such a connexion, for 
the mere advancement of an African was sufficient to excite the 
jealousy of the Turkish nobles, who formed a close corporation. 

Notwithstanding the vindictive zeal with which Iltutmish had 
pursued Isma'Ilian and Carmathian heretics, some appear to have 
escaped death, and Delhi now again harboured large numbers of 
these turbulent fanatics, who had assembled from various provinces 
of the kingdom and were excited by the harangues of a Turk named 
Nur-ud-din, a zealous preacher and proselytizer. On Friday, March 5, 
1237, the heretics made a second organised attempt to overthrow 
the established religion, and to the number of a thousand entered 
the great mosque from two directions and fell upon the congregation. 
Many fell under their swords and others were killed by the press 
of those who attempted to escape, but in the meantime the Turkish 
nobles assembled their troops and, aided by many of the congrega- 
tion who had gained the roof of the mosque and thence hurled 
missiles on their foes, entered the courtyard and slaughtered the 
heretics to a man. 

Discontent in the capital bred disaffection in the provinces. By 
the death of Rash!d-ud-d:n 'All the command of the fortress of 
Gwalior had devolved upon Ziya-ud-din Junaidi, a kinsman of the 
late minister. He was believed to be ill-disposed towards the 
government, and on March 19, 1238, both he and the historian 
Minhaj-ud-dln were compelled by the governor of Baran to leave 
Gwalior for Delhi. The historian cleared his reputation and was 
restored to favour, but of Junaidi nothing more is heard. A more 



60 The Slave Kings [CH. 

formidable rebel was Ayaz, governor of the Punjab, who, resenting 
Yaqut's influence at court, repudiated his allegiance to the queen. 
Towards the end of 1239 Raziyya marched into the Punjab to 
reduce him to obedience, and Ayaz submitted without a contest, 
but was deprived of the government of Lahore and compelled to 
retire to Multan. From this district he was shortly afterwards 
expelled by Saif-ud-din Hasan Qarlugh, who, having in 1230 been 
driven by the Mughuls from Kirman and Ghazni, had retired into 
Sind, where he had been awaiting an opportunity of establishing 
himself to the east of the Indus. 

Raziyya returned to Delhi on March 15, 1240, but on April 3 
was again compelled to take the field. The Turkish nobles, headed 
by the lord chamberlain, Ikhtiyar-ud-din Aitigln, resented the power 
and influence of Yaqut and instigated Ikhtiyar-ud-din Altuniya, 
governor of Bhatinda, to rebel When the army reached Bhatinda 
the discontented nobles slew Yaqut, imprisoned Raziyya, whom 
they delivered into the custody of Altuniya, and directed their 
confederates at Delhi to raise to the throne Mu'izz-ud-din Bahram, 
third son of Iltutmish and half-brother of Raziyya. Bahram was 
proclaimed on April 22, and when the army returned to Delhi on 
May 5, its leaders formally acknowledged him as their sovereign, 
but made their allegiance conditional on the appointment of Aitigin 
as regent for one year. Aitigin married the king's sister and usurped 
all the power and most of the state of royalty, and Bahram, chafing 
under the regent's arrogance and the restraint to which he was 
subjected, on July 30 incited two Turks to stab, in his presence, 
both Aitigin and the minister, Nizam-ul-Mulk. Aitigin was killed on 
the spot, but the minister was only wounded, and made his escape. 
To save appearances the assassins suffered a brief imprisonment, 
but were never brought to punishment, and Bahram appointed as 
lord chamberlain Badr-ud-din Sunqar, a man of his own choice. 

Meanwhile Altuniya was bitterly disappointed by the result of 
his rebellion. The courtiers had made him their catspaw, and had 
appropriated to themselves all honours and places, leaving him 
unrewarded. Aitigin was dead, Nizam-ul-Mulk was discredited, and 
there was nobody to whom the disappointed conspirator could turn. 
He released Raziyya from her prison, married her, and, having 
assembled a large army, marched to Delhi with the object of re- 
placing his newly- wedded wife on her throne, but on October 13 
Bahram defeated him near Kaithal, and on the following day he 
and Raziyya were murdered by the Hindus whom they had sum- 
moned to their assistance. 



HI] 'The Forty" 61 

The situation at court was now extremely complicated. Sunqar, 
the new lord chamberlain, was as arrogant and as obnoxious to 
his master as his predecessor had been. Nizam-ul-Mulk, who had 
condoned the attempt on his life and still held office as minister, 
resented, equally with Bahrain, Sunqar's usurpation of authority, 
and allied himself with the king. Sunqar perceived that his life 
would not be safe as long as Bahrain reigned and conspired to 
depose him, but committed the error of confiding in Nizam-ul-Mulk. 
He would not believe that the minister had really forgiven Bahrain 
and could not perceive that he was subordinating his resentment to 
his interest He received Sunqar's emissary apparently in privacy, 
but as soon as he had departed dispatched a confidential servant 
who had been concealed behind a curtain to acquaint Bahrain with 
what he had heard. Bahrain acted with promptitude and decision ; 
he rode at once to the meeting to which Nizam-ul-Mulk had been 
summoned and compelled the conspirators to return with him to 
the palace. Sunqar was dismissed from his high office, but his 
influence among the great Turkish nobles, or slaves, who were 
now known as 'the Forty 1 saved his life for the time, and his 
appointment to Budaun removed him from the capital. Three 
other leading conspirators fled from the city, and in November, 
1241, Sunqar's return from Budaun without permission gave the 
king a pretext for arresting him and putting him to death. This 
necessary act of severity greatly incensed the Forty. 

The consideration of the position of the Forty affords a con- 
venient opportunity for an explanation of the name by which the 
dynasty under which they acquired their influence is known, for to 
most Europeans the appellation * Slave Kings ' must appear to be 
a contradiction in terms. In an eastern monarchy every subject is, 
in theory, the slave of the monarch and so styles himself, both in 
conversation and in correspondence. To be the personal slave of 
the monarch is therefore no disgrace, but a distinction, and, as 
eastern history abundantly proves, a stepping-stone to dignity and 
power. The Mamluk or Slave Sultans of Egypt are a case in point 
The Turks were at this time the most active and warlike people of 
Asia, and the Ghaznavids, themselves sprung from a Turkish slave, 
the princes of Ghur, and other houses, surrounded themselves with 
slaves of this nation who, often before they received manumission, 
filled the highest offices in the state. Loyal service sometimes 
earned for them a regard and esteem which their master withheld 
from his own sons, born in the purple and corrupted from their 
cradles by flattery and luxury. A faithful slave who had filled with 



62 The Slave Kings [CH. 

credit the highest offices was sometimes rewarded with the baud 
of his master's daughter in marriage, and was preferred to an un- 
worthy or degenerate son or nephew. Alptigin had been the slave 
of 'Abd-ul-Malik the Samanid and Sabuktigin the slave and son- 
in-law of Alptigin. Qutb-ud-dm Aibak was Muhammad's viceroy in 
India for some time before he received manumission, and succeeded 
his master in the Indian conquests. He was indeed succeeded by 
his son, but Aram Shah was almost immediately compelled to 
make way for Iltutmish, Aibak's son-in-law and the ablest of his 
slaves. During the reign of Iltutmish the leading Turks formed 
themselves into a college of forty, which divided among its members 
all the great fiefs of the empire and all the highest offices in the 
state. The commanding genius of Iltutmish preserved the royal 
dignity intact, but in the reigns of his children the power of the 
Forty was ever increasing. Raziyya lost her throne by her prefer- 
ence for one who was not of their number and her brother Bahrain 
was no more than their nominee. There can be no doubt that the 
throne itself would ordinarily have been the prize of one of the 
Forty had not the jealousies of all prevented them from yielding 
precedence to one. They were thus content to own the nominal 
authority of one or other of the offspring of Iltutmish, but their 
compact with Bahrain at the time of his accession clearly indicated 
their determination to retain all authority for themselves, and the 
king, by destroying one of their number, sealed his fate. 

Bahrain was friendless, for the crafty Nizam-ul-Mulk, who had 
assumed the mask of loyalty for the purpose of destroying an 
enemy, so dexterously concealed his betrayal of Sunqar's plot that 
he retained the confidence of the Forty, whose resentment against 
Bahrain was so strong that it was not even temporarily allayed by 
the invasion of a foreign enemy who deprived the kingdom of a 
province. The Mughuls, who had expelled the Qarlugh Turks from 
Ghazni, now appeared before Multan under their leader, Bahadur 
Tair, the lieutenant of Chaghatai Khan and of his grandson Hulagu. 
Kabir Khan Ayaz, who had expelled Saif-ud-dln Hasan Qarlugh 
and re-established himself in Multan, confronted them with such 
resolution that they turned aside and marched to Lahore, a more 
tempting prey. The citadel was ill-furnished with stores, provisions, 
and arms and the citizens were not unanimous in opposition to the 
invaders, for the merchants, who were accustomed to trade in 
Khurasan and Turkistan, were largely dependent on the goodwill 
of the Mughuls and held their passports and permits, which were 
indispensable in those countries and might even protect them at 



in] "The Mughuh at Lahore 63 

Lahore. The garrison was weak and the governor relied on assist* 
ance from Delhi which never reached him. 

The feeble-minded king had now entrusted his conscience to 
the keeping of a darvwh named Ayyub, at whose instigation he 
put to death an influential theologian who was highly esteemed by 
the Forty, and thus still further estranged that influential body. 
On learning of the Mughul invasion he ordered his army to march 
to the relief of Lahore, but the nobles, fearing lest their absence 
from the capital should give him an opportunity of breaking their 
power, hesitated to obey. Procrastination served them for a time 
but they were at length compelled to depart, and Nizam-ul-Mulk 
employed their resentment and their apprehensions for the purpose 
of avenging the king's attempt on his life. When the army reached 
the Sutlej he secretly reported that the Turkish nobles were dis- 
affected and sought the king's sanction to their destruction. The 
shallow Bahrain, suspecting no guile, readily consented, and the 
minister exhibited to the Forty his order approving their execution, 
and easily persuaded them to return to Delhi with a view to 
deposing him. 

Qaraqush, the governor of Lahore, defended the city to the 
best of his ability, but the dissensions among the citizens and the 
misconduct of his troops caused him to despair of success, and 
after burying his treasure he fled by night, leaving the city on the 
pretext of making a night attack on the besiegers' camp. On the 
following day, December 22, 1241, the Mughuls took the town by 
storm. They suffered heavy losses, including that of their leader, 
in the street fighting which ensued, but before retiring they anni- 
hilated the citizens and razed the walls to the ground. Qaraqush 
returned, recovered his treasures and retired to Delhi. 

The army, in open rebellion, arrived at Delhi on February 22, 
1242, and besieged the king in the White Fort until the month of 
May. He had received an accession of strength by the adhesion of 
Qaraqush and one other faithful Turkish noble but he had fallen 
under the influence of a slave named Mubarak Farrukhl, at whose 
instance he committed the supreme folly of imprisoning these two 
nobles, and the same pernicious influence restrained him from 
coming to terms with the Forty, who were ready, after more than 
two month's fighting, to secure their safety by an honourable com- 
position. Nizam-ud-din seduced from* their allegiance, by large 
bribes, the ecclesiastics, who were the king's principal supporters, 
and on May 10 the city and fortress were captured by the con- 
federate nobles, and Bahrain was put to death five days later. 



64 The Slave Kings [CH. 

On the capture of the city 'Izz-ud-din Balbaii, entitled Kishlu 
Khan, caused himself to be proclaimed king, but his action was 
repudiated by his associates, who assembled at the tomb of lltutmish 
to determine the succession. Their choice fell upon 'Ala-ud-dm 
Mas'iid, the son of Firuz Shah, and Qutb-ud-dm Husain was ap- 
pointed regent Nizam-ul-Mulk was permitted at first to retain 
office as minister, but so disgusted the nobles by his arrogance 
that on October 28 he was put to death, and Qaraqush was made 
lord chamberlain. Kishlu Khan was consoled for his disappoint- 
ment with the fiefs of Nagaur, Mandawar, and Ajmer, and the gift 
of an elephant. 

At the beginning of Mas'ud's reign the governor of Budaun 
conducted a successful campaign against the Rajputs of Katehr, 
the later Rohilkhand, but was shortly afterwards poisoned while 
revolving schemes of wider conquest, and Sanjar, entitled Gurait 
Khan, having ensured the obedience of the native landholders of 
Oudh, invaded Bihar, where the Hindus had taken advantage 
of the dissensions among their conquerors to re-establish their 
dominion. He plundered the province, but was slain before the 
walls of its capital While these events were occurring in the eastern 
provinces the Qarlugh Turks again attacked Multun and were re- 
pulsed, but in this achievement the kingdom had no part, for Ayaz, 
after turning aside, unaided, the Mughul, had renounced his alle- 
giance to Delhi and his son, Abu Bakr, now ruled Multan as an 
independent sovereign. The kingdom had thus lost Bengal and 
Bihar on the east and on the west and north-west Multan, Sind, and 
the upper Punjab, wasted by Mughuls and occupied by the Khokars. 

After the death of Nizam-ul-Mulk the office of minister was 
allotted to Najm-ud-dm Abu Bakr and that of lord chamberlain, 
with the fief of Hansi, on Baha-ud-dm Balban, who was afterwards 
entitled Ulugh Khan and eventually ascended the throne. He will 
henceforth be designated Balban, the ambitious 'Izz-ud-dm Balban 
being described by his title, Kishlu Khan. 

In December, 1242, Tughril, governor of Bengal and the most 
powerful of the satraps, who resented Kurait Khan's invasion of 
Bihar, though it had temporarily passed out of his possession, 
marched to Kara, on the Ganges above Allahabad, with the object 
of annexing to his government of Bengal that district and the 
province of Oudh, but the historian Minhaj-ud-din, who was ac- 
credited to his camp as the emissary of Tamar Khan, the new 
governor of Oudh, succeeded in persuading him to return peaceably 
to Bengal. 



The Cambridge History of India, Vol. Ill 



Map 2 



INDIA 

1236 

The boundary ol the Kingdom of Delhi ihown 




in] Bengal 65 

Mas'ud now released from confinement his two uncles, Nasir- 
ud-d!n Mahmud 1 , who afterwards ascended the throne, and Jalal- 
ud-dln, and appointed one to the government of Bahraich and the 
other to that of Kanauj, in which situations they acquitted them- 
selves well. 

Towards the end of 1243 the raja of Jaipur in Cuttack, called 
Jajnagar by Muslim historians, invaded and plundered some of the 
southern districts of Bengal, and in March, 1244, Tughril marched 
to punish him and met the Hindu army on April 16, on the northern 
bank of the Mahanadl. The Hindus were at first driven back, but 
rallied and defeated the Muslims, among whom a supposed victory 
had, as usual, relaxed the bonds of discipline. Tughril was followed, 
throughout his long retreat to his capital, by the victorious Hindus, 
who appeared before the gates of Lakhnawati 2 , but retired on 
hearing that Tamar Khan was marching from Oudh to the relief of 
Tughril. 

Tamar Khan arrived before Lakhnawati on April 30, 1245, and, 
alleging that his orders authorised him to supersede Tughril, de- 
manded the surrender of the city. Tughril refused to comply and 
on May 4 was defeated in a battle before the walls and driven into 
the town. Peace was made by the good offices of Minhaj-ud-dln, 
and Tughril surrendered the city but was permitted to retire with 
all his treasure, elephants, and troops, to Delhi, where he was 
received with much honour on July 11 and was appointed, a month 
later, to the government of Oudh, vacated by Tamar. He died in 
Oudh on the day (March 9, 1247) on which Tamar, who was then 
in rebellion, died at Lakhnawati. 

Later in 1245 a large army of Mughuls under Manquta invaded 
India, drove from Multan Hasan Qarlugh, whose second attempt 
at ousting Abu Bakr had been successful, and besieged Uch, but 
raised the siege and retired when they heard that the king, who 
was marching to its relief, had reached the Beas. 

The character of Mas'iid had gradually succumbed to the 
temptations of his position, and he had become slothful, impatient 

1 Not to be confounded with his elder brother, also named Mahmiid, who had died, 
as governor of Bengal, during tne reign of his father, Iltutmish. 

3 This is the event regarding which so many historians, both Eastern and Western 
have been misled by a misreading in the Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri, due to the ignorance or 
carelessness of a scribe, who substituted for the Persian words meaning * the mis- 
believers of Jajnagar J a corruption which might be read ' the infidels of Chingiz Khan.' 
Much ink has been spilt over the question, and much ingenuity has been displayed in 
conjectures as to the route by which the Mughuls reached lower Bengal, hut the 
question has now been laid to rest. Chingiz Khan had, by this time, been dead for 
eighteen years, and neither he nor any of his Mughuls ever invaded Bengal. 

C. H. I. III. 5 



66 The Slave Kings [CH. 

of the tedium of business, and inordinately addicted to drink, sen- 
suality, and the chase. Rebellions, which he lacked the strength or 
the energy to suppress, rendered him apprehensive and suspicious 
of all around him, and his severity and lack of discrimination in 
punishment alienated from him the Forty, who now turned their 
eyes towards his uncle, Nasir-ud-dm Mahmud, a youth of seventeen 
or eighteen, who was nominally governor of Bahraich. When their 
invitation reached him his mother, an ambitious and resourceful 
woman, spread a report that her son was sick and must go to 
Delhi for treatment. She placed him in a litter and sent him from 
Bahraich with a large retinue of servants. When night fell the 
prince was covered with a woman's veil and set on a horse, and the 
cavalcade pressed on to Delhi with such caution and expedition 
that none but the conspirators was aware of his arrival in the city. 

On June 10, 1246, Mas'ud was deposed and thrown into prison, 
where he perished shortly afterwards, doubtless by violence, and 
Mahmud was enthroned iii the Green Palace. 

Of Mahmud, who was an amiable and pious prince, but a mere 
puppet, absurd stories are told by the later historians. He is said 
to have produced every year two copies of the Koran, written with 
his own hand, the proceeds of the sale of which provided for his 
scanty household, consisting only of one wife, who was obliged to 
cook for him, as he kept no servant. This story, which is told of 
one of the early Caliphs, is not new, and, as related of Mahmud, is 
not true, for he is known to have had more than one wife. His 
principal wife was Balban's daughter, who would certainly not 
have endured such treatment, and as he presented forty slaves, on 
one occasion, to the sister of the historian Minhaj-ud-dm it can 
hardly be doubted that his own household was reasonably well 
supplied in this respect. The truth seems to be that the young 
king possessed the virtues of continence, frugality and practical 
piety, rare among his kind, and had a taste in caligraphy which led 
him to employ his leisure in copying the Koran, and that these 
merits earned for him exaggerated praise. 

On November 12 Mahmud, on the advice of Balban, his lord 
chamberlain, left Delhi in order to recover the Punjab. He crossed 
the Ravi in March, 1247, and after advancing to the banks of the 
Chenab sent Balban into the Salt Range. Balban inflicted severe 
punishment on the Khokars and other Hindu tribes of those hills 
and then pushed on to the banks of the Indus, where he despoiled < 
Jaspal Sehra, raja of the Salt Range, and his tribe. While he was 
encamped on the Jhelum a marauding force of Mughuls approached 



in] Advancement of Balkan 67 

the opposite bank but, on finding an army prepared to receive 
them, retired. There now remained neither fields nor tillage beyond 
the Jhelum, and Balban, unable to obtain supplies, rejoined the 
king on the Chenab, and on May 9 the army arrived at Delhi. 

In October Balban led an expedition against the disaffected 
Hindus of the Doab, took, after a siege of ten days, a fortress near 
Kanauj, and then marched against a raja 1 whose territory had 
formerly been confined to some districts in the hills of Bundelkhand 
and Baghelkhand, but who had recently established himself in the 
fertile valley of the Jumna. Balban attacked him so vigorously in 
one of his strongholds that he lost heart, and retired by night to 
another fortress, further to the south. The Muslims, after pillaging 
the deserted fort, followed him through defiles described as almost 
impracticable, and on February 14, 1248, captured his second 
stronghold, with his wives and children, many other prisoners, 
cattle and horses in great numbers, and much other plunder. 
Balban rejoined Mahmud, now encamped at Kara, and on April 8 
the army set out for Delhi. At Kanauj Mahmud was met by his 
brother, Jalal-ud-dln, who was now appointed to the more important 
fiefs of Sambhal and Budaun. He warned Mahmud against the 
ambition of Balban, whom he accused of secretly aiming at the 
throne, but the warning was unheeded, and after Mahmud's return 
to Delhi Jalal-ud-dln, fearing that his confidence had been betrayed, 
fled from Budaun and joined the Mughuls in Turkistan. 

In 1249 Balban was employed in chastising the turbulent people 
of Mewat, the district to the south of Delhi, and in an unsuccessful 
attempt to recover Ranthambhor, which had been restored by the 
Hindus since it had been dismantled by Raziyya's troops, and was 
now held by Nahar Deo. He returned to Delhi on May 18, and on 
August 2, the king married his daughter and he became almost 
supreme in the state. Mahmud appointed him lieutenant of the 
kingdom and his place as lord chamberlain was taken by his brother, 
Saif-ud-dm Aibak, Kashli Khan. In the early months of 1250 
Balban was again engaged in restoring order in the Doab. 

In this year the north-western provinces of the kingdom were 
thrown into confusion by a complicated dispute between the great 
fief-holders. Kishlu Khan of Nagaur demanded that the fiefs of 
Multan and Uch should be bestowed upon him and though there 
was some difficulty in ousting Ikhtiyar-ud-din Kuraiz, who had 
. expelled the Qarlughs from the province, his request was granted 

" x The name of this raja is uncertain. It appears to have been either Dhalkl or 
Dhulkl, of Mahalkl. 

52 



68 The Slave Kings [CH. 

on condition of his relinquishing Nagaur and his other fiefs to 
Kuraiz. Ignoring this condition he marched from Nagaur, expelled 
Kuraiz from Multan and Uch and occupied those places. Hasan 
the Qarlugh immediately attacked him at Multan and although he 
was slain his followers concealed his death and persuaded Kishlu 
Khan to surrender the city. Sher Khan Sunqar then marched 
from his headquarters at Bhatinda, expelled the Qarlughs, and 
replaced his lieutenant Kuraiz in Multan. The situation was anom- 
alous and complicated. The governor appointed by royal authority 
had surrendered the city to a foreign enemy, and Sunqar held it 
by right of conquest from that enemy, and Kuraiz, his deputy, 
strengthened his claim by capturing, in December, from a force of 
Mughul marauders a large number of prisoners, whom he sent as 
a peace-offering to Delhi. Kishlu Khan, on the other hand, had 
defied the royal authority by failing to surrender Nagaur, whither 
he had again retired after his discomfiture at Multan, and early in 
1251 Mahmud marched to Nagaur to enforce the fulfilment of this 
condition. After much prevarication Kishlu Khan submitted, and 
retired to Uch, still held by one of his retainers, and Kashli Khan, 
Balban's brother, was installed in Nagaur, but meanwhile Sunqar 
had marched to Uch and was besieging the fortress. Kishlu Khan, 
who was related to Suuqar, incautiously placed himself in his power 
while attempting to effect a composition and was imprisoned, com- 
pelled to issue orders for the surrender of Uch, and sent to Delhi. 
Balban, who was related to both Sunqar and Kishlu Khan, adjusted 
the quarrel by appointing the latter to Budaun. 

In November Balban led an expedition against Chahad the 
Acharya, raja of Chanderi and Narwar and the most powerful 
Hindu chieftain in Malwa. He is said to have been able to place 
in the field 5000 horse and 200,000 foot, but he was defeated and 
his capital was taken, though no permanent settlement was made 
in Malwa, and the army returned to Delhi on April 24, 1252, with 
much booty and many captives. 

During Balban's absence those who were jealous of his great 
power, including Mahmud's mother and Raihan, a eunuch con- 
verted from Hinduism, who had already shown some aptitude for 
factious intrigue, poisoned the king's mind against him, and found 
many sympathisers and supporters among the Forty, who resented 
the excessive predominance of one of their number. Balban's con- 
donation of the offences of his disobedient cousin, Sunqar, furnished 
a text for the exhortations of the intriguers, who succeeded in 
persuading Mahmud that it was necessary to vindicate his authority 



in] Disgrace of Balkan 69 

by punishing Sunqar, and in the winter of 1252-53 Balban was 
compelled to accompany his master on a punitive expedition and 
to submit to the daily increasing arrogance of his enemies. At the 
Sutlej the conspirators attempted his assassination, but fortune, 
or his own vigilance, befriended him, and having failed in their 
attempt they persuaded Mahmud to banish him to his fief of Hansi, 
hoping that an overt act of disobedience would furnish a pretext 
for his destruction, but they were disappointed, for Balban obeyed 
the order in dignified silence. The expedition had been merely 
an excuse for his humiliation, and the army retired to Delhi 
immediately after his dismissal. 

The rancour of the vindictive eunuch was not yet sated, and 
he persuaded the king to transfer the fallen minister from Hans! 
to Nagaur, and so confidently anticipated resistance that he sent 
the royal army, in June, 1253, to enforce obedience, but again he 
was disappointed, for Balban retired without a murmur to his new 
fief. Hans! was bestowed nominally upon an infant son of the king 
by a wife other than the daughter of Balban, but was occupied by 
a partisan of Raihfin as the child's deputy. 

Kashll Khan shared his brother's disgrace, and was deprived of 
his office and sent to the fief of Kara, all real power at court was 
usurped by the eunuch, and even the leading members of the Forty 
were fain to content themselves with minor offices. Sunqar, dis- 
mayed by his patron's sudden fall, had fled to Turkistan, leaving 
his three fiefs, Bhatinda, Multan and Uch, in the hands of deputies 
whose surrender enabled the king to bestow them on Arsalan Khan 
Sanjar Chast, one of the Forty who was then hostile to Balban. 

Balban displayed, meanwhile, an equivocal activity. He invaded 
the Hindu state of Bundi, attacked and defeated Nahar Deo of 
Ranthambhor, and returned to Nagaur with much booty, prepared, 
apparently, either to take credit for his exploits or to devote his 
spoils to the improvement of his own military strength, as circum- 
stances should dictate. Mahmud, under the guidance of Raihan, 
led a successful expedition against the Hindus of Katehr and 
returned to Delhi on May 16, 1254. Five months later he learnt 
that his fugitive brothei Jalal-ud-din and Balban's cousin Sunqar 
had returned from Turkistan and joined forces in the neighbourhood 
of Lahore with the object of establishing themselves in the Punjab 
under the protection of the Mughuls. 

. Meanwhile the rule of Raihan at Delhi was daily becoming 
more intolerable, and the Turkish nobles whose jealousy of Balban 
had associated them with the eunuch felt keenly, as his insolence 



70 The Slave Kings [CH. 

increased, the disgrace of their subservience to him. He maintained 
a gang of ruffians to molest those who were not well affected towards 
him and the historian Minhaj-ud-dm complains that for a period 
of six months or more he dared not leave his house to attend the 
Friday prayers for fear of these bullies. Nearly all the great nobles 
of the kingdom sent messages to Balban imploring him to return 
to the capital and resume his former position. A confederacy was 
formed, and Balban from Nagaur, Arsalan Khan Sanjar of Bhatinda, 
Bat Khan Aibak of Sunam, and Jalal-ud-din and Sunqar from 
Lahore assembled their troops at Bhatinda. In October the king 
and Raihan marched from Delhi to meet them, and an indecisive 
affair of outposts, which threw the royal camp into confusion, was 
fought near Sunam. After celebrating the 'Id-ul-Fitr (November 14) 
at this place Mahmud retired, a week later, to Hansi, and the con- 
federates advanced to Guhram and Kaithal. They were loth to 
attack the king and endeavoured to attain their object by means 
of intrigue and secret negotiations. Jalal-ud-din expected that his 
brother would be deposed and that he would be raised to the throne, 
but Balban, who seems to have entertained a genuine affection for 
his weak and pliant son-in-law, was not prepared to gratify this 
ambition. The Turkish nobles in the king's camp favoured, almost 
unanimously, the cause of the confederates, and on December 5, 
while the army was retreating from Hans! towards Jind, the eunuch 
was dismissed from his high office and invested with the fief of 
Budaun. On December 15 Bat Khan Aibak was sent to thank 
Mahmud for this act and to request an audience for the confederate 
nobles, but the imminent reconciliation was nearly frustrated by 
the malice of the eunuch, who arranged to have the emissary 
assassinated. The design was fortunately discovered and Raihan 
was at once dismissed to Budaun, and on December 30 Balban and 
his associates were received by the king. Balban at once resumed 
his former place at the head of affairs and on January 20, 1255, 
returned with Mahmud to Delhi. Jalal-ud-din was rewarded for 
his services to the confederacy and consoled for the disappointment 
of his ambition by his brother's formal recognition of his indepen- 
dence in Lahore. 

After Balban's return another ramification of the conspiracy 
against him came to light Qutlugh Khan of Bayana, one of his 
leading opponents, now outwardly reconciled, had secretly married 
the king's mother, who had formerly exercised much influence over 
her son and had been Haitian's chief ally. Mahmud's eyes were 
opened to the network of intrigue by which he had been surrounded, 



in] Balkan's Return to Power 7 1 

and Qutlugh and his wife were dismissed to Oudh, in order that 
they might be as iar as possible from the court Raihan was 
transferred, at the same time, from Budaun to Bahraich, a less 
important fief, but it was discovered a few months later that he 
was in dangerous proximity to Qutlugh Khan, and Sanjar Chast 
was sent to remove him from Bahraich. He was arrested and im- 
prisoned by Qutlugh Khan but in August made his escape, attacked 
Bahraich with a small force, defeated and captured the eunuch, 
and put him to death. 

Early in 1256 Mahmud and Balban marched to punish Qutlugh 
Khan, who advanced to Budaun and defeated a detachment sent 
against him. As the main body of the army approached he retired 
and contrived to elude Balban's pursuit and on May 1 the army 
returned to Delhi. After its return Qutlugh attempted to conquer 
his old fief, Kara-Manikpur, but was defeated by Sanjar Chast and 
endeavoured to retreat into the Punjab in order to seek service at 
Lahore under Jalal-ud-dln. He followed the line of the Himalaya 
and marched to Santaurgarh 1 , where he gained the support of 
Ranpal, raja of Sirrnur, but on January 8, 1257, Balban marched 
from Delhi and Qutlugh fled. Balban continued his advance, driving 
both Qutlugh and the raja before him and, after plundering Sirmur 2 , 
returned to Delhi on May 15. 

Kishlu Khan had been reinstated in Multan and Uch during 
Raihan's ascendency and had since thrown off his allegiance to 
Delhi and acknowledged the suzerainty of the Mughul Hulagu, 
whose camp he visited and with whom he left a grandson as a 
hostage for his fidelity. When the army returned from Sirmur 
to Delhi he was in the neighbourhood of the Beas and marched 
north-eastwards until he was joined by Qutlugh Khan, when their 
combined forces marched southwards towards Samana. Balban 
marched from Delhi to meet them and came into contact with 
them in the neighbourhood of Kaithal. A faction of discontented 
ecclesiastics had written from Delhi, urging the rebels to advance 
fearlessly and seize the capital, but the intrigue was discovered 
and at Balban's instance the traitors were expelled from the city. 
The rebels followed, however, the advice of their partisans, eluded 
Balban, and, after a forced march, encamped on June 21 before 
Delhi, hoping to find the city in friendly hands, but were disappointed 
to learn that the loyal nobles were exerting themselves to assemble 

1 In the Hills below Mussoorie, lat. 30 24' N. long. 78 2' E. 

8 The ancient capital of the state of Sirmur, * now a mere hamlet surrounded by exten- 
sive ruins, in the Kiarda Dun.' Nahan, the modern capital, was not founded until 1621. 



72 The Slave Kings [CH. 

troops and repair the defences, and that the governor of Bayana 
was approaching the city with his contingent Balban remained 
for two days in ignorance of the rebels' march to Delhi but they 
knew that he might at any moment cut off their retreat, and many 
disaffected officers who had joined them now deserted them and 
made their peace with the king, and on June 22 Kishlu Khan and 
Qutlugh Khan fled towards the Siwaliks, whence the former, with 
the two or three hundred followers who still remained to him, 
made his way to Uch. 

In December an army of Mughuls under the Nfiyin Salin invaded 
the Punjab and was joined by Kishlu Khan. They dismantled the 
defences of Multan and it was feared that they were about to cross 
the Sutlej. On January 9, 1258, the king summoned all the great 
fief-holders, with their contingents, to aid him in repelling the in- 
vaders, but the Mughuls, whether alarmed by this demonstration 
or sated with plunder, retired to Khurasan. Their retreat was 
fortunate, for the condition of the kingdom was so disordered that 
the army could not safely have advanced against a foreign foe. 
Two fief-holders, Sanjar of Oudh and Mas'ud Jam of Kara, had 
disobeyed the royal summons, the Hindus of the Doab and the 
Meos of Mewat, to the south of the capital, were in revolt and the 
latter had carried off a large number of Balban's camels, without 
which the army could hardly have taken the field. For four months 
the troops were occupied in restoring order in the Doab and in 
June marched to Kara against the two recalcitrant fief-holders. 
The latter fled, but received a promise of pardon on tendering 
their submission, and after the return of the army to Delhi appeared 
at court and were pardoned. Shortly afterwards Sanjar received 
the fief of Kara and Mas'ud Jam was promised the government of 
Bengal, from which province Balban Yuzbakl, the governor, had 
for some time remitted no tribute, but the latter, on hearing that he 
was to be superseded, secured his position by remitting all arrears. 
He died in 1259, but the promise to Mas'ud Jam was never fulfilled. 

Early in 1259 the disorders in the Doab necessitated another 
expedition, and after the punishment of the rebels the, principal 
fiefs in the province, as well as those of Gwalior and Bayana, were 
bestowed upon Sunqar. 

In 1260 the Meos expiated by a terrible punishment a long 
series of crimes. For some years past they had infested the roads 
in the neighbourhood of the capital and depopulated the villages 
of the Bayana district, and had extended their depredations east- 
wards nearly as far as the base of the Himalaya. Their impudent 



in] Death of Mahmud 73 

robbery of the transport camels on the eve of a projected campaign 
had aroused Balban's personal resentment, and on January 29 he 
left Delhi and in a single forced march reached the heart of Mewat 
and took the Meos completely by surprise. For twenty days the 
work of slaughter and pillage continued, and the ferocity of the 
soldiery was stimulated by the reward of one silver tanga for every 
head and two for every living prisoner. On March 9 the army re- 
turned to the capital with the chieftain who had stolen the camels, 
other leading men of the tribe to the number of 250, 142 horses, 
and 2,100,000 silver tangas. Two days later the prisoners were 
publicly massacred. Some were trampled to death by elephants, 
others were cut to pieces, and more than a hundred were flayed 
alive by the scavengers of the city. Later in the year those who 
had saved themselves by flight returned to their homes and ventured 
on reprisals by infesting the highways and slaughtering wayfarers. 
Balban, having ascertained from spies the haunts and movements of 
the bandits, surprised them as before by a forced march, surrounded 
them, and put to the sword 12,000 men, women and children. 

A most gratifying mission from the Mughuls now arrived at 
Delhi. Nasir-ud-din Muhammad, son of Hasan the Qarlugh, had 
been negotiating a marriage between his daughter and Balban's 
son, and had sent Balban's agent to Hulagu's court at Tabriz, 
where he was received with great honour. On his return to Delhi 
he was accompanied by a Mughul officer of high rank from the 
north-western frontier of India, who was authorised to promise, in 
' HulagiVs name, that depredations in India should cease. 

The contemporary chronicle closes here, and there is a hiatus 
in the history of Muhammadan India, which later historians are 
unable to fill, from the middle of the year 1260 to the beginning of 
1266. In attempting to explain the abrupt ending of the Tabaqat- 
i-Ndsiri some say that the author was poisoned by the order of 
Balban, whose displeasure he had incurred, others that he was 
thrown into prison and starved to death, but these tales rest on no 
authority and are probably pure conjecture. 

The ne*t historical fact of which we are aware is that Mahmud 
Shah fell sick in 1265 and died on February 18, 1266 1 . He is said 
to have designated his father-in-law as his successor but, as no 
male heir of the house of Iltutmish survived, the accession of the 
powerful regent followed as a matter of course, and he ascended 

the throne .under the title of Ghiyas-ud-dm Balban. 



l One authority alone says that he fell sick in 1264 and died on March 1, 1265, but 
the text is not satisfactory. 



CHAPTER IV 

GHIYAS-UD-DlN BALBAN, MU'IZZ-UD-DlN KAIQUBAD, 
AND SHAMS-UD-D1N KAYUMARS 

THE Forty could ill brook the elevation of one of their own 
number to the throne. The disorders of the late reign had been 
largely due to revolts against Balban's supremacy, and the jealousy 
of one noble had reft the Punjab from the kingdom, but in the 
absence of an heir of the line of Iltutmish the recognition of Balban's 
sovereignty was the only alternative to anarchy. Balban, on the 
other hand, was resolved on founding a dynasty and, as a necessary 
step to that end, on destroying the confederacy whose strength lay 
in the weakness of the crown. 

His first, and probably his most unpopular reform, was the 
establishment of a rigid ceremonial at his court, which differed 
entirely from that of his meek and unassuming predecessor. His 
maxim was that the freedom which came naturally and easily to 
one born to a throne could not be safely used by a monarch who 
had acquired one, and was surrounded by courtiers who had formerly 
been his equals ; but his policy ministered to hin pride, for though 
his original position among the royal slaves had been extremely 
humble he claimed descent from Afrasiyab of Turan, and pretended, 
on this ground, to an innate right to sovereignty. His court was 
an austere assembly where jest and laughter were unknown, whence 
wine and gaming, to which he had formerly been addicted, were 
banished, partly because they were forbidden by the Islamic law 
but chiefly because they promoted good fellowship and familiarity, 
and where no detail of punctilious ceremony was ever relaxed. He 
atoned for former laxity by a rigid observance of all the ceremonial 
ordinances of his faith, and at meals his favourite companions were 
theologians and his favourite topic the dogmas of Islam. His justice 
knew no respect of persons, if we except a prejudice against the 
Forty. Malik Baqbaq, a great noble who maintained from the 
revenues of his fief of Budaun 4000 horse, caused one of his servants 
to be beaten so unmercifully that he died under the lash. When 
Balban next visited Budaun the man's widow demanded justice, 
and Malik Baqbaq was flogged to death and the news-writer who 
had suppressed the circumstance was hanged over th city gate. 
Haibat Khan, who held the great fief of Oudh, slew a man in a fit ' 
of drunken rage, and when the victim's relations appealed to Balban 



CH. iv] Balbaris Severity 75 

he caused Haibat Khan to be flogged with five hundred stripes and 
then delivered him to the widow, saying, 'This murderer was my 
slave, he is now yours. Do you stab him as he stabbed your 
husband/ Haibat Khan found intercessors who induced the woman 
to stay her hand, and purchased his freedom for 20,000 tangos, but 
was so overcome with shame that to the day of his death he never 
left his house. Balban more than once announced that he would 
treat his own sons in like manner in similar circumstances. An 
officer who was defeated by rebels was hanged over the gate of the 
city which was the seat of his government. This was not a proper 
punishment for incapacity or ill fortune, but the officer was, like 
Baqbaq and Haibat Khan, one of the Forty. Balban was occasion- 
ally, as will be seen from the chronicle of his reign, capricious as 
well as cruel in his punishments. A virtue eulogised by Muslim 
historians was his capacity for weeping at sermons, but he could 
remain unmoved by the sight of cruel executions. 

The informers or news-writers formed a branch of the public 
service to which he devoted special attention and were an important 
feature of Muslim rule in India, as of all despotic rule over large 
areas in which extensive delegation of authority is necessary. They 
were appointed by the king and were independent of local governors, 
the affairs of whose provinces it was their duty to report and on 
whose actions they were, in some sort, spies. Their position was 
extremely delicate and Balban took great pains in selecting and 
exercised great caution in promoting them. 

His ambition of emulating Mahmud of Ghaznl and Sultan Sanjar 
the Saljiiq was restrained by the ever present menace of a Mughul 
invasion. To the courtiers who urged him to conquer Gujarat and 
recover Malwa and other provinces lost to the kingdom he replied 
that he had the will to do far more than this but had no intention 
of exposing Delhi to the fate of Baghdad. His energies found a 
vent in the hunting field, where his strenuous expeditions, in which 
he was accompanied by large bodies of horse and foot, were com- 
mended by the Mughul Hulagu as useful military exercises. Balban 
was much gratified by this commendation and complacently ob- 
served that those whose business it was to rule men knew how to 
appreciate in others the qualities of a ruler. 

The record of his reign is chronologically less exact than that 
of preceding reigns, for our principal authority is Ziya-ud-dm 
Barani, an interesting and discursive but unmethodical writer with 
no taste for chronology. He seldom troubles to assign a date to an 
event and never troubles to see that it is correct. 



The House of Balkan [CH. 

One of the first to recognise that the accession of Balban had 
inaugurated a new era was Arsalau Tatar Khan, now governor of 
Bengal, who had latterly withheld from Mahmud material recogni- 
tion of his sovereignty, but at once sent Balban a gift of sixty- 
three elephants. 

The Meos had recovered from their severe chastisement and 
infested the jungle which had been permitted to grow unchecked 
round Delhi. They plundered travellers on the roads, entered the 
city by night, and robbed the inhabitants in their houses, and even 
by day robbed and stripped water-carriers and women drawing 
water from the large reservoirs just within the city walls, so that 
it became necessary to shut the gates on the western side of the 
city immediately after the hour of afternoon prayer. During the 
year following his accession Balban was occupied in exterminating 
the robbers. The jungle was cleared, the Meos lurking in it were 
put to death, a fort was built to command the approaches to the 
city from the west, and police posts were established on all sides. 

A recrudescence of turbulence among the Hindus of the Doab, 
who had entirely closed the roads between Bengal and Delhi, 
necessitated measures of repression and precaution, and all impor- 
tant towns and villages in this region were granted as fiefs to 
powerful nobles, who cleared the jungles which harboured gangs 
of brigands, slew large numbers of Hindus and enslaved their 
wives and children. Balban himself remained for many months in 
the districts of Patiyali, Kampil, Bhojpur, and Jalall, extirpated 
all highway robbers, built forts at those places, garrisoned them 
with Afghans, who received lands in their vicinity for their main- 
tenance, and by these measures secured the tranquillity of the 
roads between Delhi and Bengal for a century. 

While he was thus engaged he learnt that the Hindus of Katehr 
had risen and were overrunning and plundering that province in 
such force that the governors of Budaun and Amroha were unable 
to take the field against them. He hastily returned to Delhi, 
assembled his best troops, and, having misled his enemy by an- 
nouncing his intention of hunting, made a forced march and 
appeared in Katehr sixty hours after he had left the capital. The 
rebels in arms, taken completely by surprise, fled, and Balban 
terribly avenged his outraged authority. All males over the age of 
eight were put to death, the women were carried off into slavery, 
and in every village through which the army passed huge heaps of 
corpses were left, the stench of which poisoned the air as for as 
the Ganges. The region was plundered and almost depopulated, 



iv] Recovery of the Punjab 77 

and those of the inhabitants who were spared were so cowed that 
for thirty years order reigned in the province and the districts of 
Budaun, Amroha, Sambhal, and Gunnaur had peace. 

In 1268-69 Balban led his army into the Salt Range with the 
object, primarily, of preparing for the re-establishment of the royal 
authority in the Punjab, and, secondarily of obtaining a supply of 
horses for his army. His operations were successful; the Hindus 
were defeated and plundered and so many horses were taken that 
the price of a horse in his camp fell to thirty or forty tangos. 

In the course of this campaign a grave abuse inseparable from 
the lax feudal system of India and constantly recurring in the 
history of Islamic kingdoms in that country was first brought to 
Balban's notice. Iltutmish had provided for the king's personal 
troops by grants of laud in fee, on condition of service. Most of 
the actual grantees were now dead and the survivors were unfit 
for service, but the immunity which they had enjoyed under the 
feeble Mahmud encouraged them to advance the impudent claim 
that their fiefs had teen granted unconditionally and in perpetuity. 
It appeared likely that an inquiry would arouse discontent and 
disaffection and even Balban was obliged to leave the question at 
rest for the time, but in 1270, in the course of an expedition during 
which he restored the city of Lahore and re-established a provincial 
government in the upper Punjab the quality of the contingent 
supplied by the grantees necessitated the investigation of the 
matter, and he discovered, on his return to Delhi, that there was 
a general tendency on the part of the actual holders of the lands 
to evade their personal liability for service and that many of the 
able-bodied, as well as those who were too young or too old to 
take the field, sent as substitutes useless and unwarlike slaves. 
The grants were resumed and the grantees were compensated 
beyond their deserts by the allotment of subsistence allowances, 
not only to themselves but to their descendants, but this did not 
satisfy them and they carried their grievance to the aged Fakhr- 
ud-dm, Kotwal of Delhi, who worked on Balban's feelings by the 
irrelevant argument that old age was no crime and that if it were 
he, the Kotwal, was one of the chief offenders. The emotional king 
failed to detect the fallacy and, after weeping bitterly, rescinded 
the reasonable orders which he had issued and wasted the i 
of the state by confirming the grants unconditionally. 

Balban.'s intention of founding a dynasty and his atti| 
the Forty were no secret, and his own cousin, Sher Kfti^p /Sunqai 
the most distinguished servant of the kingdom, whd/q^/teM Jji 

11 ctr' 



78 The House of Balkan [CH. 

fiefs of Bhatinda, Bhatnair, Samana, and Sunam, had avoided Delhi 
since his accession. Sunqar's courage and abilities, no less than his 
mistrust, rendered him an object of suspicion to his cousin, now 
about sixty-five years of age, and his sudden death at this time is 
attributed to poison which Balban caused to be administered to 
him. His fiefs of Samana and Sunam were bestowed upon Tatar 
Khan of Bengal, one of the Forty, but less formidable than Sunqar, 
and Tughril was appointed to Bengal in his place. 

Balban soon discovered that in attempting to protect the 
interests of his posterity he had endangered the peace of his 
kingdom. Sunqar had been dreaded by the Mughuls and by the 
Khokars and other turbulent Hindu tribes, and his death revived 
the courage of both foreign and domestic enemies. Owing to the 
renewed activity of the Mughuls the king transferred his elder son, 
Muhammad Khan, entitled Qa'an Malik, from his fief of Koil to 
the government of Multan. This prince was the hope of his line. 
He was gentle and courageous, able and learned, a diligent student 
and a munificent patron of letters. The poets Amir Khusrav and 
Amir Hasan began their literary careers as members of his house- 
hold, and he invited the famous Sa'di of Shiraz to visit him at 
Multan, and was disappointed of the honour of entertaining him 
only by reason of the poet's extreme age. His table and intimate 
circle were adorned by the presence of the learned and the wise, 
and though wine was in use it was drunk for the purpose of stimu- 
lating, not of drowning, the intellect. No obscenity or ribald con- 
versation was heard in that society, nor did cheerfulness and 
merriment ever transgress the bounds of decorum. Eastern his- 
torians and poets are wont to associate the names of princes with 
fulsome and almost blasphemous adulation, but in all that has been 
written of Muhammad Khan affection, as well as admiration, may 
be traced. In him were centred all the hopes of the stern old king ; 
for him the Forty were doomed, and for him the blood of near 
kinsmen was shed The relations between father and son were of 
the most affectionate character, and Muhammad Khan used to 
travel every year from Multan to visit Balban, to enjoy his society, 
and to profit by his counsels. Before his departure he was formally 
designated heir-apparent and was invested with some of the insignia 
of royalty. 

The character of Balban's second son Mahmud, entitled Bughra 
Khan, was a complete contrast to that of his brother. He was, 
slothful, addicted to wine and sensual pleasures, and devoid of 
generous ambition. His father, though well aware of his faults and 



iv] Rebellion in Bengal 79 

the weakness of his character, regarded him with natural tenderness 
and attempted to arouse in him a sense of responsibility by bestow- 
ing on him the fief of Samana. Bughra Khan, who dreaded his 
father's critical scrutiny and found the restraint of his society 
irksome, was well content to leave the capital ; but for the general 
advice which had been deemed sufficient for Muhammad Elian, 
Balban substituted, in the case of his younger son, minute and 
detailed instructions, accompanied by special warnings against self- 
indulgence and intemperance and a threat of dismissal in case of 
misconduct 

About the year 1279 the Mughuls again began to appear in 
north-western India, and in one of their incursions even crossed 
the Sutlej, but though they harried the upper Punjab Delhi had 
little to apprehend from them, for domestic enemies had now been 
crushed, and a force of seventeen or eighteen thousand horse com- 
posed of the contingents of Muhammad Khan from Multan, Bughra 
Khan from Samana, and Malik Bektars from Delhi so severely 
defeated them as to deter them from again crossing the Sutlej. 

In the same year Balban learnt with indignation that Tughril 
was in rebellion in Bengal. The allegiance of the governors of this 
distant and wealthy province to the reigning king had usually 
depended on circumstances. A strong ruler was gratified by fre- 
quent, though seldom regular remittances of tribute, one less strong 
might expect the compliment of an occasional gift, but with any 
indication of the king's inability to maintain his authority nearer 
home remittances ceased entirely. LakhnawatI had thus earned at 
Delhi the nickname of Balghakpur, 'the city of rebellion.' Tughril 
was encouraged by Balban's advancing age and by a recrudescence 
of Mughul activity on the north-western frontier, to withhold 
tribute, and Balban ordered Malik Aitigm the Longhaired, entitled 
Amin Khan, to march against him from Oudh. Amin Khan was 
defeated, many from his army joined Tughril, and those who at- 
tempted to save themselves by flight were plundered by the Hindus. 
Balban, whom the first news of the rebellion had thrown into such 
paroxysms of rage that few durst approach him, was now nearly 
beside himself, and caused Amin Khan to be hanged over the gate 
of the city of Ajodhya. In the following year an army under Malik 
Targhi shared the fate of its predecessor, and Tughril was again 
reinforced by deserters. Balban now gnawed his own flesh in his 
.fury, and when his first outburst of rage was spent prepared to 
take the field in person. Fleets of boats were collected on the 
Jumna and the Ganges, and Balban, accompanied by his second 



80 TAe House of Balkan [CH. 

son, Bughra Khan, set out from Delhi and marched through the 
Doab. In Oudh he mustered his forces, which numbered, including 
sutlers and camp-followers, 200,000, and, although the rainy season 
had begun he crossed the Gogra and invaded Bengal. Here he was 
often compelled by the state of the weather and the roads to halt 
for ten or twelve days at a time, and when he reached Lakhnawat! 
he found it almost deserted, for Tughril, on hearing of his approach, 
had fled with his army and most of the inhabitants to Jajnagar 1 in 
eastern Bengal. After a short halt Balban continued his march 
until he reached Sonargaon, on the Meglina, near Dacca, where he 
compelled the raja, Bhoj, to undertake to use his utmost endeavours 
to discover Tughril and to prevent his escape by land or water. He 
dismayed his army by solemnly swearing that he would not rest 
nor return to Delhi, nor even hear the name of Delhi mentioned, 
until he should have seized Tughril, even though he had to pursue 
him on the sea. His troops, who had not yet even discovered the 
place of Tughril's retreat, wrote letters, in the deepest dejection, 
bidding farewell to their families at Delhi, and the search for 
Tughril began. One day a patrol under Slier Andaz of Koil and 
Muqaddir encountered some grain merchants who had been abroad 
on business. When two had been beheaded to loosen the tongues 
of the rest, Sher Andaz learned that he was within a mile of Tughril, 
who was encamped with his army beside a reservoir. After sending 
word to Bektars, commanding the advanced guard, he rode cautiously 
on, found the rebel army enjoying a day's halt after the fashion of 
undisciplined troops and, fearing lest an incautious movement should 
give the alarm, formed the desperate resolution of attacking the 
enemy with his party of thirty or forty horsemen. As they galloped 
into the camp with swords drawn, shouting aloud for Tughril, the 
rebels were too astonished to reckon their numbers or to attempt 
resistance arid they rode straight for his tent. Amid a scene of the 
wildest confusion he fled, and, mounting a barebacked horse, 
endeavoured to escape, but was recognised and pursued. Malik 
Muqaddir brought him down with a well aimed arrow and was 
thenceforward known as Tughril-Kush, 'the Slayer of Tughrir 2 . 
Bektars then arrived on the scene and, receiving Tughril's head 
from Muqaddir, sent it to Balban with news of the success which 
had been gained. Balban summoned the adventurous officers to 

1 Not to be confounded with Jajpur in Orissa, also called Jajnagar by the Muslims. 

2 From the printed text of Baranf it would appear that Muqaddir and Tughril-Kush 
were distinct persons, but this text is confused and corrupt, and in the list of Balban's 
nobles which precedes the account of his reign Malik Muqaddir is entitled Tughril 
Kush. 



iv] Suppression of the Rebellion 81 

his presence and after severely reproving their rashness generously 
rewarded their success. The army passed at once from despair to 
elation ; their master's vow was fulfilled and the remainder of their 
task was a labour of love. The rebel's demoralised force was sur- 
rounded and nearly the whole of it was captured. The army then 
set out on its return march to Lakhnawati where Balban proposed 
to glut his revenge. On either side of the principal bazar, a street 
more than two miles in length, a row of stakes was set up and the 
family and the adherents of Tughril were impaled upon them. 
None of the beholders had ever seen a spectacle so terrible and 
many swooned with terror and disgust. Such was the fate of 
Tughrirs own followers, but those who had deserted from the two 
armies sent against him and had joined his standard were reserved 
'for what was designed to be a yet more appalling spectacle at the 
capital. 

Before leaving Bengal Balban appointed Bughra Khan to the 
government of the province and after repeating the advice which 
he had given him on appointing him to Samana added a brief and 
impressive warning. 'Mahmud/ he said, after the punishment of 
the rebels, * didst thou see?' The prince was silent and the question 
was repeated. Still there was no answer. ' Mahmud,' repeated 
Balban, * didst thou see the punishment inflicted in the great 
bazar?' 'Yes/ at length replied the trembling prince, 'I saw it.' 
'Well/ said Balban, 'take it to heart, and whilst thou art at 
Lakhnawati remember, that Bengal can never safely rebel against 
Delhi/ He then proceeded, with strange inconsistency, to advise 
his son, if he should ever find himself in arms against Delhi, to flee 
to some spot where he might baffle pursuit and remain in hiding 
until the storm should have passed. 

The only cloud overshadowing the rejoicings which marked 
Balban's triumphant return to Delhi was the impending fate of his 
wretched captives, most of whom had wives and families in the city. 
These repaired in their grief to the qdzi of the army, a pious and 
gentle man, and besought him to intercede for the lives of those 
dear to them. He gained the royal presence and, after a harangue 
on the blessedness of mercy which reduced Balban to tears, applied 
his arguments to the fate of the doomed men. His efforts were 
successful ; the double row of stakes which had been set up from 
the Budaun gate of the city to Tilpat was removed, and the prisoners 
were divided into four classes. The common herd received a free 
pardon, those of slightly greater importance were banished for a 
time, those who had held respectable positions at Delhi suffered a 
c. H. i. in. 6 



82 'The House of Balkan [CH. 

term of imprisonment, and the principal officers were mounted on 
buffaloes and exposed to the jeers and taunts of the mob. This act 
of mercy blotted out the remembrance of the atrocity perpetrated 
at distant Lakhnawati and from all parts of the kingdom con- 
gratulations poured in. 

Balban, now eighty years of age, was at the height of his 
prosperity and glory when he received a blow which darkened the 
brief remainder of his days. The Mughuls, under Tamar Khan, 
invaded the province of Multan in great force and Muhammad 
Khan attacked and defeated them, but was surprised b* T > an ambush 
and slain on March 9, 1285. The historian Baramgiv* endetffecting 
account of the behaviour of the aged king in his or watein. He 
would in no way compromise his dignity, and gavvould litres and 
transacted business with his usual stern and grave demeanour, 
though the weight of the blow which had fallen on him was manifest 
to all ; but at night, and in the privacy of his chamber, he rent his 
clothes, cast dust upon his head, and mourned for his son as David 
mourned for Absalom. The dead prince was henceforward always 
known as SJiahld, ' the Martyr,' and his youthful son Kaikhusrav 
was sent from Delhi with a large staff and a numerous force to take 
his father's place as warden of the inarches. 

Bughra Khan, whom Balban now designated as his heir, was 
summoned from Bengal in order that his presence at the capital 
might avert the evils of a disputed succession, but the worthless 
prince had always chafed under the restraints of his father's austere 
court and declined, even for the sake of a throne, to endure exist- 
ence under the cloud of gloom which now overhung it. Leaving 
the city on the pretext of a hunting excursion, he returned without 
permission to Bengal, but before he reached Lakhnawati his father 
was on his deathbed. Balban summoned a few trusted counsellors 
and disinherited his unworthy son, designating as his heir Kai- 
khusrav, the son of the Martyr Prince. When he had issued these 
injunctions the old king breathed his last 

His counsellors disregarded his last wishes, and enthroned 
Kaiqubad, a youth of seventeen or eighteen, son of Bughra Khan. 
The historian Barani says that for a reason which could not be 
mentioned without disclosing the secrets of the harem they had 
been on bad terms with the Martyr, and feared to raise his son to 
the throne. These expressions may indicate a former lapse from 
virtue on the part of the otherwise blameless prince, or a suspicion 
that Kaikhusrav was not the son of his putative father, but their 
import cannot be accurately determined. 



iv] Death of Ealban 83 

Nizam-ud-d!n, nephew and son-in-law of the aged Kotwal Fakhr- 
ud-dln, acquired on Kaiqubad's accession in 1287 a prominent 
position at the capital, and the son of Balban's brother Kashll Khan, 
who bore his father's title but was more generally known as Malik 
Chhajju, received the important fief of Sainana. Bughra Khan 
tamely acquiesced in his supersession by his son, but assumed in 
Bengal the royal title of Nasir-ud-dm Mahmud Bughra Shah. 

The young king had been educated under the supervision of his 
grandfather in the straitest paths of virtue, and his guardians and 
tutors, trembling under the old despot's eye, had subjected him to 
the most rigid discipline. As a natural consequence of this in- 
judicious restraint the youth, on finding himself absolute master of 
his actions, plunged at once into a whirlpool of debauchery. The 
unrestrained indulgence of his appetites was his sole occupation, 
and to the duties of his station he gave not a thought. The Arabic 
saying* ' Men follow the faith of their masters ' found ample con- 
firmation during his brief reign, and as in the reign of Charles II in 
England the reaction from the harsh rule of the precisians and the 
evil example of the king produced a general outburst of licentious- 
ness, so in that of Kaiqubad at Delhi the reaction from the austere 
and gloomy rule of Balban and the example of the young voluptuary 
inaugurated among the younger generation an orgy of debauchery. 
The minister, Khatir-ud-dm, abandoned in despair the task of 
awakening his young master to a sense of duty and the ambitious 
Nizam-ud-din was enabled to gather into his own hands the threads 
of all public business and, by entirely relieving Kaiqubad of its 
tedium, to render himself indispensable. His influence was first 
exhibited in the course followed with Kaikhusrav, whose superior 
hereditary claim was represented as a menace to Kaiqubad. The 
prince was summoned to Delhi and, under an order obtained from 
Kaiqubad when he was drunk, was put to death at Rohtak. Nizam- 
ud-din then obtained, by means of a false accusation, an order 
degrading the minister, who was paraded through the streets on an 
ass, as though he had been a common malefactor. This treatment 
of the first minister of the kingdom and the execution, at Nizam- 
ud-dm's instigation, of Shahak, governor of Multan, and Tuzaki, 
governor of Baran, alarmed and disgusted the nobles of Balban's 
court, and caused them gradually to withdraw from participation 
in public business, and the power of Nizam-ud-dm, the object of 
whose ambition could not be mistaken, became absolute. All who 
endeavoured to warn the king of what all but he could see were 
delivered to Nizam-ud-din to be dealt with as sedition-mongers. 

62 



84 The House of Ealban [CH. 

The aged Kotwal attempted to restrain his nephew, but he had 
already gone so far that he could not safely recede. Even the 
slothful and self-indulgent Bughra sent letters to his son warning 
him of the inevitable consequences of his debauchery and neglect 
of business, and, more guardedly, in view of Nizam-ud-din's control 
of the correspondence, of the danger of permitting a subject to 
usurp his authority. A proposed meeting between father and son, 
on the frontiers of their kingdoms, was postponed by an irruption 
of the Mughuls under Tamar Khan of Ghazni, who overran the 
Punjab, plundered Lahore, and advanced nearly as far as Samana. 
Amid the general demoralisation of the court and the capital 
Balban's army still remained as a monument of his reign, and a 
force of 30,000 horse under the command of Malik Muhammad 
Baqbaq, entitled, perhaps for his services on this occasion, Khan 
Jahan, was sent against the invaders, who were overtaken in the 
neighbourhood of Lahore and utterly defeated. Most of their army 
were slain, but more than a thousand prisoners were carried back 
to the capital. The description of these savages by the poet Amir 
Khusrav, who had been a prisoner in their hands for a short time 
after the battle in which his early patron, the Martyr Prince, was 
slain, is certainly coloured by animosity, but is probably as true as 
most caricatures. 'Their eyes were so narrow and piercing that 
they might have bored a hole in a brazen vessel, and their stench 
was more horrible than their colour. Their heads were set on their 
bodies as if they had no necks, and their cheeks resembled leathern 
bottles, full of wrinkles and knots. Their noses extended from 
cheek to cheek and their mouths from cheekbone to cheekbone. 
Their nostrils resembled rotten graves, and from them the hair 
descended as far as the lips. Their moustaches were of extravagant 
length, but the beards about their chins were very scanty. Their 
chests, in colour half black, half white, were covered with lice 
which looked like sesame growing on a bad soil. Their whole bodies, 
ndeed, were covered with these insects, and their skins were as 
rough-grained as shagreen leather, fit only to be converted into 
shoes. They devoured dogs and pigs with their nasty teeth.. . .Their 
origin is derived from dogs, but they have larger bones. The king 
marvelled at their beastly countenances and said that God had 
created them out of hell fire.' 

Numbers of these prisoners were decapitated and others were 
crushed under the feet of elephants, and ' spears without number 
bore their heads aloft, and appeared denser than a forest of 
bamboos. 1 A few were preserved and kept in confinement. These 



iv] Meeting between Father and Son 85 

were sent from city to city for exhibition, and, as the poet again 
observes, ' sometimes they had respite and sometimes punishment.' 

It was after this irruption of the Mughuls that Nizam-ud-din 
persuaded Kaiqubad to put to death the ' New Muslims. 1 These 
were Mughuls who had been captured in former campaigns and 
forcibly converted, or who had voluntarily embraced Islam and 
entered the royal service, in which some had attained to high rank. 
They were, for many years after this time, a source of anxiety, for 
it was believed that they, like the 'New Christians' of Spain and 
Portugal, were not sincere in their change of faith, and they fell 
under the suspicion of treasonable correspondence with their un- 
converted brethren. The accusations against them were vague, and 
were not substantiated by any trial or enquiry, but they were 
proscribed and put to death, and those who had been on friendly 
terms with them and had permitted them to intermarry with their 
families were imprisoned. 

Meanwhile Bughra had advanced with his army to the frontier 
of his kingdom and was encamped on the bank of the Gogra 1 . His 
intentions were undoubtedly hostile. He had acquiesced in his 
son's elevation to the throne, but the latter's subsequent conduct 
and the prospect of the extinction of his house, had aroused even 
his resentment Kaiqubad, on learning that his father had reached 
the Gogra, inarched from Delhi in the middle of March, 1288, to 
Ajodhya, where he was joined by his cousin Chhajju from Kara. 

The armies were encamped on the opposite bank of the Gogra, 
and the situation was critical, but Bughra hesitated to attack his 
son's superior force and contented himself with threatening 
messages, but when they were answered in the same strain changed 
his tone and suggested a meeting. This was arranged, but it was 
stipulated that Bughra should acknowledge the superior majesty 
of Delhi by visiting his son. He consented, and crossed the river. 
Kaiqubad was to have received his father seated on his throne, 
but as Bughra approached his natural feelings overcame him, and 
he descended from the throne and paid to him the homage due 
from a son to his father, and their meeting moved the spectators 
to tears. A friendly contention regarding precedence lasted long 
and was concluded by the father taking the son by the hand, seating 
him on the throne, and standing before him. He then embraced 

his son and returned to his own camp. Kaiqubad celebrated 



1 The account of the meeting between Kaiqubad and his father given by Amir 
Khusrav has been generally preferred to that given by Baram. Amir Khusrav was an 
eye witness and Barani writes only from hearsay. 



86 The House of Balban [CH. 

the reconciliation, in characteristic fashion, with a drinking bout 
at which he and his courtiers got drunk. He exchanged compli- 
mentary presents with his father and three more meetings took 
place between them. Bughra took his son to task for putting to 
death Kaikhusrav and so many of the old nobles and advised him 
to substitute a council of four for a single adviser. At the last 
meeting he whispered in his son's ear, as he embraced him, a caution 
against Nizam-ud-din and advised him to put him to death. The 
two parted with tokens of affection and returned to their capitals. 
'Alas!' cried Bughra, 'I have seen the last of my son and the last 
of Delhi.' His counsels induced Kaiqubad to make a faint effort to 
reform his ways, but before he reached Delhi he had returned like 
a dog to his vomit and a washed sow to her wallowing in the mire. 
The rejoicings with which his hardly expected return was celebrated 
were the occasion of general licence, in describing which the aged 
and toothless Barani, writing more than half a century later, is 
beguiled into rhapsodical and unseemly reminiscences of his own 
misspent youth. 

In the midst of his debauchery Kaiqubad bore in mind his 
father's warning and one day summoned up courage to inform 
Nizam-ud-din abruptly that he was transferred to Multan and must 
leave Delhi at once. He so delayed his departure on various pre- 
texts that the king concluded that he intended to defy his authority, 
and, caused him to be poisoned. Barani, who condemns the minister's 
unscrupulous ambition, praises him for his judicious selection of 
subordinates, and justly observes that but for his unremitting 
attention to public business the authority of Kaiqubad could not 
have been maintained for a day. His sudden removal dislocated 
the machinery of the administration and the king, incapable of 
personal attention to business, summoned to Delhi the most 
powerful and capable noble in the kingdom, Malik Jalal-ud-dm 
Firuz Khalji, who, since the transfer of Chhajju to Kara, had held 
the important fief of Samana, transferred him to Baran, and 
appointed him to the command of the army. His advancement 
gave great offence to the Turkish nobles and to the people of the 
capital, who affected to despise his tribe and feared both his power 
and his ambition. Almost immediately after he had taken possession 
of his new fief incontinence and intemperance did their work on 
Kaiqubad, who was struck down with paralysis and lay, a help- 
less wreck, in the palace which he had built at Kilbkhri, while 
Firuz marched with a large force from Baran to the suburbs of 
Delhi. 



iv] Death of Kaiqubad 87 

The Turkish nobles and officers, headed by Aitamar Kachhan 
and Aitamar Surkha, were in a dilemma. Firuz, though his designs 
were apparent, had not declared against Kaiqubad and had done 
nothing which his official position, which required him to keep the 
peace, would not justify, and they were debarred by the king's 
physical condition from the usual expedient of carrying him into 
the field and so arming themselves with his authority. They there- 
fore, although Kaiqubad still lived, carried his three year old son 
into the city and enthroned him under the title of Shams-ud-dm 
Kayumars. 

Kaiqubad lay unheeded in his palace at Kilokhri while the two 
parties contended for the mastery. Neither wished to be the first 
to appeal to arms, and Kachhan visited Firuz to invite him to 
discuss the situation with the Turkish nobles in the city, but Firuz, 
having ascertained that the invitation was a snare, and that pre- 
parations had been made to murder him and his Khalji officers, 
caused Kachhan to be dragged from his horse and slain. The sons 
of Firuz then dashed into Delhi, carried off" Kayumars, and defeated 
a force sent in pursuit of them, slaying Surkha, its leader, and 
capturing the sons of Fakhr-ud-dm, the KotwaL The success of 
the unpopular party so incensed the people that they rose and 
streamed out of the city gates, with the intention of attacking 
Firuz in his camp, but the Kotwdl, who was a man of peace, and 
trembled for the fate of his captive sons, quelled the disturbance 
and dispersed the mob. Firuz was now master of the situation, and 
most of the Turkish nobles, who had lost their leaders, openly 
joined him, and the rest, with the populace of Delhi, maintained 
an attitude of sullen aloofness. Meanwhile the wretched Kaiqubad 
was an unconscionable time a-dying, and, with the approval of 
Firuz, an officer whose father had been executed by the sick man's 
orders was dispatched to his chamber to hasten his end. The 
ruffian rolled his victim in the bedding on which he lay, kicked 
him on the head, and threw his body into the Jumna 1 . At the same 
time Chhajju, whose near relationship to Kaiqubad might have 
encouraged him to assert a claim to the throne, was dismissed to 
his fief of Kara, and on June 13, 1290, Firuz was enthroned in the 
palace of Kilokhri as Jalal-ud-din Firuz Shah. 

The early Muhammadan kingdom of Delhi was not a homo- 
geneous political entity. The great fiefs, of which the principal 
were, on the east, Mandawar, Amroha, Sambhal, Budaun, Baran 

1 According to a less authentic account Kaiqubad died of hunger and thirst in a prison 
into which Firuz had thrown him. 



88 "The House of Balkan [CH. 

(Bulandshahr), Koil and Oudh ; on the south-east Kara-Manikpur ; 
on the south Bayana and Gwalior ; on the west Nagaur, recently 
abandoned ; and on the north-west and north, Hans!, Multan, Uch, 
Lahore, Samaua, Sunam, Guhram, Bhatinda arid Sirhind, were 
nuclei of Muhammadan influence, the holders of which discharged 
some of the functions of provincial governors, but the trans- 
Gangetic fiefs of Mandawar, Amroha, Sambhal, and Budaun were 
mere outposts of dominion against the territory of Katehr, where 
the independence of the Hindus was only occasionally disturbed 
by punitive expeditions which usually engaged the sovereign with 
the greater part of his available military strength ; and similarly 
the fiefs to the south, south-west, and west were outposts against 
Rajput chieftains who might have been strong enough, had union 
been possible to them, to expel the foreigners. Gwalior had been 
taken by Aibak, but lost during the reign of his son and with 
difficulty recovered by lltutmish ; the fortress of Ranthambhor 
had been dismantled and abandoned by Raziyya and occupied and 
restored by the Rajputs ; and Nagaur, at one time held by Balban 
as his fief, was also in their hands. On the north-west Lahore, Uch 
and Multan were exposed to the constant inroads of the Mughuls 
of Ghazm, and the ties which bound them to Delhi were now 
relaxed. The fiefs or districts in the heart of the kingdom were 
interspersed with tracts of country in the hands of powerful Hindu 
chieftains or confederacies. Immediately to the south of Delhi 
Mewat, which included parts of the modern districts of Muttra and 
Gurgaon, most of Alwar, and part of the Bharatpur State, had 
never been permanently conquered, and the depredations of its 
inhabitants, the Meos, extended at times to the walls of Delhi and 
beyond the Jumna into the Doab. The rich fiefs of the latter 
region supported strong Muslim garrisons but the disaffection of 
the Hindu inhabitants was, for long after the period of which we 
are writing, a menace to domestic peace, and the ferocious punish- 
ment inflicted on them by Muhammad Tughluq exasperated with- 
out taming them. After his time Etawah became a stronghold of 
Rajput chieftains who gathered round themselves the most turbu- 
lent elements in the indigenous population, were frequently in 
revolt, and seldom recognised the authority of Delhi otherwise 
than by a precarious tribute. 

The rhapsodies of Muslim historians in their accounts of the 
suppression of a rising or the capture of a fortress, of towns and 
villages burnt, of whole districts laid waste, of temples destroyed 
and idols overthrown, of hecatombs of 'misbelievers sent to hell/ 



iv] Muslim Government 89 

or 'dispatched to their own place/ and of thousands of women and 
children enslaved might delude us into the belief that the early 
Muslim occupation of northern India was one prolonged holy war 
waged for the extirpation of idolatry and the propagation of Islam, 
had we not proof that this cannot have been the case. Mahmud 
the Iconoclast maintained a large corps of Hindu horse; his son 
Mas'ud prohibited his Muslim officers from offending the religious 
susceptibilities of their Hindu comrades, employed the Hindu Tilak 
for the suppression of the rebellion of the Muslim Ahmad Niyaltigm, 
approved of Tilak's mutilation of Muslims, and made him the equal 
of his Muslim nobles; Mu'izz-ud-din Muhammad allied himself with 
the Hindu raja of Jammu against the Muslim Khusrav Malik of 
Lahore, and employed Hindu legends on his coinage ; all Muslim 
rulers in India, from Mahmud downwards, accepted, when it suited 
them to do so, the allegiance of Hindu rulers and landholders, and 
confirmed them, as vassals, in the possession of their hereditary 
lands; and one of the pretexts for Timur's invasions of India at 
the end of the fourteenth century was the toleration of Hinduism. 
Neither the numbers nor the interest of the foreigners admitted 
of any other course. Their force consisted in garrisons scattered 
throughout the land among the indigenous agricultural population 
vastly superior in numbers to themselves and not unwarlike. On 
this population they relied not only for the means of support but 
also, to a great extent, for the subordinate machinery of govern- 
ment ; for there can be no doubt that practically all minor posts 
connected with the assessment and collection of the land revenue 
and with accounts of public and state finance generally, were filled, 
as they were many generations later, by Hindus. Among those 
who met Balban at each stage on his triumphal return from the 
suppression of Tughril's rebellion were rais, chaudharls and mu- 
qaddams. The first two classes were certainly Hindu landholders 
and officials of some importance, and in the third we recognise 
a humbler class of Hindu revenue officials which in many parts 
of India retains its Arabic designation to this day. The Hindu 
husbandman is not curious in respect of high affairs of state, and 
cares little by whom he is governed so long as he is reasonably 
well treated. He is more attached to his patrimony than to any 
system of government, and while he is permitted to retain enough 
of the kindly fruits of the earth to satisfy his frugal needs, concerns 
himself little with the religion of his rulers ; but oppression or such 
extortion as deprives him of the necessaries of life may convert 
him into a rebel or a robber, and there was at that time no lack of 



90 The House of Balkan [CH. iv 

warlike leaders and communities of his own faith ready to welcome 
him in either character. Rebellion and overt disaffection were re- 
pressed with ruthless severity, and were doubtless made occasions 
of proselytism, but the sin was rebellion, not religious error, and 
there is no reason to believe that the position of the Hindu culti- 
vator was worse under a Muslim than under a Hindu landlord. 
The disaffected were those of the upper and recently dominant 
class of large landholders and petty chieftains. 

It was certainly possible for Hindus to obtain justice, even 
against Muslims, for Barani tells us that the Multams and money- 
lenders of Delhi, the former term being evidently employed much 
as the local designation Marwari is used to-day, were first enriched 
by the profusion and improvidence of the nobles of Balban's court, 
who not only borrowed largely but were defrauded by dependants 
who borrowed in their names. As the usurers could not have been 
enriched by lending money which they could not recover it is 
evident that even the grandees of the court were not permitted to 
plunder the Hindus indiscriminately, nor to withhold from them 
their just dues. 

That there was in other respects some sympathetic intercourse 
between Muslims and Hindus we may infer from Hindi nicknames 
by which some of the nobles were beginning to be known. One of 
the two Aitamars was known as Kachhan, and Balban's nephew 
'Abdullah as Chhajju. 

On the whole it may be assumed that the rule of the Slave Kings 
over their Hindu subjects, though disfigured by some intolerance 
and by gross cruelty towards the disaffected, was as just and humane 
as that of the Norman Kings in England and far more tolerant than 
that of Philip II in Spain and the Netherlands. 



CHAPTER V 

THE KHALJI DYNASTY AND THE FIRST CONQUEST 
OF THE DECCAN 

THE repugnance of the populace to Firiiz was due to the belief 
that his tribe, the Khaljis, were Afghans, a people who were regarded 
as barbarous. They were, in fact, a Turkish tribe but they had long 
been settled in the Garmslr, or hot region, of Afghanistan, where 
they had probably acquired some Afghan manners and customs, 
and the Turkish nobles, most of whom must now have belonged to 
the second generation domiciled in India, refused to acknowledge 
them as Turks 1 . It was owing to this hostility of the people that 
Firuz elected to be enthroned in Kaiqubad's unfinished villa at 
Kilokhrl rather than at Delhi, and for some time after his elevation 
to the throne he dared not enter the streets of his capital. The 
more prominent citizens waited on him as a matter of course, and 
swore allegiance to him, and the people in general repaired to 
Kilokhri on the days appointed for public audiences, but they were 
impelled less by sentiments of loyalty than by curiosity to see how 
the barbarian would support his new dignity, and were compelled 
reluctantly to admit that he carried it well, but their disaffection 
did not at once abate, and Firuz completed the buildings and 
gardens left unfinished by Kaiqubad, nSamed Kilokhri Shahr-i-Nau, 
or the New City, and ordered his courtiers to build themselves 
houses in the neighbourhood of his palace. The order was unpopular, 
but there was a large class whose livelihood depended on the court, 
and villas and shops rose round the palace of Kilokhri. 

The court of Firuz differed widely from that of the Slave Kings. 
Balban had undermined, if he had not destroyed, the power of the 
Forty and the character of the Turkish nobles was changed. They 
were now represented largely by men born in the country, in many 
instances, probably, of Indian mothers, and though, as their hostility 
to Firuz proves, they retained their pride of race, they lost for ever 
their exclusive privileges, which were invaded by Khaljis and by 

1 The late Major Raverty, an authority from whom it is seldom safe to differ, 
protested vigorously against the common error of classing the Khaljis as Afghans or 
Pathans, but the people of Delhi certainly fell into the error which he condemns. He 
also inveighs, with much acrimony and less reason, against the plausible identification 
of the Khaljis with the Ghilzais, a tribe which claims a Turkish origin and occupies 
the region originally colonized by the Khaljis. If the Ghilzais be not Khaljis it is 
difficult ID say what has become of the latter. 



92 The Khaljls [CH. 

all whom it was the king's pleasure to promote. The change was 
inevitable. It would have been impossible for a small number of 
native courtiers to have maintained for ever a claim based on a 
remote foreign ancestry, and Firuz, though he did not exclude the 
Turks from office, completed very thoroughly the work which Balban 
had begun. The fief of Kara-Manikpur was considered an ample 
provision for Chhajju, the sole survivor of the former royal family, 
and Firuz had his own relations to consider. His eldest son, Mahmud, 
was entitled Khan Khanan, his second Arkali Khan, and his third 
Qadr Khan; his brother was entitled Yaghrush Khan and was 
appointed to the command of the army, and his two nephews, 
'Ala-ud-din and Almas Beg, received important posts, the latter 
being entitled Ulugh Khan. Another relation, the blunt and out- 
spoken Malik Ahmad Chap, held the unsuitable post of Master of 
the Ceremonies. 

The popular prejudice against Firuz was soon discovered to be 
groundless. Save for an occasional outburst of wrath no milder 
monarch ever sat upon the throne of Delhi. His treatment of 
Kaiqubad belied his boast that he had never shed the blood of 
a Muslim, but throughout his reign he displayed the most impolitic 
tenderness towards rebels and other criminals. His mildness and 
his conduct when he first ventured into Balban's Red Palace in 
the city gained him the adherence of many of those who had opposed 
him as a barbarian. He declined to ride into the courtyard, but 
dismounted at the gate, and "before entering the throne room wept 
bitterly in the antechamber for Balban and his offspring and 
lamented his own unworthiness of the throne and his guilt in 
aspiring to it. The few old nobles of Balban's court and the 
ecclesiastics of the city were moved to tears and praised his 
sensibility, but the soldiers and those of his own faction murmured 
that such self-abasement was unkingly, and Malik Ahmad Chap 
openly remonstrated with him. 

In the second year of the reign Chhajju assumed the royal title 
at Kara and was joined by Hatim Khan, who held the neighbouring 
fief of Oudh. The rebels advanced towards Delhi, where they were 
confident of the support of a numerous faction not yet reconciled 
to the rule of the Khaljl, but Firuz marched to meet them, and 
his advanced guard under his son Arkali Khan encountered them 
near Budaun and defeated and dispersed them. Two days after 
the battle Chhajju was surrendered by a Hindu with whom he had 
taken refuge, and he and the other captives were sent, with yokes 
on their necks and gyves on their wrists, to Budaun. Firuz,*seated 



v] Lenity of Firu% 93 

upon a cane stool, received them in public audience and when he 
saw their bonds wept in pity. He caused them to be loosed and 
tended and entertained them at a wine party. As they hung their 
heads with shame he cheered them and foolishly praised them for 
their loyalty to the heir of their old master. The indignant courtiers, 
headed, as usual, by Ahmad Chap, protested against this encourage- 
ment of rebellion and demanded that he should consider what his, 
and their, fate would have been had the rebels been victorious, 
and the old man, who seems to have entered upon his dotage 
when he seized the throne, could find no better reply than that he 
dared not, for the sake of a transitory kingdom, imperil his soul by 
slaying fellow-Muslims. 

Arkali Khan's victory was rewarded with the fief of Multan, 
and Chhajju was delivered into the custody of his conqueror, who 
was known to be opposed to his father's mild policy. The fief of 
Kara was bestowed upon 'Ala-ud-dln, who lent a willing ear to the 
counsels of Chhajjii's principal adherents, whom he took into his 
service. Domestic griefs helped to warp his loyalty, for his wife, 
the daughter of Firiiz, and her mother, who perhaps suspected the 
trend of his ambition, were shrews who not only embittered his 
private life, but constantly intrigued against him at court. 'Ala- 
ud-dm's original intention seems to have been to escape their 
malignity by leaving his uncle's dominions and establishing a 
principality in some distant part of India, but the course of events 
suggested to him a design yet more treasonable. 

Firuz Shah's lenity and the simplicity of his court were most 
distasteful to the Khaljl officers, who were disappointed of the 
profit which they had expected from confiscations and murmured 
against a prince who would neither punish his enemies nor reward 
his friends. Their strictures on his attitude towards criminals were 
just, as in the case of the TJiags 1 , those miscreants whose religion 
was robbery and murder and who were the dread of wayfarers in 
India within the memory of the last generation. A few of these 
fanatical brigands were captured at Delhi and one gave information 
which led to the arrest of over a thousand. Not one was punished 
but the whole gang was carried in boats down the Jumna and 
Ganges and set free in Bengal. Such culpable weakness would 
have again thrown the kingdom into complete disorder had the 
reign of Firuz been prolonged. 

The discontent of the nobles found expression at their drinking 
parties when the deposition of the old king was freely discussed. 

* l This is the word used by the contemporary historian, Baranl. 



94 ^e Khaljis [CH. 

Firuz, though aware of this treasonable talk, at first paid no heed 
to it, but at one drinking bout many nobles swore allegiance to 
Taj-ud-din Kuchi, a survivor of the Forty, and boasted of how they 
would slay Firuz. He sent for the drinkers and, after upbraiding 
them, threw a sword towards them and challenged any one of them 
to attack him. They stood abashed until the tension was relieved 
by the effrontery of his secretary, Nusrat Sabbah, who, though he 
had boasted as loudly as any, now told Firuz that the maunderings 
of drunkards were beneath his notice, that they were not likely to 
kill him, for they knew that they would never again find so indul- 
gent a master, and tiiat he was not likely to kill them, for he knew, 
in spite of their foolish talk, that he would nowhere find servants 
so faithful. Firuz called for a cup of wine and handed it to the 
impudent apologist, but the boasters were dismissed from court for 
a year and were warned that if they offended again they should 
be delivered to the tender mercies of Arkall Khan, who was fettered 
by none of his father's scruples. 

Firuz Shah's solitary departure from his policy of leniency was 
unfortunate. A religious leader named Sidi Maula, originally a 
disciple of Shaikh Farid-ud-din Ganj-i-Shakar of Pak Pattan or 
Ajudhan had, in 1291, been established for some time at Delhi, 
where his mode of life attracted general attention. He accepted 
neither an allowance from the state nor offerings from disciples or 
admirers, but all might enjoy at the hospice which he had built for 
himself the most lavish hospitality. His wealth was attributed by 
the vulgar to his discovery of the philosopher's stone, but it has 
been suggested that he was a patron and a pensioner of the Thags. 
The most frequent guests at his private table were the Khan Khanan 
and some of the old nobles of Balban's court, who had enrolled 
themselves as his disciples, and their meetings naturally attracted 
suspicion. It was discovered, one historian says, by Firuz himself, 
who attended a meeting in disguise, that there was a plot to raise 
Sidi Maula to the throne as Caliph, and he and his principal disciples 
were arrested. Scruples, suggested by the theologians, regarding 
the legality of the ordeal by fire, disappointed the populace of a 
spectacle, and Sidi Maula was brought before Firuz, who con- 
descended to bandy words with him and, losing his temper in the 
controversy, turned, in the spirit of Henry II of England, to some 
fanatics of another sect and exclaimed, 'Will none of you do justice 
for me on this saint?' One of the wretches sprang upon Sidi Maula, 
slashed him several times with a razor, and stabbed him with a 
packing-needle. Arkall Khan finished the business by bringing up 



v] Designs of ** Ala-^ud-din 95 

an elephant, which trampled the victim to death. One of those 
dust-storms which, in northern India, darken the noonday sun 
immediately arose and was attributed by the superstitious to the 
divine wrath, as was also a more serious calamity, the failure of 
the seasonal rains, which caused a famine so acute that bands of 
hungry and desperate wretches are said to have drowned them- 
selves in the Jumna. Shortly after the execution of Sidi Maula 
the suspiciously opportune death of the Khan Khanan, his principal 
disciple, was announced, and Arkali Khan became heir-apparent 
and remained at Delhi as regent while his father led an 
expedition against RanthambKor. On his way he captured the 
fortress and laid waste the district of Jhain, but a reconnaissance 
of Ranthambhor convinced him that the place could not be 
taken without losses which he was not prepared to risk, and 
he returned to Delhi to endure another lecture from his out- 
spoken cousin, Ahmad Chap, to whose just strictures he could 
oppose no better argument than that he valued each hair of a 
true believer's head more than a hundred such fortresses as 
Ranthambhor. 

In 1292 a horde of Muglmls between 100,000 and 150,000 strong, 
under the command of a grandson of Hulagu, invaded India and 
penetrated as far as Sunam, where it was met by Firuz. The 
advanced guard of the invaders suffered a severe defeat and they 
readily agreed to the king's terms. Their army was to be permitted 
to leave India unmolested, but Ulghu, a descendant of Chingiz, 
and other officers, with their contingents, accepted Islam and entered 
the service of Firuz, who gave to Ulghu a daughter in marriage. 
The converts settled in the suburbs of Delhi and though many, 
after a few years' experience of the Indian climate, returned to 
their homes, a large number remained and become known, like 
their predecessors, as the New Muslims. The recapture of Manda- 
war from the Hindus and a raid into the Jhain district completed 
the tale of Firuz Shah's activities in 1292, but in the same year his 
nephew 'Ala-ud-dm, having received permission to invade Malwa, 
captured the town of Bhilsa, whence he brought much plunder to 
Delhi, and received as a reward the great fief of Oudh, in addition 
to that of Kara. Nor was this all that he gained by his enterprise, 
for he had heard at Bhilsa of the wealth of the great southern 
kingdom of Deogir, which extended over the western Deccan, and 
his imagination had been fired by dreams of southern conquest. 
Without mentioning these designs to his uncle he took advantage 
of his indulgent mood to obtain from him permission to raise 



96 "The Khaljis [CH. 

additional troops for the purpose of annexing Chanderi and other 
fertile districts of Malwa. 

At this period two Hindu kingdoms existed in the Deccan, as 
distinct from the Peninsula; Deogir 1 in the west and Warangal or 
Telingana in the east. The former was ruled by Ramachandra, 
the seventh of the northern Yadava dynasty, and the latter by 
Rudramma Devi, widow of Ganpati, fifth raja of the Kakatiya 
dynasty. 

On his return from Delhi 'Ala-ud-din made preparations for his 
great enterprise, and, having appointed Malik 'Ala-ul-Mulk his 
deputy in Kara, with instructions to supply the king with such 
periodical bulletins of news as would allay any anxiety or suspicion, 
set out in 1294 at the head of seven or eight thousand horse. After 
marching for two months by devious and unfrequented tracks he 
arrived at Ellichpur in Berar, where he explained his presence and 
secured himself from molestation by letting it be understood that 
he was a discontented noble of Delhi on his way to seek service at 
Rajamahendri (Rajahmundry) in southern Telingana. After a halt 
of two days he continued his march towards Dcoglr, where fortune 
favoured him. Ramachandra was taken by surprise and the greater 
part of his army was absent with his wife and his eldest son, Shankar, 
who were performing a pilgrimage, but he collected two or three 
thousand troops and met the invader at Lasilra, twelve miles from 
the city. He was defeated and compelled to seek the protection of 
his citadel, which he hastily provisioned with sacks taken from 
a large caravan passing through the city, only to discover, when it 
was too late, that the sacks contained salt instead of grain. Mean- 
while 'Ala-ud-dm, who now gave out that his troops were but the 
advanced guard of an army of 20,000 horse, which was following 
him closely, plundered the city and the royal stables, from which 
he obtained thirty or forty elephants and some thousands of horse, 
and Ramachandra sued for peace. 'Ala-ud-dm agreed to desist 
from hostilities on condition of retaining what plunder he had and 
of extorting what more he could from the citizens. He collected 
over 1400 pounds of gold and a great quantity of pearls and rich 
stuifs, and prepared to depart on the fifteenth day after his arrival, 
but Shankar, who had heard of the attack on Deogir, had hastened 
back, and arrived within six miles of the city as 'Ala-ud-dm was 
starting on his homeward march. His father in vain implored him 
not to break faith with the invaders and he marched to attack 
them. 'Ala-ud-dm detached Malik Nusrat, with a thousand horse, 

1 Since known as Daulatabad. 



v] Invasion of the Deccan 97 

to watch the city and himself turned to meet Shankar. He was on 
the point of being overwhelmed by the superior numbers of the 
Hindus when Malik Nusrat came to his relief. His force was taken 
for the army of which 'Ala-ud-dm had boasted and the Hindus 
broke and fled in confusion. 'Ala-ud-din now again invested the 
citadel and treated his captives and the citizens with great severity, 
and the garrison, on discovering that the place had been provisioned 
with salt instead of grain, was obliged to sue humbly for peace. 
'Ala-ud-dln's terms were now naturally harder than at first, and he 
demanded the cession of the province of Ellichpur, which was to 
be administered at his convenience and for his benefit either by 
Ramachandra's officers or his own, and the payment of an extrava- 
gant indemnity, amounting to 17,250 pounds of gold, 200 pounds 
of pearls, 58 pounds of other gems, 28,250 pounds of silver, and 
1000 pieces of silk. 

The booty was enormous, but it was the reward of an exploit 
as daring and impudent as any recorded in history. 'Ala-ud-dm's 
objective, the capital of a powerful kingdom, was separated from 
his base by a march of two months through unknown regions in- 
habited by peoples little likely to be otherwise than hostile. He 
knew not what forces might oppose his advance, and he was unable 
to secure his retreat, which, by reason of the wealth which he 
carried with him, was more perilous than his advance, but fortune 
befriended him and his own resourcefulness and high courage sus- 
tained him, and he reached Kara safely with all his treasure. 

His lieutenant at Kara had succeeded, by means of false and 
temporising messages, in explaining to the satisfaction of the doting 
Firuz the absence of reports from his nephew. The king's advisers 
were less credulous, but were unable to shake his confidence in 
'Ala-ud-dm, whom he loved, he said, as a son. 

Late in the year 1295 Firuz went on a hunting tour to Gwalior 
and there learned that his nephew was returning from the south to 
Kara, laden with such spoils as had never been seen at Delhi. The 
news delighted him, and he debated whether he should return to 
Delhi to await 'Ala-ud-din's arrival, remain at Gwalior to receive 
him, or advance to meet him. Ahmad Chap, without pretending to 
conceal his suspicions, advocated the last course, which would take 
the ambitious adventurer by surprise, and bring him to his knees, 
but Firuz rebuked him for his jealousy of 'Ala-ud-dm, whereupon 
Ahmad Chap struck his hands together in despair and left the 
council chamber, exclaiming, ' If you return to Delhi you slay us 
with your own hand.' 

C.H.I. III. 7 



98 The Khaljis [CH. 

'Ala-ud-din was well served at court by his brother Ulugh Khan, 
who exerted such influence over Firuz that he refused to listen to 
any warnings, and who kept his brother informed of all that passed 
at court. It was by his advice that 'Ala-ud-dm assumed an attitude 
of apprehensive penitence, declaring that his actions and designs 
had been so misrepresented that he feared to appear at court. 
Ulugh Khan drew a pitiable picture of his brother's fear and 
anxiety and so worked on his uncle's feelings by describing his 
hesitation between taking poison and fleeing to a distant country 
that he persuaded the old man to visit Kara in person, and himself 
carried to 'Ala-ud-dm the assurance of his uncle's forgiveness and 
the news of his approaching visit. 

Firuz, disregarding the warnings of his counsellors, set out from 
Delhi and travelled down the Ganges by boat, escorted by his 
troops, which moved by land under the command of Ahmad Chap. 
'Ala-ud-dm crossed from Kara to Manikpur and, as the royal barge 
came into sight, drew up his troops under arms and sent his brother 
to lure Firuz into the trap set for him. 'Ala-ud-din was represented 
as being still apprehensive and the king was implored not to permit 
his troops to cross to the eastern bank of the river, and to dismiss 
all but a few personal attendants. The murmurs of the courtiers 
were met with the explanation that 'Ala-ud-din's troops were drawn 
up to receive the king with due honour, Firuz Shah's complaints 
of 'Ala-ud-dm's obstinacy were silenced by the excuse that he was 
occupied in preparing a feast and in arranging his spoils for pre- 
sentation, and Ulugh Khan even persuaded his uncle to order his 
few personal attendants to lay aside their arms. As Firuz landed 
'Ala-ud-dln advanced to meet him and bowed to the ground. The 
kindly old man raised him up, embraced him, and chid him for his 
fears, and then took his hand and led him towards the boat, still 
speaking affectionately to him. 'Ala-ud-dm gave a preconcerted 
signal and one of his companions, Muhammad Salim, struck two 
blows at the king with a sword, wounding him with the second. 
Firuz attempted to run towards his boat, crying ' 'Ala-ud-din, 
wretch, what have you done?' But another assassin, Ikhtiyar-ud- 
din, came up behind him, struck him down, severed his head from 
his body, and presented it to 'Ala-ud-dm. The few attendants of 
the king were murdered and the royal umbrella was raised above 
the head of 'Ala-ud-dm, who was proclaimed king in his camp on 
July 19, 1296. The unnatural wretch caused the head 'of his uncle 
and benefactor to be placed on a spear and carried through Manikpur 
and Kara, and afterwards through Ajodhya. The faithful Ahmad 



v] Death of Firuz 99 

Chap would not acknowledge the usurper but returned by forced 
marches, and led the army, exhausted by a most arduous march in 
the rainy season, into Delhi. 

'Ala-ud-dln, doubting his power to cope with the adherents of 
Firuz Shah's lawful heir, was hesitating whether he should march 
on Delhi or retire into Bengal when his difficulty was solved by his 
old enemy, his mother-in-law. Arkali Khan, the heir, was at Multan, 
and Firuz Shah's widow, ' the most foolish of the foolish/ deeming 
that a king de facto was necessary, in such a crisis, to the security 
of Delhi, proclaimed the younger son of Firuz as king, under the 
title of Rukn-ud-dm Ibrahim. Arkali Khan sulked at Multan and 
his partisans at Delhi refused to recognise his brother. These divi- 
sions encouraged 'Ala-ud-dm to march on Delhi and his spoils 
provided him with the means of conciliating the populace. At 
every stage a balista net up before his tent scattered small gold 
and silver coins among the mob. At Budaun he halted, for an army 
had been sent from Delhi to bar his way, but no battle was fought, 
for the nobles were lukewarm in the cause of Ibrahim and 'Ala-ud- 
din's bursting coffers justified a transference of allegiance. He 
was thus enabled to advance on Delhi at the head of an army of 
60,000 horse and 60,000 foot, and Ibrahim, after a feeble demon- 
stration, fled towards Multan with his mother and the faithful 
Ahmad Chap, and on October 3, 1296, 'Ala-ud-din was enthroned 
in the Red Palace of Balban, which he made his principal place of 
residence. 

The new king, having gained the throne by an act of treachery 
and ingratitude seldom equalled even in oriental annals, conciliated 
the populace by a lavish distribution of his southern gold, but his 
example was infectious and attempts to follow it disturbed the 
early years of his reign. These and other causes, irruptions of the 
Mughuls and the necessity for subjugating the Hindu rulers of 
Rajputana, Malwa and Gujarat protected the Deccan for a while 
from a second visitation, for the king of Delhi could not conduct 
war after the fashion of the desperate adventurer who had been 
ready to risk all on a single throw. 

Ulugh Khan and Hijabr-ud-dm were sent with an army of 
40,000 to Multan to secure the persons of Arkali Khan, Ibrahim, 
and their mother. The city surrendered at once and the princes 
and their few remaining adherents fell into the hands of Ulugh 
Khan, and- by the king's instructions they, their brother-in-law 
Ulghu Khan the Mughul and Ahmad Chap were blinded when they 
reached Hans!,and the widow of Firuz was kept under close restraint. 

72 



ioo The Khaljis [CH. 

During the early years of his reign 'Ala-ud-dm was ably and 
faithfully served by four men, his brother Ulugh Khan, Nusrat 
Khan, who was rewarded for his services at Deoglr with the post 
of minister, Zafar Khan, who had served him well at Kara, and 
Alp Khan of Multan. 'Ala-ul-Mulk, his faithful lieutenant at Kara, 
received the post of Kotwal of Delhi, being now too gross for more 
active employment. 

'Ala-ud-din had been no more than a few months on the throne 
when a large horde of Mughuls invaded his kingdom. Zafar Khan, 
who was sent against them, defeated them with great slaughter 
near Jullundur, and his victory was celebrated with rejoicings at 
Delhi, but his military genius rendered him an object of jealousy 
and suspicion to his master. 

After the repulse of the Mughuls the king considered the case 
of those nobles whom his own bribes had seduced from their allegi- 
ance to his predecessor. It ill became him to condemn them but 
it was evident that they were not to be trusted, and cupidity and 
policy pointed in the same direction. They were despoiled by 
degrees, first of their hoards and then of their lands, and when 
nothing else remained they suffered in their persons. Some were 
put to death, some were blinded, and some were imprisoned for 
life, and the families of all were reduced to beggary. All deserved 
their fate, but none was so guilty as he who decided it. 

In 1297 'Ala-ud-dm resolved to undertake the conquest of the 
Hindu kingdom of Gujarat which, though frequently plundered, 
had never yet been subdued, and had long enjoyed immunity, even 
from raids. Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan were selected for the 
task and invested and took its ancient capital, Anhilvara, now 
Patan, captured the wife of raja Karan, its ruler, and sent to 
Delhi as a trophy the idol which had been set up at Somnath to 
replace that destroyed by Mahmud. Raja Karan and his daughter, 
Deval Devi, fled, and found an asylum for a time with Ramachandra 
of Deoglr. Nusrat Khan plundered the wealthy merchants of the 
port of Cambay and obtained, with much other booty, a Hindu 
eunuch nicknamed at first Kafur and afterwards Hazardmart, 
'the thousand dinar Slave' from the price for which he had 
originally been bought. This wretch became successively the king's 
vile favourite, lieutenant of the kingdom, and, for a short time 
before and after *Ala-ud-din's death, its ruler. 

After establishing a Muslim government in Gujarat Ulugh Khan 
and Nusrat Khan set out for Delhi, and at Jalor distributed the 
plunder taken in the expedition. The allotment of the greater part 



v] ** Ala-ud-diri s Dreams 101 

of it caused grave discontent, and the New Muslims mutinied and 
slew Nusrat Khan's brother and a nephew of 'Ala-ud-dm. The 
great drums were sounded, the troops responded to the call to 
arms, and the mutineers, outnumbered, took to flight and were 
pursued with great slaughter. Those who escaped took refuge 
with various Hindu chieftains, principally with Hamir Deo, raja of 
Ranthambhor, but were unable to escape vicarious punishment, 
for the fierce tyrant of Delhi put their wives and families to death 
in circumstances of revolting brutality, and Nusrat Khan avenged 
his brother's death by delivering the wives of the murderers to the 
embraces of the scavengers of Delhi, an unspeakable degradation. 

The historians of India attribute to ' Ala-ud-dm the introduction 
of the barbarous practice of visiting the sins of rebels on the heads 
of their innocent wives and children; but the accusation is not 
strictly just, for there are instances of the practice before his time. 
It was he, however, who first elevated it into a political principle. 

In this year the Mughuls again invaded India and took the 
fortress of Sibi, which Zafar Khan recaptured after a short siege, 
and took their leader with 1700 of his followers and their wives 
and daughters, and sent them to Delhi; but the success was an- 
other step towards his ruin. 

Hitherto 'Ala-ud-dm had prospered in everything to which he 
had set his hand, and his success had turned his brain. He detected 
an analogy between himself with his four faithful servants and the 
founder of his faith with his four companions and successors, Abu 
Bakr, 'Usman, 'Umar, and 'All, and dreamed of spiritual as well as 
material conquests. In the latter he sought to surpass Alexander 
of Macedon and in the former Muhammad. He would ask his boon 
companions, over the wine-cups, why he should not surpass both. 
His suggestion that he should declare himself a prophet was received 
in silence by his associates but his proposal to emulate Alexander 
was applauded. 

These projects had been considered at the royal symposia for 
some time before 'Ala-ul-Mulk the Kotwal, who by reason of his 
corpulence was excused from attendance at court oftener than 
once a month, was commanded to deliver his opinion upon them. 
After demanding that the wine should be removed and that all but 
the king's most intimate associates should withdraw he deprecated 
'Ala-ud-dm's wrath and proceeded to speak his mind. Innovations 
in religion,' he said, were for prophets, and not for kings. Their 
success depended not on might, nor on power, but on the will of 
the Lord of Hosts. It was useless for a king, however great, to 



102 The Khaljls [CH. 

attempt the foundation of a new religion, for unless he were truly 
inspired of God he would not long be able to deceive himself, much 
less the world. 

'Ala-ud-dm remained for some time sunk in thought, and at 
length, raising his head, acknowledged the justice of the rebuke 
and declared that he had abandoned his impious design. Against 
the second project 'Ala-ul-Mulk had no moral objections to urge, 
but he observed that a great part of India remained yet un- 
conquered, that the land was a constant prey to marauding Mughuls, 
that there was no Aristotle to govern the realm in the king's absence 
and that there were no officers to whom the government of conquered 
kingdoms could be entrusted. Waxing bolder he exhorted 'Ala-ud- 
din to avoid excess in wine, and to devote less of his time to the 
chase and more to public business. The king professed himself 
grateful for this candid advice and generously rewarded his honest 
counsellor, but he could not forgo the petty vanity of describing 
himself on his coins as ' the Second Alexander/ 

In 1299 an army of 200,000 Mughuls under Qutlugh Khvaja 
invaded India. Their object on this occasion was conquest, not 
plunder; they marched from the Indus to the neighbourhood of 
Delhi without molesting the inhabitants, encamped on the banks 
of the Jumna, and prepared to invest the city. Refugees from the 
surrounding country filled the mosques, streets, and bazars, supplies 
were intercepted by the invaders, and famine was imminent. The 
king appointed 'Ala-ul-Mulk to the government of the city and led 
his army out to the suburb of Siri, where he summoned his nobles 
to join him. The timid Kotwal ventured to resume the character 
of adviser, and implored 'Ala-ud-dm to temporise with the Mughuls 
instead of risking all by attacking them at once, but the king re- 
fused, in his own phrase, to sit on his eggs like a hen. ' Man/ he 
said, with good-humoured contempt, to the unwieldy Kotwal, 'you 
are but a scribe, the son of a scribe ; what should you know of 
war?' On the morrow he attacked the Mughuls. The bold and 
impetuous Zafar Khan charged the enemy's left with such vigour 
that he drove it before him and pursued it until he was lost to the 
sight of the rest of the army. Other bodies of the enemy turned 
and followed him, so that he was surrounded and slain, after re- 
fusing to surrender. Even in this moment of peril 'Ala-ud-din and 
Ulugh Khan saw with satisfaction that the object of their jealousy 
had rushed to certain death, made no attempt to support 4 or succour 
him, and contented themselves with a languid demonstration against 
the diminished army which remained opposed to them; but the 



v] Rebellion of Akat Khan 103 

valour of Zafar Khan had so impressed the invaders that they 
retreated precipitately in the night, and when the sun rose 'Ala- 
ud-din, finding that they had decamped, returned to Delhi, hardly 
less thankful for the death of Zafar Khan than for the flight of the 
enemy. It is said that the name of Zafar Khan was for some years 
afterwards used by the Mughuls as that of Richard of England is 
said to have been used by the Saracens of Palestine, and that they 
would urge their weary beasts to drink by asking whether they 
had seen Zafar Khan, that they feared to slake their thirst. 

The strength of Ran thambhor, formerly an outpost of the Muslims, 
but long since a stronghold of the Hindus, had defied Balban's arms 
and daunted Firuz; its ruler, Hamir Deo, who boasted descent 
from Prithvl Raj, had recently insulted 'Ala-ud-din by harbouring 
the rebellious New Muslims, and the king resolved to punish him. 
Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan were sent against him and, having 
first reduced Jhain, encamped before Ranthambhor. The death of 
Nusrat Khan, who was slain by a stone from a balista, discouraged 
the army, and a sortie by Hamir Deo drove Ulugh Khan back to 
Jhain. 'Ala-ud-din marched from Delhi to his aid but halted for 
some days at Tilpat to enjoy his favourite recreation, the chase. 
After a long day's sport he and his small escort were benighted at 
a distance from his camp, and when he rose in the morning he 
ordered his men to drive some game towards him while he awaited 
it, seated on a stool. His absence had caused some anxiety, and as 
he awaited the game his brother's son, Akat Khan, arrived in search 
of him with a hundred horse, New Muslims of his own retinue. Akat 
Khan's ambition was suddenly kindled by the sight of his uncle's 
defenceless condition and he ordered his Mughul archers to draw 
their bows on him. The king defended himself bravely, using his 
stool as a shield, and a faithful slave named Manik stood before 
him and intercepted the arrows, but he was wounded in the arm 
and fell. Some foot soldiers of his escort ran up and, drawing their 
swords, stood round him, crying out that he was dead. Akat Khan, 
without waiting to ascertain whether they spoke the truth, galloped 
back to the camp, announced that he had slain 'Ala-ud-din, and 
demanded the allegiance of the army. He held a hurried and in- 
formal court, at which some officers rashly came forward and offered 
him their congratulations, but when he attempted to enter the 
harem the more cautious guards refused to admit him until he 
should produce his uncle's head. 

In the meantime stray horsemen, to the number of sixty or 
seventy, had gathered round 'Ala-ud-din and dressed his wounds, 



104 TAe Khaljis [CH. 

and on his way towards the camp he was joined by other small bodies 
of horse, which brought his numbers up to five or six hundred. 
Ascending a knoll he caused the royal umbrella to be raised over 
his head, and the sight drew the troops and the courtiers out to 
join him. Akat Khan, finding himself deserted, fled, but was pursued, 
taken, and beheaded. The tedium of 'Ala-ud-dln's convalescence 
was alleviated by the punishment of Akat Khan's associates, who 
were put to death with torture, and when he had recovered he 
marched on to Ranthambhor, where Ulugh Khan, encouraged by 
the news of his approach, had already opened the siege. 

While the siege was in progress news reached him that his 
sister's sons, Amir 'Umar and Mangu Khan, had raised the standard 
of revolt in Budaun and Oudh, but loyal fief-holders speedily over- 
powered and captured the young men, and sent them to their uncle, 
in whose presence their eyes were cut out. 

This rebellion had hardly been suppressed when a serious revolt 
in the capital was reported. 'Ala-ul-Mulk, the fat Kotwal, was 
now dead, and the oppressive behaviour of his successor, Tarmadi, 
aroused the resentment of the populace, who found a willing leader 
in the person of Haji Maula, an old officer who resented his super- 
session by Tarmadi. Encouraged by rumours of discontent in the 
army before Ranthambhor he assembled a number of dismissed 
and discontented members of the city police and others, and by 
exhibiting to them a forged decree purporting to bear the royal 
seal, induced them to join him in attacking Tarmadi. On reaching 
his house they found that he, like most Muslims in the city, was 
asleep, for the faithful were keeping the annual fast, which fell in 
that year in May and June, the hottest months of summer. He 
was called forth on the pretext of urgent business from the camp, 
and was at once seized and beheaded. The crowd which had been 
attracted by the disturbance was satisfied by the exhibition of the 
forged decree, and Haji Maula, having caused the gates of the city 
to be shut, attempted to deal with Ayaz, the Kotwal of Sin, as he 
had dealt with Tarmadi, but Ayaz had heard of Tarmadi' s fate, and 
refused to be inveigled from the fortress of Sin. Haji Maula then 
marched to the Red Palace, released all the prisoners, broke into 
the treasury, and distributed bags of money among his followers. 
He seized an unfortunate Sayyid, with the suggestive name of 
Shahinshah, who happened to be descended through his mother 
from Iltutmish, enthroned him nolens volens, and, dragging the 
leading men of the city by force from their houses, compelled them 
to make obeisance to the puppet. The dregs of the populace, lured 



v] Fall of Ranthambhor 105 

by the hope of plunder, swelled the ranks of the rebels, but the 
more respectable citizens halted between the fear of present violence 
and the apprehension of the royal vengeance. In the seven or eight 
days during which Delhi was in the hands of the rebels, several 
reports of their proceedings reached 'Ala-ud-din, but he set his 
face, concealed the news from his army, and continued the siege. 

On the third or fourth day after the rebellion had broken out 
Malik Hamid-ud-dm, entitled Amir-i-Kuh, assembled his sons and 
relations, forced the western gate of the city, marched through to 
the Bhandarkal gate and there maintained himself against the deter- 
mined attacks of the rebels. His small force was gradually swelled 
by the adhesion of some loyal citizens, and by a reinforcement of 
troops from some of the districts near the capital, and he sallied forth 
from his quarters at the Bhandarkal gate, defeated the rebels, and 
slew Hajl Maula, with his own hand. The troops recaptured the Red 
Palace, beheaded the unfortunate Sayyid, and sent his head to the 
royal camp. 'Ala-ud-dm still remained before Ranthambhor but 
sent Ulugh Khan to Delhi to see that order was thoroughly restored. 

These successive rebellions convinced'Ala-ud-din that something 
was wrong in his system of administration, and after taking counsel 
with his intimate advisers he traced them to four causes : 

(1) The neglect of espionnage, which left him ignorant of the 
condition, the doings, and the aspirations of his people ; 

(2) The general use of wine, which, by loosening the tongue and 
raising the spirits, bred plots and treason ; 

(3) Frequent intermarriages, between the families of the nobles 
which, by fostering intimacy and reciprocal hospitality, afforded 
opportunities for conspiracy ; and 

(4) The general prosperity which, by relieving many of the 
necessity for working for their bread, left them leisure for idle 
thoughts and mischievous designs. 

He resolved to remedy these matters on his return, and in the 
meantime brought the siege of Ranthambhor to a successful con- 
clusion. Hamlr Deo, the New Muslims who had found an asylum 
with him, and his minister, Ranmal, who had, with many other 
Hindus, deserted him during the siege and joined 'Ala-ud-dm, were 
put to death. It was characteristic of 'Ala-ud-dm to avail himself of 
the services of traitors and then to punish them for the treason by 
which he had profited. After appointing officers to the government 
of Ranthambhor he returned to Delhi to find that his brother 
Ulugh Khan, who had been making preparations for an expedition 
to the Deccan, had just died. 



io6 The Khaljis [CH. 

'Ala-ud-din now addressed himself, in accordance with the 
decision at which he had arrived, to the enactment of laws for the 
prevention of rebellion, and, with the severity which was part of 
his nature, framed regulations which might have been designed to 
punish actual rather than forestall potential rebels. Private property 
was the first institution which he attacked, and he began by con- 
fiscating all religious endowments and all grants of rent-free land, 
both of which supported numbers of useless idlers. Tax-collectors 
were appointed and were instructed to extort gold, on any pretext 
that could be devised, from all who possessed it. The result of this 
ordinance, as described by the contemporary historian, was that 
gold was not to be found save in the houses of the great nobles, 
the officers of state, and the wealthiest merchants, and that excepting 
lands of an annual rental of a few thousand tcwigas in the neighbour- 
hood of Delhi all rent-free grants in the kingdom were resumed. 

The second ordinance established an army of informers, whose 
business it was to spy upon all and to report to the king anything 
deemed of sufficient importance for his ear. Everything which 
passed in the houses of the nobles and officers of state was known, 
and was reported the morning after its occurrence, until the victims 
of the system hardly dared to converse in open spaces otherwise 
than by signs. Even the gossip and transactions of the market 
place reached the king's ear. 

By the third ordinance the use of intoxicating liquor and drugs 
was prohibited, and those who used them were banished from the 
city, thrown into prison, or heavily fined. The king himself set the 
example of obedience by causing his wine vessels to be broken and 
the wine to be poured out near the Budaun gate, but the habit 
could not be eradicated. Stills were set up in private houses and 
liquor was distilled and sold in secret, or smuggled into the city on 
pack animals, under other merchandise, but the system of espion- 
nage made all attempts at evasion dangerous, and many were 
compelled to cross the Jumna and travel twenty or twenty-five 
miles to satisfy their craving, for the suburbs were as closely 
watched as the city itself Offenders were cruelly flogged and con- 
fined in pits so noisome that many died in their fetid and polluted 
atmosphere, and those who were dragged forth alive escaped only 
with constitutions permanently shattered. At length 'Ala-ud-dm 
learnt that the use of intoxicants cannot be prevented by legislation, 
and the ordinance was so far relaxed as to permit the private manu- 
facture and consumption of strong drink, but its sale and convivial 
use remained forbidden. 



v] * Ala-ud-dtri s Edicts 107 

The fourth ^ordinance prohibited social gatherings in the houses 
of the nobles and marriages between members of their families with- 
out special permission. Fear of the informers ensured obedience, 
and even at court the nobles were so closely watched that they 
dared not exchange whispered complaints of the tyranny under 
which they lived. 

'Ala-ud-din next framed a special code of laws against Hindus, 
who were obnoxious to him partly by reason of their faith, partly 
by reason of the wealth which many of them enjoyed, and partly 
by reason of their turbulence, especially in the Doab. The Hindu 
hereditary officials enjoyed a percentage on revenue collections and 
the wealthier Hindus and those of the higher castes were inclined 
to shift to the shoulders of their poorer brethren the burdens which 
they should themselves have borne. All this was now changed, and 
it was decreed that all should pay in proportion to their incomes, 
but that to none was to be left sufficient to enable him to ride on a 
horse, to carry arms, to wear rich clothes, or to enjoy any of the 
luxuries of life. The government's share of the land was fixed at 
half the gross produce, and heavy grazing dues were levied on 
cattle, sheep, and goats. The officials and clerks appointed to 
administer these harsh laws were closely watched, and any attempt 
to defraud the revenue was severely punished. Hindus throughout 
the kingdom were reduced to one dead level of poverty and misery, 
or, if there were one class more to be pitied than another, it was 
that which had formerly enjoyed the most esteem, the hereditary 
assessors and collectors of the revenue. Deprived of their emolu- 
ments, but not relieved of their duties, these poor wretches were 
herded together in droves, with ropes round their necks, and hauled, 
with kicks and blows, to the villages where their services were 
required. The Muslim officials, under Sharaf Qai, the new minister 
of finance, earned the hatred of all classes, and were so despised 
that no man would give his daughter in marriage to one of them. 
This measure of 'Ala-ud-dm's is remarkable as one of the very few 
instances, if not the only instance, except the jizya, or poll-tax, of 
legislation specially directed against the Hindus. 

It was not until these repressive and vexatious laws were in 
full operation that 'Ala-ud-din, disturbed possibly by murmurs 
which had reached his ears, began to entertain doubts of their 
consonance with the Islamic law, and sought the opinion of Qazi 
Mughis-ud-din of Bayana, one of the few ecclesiastics who still 
frequented the court, on the ordinances and other questions. The 
fearless and conscientious qazl replied that an order for his instant 



io8 The Khaljis [CH. 

execution would save both time and trouble, as he coyld not consent 
to spare the king's feelings at the expense of his own conscience, 
but, on being reassured, delivered his opinion on the questions 
propounded to him. The first was the persecution of the Hindus, 
which he pronounced to be not only lawful, but less rigorous than 
the treatment sanctioned by the sacred law for misbelievers. The 
apportionment of the plunder of Deogir was a more delicate ques- 
tion, and though 'Ala-ud-dm defended himself by maintaining that 
the enterprise had been all his own, and that nobody had even 
heard the name of Deogir until he had resolved to attack it, the 
qazi insisted that he had sinned in appropriating the whole of the 
plunder and in depriving both the army and the public treasury 
of their share. Last came the question of the cruel punishments 
decreed for various offences, and the qazi rose from his seat, retired 
to the place reserved for suppliants, touched the ground with his 
forehead, and cried, 'Your Majesty may slay me or blind me, but I 
declare that all these punishments are unlawful and unauthorised, 
either by the sacred traditions or by the writings of orthodox 
jurists.' 'Ala-ud-dm, who had displayed some heat in the discussion, 
rose and retired without a word, and the qdzl went home, set his 
affairs in order, bade his family farewell, and prepared for death. 
To his surprise he was well received at court on the following day. 
The king commended his candour, rewarded him with a thousand 
tangas, and condescended to explain that although he desired to 
rule his people in accordance with the Islamic law their turbulence 
and disobedience compelled him to resort to punishments of his 
own devising. 

During the winter of 1302-03 'Ala-ud-dm marched into the 
country of the Rajputs, and without much difficulty captured Chitor 
and carried the Rana, Ratan Singh, a prisoner to Delhi. At the 
same time he dispatched an expedition under the command of 
Chhajju, nephew and successor of Nusrat Khan, from Kara into 
Telingana. For some obscure reason this expedition marched on 
Warangal, the capital of the Kakatiya rajas, by the then unexplored 
eastern route, through Bengal and Orissa. Unfortunately no detailed 
account of the march has been preserved, but the expedition was 
a failure. The army reached Warangal, or its neighbourhood, but 
was demoralised by the hardships which it had endured in heavy 
rain on difficult roads, and, after suffering a defeat, lost most of its 
baggage, camp equipage, and material of war and returiled to Kara 
in disorder. 

The Mughuls had missed the opportunity offered by the siege 



v] Mughul Invasion 1 09 

of Rantharabhor and the simultaneous disorders of the kingdom, 
but the news of 'Ala-ud-din's departure for Chitor, the siege of 
which appeared likely to be protracted, encouraged them to make 
another attempt on Delhi, and Targhi, their chief, led an army of 
120,000 into India and encamped on the Jumna, in the neighbour- 
hood of the capita], but 'Ala-ud-din had already returned from 
Chitor. He had lost many horses and much material of war in the 
siege and during his retirement, the army of Kara was so disorganised 
by the unsuccessful campaign in Telingana that before it could 
reach Baran and Koil the Mughuls had closed the southern and 
eastern approaches to the capital, and the movements of the invaders 
had been so rapid that they were threatening the city before the 
great fief-holders could join the king with their contingents. He 
was thus unable to take the field and retired into his fortress of 
Sin, where he was beleaguered for two months, while the Mughuls 
plundered the surrounding country and even made raids into the 
streets of Delhi. Their sudden and unexpected retreat, attributed 
by the pious to the prayers of holy men, was probably due to their 
inexperience of regular sieges, the gradual assembly of reinforce- 
ments, and the devastation of the country, which obliged them 
to divide their forces to a dangerous degree in their search for 
supplies. 

This heavy and humiliating blow finally diverted 'Ala-ud-dm's 
attention from vague and extravagant designs of conquest to the 
protection of the kingdom which he had so nearly lost. On his 
north-western frontier and between it and the capital he repaired 
all old fortresses, even the most important of which had long been 
shamefully neglected, built and garrisoned new ones, and devised 
a scheme for increasing largely the strength of his army. This was 
no easy matter, for his subjects were already taxed almost to the 
limit of their endurance, but he overcame the difficulty by means 
of his famous edicts which, by arbitrarily fixing the prices of all 
commodities, from the simple necessaries of life to slaves, horses, 
arms, silks and stuffs, enabled him to reduce the soldier's pay with- 
out causing hardship or discontent, for the prices of necessaries 
and of most luxuries were reduced in proportion. Strange as the 
expedient may appear to a modern economist, it was less unreason- 
able than it seems, for the treasure which he had brought from the 
south and had so lavishly distributed had cheapened 
inflated prices. The fall in the purchasing value 
however, in those days of defective and imperfect iraanS'' | pflbrans- 
port and communication, largely restricted to the /ramtyfl and 

ft VI * ^\ 



no The Khaljis [CH. 

suburban area, which were the centre of wealth to a degree hardly 
comprehensible by those who use railways. Nevertheless, so drastic 
a measure necessarily met with much opposition, which 'Ala-ud-din 
overcame, in the case of the grain-merchants, by prohibiting the 
purchase of grain elsewhere than at the state granaries, until the 
merchants were fain to agree to sell their stocks at a rate lower 
than originally fixed, and after surmounting a few initial difficulties 
he was able to maintain, through good years and bad, and without 
any real hardship to sellers, the scale of prices fixed by him. In the 
districts around the capital the land revenue was collected in kind, 
so that when scarcity threatened, in spite of edicts, to enhance 
prices, the king was enabled to flood the market with his own 
grain, and in the provinces the governors possessed the same 
power. 

These measures, crude as was the conception of political economy 
on which they were based, attained so well the object at which 
they aimed that 'Ala-ud-dm was able to raise and maintain a 
standing army of nearly half a million horse. Nevertheless in 1304 
a horde of Mughuls invaded India under 'All Beg, a descendant of 
Chingiz, and another leader, whose name is variously given 1 . The 
invasion was a mere raid, undertaken with no idea of conquest. 
The Mughuls evaded the frontier garrisons and marched in a south- 
easterly direction, following the line of the Himalaya until they 
reached the neighbourhood of Amroha, plundering, slaying, ravishing, 
and burning as they advanced. The king sent the eunuch Kafur 
Hazardinari, who was already in high favour, and Malik Ghiyas- 
ud-dm Tughluq, master of the horse, against them. These two 
commanders intercepted them on their homeward journey, when 
they were burdened with plunder, and defeated them. The two 
leaders and 8000 others were taken alive and sent to Delhi, together 
with 20,000 horses which the invaders had collected. 'Ala-ud-din 
held a court in the open air, beyond the walls of the city, and the 
two chiefs were trampled to death by elephants in view of the 
people. The other prisoners were decapitated and their heads were 
built into the walls of the fortress of Siri, where the king habitually 
dwelt 

As a reward for his success on this occasion Tughluq was 
appointed, in 1305, governor of the Punjab, and at the same time 
Alp Khan was made governor of Gujarat, and 'Ain-ul-Mulk, governor 
of Multan, was sent on an expedition to Jalor and to Ujjain and 

1 The variants are Tarzak, Tiriyak, Barmak, Tiriyal, Tiriyaq, and Tartaq. They * 
exemplify the unsuitability of the Persian script for the preservation of proper names. 



v] Conquest of Malwa 1 1 1 

Chanderi in Malwa. As he advanced into Malwa the raja Koka, or 
Haranand, came forth at the head of an army of 40,000 horse and 
100,000 foot to oppose him. The armies met on December 9, and 
the Hindus, after a determined resistance, were routed. This 
victory, the news of which "was received with great joy at Delhi, 
made the Muslims masters of Ujjain, Maridu, Dliar, and Chanderi, 
and so impressed Kaner Deo, the Chauhan raja of Jalor, that he 
accompanied 'Ain-ul-Mulk on his return to Delhi and swore allegi- 
ance to 'Ala-ud-dm. 

The Rana had been imprisoned at Delhi ever since the fall of 
Chitor, two years before this time, and was so weary of his confine- 
ment that when 'Ala-ud-dm demanded of him the surrender of his 
beautiful wife Padmani as the price of his liberty he was disposed 
to comply. His thakurs, or nobles, who were wandering as outlaws 
in the hills and jungles of Mewar, heard of his intention and sent 
him messages beseeching him not to disgrace the name of Rajput. 
They offered to send him poison, which would enable him to avert 
dishonour, but the fertile brain of his daughter devised a scheme 
for restoring him to liberty without the sacrifice of his honour or 
his life. He and his nobles were to feign compliance with the 
demand, and a train of litters, ostensibly containing the Rana's 
wife and her retinue, but filled with armed men, was to be sent to 
Delhi, escorted by a large force of horse and foot. The cavalcade 
reached Ratan Singh's prison in safety, the armed men sprang from 
their litters, slew the guards, and carried off their master. Bodies 
of Rajputs had been posted at intervals along the road to cover his 
flight, and though they were defeated one by one they so delayed 
the pursuers that Ratan Singh reached his country in safety and 
assembled in the hills a force which enabled him to raid even the 
environs of Chitor. 'Ala-ud-dm avenged his discomfiture by re- 
moving from the government of Chitor his own son, Khizr Khan, 
an indolent arid self-indulgent youth, and appointing in his place 
Ratan Singh's sister's son Arsi, who had entered his service, and 
thus sowed the seeds of dissension among the Rajputs. Many of 
the thakurs transferred their allegiance from Ratan Singh who had 
forfeited their respect, to Arru, who remained loyal to 'Ala-ud-din 
and until his death attended regularly at court to present his 
tribute. 

In 1306 the Mughuls invaded India to avenge 'AH Beg. A horde 
under Kabk crossed the Indus near Multan, marched towards the 
Himalaya, plundered the country, and was returning homewards 
in the hot weather when it found the passage of the Indus barred 



H2 The Khaljts [CH. 



by a large army under Tughluq, who now bore the title of 
Malik. Faint and weary, and well nigh perishing for want of water, 
they were compelled to attack the foe who stood in their path, and 
of fifty or sixty thousand no more than three or four thousand 
escaped. Kabk and many others were taken alive and carried by 
Ghazi Malik to Delhi, where they were thrown under the feet of 
elephants. Traces of the column built of their heads on the plain 
outside the Budaun gate are said to have been visible more than 
two hundred and fifty years later, in the reign of Akbar. Their 
wives and children were sold as slaves in Delhi and in the principal 
cities of northern India. During 'Ala-ud-dm's reign the Mughuls 
only once again ventured to invade his kingdom. In 1307-08 a 
chieftain named Iqbalmaud led a horde across the Indus and was 
defeated and slain. The captives were, as usual, sent to Delhi and 
crushed to death, and this last defeat deterred the barbarians from 
invading India until the disorders arising from the misgovernment 
of 'Ala-ud-dm's son, Qutb-ud-dm Mubarak, invited their aggression. 

In 1306-07 'Ala-ud-dm observed that Ramachandra of Deogir 
had for three successive years failed to remit to Delhi the revenues 
of the Ellichpur province, and a large army was sent under the 
command of Kafur Hazardinarl, now entitled Malik Naib, or 
lieutenant of the kingdom, to punish his negligence and reduce 
him to obedience. The expedition had a secondary object. The 
wife of raja Karan of Gujarat, Kamala Devi, longed for the society 
of her daughter, Deval Devi, who had been carried off by her 
father to Deogir, and Malik Naib was instructed to secure her and 
bring her to Delhi. 

Karan, after his flight from Gujarat, had not remained an idle 
guest at Ramachandra's court, but had rebuilt the town and fortress 
of Nandurbar and ruled, as Ramachandra's vassal, a small princi- 
pality. Malik Naib passed through Malwa and entered the Deccan, 
and Alp Khan, governor of Gujarat, who had been ordered to co- 
operate with him, attacked Karan, who for two months offered a 
most determined resistance. 

Shankar Deo, the eldest son of Ramachandra, had for some time 
been a suitor for the hand of Deval Devi, but Karan's Rajput pride 

1 Ghazi, 'one who defeats and slays infidels in war.' Ibn Batutah mentions an 
Arabic inscription of Tughluq on the Friday mosque of Multan, which ran as follows : 
1 1 have encountered the Tatars on twenty-nine occasions and defeated them : hence 
I am called Malik-ul-Ghdzi.' From this inscription it appears that there was never 
peace on the frontier. The historians record only invasions in force, in the course of 
which the Mughuls evaded or overcame the frontier garrisons and advanced for some 
distance into India. 



v] Capture of Deval Devi 113 

would not consent to his daughter's union with one whom he stigma- 
tised as a Maratha \ Shankar took advantage of Karan's difficulties 
to renew his suit, and sent his younger brother Bhim Deo with an 
escort to convey Deval Devi to Deogir. Karan could not but prefer 
for his daughter an alliance with the Yadava prince to captivity 
with the unclean foreigners, and surrendered her to Bhim Deo, who 
carried her off towards Deogir. 

Alp Khan, ignorant of Deval Devi's departure, attempted to 
capture her by overwhelming her father with his whole force, 
defeated him, and pursued him towards Deogir. In the neighbour- 
hood of that fortress he granted leave to three or four hundred 
of his men to visit the wonderful cave temples of Ellora, situated 
in the hills above the town. While they were inspecting the temples 
they perceived, marching towards them, a Hindu force which they 
suspected of the intention of cutting them off, and accordingly re- 
ceived with a flight of arrows. The force was, in fact, Deval Devi's 
escort, commanded by Bhim Deo, and one of the arrows wounded 
the horse on which the princess rode. As the pursuers came up with 
her her attendants revealed her identity and besought them to 
respect her honour. She was at once escorted to Alp Khan, who 
retired to Gujarat and dispatched her thence to Delhi, where she 
rejoined her mother and was married, in the summer of 1307, to 
Khizr Khan, the king's eldest son. The story of their loves is told 
by Amir Khusrav in a long poem. The enmity between Malik Naib 
and Alp Khan, which had fatal results for the latter at the end 
of the reign, undoubtedly arose from his forestalling the eunuch 
on this occasion. 

Malik Naib obviated any future default in the remittance of the 
revenues of Ellichpur by appointing Muslim officers to administer 
the province, and advanced to Deogir, where Kamachandra, pro- 
fiting by past experience, was prepared to make his submission. 
Leaving his son Shankar Deo in the citadel he went forth with his 
principal officers of state to make obeisance to the king's represen- 
tative. He was courteously received and was sent to Delhi with a 
letter of recommendation from Malik Naib. The gifts which he 
offered in place of the arrears of tribute due from him and as 
a peace offering included 700 elephants, and the king, with a 

1 The Yadavas of Deogir, like the Jodons of Sindkhed, who claimed descent from 
them, boasted a Rajput lineage, but the undoubted Rajputs of Rajasthan and Gujarat, 
who suspect the Hindus of the south of a strain of Dravidian blood, are loth to admit 
such claims. It was on account of his nebulous claim to Rajput descent that Jadon 
Rao of Sindkhed regarded the marriage of his daughter, Jlji Bai, to Shahji the Maratha, 
father of Shivaji, as a mesalliance. 

C. H. I. ill. 8 



1 14 The Khaljis [CH. 

generosity which was attributed to a superstitious regard for Deogir 
and its ruler as the origin of his wealth and power, freely pardoned 
him, bestowed on him the title of Rai-i-Rayan (' Chief of chiefs') 
and appointed him to the government of Deogir as a vassal of Delhi. 

While Malik Naib was engaged in restoring Muslim supremacy 
in the Deccan an army from Delhi was besieging Siwana in Marwar, 
described later, in the Am-i-Akbart, as one of the most important 
strongholds in India. The siege progressed languidly until 'Ala-ud- 
din himself appeared on the scene and infused such vigour into 
the operations that Sital Deo, the raja, sued for peace. In order to 
escape the humiliation of appearing before his conqueror as a sup- 
pliant he caused a golden image of himself to be made and sent it, 
with a hundred elephants and many other gifts to 'Ala-ud-din, 
but he was disappointed, for the king retained all the gifts and 
returned a message to the effect that no overtures would be con- 
sidered until Sital Deo made them in person. After his submission 
'Ala-ud-din parcelled out Marwar among his own nobles and swept 
the fort clean of everything that it contained, * even the knives and 
needles/ but permitted the raja to retain the empty stronghold. 

Kaner Deo of Jalor had been permitted to return to his do- 
minions, though he had once aroused the king's wrath by the foolish 
vaunt that he was prepared at any time to meet him in the field. 
The boast was not forgotten, and on the raja's exhibiting signs of 
contumacy 'Ala-ud-dln sent against him, in bitter contempt, an army 
under the command of one of the female servants of his palace, 
named Gul-i-Bihisht (' the Rose of Paradise '). The woman was a 
capable commander, the Kaner Deo was on the point of surrendering 
to her when she fell bick and died. Her son Shahin, who succeeded 
her in the command, had less military ability than his mother, and 
was defeated and slain, but after the arrival of reinforcements under 
Kamal-ud-din Gurg ('the Wolf) Jalor was taken and Kaner Deo 
and his relations were put to death. 

In 1308 'Ala-ud-din made a second attempt to establish his 
authority in Telingana, and a large army under the command of 
Malik Naib and Khvaja Haji was dispatched from Delhi by way of 
Deogir. He had no intention of annexing more territory than could 
be conveniently administered from Delhi, and Malik Naib's instruc- 
tions were to insist upon no more than the formal submission of the 
raja of Warangal and an undertaking to pay tribute. Ramachandra 
hospitably entertained the whole army during its halt at Deogir, 
and when it advanced towards Telingana supplied it with an efficient 
commissariat 



v] Conquests in the South 115 

Malik Naib, after passing Indiir, the frontier town between the 
kingdoms of Deogir and Warangal, wasted the country with fire 
and sword, driving its inhabitants before him towards Warangal. 
The reigning king at this time was Prataparudradeva II, the seventh 
known raja of the Kakatiya dynasty, who had succeeded to the 
throne when his grandmother Rudramma Devi, alarmed, in 1294, 
by the news of 'Ala-ud-dm's descent on Deogir, abdicated in his 
favour. The statement of the historian Budauni, who says that the 
dynasty had reigned for 700 years before its final extinction in 
1321, is corroborated by Hindu tradition, but so far as our know- 
ledge at present extends the first of the line was Tribhuvanamalla 
Betmaraja, who reigned in the first half of the twelfth century. 

Rudramma Devi had surrounded the city of Warangal with an 
outer wall of earth, which enclosed an area about two miles in 
diameter, and within this was an inner wall of stone, with a circum- 
ference of four miles and six hundred and thirty yards, which had 
been designed by her husband Ganpati and completed under her 
supervision, and formed an inner line of defence. The invaders, 
after numerous assaults in which the garrison suffered heavy loss, 
carried the outer line of defence and captured large numbers of the 
citizens with their families, and the raja tendered his submission, 
offering, as an immediate indemnity, three hundred elephants 1 , seven 
thousand horses, and large quantities of coined money and jewels, 
and, for the future, the payment of an annual tribute. The terms were 
accepted, and Malik Naib returned towards Delhi, where the news 
of his success, which preceded him, relieved the prevalent misgiv- 
ings as to his fate, for during the siege the Hindus had intercepted 
the postal runners between the army and the frontier of Telingana. 

Reports which he brought of the great wealth of the temples 
and the Hindu rulers of the extreme south excited the king's 
cupidity, and in 1310 Malik Naib and Khvaja Haji were again sent 
southwards with a large army to plunder the kingdom of the 
Hoysala Ballalas, which lay to the south of the Krishna, and to 
explore the southern extremity of the peninsula. The army marched 
again by way of Deogir, where Shankar Deo had succeeded his 
father who had, in the words of an uncompromising historian, 'gone 
to heir either late in 1309 or early in 1310. Historians are not 
agreed on Shankar 's attitude to the Muslims. Some describe him 
as being as loyal as his father, but one says that his fidelity was not 
above suspicion, and that Malik Naib deemed it prudent to protect 

1 The .number is given by most historians as 3000, but an exaggeration may be 
suspected, and the more probable number has been given. 

82 



1 1 6 The Khaljts [CH. 

his communications by establishing a military post at Jain a, on the 
Godavari. From Deogir he took the direct route to Dvaravatipura, 
the capital of the Hoysala Ballalas, called by Muslim historians 
Dhorasamundar, the ruins of which are still to be seen at Halebid, 
in the Hassan district of the Mysore State. The rapidity of his 
advance took the Hindus by surprise ; Vira Ballala III, the tenth 
raja of the dynasty, was captured in the first attack on his capital, 
and the city itself fell, with great ease, into the hands of the in- 
vaders. Thirty-six elephants, the plunder of the great temple, and 
all the raja's treasures rewarded them, and a dispatch announcing 
the victory was sent to Delhi. From Dvaravatipura Malik Naib 
marched to the kingdom of the Pandyas in the extreme south of 
the peninsula, to which the attention of 'Ala-ud-din had been 
attracted by recent events. Sundara Pandya had slain his father, 
Kulashekharadeva, and attempted to seize his throne, but was 
defeated by his brother, Vira Pandya, and in 1310 fled to Delhi. 
Malik Naib advanced to Madura, which Vira had evacuated, plun- 
dered and destroyed the great temple, and thence marched east- 
wards to the coast Here he founded, either at Rameswaram on the 
island of Pamban or on the mainland opposite to it, a mosque which 
he named after his master. 

According to Muslim historians Malik Naib found two rajas 
ruling kingdoms in this region. One was Vira Pandya, and the 
other was probably Ravivarman or Kulashekharadeva of Kerala. 
Both were defeated and plundered, and a Muslim governor was 
left at Madura. An interesting fact recorded of the expedition 
into the kingdom of Dvaravatipura is the encounter of Malik 
Naib's army at Kadur with some Moplahs, who are described 
as half Hindus, and lax in their religious observances, but as they 
could repeat the KaHnia, or symbol of Islam, their lives were 
spared. 

Malik Naib left Madura on April 24 and reached Delhi on 
October 18, 1311, with the enormous spoils of his enterprise, which 
included 312 elephants, 20,000 horses, 2,750 pounds of gold, equal 
in value to 100,000,000 tangas, and chests of jewels. No such booty 
had ever before been brought to Delhi : the spoils of Deogir could 
not compare with those of Dvaravatipura and Madura, and the 
king, when receiving the leaders of the expedition in the Palace of 
the Thousand Pillars at Sin, distributed largesse to them and to the 
learned men of Delhi with a lavish hand. 

'Ala-ud-dm's power, having reached its zenith, began to decline. 
He had hitherto shown considerable administrative capacity, and, 



v] The New Muslims 117 

though headstrong and self-willed, had usually sought and fre- 
quently followed the advice of others, even to the abandonment of 
some of his most cherished dreams ; but his intellect was now 
clouded and his naturally fierce temper embittered by ill-health, 
and though he was physically and mentally less capable than 
formerly of transacting business of state, he rejected the counsels 
even of his own chosen ministers, and insisted on administering 
his vast dominions by the light of his own unaided intelligence, 
with the result that the affairs of the kingdom fell into such disorder 
that his declining years were darkened by rebellions and disturb- 
ances. 

The New Muslims had been a perpetual source of trouble and 
anxiety during the reign. It was they who had rebelled when the 
army was returning from the conquest of Gujarat, and the followers 
of Akat Khan had been New Muslims. They were generally dis- 
contented, not entirely without cause. They had exchanged the 
cool highlands of the north for the burning plains of Hindustan, 
and their change of domicile and change of faith had not been 
adequately rewarded. Their prince, Ulghii Khan, had been treated 
with distinction by Firfiz, but he had been blinded by 'Ala-ud-dm, 
and if he was still alive was living in captivity and misery. No other 
Mughul appears to have attained to wealth or high place, which is 
not surprising, for though a few leaders may have received some 
veneer of civilisation the mass of the tribe was probably not far 
removed in habits and customs from the ignorant and filthy savages 
described with such warmth of feeling and language by their some- 
time captive, the poet Amir Khusrav. 'Ala-ud-dm dismissed all 
New Muslims from his service. They were permitted to enter that 
of any noble who would employ them, but those who could not 
obtain or would not accept such employment were told that they 
might depart whither they would. Many were too proud to serve 
the courtiers, and remained without employment until they could 
surreptitiously creep back into the royal service in inferior positions 
and on insufficient wages. They waited in vain for signs of relent- 
ment in the king, and at length in their despair hatched a wild plot 
to assassinate him while he waw hawking near Delhi. The plot was 
discovered and the vengeance taken was characteristic of 'Ala-ud- 
din. Orders were issued that every New Muslim, wherever found, 
whether at Delhi or in the provinces, should be put to death, and 
obedience was ensured by a promise that the slayer of a New 
Muslim should become the owner of all that his victim had pos- 
sessed. Between twenty and thirty thousand were massacred, and 



1 1 8 The Khaljis [CH. 

their wives, children, and property were appropriated by their 
murderers. 

In 1312 Khizr Khan was invested with an umbrella and desig- 
nated heir-apparent. 'Ala-ud-dm had paid no attention to his son's 
education, and the young man had grown up weak, self-indulgent, 
thoughtless and slothful. Between him and the favourite, Malik 
Naib, there existed hatred and mistrust. The able and enterprising 
minister might well despise the weak and indolent prince, and 
Khizr Khan would have been worthless indeed had he felt any- 
thing but contempt for a creature so vile as the eunuch. 

Malik Naib was so resentful of Khizr Khan's advancement and 
so weary of his quarrels with the prince's mother that he begged 
that he might be sent back to the Deccan, where the presence of an 
officer of high rank happened to be required. Prataparudradeva 
of Warangal had complained of the great distance to which he was 
obliged to send the tribute demanded of him, and had requested 
that an officer empowered to receive it might be posted at a 
reasonable distance from Warangal ; and Shankar of Deogir had 
been guilty of some acts of defiance of the royal authority. He 
was accordingly dispatched, in 1313, to Deogir, where he put 
Shankar to death and assumed the government of the state. In 
order to establish his authority in its more remote districts he led 
an expedition southwards, captured Gulbarga, and annexed the 
tract between the Krishna and the Tungabhadra, after taking its 
chief fortresses, Raichur and Mudgal. After overrunning some of 
the southern districts of Telingana he marched westwards, took the 
seaports of Dabhol and Chaul, and then invaded for the second 
time the dominions of Vira Ballala III. Thence he returned to 
Deogir and dispatched to Delhi the spoils and tribute which he 
had collected. 

'Ala-ud-dln's excesses had now so undermined his health that 
he was compelled to take to his bed. Neither his wife nor his 
eldest son bestowed much attention on him. The former, whom 
he had neglected, amused herself with arranging and attending 
marriages and other festivities of the harem, and the latter could 
spare no time from his wine parties, polo matches, music, dancing, 
and elephant fights. 'Ala-ud-dm summoned Malik Naib from Deogir 
and Alp Khan from Gujarat, and complained bitterly to the former 
of the heartless conduct of his wife and son. The eunuch perceived 
an ppportunity of destroying all his enemies at once, 'and assured 
his master that his wife and son were in league with Alp Khan to 
take his life. An inopportune proposal by the wife that her second 



v] Death of ( Ala-ud-d~m 119 

son, Shad! Khan, should be permitted to marry the daughter of Alp 
Khan, confirmed 'Ala-ud-dm's suspicions. Khizr Khan was banished 
to Amroha, but on hearing that his father's health was restored 
returned to Delhi, in accordance with a vow, to offer thanks at 
some of the shrines near the capital. The act of disobedience was 
represented as a wilful defiance of authority, and though Khizr 
Khan's filial piety at first regained his father's affection, Malik 
Naib's persistence and his skilful distortion of facts confirmed the 
king's belief in the existence of the conspiracy. Khizr Khan and 
Shadl Khan were sent to Gwalior, now apparently used for the first 
time as a state prison, their mother was removed from the harem 
and imprisoned at Old Delhi, Alp Khan was put to death, and 
Kamal-ud-dm Gurg was sent to Jalor to slay his brother, Nizam- 
ud-din, who commanded that fortress. 

These tyrannical acts caused widespread discontent. Alp Khan's 
troops in Gujarat rose in rebellion, and when Kamal-ud-din Gurg 
was sent to restore order they seized him and put him to death 
with horrible tortures. The liana of Cliitor seized many Muslim 
officers who held fiefs in his dominions and threw them, bound, 
from the battlements of his fortress. In Deogir Harpal Deo, a 
son-in-law of Ramachandra, proclaimed himself independent and 
occupied most of the fortified posts established by the Muslims. 

The news of these successive rebellions augmented the king's 
disorder, remedies failed of their effect, and he wasted away daily 
until, on January 2, 1310, he died, his end, according to the generally 
accepted belief, having been hastened by his favourite, who, two 
days later, assembled the nobles present in the capital and read to 
them his will. This document, possibly authentic, but certainly 
procured by misrepresentation and undue influence, disinherited 
Khizr Khan and made Sliihab-ud-dm 'Umar, a child of five or six, 
heir to his father. The infant was enthroned and Malik Naib acted 
as regent. He caused Khizr Khan and Shad! Khan to be blinded 
and, eunuch though he was, he pretended to marry 'Ala-ud-dln's 
widow, possessed himself of all her jewellery and private property, 
and then again imprisoned her. His object was to destroy the 
whole of 'Ala-ud-din's family and ascend the throne himself. He 
had already imprisoned Mubarak Khan, 'Ala-ud-din's third son, 
a youth of seventeen or eighteen years of age, and now sent some 
men of the corps of infantry on guard at the Palace of the Thousand 
Pillars, which he had chosen as his residence, to blind him. The 
prince reminded the soldiers of the duty which they owed to his 
house, bribed them with some jewellery, and sent them back to the 



120 The Khaljis [CH. 

palace on another errand. That night, thirty-five days after the 
death of 'Ala-ud-dm, they slew Malik Naib and his companions. 
The nobles then recognised Mubarak as regent for his infant brother, 
and for two months he acquiesced in this obviously temporary 
arrangement, but on April 1 blinded the unfortunate child and 
ascended the throne with the title of Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah. 

The new king, who had but lately been a prisoner trembling 
for his eyesight, if not for his life, began his reign by releasing all 
prisoners, by recalling all those who had been banished from the 
capital by his father, and by showing clemency and mercy to all 
except the murderers of Malik Naib. Like his father, he could 
inspire and profit by treachery, but he could not endure the 
sight of his instruments. The soldiers, however, brought their fate 
on themselves. They adopted an attitude similar to that of the 
Praetorian Guards of the Roman Emperors, and demanded ex- 
travagant honours. Their two principal officers, Bashir and Mushir, 
were put to death, and the corps was drafted, in small detachments, 
to distant garrisons. 

Mubarak gained much popularity in the early days of his reign 
by the rescission of all his father's harsher enactments. The com- 
pulsory tariff was abolished, with the result that the prices of all 
commodities rose suddenly, to the great satisfaction of the mercan- 
tile community. Some of the lands and endowments resumed by 
the despot were restored to the original grantees, and the possession 
of wealth by private persons ceased to be regarded as a crime. 
The sudden removal of all the harsh restraints which the people 
had suffered produced an outburst of licentiousness similar to that 
which had disgraced the short reign of Kaiqubad, and once again 
the king's example encouraged the extravagance of his subjects, 
for his morals were no better than his father's and from the earliest 
days of his reign he was entirely under the influence of a vile 
favourite. This wretch was by origin a member of one of those 
castes 1 whose touch is pollution to a Hindu, whose occupation is 
that of scavengers, and whose food consists largely of the carrion 
which it is their duty to remove from byre and field. He was 
nominally a Muslim, and received at his conversion the name of 
Hasan and from his infatuated master the title of Khusrav Khan 
and the office of chief minister of the kingdom. 

1 He is described as a Parwari, a word much mutilated in the Persian texts of 
Muslim historians. It is a polite name for the Mahar or Dher caste of western India, 
the lowest of all village menials except the Msngs, and so unclean that they are not 
permitted to live within the village, but must dwell apart in a separate quarter. 



v] Plot against Mubarak 121 

As soon as Mubarak was firmly established on the throne he 
took steps to restore order in the rebellious provinces of Gujarat 
and Deogir. 'Ain-ul-Mulk Multam was sent to the former province, 
and after he had quelled the rebellion Mubarak's father-in-law, 
who received the title of Zafar Khan, was appointed its governor. 
The other task Mubarak reserved for himself and, having appointed 
as regent in the capital a slave named Shahm, upon whom he con- 
ferred the title of Vafa Malik, he set out in 1317 for the Deccan. 
The usurper Harpal was not a formidable foe, and fled from Deoglr 
as the army approached it, but was pursued and captured, and 
after he had been flayed and decapitated his skin was stretched 
upon, and his head placed above, one of the gates of the city. 
Mubarak spent the rainy season of 1318 at Deoglr, once more 
parcelled out Maharashtra among Muslim officers, and appointed 
military governors to Gulbarga and Sagar, and even to distant 
Dvaravatipura. During his sojourn at Deoglr he built the great 
mosque which yet stands within the walls of Daulatabad, as the 
town was afterwards named, using in its construction the materials 
of demolished temples, the pillars of which are still recognisable 
as Hindu handiwork. When the rains abated he appointed Malik 
Yaklaki to the government of Deoglr, sent his favourite, Khusrav 
Khan, on an expedition to Madura, and set out for Delhi. On his 
way thither a serious conspiracy against his life was formed by his 
cousin Asad-ud-din, the son of Yaghrush Khan, brother of Firuz 
Shah. Mubarak was to have been assassinated in the camp, but 
the plot had ramifications in the capital, for two coins struck at 
Delhi in A.H. 718 (A.D. 1318-19) bear the title of Shams-ud-dm 
Mahmud Shah, which was either that which Asad-ud-dm intended 
to assume or, more probably, that of a ten-year old son of Khizr 
Khan, whose elevation to the throne was, according to Ibn Batutah, 
the object of the conspiracy. It was arranged that Mubarak should 
be attacked in his harem on an occasion on which he diverged, for 
the distance of a few marches, from the route followed by the 
army, and took a different road attended only by a small guard, 
but one of the conspirators lost heart and disclosed the design to 
Mubarak, and Asad-ud-dm and his confederates were seized and 
executed. Mubarak at the same time caused all the family and 
descendants of his grand-uncle, Yaghrush Khan, at Delhi, to the 
number of twenty-nine, some of whom were mere children, to be 
put to death. 

From JhaTn Mubarak dispatched an officer to Gwalior to put to 
death Khizr Khan, Shadi Khan, and Shihab-ud-dm 'Umar. As the 



122 The Khaljis [CH. 

three princes had already been blinded their murder was wanton 
and superfluous, but Mubarak coveted Deval Devi, the wife 
of his eldest brother, and after the murder of her husband the 
unfortunate princess was brought to Delhi and placed in his 
harem. 

The murder of his brothers appears to have whetted Mubarak's 
appetite for blood, and on his return to Delhi he summoned from 
Gujarat his father-in-law, Zafar Khan, and for no apparent reason 
put him to death. He also executed Shahln, who had been left as 
regent at Delhi, and though historians allege no specific crime 
against this victim it can hardly be doubted that he had been 
implicated in the recent conspiracy. 

Mubarak now indulged in the grossest licentiousness and the 
most disgusting buffoonery. He delighted to appear before his 
court tricked out in female finery and jewels. Harlots arid jesters 
were assembled on his palace roof and greeted the great nobles, 
such men as 'Ain-ul-Mulk Multani and Qara Beg, who held no 
fewer than fourteen offices, with lewd gestures and foul abuse, and, 
descending from the roof, ran naked among the courtiers, et gestu 
turpi et obscoeno in vestcs nobilium honoratorum mingebant. Yet 
the degraded youth who could organise and enjoy such scenes as 
these assumed a character to which no former ruler of Delhi had 
ventured to aspire. Others had eagerly sought recognition by, and 
proudly owned allegiance to the Caliphs, and even 'AhVud-dlii had 
readily abandoned his brief and impious dream of posing as a 
prophet. It remained for his son, who inherited his vices without 
his genius, to arrogate to himself the titles of Supreme Pontiff and 
Vicegerent of the God of heaven and earth, and to assume the 
pontifical title of al-Wasiq-billah. 

Hisam-ud-din, half-brother of Khusrav Khan, and partner with 
him in the king's affections, was sent to Gujarat in the place of 
Zafar Khan, and his first act there was to attempt to raise a rebellion 
against his master, but the nobles of the province refused to follow 
such a leader, seized him, and sent him to Delhi, where, for his 
own sake and that of his brother, he was not only pardoned, but 
restored to favour. 

Malik Yaklaki, encouraged by reports of the demoralisation of 
the court, raised the standard of rebellion in Deoglr and proclaimed 
his independence, but was defeated and captured by an army sent 
against him and carried, with his associates, to Delhi, where 
Mubarak's perverted sense of justice permitted him to put the 
subordinates to death while he inflicted on Yaklaki no heavier 



v] Khusrav Khans Treason 123 

punishment than mutilation of the nose and ears, and shortly 
afterwards appointed him governor of Samana. 

Khusrav Khan was meanwhile active in the south. Having col- 
lected much booty in the Madura district he returned to Telingana, 
where he was detained by the rainy season and beguiled the tedium 
of inaction with ambitious dreams. He discussed with his intimates 
the possibility of establishing himself as an independent ruler in 
the south, and would have put the design into execution had not 
some of the officers of the army reported it to the king and com- 
pelled him to lead them back to Delhi. Mubarak ignored the 
report and, in his impatience to embrace his favourite, ordered 
him to travel from Deogir to the capital in a litter and by posting 
relays of bearers on the road enabled him to perform the journey 
of nearly 700 miles in seven days. Khusrav Khan at once resumed 
his former ascendency and persuaded his master that the reports 
sent from the camp were false and malicious. When his accusers 
reached Delhi, prepared to substantiate their charges and expect- 
ing at least commendation for their fidelity, they were dismissed 
from their posts and fordidden the court, and one of them, Malik 
Talbagha of Kara, was thrown into prison. 

Khusrav Khan's treasonable design had failed principally be- 
cause he had, although he was in chief command, no personal troops 
to support him against the nobles of whose contingents his army 
was composed, and so deeply was the king infatuated that, not- 
withstanding the revelation of his favourite's treachery, he lent a 
sympathetic ear to his complaints and permitted him to raise in 
Gujarat a corps of 40,000 horse, largely composed of and exclusively 
commanded by members of his despised tribe. The long meditated 
treason was now nearly ripe for execution and, after a design for 
assassinating Mubarak in the hunting field had been abandoned as 
too dangerous, it was decided that he should be put to death in 
his palace. 

Khusrav Khan, by complaining that his nightly attendance 
prevented him from meeting his relations, obtained possession of 
the keys of the palace gates, and was enabled to admit large numbers 
of his relations and of his corps of horse to the palace, in the lower 
story of which they used nightly to assemble. A warning given to 
Mubarak on the eve of his death by his former tutor was repeated 
to Khusrav Khan, and served only as a text for hypocritical pro- 
testations; which entirely disarmed suspicion. On the night of 
April 14, 1320, all was ready and he who had uttered the warning 
to the king was cut down as he was inspecting the guard. The 



124 The Khaljis [CH. 

uproar which ensued disturbed Mubarak in the upper story of his 
palace and he asked Khusrav Khan to see what was amiss. Khusrav, 
having ascertained from a glance into the courtyard that the work 
was already begun, told him that the men were trying to catch 
some horses which had broken loose. Even as he spoke the assas- 
sins were ascending the stairs and Mubarak, as they burst into his 
room, sprang up in terror and ran towards the female apartments, 
but Khusrav seized him by the hair and held him while Jaharya, 
one of the Parwaris, stabbed him to death. His head was severed 
from his body and thrown into the courtyard, as a signal to all 
that the throne was vacant, and the outcastes broke into the 
harem, murdered the children of the royal family, and outraged 
the women. 

When Mubarak's head was recognised the royal guards on duty 
at the palace fled, and left all in the hands of Khusrav's tribesmen. 
The palace was illuminated and all the great nobles then present 
in the capital were summoned to court, and hastened thither in 
ignorance of what had happened. They were detained until the 
morning and were then forced to attend a court at which the out- 
caste was proclaimed king under the title of Nasir-ud-dm Khusrav 
Shah. The proclamation was followed by a massacre of many of 
the old servants of 'Ala-ud-dm and Mubarak, whose known fidelity 
rendered them dangerous to the usurper ; and the Khalji dynasty, 
which had reigned for no more than thirty years, but had given to 
the Muslim empire in India its first administrator, was wiped out. 
Khusrav possessed himself of the person of the unfortunate princess 
Deval Devi, who had been successively the wife of Khizr Khan and 
of his brother and murderer Mubarak. Against the union with the 
foul outcaste who became her third husband 'her proud Rajput 
blood must indeed have risen.' 

In the distribution of honours and rewards with which Khusrav, 
following the usual custom, inaugurated his reign his own near 
relations and those of his tribe who had most distinguished them- 
selves in the late tumult were the most favoured, but an attempt 
was made to conciliate those powerful nobles who had been en- 
trapped and compelled unwillingly to countenance by their presence 
the enthronement of the outcaste, and Wahid-ud-dm Quraishi was 
entitled Taj-ul-Mulk and permitted to retain office as minister. 
'Ain-ul-Mulk Multani received the titles of 'Alam Khan and Amir- 
ul-Umara, but Khusrav applied himself especially to the conciliation 
of the son of the powerful Ghazi Malik, Fakhr-ud-dln Muhammad 
Jauna, whom he appointed master of the horse. Qhaz! Malik himself 



v J Defeat of Khusrav 125 

had always avoided the intrigues of the capital, and seems never 
to have visited Delhi during Mubarak's brief and profligate reign, 
but he was dreaded by the gang of outcastes and pseudo-Muslims 
now in power both as a loyal adherent of the Khalji dynasty and 
as a rigid Muslim, and his son was valuable either as a supporter 
or as a hostage. The attempt to secure him failed, and he escaped 
from Delhi at midnight with only two or three followers, and took 
the road to Dipalpur, his father's headquarters. A force sent in 
pursuit of him failed to overtake him, and Jauna was joyfully 
welcomed by his father at Dipalpur. The governor of Multan 
hesitated to support Ghazi Malik against the king de facto, but 
was slain by a less scrupulous officer, Malik Bahrain Aiba, who led 
the army of Multan to Dipalpur and joined the old warrior who 
stood forth as the champion of Islam. 

Islam stood in sore need of a champion. None of Khusrav's 
tribe was a Muslim in more than name, and only a few had made 
profession of the faith. Muslim historians record with indignation 
the open celebration of idolatrous worship at court and the gross 
insults offered to their faith. Mosques were defiled and destroyed 
and copies of the scriptures of Islam were used as seats and 
stools. 

Ghazi Malik now set out for Delhi. He was first opposed by 
Yaklaki, the noseless and earless governor of Samana, but swept 
the feeble obstacle from his path. Yaklaki fled to Samana and 
was preparing to join Khusrav at Delhi when the landholders of 
the district rose against him and cut him to pieces. At Sirsa 
Ghazi Malik defeated and put to flight an army under the com- 
mand of Hisam-ud-dm, the usurper's half-brother, and continued 
his march to Delhi. Khusrav prepared to meet him near the old 
fort at Indarpat, and in attempting to secure the fidelity of his 
troops by donations varying in amount from four to two and a half 
years' pay and to conciliate by means of gifts the most respected 
professors of the religion which he and his followers had outraged, 
completely emptied the treasury. His profusion availed him little, 
for 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who was hardly less powerful than Ghazi Malik, 
deserted him and withdrew with his troops into Malwa. 

The armies met on September 5, and though 'Ain-ul-Mulk's 
defection had damped the spirits of the usurper's faction his troops 
fought bravely until they were overpowered by Ghazi Malik's 
veterans. Khusrav attempted to save himself by flight, but was 
found lurking in a garden, and was brought before the conqueror 
and beheaded. Ghazi Malik halted for the night at Indarpat, where 



126 The Khaljis [CH. v 

he received from some of the leading citizens the keys of the gates 
of Siri, and on the following day he entered the Palace of the 
Thousand Pillars and wept as he beheld the scene of destruction 
of his old master's family. He asked whether there yet remained 
any descendant of 'Ala-ud-dm who might claim his allegiance, but 
was informed that the whole family had been extinguished and was 
urged to ascend the throne. After a decent profession of reluctance 
he was proclaimed king on September 8, under the title of Ghiyas- 
ud-dm Tughluq Shah. 



CHAPTER VI 

THE REIGNS OF GHIYAS-UD-DlN TUGHLUQ AND 
MUHAMMAD TUGHLUQ, AND THE SECOND CON- 
QUEST AND REVOLT OF THE DECCAN 

TuGHLUQ's 1 ascent of the throne recalls that of Jalal-ud-dm 
Firuz KhaljL Both were aged warriors called upon to restore the 
dominion of Islam, menaced by the extinction of the dynasties 
which they had long served, but here all similarity between them 
ends. The powers of Firuz were failing when he was called to the 
throne, and his reign would have closed the history of his family 
but for the usurpation of his unscrupulous but vigorous nephew. 
Tughluq, on the other hand, though old, was in full vigour of mind, 
and during his short reign displayed none of the contemptible 
weakness of Firuz. He was able to enforce many of the salutary 
laws of 'Ala-ud-dm and to enact others which restored order in a 
kingdom which had nearly passed from the grasp of Islam. He 
enjoyed the advantage of pure Turkish lineage, his elevation excited 
no jealousy among the nobles who had formerly been his equals, 
and he was able, within a week of his accession, to pacify the 
capital, and within forty days his sovereignty was everywhere 
acknowledged. 

One of his first acts was to provide for surviving females of the 
Khalji house by suitable marriages. He pursued and punished 
with great severity all who had been in any way concerned in 
marrying the beautiful Deval Devi to the vile upstart Khusrav; 
he provided with lands and employment all old officials who had 
faithfully served the fallen dynasty, and he distributed appoint- 
ments among his own adherents, the chief of whom, Fakhr-ud-dm 
Muhammad Jauna Khan, his eldest son, received the title of Ulugh 
Khan and was designated heir apparent ; he recovered the treasure 
which had been lavished by the usurper or had been plundered 
during the confusion of his short reign, and thus replenished his 
empty treasury. In giving effect to this unpopular measure he 
encountered much difficulty and opposition. Khusrav, in order to 

1 This, a tribal name, is usually transliterated ' Tughlaq.' Mr Stanley Lane Poole 
prefers Taghlak, Sir Aurel Stein (Ruins of Desert Cathay) gives the name of the tribe, 
which inhabits the neighbourhood of Khotan, as Taghlik, doubtless representing 
faithfully the, modern pronunciation. I follow the traveller Ibn Batutah, who is 
explicit on the point and must have known how the word was pronounced at Delhi 
in his day, seeing that Muhammad Tughluq was his patron. See J.R.A.S., July, 1922. 
But Professor D. S. Margoliouth points out that it is also a personal name. 



128 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

conciliate the professors of the dominant religion, had made large 
gifts, ostensibly for charitable purposes, to the leading shaikhs, or 
religious teachers. Three of these had refused to touch any money 
coming from a source so polluted and most of those who had feared 
to refuse the gift had prudently kept the money in deposit and 
restored it when called upon to do so, but Shaikh Nizam-ud-dm 
Auliya, the most renowned of them all, who had received as much 
as half a million tangos, replied that he had at once distributed in 
charity all that he had received and was not in position to make 
restitution. Public opinion forbade, in the case of a religious leader 
so prominent and so renowned for sanctity, the torture or duress 
to which humbler delinquents were subjected and the king was 
obliged to accept the explanation instead of the money, but the 
Shaikh was a marked man, and was almost immediately denounced 
for indulgence in the ecstatic songs and dances of darvlshes, a form 
of devotion regarded as unlawful by rigid Sunnis of the established 
religion. Tughluq summoned him before an assembly of fifty-three 
theologians, and though he was forced to bow to their decision that 
these religious exercises were not unlawful, relations between him 
and the Shaikh remained strained until his death, in which it is 
not improbable that the Shaikh was implicated 

The odium incurred by the forcible recovery of the usurper's 
gifts was dissipated by the king's judicious liberality and his care 
for the welfare of his subjects. Unlike his son he did not seek 
to conciliate the few and astonish the many by enormous gifts to 
favoured individuals, but on occasions of public rejoicing his bounty, 
widely diffused, earned popularity and the only malcontents were 
the rapacious, whose avarice was disappointed by his settled policy 
of promoting the welfare of the public and discouraging the ac- 
cumulation of great wealth by individuals. 

Private property confiscated under the harsh rule of 'Ala-ud-din 
and still retained by the state was restored to its former owners ; 
all the usurper's decrees were revoked; public works of utility, 
such as forts in which peaceful husbandmen might seek a refuge 
from brigands, and canals to irrigate their fields were undertaken, 
and highway robbery was suppressed; but Tughluq devoted his 
attention above all to the encouragement of agriculture. Gardens 
were planted, the land tax or rent due to the state was limited to 
one-tenth or one-eleventh of the gross produce, which was to be 
assessed by the collectors in person, and not estimated from the 
reports of informers and delators ; the revenue was to be collected 
with due regard to the cultivator's power to pay, and all officials 



vij Administration. Posts 129 

were reminded that the surest method of improving the revenue 
was the extension of cultivation, not the enhancement of the 
demand, and thus ruined villages were restored, waste land was 
reclaimed, and the area under cultivation was extended. Fief- 
holders and local governors were held responsible for the observance 
of this policy and it was ordained that the emoluments of the 
collectors of the revenue should consist in the exemption of their 
holdings from taxation, and should not be derived from extortion. 
Some privileges were accorded to the nobles, place-seekers were 
forbidden to haunt the public offices, and torture was prohibited 
in the recovery of debts due to the state and was restricted to 
cases of theft and embezzlement. 

One class was subjected to repressive legislation. Tughluq not 
unreasonably, considering the circumstances of his elevation to the 
throne, decreed that while it should be possible for Hindus to live 
in moderate comfort none should be permitted to amass such wealth 
as might nurture ambition. The decree, though harsh, was not 
altogether unnecessary, and it has benefited posterity by causing 
the concealment of portable wealth which, discovered in after ages, 
has shed much light on history. 

Tughluq personally was a rigid Muslim, punctilious in the 
observance of all the ordinances of his faith, and especially in 
avoiding intoxicants. He forbade the manufacture and sale of 
wine and enforced, as far as possible, the observance of the Islamic 
law. He was devoid of personal pride and vanity and his elevation 
to the throne made no difference in his relations with his family, 
his associates, and his immediate attendants. 

The security and order which reigned in the kingdom within a 
short time of his accession were due hardly less to his admirable 
system of communications than to his other measures of adminis- 
trative reform. Postal systems had from time immemorial existed 
in India, but during recurring periods of disorder, such as Khusrav's 
reign, shared the general disintegration of all administrative machi- 
nery, and Tughluq may be credited with the inauguration of the 
perfect system found existing in the reign of his son and successor, 
and minutely described by the Moorish traveller, Ibn Batutah. 

Posts were carried by horsemen, called ulaq (ulagh), or by 
runners, called dawat. For the former, horses were posted at 
distances of seven or eight miles along the roads, but the stages 
travelled by the latter were but the third of a kwriih, or about 
two-thirds of a mile. Ibn Batutah mistranslates the word dawat, 
properly dhawat, as 'the third of a Jcuruh,' but it means simply 
c. H. i. in. 9 



130 The Tug/iluq Dynasty [CH. 

' a runner. 1 He says that these occupied huts, without the villages, 
at every third part of a kuruh on the roads, and were always ready 
to start at a moment's notice. Each carried a staff tipped with 
copper bells, and when he left a post town he took his letters in 
his left hand and his staff in his right, shaking it so that the bells 
jingled, and ran at full speed towards the next post-house, where 
a runner, warned of his approach by the sound, awaited him, took 
the letters from him, and ran at full speed in like manner towards 
the next post-house. 

In parts of India a modification of this system still exists. The 
staff, or short spear, with its cluster of bells, is still carried, but 
the runner's stage is about five miles, which he is expected to cover, 
at his peculiar jog-trot, in an hour, but these runners carry bags 
containing the public mails. Tughluq's apparently carried only a 
few official dispatches and, as Ibn Batutah says, ran at full speed. 
Five minutes would therefore be a liberal allowance of time for 
each stage, and, as there was no delay at the post-houses, it may 
be calculated that news travelled at the rate of nearly two hundred 
miles in twenty-four hours. News of Ibn Batutah 's arrival at the 
mouth of the Indus reached Delhi, between eight hundred and 
nine hundred miles distant by the postal route, in five days. The 
king was thus in close touch with the remotest corners of his 
kingdom, and the service was rapid even for heavier burdens. In 
the next reign fresh fruit was transported from Khurasan and 
Ganges water for the royal table from Hindustan to Daulatabad 
on the heads of postal runners. 

The province of the Deccan, under the rule of Malik Qavam-ud- 
din, who had been appointed to its government with the title of 
Qutlugh Khan, remained loyal to the new dynasty, but Prataparud- 
radeva of Warangal appears to have believed that his fealty to 
Delhi was dissolved by the extinction of the Khaljis, and in 1321 
Tughluq sent his eldest son, Ulugh Khan, to reduce him again to 
obedience. 

The prince met with no opposition during his advance, and 
opened the siege of Warangal. The earthern rampart of Rudram- 
madevi was stoutly defended, but the Hindus were outmatched in 
the combats which were daily fought beneath it, and so many 
were slain that Prataparudradeva attempted to purchase peace by 
promises of tribute, hoping to obtain terms similar to those to 
which Malik Naib had agreed, but the offer was rejected. In the 
meantime, however, the Hindus, as in the former siege, had been 
engaged in cutting the communications of the besiegers, and the 



vi] Ulugh Khans Rebellion 131 

absence of news from Delhi suggested to 'Ubaid the Poet and the 
Shaikhzada of Damascus, two turbulent and mischievous favourites 
of the prince, the fabrication of false news, with the object of facili- 
tating their master's usurpation of the throne, and Ulugh Khan 
suffered himself to be led astray. 

A report of the king's death was circulated in the camp and 
the army was called upon to swear allegiance to the prince as their 
new sovereign, but the leading nobles with the expedition knew 
that the report was fabricated and withdrew their contingents. 
One even suggested that the prince should be put to death as a 
traitor, but to this the others would not agree. The siege was 
raised and the army, marching in separate divisions, retired to 
Deogir, pursued and harassed by the Hindus. 

Before the troops reached Deogir they learned by posts from 
Delhi that the king still lived, and the treason of the prince and 
his counsellors became apparent to all, but the great nobles who 
had opposed him were apprehensive of his vengeance, or of his 
influence with his father, and fled, with his evil advisers. One died 
in Gondwana, another was slain by a Hindu chieftain who flayed 
his body and sent the skin to the prince, and the others were 
captured and sent to the prince. 

Ulugh Khan travelled post haste to Delhi with the horsemen 
and by some means made his peace with his father and betrayed 
both his associates and his enemies, who were put to death 1 . 

So successful was Ulugh Khan in persuading his father of his 
innocence or his penitence that in 1323 he was permitted to lead 
another expedition into Telingana, and on this occasion he observed 
the precaution, which he had formerly neglected, of securing his 
lines of communication. His first objective was Bidar, the ancient 
Vidarbha, and having captured that fortress he marched on War- 
angal and opened the siege with more vigour than on the first 
occasion. The efforts of his troops were supported by such artillery 
as that age possessed, catapults and balistae, and their valour, 
thus aided, reduced both the outer and the inner lines of defence. 
Prataparudradeva and his family, the nobles of the kingdom with 
their wives and children, and the elephants, horses and treasure of 
the state, fell into the hands of the victors, and Telingana, for the 
first time, was directly subjected to Muslim rule. The country was 

1 In this Account of Ulugh Khan's rebellion Ibn Batutah has been followed. 
Barani's confused and perplexing account, which has been followed by other Indian 
historians is coloured by his own and Firiiz Shah's regard for Muhammad's memory. 
Vide J.K.A.S., for July, 1922. 

92 



134 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

has since become proverbial, Hanuz DiMi dur ast, ' Delhi is yet 
afar off/ and so it proved to be. 

Tughluq sent Bahadur a prisoner to Delhi and himself set out 
for Tughluqabad, the capital which he had built for himself to the 
south of Old Delhi. He attacked on his way the raja of Tirhut, 
whose loyalty was doubtful, and reduced him to submission, and 
from Tirhut travelled towards the capital by forced marches, leaving 
the army to follow at its leisure. 

Tughluqabad was elaborately decorated and Ulugh Khan pre- 
pared a welcome for his father by building for his reception at 
Afghanpur 1 , a few miles from the city, a temporary kiosk, where 
he might take rest and refreshment after his toilsome journey and 
before his state entry into his capital. 

Ulugh Khan caused this building, which was chiefly of wood, to 
be erected from his own designs, employing in the construction of 
it one Ahmad, son of Ayaz, known as Malikzfida, an inspector of 
buildings whom, on his accession to the throne, he made his minister, 
with the title of Khvaja Jahan. The building was so designed as 
to fall when touched in a certain part by the elephants, and it 
appears that the device was a projecting beam. Ulugh Khan wel- 
comed his father at the kiosk, and entertained him at a meal, at 
the conclusion of which he begged that the elephants from Bengal 
might be paraded and driven round the building. His father ac- 
ceded to his request and Ulugh Khan, before the elephants were 
brought up, suggested to Shaikh Rukn-ud-dm, for whom he had 
a special regard, that he should leave the kiosk for his prayers. Im- 
mediately after the Shaikh's departure the elephants were brought 
up, came into contact with that part of the building which had 
been designed to effect its collapse and the whole structure fell 
on the old king and crushed him. Diggers were summoned, but 
their arrival was purposely delayed by Ulugh Khan, and the king's 
body was discovered, when the debris was removed, bending over 
that of his favourite son, Mahmud Khan, as though to protect him. 
It was commonly believed that the king still breathed when his 
body was discovered and was dispatched under the orders of his 
son. He was buried at night in the tomb which he had selected 
for himself at Tughluqabad and Ulugh Khan ascended the throne 
under the title of Muhammad Shah 2 . . 

1 Probably the village, about five and a half miles to the south-east of Tughluqabad, 
which appears in the Indian Atlas as Aghwanpur. 

2 This account, which differs from that of the contemporary Barani and Indian 
historians who have followed him, is taken from the narrative of Ibn Batutah, whose 
informant was Shaikh Kukn-ud-dm. Vide J.R.A.S., for July, 1922. 



vi] Accession of Muhammad Tughluq 135 

The death of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq occurred in February or 
March, 1325, and Shaikh Nizain-ud-din soon followed him, dying 
on April 3 1 . Almost at the same time died the greatest of all 
the poets of India who have written in Persian, Yamin-ud-dm 
Muhammad Hasan, known as Amir Khusrav, at the age of seventy- 
two. He was of Turkish origin, his father having been a native of 
' the green-domed city ' of Kash, in Turkistan, who, driven from 
his home early in the thirteenth century by the horde of the 
Mughul, Chingiz Khan, had found an asylum in India. The poet 
was bom at Patiala in A.H. 651 (A.D. 1253) and entered the service 
of 'Ala-ud-din Khalji as court poet, but later in his life became 
the disciple of Shaikh Nizam-ud-din Auliya, abandoned the court 
and worldly ambitions, and lived in religious retirement, but still 
wrote poetry. He was a most prolific writer and estimated the 
number of couplets which he had written at more than 400,000 
but less than 500,000, dividing his poems into four classes, youthful 
effusions ; poems of early middle age, written when he was putting 
off childish things and turning his thoughts to religion; poems 
written when he had attained the dignity of a religious teacher; 
and the poems of his old age. Each of the four classes bears, as 
might be expected, the impress of his views on this world and the 
next during the period of his life in which it was produced, but in 
the second class there are to be found poems sufficiently courtly 
to be acceptable to the vanity of a royal patron. 

Amir Khusrav had a deep veneration for Sa'di, whom he enter- 
tained when he visited India, and the great poet of Persia repaid 
his admirer by recommending him very warmly to 'Ala-ud-din. As 
Khusrav himself says in one of his verses, with a play upon words 
which cannot be preserved in translation : 

The volume of my verse hath the binding of Shlriiz. 

Amir Khusrav was survived by another poet, Shaikh Najm-ud- 
din Hasan, known as Hasan-i-Dihlavi, whose works, less widely 
known than Khusrav's, were much admired. Both poets are honour- 
ably mentioned in the Tazldratrwh-Shu'ara and in the Atashkada. 
Hasan died in 1338 at Daulatabad in the Deccan, and was buried 
there. The celebrated Jaml refers in highly complimentary terms 
to these two poets of Delhi, and they are among the few Indian- 
born writers of Persian verse whose works have been read and 
admired beyond their own country. 

1 Ibn Batutah says that the Shaikh died before the king's return from Bengal, and 
that Ulugh Khan incurred his father's wrath by helping to bear the corpse to the grave. 



136 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

Tughluq, following the example of other founders of dynasties 
at Delhi, had left an interesting monument of his short reign in the 
fortress capital of Tughluqabad, which he built for himself on a 
rocky eminence nearly ten miles to the south of the site afterwards 
selected by Shah Jahan for his city. He founded this town imme- 
diately after his ascent to the throne and completed it before he 
received the news of the conquest of Telingana. ' Here/ said Ibn 
Batutah, 'were Tughluq's treasures and palaces, and the great 
palace which he had built of gilded bricks, which, when the sun 
rose, shone so dazzlingly that none could gaze steadily upon it. 
There he laid up great treasures, and it was related that he con- 
structed there a cistern and had molten gold poured into it so that 
it became one solid mass, and his son Muhammad Shah became 
possessed of all of it when he succeeded him/ Tughluq's mausoleum 
in red sandstone and white marble, connected with his town by 
a bridge carried on arches, and the massive walls of his fort, still 
remain, but no palace now dazzles the eye, and the once brilliant 
town is entirely deserted. 

Muhammad, after remaining for forty days at Tughluqabad, 
went in state to the old city of Delhi and there took his seat on 
the throne in the palace of the former kings. The city was deco- 
rated for his reception and the acclamations of the people were 
stimulated by a lavish distribution of gold and silver coins. 

The delineation of a character so complex and contradictory as 
that of Muhammad Tughluq is no easy task. He was one of the 
most extraordinary monarchs who ever sat upon a throne. To 
the most lavish generosity he united revolting and indiscriminate 
cruelty; to scrupulous observance of the ritual and ceremonial 
prescribed by the Islamic law an utter disregard of that law in all 
public afiairs; to a debasing and superstitious veneration for all 
whose descent or whose piety commanded respect a ferocity which 
when roused respected neither the blood of the prophet nor per- 
sonal sanctity. Some of his administrative and most of his military 
measures give evidence of abilities of the highest order, others are 
the acts of a madman. His prot^g^ Ziya-ud-dm Baram, the his- 
torian, whom he admitted to a considerable degree of intimacy 
and whom he often deigned to consult, attributes many of the 
atrocities which he commanded or sanctioned to the evil influence 
of twelve wicked counsellors, stigmatized as 'miserable/ 'accursed,' 
or 'most accursed/ whose delight was to shed the blood of Muslims, 
but Muhammad Tughluq was no weakling, and was never a tool in 
the hands of his counsellors. If his advisers were vile and blood* 



vij Character of Muhammad Tughluq 137 

thirsty men it was he that chose them, and if he followed evil 
counsels he did so because they commended themselves to him. 
In like manner Baranl attributes his disregard of the Islamic law 
in administrative and punitive measures to his early association 
with Sa'd, the heretical logician, 'Ubaid, the infidel poet, and 
'Alim-ud-din, the philosopher, but this is mere special pleading. 
His association with these freethinkers never diminished his faith 
in Islam, his careful regard in other respects for its laws, or his 
veneration for its traditions. It was not the fault of logicians, 
poets, or philosophers that he scandalised the orthodox by delibe- 
rately preferring human reason to divine revelation as a guide in 
mundane matters, and by openly avowing his preference. His 
private judgement misled him, but this was due to his tempera- 
ment His peculiar vice as a judge and administrator was his 
inordinate pride, which deprived him of the power of discriminating 
between offences. All his commandments were sacred and the 
slightest deviation from an impracticable regulation and the most 
flagrant act of defiance and rebellion were alike punished by a 
cruel death. This policy acted and re-acted with cumulative effect 
on the monarch and his people. Disgusted by their sovereign's 
barbarity they grew ever more refractory; exasperated by their 
disobedience he grew ever more ferocious. His wide dominions 
were seldom free from rebellion during his reign, and at his death 
the whole kingdom was in a ferment. 

Baranl, notwithstanding his gratitude and his fears, is surpris- 
ingly frank. So overweening, he says, was the king's pride that 
he could not endure to hear of a corner of the earth, hardly even 
of a corner of heaven, which was not subject to his sway. He would 
be at once a Solomon and an Alexander ; nor did mere kingship 
content him, for he aspired to the office of prophet as well. His 
ambition was to make all the kings of the earth his slaves, and 
Baranl would liken his pride to that of Pharaoh and Nimrod, who 
claimed divinity as well as royalty, but that his scrupulous personal 
observance of the law and firm adherence to the faith of Islam 
cleared him of the suspicion of blasphemy and infidelity. He would 
compare him with Bayazid of Bustam and Husain, son of Mansur- 
ul-Hallaj, who, in the ecstacy of their devotion, believed themselves 
to have been absorbed into the Godhead, but that his barbarous 
cruelty deprived him of any claim to sanctity. 

Against his overweening pride must be set the grovelling 
servility with which he received at his court the great-great- 
grandson of the Abbasid Caliph al-Mustansir of Baghdad, the miser 



138 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

Ghiyas-ud-din, whom he received with more than royal honours, 
whom he compelled, much against his will, to place his foot upon his 
neck, and on whom he lavished wealth with astonishing profusion ; 
his abasement before Hajl Said Sarsari, envoy from the phantom 
Abbasid Caliph al-Mustakf I of Egypt, whose name appeared on 
the currency of his kingdom and of whose envoy's utterances he 
spoke as though they were divine revelations ; and the extravagant 
veneration for the temporal, as well as the spiritual authority of 
the Caliphate which led him to strike from the formal Friday 
sermon the names of all his predecessors but such as had been for- 
mally recognised by one of the Caliphs. 

Against his barbarous punishments and indiscriminate blood- 
shed may be set a few instances, related by Ibn Batutah, of a 
fantastic display of reverence for abstract justice and the forms of 
law. On one occasion a Hindu complained to the qazl that the 
king had slain his brother without a cause, and the king, having 
previously ordered the magistrate not to rise at his entrance, ap- 
peared unarmed in court and made his obeisance. He heard with 
humility and obeyed with promptitude the sentence directing him 
to compensate the complainant. In another cause a Muslim com- 
plained that the king had unjustly retained some of his property, 
and in obedience to the qdzts order restitution was made. In a 
third case a young man, son of one of the great officers of the 
kingdom, complained that the king had arbitrarily caused him to 
be beaten for no fault, his complaint was found to be true, and 
according to the Islamic law of retaliation he was permitted to 
take his revenge. A stick was placed in his hand and he gave the 
royal offender twenty-one strokes. The chastisement was probably 
purely formal, but the king's head-dress fell to the ground. 

These rare displays, made probably in the early years of the 
reign, and possibly collusive, cannot palliate the arbitrary cruelty 
of a monarch whose punishments were as revolting as they were 
frequent, and whose gateway was seldom unpolluted by the corpse 
of a freshly slain victim, but they illustrate some of the extra- 
ordinary contradictions of his character. It may be that Muhammad 
thus compounded with his conscience for many barbarities. The 
severest condemnation of his cruelty is the remorse of his old 
servant Barani, who bitterly laments his own co\vardice and that 
of his fellow-courtiers. 'We were traitors/ he says, 'who were pre- 
pared to call black white, though not devoid of that knowledge 
which ennobles a man. Avarice and the desire of worldly wealth 
led us into hypocrisy, and as we stood before the king and witnessed 



vi] Muhammad's Cruelty 139 

punishments forbidden by the law, fear for our fleeting lives and 
our equally fleeting wealth deterred us from speaking the truth 
before him.' 

A catalogue of the atrocities committed by Muhammad during 
his reign, such as that given by Ibn Batutah, would be tedious and 
revolting, but it will be necessary from time to time to refer to the 
punishments inflicted by him. One of the early acts of his reign 
was the murder of his brother, Mas'ud, whose only offence seems 
to have been that he was handsome and popular. Muhammad pro- 
fessed to suspect him of treasonable designs, and the unfortunate 
prince discovered, as did so many of the tyrant's victims, that it 
was better to court a speedy death by a false confession than to 
suffer day by day the barbarous tortures devised by the perverted 
ingenuity of Muhammad. 

Against this unnatural act may be set a display of foolish 
generosity. In the year of his accession Muhammad permitted 
Ghiyas-ud-dfn Bahadur, the worthless and turbulent prince whom 
his father had brought in chains from Bengal, to return to Sonar- 
gaon, where he was associated in the government of Eastern Bengal 
with Tatar Khan, who had been entitled Bahrain Khan and left 
at Sonargaon as governor by Ghiyfis-ud-dm Tughluq. In the fol- 
lowing year Nasir-ud-din, who was reigning at Lakhnawati as 
Muhammad's vassal, died, and Qadr Khan was appointed by Mu- 
hammad governor of Western Bengal. 

Muhammad may be compared,* in his devotion to the details of 
administration, with Philip II of Spain, and one of his earliest acts 
was to order the compilation of a register of the revenue and 
expenditure of the provinces of his kingdom. The governors of 
provinces were directed to send to the capital all the materials for 
the compilation of such a register, and during the first few years 
of the reign a large number of clerks and officials was employed in 
the Palace of the Thousand Pillars at Delhi in the work of com- 
pilation. The object of the measure seems to have been to intro- 
duce a uniform standard of land revenue and to ensure that no 
village in the kingdom remained unassessed or unvisited by col- 
lectors. The register already maintained for the districts in the 
neighbourhood of the capital served as a model for the larger work, 
and the revenue exacted from these districts as a standard for the 
assessment of the more distant provinces, but we have unfortunately 
no details of the principles on which allowance was made for the 
different classes of soil, for distance from markets and the other con- 
siderations which affect the assessment of the land revenue in India. 



140 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

In the second year of the reign a most serious rebellion broke 
out in the Deccan. Baha-ud-dm Gurshasp, sister's son to Ghiyas- 
ud-din Tughluq, and therefore first cousin to Muhammad, held 
the fief of Sagar, about ten miles north of Shorapur, and enjoyed 
great influence among the Muslim officials of the Deccan. He 
refused to recognise the new king and appears to have believed 
that he might be able to establish a claim to the throne, though 
relationship in the female line seldom counts for much in the east. 
He exerted all his influence, and the whole of the Deccan was soon 
aflame. The rebels advanced towards Deogir, but were met by the 
minister, Khvaja Jahan, and the brutal Mujlr-ud-dln, Abu Rija, 
who defeated them. Gurshasp fled to Sagar and thence to Kampli, 
on the Tungabhadra, where he took refuge with the raja. The 
imperial troops sustained a reverse before this place, but were 
reinforced, and the noble raja, seeing that he could no longer 
protect his guest, sent him to Dvaravatlpura, with a letter com- 
mending him to the protection of Vira Ballala III, and performed 
the awful rite of jauhar. After the women had been destroyed 
the raja led his bravest warriors in a charge on the royal army, in 
which all the Hindus perished. Khvaja Jahan then entered Kampli 
and carried off the principal inhabitants, including the dead raja's 
eleven sons, into slavery. The Hindu princes were forced to accept 
Islam, but were otherwise treated with the distinction due to their 
high birth and their father's valour. Ibn Batutah, while at Mu- 
hammad's court, met three of these princes and describes one of 
them as an intimate friend of his own. 

Vira Ballala was made of less stern stuff than the raja of Kampli, 
and tamely complied with Khvaja Jahan's demand for the surrender 
of the fugitive, who was carried to Deogir, where Muhammad had 
now arrived, to receive his punishment. After being subjected to 
the insults of the women of the harem he was flayed alive. His 
flesh was cooked with rice and offered to the elephants, after 
portions of it had been sent to his wife and children, and his skin 
was stuffed with straw and exhibited in the principal cities of the 
kingdom. 

It was probably the rebellion of Gurshasp that impressed upon 
Muhammad the desirability of a more central situation than that 
of Delhi for the capital of a kingdom which included the Deccan 
and the Peninsula, and it was now, in 1327, that he decreed that 
Deogir, which he renamed Daulatabad, or the abode of wealth, 
should replace Delhi as the capital. Not only the great officers of 
state and the courtiers but apparently also provincial governors 



vi] Daulatabad is made the Capital 141 

were commanded to build for themselves houses at Daulatabad, to 
send their families thither, and to make it their home. The king 
spared neither pains nor expense to beautify his new capital and 
to make it a worthy substitute for Delhi. Spacious bazars were 
laid out and handsome buildings erected, and Ibn Batutah, who 
visited Daulatabad several years later, described it as a great and 
magnificent city, equal to Delhi. But the king's greatest work was 
the marvellous citadel, an ancient stronghold of the rajas of Deoglr, 
which was strengthened and improved by him. The fort, probably 
as Muhammad left it, was described as follows, more than three 
centuries later, by 'Abu-ul-Hamid Lahori, the official chronicler of 
Shah Jahan's reign. * This lofty fortress, the ancient names of which 
were Deoglr and Dharagfr, and which is now known as Daulatabad, 
is a mass of rock which raises its head towards heaven. The rock 
has been scarped throughout its circumference, which measures 
5000 legal yards, to a depth which ensures the retention of water 
in the ditch at the foot of the escarpment. The escarpment is so 
smooth and even that neither an ant nor a snake could scale it. 
Its height is 140 cubits, and around its base a ditch forty cubits in 
width and thirty in depth has been dug in the solid rock. Through 
the centre of the hill a dark spiral passage like the ascent of a 
miwar, which it is impossible to traverse, even in daylight, without 
a lamp, had been cut, and the steps in this passage are cut out of 
the rock. It is closed at the foot of the hill by an iron gate, and 
after passing through this and ascending the passage one enters the 
citadel. At the head of the passage is a large grating of iron which 
is shut down in case of necessity, and when a fire is lighted upon it 
the ascent of the spiral passage becomes impossible owing to the 
intense heat. The ordinary means of reducing fortresses, such as 
mines, covered ways, batteries, etc., are useless against this strong 
fortress/ 

This passage still exists, and is the only work the attribution 
of which to Muhammad is doubtful, for Ibn Batutah, who visited 
Daulatabad late in 1342 or early in 1343, records that access to 
the citadel was then gained by means of a leathern ladder. 

Besides officers of state and courtiers numbers of tradesmen and 
others who gained their livelihood by serving or supplying the 
court followed it to Daulatabad, and encouragement was given to 
any who could be persuaded voluntarily to transfer their domicile 
to the new capital, but the steps taken in this year must not be 
confounded, as some historians have confounded them, with those 
adopted two years later, when the whole of the population of Delhi 



14.2 ~ **fhe Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

was transported, as a punitive, not an administrative measure, to 
Daulatabad. 

From the new capital as a base of operations it was possible to 
establish order more completely in the Deccan, and Muhammad's 
troops were occupied for eight months in the siege of the strong 
fortress of Kondhana, now known as Sinhgarh. The fort, which was 
held by a Koli chieftain, surrendered at the end of that time. 

Muhammad was not allowed to repose long at Daulatabad. In 
1328 he was disturbed by news of the rebellion of Malik Bahram 
Aiba, Kishlu Khan, the governor of Multan and Sind. The position 
of this governor was peculiar. He had been on terms of the closest 
intimacy with Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq, had co-operated most cor- 
dially with him in the campaign against the usurper Khusrav, and 
had had a friendly contest with his comrade, in which each had 
urged the other to ascend the throne. Kishlu Khan had eventually 
prevailed by warning Tughluq that if he hesitated his ambitious 
son would certainly forestall him, and his old friend left him in 
virtual independence at Multan. The circumstances of Tughluq's 
death had not improved the relations between Muhammad and 
Kishlu Khan, who rose in arms against his sovereign. Of the 
circumstances of his rebellion there are two accounts. According 
to one he incurred the king's wrath by decently interring the 
stuffed skin of the unfortunate Gurshasp instead of sending the 
miserable relic on for exhibition in another province, and according 
to the other Muhammad ventured to send 'All, a collector of revenue, 
to Multan to inquire when Kishlu Khan proposed to obey the order 
to build for himself a house at Daulatabad and to send his family 
thither. 'All' s insolence in delivering this message so inflamed the 
wrath of Kishlu Khan's son-in-law that he slew the messenger, and 
Kishlu Khan raised the standard of revolt. 

Muhammad hastened in person from Daulatabad to crush the 
rebellion, marching by way of Delhi. Kishlu Khan marched east- 
ward from Multan and the armies met in the desert plain of Abohar *, 
where Muhammad defeated his adversary by means of a stratagem. 
Shaikh Imad-ud-dln, who closely resembled him in personal appear- 
ance, was placed in the centre of the army, under the royal umbrella, 
and Muhammad himself, with 4000 horse, lay in ambush. The 
rebels naturally directed their chief efforts against the centre of 
the royal army, and in an impetuous charge broke the line and 
slew the Shaikh. The army retired in real or feigned confusion 
and the rebels dispersed to plunder the camp. The king then 

1 In 30 8' N. and74irE. 



vi] A Mughul Invasion 143 

emerged from his ambush, fell upon Kishlu Khan, who was but 
scantily attended, slew him, and severed his head from his body. 
The positions were now reversed, and the rebels broke and fled. 
Muhammad marched on to Multan, about 160 miles distant, occupied 
the city, and prepared to take punitive measures against the in- 
habitants, whom he condemned as the accomplices of Kishlu Khan. 
He seized the qazl, Karlm-ud-dm, caused him to be flayed alive, 
and ordered a general massacre, but this calamity was averted by 
the intercession of the saint, Shaikh Rukn-ud-dm. Muhammad 
sent his minister, Khvaja Jahan, towards the coast of Bind, to 
repress disorders which had arisen in that province, and was almost 
immediately recalled to Delhi by the news of disturbances in the 
Gangetic Doab. Before leaving Multan he distinguished the house 
which he had occupied by hanging over its gate the head of the 
rebel, Kishlu Khan, which was seen by Ibn Batiitah when he 
visited Multan five years later. 

In 1328, or early in 1329, very shortly after Muhammad's return 
to Delhi, his dominions were invaded by Tarmashirm the Mughul, 
who may be identified with the Chaghatai, 'Ala-ud-dm Tarmashirm, 
who reigned in Transoxiana from 1322 until 1330 or 1334. The 
invader passed through Lahore and Samana to Indrl 1 , and thence 
to the borders of the Budaun district, traversing the Doab to the 
banks of the Ganges and plundering and devastating the country 
on their way. The incursion was a mere raid and it is probable 
that the invaders lost no time on their homeward journey, but 
Muhammad pursued them as far as Kalanaur, a few miles south of 
the Ravi, afterwards to become famous as the town where the 
youthful Akbar ascended the imperial throne, and to have left Abu 
Rija there to destroy the fort which had afforded a refuge to the 
marauders, while he returned to Delhi. According to another 
account he was on this occasion mean-spirited enough to bribe the 
Mughuls to retire, but the inconsistency of such conduct with his 
character is sufficient to discredit the record. 

After the retirement of the Mughuls the king remained for 
some time at Delhi, where he had an account to settle with his 
people. The citizens were enraged against their sovereign, whose 
removal of the court to Daulatabad had gone far towards ruining 
Delhi and depriving those who had preferred to remain of their 
livelihood. Open resistance to a bloodthirsty tyrant who could 
count on the fidelity of his troops was not to be thought of, and 
the citizens vented their spleen by the characteristically oriental 

1 A pargana town in 29 53' N, and 77 5' E., near the western bank of the Jumna. 



144 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

means of anonymous letters, filled with reproaches, invective, and 
abuse, which were thrown at night into the hall o{ audience. The 
tyrant avenged himself by issuing the monstrous decree that every 
soul should leave Delhi and migrate to Daulatabad, more than six 
hundred miles distant to the south. Some attempt was made to 
provide funds for the journey and accommodation on the way, but 
the decree was rigorously enforced and these measures were utterly 
inadequate to relieve the sufferings of the inhabitants of a whole 
city. ' The king ordered all the inhabitants to migrate from Delhi 
to Daulatabad, and, on their hesitating to obey, issued a proclama- 
tion that nobody should remain in the city for more than three 
days longer, and the greater part of them moved out, but some of 
them hid themselves in their houses, and he ordered a search to 
be made for those who had remained, and his slaves found in the 
narrow streets of the city two men, one of whom was a cripple and 
the other blind, and they brought them before him, and he ordered 
that the lame man should be cast from a balista and that the blind 
man should be dragged from Delhi to Daulatabad, which is forty days' 
journey, and he was rubbed to pieces on the way, so that nothing 
but his foot reached Daulatabad. When he did this all the people 
departed from Delhi and left their goods and their wealth, and the 
city was left without inhabitants and deserted 1 / Large numbers 
perished by the way and the greater part of those who reached 
their journey's end never ceased to mourn for their old homes. It 
was nothing to them that they dwelt in a city of which the courtly 
poet sang that the heavens were the anvil of the knocker of its 
door, that its gates were the eight gates of paradise, and much 
more in the same strain of exaggeration. To them the city was a 
foreign land, and the magnificence of its buildings, the fertility of 
the soil, and the beauty and majesty of the landscape could not 
appease their longings for the imperial city of the Jumna. After 
the wretched citizens had been driven forth on their perilous and 
toilsome journey the king, standing by night on the roof of his 
palace and looking over the city which he had made desolate 
rejoiced to see that no smoke rose and that neither lamp nor fire 
shone in its deserted dwellings. ' Now/ said he, * is my heart content 
and my soul appeased/ 

His vindictive wrath had blazed against his people, not against 
his city, and efforts were made, by persuading or compelling the 
people of other towns and of the surrounding country to move to 
Delhi, to repopulate the city, but these efforts were not successful. 

1 Ibn Batutah. 



The Cambridge History of India, Pol. Ill 



Mai 



INDIA 

1318-1338 

The land frontier of the Kingdom of Delhi is 
shown thus: 

Countries and People, thus BENGAL 

Towns Kabul 

Riven MahanaJi 




vi] The Fictitious Currency 145 

Ibn Batutah, who arrived at Delhi five years later, describes the 
splendours of the royal palace and the pomp of the court, but of 
the city itself he says, 'When I entered Delhi it was almost a desert 
...Its buildings were very few and in other respects it was quite 
empty.' 

The transportation of the population of Delhi has been described 
as a punitive rather than an administrative measure. A measure 
adopted in the following year, the enhancement of the assessment 
on land in the Doab and the introduction, with a view to further 
taxation, of a census of the houses and cattle, partook of both 
characters. The Hindus of the Doab were disaffected and turbulent, 
but it is inconceivable that they should have been guilty of the 
folly, imputed to them by Muhammad, of inviting the Mughuls to 
invade the country. They had had experience of Mughul raids, and 
would not have prepared a scourge for their own backs, but the 
measure was designed to replenish the treasury as well as to punish 
the people, and it failed of both its objects. 

The extent of the enhancement is uncertain. The statement 
that the demand was increased ten-fold and twenty-fold is almost 
certainly hyperbolical, and the statements of Firishta, who says that 
it was increased three-fold and four-fold, and of Budauni, who says 
that it was doubled, are probably nearer the truth ; but whatever 
the extent of the enhancement may have been the cultivators were 
unable to meet the demand, and abandoned their holdings and took 
to brigandage, so .that the treasury suffered and the guilty went 
unpunished. The reprisals ordered by the king converted one of 
the richest and most fertile provinces of the kingdom into the seat 
of a war between the royal troops and the inhabitants. 

Some means of replenishing the treasury had to be devised, and 
it was now that Muhammad conceived the idea of his famous 
fictitious currency. He may have heard of the paper currency of 
Khubilai Qa-an in China, and the fictitious money of the Mughuls 
in Persia, and it was perhaps in imitation of these fiscal measures 
that he issued brass or copper tokens which were, by his decree, to 
pass current for the silver tanga of 140 grains. Mr Thomas, in his 
Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Dehli* has contended that 
Muhammad's vast power and the great wealth of his dominions 
justified, or almost justified, this measure, and that its failure was 
due to unforeseen causes, but the contemporary historian Barani 
asserts that it formed a part of the king's extravagant design of 
bringing under his sway the whole habitable world, for the execution 

i Edition of 1871, pp. 239-47. 
G.H.I. IIL 10 



146 TAe Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

of which boundless wealth would be necessary, and from this state- 
ment it would appear that Muhammad had no clear notion of the 
uses and limitations of a fictitious currency, but believed that he 
could, by his decree, virtually convert brass and copper into silver 
and gold. He was rudely undeceived. With the almost worthless 
tokens the people purchased the gold and silver coins for which 
they were legal tender. The revenue was paid in the tokens, which 
were also freely used by foreign merchants in their disbursements 
but refused by them in payment for their goods, but the principal 
factor in the collapse of the scheme was the wholesale counterfeiting 
of the tokens. As Mr Thomas says, ' There was no special machinery 
to mark the difference of the fabric of the royal mint and the handi- 
work of the moderately skilled artisan. Unlike the precautions 
taken to prevent the imitation of the Chinese paper notes there 
was positively no check on the authenticity of the copper tokens, 
and no limit to the power of production of the masses at large.' 
The justice of these remarks will be appreciated by those acquainted 
with the appearance and workmanship of the copper coinage of 
India before the introduction of European methods of minting. 
An artisan with a few simple tools and a moderate degree of skill in 
their use could sell at the price of silver any brass or copper which 
fell into his hands, and this result might have been foreseen. The 
enormous extent to which counterfeiting was carried on is described 
in graphic terms by all the historians, and Barani merely paints the 
picture in somewhat vivid colours when he writes that every Hindu's 
house became a mint 

The tokens were not current for more than three or four years, 
and as an oriental despot, who is, in fact, the state, cannot be 
expected to understand that public funds are held in trust for the 
public, some credit is due to Muhammad for his prompt acknowledge- 
ment of his error by the recall of the tokens, though it is doubtful 
whether he had any conception of the cost of the measure. It was 
proclaimed that silver coins would be issued to the public from all 
treasuries in exchange for brass and copper tokens, so that the 
state began by buying copper at the price of silver and ended by 
virtually distributing silver gratis, for so vast was the quantity of 
tokens which poured in that no use could be found even for the 
metal Mountains of them arose at the treasuries and lay there for 
years. The remains of them were still to be seen, a century later, 
in the reign of Mu'izz-ud-dm Mubarak Shah. As Budauni says, 
'After all, copper was copper, and silver was silver.' 

Discontent now manifested itself among a very different class of 



vi] Condition of the Country 147 

Muhammad's subjects. It was three years since he had compelled 
his courtiers to transfer their families to Daulatabad, and he had 
already been absent for two years and a half from his new capital. 
Those in attendance on him began to murmur that they might as 
well have been permitted to keep their families at Delhi if they 
themselves were to be compelled to live there, but Muhammad was 
probably obeying his own impulse rather than their importunity 
when he returned, in 1330, to Daulatabad. 

In the following year Ghiyas-ud-dm Bahadur rose in rebellion 
at Sonargaon, but the rising was crushed by Bahrain Khan, and 
the rebel was put to death. His skin, like that of Gurshasp, was 
stuffed with straw and exhibited in the principal cities of the 
kingdom. 

The folio wing year, 1331-32, passed uneventfully at Daulatabad, 
but the king's tyranny was bearing its fruit in the Doab, and in 
1333 he returned to Delhi and led a punitive expedition into that 
region, which he treated in all respects as a hostile country. Baran, 
now Bulandshahr, was first attacked, and the whole district was 
plundered and laid waste. The inhabitants were slaughtered like 
sheep, and rows of Hindu heads decked the battlements of the city 
of Baran. Those who escaped fled into the jungles, where they 
were hunted like wild beasts. Continuing his march in a south- 
easterly direction the king plundered and devastated, in like manner, 
the districts of Kanauj and Dalmau 1 , where he was still engaged 
when Ibn Batutah arrived at Delhi late in 1333 or early in 1334. 

The Moorish traveller's account in his Tuhfat-un-Nuzzar fi 
Gharaib'tt-Amsar, of his journeys and sojourn in India, throws 
much light on the condition of the country, the character of its 
sovereign, and many details. He arrived at the mouth of the Indus 
on September 12, 1333, and his arrival, as he was a foreigner, had to 
be reported to Qutb-ul-Mulk, the governor of the city of Multan. 
He describes a rebellion at Sihwan, not mentioned in the general 
histories of the reign, which had been suppressed shortly before 
his arrival. The king had appointed to the government of Sihwan 
a Hindu named Ratan, who was well skilled in accounts, and whom 
he entitled 'Azim-us-Sind. The appointment gave great offence to 
Wunar, chief of the Siimras, and to a noble named Qaisar-ur-Ruml 
living at Sihwan, who resented the appointment of a Hindu governor 
over them. Having involved him in hostilities with some brig- 
ands or tribesmen in the neighbourhood of Sihwan, they attacked 
him by night, slew him, and afterwards plundered the treasury. 
1 The town of Dalmau is situated in 26 4' N. and 81 6' E. 

102 



148 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

'Imad-ud-Mulk Sartiz, governor of Sind, marched against the rebels, 
and Wunar fled to his tribe, but Qaisar sustained a siege of forty 
days in Sihwan and eventually surrendered on receiving an assurance 
that Ms life would be spared, but 'Imad-ul-Mulk broke faith with 
him, and put him and large numbers of his followers to death. 
Many were flayed, and their skins, stuffed with straw, were sus- 
pended from the walls and public buildings of the city. The sight of 
these miserable relics so horrified Ibn Batutah, who was compelled 
by the heat of the weather to sleep in the open air, as to hasten his 
departure from the city. After some stay at Multan he travelled 
by way of Abohar, Pakpattan, Sirsa, and Hansi to Delhi. His 
account of the journey illustrates Muhammad's lavish hospitality 
to foreigners visiting his dominions and the disorder prevailing in 
the country. 

When he reached Delhi Muhammad was in the Kanauj district, 
but the minister, Khvaja Jahan, saw that he and his fellow travel- 
lers were well received at the capital. The king's generosity to 
these strangers, who had no claims on him, was fantastic. Ibn 
Batutah himself received 6000 tangas in cash, a grant of three 
villages within thirty miles of Delhi which gave him an annual 
income of 5000 tangas, and ten Hindu slaves. 

Some months later Muhammad returned from Kanauj, and on 
June 8, 1334, reached Tilpat. Ibn Batutah was among those who 
went forth to meet him, and describes the king's kindly reception 
of himself and others, his ceremonial entry into the capital, and the 
great honour shown to foreigners, whom he was ever solicitous to 
attract to his court. They were offered appointments, which few 
were prepared to accept, for they were, for the most part, mere 
beggars, who had visited India with the object of amassing wealth 
as quickly as possible and carrying it back to their own countries. 
Ibn Batutah, to whose original grant two other villages were added 
and whose annual stipend was fixed at 12,000 tangas, was willing 
to work for his bread, but hesitated to accept the post of qazl of 
Delhi on the ground of his ignorance of the language of the country 
and of his attachment to the Maliki sect of the Sunnis whose 
practice differed somewhat from that of the Hanafi sect, whose 
religion was established in India. The king removed both obstacles 
by offering to appoint two assistants, who would perform the duties 
of the post while Ibn Batutah enjoyed the stipend. 

The king had enjoyed but a brief period of repose at Delhi 
when he was summoned southward by the news of a serious rebel- 
lion. He had appointed Sayyid Jalal-ud-dln Ahsan of Kaithal to the 



vi] The Kingdom of Madura 149 

government of Ma^bar, the most southerly province of his kingdom. 
Ahsan now raised the standard of rebellion at Madura, proclaimed 
his independence under the style of Jalal-ud-din Ahsan Shah, and 
struck coin in his own name. On January 5, 1335, Muhammad left 
Delhi for southern India, travelling by way of Daulatabad, where 
he levied heavy contributions to the expense of equipping his army. 
He marched thence for Madura by way of Bidar and Warangal, 
but at the latter place his further progress was stayed by a pesti- 
lence, probably cholera, which broke out in his army. The disease 
raged in the camp, smiting alike the great noble and the humble 
camp follower, and the mortality was appalling. The king himself 
fell sick and his health was not restored for several months. All 
thought of a further advance w r as abandoned, and Muhammad, 
leaving Malik Qabul at Warangal as governor of Telingana, began 
to retrace his steps. He never had another opportunity of recover- 
ing the lost province of Ma'bar, which remained a petty kingdom 
for the next forty years. All that is known of its history is to be 
ascertained from its coins 1 , from the narrative of Ibn Batutah, who 
was son-in-law to its founder, and from a few inscriptions, and may 
be related in the course of a brief digression. 

Jalal-ud-din Ahsan Shah, having declared his independence in 
A.H. 735, was slain in A.H. 740 by one of his officers, who usurped 
the throne under the title of 'Ala-ud-dm Udauji, but had not 
reigned a year when he was slain by a stray arrow which pene- 
trated his head when he had removed his helmet after a victory 
over the ' infidels/ that is to say the subjects either of the Pandya 
or of the Kerala kings, and was succeeded by his son-in-law, Qutb- 
ud-din Firuz Shah, who was slain in a revolt after a reign of forty 
days. On his death the throne was seized by Ghiyas-ud-dm Dama- 
ghani, who had been a trooper in the service of Muhammad Tughluq, 
and now assumed the title of Ghiyas-ud-dm Muhammad Damaghan 
Shah. He married a daughter of Ahsan Shah, and thus became 
the brother-in-law of the wife of Ibn Batutah, who was a guest at 
his court after leaving that of Muhammad Tughluq, and records 
some of the atrocities committed by him, such as the torture and 
massacre of a great number of Hindu captives, men, women, and 
children. He also records Damaghan Shah's victory over Vira 
Ballala III of Dvaravatlpura, who was over eighty years of age and 
was captured, strangled, and flayed by his adversary, who had 
learnt some lessons at the court at Delhi, and hung the stuffed skin 
of the raja on the wall of Madura. The death of Damaghan Shah's 

i See J.A.S.B., Pt. i, Ixiv, 49, and J.R.A.S., 1909, p. 667. 



150 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

only son from cholera on his return to Madura and his own death 
a fortnight later from the effects of an aphrodisiac were regarded 
as the due punishment of his cruelties. 

He was succeeded in A.H. 745 (A.D. 1344) by his nephew, Nasir- 
ud-dln, who had been a domestic servant at Delhi before his uncle's 
elevation to the throne of Madura, and now assumed the title of 
Mahmud Ghazi Damaghan. He slew all the officers of the kingdom 
likely to disturb his possession of the throne, and among them 
the husband of his predecessor's daughter, whom he married 
immediately after her husband's death. It was during his reign 
that Ibn Batutah, though pressed by him to stay, left the court 
of Madura. 

He was succeeded by 'Adil Shah, whose coins were dated A.H. 
757 (A.D. 1356), and he by Fakhr-ud-din Mubarak Shah, whose 
earliest coins are dated in A.H. 761 (A.D. 1360), and who apparently 
reigned until A.D. 1368-69, or perhaps until A.D. 1372-73, when 
he was succeeded by 'Ala-ud-din Sikandar Shah, whose latest 
coin is dated in A.H. 779 (A.D. 1377-78). The rising power of the 
great Hindu kingdom of Vyayanagar had, some years before, begun 
to overshadow the small Muslim state of Madura, and an inscrip- 
tion of Sangama I, the founder of the first dynasty of Vijayanagar, 
records a victory over 'that proud lord of Madura, the valiant 
Turushka.' In another inscription of 1371 Goppana, commanding 
the army of Bukka I, son of Sangama and third raja of Vijayanagar, 
claims a victory over the Turks of Madura, and the date of Sikandar's 
latest coin is probably that of the extinction of the Muslim dynasty 
of Madura by Bukka I. 

We now return to the movements of Muhammad Tughluq, who 
retired from Warangal to Bidar, of which city and province he 
appointed Shihab-ud-din governor, conferring on him the title of 
Nusrat Khan. This appointment marks the introduction of the 
pernicious system, which was soon to become general, of farming 
the revenue. Muhammad's lavish profusion and wild and disastrous^ 
schemes of conquest so impoverished him as to render him des-* t 
perate, and the system of farming the revenue was introduced with 
the object of wringing from the wretched cultivator the utmost 
farthing. His experience in the Gangetic Doab should have taught 
him the axiom that there is a point beyond which demands cannot 
be raised, and that human beings will not labour to till the soil 
unless they are allowed to retain a proportion of its fruits sufficient 
to maintain life. In the later years of the reign no experienced and 
conscientious official would enter into the unholy competition for 



vi] The Farming of the Revenue 151 

governorships, for the government of districts and provinces was 
virtually put up to auction, and he who promised to pay the largest 
annual sum to the treasury obtained the prize. The successful 
bidders were usually men of mean origin, devoid of knowledge, 
experience, and compassion, who, without staying to consider what 
men could or would pay, made the most extravagant promises, 
only to discover that they could not meet their obligations. It was 
well known that the king would make no allowance for circum- 
stances, and the defaulter was left with no remedy but rebellion. 

Nusrat Khan agreed to pay the treasury, for the districts placed 
under his charge, the annual sum of ten millions of tangas, and 
Muhammad continued his retreat. At Bir he suffered from a severe 
toothache, and his vanity caused to be erected over the spot where 
the tooth, when extracted, was buried, a domed tomb, which is still 
standing and is known as the Dome of the Tooth. 

Reports of the king's sickness at Warangal had been exagger- 
ated into rumours of his death, which had been believed by Malik 
Hushang of Daulatabad, a noble with whom he had been on terms 
of peculiar affection and intimacy. Hushang had risen in rebellion, 
but on learning that Muhammad was alive and was returning to 
Daulatabad fled and sought an asylum with a Hindu chieftain in 
the Western Ghats, who subsequently surrendered him. The rebel, 
strange to say, was pardoned. 

Muhammad had for some time past deliberately encouraged 
foreigners of all nations to settle in his dominions. He cherished 
the insane design of subjugating the whole world. His knowledge 
of geography was scanty and he could form no conception of the 
magnitude of the task which he proposed to himself, but he under- 
stood that the first step to be taken would be the conquest of the 
neighbouring countries of Transoxiana and Persia, and with this 
object in view he encouraged wealthy and influential Mughuls and 
natives of Khurasan to enter his service in the hope that they would 
assist him in the conquest of their native lands. Later in his reign, 
when he had succeeded in obtaining the formal recognition of al- 
Hakim II, the Abbasid Caliph in Egypt, he obliged these foreigners 
to swear allegiance to him as the only lawful Muslim sovereign. 

For the conquest of Persia he raised an enormous army, the 
maintenance of which so depleted his treasury that in the second 
year of the army's existence no funds remained for its payment, 
and it melted away. 

Not all the foreigners so freely welcomed and so liberally 
remunerated proved to be fitithful, and during the king's absence 



152 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

in the south Hulagu, a Mughul noble at Lahore, proclaimed his 
independence, appointed Gul Chandar, chief of the Khokars, his 
minister, and slew the governor, Tatar Khan the elder. Khvaja 
Jahan, the minister, assembled an army at Delhi and marched 
towards Lahore, taking with him, among others, Ibn Batutah, who 
has left an account of the expedition which, though brief, is the 
most circumstantial which has come down to us. Hulagu and Gal 
Chandar marched to meet Khvaja Jahan, and the two armies met 
and fought on the banks of one of the great rivers of the Punjab, 
probably the Sutlej. Hulagu was defeated and fled, and large 
numbers of his army were drowned in the river. Khvaja Jahan 
advanced to Lahore, where he punished, after his master's manner, 
the remnant of the rebels and their partisans. Many were flayed 
alive and many were slain in other ways, and three hundred of the 
widows of the victims were sent into imprisonment at Gwalior. 

Before leaving Daulatabad the king gave general permission to 
those who had been transported from Delhi eight years before to 
return to their former home, and most of them returned joyfully, 
but some had become attached to the land of their exile, and 
remained there. 

During Muhammad's absence from Delhi a heavy calamity had 
befallen northern India, and famine was sore in the land. It lasted, 
like that recorded in the Book of Genesis, for seven years, and was 
the most severe famine of which we have any record in India. It 
is attributed by historians to natural causes, and Budauni goes as 
far as to say that ' for seven whole years not a drop of rain fell from 
the heavens.' This is, of course, mere hyperbole, and must be inter- 
preted to mean that the rainfall was deficient for seven years, but 
it is certain that the famine was not due to natural causes alone, 
or the province of Oudh would not have been able to afford relief 
during that period to the inhabitants of Delhi and the Doab. 
Muhammad's exactions, which extinguished cultivation in large 
tracts of the Doab, and his severity, which destroyed those who 
might have cultivated the land, contributed in no small measure to 
the calamity, which is always mentioned in connexion with, though 
not directly attributed to, his ill-treatment of his subjects in the 
Doab. 

His way to Delhi lay through the usually fertile province of 
Malwa, and here he had an opportunity of observing the havoc 
which famine had wrought upon his people. Towns and whole 
districts were depopulated and even the postal runners were con- 
strained to abandon their posts, so that the royal mails no longer 



vi] Famine and Rebellion 153 

ran between Delhi and Daulatabad. A pound of grain cost twenty- 
two or twenty-three grains of silver, and the people were reduced 
to eating unnatural and loathsome food. Ibn Batutah saw some 
women cutting strips from the skin of a horse which had been dead 
for some months, and eating them, cooked hides were exposed for 
sale in the bazars, and people thronged round the butchers to 
catch and drink the blood of slaughtered cattle. Some travellers 
resting in the deserted city of Agroha, now Hissar, found a man 
cooking a human foot, and as the famine grew ever more severe 
human flesh became a common article of food. 

Muhammad was not regardless of the sufferings of his people. 
A daily ration of grain was issued for six months to all the citizens 
of Delhi, and cooked food was distributed at the wealthy college 
which his eccentric piety had endowed at the tomb of the worthless 
Qutb-ud-din Mubarak, and at other shrines in the city. Large 
sums of money were advanced to enable husbandmen to buy seed 
and plough-cattle, to sink wells, and to improve and extend their 
holdings, but the king insisted on the application of these grants 
or loans to the objects for which they were made, and to no other. 
In some cases the starving people were too weak to carry out the 
works for which the money was granted, in others they were con- 
vinced, by the continued failure of the rains of the futility of 
spending money on tilling and sowing the parched land, and they 
applied the grants to their own immediate needs. This was regarded 
as contumacy and Muhammad punished the miserable transgressors 
with such rigour that the tale of executions shocked and disgusted 
even those accustomed to his barbarous severity, and this measure 
of relief produced more misery than would have resulted from a 
policy of inaction. 

It was not only at Daulatabad that the news of the king's sick- 
ness in Telingana had given rise to reports of his death. The 
rumour had been circulated and had gained some credence at 
Delhi and in its neighbourhood. Sayyid Ibrahim the Pursebearer, 
son of Sayyid Jalal-ud-dm Ahsan of Madura, was a favourite of the 
king, whose confidence in the son was so little shaken by the father 's 
rebellion that Ibrahim was left as governor of the districts of Hans! 
and Sirsa when Muhammad left Delhi for the south. He heard and 
was inclined to credit the news of the king's death, and when a 
large remittance of treasure of Sind reached Hans! on its way to 
Delhi he detained the convoy on the pretext that the roads were 
unsafe, with the intention of seizing the treasure and establishing 
his independence as soon as he should receive confirmation of the 



154 ^e Tughluq Dynasty [CH* 

news of the king's death, but on learning that the rumour was false 
he allowed the convoy to pass on to Delhi. No overt act of rebel- 
lion had been committed, and had Ibrahim kept his own counsel, 
he might have escaped suspicion, but he had incautiously mentioned 
his design in the presence of his servants, and the matter reached 
the king's ears. Owing to the regard which he had for Ibrahim he 
hesitated to proceed to extremities against him, and he might have 
escaped had not a treasonable speech, rashly uttered, been reported 
at court. He was arrested and confessed, under fear of torture, 
his real object in detaining the treasure, and the king put him to 
death. 

Nusrat Khan now discovered that he was not able to remit 
to Delhi even a quarter of the sum of ten millions of tanga& which 
he had promised to pay annually from the revenues of Bidar, and 
rose in rebellion. Reinforcements were sent to Qutlugh Khan at 
Daulatabad, and he marched against the rebel, besieged him in 
Bidar, captured him, and sent him to Delhi. 

Muhammad now decreed a fresh evacuation of Delhi, actuated 
on this occasion by a desire for the welfare of his subjects. The 
fertile province of Oudh had for many years prospered under the 
mild and paternal rule of its governor, 'Ain-ul-M ulk, and from its 
overflowing granaries the king purposed to relieve the misery of 
his people. Any attempt to transport grain through the starving 
and turbulent Doab would have been foredoomed to failure, and 
since he could not bring food to his people he led his people to the 
food. On the western bank of the Ganges, near the site of the 
ancient city of Khor, in 27 33' N. lat. and 79 35' E. long, at a dis- 
tance of 165 miles from Delhi, he caused a city of booths to be built, 
to which he gave the Sanskrit name of Sargadwari (Swarga-dwara), 
'the Gate of Paradise/ and which he made his headquarters for the 
next six years. To this city he brought the inhabitants of Delhi, 
and here they were fed. 'Ain-ul-Mulk and his brothers loyally 
supported him, encamped on the opposite bank of the river, and 
conveyed the hoarded grain of Oudh to Sargadwari, the temporary 
booths of which were replaced in the following year by more per- 
manent buildings, where the citizens of Delhi dwelt, not only in 
plenty, but in moderate comfort. 

Neither his people's distress nor his preoccupation in relieving 
it could restrain the king from indulging his vain dreams of world- 
empire, and in 1337-38, the year after the foundation of Sargadwari, 
he perpetrated one of his greatest acts of folly. The dream of con- 
quering Transoxiana and Persia had faded, but there were other 



vi] Invasion of Tibet 155 

lands to subdue. Beyond the vast mountain chain which bounded 
his kingdom on the north-east lay the mysterious land of Tibet, 
and beyond that again the great empire of China, and an army 
which could traverse the mountains might, Muhammad believed, 
take those two countries by surprise. Of the nature of the country 
and the inhabitants, the narrow passes, the perilous mountain paths, 
the sheer precipices, and the bitter cold to be endured by troops 
bred in the scorching plains of India he could form no idea, and 
he persuaded himself that dread of his wrath would carry his 
troops over all obstacles. An army of 100,000 horse and a large 
number of foot was assembled at Delhi under the command of Malik 
Nikpai, who held the honorary post of chief of the inkstand-bearers, 
and was dispatched on the desperate adventure. The troops marched 
by way of Nagarkot, or Kangra, the capture of which in this year 
is recorded in an ode of Badr-i-Chach, and entered the mountains 
after plundering and devastating the villages on their lower slopes. 
They advanced by a narrow road, which would admit no more than 
one horseman at a time, along the precipitous mountain side, but 
safely reached the stronghold, which Ibn Batutah calls Warangal, 
of the local chieftain, where they halted after their toilsome journey. 
Here they were overtaken by the heavy and drenching rains of the 
mountains, which spread disease among men and horses and de- 
stroyed large numbers of both. The officers sought and received 
permission to lead their men back to the plains, there to await the 
end of the rainy season, when a second attempt might be made to 
traverse the mountains, and they set out with all their plunder, but 
the mountaineers had assembled to harass their retreat and occu- 
pied the gorges and defiles. Great stones and felled trees were 
hurled from the heights on the retreating host, laden with its 
plunder, stragglers were cut off, the passes were held and stoutly 
defended, and the highlanders so thoroughly performed their task 
that they destroyed the army almost to a man, and recovered all 
the plunder. Nlkpal, two other officers, and about ten horsemen 
were all who returned to Delhi and the king was deeply humiliated. 
He was obliged to conclude with the mountaineers who had 
destroyed his army a treaty of peace, in which the only condition 
to his advantage was an undertaking to pay tribute for the land 
cultivated by them in the plains, which was at all times liable 
to be overrun by his troops. 

The effects of this campaign on the kingdom were disastrous. 
Not only had a grea^army and the enormous quantity of treasure 
which accompanied it been lost, but Muhammad's reputation had 



156 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

received such a blow that disaffection in the regions groaning under 
his tyranny blazed into rebellion, and he was never again able to 
place himself at the head of such a host as he had assembled for 
the conquest of China. 

In 1338-39 Bahrain Khan, governor of Eastern Bengal, died, 
and an officer of his troops proclaimed his independence in that 
province under the title of Fakhr-ud-dm Mubarak Shah. The 
tortuous course of events in Bengal which resulted in the death 
of Qadr Khan, governor of Lakhnawati and in the establishment 
of Fakhr-ud-din Mubarak in the eastern and of Shams-ud-din 
Hiyas in the western province and finally, in 1352, as sultan of all 
Bengal will be traced in Chapter XL Muhammad's activities were 
paralysed by the blow which he had received in the Himalaya and 
by the havoc which famine had wrought in his dominions, and he 
could take no steps to restore his authority in the eastern provinces, 
so that Bengal was permanently lost to him. 

In the following year, 1339-40, came news of another serious 
rebellion in the Deccan. 'AH Shah Kar ('the Deaf), an officer 
serving under Qutlugh Khan, was sent to collect and escort to 
Daulatabad the revenue due from the province of Gulbarga, the 
defencelessness of which tempted him to rebellion. He attacked 
and slew Bhairon, the Hindu officer who held Gulbarga, raised a 
force by means of the treasure which he should have conveyed to 
Daulatabad, marched to Bidar, slew the governor, and occupied 
the town. Here, however, he was defeated by Qutlugh Khan, 
surrendered to him, and was sent to Delhi. 

The king himself was now embarrassed by a rebellion. 'Ain-ul- 
Mulk, governor of Oudh, had for many years governed his province 
with ability and clemency and had acquired great influence and 
popularity. The successful victualling of Sargadwarl was due 
entirely to his prudence and foresight and to his admirable arrange- 
ments for the conveyance of grain to the temporary city. Many of 
the respectable inhabitants of Delhi, fearing the king's tyranny, 
had withdrawn from the city and had settled in Oudh, where they 
received generous treatment at the hands of 'Ain-ul-Mulk, who 
attached them to himself and ensured the extension of cultivation 
in his province by granting them villages in fee. With these 
immigrants had come others, less desirable fugitives from justice, 
who were harboured on the immoral eastern principle that it is 
dishonourable to surrender to justice even a malefactor who has 
sought an asylum with a protector. 'Ain-ul-Mulk was humiliated 
by a demand for their surrender, but the chief cause of his estrange- 



vi] Rebellion of 'Ain-ul-Mulk 157 

ment from the king was the latter' s design of transferring him to 
the government of the Deccan in the place of Qutlugh Khan. The 
avowed reason for the transfer was 'Ain-ul-Mulk's efficiency and 
success as a provincial governor, from which some improvement in 
the situation in the Deccan might be expected, but it was generally 
known that the deplorable condition of the southern provinces was 
due not to any fault of Qutlugh Khan, who was a loyal and able 
governor, but to the pernicious system of farming the revenues, 
and 'Ain-ul-Mulk feared, probably with justice, that the king's real 
motive in transferring him from Oudh was jealousy of his power 
and influence, and that the object of appointing him to a govern- 
ment in which Qutlugh Khan had failed was to ensure his disgrace 
and destruction. His brothers, who had loyally assisted him in the 
government of Oudh now urged him not to submit to the caprice 
of an ungrateful master, but to rely on the support of the people 
by whom he was so well beloved. Opportunity favoured him, for 
the elephants, horses, pack animals and cattle of the royal army 
had been sent across the Ganges into Oudh for grazing, and the 
rebellion was precipitated by the seizure of those animals, while 
'Ain-ul-Mulk fled from the camp and joined his own army on the 
east of the Ganges. He assumed the title of Sultan 'Ala-ud-din, 
and Muhammad, for the first time in his reign, had cause to tremble 
for his throne and his life. The disaster to his army in the Himalaya 
had impaired his prestige and his severity arid cruelty had alienated 
the nobles in his camp, on whose fidelity he could no longer rely. 
The rebel army, though composed of poor material, was more 
numerous than his own, and he desired to avoid an immediate 
battle. Hastily summoning reinforcements from Delhi and other 
towns, he marched rapidly towards Kanauj, seeking the protection 
of its walls. The rebels on the eastern bank marched from Ban- 
garmau, and it seemed that Muhammad's only hope of safety lay in 
outstripping them. When it became known that they had crossed 
the river he was much alarmed, for he did not believe that they 
would have ventured on this step without encouragement from 
traitors in his own camp. The rebels, to the number of 50,000, 
attacked his outposts by night, and the battle soon became general. 
Notwithstanding the overwhelming numerical superiority of the 
enemy, the Persians, Turks and Khurasanis in the royal army 
fought valiantly, and at dawn the rebels were in full flight and 
were pursued for twenty miles. Many, including two of 'Ain-ul- 
Mulk's four brothers, were slain in the battle or the pursuit, or 
drowned in the Ganges. Malik Ibrahim, one of 'Ain-ul-Mulk's 



158 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

accomplices in rebellion, seized him and carried him before the 
minister, Khvaja Jahan, in the hope of earning a pardon, and the 
minister, after causing 'Ain-ul-Mulk to be stripped, carried him 
before the king. The captive was naked save for a small loin-cloth, 
and was mounted on an ox. Following him was a large number of 
other prisoners, and the sons of the courtiers disgraced themselves 
by crowding round the unfortunate prisoners, heaping abuse on 
'Ain-ul-Mulk, spitting in his face, and beating with their fists his 
companions in misfortune. 

Few rebels who fell into the hands of Muhammad Tughluq 
escaped a cruel death, but the tyrant had the grace to remember 
the long and faithful service of 'Ain-ul-Mulk, and the captive, 
instead of being executed, was condemned to imprisonment in 
sackcloth and chains. 

From Kanauj Muhammad marched to Bangarmau, and thence 
performed a pilgrimage to the shrine of the half-mythical hero 
Salar Mas'ud, said in story to have been sister's son to Mahmud of 
Ghazni, and one of his bravest warriors. From Bahraich, where 
the hero's tomb stands, he sent Khvaja Jahan with a sufficient 
force to intercept the remnant of 'Ain-ul-Mulk's army and to pre- 
vent the fugitives from entering the kingdom of Bengal. The 
minister was also entrusted with the task of collecting all those 
who had migrated from Delhi into Oudh, and of conducting them 
to their homes. This measure, strange to say, was conceived in 
clemency and the fugitives were kindly treated instead of being 
dealt with as rebels. 

From Bahraich the king returned to Delhi after an absence of 
two and a half years, and here found 'All Shah Kar and his brothers, 
who had been sent from the Deccan by Qutlugh Khan. With rare 
clemency he contented himself with banishing them to Ghazni, but 
'All Shah afterwards returned to India without permission, and 
was captured and executed At the same time 'Ain-ul-Mulk was 
pardoned, released from prison, and reinstated in the government 
of Oudh. 

Muhammad's active but inconstant mind had conceived at 
Sargadwari the notion that no sovereign could legitimately wield 
authority unless he were commissioned by God's vicegerent on 
earth, the Caliph and Commander of the Faithful, and set himself 
diligently to inquire who the Caliph was and where he was to be 
found. He ascertained from travellers that there still existed in 
Egypt a puppet of the house of 'Abbas, who claimed the dignity. 
Their information was not very recent, for they styled him al- 



vi] Reception of Ghiyas- ud-din 159 

Mustakfi, while he who bore that title had died or had been 
deposed a year earlier, but the coins of A.H. 740 (A.D. 1340-41) 
bear the title of al-Mustakfi and the ceremonial performance of 
the Friday prayers and the observation of the great festivals of 
Islam were suspended until the king should have received the 
Caliph's recognition, which he sought by means of a humble 
petition, accompanied by costly gifts, but three years passed 
before a reply could be received. This act of humility indicated 
no change in the king's nature, and neither his arrogance nor his 
impatience of contradiction or disobedience was diminished 

Had he only had patience he might have maintained at his 
court, like the Mamluks of Egypt, a submissive Caliph of his own, 
for in this year there arrived at Delhi from Transoxiana, where he 
had been living under the protection of the M ughul Khan, 'Ala-ud- 
dln Tarmashirm, Ghiyas-ud-dm Muhammad, son of 'Abd-ul-Qahir, 
son of Yiisuf, son of 'Abd-ul-'Aziz, son of the Abbasid Caliph al- 
Mustansir of Baghdad, who reigned from 1226 to 1242. His descent 
having been verified he was received with great honour. To the 
two messengers who arrived at the court seeking permission for 
their master to visit it the king gave 5000 tangas, to which were 
added 30,000 tangos for Ghiyas-ud-dm himself. The leading ecclesi- 
astics and theologians of the court were sent as far as Sirsa to 
meet him, and the king himself met him at Mas'udabad, now 
Bahadurgarh. After a ceremonious interchange of gifts he held 
Ghiyas-ud-dm's stirrup while he mounted and they rode together, 
the royal umbrella being held over the heads of both. Ghiyas-ud- 
din received extraordinary privileges at court, and the profusion 
of the king's liberality to him is not to be reconciled with sanity. 
The vessels in his palace were of gold and silver, the bath being 
of gold, and on the first occasion of his using it a gift of 400,000 
tangas was sent to him; he was supplied with male and female 
servants and slaves, and was allowed a daily sum of 300 tangas, 
though much of the food consumed by him and his household came 
from the royal kitchen ; he received in fee the whole of 'Ala-ud-dln's 
city of Siri, one of the four cities (Delhi, Sin, Tughluqabad, and 
Jahanpanah) which composed the capital, with all its buildings, 
and adjacent gardens and lands and a hundred villages; he was 
appointed governor of the eastern district of the province of Delhi ; 
he received thirty mules with trappings of gold ; and whenever he 
visited the court he was entitled to receive the carpet on which 
the king sat The recipient of all this wealth and honour was but 
a well-born beggar, mean and miserly almost beyond belief. He 



160 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

ate alone, not from pride or arrogance, but because, as he confessed 
to Ibn Batutah, he could not bear to see other mouths eating his 
food, and grudged even a lamp in his palace, preferring to sit in 
darkness. He personally collected sticks in his garden for firewood, 
and stored them, and compelled his personal servants to till his 
land He was dishonest as well as parsimonious, and Ibn Batutah 
vainly demanded payment of a debt which the descendant of the 
Caliphs owed him. 

Multan was the scene of the next rebellion. Malik Shahu Lodi, 
an Afghan noble who had a considerable following of his own tribe, 
had risen in that province, slain Malik Bihzad, its governor, ex- 
pelled another officer, and seized the city. The king assembled his 
army and set out from Delhi, but had travelled no more than two 
or three stages when he heard of the death of his mother. This 
was a real loss to the kingdom, for she was charitable and generous, 
not with the insane profusion of her son, but in due measure. The 
people, no less than the king, deplored her loss, for her counsels 
had to some extent restrained her son's ferocity, and after her 
death no such acts of clemency as the pardoning of 'Ain-ul-Mulk, 
'Ali Shah Kar, Hushang, Nusrat Khan, and other rebels are recorded. 

Muhammad would not permit his mourning for his mother to 
interrupt the expedition which he had undertaken, but when he 
reached Dipalpur he received a petition from Shahu expressing 
contrition, and learnt at the same time that the rebel and all his 
followers had fled beyond his reach into the mountains of Afghani- 
stan, and accordingly returned to Delhi. The subsequent rebellions 
in Gujarat and the Deccan were partly due to the severity of the 
restrictions placed upon Afghans in India in consequence of Shahu's 
revolt. 

When the king returned to Delhi the famine was at its worst, 
and the people were eating human flesh. He had been engaged, 
since his return from Sargadwari, in devising schemes to restore 
prosperity to the land which his tyranny had done so much to 
devastate. To the regulations which he framed he gave the name 
of uslub, or 'methods,' and by their means, says Barani, with prob- 
ably unconscious irony, agriculture would have been so improved 
and extended that plenty would have reigned throughout the earth, 
and so much money would have poured into the treasury that the 
king would have been able to raise an army capable of conquering 
the world had they been practicable. 

A department to deal with all questions relating to agriculture 
was created and placed under the charge of a minister called, for 



vi] The Regulations 161 

no apparent reason, Amir-i-Kuhl, or 'Mountain Lord/ and it was 
ordained that the kingdom should be divided into districts thirty 
by thirty leagues, or about 1800 square miles, in area, in which not 
one span of land was to be left uncultivated, and crops were to 
be sown in rotation. This ordinance was the conception of a mere 
theorist. No allowance was made for forest, pasture, or unculturable 
land, and though the order relating to rotation appears to indicate 
some knowledge of the principle of scientific agriculture it is clear, 
from the examples given, that these principles were not understood. 
Barley, for instance, was to follow wheat; sugarcane, a most ex- 
hausting crop, after which the land should have been allowed to 
lie fallow for at least a year, was to follow barley ; and grapes and 
dates were to follow sugarcane. To these districts were appointed 
superintendents who, to borrow a term from Anglo-Irish history 
which literally translates their designation, were styled 'under- 
takers/ who undertook to see not only that the regulations were 
carried out to the letter, but also to re-people the land and make 
every square mile maintain a fixed number of horse soldiers. None 
but irresponsible adventurers would have entered into such an 
agreement, and even these would have held aloof but for the 
immediate inducements offered. The king, who was as bad a judge 
of men as he was of affairs, would not see a favourite scheme 
baulked at the outset, and undertakers were induced to come 
forward by gifts of caparisoned horses, rich robes of honour, and 
estates to reward them for their promises and large sums of money 
to enable them to inaugurate the scheme. These gifts were, as the 
historian says, their own blood-money, for when they perceived the 
impossibility of meeting their engagements they appropriated to 
their own use all that they had received and trusted to events to 
enable them to escape an almost inevitable fate. More than seventy 
millions of tangos were thus disbursed in gifts to the undertakers 
and at the end of the stipulated term of three years so little of 
what had been promised had been performed that Baranl speaks 
of the performance as not one-hundredth, nay, not one-thousandth 
part of the promise, and adds that unless Muhammad had died 
when he did, in his expedition to Sind, not one of the undertakers 
would have survived his resentment 

The second regulation encouraged Mughuls to settle in India. 
These fierce nomads might furnish a mobile and efficient army, but 
they could not replace the industrious peasantry whose labours 
had filled the coffers of the state and who had been, in many tracts, 
dispersed and destroyed by famine and oppression. The Mughuls 
c. H.I. m. 11 



1 62 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

were attracted to India by enormous gifts, and by favours of every 
description, so that at the beginning of every winter numbers of 
commanders of tens of thousands and of thousands arrived with 
their wives, their families, and their followers, received great sums 
of money, horses, and jewels, and were entertained at princely 
banquets. This expenditure on an unproductive class maintained 
at great cost necessitated further schemes for the improvement 
and development of the resources of the state, and the third regu- 
lation was framed to this end. Of the details of the scheme nothing 
is recorded, nor is it easy to divine what sources of revenue the 
king could have tapped other than those which he had already 
exploited to the utmost, but as the regulation is said to have been 
enforced by clemency mingled with severity it perhaps provided 
for the levy of forced loans and benevolences, which led naturally 
to the framing of the fourth regulation, enhancing the severity of 
the penal code. The frequency and cruelty of the punishments 
inflicted by the king bred seditions and rebellion which still 
further inflamed his wrath and increased his severity, and even 
suspects were seized and cruelly tortured until in their agony 
they confessed to imaginary crimes and were executed on their 
confessions. 

Barani relates an interesting conversation which he had with 
the king on political offences and their punishment. The occasion 
was Muhammad's halt at Sultanpur, about two years after this 
time, on his way to suppress the rebellion in Gujarat The king, 
referring to the disorders and revolts in all parts of his dominions, 
expressed a fear Jest men should attribute them all to his severity, 
but added that he should not be influenced by irresponsible opinion. 
He asked Barani, as one versed in history, for what offences kings 
of old had been wont to inflict death. Barani admitted the necessity 
for capital punishment, without which order could not be main- 
tained, and said that the great Jamshid of Persia had inflicted it for 
seven offences, viz. apostasy, wilful murder, adultery by a married 
man with another's wife, high treason, rebellion, aiding the king's 
enemies, and such disobedience as caused injury to the state, trivial 
acts of disobedience being expressly excepted. Muhammad then 
asked for what crimes capital punishment was sanctioned by the 
Islamic law, and Barani replied that there were only three for 
which it was provided, apostasy, wilful murder of a Muslim, and 
rape of a chaste woman, but that it was understood that kings 
might, for the maintenance of peace and order, inflict it for the 
other four crimes for which it had been sanctioned by Jamshid. 



vi] Ibn EattttaKs Mission 163 

Muhammad replied that Jamshid's code had been framed for earlier 
times, when men were innocent and obedient, and that in the latter 
times wickedness had increased upon the earth and a spirit of dis- 
affection was everywhere abroad, so that it had become necessary 
to punish with death acts of disobedience which would formerly 
have been regarded as venial, lest the infection should spread and 
disaffection breed open rebellion. In this course, he said, he would 
persevere until his death, or until his people became submissive. 
His reply embodies his whole theory of penal legislation. He re- 
garded his people as his natural enemies, and the penal laws 
as a means of visiting his personal displeasure on them. They 
accepted the challenge, and the hideous rivalry continued until 
his death. 

On July 22, 1342, Ibn Batutah left Delhi. Favoured foreigner 
though he was his life had been twice in danger. In terror for his 
own life, he was sickened by the daily spectacle of the king's cruelty. 
'Many a time/ he writes, 'I saw the bodies of the slain at his gate, 
thrown there. One day my horse shied under me and I saw some- 
thing white on the ground and asked what it was, and my companions 
told me that it was the breast of a man who had been cut into 
three pieces. The king slew both small and great, and spared not 
the learned, the pious, or the noble. Daily there were brought to 
the council hall men in chains, fetters, and bonds, and they were 
led away, some to execution, some to torture, and some to scourging. 
On every day except Friday there was a gaol delivery, but on Friday 
the prisoners were not led out, and it was on that day only that 
they took their ease and cleansed themselves. May God preserve 
us from such calamities ! ' 

Muhammad took advantage of Ibn Batutah's desire to leave 
India and intention of continuing his travels to appoint him his 
envoy to China. During the expedition into the Himalaya a temple 
or shrine to which Chinese pilgrims resorted had been destroyed, 
and the emperor of China had sent a mission seeking leave to 
rebuild it. Muhammad was prepared to grant this permission on 
condition that the worshippers paid jizya, the poll-tax levied from 
idolaters, and Ibn Batutah, with a hundred followers, was deputed 
to accompany the Chinese mission on its return and to deliver this 
decision. He was accompanied to the port of embarkation by an 
escort of 1000 horse, without which it would have been unsafe to 
travel through Muhammad's dominions, and his account of his 
journey discloses the deplorable condition of the country. The 
Gangetic Doab was seething with revolt The town of Jalali, near 

112 



164 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

Koil ('Aligarh) was besieged by 4000 Hindu rebels, and seventy- 
eight of the mission's escort were killed on the way thither. Ibn 
Batutah was himself taken prisoner by a band of Hindus, and 
escaped with great difficulty, after suffering many hardships. It 
was no unusual thing for Muslim governors to be besieged in 
their cities by bnds of Hindu rebels, and they were sometimes 
obliged to appeal to Delhi for assistance. Ahmad Khan, governor 
of Gwalior, offered to entertain Ibn Batutah with the spectacle of 
the execution of some Hindus, but the Moor had had his fill of 
horrors at Delhi, and begged to be excused. 

In 1343 Muhammad was called to the districts of Sunam, Samana, 
Kaithal, and Guhram where the Hindus had entirely abandoned 
agriculture and deserted their villages, assembling in large camps 
in the jungles, where they lived by brigandage. The rebellion 
spread as far east as the lower slopes of the Himalaya and called 
for extensive operations and vigorous action. Muhammad performed 
the congenial task thoroughly. The camps of the rebels were 
plundered and broken up, and the gangs were dispersed, but the 
ringleaders were treated with unusual leniency. They were deprived 
of their ancestral lands, but were brought into Delhi and settled 
there with their wives and families. Many became Muslims, and 
as many were also ennobled it may be assumed that their conver- 
sion was the price of their preferment. 

On his return to Delhi in 1344 Muhammad received Hajl Said 
Sarsari, the envoy sent from Egypt by the Abbasid al-Hakim II in 
response to his prayer for pontifical recognition. The envoy was 
received with the most extravagant honours, and the arrogant 
Muhammad's self-abasement before him verged on the grotesque. 
The king, all the great officers of state, the Sayyids, holy and 
learned men, and all who could pretend to any importance went 
forth from Delhi to meet the envoy, who bore the Caliph's decree 
of recognition and a robe of honour for Muhammad. The king 
walked several bowshots barefoot as the envoy approached, and, 
after placing the decree and the robe of honour on his head in 
token of reverence, kissed his feet several times. Triumphal arches 
were erected in the city and alms were lavishly distributed. On 
the first Friday after the envoy's arrival the long discontinued 
Friday prayers were recited with great pomp and the names of 
such previous rulers of India as had failed to secure the formal 
recognition of one of the Abbasid Caliphs were omitted from the 
formal sermon. The most exaggerated respect was paid to the 
en^oy. His utterances were recorded and repeated as though they 



vi] Rebellion in Kara 165 

had been inspired and, as BaranI says, 'Without the Caliph's com- 
mand the king scarcely ventured to drink a draught of water/ 
The festivals of Islam were now again observed, the legends on the 
coins were corrected, and Muhammad sent Haj! Bajab Burqal to 
Egypt as envoy to the Caliph. 

In 1344 a rebellion broke out in Kara. This rich district had 
been farmed for an immense sum to a worthless debauchee, who 
bore the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk. He discovered, when he attempted 
to fulfil his promise to the king, that he could not collect the tenth 
part of what he had contracted to pay to the treasury and, in his 
drunken despair, raised the standard of rebellion, styling himself 
Sultan 'Ala-ud-din. The king was assembling troops at Delhi when 
news was received that 'Ain-ul-Mulk had justified the clemency with 
which he had been treated by marching from Oudh and capturing 
and slaying N5zam-ul-Mulk, and the news was confirmed by the 
arrival of the rebel's skin. The Shaikhzada of Bastam, who had 
married the king's sister, was sent to complete the work and to 
restore order in the Kara district, and stamped out the embers of 
rebellion with great severity. 

The king's attention was now turned to the Deccan where the 
revenue collections had fallen by ninety per cent. The decrease 
was probably due to the introduction of the farming system and 
to consequent rebellions, but Muhammad was easily persuaded to 
attribute it to the sloth and peculation of the collectors appointed 
by Qutlugh Khan. On December 8, 1344, the poet Badr-i-Chach 
was sent from Delhi to recall Qutlugh Khan from Daulatabad, 
and his brother, Maulana Nizam-ud-dm, a simple man devoid of 
administrative experience, was sent from Broach to succeed him, 
but with restricted powers. Muhammad, ever ready to remedy dis- 
orders by new devices, now divided the Deccan into four revenue 
divisions (shiqq) to each of which was appointed a governor upon 
whom the enforcement of new regulations and the extortions of 
the uttermost tanga of the revenue were strictly enjoined. The 
removal of the mild and pious Qutlugh Khan, whose benevolent 
rule and readiness to stand between the people and the king's 
wrath had won the love of Hindu and Muslim alike, excited the 
gravest apprehensions, and a discontent which might at any moment 
burst into the flame of rebellion ; and the king's avowed intention 
of collecting annually 670 millions of tangas from the four divisions, 
and the selection of the agents who were to enforce the demand, 
increased the people's alarm. Malwa was included in the Deccan 
and formed with it one shiqq, to the government of which was 



1 66 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

appointed 'Aziz Khammar 1 , a low-born, unscrupulous and extortion- 
ate official who had won an evil reputation as revenue collector in 
the 'thousand' of Amroha, a tract containing about 1500 villages, 
and whose propensity to cruelty was now stimulated by the express 
injunctions of the king, whose fury stigmatised all officials and 
farmers in the Deccan, but above all the 'centurions/ 2 as traitors 
and rebels. In respect of this class 'Aziz received special instruc- 
tions. Impelled by the hope of plunder and profit the 'centurions,' 
said the king, were the instigators and fomenters of every revolt 
and rebellion, and 'Aziz, liberally supplied with troops and funds, 
was to use his utmost endeavour to destroy them. These hy unctions 
fell upon willing ears, and 'Aziz, immediately after his arrival at 
Dhar, the seat of his government, caused eighty-nine 'centurions' 
to be put to death before his official residence. This barbarous act 
excited among the 'centurions' of Gujarat and the Deccan a horror 
which was enhanced by the king's official approval of it. Not only 
did Muhammad himself send 'Aziz a robe of honour and &farman 
praising his services to the state, but the courtiers and great officers 
at the capital were commanded to follow their master's example. 

This insane policy produced its inevitable result. The king 
had declared war against a whole class of his servants and the 
'centurions' of Dabhoi and Baroda in Gujarat were the first to 
take up the challenge. Taking advantage of the dispatch by Muqbil, 
governor of Gujarat, of the annual remittance of revenue from his 
province they fell upon the caravan and were enriched not only by 
the tribute but by quantities of merchandise which the merchants of 
Gujarat were sending to Delhi under the protection of the convoy. 

When the news of the rebellion reached Delhi the king appointed 
a council of regency consisting of his cousin Firuz, Malik Kabir, 
and Khvaja Jahan and towards the end of Ramazan, A.H. 745, left 
Delhi, never to return. He halted for some days at Sultanpur, 
about twenty-two miles west of Tughluqabad, in order to avoid 
marching during the fast, and on Shawwal 1 (February 5, 1345) 

1 In the Bibliotheca Indica edition of the text of Baram's Tdrikh-i-Firilz Shdhl 
'Aziz is always styled Himdr ('the ass'). In the Cairo text of Ibn Batutah the 
Bibliotheca Indica text of fiudauni, and the Bombay text of Firishta he is called 
Khammar (* the Vintner '), which seems to have been his correct designation. Between 
the two words, as usually written, there is a difference of only one dot, the omission 
of which may be due to a scribe's carelessness or may be an author's deliberate 
pleasantry. 

9 This term literally translates the ' amirs of hundreds ' or yuzbdshi, who were not, 
however, purely military officers, but revenue officials responsible for the collection of 
taxes in groups of about a hundred villages each, who were entitled to a commission 
of five per cent, on their collections. 



vi] Rebellion in Gujarat 167 

continued his march towards Gujarat While at Sultanpur he was 
disturbed by the news that 'Aziz had marched against the rebels. 
In oppressing the poor, in plundering the rich, in torturing and 
slaying the helpless, 'Aziz had few equals, and was a servant 
after his master's heart, but Muhammad knew that he was no 
soldier and learnt to his vexation, but without surprise, that the 
rebels had defeated and captured him and put him to death with 
torture. 

The king marched from Sultanpur to Anhilvara (Patan) in 
Gujarat, and, leaving Shaikh Mu'izz-ud-dfn and other officers in 
that town to reorganise the administration of the province, passed 
on to Mount Abu, whence he sent an army to Dabhol and Baroda 
against the 'centurions,' who were defeated with heavy loss and, 
after collecting their wives and families, retired towards Daulatabad. 
The king then marched to Broach and thence sent a force to inter- 
cept them. His troops came up with them on the bank of the 
Narbada, again defeated them, captured their wives and families, 
camp equipage, and baggage and slew most of the men. A few of 
their leaders contrived to escape on barebacked horses, and took 
refuge with Man Singh, raja of Baglana, who imprisoned them and 
took from them such money and jewels as they had succeeded in 
carrying off. The royal troops halted on the Narbada, and there 
their leader, Malik Maqbul, received and promptly executed an 
order to arrest and execute the 'centurions' of Broach, who had 
accompanied him. There is no suggestion that these officers had 
failed in their duty, but they were 'centurions' and that was enough 
for Muhammad. The few who escaped the executioner's sword fled 
to Daulatabad, where their account of the king's ferocity added 
fuel to the fire of sedition in the Deccan. 

At Broach Muhammad found such employment as suited his 
temper. The collection of the revenue had been neglected for some 
time past, and the tale of arrears was heavy. Extortionate collectors 
were appointed, no excuse was accepted and what was due was 
exacted with the utmost severity. Inability to pay, as well as 
obstinacy in refusing payment, was punished with death, and the 
ghastly list of executions was increased by means of a minute and 
careful investigation of the past behaviour of the people. Whoever 
had in any way helped the rebels, whoever expressed sympathy 
with them, whoever bemoaned their fate, was put to death, and 
as though the rumours of his proceedings in Gujarat were not 
sufficient to exasperate his subjects in the south, the king appointed 
two notorious oppressors to conduct an inquisition into the conduct 



1 68 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

and opinions of his people at Daulatabad. One of these reached 

the city, and the other, Zain Banda, Majd-ul-Mulk, travelling less 

expeditiously, had not passed beyond Dhar when it became evident 

that a rebellion was on the point of breaking out at Daulatabad. 

The actual outbreak was accelerated by an act of ill-timed severity. 

Two officers were sent from Broach to Daulatabad with orders to 

Maulana Nizam-ud-dln, the feeble governor, to collect 1500 horse 

and to send the 'centurions' of his province to Broach under escort. 

The escort was assembled and the 'centurions' were dispatched 

from Daulatabad, but at the end of the first day's march took 

counsel together and, preferring the chances of a rebellion to the 

certainty of death, slew Malik 'All and Malik Ahmad Lachin, who 

were conducting them to court, and returned to Daulatabad. Here 

they imprisoned Nizam-ud-din, seized the fort, with the treasure 

which had accumulated in it owing to the insecurity of the roads, 

which had rendered remittances to Delhi impossible, and proclaimed 

one of their number, Ismail Mukh 1 the Afghan, king of the Deccan, 

under the title of Nasir-ud-dm Shah. The treasure was distributed 

to the troops, and Maharashtra was parcelled out into fiefs which 

the 'centurions' divided among themselves. The rebellion was at 

its height when the remnants of the 'centurions' of Dabhoi and 

Baroda, who had been imprisoned in Baglana, escaped and joined 

their fellows at Daulatabad. 

Muhammad at once assembled a large force at Broach and 
marched to Daulatabad. The rebels came forth to meet him, but 
were defeated with heavy loss and, with their wives and families, 
took refuge in the citadel which Muhammad himself had made 
impregnable, while Hasan the centurion, entitled Zafar Khan, the 
rebels from Bidar, and the brothers of Isma'll Mukh retired to 
Gulbarga with a view to consolidating their position in the outlying 
districts of the province since the neighbourhood of Daulatabad 
was no longer safe. 

The royal troops were permitted to sack the city of Daulatabad 
and plunder the defenceless inhabitants, the Muslims among whom 
were sent as prisoners to Delhi with dispatches announcing a great 
victory over the rebels. The king then opened the siege of the 
citadel and sent 'Imad-ul-Mulk Sartiz, who had been governor of 
Ellichpur when the rebellion broke out and had fled to court, to 
Gulbarga to crush the rebellion in that region. 

Meanwhile the provinces of the extreme south were slipping 

1 This name appears in the texts of various histories as Mukh, Mugh, and Fath, 
the JBibliotteca Indica text of BaranI has been followed here. 



yi] Revolt of the Deccan 169 

from the king's grasp. Vira Ballala III of Dvaravatlpura estab- 
lished his independence ; Kampli was occupied by one of the sons 
of its valiant raja, who apostatised from Islam and restored Hindu 
rule southward of the Tungabhadra; and Krishna or Kanhayya 
Naik, apparently a scion of the Kakatiyas, expelled all Muslim 
officers from Telingana and established himself at Warangal. 

Muhammad had been besieging the citadel of Daulatabad for 
three months when he received news of another serious rebellion 
in Gujarat, where Taghi, a cobbler, had assembled a band of rebels 
who promised to become formidable owing to the disaffection which 
the king had excited throughout the province. Taghi, despite his 
humble antecedents, was a man of ability and energy. He attached 
to his cause the remnant of the centurions of Gujarat and some of 
the Hindu chieftains of the hilly country on the east of the province, 
and attacked Patan, where he captured and imprisoned the governor, 
Shaikh Mu'izz-ud-din, and some of his officers, and put to death his 
assistant, Malik Muzaffar. From Patan he marched to Cambay, 
and, after plundering that town, ventured further southward, and 
laid siege to Broach, recently the king's headquarters. On hearing 
that Broach was besieged Muhammad decided that his presence was 
more urgently required in Gujarat than in the Deccan. Appointing 
Khudavandzada Qavam-ud-dm, Malik Jauhar, and Shaikh Burhan 
Bilaram! to the command of such troops as he could leave before 
Daulatabad, and to the government of the province, he set out for 
Broach. Taghi, on learning of his approach, raised the siege and 
fled towards Cambay with no more than 300 horse, and Muhammad 
sent Malik Yusuf Bughra with 2000 horse in pursuit of him. Yusuf 
came up with the rebels near Cambay, and, notwithstanding his 
superiority in numbers, was defeated and slain. Muhammad now 
marched against Taghi in person, but the latter retired before him 
to Asawal, now Ahmadabad, and put to death Shaikh Mu'izz-ud-dm 
and his other prisoners. As the king advanced to Asawal, Taghi 
again retired to Patan, but, emboldened by a relaxation of the 
pursuit, the royal army having been obliged by the poor condition 
of its horses and the heavy rains to halt for nearly a month at 
Asawal, advanced as far as Kadi, apparently with the object of 
attacking the king. Incensed by this insolence Muhammad marched 
to meet him. Taghi, in order to encourage his troops to meet an 
army commanded by the king in person, had plied them with liquor, 
under the influence of which they charged so recklessly that they 
succeeded in penetrating the centre of the royal army, but here 
they were overpowered by the elephants, and the survivors fled to 



I jo The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. 

Patan, leaving their camp and baggage in the hands of the enemy, 
who slew the baggage guard of 500 men. The son of Yusuf Bughra 
was placed in command of a force detached to pursue the rebels 
4 and Taghi caused his followers to collect their wives, followers and 
Dependants at Patan and to remove them to Khambaliya 1 , whither 
^ie retired. Thence he fled further into Kathiawar and took refuge 
with the raja of Gunar (Junagarh) who afforded him 'wood and 
water' in the hills and forests of his small kingdom. 

Muhammad meanwhile advanced to Patan, where he received 
the submission of the Hindu chieftains of the province, and from 
the raja of Mandal and Patri 2 an offering of the heads of some of 
the rebels who had taken refuge with him. While at Patan he 
received the news that the Deccan, where everything had gone ill 
with his cause since his departure, was lost to him. The ' centurion ' 
Hasan, who had received from the Afghan king the title of Zafar 
Khan, had marched to Bidar and, with the help of reinforcements 
received from Daulatabad and from Kanhayya Naik of Warangal, 
had defeated and slain 'Imad-ul-Mulk Sartiz and dispersed his army. 
His victory was the death-blow to the royal cause in the Deccan, 
and as Hasan approached Daulatabad the royal troops raised the 
siege and hastily retreated on Dhar. Nasir-ud-dm Isma'il Shah 
left the citadel and met the conqueror at Nizampur, about three 
and a half miles from the fortress, where he entertained him for 
fourteen days. Ismail, an old man who loved his ease, clearly 
perceived that Hasan was the man of the hour, and resolved to 
descend gracefully from a throne which he had not sought and 
professed not to desire. Summoning his officers, he announced to 
them his intention of abdicating and professed his readiness to 
swear allegiance to any, worthier than himself, on whom their 
choice might fall. The election of Hasan was a foregone conclusion. 
It was he who had driven the royal troops from the Deccan, and 
his claim to descent from the half-mythical hero, Bahman son of 
Isfandiyar, seemed to mark him out for the honour of royalty. On 
August 3, 1347, he was acclaimed by the assembled nobles of the 
Deccan under the title of Abu'l-Muzaffar 'Ala-ud-din Bahman Shah 8 , 
and founded a dynasty which ruled the Deccan for nearly a hundred 
and eighty years. 

1 Situated in 22 9' N. and 6940'E. 

3 Two towns immediately to the east of the Little Bann, Mandal is in 2316'N. 
and 71 55' E. and Patri in 25 10' N. and 71 48' E. 

3 That this was his title is proved by a contemporary inscription and legends on 
coins, as well as by independent historical evidence. European historians have hitherto 
accepted unquestioning!? Firishta's absurd legend of his having assumed the title 
'Ala-ud-dln Hasan Kanku Bahmanl in honour of one Gangu, a Brahman whose slave 



vi] Independence of the Deccan 171 

The king had already summoned Khvaja Jahan and other nobles 
from Delhi with a large army, with a view to dispatching them to 
the Deccan, but the news of Bahman Shah's success deterred him 
from attempting the recovery of the southern provinces while Taghi 
was still at large in Kathiawar and disaffection was rife throughout 
his dominions, and he resolved to restore order in Gujarat before 
attempting to recover his lost provinces. The local officials and 
chieftains who had come from the Daulatabad province to wait on 
him, on learning this decision, returned in a body to Daulatabad, 
where they settled down quietly as loyal subjects of Bahman Shah. 

The loss of the Deccan was a bitter blow to Muhammad, and 
after his custom he sought counsel and consolation of Barani, the 
historian. He sadly likened his kingdom to a sick man oppressed 
by a variety of diseases, the remedy of one of which aggravated 
the rest, so that as soon as he had restored order in one province 
another fell into disorder, and he appealed to Barani for historical 
precedents for the course to be followed in such a case. Barani 
could give him but little comfort Some kings so situated, he said, 
had abdicated in favour of a worthy son and had spent the rest of 
their lives in seclusion, while others had devoted themselves to 
pleasure and had left all business of state in the hands of their 
ministers. The king replied that he had intended, had events shaped 
themselves according to his will, to resign the government of his 
kingdom to his cousin Firuz, Malik Kabir, and Khvaja Jahan, and 
to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, but that the disobedience of his 
people had so inflamed his wrath and his severity had so aggravated 
their contumacy that he could not escape from the vicious circle, 
and must continue, while he lived, to wield the sword of punishment. 

Having definitely abandoned the idea of recovering the Deccan 
he was able to devote the whole of his attention and resources to 
the suppression of Taghf s rebellion and to the re-establishment of 
his authority in Gujarat and Kathiawar. He spent the rainy season 
of 1348 at Mandal and Patri, engaged in re-organising his army 
and in improving the administration of Gujarat. At its close he 
marched into Kathiawar with the object of subjugating the raja of 
Girnar, who had harboured the rebel. The raja, with a view to 
averting his vengeance, was preparing to seize and surrender Taghi, 
but the latter, being apprised of the design, fled from Kathiawar to 
Sind. The rainy season of 1349 was spent in the neighbourhood 

be had formerly been. His regal name was Bahman, and it is only to his successors 
that the epithet Bahmani is properly applied. The meaning of the addition Kanku has 
not been established, but it is probably a corruption of Kaikaus, the name of Bahman 
Shah's father. 



172 The Tughluq Dynasty [CH. vi 

of Girnar, which fortress Muhammad captured, establishing his 
authority in all the ports of the Kathiawar coast Not only the 
raja of Girnar, but Khengar, raja of Cutch, whose dominions ex- 
tended into Kathiawar, and the minor chieftains of the peninsula 
appeared before him and made their submission to him, acknow- 
ledging him as their over-lord. From Girnar he inarched to Gondal, 
in the centre of Kathiawar, where he was attacked by a fever 
which prostrated him for some months. Here he spent the rainy 
season of 1350, and here he received news of the death of Malik 
Kabir at Delhi, which deeply grieved him. Khvaja Jahan and 
Malik Maqbul were sent to Delhi to carry on the administration 
of the kingdom and Muhammad ordered the nobles at Delhi to 
join him with their contingents, to reinforce the army with which 
he purposed to invade Sind and punish the Jam, who had harboured 
the rebel Taghi. Contingents were likewise summoned from Dipal- 
pur, Multan, Uch, and Sehwan, so that it was at the head of a great 
host that the king, in October, 1350, set out for Sind. After crossing 
the Indus he was joined by a force of four or five thousand Mughul 
auxiliaries under Ultun Bahadur, who had been sent by the Amir 
Farghan to his assistance. He then marched on towards Tattah, 
and was within thirty leagues of that town on Muharram 10, 752 
(March 9, 1351) which, being a da} 7 of mourning, he observed by 
fasting. He broke his fast with a hearty meal of fish, and the fever 
from which he had suffered in the previous year returned. He still, 
however, travelled on by boat, but was obliged to rest when within 
fourteen leagues of Tattah, and as he lay sick fear fell upon his 
great army, held together by his personal authority alone. Far 
from home, encumbered with their wives and families, within reach 
of the enemy, and attended by allies whom they feared hardly less, 
they knew not what should become of them on the death of their 
leader. On March 20, 1351, the event which they dreaded came to 
pass, 'and so/ says Budauni, 'the king was freed from his people 
and they from their king.' 

Enough has perhaps been said of the extraordinary character 
of Muhammad Tughluq. He was a genius, with an unusually large 
share of that madness to which great wit is nearly allied, and the 
contradictions of his character were an enigma to those who knew 
him best. Both Barani and Ibn Batutah are lost in astonishment 
at his arrogance, his piety, his humility, his pride, his lavish 
generosity, his care for his people, his hostility to them, his pre- 
ference for foreigners, his love of justice and his ferocious criielty, 
and can find no better description of their patron than that he was 
a freak of creation. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE REIGN OF FIRUZ TUGHLUQ, THE DECLINE AND 

EXTINCTION OF THE DYNASTY, AND THE INVASION 

OF INDIA BY TAIMUR 

THE death of Muhammad left the army without a leader and 
threw it into confusion. Some historians allege that on his death- 
bed he designated his cousin, Firuz, the son of Rajab, as his heir, 
but these are the panegyrists of Firuz, who made no attempt to 
claim the throne but merely associated himself with other officers 
in the endeavour to extricate it from a perilous situation. Its 
Mughul allies under Ultun Bahadur were regarded with appre- 
hension and, having been rewarded for their services, were requested 
to retire to their own country. They were already retreating when 
they were joined by Nauruz Gurgln, a Mughul officer who had 
served Muhammad for some years and now deserted with his con- 
tingent and disclosed to Ultun the confusion which reigned in the 
army. The army had already begun a straggling and disorderly 
retreat when it was attacked in flank by the Mughuls and in rear 
by the Sindls and plundered, almost without opposition, by both. 
The dispirited and demoralised host had been at the mercy of its 
enemies for two days when the officers urged Firuz, now forty-six 
years of age, to ascend the throne, but the situation was complicated 
by his professed unwillingness to 'accept their nomination and by 
the presence of a competitor, a child named Davar Malik, whose 
claims were vehemently urged by his mother, a daughter of Ghiyas- 
ud-din Tughluq. She was silenced by the objection that the crisis 
required a man, not a child, at the head of affairs, and on March 23, 
1351, the nobles overcame the protests of Firuz by forcing him on 
to the throne and acclaiming him. Having ransomed the captives 
taken by the Mughuls and the Sindis he attacked and drove off the 
enemy, so that the army was able to continue its retreat to Delhi 
without molestation, while a force was left in Sind to deal with 
the rebel Taghi. 

On his way towards Delhi Firuz learned that the aged minister, 
Khvaja Jahan, had proclaimed in the capital, under the title of 
Ghiyas-ud-din Muhammad, a child whom he declared to be the son 
of Muhammad Tughluq, but whom the historians represent as sup- 
posititious. We have, however, no impartial chronicle of this reign 



1 74 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

and there is much to justify the belief that the child was Mu- 
hammad's son and that the allegation that he was not was an 
attempt by panegyrists to improve their patron's feeble hereditary 
title 1 . 

To the people of Delhi the boy's relationship, whether genuine 
or fictitious, to their old tyrant was no recommendation, and 
numbers fled from the city to join Firuz. The king was relieved of 
much anxiety by the receipt of the news of the death of Taghl in 
Sind, and by the adhesion to his cause of Malik Maqbul, the ablest 
noble in the kingdom, a Brahman of Telingana who had accepted 
Islam and whom he made his minister. 

The cause of the child king was hopeless and Khvaja Jahan 
repaired as a suppliant to the camp and was kindly received and 
pardoned, against the advice of the officers of the army, but as he 
was retiring to Samana, where he proposed to spend the rest of his 
life in seclusion, he was followed by an officer entitled Sher Khan, 
who put him to death. 

On August 25, 1351, Firuz entered Delhi without opposition and 
ascended the throne. He conciliated his subjects by remitting all 
debts due to the state and by abstaining from any endeavour to 
recover the treasure which had been lavished by Khvaja Jahan in 
his attempt to establish his nominee. For the first year of his reign 
he was fully employed in restoring peace and order in the kingdom, 
which had been harried and distracted by the freaks and exactions 
of his predecessor. Bengal and the Deccan were lost, and he made 
no serious attempt to recover either, but in the extensive territory 
still subject to Delhi he did his l>est to repair Muhammad's errors. 
He appointed Khvaja Hisam-ud-dln Junaid assessor of the revenue, 
and within a period of six years the assessor completed a tour of 
inspection of the kingdom and submitted his report. Firuz reduced 
the demand on account of land revenue so as to leave ample pro- 
vision for the cultivator and further lightened his burdens by 
abolishing the pernicious custom of levying benevolences from pro- 
vincial governors, both on first appointment and annually. The t 
result of these wise measures was an enormous expansion of the 
cultivated area, though the statement that no village lay waste and 
no culturable land remained untilled is certainly an exaggeration. 
In fertile tracts thriving villages inhabited by a contented peasantry 
dotted the country at intervals of two miles or less, and in the 
neighbourhood of Delhi alone there were 1200 garden villages in 
which fruit was grown and which paid yearly to the treasury 180,000 

1 See J.R.A.S., for July, 1922. 



vn] Public Works of FlrUz 175 

tangos. The revenue from the Doab, which had been nearly de- 
populated by the exactions of Muhammad amounted to 8,000,000 
tangos, and that of the crown lands of the whole kingdom to 
68,500,000 tangos, each worth about twenty pence. At a later 
period of his reign, in 1375, Firuz abolished some twenty-five 
vexatious cesses, mostly of the nature of octroi duties, which had 
weighed heavily upon merchants and tradesmen. The immediate 
loss to the public exchequer was computed at 3,000,000 tongas 
annually, but the removal of these restrictions on trade and agri- 
culture naturally produced a fall in prices, so that wheat sold in 
Delhi at eight jltals and pulse and barley at four jltals the man, 
thejital being worth rather more than one-third of a penny. These 
rates were virtually the same as those fixed by 'Ala-ud-din Khalji, 
but in the reign of Firuz there was no arbitrary interference with 
the law of supply and demand, except in the case of sweetmeats, 
the manufacturers of which were justly compelled to allow the 
consumer to benefit by the fall in the price of the raw material. 

It was not only by lightening the cultivator's burden that Firuz 
encouraged agriculture. He is still remembered as the author of 
schemes of irrigation, and traces of his canals yet remain. Of these 
there were five, the most important being the canal, 150 miles long, 
which carried the waters of the Jumna into the arid tract in which 
he founded his city of Hisar-i-Firuza (Hissar). He also sank 150 
wells for purposes of irrigation and for the use of travellers and 
indulged a passion for building which equalled, if it did not surpass, 
that of the Roman Emperor Augustus. The enumeration of three 
hundred towns founded by him must be regarded as an exaggeration 
unless we include in the number waste villages restored and re- 
populated during his reign, but the towns of Firuzabad, or New 
Delhi, Fathabad, Hissar, Firuzpur near Budaun, and Jaunpur were 
founded by him, and he is credited with the construction or restora- 
tion of four mosques, thirty palaces, two hundred caravanserais, 
five reservoirs, five hospitals, a hundred tombs, ten baths, ten 
monumental pillars, and a hundred bridges. 

While resting at Delhi after his return from Sind Firuz per- 
formed the quaintly pious duty of atoning vicariously for the sins 
of his cousin. In his own words he caused the heirs of those who 
had been executed during the reign of his late lord and master, 
and those who had been deprived of a limb, nose, or eye to be 
appeased with gifts and reconciled to the late king, so that they 
executed deeds, duly attested by witnesses, declaring themselves 
to be satisfied. These were placed in a chest, which was deposited 



176 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

in the tomb of Muhammad in the hope that God would show him 
mercy. 

Bengal had for some years ceased to acknowledge the authority 
of Delhi. In 1338 Mubarak, styling himself Fakhr-ud-din Mubarak 
Shah, had established himself in Eastern Bengal, and had been 
succeeded in 1349 by Ikhtiyar-ud-din Ghazi Shah; and in 1339 
'Ala-ud-din 'All Shah had assumed independence in Western Bengal. 
In 1345 Hajl Iliyas, styling himself Shams-ud-din Iliyas Shah, had 
made himself master of Western Bengal, and in 1352 had over- 
thrown Ghazi Shah and established his dominion over the whole of 
Bengal. Emboldened by success, and by the indifference of Firuz, 
Iliyas had rashly invaded Tirhut with the object of annexing the 
south-eastern districts of the now restricted kingdom of Delhi, 
but Firuz was now free to punish this act of aggression, and in 
November, 1353, marched from Delhi with 70,000 horse to repel 
the invader. Iliyas retired before him into Tirhut, and thence to 
his capital, Pandua, but mistrusting the strength of this stronghold, 
continued his retreat to Ikdala, a village situated on islands in the 
Brahmaputra and protected by the dense jungle which clothed the 
river's banks, whither Firuz followed him. Firuz failed to reduce 
Ikdala and Iliyas endeavoured to detain the invaders in Bengal 
until the advent of the rainy season, in the hope that the un- 
healthiness of the climate and the difficulty of communicating with 
Delhi would place them at his mercy, but Firuz preferred an un- 
dignified retreat to almost certain disaster. Iliyas followed and 
attacked him, but was defeated with some loss and Firuz continued 
his retreat without further molestation and on September 1, 1354, 
entered Delhi. 

After his return he founded on the banks of the Jumna im- 
mediately to the south of the present city of Delhi, a new capital, 
which he called Firuzabad, a name which he had already vauntingly 
bestowed on the city of Pandua. The new town occupied the sites 
of the old town of Indarpat and eleven other villages or hamlets, 
and contained no fewer than eight large mosques. A regular service 
of public conveyances, with fixed rates of hire connected it with 
Old Delhi, ten miles distant. In the following year Firuz, when 
visiting Dipalpur, gave directions for the cutting of a canal from 
the Sutlej to Jhajjar, a town within forty miles of Delhi, and in 
1356 he founded Hissar on the sites of two villages Laras-i-Buzurg 
and Laras-i-Khurd. The neighbourhood was arid, and the new 
town was supplied with water by two canals, one from the Jumna, 
in the neighbourhood of Karnal, and the other from the Sutlej, 



vn] Expedition to Bengal 177 

near the point at which it emerges from the mountains. The canal 
from Dfpalpur to Jhajjar also passed at no great distance from the 
new town. 

In December, 1356, the king was gratified by the receipt of a 
robe of honour and a commission recognising his sovereignty in 
India from the puppet Abbasid Caliph in Egypt, but the envoy 
also bore a letter which commended to him the Bahman! dynasty 
of the Deccan in terms which made it clear that the Caliph recog- 
nised its independence. At the same time envoys arrived with 
complimentary gifts from Iliyas, and obtained from Flruz recog- 
nition of the independence of Bengal. 

Throughout this reign the country was remarkably free from 
irruptions of the Mughuls, of which only two are recorded, both of 
them being successfully repulsed. 

In 1358 a plot was formed against the life of Flruz. His cousin 
Khudavandzada, who had unsuccessfully claimed the throne for 
her son, now lived at Delhi, and she and her husband arranged 
that the king should be assassinated by armed men on the occasion 
of a visit to her house, but the plot was frustrated by her son, 
Davar Malik, who was not in sympathy with his stepfather, Khusrav 
Malik, and contrived to apprise Flruz by signs that his life was in 
danger, thus causing him to depart sooner than was his wont, and 
before the arrangements for his assassination were complete. On 
returning to his palace he sent troops to surround the house, and 
the men who were to have slain him were arrested and disclosed 
the plot. Khudavandzada was imprisoned, her great wealth was 
confiscated, and her husband was banished. 

Iliyas was now dead, and had been succeeded in Bengal by his 
son, Sikandar Shah, and in 1359 Flruz, regardless of his treaty 
with the father, invaded with a large army the dominions of the 
son. The transparently frivolous pretext for the expedition was 
the vindication of the rights of Zafar Khan, a Persian who had 
married the daughter of Fakhr-ud-dm Mubarak Shah of Eastern 
Bengal and whose hopes of sitting on the throne of his father-in-law 
had been shattered by the conquest and annexation of Eastern 
Bengal by Iliyas. On the conquest of the country Zafar Khan had 
fled to the coast and embarked on a ship which carried him round 
Cape Comorin to Tattah, whence he had made his way to the 
court of Firuz, who appointed him, in 1357, deputy minister of the 
kingdom. 

Flruz halted for six months at Zafarabad on the Gumti and 
founded in its neighbourhood a city which became known as 
c. H.I. m. 12 



178 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

Jaunpur. Muslim historians derive the name from Jauna, the title 
by which Muhammad Tughluq had been known before his acces- 
sion, but the city of Firuz was not the first town on the site and 
Hindus derive the name, which occasionally takes the form of 
Jamanpur, from Jamadagni, a famous risk I. 

At the end of the rainy season Firuz continued his inarch into 
Bengal, and Sikandar, following his father's example, retired to 
Ikdala. The second siege was no more successful than the first, 
and Sikandar was able to obtain peace on very favourable terms. 
He is said to have promised to surrender Sonargaon, the capital 
of Eastern Bengal, to Zafar Khan, but the promise, even if made, 
cost him nothing, for Zafar Khan preferred the security and emolu- 
ments of his place at court to the precarious tenure of a vassal 
throne. From partial historians we learn that Sikandar agreed to 
pay an annual tribute of forty elephants, but the same historians 
are constrained to admit that he obtained from Firuz recognition 
of his royal title, a jewelled crown worth 80,000 ttmgas and 5000 
Arab and Turkish horses. 

Firuz halted at Jaunpur during the rainy season of 1360, and 
in the autumn led an expedition into Orissa. It is not easy, from 
the various accounts of the operations, to follow his movements 
with accuracy, but his objective was Purl, famous for the great 
temple of Jagaunath. As he advanced into Orissa, which is de- 
scribed as a fertile and wealthy country, the raja fled and took 
ship for a port on the coast of Telingana. Firuz reached Pun, 
occupied the raja's palace, and took the great idol, which he sent 
to Delhi to be trodden underfoot by the faithful. Rumours of an 
intended pursuit reached the raja, who sent envoys to sue foi 
peace, which he obtained by the surrender of twenty elephants 
and a promise to send the same number annually to Delhi, anc 
Firuz began his retreat. He attempted to reach Kara on tin 
Ganges, where he had left his heavy baggage, by a route mon 
direct than that by which he had advanced, traversing the littl< 
known districts of Chota Nagpur. The army lost its way, and wan 
dered for six months through a country sparsely populated, hillj 
and covered with dense jungle. Supplies were not to be had, an< 
numbers perished from the hardships and privations which the 
suffered, but at length the troops emerged from the hills an< 
forests in which they had been wandering into the open plait 
Meanwhile the absence of news from the army had caused at Dell 
unrest so grave that Maqbul, the regent, had considerable difficult 
in maintaining order, but news of the army allayed the excitemen 



vi i] Capture of Kangra 179 

of the populace, and the king was received on his return with great 
rejoicing. 

In 1351 Firuz marched from Delhi with the object of attempting 
to recover the fortress of Daulatabad, but his progress was arrested 
by reports that the raja of Kangra had ventured to invade his 
kingdom and plunder some of the districts lying at the foot of the 
mountains, and he marched to Sirhind with the object of attacking 
Kangra. On his way to Sirhind he observed that a canal might be 
cut to connect the waters of the Saraswati with those of another 
river, probably the Markanda, which rises near Nahan and flows 
past Shahabad, to the south of Ambala. The two streams were 
divided by high ground, but the canal was completed by the labours 
of 30,000 workmen. In the course of the excavation large fossil 
bones were discovered, some of which were correctly identified as 
those of elephants, while others were ignorantly supposed to be 
those of a race of prehistoric men. The records of the reign have 
proved useful as a guide to later and more scientific investigators, 
and led to the discovery of the fossil bones of sixty-four genera of 
mammals which lived at the foot of the Himalaya in Pliocene 
(Siwalik) times, of which only thirty-nine genera have species now 
living. Of eleven species of the elephant only one now survives in 
India, and of six species of bos but two remain. 

Firuz enriched Sirhind with a new fort, which he named Firuz- 
pur, and continued his march northwards towards Kangra by way 
of the famous temple of Jwalainukhi, where he dealt less harshly 
than usual with the Brahman priests. A panegyrist defends him 
from the imputation of encouraging idolatry by presenting a golden 
umbrella to be hung over the head of the idol, which he seems, in 
fact, to have removed; but he ordered that some of the sacred 
books, of which there were 1300 in the temple, should be trans- 
lated, and one in particular, treating of natural science, augury, 
and divination, was rendered into Persian verse by a court poet, 
A'azz-ud-din Khalid Khani, and named by him Dcda'il-i-Flruz 
Shahl. Firishta describes the book as a compendium of theoretical 
and practical science, and even the rigidly orthodox Budauni admits 
that it is moderately good, free neither from beauties nor defects, 
which is high praise from him. Budauni mentions also some ' un- 
profitable and trivial works on prosody, music, and dancing/ which 
were translated. There seems to be no reason for crediting the 
statement, made with some diffidence by Firishta, that Firuz broke 
up the idols of Jwalainukhi, mixed their fragments with the flesh 
of cows, and hung them in nosebags round the Brahmans' necks, 

122 



i8o The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

and that he sent the principal idol as a trophy to Medina. The 
raja of Kangra surrendered after standing a very short siege, and 
was courteously received and permitted to retain his territory as a 
fief of Delhi. 

The enforced retreat from Sind and the insolence of the Sindis 
had rankled in the memory of Firuz ever since his accession, and 
in 1362 he set out for that country with an army of 90,000 horse 
and 480 elephants. He collected on the Indus a large fleet of boats, 
which accompanied the army down-stream to Tattah, the capital of 
the Jams of Sind, which was situated on both banks of the river. 
The ruler was now Jam Mali, son of Jam Unnar, and he was assisted 
in the government by his brother's son, Babaniya. Both were reso- 
lute in defending the city, and the royal army was exposed to the 
sorties of the garrison and suffered from a severe famine and from 
an epizootic disease which carried off or disabled three-quarters 
of the horses of the cavalry. The garrison, observing their plight, 
sallied forth and attacked them in force, and though they were 
driven back within the walls Firuz, who was humiliated at the same 
time by the capture of his entire fleet, decided to retreat for a 
time to Gujarat, where his troops might recruit their strength and 
replace their horses. 

The troops suffered more severely during the retreat than during 
the siege. The disease among the horses lost none of its virulence, 
and grain still rose in price. The starving soldiery fell out by the 
way and died, and the survivors were reduced to eating carrion 
and hides. The principal officers were obliged to march on foot 
with their men, and treacherous guides led the army into the llann 
of Cutch, where there was no fresh water, so that thirst was added 
to their other privations, and they suffered terrible losses. Once 
again no news of the army reached Delhi for some months, and 
Maqbul, the regent, had great difficulty in restraining the turbulence 
of the anxious and excited populace, and was at length reduced to 
the expedient of producing a forged dispatch. The execution of 
one of the treacherous guides induced the others to extricate the 
army from its perilous position, and it emerged at length from the 
desert and salt morass into the fertile plains of Gujarat. Dispatches 
to Delhi restored order in the city, and the governor of Gujarat, 
Nizam-ul-Mulk, who had failed to send either guides or supplies 
to the army, was dismissed from his post, Zafar Khan being ap- 
pointed in his place. 

During the rainy season of 1363 Firuz was employed in Gujarat 
in repairing the losses of his army. Officers and men received 



v 1 1] Conquest of Sind 1 8 1 

liberal grants to enable them to replace their horses, the revenues 
of the province were appropriated to the reorganisation of the 
army, and requisitions for material of war were sent to Delhi. The 
king was obliged to forgo a favourable opportunity for interference 
in the affairs of the Deccan, where Bahman Shah had died in 1358 
and had been succeeded by his son, Muhammad I. His son-in-law, 
Bahrain Khan Mazandarani, who was governor of Daulatabad, 
resented the elevation of Muhammad, against whom he openly 
rebelled three years later, and now invited Firuz to recover the 
Deccan, promising him his support, but the king would not abandon 
his enterprise in Sind, and Bahram was disappointed. 

Firuz Shah's return to Sind was unexpected, and the people, 
who were quietly tilling their fields, fled before him, destroyed that 
portion of Tattah which stood on the eastern bank of the Indus, 
and took refuge behind the fortifications of mud on the western 
bank. Firuz, hesitating to attempt the passage of the river under 
these defences, sent two officers with their contingents up the 
Indus, which they crossed at a considerable distance above the 
town and, inarching down the western bank, made an unsuccessful 
attack on the town. After this failure they were recalled and the 
king sent to Delhi for reinforcements and, while awaiting their 
arrival, reaped and garnered the crops, so that his army was well 
supplied while the garrison of Tattah began to feel the pinch of 
famine. When the reinforcements arrived the Jam lost heart and 
sent an envoy to sue for peace. Firuz was inclined to leniency, 
and Bfibaniya and the Jam, on making their submission to him, 
were courteously received, but were informed that they would be 
required to accompany him to Delhi and that an annual tribute 
of 400,000 tanyas, of which the first instalment was to be paid at 
once, would be required. These terms were accepted and the Jam 
and Babaniya accompanied Firuz to Delhi as guests under mild 
restraint. The rejoicings on the return of the army were marred 
by the lamentations of those who had lost relations during the 
disastrous retreat to Gujarat, and Firuz, who had already, while 
wandering in the Rann, sworn never again to wage war but for the 
suppression of rebellion, now publicly expressed regret for having 
undertaken the expedition to Sind, and ordered that the estates and 
property of the deceased should descend, rent-free, to their heirs. 

In 1365-66 envoys from Bahram Khan Mazandarani, who was 
now in rebellion against Muhammad Shah Bahmani, arrived at 
court and besought Firuz to come to the aid of those who wished 
to return to the allegiance of Delhi, but were curtly told that 



1 82 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

whatever they suffered was the just and natural punishment of 
their rebellion against Muhammad Tughluq, and were dismissed. 

In 1372-73 the faithful minister, Maqbul Khanjahan, died, and 
was succeeded in his honours and emoluments by his son, who 
received his father's title of Khai\jahan ; and in the following year 
Zafar Khan, governor of Gujarat, died, and was succeeded by his 
son, Darya Khan, who also received his father's title. 

The affectionate disposition of Firuz received a severe blow 
from the death of his eldest son, Fath Khan, on July 23, 1374, and 
we may attribute to his grief the gradual impairment of his faculties, 
evidence of which may be observed shortly after his son's death. 
At first he withdrew entirely from public business, and when he 
resumed its responsibilities one of his first acts was entirely foreign 
to his previous character. Shams-ud-din DamaghanI, a meddle- 
some and envious noble, insisted that the province of Gujarat was 
assessed for revenue at too low a rate, and offered, if placed in 
charge of it, to send annually to Delhi, in addition to the revenue 
for which the province had been assessed, 100 elephants, 400,000 
tangos, 400 slaves, and 200 horses. Firuz was loth to disturb Zafar 
Khan, but demanded of his deputy, Abu Rija, the additional con- 
tributions suggested by DamaghanI. Abfi Rija declared that the 
province could not bear this impost and Firuz, ordinarily solicitous 
to alleviate the burdens of his subjects, dismissed him and his 
master, Zafar Khan, and appointed DamaghanI governor of Gujarat. 
On his arrival in the province the new governor encountered the 
most determined opposition to his extortionate demands and, finding 
himself unable to fulfil his promise, raised the standard of rebellion, 
but was overpowered and slain by the centurions of Gujarat, who 
sent his head to court. Firuz then appointed to the government of 
Gujarat Malik Mufrih, who received the title of Farhat-ul-Mulk. 

In 1377 Firuz was engaged in repressing a rebellion in the 
Etawah district, where the revenue could seldom be collected but 
by armed force; and two years later found it necessary to take 
precautions against a threatened inroad of the Mughuls, which his 
preparations averted. In the same year his usually mild nature 
was stirred to a deed of vengeance worthy of his predecessor. 
Kharku, the raja of Katehr, had invited to his house Sayyid Mu- 
bamtfiad, governor of Budaun, and his two brothers, and trea- 
'cherbusly slew them. In the king's pious estimation the heinousness 
of the crime was aggravated by the descent of the victims, and in 
the spring of 1380 he marched into Katehr and there directed a 
massacre of the Hindus so general and so indiscriminate that, as 



vn] Devastation of Katehr 183 

one historian says, ' the spirits of the murdered Sayyids themselves 
arose to intercede/ Kharku fled into Kumaun and was followed 
by the royal troops who, unable to discover his hiding place, visited 
their disappointment on the wretched inhabitants, of whom vast 
numbers were slain and 23,000 captured and enslaved. The ap- 
proach of the rainy season warned Firuz to retire from the hills 
of Kumaun, but his thirst for vengeance was not yet sated. Before 
leaving for Delhi he appointed an Afghan to the government of 
Sambhal, and ordered him to devastate Katehr annually with fire 
and sword. He himself visited the district every year for the next 
five years and so supplemented the Afghan's bloody work that ' in 
those years not an acre of land was cultivated, no man slept in 
house, and the death of the three Sayyids was avenged by that of 
countless thousands of Hindus/ 

In 1385, the last year of these raids, Firuz founded near Budaun 
a strong fort which he named Firiizpur 1 , but the miserable in- 
habitants called it in derision Akhirinpur (' the last of his cities ') 
and the gibe was fulfilled, for Firuz now lapsed into a condition of 
senile decay, and could no more found cities or direct the ship of 
state. As a natural consequence of the failure of his intellect his 
minister, Khanjahan, became all powerful, and soon abused his 
power. In 1387 he persuaded Firuz that Muhammad Khan, his 
eldest surviving son, was conspiring with Zafar Khan and other 
nobles to remove him and ascend the throne. Firuz, without in- 
quiring into the matter, authorised the minister to arrest those 
whom he had accused, and Zafar Khan was summoned from his 
fief of Mahoba on the pretext that his accounts were to be exa- 
mined, and waa^confined in Khanjahan's house. The prince evaded, 
on the plea of ill-health, attendance at a darbnr at which he was 
to have been arrested, but privately gained access to the royal 
harem by arriving at the gate in a veiled litter which was supposed 
to contain his wife. His appearance, fully armed, in the inner 
apartments at first caused consternation, but he was able to gain 
his father's e^r, and easily persuaded him that the real traitor was 
Khanjahan, who intended to pave his own way to the throne by 
the destruction of the royal family. Armed with his father's autho- 
rity, he led the household troops, numbering ten or twelve thousand, 
and the royal elephants to Khanjahan's house. The 
hearing of his approach, put Zafar Khan to < 

forth with his own troops to meet his enemies. 

v * 

1 Perhaps the village about three miles south of Budaun, yjiicj* Appears 
Indian Atlas as Flruzpur Iklehrl. 



184 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

and retired into his house, whence he made his escape by an un- 
guarded door and fled into Mewat, where he took refuge with a 
Rajput chieftain, Koka the Chauhan. His house was plundered 
and his followers were slain, and Muhammad Khan returned to 
the palace. Firuz, no longer capable of governing, associated his 
son with himself not only in the administration, but also in the 
royal title, and caused him to be proclaimed, on August 22, 1387, 
under the style of Nasir-ud-din Muhammad Shah. 

One of Muhammad's first acts was to send Sikandar Khan, 
master of the horse, into Mewat to seize Khanjahan, with a promise 
of the government of Gujarat as the reward of success. Khanjahan 
was surrendered by Koka, and Sikandar Khan, after carrying his 
head to Delhi, set out for Gujarat. Muhammad was hunting iu 
Sirmur when he heard that Farhat-ul-Mulk and the centurions of 
Gujarat had defeated and slain Sikandar Khan, whose broken troops 
had returned to Delhi. He returned at once to the capital, but 
instead of taking any steps to punish the rebels neglected all 
public business and devoted himself entirely to pleasure. For five 
months the administrative machinery, which had been adjusted by 
Firuz in the earlier years of his reign, worked automatically, but 
the apathy and incompetence of Muhammad became daily more 
intolerable, and many of the old servants of the crown assembled 
a large force and rose against him, nominally in the interests of 
Firuz. An envoy who was sent to treat with them was stoned and 
wounded, and Muhammad was forced to take the field against 
them, but, when hard pressed, they succeeded in forcing their way 
into the palace and, after two days' indecisive fighting, placed the 
decrepit Firuz in a litter and carried him into the fi^d. The device, 
which is of frequent occurrence in Indian history, succeeded. The 
troops with Muhammad believed that their old master had deliber- 
ately taken the field against his son and deserted Muhammad, who 
fled into Sirmur with a few retainers. Firuz promoted his grandson, 
Tughluq Khan, son of the deceased Fath Khan, to the position 
lately held by Muhammad, and conferred on him the royal title. 
On September 20, 1388, Firuz died, at the age of eighty-three, after 
a reign of thirty-seven years. 

Indian historians praise Firuz as the most just, merciful, and 
beneficent ruler since the days of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, son of 
Iltutmish, and there is some similarity between the characters of 
the two, though Firuz was in almost every respect superior. Both 
were weak rulers, but Firuz was far less weak and vacillating than 
Mahmud, and both were benevolent, but the benevolence of Firuz 



vn] Death of Firuz 185 

was more active than that of MahmucL Firuz possessed far more 
ability than Mahmud, and his weakness consisted largely in an 
indolent man's distaste for the details of business and in unwilling- 
ness to cause pain. His benevolence was indiscriminate, for he 
showed as much indulgence to the corrupt official as to the indigent 
husbandman, and his passion for constructing works of public utility 
was due probably as much to vanity as to benevolence. The dis- 
continuance of the practice of demanding large gifts from place- 
holders was intended to relieve the poorer classes, on whom the 
burden ultimately fell, and was perhaps not wholly without effect, 
but placeholders continued to enrich themselves, and many amassed 
large fortunes. Firiiz Shah's connivance at corruption and his 
culpable leniency destroyed the effect of his own reforms. Old and 
inefficient soldiers were not compelled to retire but were permitted 
to provide substitutes of whose fitness they were the judges, and the 
annual inspection of cavalry horses was rendered futile by the many 
evasions devised by the king himself. One story is told of his over- 
hearing a trooper bewailing to a comrade the hardship of being 
compelled to submit his horse for inspection. He called the man 
to him and asked him wherein the hardship lay, and he explained 
that he could not expect that his horse would be passed unless he 
ottered the inspector at least a gold tawja, and Firuz gave him the 
coin. The perversity of the act is not perceived by the historian 
who records it, and he merely praises Firuz for his benevolence. 
Similar laxity prevailed in the thirty-six departments of state, and 
in the checking and auditing of the accounts of fiefs and provincial 
governments. There was a great show of order and method, and a 
pretence was made of annually scrutinising all accounts, but not- 
withstanding all formalities 'the king was very lenient, not from 
ignorance of accounts and business, which he understood well, but 
from temperament and generosity/ The working of the mint sup- 
plies an instance of the fraud and peculation which were rife. In 
1370-71 Firuz extended his coinage by minting, for the convenience 
of the poorer classes, pieces of small denominations, and the integrity 
of the officers of the mint was not proof against the opportunity 
for peculation offered by this large issue. Two informers reported 
that the six jltal pieces were a grain short of standard purity, and 
the minister, Maqbul Khanjahan, whose anxiety to hush the matter 
up suggests his complicity, sent for Kajar Shah, the mintmaster, 
who was the principal offender, and directed him to devise a means 
of establishing, to the king's satisfaction, the purity of the coin. 
Kajar Shah arranged that the coins should be melted before the 



1 86 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

metal was assayed, approached the goldsmiths whose duty it would 
be to conduct the experiment in the king's presence, and desired 
them secretly to cast into the crucible sufficient silver to bring the 
molten metal to the standard of purity. They objected that in 
accordance with the ordinary precautions on such occasions they 
would be so denuded of clothing that they would be unable to 
secrete any silver on their persons, but offered to do what was 
required if the silver could be placed within their reach. Kajar 
Shah accordingly arranged that the necessary quantity of silver 
should be concealed in one of the pieces of charcoal used for heating 
the crucible, and the goldsmiths succeeded in conveying it into the 
vessel without being observed, so that the king was hoodwinked 
and the metal, when assayed, was found to be of the standard 
purity. Kajar Shah's presumed innocence was publicly recognised 
by his being carried through the city on one of the royal elephants, 
and the two informers were banished, but both the investigations 
and the public justification of the mintmaster were mere sops to 
public opinion, for Kajar Shah was shortly afterwards dismissed. 
The comments of the contemporary historian are even more in- 
teresting, as an example of the view which an educated an intelligent 
man could then take of such an affair, than his simple record of the 
facts. He can see nothing wrong in the concealment of a crime, in 
the punishment of the innocent and the vindication of the guilty, 
or in the deception practised on the simple Firuz, but commends 
Maqbiil Khanjahan for having dexterously averted a public scandal. 
The same historian, who has nothing but approval for whatever 
was established or permitted in the reign of Firuz, applauds another 
serious abuse. Of the irregular troops some received their salaries 
in cash from the treasury but those stationed at a distance from 
the capital were paid by transferable assignments on the revenue. 
A class of brokers made it their business to buy these drafts in the 
capital at one-third of their nominal value and to sell them to the 
soldiers in the districts at one-half. Shams-i-Siraj 'Afif has no word 
of condemnation for the fraud perpetrated on the unfortunate 
soldier, and nothing but commendation for a system which enabled 
so many knaves to enrich themselves without labour. 

Some of the measures introduced by Firuz for the welfare of 
his subjects may be described as grandmotherly legislation. One 
of them was a marriage bureau and another an employment bureau. 
The marriage of girls who have reached marriageable age is regarded 
in India, with some reason, as a religious duty, and Firuz charged 
himself with the task of seeing that no girl of his own faith remained 



vi i] The Pillars of Asoka 187 

unmarried for want of a dowry. His agency worked chiefly among 
the middle class and the widows and orphans of public servants, 
and was most efficient. The employment agency, unlike those of 
our day, was concerned chiefly with those who desired clerical and 
administrative employment, for at this time the extension of cul- 
tivation and the construction of public works provided ample 
employment for labourers and handicraftsmen. It was the duty 
of the kotirtil of Delhi to seek those who were without employment 
and to produce them at court. Here Firuz personally made inquiry 
into their circumstances and qualifications, and after consulting, as 
far as possible, their inclination, provided them with employment. 
Whether there was any demand for their services lay beyond the 
scope of the inquiry, for the business was conducted on charitable 
rather than on economic principles and probably provided sinecures 
for many a young idler. 

The interest of Firuz in public works was not purely utilitarian, 
and he is remembered for two feats of engineering which appear 
to indicate an interest in archaeology, but may be more justly at- 
tributed to vanity. These were the removal to Delhi, from the sites 
on which they had been erected by Asoka, of two great inscribed 
monoliths. The first, known as the Minara-yi-Zarin, or golden 
pillar, was transferred from a village near Khizrabad, on the upper 
Jumna, to Delhi, where it was re-erected near the palace and great 
mosque at Firuzabad, and the second was transported from Meerut 
and set up on a mound near the Kiishk-i-Shikar, or hunting palace, 
near Delhi. The curious may find, in the pages of Shams-i-Siraj 
'Afif, an elaborate and detailed description of the ingenious manner 
in which these two great pillars were removed and erected in their 
new positions. The difficult feat elicited the admiration of the 
Amir T Imur when he invaded India, and the pillars, which are still 
standing, attracted the attention, in 1015, of 'the famous unwearied 
walker/ Tom Coryate, who erroneously supposed the Sanskrit and 
Prakrit inscriptions of Asoka to be Greek, and referred them to 
the time of Alexander the Great. 

The harsher side of Firuz Shah's piety was displayed in the per- 
secution of heretics, sectaries, and Hindus. His decree abolishing 
capital punishment applied only to those of his own faith, for he 
burnt to death a Brahman accused of trying to propagate his 
religion, and the ruthless massacres with which he avenged the 
murder of the three Sayyids in Budaun prove his benevolence 
to have been strictly limited. In general it seems to have been 
due to weakness of character and love of ease, but he could 



The Later Tughtuqs [en. 

be firm when a question of principle arose. In the course of 
years Bnihmans had acquired, probably by the influence of Hindu 
officials, exemption from the jizya, or poll-tax, leviable by the 
Islamic law from all non-Muslims, and Firuz was resolved to termi- 
nate an anomaly which exempted the leaders of dissent from a tax 
on dissent, but the exemption had acquired the character of a 
prescriptive right, and his decision raised a storm of discontent. 
The Brahmans surrounded his palace and loudly protested against 
the invasion of their ancient privilege, threatening to burn them- 
selves alive, and thus to call down upon him, according to their 
belief, the wrath of heaven 1 . Firuz replied that they might burn 
themselves as soon as they pleased, and the sooner the better, but 
they shrank from the ordeal, and attempted to work on his super- 
stitious fears by sitting without food at his palace gates. <He still 
remained obdurate, but they had better success with the members 
of their own faith, and it was ultimately arranged that the tax 
leviable from the Brahmans should be borne, in addition to their 
own burden, by the lower castes of the Hindus. 

The reign of Firuz closes the most brilliant epoch of Muslim 
rule in India before the reign of Akbar. 'Ala-ud-dm Khalji, who, 
though differing much from Akbar in most respects, resembled him 
in desiring to establish a religion of his own devising, had not only 
extended the empire over almost the whole of India, but had 
welded the loose confederacy of fiefs which had owned allegiance 
to the Slave Kings into a homogeneous state. The disorders which 
followed his death failed to shake seriously the great fabric which 
he had erected, and the energy of Tughluq and, at first, of his son 
Muhammad gave it solidity. The latter prince possessed qualities 
which might have made him the greatest of the rulers of Delhi had 
they not been marred by a disordered imagination. The loss of the 
Deccan and Bengal, occasioned by his tyranny, was not an unmixed 
evil. The difficulty of governing the former, owing to its distance 
from the centre of administration, had been acknowledged by the 

1 This is an extreme example of the practice of dharna, so common at one time in 
India that it was found necessary to make it an offence under the Penal Code. The 
aggrieved person sits at the door of his enemy and threatens to starve himself to death, 
in the belief, common to both, that his enemy will be held responsible for his death 
and thus become the object of divine wrath. By the Brahmanical law the slaying of 
a Brahman involves an infinitely greater degree of guilt than any other crime, and it is 
difficult to persuade a Brahman that his person is not more sacred than that of other 
men. Lord Macaulay's description, in his essay on Warren Hastings, of the scene at 
the execution of Nanda Kumar is, like much else in his historical writings, pure fiction, 
but it was certainly only by slow degrees that Hindus learned the principles of a law 
which is the same for the Brahman as for the outcaste. 



vn] Tughluq II 189 

ill-considered attempt to transfer the capital to Daulatabad, and 
the allegiance of the latter had seldom been spontaneous and had 
depended chiefly on the personality of the reigning sovereign of 
Delhi, an uncertain quantity. What remained of the kingdom was 
more than sufficient to engross the attention of a ruler of ordinary 
abilities, and Firuz had, in spite of two great defects of character, 
succeeded in improving the administration and in alleviating the 
lot and winning the affection of his subjects. Military capacity and 
diligence in matters of detail are qualities indispensable to an 
oriental despot, and Firuz lacked both. After two unsuccessful 
expeditions into Bengal he was fain to recognise the independence 
of that country, and his rashness twice imperilled the existence of 
his army. His easy tolerance of abuses would have completely 
destroyed the efficiency of that mainstay of absolute power, had it 
not been counteracted by the vigilance and energy of his officers, 
who were carefully selected and entirely trusted by him. His judge- 
ment of character was, indeed, the principal counterpoise to his 
impatience of the disagreeable details of government, and the 
personal popularity which he enjoyed as the kindly and genial 
successor of a capricious tyrant secured the fidelity of his trusted 
officers, but his extensive delegation of authority to them under- 
mined the power of the crown. No policy, however well devised, 
could have sustained this power under the feeble rule of his 
successors and the terrible blow dealt at the kingdom within ten 
years of his death, but his system of decentralisation would have 
embarrassed the ablest successors, and undoubtedly accelerated 
the downfall of his dynasty. 

Firuz was succeeded at Delhi by his grandson, who took the 
title of Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq Shah II, while his uncle, Nasir-ud-din 
Muhammad, in his retreat in the Sirmur hills, prepared to assert 
his claim to the throne. Tughluq sent against him an army under 
the command of Malik Firuz 'Ali, whom he had made minister with 
the title of Khanjahan, and Bahadur Nahir, a Rajput chieftain of 
Mewat who had accepted Islam and now became a prominent figure 
on the political stage. Muhammad retired to a chosen position in the 
hills, but was defeated and fled to Kangra, and Khanjahan, who 
shrank from attacking the fortress, returned to Delhi, satisfied with 
his partial success. 

Tughluq, thus temporarily relieved of anxiety, plunged into 
dissipation and sought to secure his tenure of the throne by re- 
moving possible competitors. By imprisoning his brother, Salar 
Shah, he so alarmed his cousin Abu Bakr that that prince was 



190 The Later Tughluq s [CH. 

constrained, in self-defence, to become a conspirator. He found 
a willing supporter in the ambitious Rukn-ud-din, Khanjahan's 
deputy, who had much influence with the household troops. Their 
defection transferred the royal power from Tughluq to Abu Bakr 
and Tughluq and Khanjahan fled from the palace by a door opening 
towards the Jumna. They were overtaken and slain by a body of 
the household troops led by Rukn-ud-dm, and on February 19, 1389, 
the nobles at Delhi acclaimed Abu Bakr Shah as their king. The 
appointment of Rukn-ud-din as minister followed as a matter of 
course, but he was almost immediately detected in a conspiracy 
to usurp the throne, and was put to death. This prompt action 
established for a time Abu Bakr's authority at Delhi, but a serious 
rebellion broke out in the province immediately to the north of 
the capital. The centurions of Samana rose against their governor, 
Khushdil, a loyal adherent of Abu Bakr, put him to death at Sunam, 
and sent his head to Nasir-ud-dln Muhammad, whom they invited 
to make another attempt to gain the throne. Muhammad marched 
from Kangra to Samana, where he was proclaimed king on April 24, 
1389. He continued his march towards Delhi, and before reaching 
the neighbourhood of the city received such accessions of strength 
as to find himself at the head of 50,000 horse, and he was able to 
take up his quarters in the Jahannuma palace in the old city. On 
April 29 some fighting took place at Firuzabad between the troops 
of the rival kings, but the arrival of Bahadur Nuhir from Mewat 
so strengthened Abu Bakr that on the following day he marched 
out to meet his uncle and inflicted on him so crushing a defeat that 
he was glad to escape across the Jumna into the Doab with no 
more than 2000 horse. He retired to J alegar, which he made his 
headquarters, and sent his second son, Humayun Khan, to Samana 
to rally the fugitives and raise fresh recruits. At Jalesar he was 
joined by many discontented nobles, including Malik Sarvar, lately 
chief of the police at Delhi, whom he made his minister, with the 
title of Khvaja Jahan, and NasIr-ul-Mulk, who received the title 
of Khizr Khan, by which he was afterwards to be known as the 
founder of the Sayyid dynasty. Muhammad was thus enabled, by 
July, again to take the field with 50,000 horse, and marched on 
Delhi, but was defeated at the village of Khondll and compelled to 
retire to Jalesar. Notwithstanding this second blow his authority 
was acknowledged in Multan, Lahore, Samana, Hissar, Hans! and 
other districts to the north of Delhi, and was confirmed by execu- 
tions of those disaffected to him, but the general effect of the 
prolonged struggle for the throne was temporary eclipse of the 



vn] Nasir-ud-dln Muhammad 191 

power and authority of the dominant race. Hindus ceased to pay 
the poll-tax and in many of the larger cities of the kingdom menaced 
Muslim supremacy. In January, 1390, Humayun Khan advanced 
from Samana to Painpat and plundered the country as far as the 
walls of Delhi, but was defeated and driven back to Samana. Abu 
Bakr had hitherto been detained in Delhi by the fear that his 
enemies in the city would admit Humayun in his absence, but this 
success encouraged him to attack Muhammad in his stronghold, 
and in April he left Delhi. As he approached Jalesar Muhammad, 
with 4000 horse, eluded him, reached Delhi by forced marches, 
and occupied the palace. Abu Bakr at once retraced his steps, and 
as he entered the city Muhammad fled and returned to Jalesar. 
Abu Bakr's success was, however, illusory and transient ; his 
authority was confined to the capital and the district of Mewat, 
where Bahadur Nahir supported his cause, and even at Delhi his 
rival had many partisans. In August Islam Khan, a courtier who 
had great influence in the army, opened communications with 
Muhammad and placed himself at the head of his adherents in 
1 )elhi. The discovery of the conspiracy so alarmed Abu Bakr that he 
retired with his partisans to Mewat, and Muhammad, on August 31, 
entered the capital and was enthroned in the palace of Flruzabad. 
He ordered the expulsion from Delhi of all the household troops 
of Firfiz Shfih, whose share in the late revolutions had proved them 
to l>e a danger to the State. Most of these troops joined Abu Bakr 
in Mewat and those \vho claimed the right, as natives of Delhi, of 
remaining in the city were required to pronounce the shibboleth 
khara ('brackish'). Those who pronounced it M<7r7, after the manner 
of the inhabitants of eastern Hindustan and Bengal were adjudged 
to be royal slaves imported from those regions, and were put to 
death. 

The nobles from the provinces now assembled at Delhi and 
acknowledged Muhammad as king, and Humayun Khan was sent 
into Mewat to crush Abu Bakr and his faction. The army arrived 
before Bahadur Nahir's stronghold in December, 1390, and, being 
fiercely attacked by the enemy, suffered considerable loss, but 
eventually drove Bahadur Nahir into the fortress. Muhammad 
himself arrived with reinforcements and Abu Bakr and Bahadur 
Nahir were compelled to surrender. The latter was pardoned, but 
Abu Bakr was sent as a prisoner to Meerut, where he soon after- 
wards died. Muhammad, on his return to Delhi, learnt that Farhat- 
wl-Mulk, who had been left undisturbed in Gujarat after his victory 
over Sikandar Khan, refused to recognise Ms authority and sent to 



1 92 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

Gujarat as govenior Zafar Khan, son of WajIh-ul-Mulk, a converted 
Rajput. 

In 1392 the Hindus of Etawah, led by Nar Singh, Sarvadharan 
the Rahtor, and Bir Bhan, chief of Bhansor, rose in rebellion, and 
Islam Khan was sent against them, defeated them, and carried 
Nar Singh to Delhi; but as soon as his back was turned the 
rebellion broke out afresh and Sarvadharan attacked the town of 
Talgram 1 . Muhammad now marched in person against the rebels, 
who shut themselves up in Etawah, and when hard pressed escaped 
from the town by night and fled. The king dismantled the fortifi- 
cations of Etawah and marched to Kanauj and Dalmau, where 
he punished many who had participated in the rebellion, and 
thence to Jalesar, where he built a new fortress, which he named 
Muhammadabad. 

In June, while he was still at Jalesar, the eunuch Malik Sarvar, 
Khvaja Jahan, who had been left as regent at Delhi, reported that 
Islam Khan, who had been appointed minister, was about to leave 
Delhi for Lahore, in order to head a rebellion in the Punjab. Mu- 
hammad hastily returned and taxed Islam Khan with harbouring 
treasonable designs. He protested his innocence, but the faithless- 
ness of his conduct towards Abu Bakr was fresh in the memory of 
all, his nephew appeared as a witness against him, and he was put 
to death. 

In 1393 the Rajputs of Etawah again rebelled, but the governor 
of Jalesar enticed their leaders, by fair words, into Kanauj, and there 
treacherously slew all except Sarvadharan, who escaped and took 
refuge in Etawah. In August of the same year the king inarched 
through the rebellious district of Mewat, laying it waste, and on 
reaching Jalesar fell sick, but was unable to enjoy the repose which 
he needed, for Bahadur Nahir again took the field and Muhammad 
was compelled to march against him, and defeated him. From 
Jalesar he wrote to his son, Humayun Khan, directing him to 
march into the Punjab and quell the rebellion of Shaikha the 
Khokar. The prince was preparing to leave Delhi when he heard 
of the death of his father at Jalesar on January 20, 1394, and on 
January 22 he ascended the throne at Delhi under the title of 
'Ala-ud-dm Sikandar Shah. His reign was brief, for he fell sick 
almost immediately after his accession and died on March 8. 

1 Bilgram is another reading, but it is far more probable that Talgram in the Doab 
was the town attacked, for the Hindus were attempting to establish themselves in the 
Doab, and it is difficult to see why they should have crossed the Ganges and attacked 
Bilgram. 



The Cambridge History of India, Vol. Ill 



Map 4 



INDIA 

in 1398 

The Political boundaries are shown thus: . 

Gxmtric, and Peoplei thus BENGAL 

Towns Parashur 

Riveri Makanadt 




vi i] Nasir-ud-dln Mahmud 193 

So little respect did the royal house now command that the 
provincial governors, who had assembled their troops at Delhi for 
the expedition to Lahore, would have left the capital without 
waiting for the enthronement of a new king, had not Malik Sarvar 
induced them to enthrone, under the title of Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, 
Humayun's brother, the youngest son of Muhammad. 

The kingdom was now in a deplorable condition. The obedience 
of the great nobles was regulated entirely by their caprice or 
interest, and they used or abused the royal authority as occasion 
served. In the eastern provinces the Hindus, who had for some 
years past been in rebellion, threw off all semblance of obedience, 
and the eunuch Malik Sarvar persuaded or compelled Mahmud to 
bestow upon him the lofty title of Sultan-ush-Sharq, or King of 
the East, and to commit to him the duty of crushing the rebellion 
and restoring order. He left Delhi in May, 1394, punished the 
rebels, and after reducing to obedience the districts of Koil, Etawah, 
and Kanauj, occupied Jaunpur, where he established himself as an 
independent ruler. The day on which he left Delhi may be assigned 
sis the date of the foundation of the dynasty of the Kings of the 
East, or of Jaunpur. 

Meanwhile Sarang Khan, who had been appointed on Mahmud's 
accession to the fief of Dipalpur, was sent to restore order in the 
north-western provinces. In September, 1394, having assembled 
the army of Multan as well as his own contingent, he marched 
towards Lahore, which was held by Shaikha the Khokar. Shaikha 
carried the war into the enemy's country by advancing into the 
Dipalpur district and forming the siege of Ajudhan (Pak Pattan) 
but, finding that this counterstroke failed to arrest Sarang Khan's 
advance, hastily retraced his steps and attacked Sarang Khan before 
he could reach Lahore. He was defeated, and fled into the Salt 
Range, and Sarang Khan appointed his own brother, Malik Kandhu, 
governor of Lahore, with the title of 'Adil Khan. 

During the course of these events the king visited Gwalior, 
where Mallu Khan, a brother of Sarang Khan, plotted to overthrow 
Sa'adat Khan, a noble whose growing influence over the king's 
feeble mind had excited the jealousy of the courtiers. The plot 
was discovered and some of the leading conspirators were put to 
death, but Mallu Khan fled to Delhi and took refuge with the 
regent, Muqarrab Khan, who resented the ascendency of Sa'adat 
Khan and, on the king's return to the capital, closed the gates of 
the city against him. For two months Delhi was in a state of siege 
but in November Mahmud, whose authority was disregarded by 
C.H.I. in. 13 



194 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

both parties, grew weary of his humiliating position at the gates of 
his capital, and fled to die protection of Muqarrab Khan. Sa'&dat 
Khan, enraged by his desertion, summoned from Mewat Nusrat 
Khan, a son of Fath Khan, the eldest son of Firuz, and proclaimed 
him in Firuzabad under the title of Nasir-ud-dm Nusrat Shah. 
There were thus two titular kings, one at Delhi and the other at 
Firuzabad, each a puppet in the hands of a powerful noble. Sa'adat 
Khan's arrogance exasperated the old servants of Firuz who ad- 
hered to Nusrat Shah, and they expelled him from Firuzabad. He 
fled, in his extremity, to Delhi, and humbled himself before his 
enemy, Muqarrab Khan, who gave him an assurance of forgiveness, 
but a few days later treacherously caused him to be put to death. 

The various cities which had at different times been the capital 
of the kingdom were now held by the factions of one puppet or the 
other. Muqarrab Khan and Mahmud Shah were in Delhi, Nusrat 
Shah and the old nobles and servants of Firuz in Firuzabad, 
Bahadur Nahir, whose allegiance had been temporarily secured by 
Muqarrab Khan, was in Old Delhi, and Mallu, who owed his life to 
Muqarrab Khan and had received from him the title of Iqbal Khan, 
was in Sin, but neither Nahir nor Mallu was a warm partisan, and 
each was prepared to shape his conduct by the course of events. 
For three years an indecisive but destructive strife was carried 
on in the names of Mahmud and Nusrat, but the kingdom of the 
former, who had been first in the field, was bounded by the walls 
of Delhi, though Muqarrab Khan reckoned Old Delhi and Sir! as 
appanages of this realm, while the upstart Nusrat Shah claimed 
the nominal allegiance of the districts of the Doab, Sambhal, Paul- 
pat, Jhajjar, and Rohtak. The great provinces were independent. 

In 1395-96 SarangKhan of Dlpalpur quarrelled with Khizr Khan 
the Sayyid, governor of Multan, expelled him from that city, and an- 
nexed his fief. Emboldened by this success he marched, in June, 1397, 
to Samana, and there besieged the go vernor, Glialib Khan, who fled and 
joined Tatar Khan, Nusrat's minister, at Panipat. Nusrat Shah sent a 
small reinforcement to Tatar Khan, who on October 8 attacked and 
defeated Sarang Khan and reinstated Ghalib Khan at Samana. 

At the close of this year a harbinger of the terrible Amir Timur 
appeared in India. Fir Muhammad, son of Jahangir, the eldest son 
of the great conqueror, crossed the Indus and besieged Uch, which 
was held for Sarang Khan by 'AH Malik. A force was sent to the 
relief of Uch, but Plr Muhammad attacked it and drove it into 
Multan, where Sarang Khan then was. In May, 1398, he was com- 
pelled to surrender and Plr Muhammad occupied Multan. 



vn] Titnttr's Invasion 195 

In June, 1398, the deadlock at Delhi was brought to an end 
by a series of acts of extraordinary perfidy and treachery* Mallu, 
resenting the dominance of his benefactor, Muqarrab Khan, deserted 
Mahmud and Joined Nusrat, whom he conducted in triumph into 
Jahanpanah, after swearing allegiance to him on the Koran. Two 
days later he suddenly attacked his new master and drove him to 
Firuzabad and thence to Panipat, where he took refuge with Tatar 
Khan. Although Nusrat had thus disappeared from the scene the 
contest was maintained for two months by Mallu on the one hand 
and Muqarrab Khan, with Mahmud, on the other. At length Mallu 
feigned a reconciliation with Muqarrab Khan, who entered Jahan- 
panah in triumph with Mahmud Shah while Mallu remained in 
Siri. Almost immediately afterwards Mallu treacherously attacked 
Muqarrab Khan in his house at Jahanpanah, captured and slew 
him, and, having gained possession of the person of Mahmud Shah 
exercised the royal authority in his name. 

There still remained Tatar Khan and Nusrat Shah to be dealt 
with, and in August Mallu, carrying Mahmud with him, marched 
to Panipat. Tatar Khan eluded him and marched to Delhi by 
another road, but while engaged in a vain attempt to force an 
entry into the capital learnt that Mallu had captured Panipat, 
taken all his baggage and elephants, and was returning towards 
Delhi. Tatar Khan fled and joined his father Zafar Khan, who had, 
two years before this time, proclaimed his independence in Gujarat, 
and was now known as Muzaifar Shah, and Nusrat Shah found an 
asylum in the Doab. 

This was the state of affairs at Delhi when, in October, 1398, 
news was received that Timur the Lame, 'Lord of the Fortunate 
Conjunction,' Amir of Samarqand and conqueror of Persia, Afghani- 
stan, and Mesopotamia, had crossed the Indus, the Chenab, and the 
Ravi, taken Talamba, and occupied Multan, already held by his 
grandson. Timur seldom required either a pretext or a stimulus 
for his depredations, but India supplied him with both. The pretext 
was the toleration of idolatry by the Muslim rulers of Delhi and 
the stimulus was the disintegration of the kingdom, unparalleled 
since its earliest days. The invader's object was plunder, for if he 
ever had any idea of the permanent conquest of India he certainly 
abandoned it before he reached Delhi. 

Timur had left Samarqand in April, but had been delayed on 
his way to India by an expedition in Kafiristan, by the construction 
of fortresses on the road which he followed, and by the business of 
his vast empire. He left Kabul on August 15, crossed the Indus 

132 



196 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

on September 24, and two days later reached the Jhelum, where 
he was delayed by the contumacy of a local ruler, Shihab-ud-din 
Mubarak, styling himself Shah, who, having submitted to Pir Mu- 
hammad, had changed his policy when that prince appeared to be 
in difficulties and ventured to oppose Timur, who drove him from 
his island fortress on the Jhelum. Mubarak and his whole family 
perished in the river and Timur crossed the Jhelum and the Ravi 
and on October 13 encamped before Talamba. He agreed to spare 
the ancient town in consideration of a ransom, but differences 
regarding its assessment or undue harshness in levying it provoked 
resistance and furnished him with a pretext for a massacre. 

His advance was delayed by the necessity for disposing of Jasrat, 
brother of Shaikha the Khokar, who had re-established himself 
in Lahore when Sarang Khan was overcome by Pir Muhammad. 
Jasrat had entrenched himself in a village near the north bank of 
the Sutlej and menaced the invader's communications. His strong* 
hold was taken and he fled, and on October 25 Timur reached the 
northern bank of the Sutlej, where he met his baggage train and 
the ladies of his harem. On the following day he was joined by 
Pir Muhammad, whose movements had been retarded by an epi- 
zootic disease which destroyed most of the horses of his army. 
Timur's resources, replenished by plunder, enabled him to supply 
30,000 remounts for his grandson's troops and Pir Muhammad 
accompanied him and commanded the right wing of his army 
during the rest of the Indian campaign. 

The camp was situated on the Sutlej about midway between 
Ajudhan (Pak Pattan) and Dipalpur, both of which towns had 
incurred Timur's resentment by rising against Pir Muhammad. 
He marched to Pak Pattan, where he visited the tomb of Shaikh 
Farid-ud-din Ganj-i-Shakar, dispatched his harem and heavy bag- 
gage by way of Dipalpur to Samana, started from Pak Pattan on 
November 6, and by the morning of the following day arrived, 
after a march of eighty miles, at Bhatnair, where the fugitives 
from Dipalpur and Pak Pattan had taken refuge. The ruler of 
Bbatnair was a Bhati Rajput named Dul Chand, but his tribe was 
already undergoing the process of conversion to Islam, and his 
brother bore the Muslim name of Kamal-ud-din. The city was 
captured, with great loss to the Hindus, and on November 9 Dul 
Chand, who had shut himself up in the citadel, surrendered. The 
refugees were collected and 500 of the citizens of Dipalpur were 
put to death to avenge their slaughter of Pir Muhammad's garrison 
in that town. The citizens of Pak Pattan were flogged, plundered, 



vi i] Advance of the Invader 97 

and enslaved. The assessment arid collection of the ransom of 
Bhatnair again provoked resistance on the part of the inhabitants, 
and after a general massacre the city was burnt and laid waste, 'so 
that one would have said that no living being had ever drawn 
breath in that neighbourhood.' 

On November 13 Timur left this scene of desolation, already 
offensive from the putrefying bodies of the dead, and marched 
through Sirsa and Fathabad, pursuing and slaughtering the in- 
habitants, who fled before him. Aharwan was plundered and burnt, 
at Tohana about 2000 Jats were slain, and on November 21 Tlmur 
reached the bank of the Ghaggar, near Samana, where he halted for 
four days to allow his heavy baggage to come up. On November 25, 
near the bridge of Kotla, he was joined by the left wing of his army, 
which had marched from Kabul by a more northerly route and had 
captured and plundered every fortress which it had passed. On 
November 29 the whole army was assembled at Kaithal and on 
December 2 Timur marched through a desolate country, whence 
the inhabitants had fled to Delhi, to Panipat On December 7 the 
right wing of the army reached Jahannuma, north of Delhi and 
near the northern extremity of the famous Ridge, overlooking the 
Jumna. On December 9 the army crossed the river and on the 
following day captured LonI, the Hindu inhabitants of which were 
put to death. The fortress, which was surrounded by good pasture 
land, was made the headquarters of the army. 

The invader's rapid and devastating advance struck terror and 
dismay into the hearts of Mahmud Shah and Mallu, for the limits 
and resources of what remained to them of the kingdom were so re- 
stricted that no adequate preparations for resistance were possible, 
but such troops as remained were collected within the walls of the 
city, which was also crowded with the host of fugitives who had 
fled before Timur's advance. On December 12, as Timur, who had 
led a reconnaissance in force across the river, was returning to 
LonI, Mallu attacked his rearguard. Two divisions were promptly 
sent to its assistance, Mallu was defeated and driven back into 
Delhi, and the only fruit of his enterprise was a terrible massacre. 
Timur had collected in his camp about 100,000 adult male Hindu 
captives, and when Mallu delivered his attack these poor wretches 
could not entirely conceal their joy at the prospect of a rescue. 
The demonstration was fatal to them, for Timur became apprehen- 
sive of the presence in his camp of so large a number of disaffected 
captives, and caused them all to be put to death. 

On December 15 Timur, disregarding both the warnings of his 



198 TAe Later Tughluqs [CH. 

astrologers and the misgivings of his troops, whose inexperience 
was not proof against absurd fables of the terrors of the elephant 
in battle, crossed the Jumna, and early on the morning of the 17th 
drew up his army for the attack, while Mallu and Mahmud led 
their forces out of Delhi The Indian army consisted of 10,000 
horse, 40,000 foot, and 120 elephants, which are described as being 
clad in armour, with their tusks armed with poisoned scimitars, 
and bearing on their backs strong wooden structures occupied by 
javelin and quoit throwers, crossbow-men, and throwers of com- 
bustibles. The mention of poison is probably a figure of speech, 
for poisoned weapons were not a feature of Indian warfare. 

The fighting line of the invading army entrenched itself with a 
ditch and screens of thatch, before which buffaloes were hobbled 
and bound together to break the onslaught of the elephants, and 
the infantry carried calthrops. The Indian attack on the advanced 
guard and right wing was vigorously met and failed utterly when 
it was taken in rear by a detached force which circled round its 
left flank ; while the attack of Tlmur's left on the Indian right, 
after repulsing a few ineffectual counter-attacks, was entirely suc- 
cessful, and the Indian army broke and fled The dreaded elephants 
were driven off, according to Timur's memoirs, like cows. Mallu 
and Mahmud reached the city and that night fled from it, the 
former to Baran and the latter to Gujarat, where he sought the 
hospitality of Muzaffar Shah. They were pursued, and two of 
Mallu's sons, Saif Khan and Khudadad, were captured, besides 
many other prisoners and much spoil. 

On the following day Timur entered the city and held at the 
'Idgah a court which was attended by the principal citizens, who 
obtained, by the mediation of the Sayyids and ecclesiastics, an 
amnesty which proved, as usual, to be illusory. Within the next 
few days the licence of the soldiery, the rigour of the search for fugi- 
tives from other towns, who had not been included in the amnesty, 
and the assessment of the ransom led to disturbances, and the 
people rose against the foreigners and in many instances performed 
the rite ofjauhar. The troops, thus freed from all restraint, sacked 
the city, and the work of bloodshed and rapine continued for several 
days until so many captives had been taken that, in the words of 
the chronicler, 'there was none so humble but he had at least 
twenty slaves.' Pillars were raised of the skulls of the slaughtered 
Hindus, 'and their bodies were given as food to the birds and the 
beasts, and their souls sent to the depths of hell.' The artisans 
among the captives were sent to the various provinces of Tlmur's 



vn] T/ie Capture of Delhi 199 

empire, and those who were stonemasons to Samarqand for the 
construction of the great Friday mosque which he designed to 
raise in his capital 

We are indebted to Timur for an interesting description of 
Delhi as he found it. 'Ala-ud-dln's palace-fortress of Sin, some 
traces of which are still to be found to the east of the road from 
modern Delhi to the Qutb Minar, was enclosed by a wall, and to 
the south-west of this, and also surrounded by a wall, stood the 
larger city of Old Delhi, that is to say the town and fortress of 
Prithvi Raj, which had been the residential capital of the Muslim 
kings until Kaiqubad built and Firuz Khalji occupied Kilokhri. 
The walls of these two towns were connected by parallel walls, 
begun by Muhammad Tughluq and finished by his successor, the 
space between which was known as Jahanpanah, 'the Refuge of 
the World/ and the three towns had, in all, thirty gates towards 
the open country. Firuzabad, the new city on the Jumna built by 
Firuz Tughluq, lay some five miles to the north of Jahanpanah. 

The three towns of Sir!, Old Delhi, and Jahanpanah were laid 
waste by Timur, who occupied them for fifteen days and on January 1, 
1399, marched through Firuzabad, where he halted for an hour 
or two, to Vazirabad, where he crossed the Jumna. On this day 
Bahadur Nahir of Mewat arrived in his camp with valuable gifts 
and made his submission. At Delhi Timur had already secured 
the adhesion of a more important personage, Khizr Khan the 
Sayyid, who had been living since his expulsion from Multan under 
the protection of Shams Khan Auhadi at Bayana, and, having 
joined Timur, accompanied his camp as for as the borders of 
Kashmir. 

Meerut refused to surrender to the invader but was taken by 
storm on January 9, the Hindu citizens being massacred ; a detach- 
ment plundered and destroyed the towns and villages on the 
eastern bank of the Jumna, and Timur himself marched to the 
Ganges. After a battle on that river on January 12, in which he 
captured and destroyed forty-eight great boat-loads of Hindus, he 
crossed the river near Tughluqpur on January 13, defeated an army 
of 10,000 horse and foot under Mubarak Khan, and on the same day 
attacked and plundered two Hindu forces in the neighbourhood or 
Hard war. The course which he followed lay through the Sh 
the outermost and lowest range of the Himalaya, and his 
was marked by the almost daily slaughter of large bodies < 
who, though they assembled in arms to oppose him, 
able to withstand the onslaught of theMughul horse and,a 




"The Later Tughluqs [CH. 



were slaughtered like sheep. On January 16 he captured Kangra, 
and between January 24 and February 23, when he reached the 
neighbourhood of Jammu he fought twenty pitched battles and 
took seven fortresses. Continuing his career of plunder and rapine 
towards Jammu he arrived before that city on February 26, and 
sacked it on the following day. Both Jammu and the neighbouring 
village of Bao were deserted, and he was disappointed of human 
victims, but an ambuscade which he left behind him to surprise the 
Hindus when they should attempt to return to their homes inter- 
cepted and slew large numbers and captured the raja, who was 
carried before Timur and saved his life by accepting Islam and 
swearing allegiance to the conqueror. 

Shaikha the Khokar had sworn allegiance to Timur after the 
defeat of his brother Jusrat, but had broken his promise to join 
the invading army, had given it no assistance, and had insolently 
ignored the presence in Lahore of Hindu Shah 1 , Ttmur's treasurer, 
who had come from Samarqand to join him in India. An expedition 
was sent to Lahore, the city was captured and held to ransom, and 
Shaikha was led before Timur, who put him to death. 

On March 6 Timur held a court for the purpose of bidding 
farewell to the princes and officers of the army before dismissing 
them to their provinces, and on this occasion appointed Khizr 
Khan the Sayyid to the government of Multan, from which he 
had been expelled by Sarang Khan, Lahore, and Dipalpur. Some 
historians add that he nominated him as his viceroy in Delhi, but 
this addition was probably suggested by subsequent events. 

On March 19 Timur recrossed the Indus, and two days later 
left Bannu, after inflicting on India more misery than had ever 
before been inflicted by any conqueror in a single invasion. 
Mahmud's tale of slaughter from first to last probably exceeded 
his, but in no single incursion did he approach Timur's terrible 
record. 

After his departure the whole of northern India was in indes- 
cribable disorder and confusion. Delhi, in ruins and almost depopu- 
lated, was without a master, and the miserable remnant of the 
inhabitants was afflicted with new calamities, in the form of famine 
and pestilence. Famine was the natural consequence of the whole- 
sale destruction of stores of grain and standing crops by the invading 
army, and the pestilence probably had its origin in the pollution of 
the air and water-supply of the city by the putrefying corpses of 
the thousands of victims of the invader's wrath. So complete was 

1 Hindu Shah was an ancestor of the historian Firishta. 



vn] Disruption of the Kingdom 201 

the desolation that ' the city was utterly ruined, and those of the 
inhabitants who were left died, while for two whole months not 
a bird moved wing in Delhi. 1 The kingdom was completely dis- 
solved. It had been stripped of some of the fairest of its eastern 
provinces by the eunuch Khvaja Jahan, who ruled an independent 
kingdom from Jaunpur; Bengal had long been independent; Mu- 
zaffar Shah in Gujarat owned no master ; Dilavar Khan in Malwa 
forbore to use the royal title, but wielded royal authority; the 
Punjab and Upper Sind were governed by Khizr Khan as Tlmur's 
viceroy ; Samana was in the hands of Ghalib Khan and Bayana in 
those of Shams Khan Auhadi ; and Kalpi and Mahoba formed a 
small principality under Muhammad Khan. Mallu remained for the 
present at Baran, but Nusrat Shah, the pretender whom he had 
driven from Delhi and who had since been lurking in the Doab, 
again raised his head, and with the assistance of 'Adil Khan became 
for a space lord of the desolate capital. Mallii's influence with the 
Hindus of the Doab enabled him to defeat a force sent against him 
from Delhi, and by the capture of its elephants and material of war 
he obtained such superiority over Nusrat Shah that he expelled 
him from Delhi and forced him to take refuge in Mewat, his old 
home, where he soon afterwards died. In 1399 Mallu defeated 
Shams Khan Auhadi of Bayana, who had invaded territory con- 
sidered to belong to Delhi, led an expedition into Katehr, and 
compelled the turbulent Hindus of Etawah to pay him tribute, but 
failed to convince them of his supremacy and was obliged, in the 
winter of 1400-01, to take the field against them. He defeated 
them near Patiali and marched on to Kanauj with the object of 
invading the kingdom of Jaunpur, where Malik Qaranful had suc- 
ceeded his adoptive father, the eunuch Khvaja Jahan, under the 
title of Mubarak Shah. On reaching Kanauj he found Mubarak 
encamped on the opposite bank of the Ganges, but for two months 
neither army ventured to attack the other and a peace was con- 
cluded. He had been accompanied on this expedition by Shams Khan 
Auhadi and Mubarak Khan, son of Bahadur Nahir, but he regarded 
both with suspicion, and during his retreat from Kanauj took the 
opportunity of putting them to death. 

In 1401, after his return to Delhi, Mallu perceived that the 
prestige of the fugitive Mahmud Shah would be useful to him, and 
persuaded him to return to the capital. The wanderer's experiences 
had been bitterly humiliating. Muzaffar Shah of Gujarat would 
not compromise his newborn independence by receiving him as 
king of Delhi, and was at no pains to conceal from him that his 



202 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

presence was distasteful until, after repeated slights, he retired to 
Malwa, where Dilavar Khan Ghuri, mindful of his obligations 
to Mahmud's father, received him with princely generosity and 
assigned to him a residence at Dhar. In this retreat he was 
probably happier than in his gilded bonds at Delhi, but he could 
not refuse the invitation to return, and Mallu, after receiving him 
with every demonstration of respect interned him in one of the 
royal palaces and continued to govern the remnant of the kingdom 
with as little restraint as though Mahmud had never returned from 
Malwa. 

In 1402 the death of Mubarak Shah and the accession of Ibrahim 
Shah in Jaunpur appeared to Mallu to offer another opportunity 
for the recovery of this territory, and he marched to Kanauj, 
carrying Mahmud with him, but again found the army of Jaunpur 
confronting him on the opposite bank of the Ganges. Mahmud, 
chafing at his subjection to Mallu, fled from his camp by night and 
took refuge with Ibrahim Shah, from whom he hoped for better 
treatment, but he was so coldly received that he left Ibrahim's 
camp with a few followers who remained faithful to him, expelled 
Ibrahim's governor from Kanauj, and made that city his resi- 
dence. Here several old servants of his house assembled round 
him, and Mallu, who was considerably weakened by his defection, 
returned to Delhi. Ibrahim acquiesced in Mahmud's occupation of 
Kanauj and returned to Jaunpur. 

Later in this year and again in the following year Mallu 
attempted to recover Gwalior, which had been captured during 
the confusion arising from Timur's invasion by the Tonwar Rajput 
Har Singh, and was now held by his son Bhairon, but although he 
was able to defeat Bhairon in the field and to plunder the country 
he could not capture the fortress, and was compelled to retire. 
Bhairon harassed him by lending aid to the Rajputs of Etawah, 
and in 1404 Mallu besieged that city for four months, but was fain 
to retire on receiving a promise of an annual tribute of four 
elephants, and marched to Kanauj, where he besieged Mahmud 
Shah. Here also he was baffled by the strength of the fortifications, 
and returned to Delhi. In July, 1405, he marched against Bahram 
Khan, a turbulent noble of Turkish descent who had established 
himself in Samana. On his approach Bahram fled towards the 
Himalaya, and was pursued as far as Rupar, where a pious Shaikh 
composed the differences between the enemies and Bahram joined 
Mallu in an expedition against Khizr Khan. Their agreement was 
of short duration, for on their march towards Pak Pattan Mallu 



VH] Death of Mallu 203 

caused Bahrain to be flayed alive. As Mallu approached Khizr 
Khan advanced from Dipalpur and on November 12 defeated and 
slew him in the neighbourhood of Pak Pattan. 

On Mallu's death the direction of affairs at Delhi fell into the 
hands of a body of nobles headed by Daulat Khan Lodf and 
Ikhtiyar Khan, at whose invitation Mahmud Shah returned, in 
December, to the capital Daulat Khan was appointed military 
governor of the Doab and Ikhtiyar Khan governor of Firuzabad. 

In 1406 Mahmud sent Daulat Khan to reduce Samana where, 
since Bahrain's death, another of Firuz Shah's Turkish slaves, 
Bairam Khan by name, had established himself as Khizr Khan's 
deputy, and himself marched to Kanauj with the intention of 
punishing Ibrahim Shah of Jaunpur for his contemptuous treat- 
ment of him when he had fled to his camp from that of Mallu. 
Ibrahim again marched to the Ganges and encamped opposite 
Kanauj, and after some days of desultory fighting a peace 
was concluded, and each monarch set out for his capital, but 
Ibrahim immediately retraced his steps and besieged Kanauj. 
Malik Mahmud Tarmati, who commanded the fortress for Mahmud 
Shah, held out for four months and then, seeing no prospect of relief, 
surrendered, and Ibrahim, who spent the rainy season at Kanauj, 
was joined by some discontented nobles of the court at Delhi. This 
accession of strength encouraged him, in October, 1407, to take 
the offensive against Mahmud Shah, and he marched to Sambhal, 
which was almost immediately surrendered to him by Asad Khan 
Lodi. Having placed Tatar Khan in command of Sambhal he 
marched towards Delhi, and was on the point of crossing the 
Jumna when he learnt that Muzaffar Shah of Gujarat, having in- 
vaded Malwar and captured Hushang Shah, who had succeeded his 
father, Dilavar Khan, in that country, intended to pursue his career 
of conquest towards Jaunpur. He therefore retreated towards his 
capital, leaving a garrison in Baran, but in the summer of 1408 
Mahmud Shah recovered both Baran and Sambhal. 

In the meantime Daulat Khan had, on December 22, 1406, driven 
Bairam Khan from Samana to Sirhind and had, after a short 
siege, compelled him to surrender. He befriended and patronised 
his defeated adversary and established himself at Samana, but on 
the approach of Khizr Khan fled into the Doab, while most of his 
partisans deserted to Khizr Khan. Besides Samana Khizr Khan 
captured and annexed Sirhind, Sunam, and Hissar, so that beyond 
the walls of Delhi only the Doab, Rohtak, and Sambhal remained 
subject to Mahmud Shah. 



204 The Later Tughluqs [CH. 

In 1408 Mahmud recovered Hissar, but the temporary success 
profited him little, for on January 28, 1409, Ehizr Khan appeared 
before the walls of Firuzabad and besieged the city, and at the 
same time sent his lieutenant, Malik Tuhfa, to ravage the Doab. 
The country, wasted and impoverished by several years of famine, 
was no longer capable of supporting an army, and Khizr Khan 
was therefore compelled to retire, and in the following year was 
employed in recalling to his allegiance Bairam Khan of Sirhind, 
who had again allied himself to Daulat Khan; but in 1410 he 
reduced Rohtak after a siege of six months, during which the 
mean-spirited Mahmud made no attempt to relieve the town, 
though it was within forty-five miles of the capital In the follow- 
ing year Khizr Khan marched to Narnaul, plundered that town 
and three others to the south of Delhi, and then, turning north- 
wards, besieged Mahmud Shah in Siri. Ikhtiyar Khan prudently 
joined the stronger party, and surrendered Firuzabad to Khizr 
Khan, who was thus enabled to cut off all supplies from the direc- 
tion of the Doab, but Mahmud was once more saved by famine, for 
Khizr Khan was again compelled, by the failure of supplies, to raise 
the siege and retire. In February, 1413, Mahmud died at Kaithal 
after a nominal reign of twenty years, during which he had never 
wielded any authority and had more than once been a fugitive from 
his capital, and with him died the line of Ghiyas-ud-dm Tughluq. 

On his death the nobles transferred their allegiance to the 
strongest of their number, Daulat Khan LodI, whose first act 
as ruler of Delhi was to march into the Doab and compel the 
Rajputs of Etawah and Mahabat Khan of Biidaun to own him as 
their sovereign. His progress was checked by the discovery that 
Ibrahim Shah of Jaunpur was besieging Qadir Khan, son of Mahmud 
Khan, in Kalpi, and in order to avoid an encounter with the superior 
forces of Ibrahim he returned to Delhi. 

In December, 1413, Khizr Khan invaded Daulat Khan's territory 
and, leaving a large force to besiege Rohtak, marched into Mewat, 
where he received the submission of Bahadur Nahir's nephew, Jalal 
Khan. Thence he marched across the Doab to Sambhal, plundered 
that town, and in March, 1414, returned to Delhi with an army 
of 60,000 horse and besieged Daulat Khan in Sin. Daulat Khan 
held out for four months, when some of his officers treacherously 
admitted the besiegers, and he was forced to throw himself on his 
enemy's mercy. On May 28 Khizr Khan entered Delhi as its 
sovereign and founded a new dynasty, known as the Sayyids ; and 
Daulat Khan was imprisoned in Hissar. 



vi i] Extinction of the Dynasty 205 

The empire of Muhammad Tughluq had included the whole 
continent of India, with the exception of Kashmir, Cutch and a 
part of Kathiawar, and Orissa. On the death of his grand-nephew 
Mahmud the extent of the kingdom was defined by the contem- 
porary saying : 



' The rule of the Lord of the World extends from Delhi to Palam ' 
a small town little more than nine miles south-west of the capital. 
Independent kingdoms had been established in Bengal and the 
Deccan before Muhammad's death, and the rebellion of the royal 
officers in the south had enabled the Hindus to found the great 
kingdom of Vijayanagar and had facilitated the establishment in 
Telingana of a Hindu state in subordinate alliance with the king- 
dom of the Deccan, not with Delhi. During the reigns of the feeble 
successors of Firuz the province of Oudh and the country to the 
cast of the Ganges as far as the borders of Bengal were formed 
into the independent kingdom of Jaunpur ; the great provinces of 
Gujarat and Malwa and the smaller province of Khandesh severer 
their connexion with Delhi and became separate states ; a Hindij. 
principality was established in Gwalior and Muslim principalities 
in Bayana and Kalpi ; the nominal allegiance of Mewat was trans- 
ferred from one prince to another at the caprice of the local chief- 
tain ; the Hindus of the Doab were almost continually in revolt 
and the ruler of Delhi had to be content with the small contributions 
which he could extort from them by armed force when he was net 
otherwise engaged ; and the ruin of the state was completed by th p 
invasion of Timur, who established in the Punjab a power whicfi 
eventually absorbed the kingdom of Delhi. ^ 



CHAPTER VIII 
THE SAYYID DYNASTY 

THE claim of Ehizr Khan, who founded the dynasty known as 
the Sayyids, to descent from the prophet of Arabia was dubious, 
and rested chiefly on its casual recognition by the famous saint 
Sayyid Jalal-ud-din of Bukhara. He assumed no title associated 
with royalty, but was content with the position of viceroy of Shah 
Rukh, Timur's fourth son and successor, to whom he is said to 
have remitted tribute, and with the title of Raydt-i-A'la, or 'the 
Exalted Standards.' His success reunited the Pui\jab to Delhi, but 
the turbulent governors and fief-holders who had withheld their 
allegiance from a lawful master hesitated at first to acknowledge 
an upstart, until by degrees many of the old nobles of the late 
dynasty submitted to him and were permitted to retain their 
former offices and emoluments. 

I The Hindus of the Doab and Katehr withheld payment of 
tribute, and in the year of his accession Khizr Khan found it 
i tecessary to send an army under Taj-ul-Mulk to reduce to obedi- 
< snce Har Singh, the rebellious raja of Katehr. The raja fled into 
the forests of Aonla, but a rigorous blockade compelled him to 
Submit and to give an undertaking to pay tribute in future. 
Mahabat Khan, governor of Budaun, also made his submission, and 
Taj-ul-Mulk recrossed the Ganges and compelled the fief-holders 
and Hindu chieftains of the lower Doab, among them Hasan of 
ilapii 1 , Raja Sarwar of Etawah, and the raja of Kampil, to own 
allegiance to their new master. In Chandwar he restored Muslim 
1 supremacy, which had been subverted by the Hindus, and returned 
to Delhi with the tribute, or plunder, which he had collected in the 
course of his expedition. 

The chronicles of the Sayyid dynasty are chiefly a history of 
expeditions of this nature. Khizr Khan was the most powerful 
ruler of a house the influence and dignity of which decayed with 
an unvarying and unchecked rapidity seldom surpassed in the most 
ephemeral of eastern dynasties, and even in his reign military 
force was the normal means of collecting the revenue. Recalcitrants 
were not treated as rebels, and the only punishment inflicted was 
the exaction of the taxes due from them and of a promise, which 
they usually violated on the first opportunity, to make regular 

1 In 2658'N. and 7836'E. Then an important town. 



CH. vin] Suppression of Revolts 207 

remittances in the future. Thus, in July, 1416, a most inconvenient 
season for the collection of revenue, Taj-ul-Mulk was sent to 
Bayana and Gwalior, not with a view to the reduction of these 
fortresses but merely to recover, by plundering at random the 
unfortunate cultivators, the equivalent of the tribute which should 
have been paid. With this, and with arrears of tribute which he 
collected from Kampila and Patiali, he returned to Delhi 

In 1415 Malik Sadhii Nadira had been sent to Sirhind as the 
deputy of Khizr Khan's son Mubarak, on whom that district had 
been bestowed, and in the following year the Turkish landholders, 
kinsmen and dependants of Bairam Khan, the former governor, 
rose under the leadership of Malik Tughan, put him to death, and 
occupied the fortress. Zlrak Khan was sent against them and 
pursued them across the Sutlej and as far as the lower slopes of 
the Himalaya, but did not venture to continue the pursuit into the 
mountains, and returned to Delhi. 

In the same year Khizr Khan himself took the field with the 
object of chastising Ahmad I of Gujarat who, by pursuing his 
rebellious uncles to Nagaur, which was nominally, at least, subject 
to Delhi, had violated the frontiers of the kingdom. Ahmad, on 
learning of his approach, fled into Gujarat, and Khizr Khan retired, 
receiving on his homeward march tribute from Iliyas Khan, the 
Muslim governor of Jham, the raja of Gwalior, and his own former 
protector, Shams Khan Auhadi of Bayana, whom he might we*l 
have spared. 

On his arrival at his capital he learnt that Tughan and his 
followers had returned to Sirhind and were besieging Malik Kamal 
Badhan, who had been appointed deputy of Mubarak in the place 
of the murdered Nadira. On this occasion Zlrak Khan was morO 
successful, for he overtook the fugitive Turks at Pael, where Malik 
Tughan submitted and surrendered his son as an hostage for his 
good behaviour, for which subservience he was rewarded with the 
fief of Jullundur. 

Early in 1418 Har Singh of Katehr was again in revolt, and was 
on this occasion brought to bay and suffered a complete defeat at 
the hands of Taj-ul-Mulk. He fled, and was pursued into the hills 
of Kumaon, where Taj-ul-Mulk, unable to seize the object of his 
pursuit, contented himself with the ignoble but customary satisfac- 
tion of plundering the people amongst whom the rebel had found 
an asylum, and returned to the plains. From Katehr he marched to 
Etawah, and there besieged Raja Sarwar, who was again in rebel- 
lion. Unable to reduce the fortress, he plundered the inhabitants 



208 "The Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

of the district and returned to Delhi in [May, but his devastating 
progress, which had resembled rather the raid of a brigand chief 
thin an expedition for the permanent establishment of order, had 
so exasperated the people of the region thf ough which he had 
passed that before the end of the year Khizr Khan found it neces- 
sary to follow in the tracks of his lieutenant, and the record of his 
progress exhibits both the frailty of the bond between him and his 
subjects and the futility of the means which he employed for the 
establishment of his authority. He was compelled to use force 
against the people of Koll, within eighty miles of his capital, and 
then, crossing the Ganges, laid waste the district of Sambhal. His 
proceedings so alarmed Mahabat Khan of Budaun, who was in his 
camp and was, perhaps, conscious of shortcomings in his adminis- 
tration or apprehensive of the discovery of his traffickings with the 
rebels, that he fled and shut himself up in Budaun, which Khizr 
^ Khan besieged for six months without success. For the history 
.of this and the following reign the sole original authority is an 
encomiast of the Sayyids, and it is impossible to fathom the under- 
teurrent of politics or to estimate the difficulties with which Khizr 
Khan was confronted, but Mahabat Khan was an old noble of the 
late dynasty, and there were in the royal camp several of his 
former comrades who had formally submitted to the new order of 
things, and in June, 1419, Khizr Khan discovered the existence 
among them of a conspiracy to which Mahabat Khan was doubtless 
a party, and, in order to separate his enemies, raised the siege and 
returned towards Delhi. On June 14 he halted on the banks of 
the Ganges and put the leading conspirators, Qavam-ul-Mulk and 
Ikhtiyar Khan, to death. 

In the following year he was reminded of his early misfortunes 
by the appearance in Bajwara, near Hoshiarpur, of an impostor 
who pretended to be that Sarang Khan who had expelled him from 
Multan. The real Sarang Khan had died in captivity shortly after 
his surrender to Pir Muhammad, and this fact must have been 
widely known, but interest may lead the intelligent, as ignorance 
leads the vulgar, to espouse the cause of a pretender ; and the 
name of the man who had driven before him, as chaff before the 
wind, the occupant of the throne of Delhi was well chosen by 
the impostor. Khizr Khan was, however, well served. A family of 
the Lodl clan of the great Ghilzai or Khalj! tribe had recently been 
domiciled in India, and its leader, Malik Sultan Shah Bah ram, 
subsequently styled Islam Khan, by which title he may now con- 
veniently be known, had been appointed governor of Sirhind. He 



vin] Expulsion of Tughan Khan 209 

was dispatched against the pretender, who marched to the Sutlej 
to meet him but was defeated and compelled to retire. After the 
battle Islam Khan was joined by Zlrak Khan of Saraana and Malik 
Tughan of Jullundur, and before their overwhelming force the 
impostor fled, by way of Rupar, which he had made his head- 
quarters, into the mountains. He was ineffectually pursued but 
emerged and fell a victim to the perfidy of Malik Tughan, who 
inveighed him into his power and treacherously put him to death, 
being prompted to this act rather by cupidity than by loyalty, for 
the impostor had amassed great wealth. 

In the same year Taj-ul-Mulk was dispatched on another foray, 
dignified by the name of an expedition against rebels, into the 
districts of Koil and Etawah. Raja Sarwar was besieged in his 
fortress, but no important military success was gained. The 
wretched inhabitants of the country were, as usual, plundered and / 
Sarwar purchased the retreat of the raiders by a contribution to 
the royal coffers and one of his oft-repeated promises to pay with; 
more regularity in the future. On returning from Etawah Taj-ul- 
Mulk plundered Chandwar and invaded Katehr, where he compelled 
Mahabat Khan to pay the tribute due from him. 

In August news was received at the capital that Malik Tughan, 
whose resources had been replenished by the plunder of the pre- 
tender, was again in rebellion and had marched from Jullundur to 
Sirhind where, having plundered the country, he was besieging the 
fortress. Malik Khair-ud-din was sent to its relief and, marching 
by way of Samana, was there joined by Zirak Khan. Tughan raised 
the siege of Sirhind and retreated, and Khair-ud-din and Zirak 
Khan pursued him across the Sutlej and compelled him to seek 
refuge with Jasrat the Khokar, the son of that Shaikha who had 
established his independence in the reign of Mahmud Shah. Jasrat 
had been carried off into captivity by Timur, with his father, but 
on the conqueror's death had regained his freedom and returned 
to his country, where having established for himself an independent 
principality of considerable extent, he had gained over the army 
of Kashmir 1 a victory which fostered in his mind extravagant 
notions of his power and importance and inspired in him the belief 
that the throne of Delhi was within his reach. Tughan's fief of 
Jullundur was bestowed upon Zirak Khan. 

In 1421 Khizr Khan marched into Mewat to assert his authority 
in that province, captured and destroyed the former stronghold of 
Bahadur Nahir and received the submission of most of the inhabitants. 

1 See Chapter xn. 
C.H.I. III. 14 



2 1 o The Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

He then turned to Gwalior, and on January 13, during his march 
thither, his faithful minister, Taj-ul-Mulk, died, and his office was 
bestowed upon his son, Malik Sikandar Tuhfa, who received the 
title of Malik-ush-Sharq. The raja of Gwalior took refuge within 
his fortress and by means of the usual dole and the usual empty 
promise relieved his subjects from the depredations of the royal 
troops. Thence the king marched to Etawah, where Sarwar Singh 
had lately died and his son was prepared to purchase peace on the 
customary terms, and here he fell sick and hastened back to Delhi, 
where he died on May 20, 1421, having designated his son Mubarak 
Khan his heir. He is extolled as a charitable ruler but his charity 
was confined within the narrow limits of his territories and to the 
members of his own faith. 

Mubarak, beside whose weakness that of his father assumes 
the appearance of strength, found it no longer necessary to feign 
\vassalage to any of the rulers who now governed the fragments of 
Timor's vast empire, and freely used the royal title of Shah, which 
his father had never assumed. On his coinage lie was styled 
Mu'izz-ud-dm Mubarak Shah, and another unmistakable claim to 
complete independence was exhibited in his profession of allegiance 
to the puppet Caliph alone. He confirmed most of the nobles in 
ttye fiefs and appointments which they had held during the late 
reign, but, conscious of his own weakness, pursued the fatuous 
policy of perpetually transferring them from one fief to another. 
He perhaps attained his object of preventing any one noble from 
acquiring a dangerous local influence in any district of the kingdom, 
but it was attained at the cost of efficient administration, and the 
discontent of the nobles, harassed by these vexatious transfers, led 
finally to his downfall In pursuance of this policy Malik Rajab 
Nadira, son of the late Sadhu Nadira, was transferred from Firuza- 
bad and Hans! to Dlpalpur, to make room for the king's nephew, 
Malik fiada, who eventually succeeded him as Muhammad Shah. 

The early days of the reign were disturbed by the activity of 
Jasrat the Khokar, who, with the interests of the fugitive Tughan 
as a pretext and the throne of Delhi as a lure, crossed the Sutlej 
and attacked Rai Kamal-ud-dm, a vassal of Delhi, at Talwandi. 
Rai Firuz, a neighbouring fief-holder, fled towards the Jumna, and 
Jasrat occupied Ludhiana, ravaged the country eastwards as far 
as Rupar, and, returning across the Sutlej, besieged Zirak Khan in 
Jullundur, when a composition not very creditable to either party 
was effected. Zirak Khan betrayed the interests of his master 
by the surrender of the fortress and Jasrat betrayed his guest by 



vi n] Mubarak Shah 2 1 1 

sending his son to Delhi as an hostage for his father's good be- 
haviour, and his former adversary, Zirak, by seizing and imprison- 
ing him. With Jullundur as a base Jasrat again crossed the Sutlej 
and on June 22 appeared before Sirhind, now held for Mubarak 
Shah by Islam Khan Lodi. In July, although the rainy season was 
at its height, Mubarak Shah marched to the relief of Sirhind, and 
as he approached Samana Jasrat, after releasing Zirak Khan, who 
rejoined his master, retreated to Ludhiana, whither Mubarak Shah 
followed him. Jasrat, having collected all available boats, crossed 
the flooded river and encamped in security on the opposite bank. 
As the rains abated Mubarak Shah retired, in real or feigned 
apprehension, along the bank of the river to Qabulpur, while 
Jasrat, who had failed to observe that a force had been dispatched 
up stream to search for a ford, followed him. The two armies were 
still facing one another when Jasrat learnt that this force had 
crossed the river and, fearing lest his retreat should be cut off, 
retreated precipitately towards Jullundur, but was unable to rest 
there owing to the vigour of Mubarak's pursuit, during which the 
fugitives suffered heavy losses, and retired to the lower slopes of 
the Kashmir highlands. Bhim, raja of Jaminu, guided the royal 
army to the principal stronghold of the Khokars, which was 
captured, with heavy loss to the defenders, and destroyed, but 
Jasrat escaped. From the hills Mubarak Shah marched to Lahore, 
ruinous and deserted since its capture by Timiir's troops and spent 
a month in replacing its once formidable defences by a mud fort. 
On returning to Delhi he left Malik Mahmfid Hasan, who had dis- 
tinguished himself at the passage of the Sutlej and was hence- 
forward the ablest and most active of his nobles, with a force of 
2000 horse to, hold the restored outpost of the kingdom. By May, 
1422, Jasrat had reassembled his army, descended from the hills, 
and attempted to carry the new citadel by assault, but was repulsed 
and forced to retire. For more than a month he harassed Mahmud 
Hasan by desultory skirmishes, but, finding his labour vain, retired 
to Kalanaur, his principal place of residence in the plains. Here 
he met Raja Bhim of Jaminu, who was marching to the assistance 
of Mahmud Hasan, and after one battle made peace with him and 
retired towards the Beas. In the meantime Mubarak Shah had 
dispatched to the aid of Mahmud Hasan the minister, Sikandar 
Tuhfa, who crossed the Ravi, once more drove Jasrat into the hills, 
and marched to Lahore, where he was welcomed by Mahmud Hasan 
on September 28. Malik Rajab Nadira of Dipalpur arrived at 
Lahore at the same time, and the three nobles marched to Kalanaur, 

142 



212 The Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

where they were met by Rsga Bhlm, to punish Jasrat's presump- 
tion. They invaded the Khokar country, but Jasrat had escaped 
into the higher ranges, and after plundering the homes of his 
tribesmen the three nobles returned to Lahore. 

During the absence of the minister, Sikandar Tuhfa, from the 
capital the governor of Delhi, Sarvar-ul-Mulk, induced the feeble 
king to order, for the benefit of himself and his son, a redistribution 
of various important offices. Sikandar Tuhfa was dismissed from 
the office of minister, to make way for Sarvar-ul-Mulk, who was 
succeeded as governor of Delhi by his son Yusuf. Sikandar Tuhfa 
received the fief of Lahore as compensation for the loss of the first 
post in the kingdom, but his transfer thither necessitated the 
removal of Mahmud Hasan, who was transferred to Jullundur, but 
was ordered for the time to wait on Mubarak Shah with the con- 
tingent maintained from his fief. These changes bred much dis- 
content, to which may be traced the assassination of Mubarak Shah, 
which took place twelve years later. 

In 1423 Mubarak Shah once more invaded Katehr, collected 
tribute from the people in the usual fashion, and, crossing the 
Ganges, entered the lower Doab, where he treated the Rajputs with 
great severity and behaved as though he were in an enemy's 
country. Zirak Khan was left as governor of Kampil, but his ill- 
treatment of the Hindus so alarmed the son of Sarvar Singh that 
he fled from the camp to Etawah and successfully defended the town 
against Malik Khair-ud-dm Tuhfa, brother of Sikandar Tuhfa, who 
was fain to raise the siege on receiving the usual nugatory promise 
of tribute. 

Recent successes encouraged Jasrat the Khokar again to invade 
the kingdom. He had defeated, and slain in battle His old enemy, 
Raja Bhlm of Jammu and now overran and plundered the districts 
of Dipalpur and Lahore. Sikandar Tuhfa marched against him, 
but retired before him, leaving him free to prepare for more 
extensive aggressions. At about the same time it was reported 
that 'Ala-ul-Mulk, governor of Multan, had died and that Shaikh 
'All, the deputy in Kabul of Suyurghatmish, the fourth son of 
Shahrukh, who had succeeded to the greater part of Timur's 
empire, proposed to invade and ravage the western Punjab and 
Sind Malik Mahmud Hasan was sent to Multan, and restored 
some degree of confidence to the people who had been plundered 
by Shaikh 'All's troops. 

Towards the end of the year Mubarak was obliged to march to 
the aid of Gwalior, which was besieged by Hushang Shah of Malwa. 



vin] Rebellion in Mewat 213 

Hushang, on learning that Mubarak was marching towards Dholpur, 
raised the siege and marched to the southern bank of the Chambal, 
o that when Mubarak reached the northern bank he found most 
of the fords held by the troops of Malwa, but he discovered an 
unguarded ford, crossed the river, and permitted his advanced 
guard to attack some outlying parties of Hushang's army. A trivial 
advantage was gained and some prisoners and plunder were taken, 
but neither party desired a general engagement or a protracted 
campaign, and negotiations ended in the retreat of Hushang to 
Mandu. Mubarak returned to Delhi in June, 1424, and in the 
following cold weather marched to Katehr, extorted three years' 
arrears of tribute from the raja, Har Chand, plundered the country 
as far as the foot of the Kumaon hills, and, marching down the 
banks of the Ramganga, crossed the Ganges and entered the Doab. 
It had been his intention to remain in the neighbourhood of Kanauj, 
and to establish his authority to the south of that district, but the 
country had suffered from famine and would neither repay rapine 
nor support the troops, and he was compelled to return. He turned 
aside with the object of crushing a rebellion in Mewat, but the 
rebels laid waste their villages in the plains and retired into their 
mountain fastnesses, and the king was obliged to retire, but returned 
in 1425, when the rebels under Jallu, or Jalal Khan, and Qaddu, 
or 'Abd-ul-Qadir repeated their tactics of the preceding year. 
Mubarak on this occasion followed them into the hills, drove them 
from one stronghold, and pursued them to Alwar, where they 
surrendered. Jalal Khan escaped, but Qaddu was carried prisoner 
to Delhi. 

In 1426 Mubarak traversed Mewat, plundering the people, on 
his way to Bayana to attack Muhammad Khan, a rebellious member 
of the Auhadi family. Most of the rebel's men deserted to the royal 
standard and Muhammad Khan was sent, with all the members of 
his family, to Delhi, where he was interned in Jahannuma. The 
district of Bayana was divided into two fiefs, Bayana itself being 
granted to Muqbil Khan and SikrI, later to be known as Fathpur, 
to Khair-ud-din Tuhfa. Mubarak marched from Bayana to Gwalior 
and returned to Delhi, which he reached in March, 1427, by way 
of the eastern bank of the Jumna. Shortly after his arrival at 
Delhi Muhammad Khan Auhadi and his family escaped from the 
capital and took refuge in Mewat, where many of his former followers 
assembled around him. Muqbil was absent from Bayana on an 
expedition, and Khair-ud-din Tuhfa held the fortress with an in- 
adequate garrison. Muhammad Khan was joined by all classes of 



214 The Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

the inhabitants and Khair-ud-din was obliged to evacuate the 
fortress and retire to Delhi. Malik Mubariz was sent from Delhi to 
recover Bayana and besieged the place, but the garrison defended 
it obstinately while Muhammad Auhadi withdrew to Jaunpur to 
seek help of Ibrahim Shah. Mubarak Shah recalled Mubariz and 
marched in person to Bayana, but before he could form the siege 
was disturbed by an appeal from Qadir Khan of Kalpi, who implored 
his aid against Ibrahim Shah, who was marching on Kalp! with 
the intention of annexing it. Mubarak abandoned for the time all 
intention of reducing Bayana and turned against Ibrahim, who, 
having plundered the district of Bhongaon, near Mainpuri, was 
preparing to march on Budaun. Mubarak crossed the Jumna, and, 
on reaching Atrauli, sixteen miles from Koil, learnt that Mukhtass 
Khan, Ibrahim's brother, was threatening Etawah. Mahmud Hasan 
was detached against him and forced him to join forces with his 
brother, and the army of Jaunpur traversed the Doab and crossed 
the Jumna near Etawah with a view to supporting the garrison of 
Bayana. Mubarak crossed the river near Chandwar (now Firuzabad) 
and Ibrahim, in February, 1428, marched towards Bayana and en- 
camped on the banks of the Gambhir, while Mubarak encamped 
at a distance of ten miles from him. Neither was anxious to risk a 
battle and for some time the operations were confined to affairs of 
outposts, but on April 2 Ibrahim drew up his army for battle, and 
Mubarak, who lacked even the ordinary merit of physical courage, 
deputed his nobles to lead his army into the field. The two armies 
fought, with moderate zeal and without any decisive result, from 
midday until sunset, when each retired to its own camp, but on 
the following day Ibrahim retreated towards Jaunpur. He was 
followed for some distance, but Mubarak would not permit the 
pursuit to be pressed, and ordered that it should l)e abandoned. 
His encomiast praises his forbearance towards fellow Muslims, but 
we may believe that he did not choose to provoke too far an 
adversary whose strength he had not fully gauged. 

Mubarak then marched to Gwalior on his usual errand, and, 
after collecting an instalment of tribute, returned towards Delhi 
by way of Bayana, still held by Muhammad Auhadi, who, on May 1 1, 
evacuated the fortress and retired into Mewat. Mahmud Hasan 
was invested with the fief of Bayana and Mubarak returned to 
Delhi, where he found that his prisoner Qaddu, the grandson of 
Bahadur Nahir, had been in secret correspondence with Ibrahim 
during the late campaign. He was put to death and his execution 
led to a fresh rebellion in Mewat headed by his brother, Jalai 



vin] Rebellion in the Punjab 215 

Khan. Sarwar-ul-Mulk, the minister, who was appointed to sup- 
press it, followed the rebels into the hills in which they had, after 
their manner, taken refuge and returned to Delhi on their paying 
him the empty compliment of a formal submission to his master. 

Jasrat the Khokar was again active, and in August news was 
received that he was besieging Kalanaur and had driven back to 
Lahore Sikandar Tuhfa, who had attempted to relieve the be- 
leaguered town. Emboldened by his success he attacked Jullundur, 
and though he failed to capture the town he plundered the district 
and carried off into slavery large numbers of its inhabitants. Zlrak 
Khan from Samana and Islam Khan LodI from Sirhind marched to 
support Sikandar Tuhfa at Lahore, but before they could reach 
him he had succeeded in effecting a junction with Rai Ghalib, the 
defender of Kalanaur, and had defeated Jasrat, driven him into 
the hills, and recovered all his spoil 

Mahinud Hasan, having restored the royal authority in Bayana, 
returned to Delhi, and thence to Hissar, his former fief, and Mubarak 
invaded the plains of Mewat, where Jalal Khan and other chieftains 
of the country presented their tribute and were received at court 

In July, 1429, Rajab Nadira died at Multan and Mahmud Hasan 
received the title of 'Imad-ul-Mulk and was transferred to that 
province, the government of which he had formerly held. In the 
cold weather Mubarak marched to Gwalior and thence against the 
contumacious raja of Athgath 1 , who was defeated and compelled 
to take refuge in the hills of Mewat. His country was plundered 
and many of his people carried off into slavery, and Mubarak 
inarched to Raprl, expelled the son of Hasan Khan, and bestowed 
the fief upon Malik Hainzah. On his way back to Delhi he learnt 
of the death, at Bhatinda, of Sayyid Salim, who had served his house 
for thirty years. Mubarak, who seems to have been unacquainted 
with the true character of the Sayyid, and was certainly ignorant of 
that of his offspring, rewarded the father's long service by bestowing 
on his elder son the title of Salim Khan and on the younger that 
of Shuja'-ul-Mulk. The Sayyid had been both rapacious and parsi- 
monious, and during his long tenure of the lucrative fief of Bhatinda 
had amassed enormous wealth. The central situation of this district 
in the province of which Khizr Khan had enjoyed the virtual 
sovereignty for some time before his establishment on the throne 
of Delhi had secured it from attack from without and from demands 
for contributions to the defence of the frontiers. The customary 
law of Muhammadan states in India, which made the ruler the heir 

1 On the Chambal, in 26 48' N. and 78 46' E. 



2 1 6 The Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

of his officials, was especially formidable to those who had defrauded 
their sovereign and oppressed his subjects, and Salim Khan and 
Shiya'-ul-Mulk, who were in the king's power, attempted to secure 
their wealth by instigating Fulad, a Turkish slave of their late 
father, to rebel in Bhatinda. Their complicity in the rebellion was 
discovered, they were thrown into prison, and Yusuf, son of Sarvar- 
ul-Mulk, and Rai Hansu Bhati were sent to treat with Fulad and 
to induce him to surrender the treasure, but Fulad, who had no 
intention of surrendering it either to the king or to his late master's 
heirs, amused the envoys for a time with fair words and promises 
and, having thrown them off their guard, made a sudden attack on 
their troops, defeated them and was further enriched by the plunder 
of their camp. Zirak Khan, Malik Kiilii, and Islam Khan Lodi 
were then sent to besiege the rebel in Bhatinda. Fulad announced 
that he was prepared to consider terms of submission provided that 
' negotiations were conducted through 'Imad-ul-Mulk of Multan, in 
whom he had confidence, and 'Imad-ul-Mulk was summoned and 
arrived at court in August, 1430. He was sent to Bhatinda, but it 
was discovered that the rebel's offer to treat with him had been 
merely a device to gain time, the negotiations broke down, and he 
returned to Multan after urging the officers before Bhatinda to 
continue the siege. 

Fulad, after holding out for six months, sent a large sum of 
money to Shaikh 'All of Kabul and summoned him to his aid. In 
January, 1431, he left Kabul and marched to Bhatinda, and on bin 
arriving within twenty miles of the town Mubarak's nobles hurriedly 
raised the siege and fled to their fiefs. Fulad issued from the fortress 
to meet him, paid him 200,000 tangas as the price of his assistance, 
and entrusted his family to his care, in order that they might be 
removed to a place of safety. A passing remark of the historian of 
this reign throws much light on the position of affairs in the Punjab 
during Mubarak's futile attempts to establish his authority in the 
Doab, the trans-Gangetic region, and the south-eastern districts of 
his kingdom. Sikandar Tuhfa paid to Shaikh 'All ' the sum which 
he had been wont to pay him annually,' and thus induced him to 
refrain from molesting Lahore during his retreat From the refer- 
ence to the yearly payment of blackmail it is clear that the 
kingdom had been exposed, during its intestine troubles, to the 
danger of invasion from the direction of Lahore. In the direction 
of Multan the worthless Mubarak was better served, and when 
Shaikh 'All, during his retreat, attacked a fortress within the limits 
of that province, 'Imad-ul-Mulk marched to Talamba and forced 



vm] Rebellion in Multan 217 

him to relinquish his prey. Unfortunately Imad-ul-Mulk received 
orders to retire to Multan, and Shaikh 'AH, attributing his retreat 
to cowardice or a consciousness of weakness, crossed the Ravi near 
Khatibpur, plundered the country along the banks of the Chenab, 
and marched to within twenty miles of Multan. 'Imad-ul-Mulk 
sent Islam Khan Lodi to stem his advance, but Islam Khan's 
force, while still on the march, came unexpectedly on the invaders, 
and was defeated before it could form for attack or defence. Islam 
Khan was slain, and the remnant of his force fled back to Multan. 
Shaikh 'AH advanced to Khairabad, near Multan, and encamped 
there on May 15, 1431. On the following day he advanced to 
attack one of the gates, but his troops were repulsed by a sortie 
of the garrison, and he did not resume the offensive until June 8, 
when he made a second attempt to carry the place by assault, but 
was again repulsed with heavy loss, and thereafter contented him- 
self with harassing the garrison in a series of skirmishes until the 
arrival of a strong relieving force which attacked him and drove 
him within his entrenched camp, whence he fled across the Ravi 1 . 
He was pursued, and numbers of his army perished in the river 
and by the swords of the pursuers, but he eventually threw himself 
into Shorkot, leaving all his horses, camels, and equipment in the 
hands of the victors. 'Iinad-ul-Mulk and the army which had 
marched to his relief followed the fugitives to Shorkot and Shaikh 
'All fled with a small force to Kabul, leaving his nephew, Amir 
Muzaffar, with the remainder of his army in Shorkot. Further 
operations were stayed by* the receipt of orders from the king, 
recalling to Delhi the relieving force, and most imprudently re- 
moving from Multan the able and energetic 'Imad-ul-Mulk, who 
was relieved by Khair-ud-din Tuhfa. Misfortunes now fell thick 
and fast on Mubarak. Jasrat the Khokar again rebelled and 
marched on Jullundur. Sikandar Tuhfa, marching against him, 
met him on the Dhauli Wain, but was defeated and taken alive, 
and Jasrat inarched to Lahore and besieged the city, which was 
defended by Sayyid Najm-ud-din, Sikandar's lieutenant, and Malik 
Khushkhabar, his slave. Meanwhile Shaikh 'All of Kabul had 
again invaded the Multan province and on November 13 captured 
Talamba, occupied the citadel, threw the leading citizens into prison, 
and plundered all the surrounding country. At the same time 

1 Yahya b. Ahmad and his copyists have * the Jihlam,' but the Jhelum, or Chenab, 
as it is called below its confluence with that river, has always flowed to the west of 
Shorkot, to reach which Shaikh 'All must have crossed the Bavi. Had he crossed the 
Chenab he would have placed that river between himself and Shorkot. 



2 1 8 The Sayytd Dynasty [OH, 

Fulad, who still held Bhatinda, led an expedition against Rai Firiiz, 
whose fief lay in the neighbourhood, slew him and plundered the 
district which he had governed. 

Mubarak, on receiving news of these calamities, acted with 
unusual vigour and decision, and, having dispatched Sarvar-ul-Mulk 
in advance, with a force sufficient to check, if not to crush, Fulad, 
left Delhi, in January, 1432, for Lahore. The sudden flight of his 
enemies occasioned a modification of his plans. Jasrat raised the 
siege of Lahore and fled into the mountains, carrying with him his 
captive, Sikandar Tuhfa, and Shaikh 'AH evacuated Talamba and 
retreated to Shorkot. Mubarak advanced no further, but bestowed 
the fief of Lahore on Nusrat Khan Gurgandaz and sent Sarvar-ul- 
Mulk to Lahore to escort the family of Sikandar to Delhi. 

In August Jasrat was again active. He issued from his strong- 
hold, plundered some districts in the plains, and attacked Gurgandaz 
in Lahore, but, being worsted by him, retired again into the moun- 
tains. Mubarak, who had marched as far as Panipat on hearing of 
his renewed activity, returned to Delhi on learning of his retreat, 
and sent 'Imad-ul-Mulk into the districts of Bayana and Gwalior. 
In September he again left the capital to quell some disturbances 
in the Samana district, but returned to Delhi on hearing of his 
mother's illness and arrived in time to be present at her obsequies. 
Having rejoined his army he sent Sarvar-ul-Mulk with a large 
force against Fulad, and Sarvar-ul-Mulk, after completing all dis- 
positions for the siege of Samana, left Zirak Khan in charge of the 
operations and returned to the royal camp at Panlpat Mubarak 
now abandoned his intention of taking the field in person, and sent 
Malik Ilahdad Lod! to supersede Gurgandaz in the fiefs of Lahore 
and Jullundur, but as he was approaching the latter town Jasrat 
fell upon him at Bajwara, near Hoshiarpur, defeated him, and drove 
him into the lower slopes of the mountains. 

In November Mubarak invaded Mewat, where Jalal Khan was 
again in revolt, and drove him from one stronghold to another, 
compelling him to purchase peace on the usual terms of a present 
payment and promise of amendment. He was joined by 'Iinad-ul- 
Mulk on his return from his successful foray into the Bayana 
district and dispatched Kamal-ud-dm and other officers on similar 
raids into the districts of Etawah and Gwalior, returning, in January, 
1433, to Delhi, where he learnt that Shaikh 'All was again pre- 
paring to march to the relief of Bhatinda, and dispatched 'Imad-ul- 
Mulk with reinforcements for the besieging army. This measure 
curtailed the extent of Shaikh 'All's activity, but he issued from 



vin] Recovery of the Punjab 219 

Shorkot, plundered the villages on the banks of the Ravi, enslaved 
their inhabitants, and marched on Lahore, which was held for the 
king by Yusuf, son of Sarvar-ul-Mulk, and Malik Ismail. 

These two officers, after enduring a short siege, discovered that 
the fidelity of the citizens, which had been sorely tried by constant 
attacks against which the royal garrison could ill protect them, 
was uncertain, and fled from the city with their troops. During 
their flight they suffered heavy losses at the hands of a force dis- 
patched in pursuit of them by Shaikh 'All, who plundered Lahore, 
placed a garrison of 10,000 horse in the city, marched to Dipalpiir, 
where Yusuf had taken refuge, and besieged that town. 'Imad-ul- 
Mulk, who was still besieging Bhatinda, sent his brother, Malik 
Ahmad, to the relief of Yusuf, and Shaikh 'All raised the siege of 
Dlpalpur, but occupied all the towns lying between that place and 
Lahore. 

Mubarak at length perceived that affairs in the north-western 
provinces of his kingdom demanded his personal attention, and 
marched to Samana, where he was joined by Kamal-ud-din and 
the other officers who had been sent to Etawah and Gwalior, and 
advanced to Talwandi, where 'Irnad-ul-Mulk joined him from Bha- 
tinda. The officers who still remained before that town were 
summoned to the royal camp, and Mubarak advanced to the Ravi. 
Here Sikandar Tuhfa, who had escaped from Jasrat's custody, 
appeared before him and received the ill-deserved title of Shams- 
ul-Mulk and a grant of the fiefs of Lahore, Dlpalpur, and Jullundur. 
In the meantime Shaikh 'All had retreated across the Chenab, 
and, as Shams-ul-Mulk advanced to take possession of his new 
fiefs, fled precipitately, leaving most of his horses, and his baggage, 
camp equipage, and booty, which were already bestowed in boats 
for transport across the Chenab, in his enemy's hands. Mubarak 
crossed the Ravi at Talamba and besieged Shorkot, which, after 
the lapse of a month, was surrendered to him by Amir MuzafFar, 
Shaikh 'All's nephew, who secured his safety by large gifts, and 
by bestowing a daughter in marriage on Muhammad Khan, the 
nephew and adopted son of Mubarak. The king then retired 
towards Multan after dispatching Shams-ul-Mulk to Lahore, where 
the garrison left by Shaikh 'All purchased for itself a safe retreat 
by the surrender of the town and citadel. Mubarak, after retiring 
to Dipalpur, wisely removed Shams-ul-Mulk from the important 
fiefs which he had recently bestowed upon him to Bayana, and 
conferred .Lahore, Dipalpur, and Jullundur on 'Imad-ul-Mulk. On 
his return to Delhi he discovered that Sarvar-ul-Mulk had for 



22O The Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

some time past been remiss in the performance of his duties as 
minister of the kingdom, and appointed Kamal-ud-din as his co- 
adjutor in the hope that the two would work in harmony. He was 
disappointed, for the influence of the abler and more energetic 
Kamal-ud-din soon eclipsed that of Sarvar-ul-Mulk, who, resenting 
his virtual supersession in office, formed a faction consisting of 
some discontented Khatris, Miran Sadr, the deputy muster-master- 
general, Qazi 'Abd-us-Samad Khan, a royal chamberlain, and others, 
and conspired against the king's life. 

On November 1 the king founded Mubarakabad, on the Jumna, 
and while superintending the building of this town learnt that the 
protracted siege of Bhatinda had at length been brought to a success- 
ful conclusion. The news was confirmed by the receipt of the head 
of the rebel, Fulad, which had been severed from his body after 
his capture by Miran Sadr. He marched to Bhatinda and, after 
extinguishing the smouldering embers of disaffection, learnt that a 
dispute had arisen between Ibrahim Shah of Jaunpur and Hushang 
Shah of Malwa regarding the town and district of Kalpi, which 
had ever been included, in name at least, in the dominions of 
Delhi, and that they were marching to decide the question by an 
appeal to arms. He could not but resent an insult so gross and 
returned to Delhi to assemble his forces. On his way to Kalpi he 
turned aside to visit Mubarakabad, and here, on February 19, 1434, 
Sarvar-ul-Mulk found the opportunity which he had been seeking. 
Miran Sadr relieved the royal bodyguard with a force of his own 
troops, and while the king was preparing for prayers entered his 
apartment on the pretext of taking leave of him, posting Sidharan, 
one of the Khatris, at the door to prevent the entrance of any 
person not privy to the plot. While he engaged the king in con- 
versation Sidhu Pal, another Khatri, cut him down with his sword, 
and Ranu and other Hindus rushed in and completed the bloody work. 

On the death of Mubarak Shah, who had left no son, the nobles 
at Delhi raised to the throne Muhammad, the sou of his brother 
Farid. Sarvar-ul-Mulk's complicity in the murder of the late king 
could not be concealed, but as he held possession of the royal 
treasury, armoury, and elephants he was too powerful to be touched, 
and though he was suspected of designs on the throne it was neces- 
sary, for the time, to confirm him in his office, and he received 
the title of Khanjahan, while his accomplice, Miran Sadr, received 
that of Mu'm-ul-Mulk. Kamal-ud-din, whose appointment had 
been the cause of Sarvar-ul-Mulk's disaffection, and others of 
Mubarak's nobles were desirous of avenging his death, but were 



vin] Muhammad Shah 221 

compelled to bide their time, and Sarvar-ul-Mulk, with a view to 
intimidating them executed one officer of high rank and imprisoned 
others, seized all the vacant fiefs in the kingdom and distributed 
them among his creatures. Bayana, Amroha, Narnaul, Guhram, 
and some districts in the Doab were granted to Sidharan, Sidhu 
Pal, and their relatives who had been personally concerned in the 
murder of the late king. Sidhu Pal sent his slave Ranu, another 
assassin, to Bayana to collect the revenue, but Yusuf Khan Auhadi 
marched from Hindaun to meet him, and when Ranu attempted to 
take possession of the fort attacked, defeated, and slew him. 

The nobles who still held their fiefs made preparations for over- 
throwing Sarvar-ul-Mulk. Malik Ilahdad Lodi, now governor of 
Sambhal and Ahar, Malik Chaman of Budaun, Amir 'All Gujarat!, 
Amir Kambal, and others agreed to stand or fall together and 
raised the standard of revolt. Sarvar-ul-Mulk assembled an army 
to crush them, and appointed to its command Kamal-ud-din, who 
had dissembled his hostility, associating with him his own son 
Yusuf, Sayyid Khan, and Sidharan the Khatri. This force advanced 
from Delhi to Baran and Ilahdad Lodi retired, but halted at Ahar 
on learning that Kamal-ud-din favoured his cause. His hostility 
to the minister and sympathy with the faction in arms against 
him could no longer be concealed, and Sarvar-ul-Mulk sent from 
Delhi to the army his slave Hushyar, nominally as Kamal-ud-din's 
assistant, but in fact as a spy upon his actions and a coadjutor of 
Yusuf and Sidharan. Malik Chaman of Budaun now joined Ilahdad 
Lodi at Ahar and Kamal-ud-d!n's attitude became so menacing 
that Yusuf and Sidharan returned to Delhi. On their departure 
Ilahdad and his allies joined Kamal-ud-din, marched with him on 
Delhi, defeated Sarvar-ul-Mulk's troops in a battle before the city, 
and besieged him for three months in Siri. Sarvar-ul-Mulk dis- 
covered, in the course of a siege which lasted for three months, 
that the king was in sympathy with the besiegers, and attempted 
to slay him as he had slain his predecessor, but Muhammad was 
prepared for the attempt and his armed attendants slew Sarvar-ul- 
Mulk, and seizing the sons of Miran Sadr, executed them on the 
spot. Kamal-ud-din and the confederates were then summoned 
into the city and the remaining conspirators retired to their houses* 
Sidhu Pal imitated the Rajput custom ofjauhar, set fire to his 
house, immolated his family, and died fighting, but Sidharan and 
the other Khatris were taken alive and put to death, and Hushyar 
the slave find Mubarak, police magistrate of the city, were executed 
at the Led Darwaza, or Red Gate. 



222 The Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

The confederates repeated the ceremony of enthroning Mu- 
hammad Shah and swore allegiance to him, and in the new dis- 
tribution of offices and fiefs Kamal-ud-din became minister and 
received the title of Kamal Khan, Malik Chaman was entitled 
Ghazi-ul-Mulk and was confirmed in the fiefs of Budaun and Am- 
roha, Ilahdad Lodi, who would accept no title for himself, obtained 
that of Darya Khan for his brother, who succeeded him in Sambhal, 
Malik Kholraj retained Hissar, and Haji Shudani was entitled 
Hisam Khan and appointed governor of the capital. 

In October Muhammad Shah made a pilgrimage to Multan to 
visit the shrines of the saints, and in 1436 marched to Samtina and 
dispatched thence an army which is said to have laid waste the 
country of the Khokars. 

Muhammad had been, until the fall of Sarvar-ul-Mulk, the 
victim of factions and the sport of circumstances, but when he had 
an opportunity of displaying his fitness for rule he so abused it as 
to lose both the affection and the confidence of those who had freed 
him from his enemies. After his return to Delhi from Samana his 
counsellors were perturbed by the news of successive calamities. 
In Multan the Langahs, an Afghan tribe recently settled in the 
district, rebelled against Muhammad Shah's governor; in the oppo- 
site direction Ibrahim Shah of Jaunpur invaded and annexed some 
of the south-eastern districts of the kingdom ; and to the south of 
Delhi the raja of Gwalior and other Hindu chieftains openly repu- 
diated their liability to pay tribute. Even the forays undertaken 
in his uncle's reign would have been preferable to inaction, but 
Muhammad remained in his capital, sunk in indolence and pleasure, 
until his nobles, losing heart, clearly perceived that if the ancient 
prestige of Delhi were to be preserved they must seek another 
leader. It was during this period that the commanding qualities 
of Malik Buhlul Lodi 1 , nephew and adopted son of Islam Khan 
and now governor of Sirhind, first attracted attention. As the 
king's weakness and meanness of spirit became more apparent he 
gradually extended his influence over the whole of the Punjab, 
and began to withhold the revenue due to the royal treasury. The 
condition of the remnant of the kingdom of Delhi was deplorable. 
Muhammad's nominal authority did not extend beyond Panipat to 
the north ; on the south and south-east the raja of Gwalior, who 
had during the previous reign periodically acknowledged the sove- 

1 In English histories this name is usually written ' Bahlol,' as it is also pronounced 
by the vulgar in India. Buhlul is the correct form. The word is Arabic, and means one 
who laughs or smiles, or a prince endowed with every accomplishment. 



vin] War against Malwa 223 

reignty of Delhi, no longer made any pretence of fealty, and the 
king of Jaunpur had invaded and annexed the districts bordering 
on his kingdom. The Hindus of the Doab, always refractory, dis- 
regarded with impunity an authority which was never asserted, 
and the turbulent tribesmen of Mewat plundered the country to 
within a short distance of the walls of the city. The nobles of 
Delhi, despairing of a king who was content to loiter in his palace 
while his kingdom dissolved, had recourse, in 1440-41, to Mahmud 
Shah Khalji of Malwa, an active and warlike prince who had in 
1436 seized the throne of that kingdom 1 , and sent repeated mes- 
sages to him representing the miserable plight of the once glorious 
kingdom and imploring him to march to Delhi for the purpose 
of restoring peace and order. Mahmud set out, and Muhammad 
Shah, roused at length from his disgraceful torpor, prepared to 
oppose him. Assembling such troops as he could muster, he sent 
an appeal for help to Buhlul LodI, whose readiness to respond had 
its origin not in loyalty to Muhammad, but in the resolve to pre- 
serve the kingdom for himself. He would not, however, lend his 
aid unconditionally, and demanded as its price the death of Hisam 
Khan, governor of the capital, in whom he recognised either a 
dangerous rival or too staunch and powerful a champion of here- 
ditary right. The condition was fulfilled, and Buhlul led his forces 
to the support of the king. 

Meanwhile Mahmud, marching from Malwa by way of Hindaun, 
was there joined by Yusuf Khan Auhadi and continued his advance 
to Delhi. Muhammad marched forth to meet him, and the two 
armies confronted one another between Tughluqfibad and the city. 
Here Muhammad, who had already proved himself to be devoid 
of the qualities of a leader of men, sank to the lowest depths of 
contempt by showing that he lacked the mere physical courage 
expected of the humblest soldier. He would not take the field 
in person, but entrusted the command of his troops nominally to 
his son 'Afci-ud-din, with whom he associated Sayyid Khan, Darya 
Khan LodI, Qutb Khan, and other officers. Like Muhammad, but 
for a different reason, Mahmud Khalji refrained from personally 
engaging in the conflict. His courage was never impugned, and he 
was, indeed, brave to rashness, but he would not deign to take the 
field against Muhammad's officers, and was resolved to show that 
his own subordinates were well able to cope with them. Retaining 
for the protection of his person a small force of picked cavalry he 
entrusted the command of the rest of his army to his two sons 

1 See Chapter xrv. 



224 TAe Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

Ghiyas-ud-din and Nusrat Khan. The battle began at noon and 
lasted, without any decisive advantage to either side, until night- 
fall, when each army returned to its own camp. The pusillanimous 
Muhammad, dreading the alternative prospects of being obliged 
to take the field or of felling into the hands of the enemy, hastened 
to make undignified proposals for peace, which might have been 
rejected with contempt, had not Mahmud received reports which 
necessitated an immediate return to his capital. A mob at Mandu 
had removed the royal umbrella suspended over the tomb of 
Hushang Shah and had raised it over the head of a pretender 
whom they had proclaimed king of Malwa as representative of the 
Ghuri family 1 . Accordingly he welcomed the overtures for peace 
and on the following day began his retreat With flagrant disregard 
of the agreement between the two kings Buhlul Lodi followed and 
attacked the retreating army, and obtained a trivial advantage 
over its rearguard and some plunder. It need not be assumed that 
Muhammad was privy to this act of treachery, for Buhlul was 
beyond his control, but he participated in its guilt by becoming, 
in legal phrase, an accessory after the fact The perfidious Afghan 
was received on his return with extravagant demonstrations, his 
mean and petty triumph was magnified into a victory over the 
army of Malwa, and the king distinguished him by styling him his 
son, and conferred on him the title of Khan Khanan. 

Buhlul now consulted his interest by feigning loyalty to Mu- 
hammad and in the following year the king marched to Samana 
and there formally bestowed on him, in addition to the fiefs which 
he already held by grant from the crown, Dipalpur and Lahore, 
which were no longer his to bestow. Buhlul deigned to accept a 
commission to attack Jasrat the Khokar, but, on discovering that 
Jasrat was inclined to favour his designs on the throne of Delhi, 
made peace with him on easy terms and withdrew to Sirhind, where 
he strengthened himself by annexing the districts adjoining those 
which he already held, and by enlisting large numbers of Afghans, 
especially of his own tribe 2 , in his army. He picked a quarrel, on 
trivial grounds, with Muhammad Shah, marched to Delhi, and 
besieged it, but failed to capture it, or perhaps, for he returned 
unmolested to his own dominions, where he styled himself Sultan 
Buhlul, was bought off, or retired on realising the magnitude 

1 Some historians attribute the retreat oi Mahmud Khalji to a report that Ahmad I 
of Gujarat had invaded or was about to invade his dominions, but the account of the 
circumstances given in the text is to be preferred. 

1 The Lodls were Khaljls or Ghilzais, Turks by origin, but so long resident in 
Afghanistan that by the fifteenth century they could be correctly described as Afghans. 



vin] Rise of the Lodjs * 225 

of the task with which he would be confronted after taking 
the city. 

After the siege of the capital the disorders of the kingdom 
increased daily, and when Muhammad Shah died, in 1444, no point 
on his frontier was more than forty miles distant from Delhi, and 
the kingdom inherited by his son 'Ala-ud-dln, who assumed the 
title of 'Alain Shah, consisted of the city and the neighbouring 
villages. 

The new king was even more feeble and vacillating than his 
father, and although Buhlul humoured the nobles of Delhi by 
formally acknowledging his accession he sedulously continued 
his preparations for seizing the throne when the time should 
be ripe. 

Shortly after his accession 'Alam Shah marched towards Samana, 
apparently with no other purpose than that of showing that a king 
of Delhi yet dared to leave his palace, but was recalled by a rumour 
that Mahmud Shah of Jaunpur was marching on the city. The 
report, which he had not taken the trouble to verify, proved to be 
false, and an outspoken courtier incurred his displeasure by up- 
braiding him for his undignified and unnecessary retreat. In 1447 
* he marched to Budaun, where he was received with respect, and 
found the city so attractive that he resolved to reside there rather 
than at Delhi. Having prepared a dwelling for himself he returned 
to Delhi, where the same blunt courtier remonstrated with him on 
the folly of the step which he contemplated, but gained nothing 
but his own removal from office. The king appointed one of his 
wife's brothers governor of the capital and in 1448 retired per- 
manently to Budaun, where he abandoned himself entirely to the 
pursuit of pleasure. 

It is now proper to examine the condition of the territories 
over which Khizr Khan had established his authority. The pro- 
vince of Multan had elected a ruler of its own, who never recog- 
nised, even formally, the royal authority ; and the rest of the 
Punjab, as far south as Panlpat and Hissar, was in the possession 
of Buhlul, whose relative, Darya Khan Lodi, held the district of 
Sainbhal, the western limit of which he had pushed forward as 
far as the ford of Khvaja Khizr, on the Jumna near Delhi. Ad- 
joining this petty state on the south, within the limits of the Doab, 
was the state of Koil, held by 'Isa Khan the Turk, and south of 
this state Hasan Khan, another Afghan, held Rapri. The lower 
central Doab, including Bhongaon, Patiali, and Kampil, was held 
by the Rajput, Raja Partab and to the west of the Jumna Daud 
C.H.LIII. 15 



226 The Sayyid Dynasty [CH. 

Khan Auhadi was independent in Bayana. All these rulers were 
partisans of BuhluL Gwalior was an independent Hindu state, and 
such tracts of Mewat as did not acknowledge the rule of Daud 
Auhadi were held by native chieftains whose power extended 
almost to the gates of Delhi. 

'Alam Shah, on his way to Budaun, took counsel with Qutb 
Khan, cousin of Buhlul, 'Isa Khan, and Raja Partab regarding the 
possibility of rehabilitating the royal power. Hamid Khan, who 
was now minister, was obnoxious to Raja Partab, for his father, 
Fath Khan, had formerly devastated Partab's fief and carried off 
his wife. The three courtiers promised to add to 'Alam Shah's 
small kingdom forty parganas on condition that he put Hamid 
Khan to death. He was imprisoned, but escaped and fled to 
Delhi. 

After the king's departure from the capital a quarrel broke out 
between his two brothers-in-law, one of whom had been left there 
as governor and the other as chief of the city police, and one of 
them had been killed in a fight between their factions. The mob, 
at the instigation of Hisam Khan, had risen against the survivor 
and put him to death, and Hisam Khan and Hamid Khan remained 
arbiters of the destinies of Delhi. The restoration of 'Alam Shah 
was out of the question, and both desired to find a substitute who 
would be content with no more than the royal title and would 
permit them to govern in his name. The claims of the kings of 
Jaunpur and Malwa were considered and rejected, for the former 
was connected by marriage with 'Alain Shah and might attempt 
to avenge his wrongs and the latter was so attached to his distant 
kingdom that it was improbable that he would transfer his affec- 
tions to Delhi. Their choice fell ultimately upon Buhlul, though 
there was little probability of his becoming a pliable instrument 
in their hands, and he was invited to Delhi. He responded with 
such alacrity that he arrived with a force insufficient to establish 
his authority, but he formally received from Hamid Khan, in 
exchange for conciliatory promises, the keys of the city, and wrote 
to 'Alam Shah a letter as masterly as it was insincere, in which he 
explained that he was actuated solely by jealous zeal for the royal 
authority, which he had seen set at naught Buhlul seated himself 
on the throne on April 19, 1451, and set out at once to Dipalpur 
to collect the troops which in his haste he had left behind. His 
letter to 'Alam Shah elicited the desired reply. The mean-spirited 
king, content with the ease and freedom from care which his resi- 
dence in Budaun afforded, replied that he had had neither fruit 



viii] Usurpation of Euhlttl 227 

nor profit of sovereignty, that his father had styled Buhlul his son 
and that he himself freely and cheerfully resigned his throne to 
Buhlul as to an elder brother. Thus Buhljul, on his return to Delhi, 
ascended the throne not merely as the creature of a successful 
faction, but as the heir designate of a king who had voluntarily 
abdicated. The contemptible 'Alam Shah remained contentedly 
in Budaun, where the revenue of the small territory which he 
had been permitted to retain sufficed to defray the cost of his 
pleasures. 



152 



CHAPTER IX 

THE LODI DYNASTY 

THE condition of the kingdom over which Buhlul was called to 
rule has already been described, but he differed from its late feeble 
sovereign in being already, at the time of his elevation to the throne, 
a powerful ruler. The greater part of the Punjab owned his sway, 
and one of his kinsmen was virtual ruler of the country to the 
east of Delhi, the northern Doab, and the province now known as 
Rohilkhand. 

The new king was just such a ruler as the distracted state re- 
quired. With sufficient i>olitical acumen to serve his purpose he 
was active and warlike and had formed the resolution of restoring 
the kingdom to its pre-eminence among the Muhammadan States 
of Northern India. Among his Afghan kinsmen he was little more 
than primus inter pares, and was well content with that position, 
but he would tolerate no interference by strangers, and one of his 
first acts was to overthrow the powerful Hamid Khan, by whom 
he had been called to the throne and whose influence in Delhi 
might at any time l>e sufficient to initiate a formidable movement 
for the restoration of the old order of things, when everybody 
was his own master. The Afghans, acting under their leader's 
instructions, behaved with grotesque boorishness at all his formal 
meetings with Hamid Khan. The men-at-arms crowded into 
the hall of audience on the pretext that all soldiers and fellow- 
tribesmen were equals, and their conduct, while it excited the 
surprise and disgust of Hamid Khan, encouraged him to believe 
that he had to deal with a horde of mere rustic simpletons. The 
Afghan troops were soon numerous enough to crush any disturbance 
which might arise in the city, and their numbers at court were 
always sufficient to enable Buhlul to carry out any act of violence. 
At one audience Qutb Khan Lodf, BuhluPs cousin and brother-in- 
law, produced a chain and, casting it down before Hamid Khan, 
informed him that it was considered necessary for reasons of state 
that he should be confined for a few days, but that in consideration 
of the services which he had rendered his life would be spared. 
How this promise was kept we do not know, but Hamid Khan 
disappears henceforth from the scene. 



CH. ix] Defeat of Mahmud of jfaunpur 229 

Shaikh Yusuf, the popularly elected governor of Multan, who 
had been expelled from that city by the Langahs 1 and had taken 
refuge at Delhi, urged Buhl ul to recover the lost province, and late 
in 1451 he left the capital for Multan, but as soon as his back was 
turned some of the old nobles of 'Alam Shah, who found the ener- 
getic personal rule of the new king little to their taste, invited 
Mahmud Shah of Jaunpur to attack the city and expel the Afghans. 
Mahmud responded to the appeal, and on his march towards Delhi 
was joined by Buhlul's relative, Darya Khan LodI, who remained 
at heart loyal to his kinsman, and whose adherence to the invader 
was a matter of necessity rather than choice. Mahmud advanced 
to Delhi and besieged Buhlul's eldest son, Khvaja Bayazid, who 
had been left in charge of the city ; and Buhlul, who had reached 
Dipalpur, immediately retraced his footsteps and was within thirty 
miles of the capital before Mahmud had succeeded in making any 
impression on its defences. He was fortunate enough to capture 
large numbers of Mahmiid's transport animals, which were at 
pasture but immediately after this successful stroke was attacked 
by Mahmiid's principal lieutenant, Fath Khan of Herat, with 30,000 
horse and thirty elephants. In the battle Qutb Khan LodI, who 
was an expert archer, checked the onset of Fath Khan's elephant 
by wounding it with an arrow, and this mishap shook the ranks of 
the Jaunpur troops. Qutb Khan was able to convey a message to 
Darya Khan Lodi, urging him to desert the enemy and join his 
kinsmen, and Darya Khan at once led his troops from the field. 
The rest of the army of Jaunpur, demoralised by his defection, 
broke and fled, and Fath Khan was taken alive and was beheaded 
by Raja Khan, a Hindu officer of Buhlul's who had a blood feud 
with him. 

Mahmud, on the defeat of his army in the field, raised the siege 
and returned to Jaunpur. His expedition convinced Buhlul that 
the settlement of the trivial disorders in the Punjab, where Lodf 
supremacy was assured, might well be postponed until the turbulent 
fief-holders of the Doab and the petty princes of Mewat, who had 
long been independent, were once more brought into subjection 
to the kingdom of Delhi and the power of the king of Jaunpur 
which, during the reigns of Mubarak, Muhammad, and 'Alam Shah, 
had always equalled and frequently over-shadowed that of the king 
of Delhi, had been broken. Buhlul, whose reputation had been 
greatly enhanced by his victory, marched to Mewat, where he 
received, without a battle, the submission of Ahmad Khan, who 

1 See Chapters vm and xix. 



230 The Lodt Dynasty [CH. 

surrendered seven parganas to him, agreed to holding the re- 
mainder of his territory as a fief of Delhi, and placed his uncle, 
Mubarak Khan, at Buhlul's court, nominally as his agent, but in 
fact as a hostage. 

From Mewat Buhlul crossed the Jumna and marched to Baran, 
where Darya Khan Lodi waited on him and compounded for his 
late adhesion to Mahmud of Jaunpur by the surrender of seven 
parganas of his great fief to the crown. It was Buhlul's policy to 
conciliate the great fief-holders of the Doab, whose disobedience to 
Delhi and subservience to Jaunpur had been forced upon them 
by circumstances, and all were treated with leniency. *Isa Khan, 
Mubarak Khan, and Raja Partab submitted to him and were per- 
mitted to retain the fiefs of Koil, Suket and Bhongaon, and even 
Qutb Khan 1 , son of Hasan Khan, who defended the fortress of 
Rapri against the royal troops, was permitted to retain his fief 
after his submission. 

From Rapri Buhlul marched to Etawah and received the sub- 
mission of the raja, but this assertion of his authority provoked 
Mahmud of Jaunpur, who claimed the allegiance of Etawah and 
invaded the district for the purpose of contesting Buhlul's claim. 
Neither king was in a position to proceed to extremities against 
the. other, and after one day's desultory fighting they concluded 
a truce, in accordance with the terms of which the boundaries 
between the two states were to be those which had been recognised 
in the reign of Mubarak Shah of Delhi, seven elephants taken from 
Fath Khan were to be restored to Jaunpur, and Buhlul was to be 
permitted, after the rainy season, to wrest Shamsabad from Jaunan 
Khan, who held it nominally as a fief of Jaunpur. 

Mahmud returned to Jaunpur and Buhlul drove Jaunan Khun 
from Shamsabad and placed his own vassal, Raja Karan, in posses- 
sion of the fief. Mahmud, though Buhlul had violated none of the 
conditions of the treaty, marched against him, and as the army of 
Jaunpur approached Shamsabad it was attacked by night by a 
force under Qutb Khan Lodi and Darya Khan Lodi. The attack 
failed and Qutb Khan was captured and sent to Jaunpur, where 
he remained a prisoner for seven months. Just as the main bodies 
of the two armies were about to join battle Mahmud died, in 1457, 
and his son Bhikan was raised to the throne under the title of 
Muhammad Shah, and made peace with Buhlul, whose right to 
retain Shamsabad he acknowledged. Buhlul returned towards 
Delhi, but on reaching Dhankaur received a message from Qutb 

1 Not to be confounded with Qutb Khan Lodi, BuhluPs cousin and brother-in-law. 



ix] War against *Jaunpur 231 

* 

Khan's sister, reproaching him for having left her brother in cap- 
tivity and urging him not to rest until he had liberated him, 
whereupon he at once turned back to meet Muhammad Shah, 
who marched with equal promptness to Shamsabad, expelled Raja 
Karan, and restored the fief to Jaunan Khan. His success attracted 
to his standard the raja of Etawah, who openly transferred his 
allegiance from Delhi to Jaunpur, and Muhammad marched to 
Saraswati while Buhlul marched to the neighbouring town of Rapri. 
After some desultory fighting between the two armies intestine 
discord deprived that of Jaunpur of the power of offensive action 1 , 
and Muhammad was deserted by one of his brothers, who led away 
a force of 30,000 horse and thirty elephants and halted on the 
banks of the Jharna. Buhlul, who regarded this move as a tactical 
manoeuvre against himself, followed them, and on his way captured 
Jalal Khan, a third brother of Muhammad, who was attempting to 
join the deserter, and detained him as a hostage for the safety of 
Qutb Khan Lodl. 

Muhammad retreated towards Kanauj, and was followed as far 
as the Ganges by Buhlul, but his brother Husain had already been 
acclaimed as king at Kanauj and Muhammad was deserted by the 
few courtiers who had remained with him, and was put to death. 

Husain Shah ascended the throne of Jaunpur in 1458, and at 
once concluded a four years' truce with Buhlul. Qutb Khan Lodi 
was exchanged for Husain's brother, Jalal Khan, and peace reigned 
between Delhi and Jaunpur for the period for which the truce had 
been concluded. 

During this period BuhluPs attention was fully occupied in 
the administration of his dominions and late in 1472 he marched 
towards Multan, to reduce to obedience Husain Shah Langah, who 
had succeeded his father in that small kingdom. 

In 1473 Husain Shah of Jaunpur, instigated by his wife Jalila, 
who was a daughter of 'Alam Shah, inarched on Delhi with a large 
army, and this menace to his capital recalled Buhlul, who, however, 
sent his third son, Barbak Shah, and Tatar Khan Lodi, governor 
of Lahore, to Multan, where they suffered a crushing defeat at the 
hands of Husain Langah, and were compelled to retreat 

Buhlul, on reaching Delhi, was dismayed by the imminence of 
his peril and hastily sent a mission to Mahmfid Khaljf II of Malwa, 
imploring him to come to his aid and promising to cede to him the 
whole country west of Bayana, but Husain had reached the banks 
of the Jumna, a short distance to the south-east of Delhi, before a 

1 For the details of these disputes see Chapter x. 



232 The Lodt Dynasty [CH. 

reply could be received from Mahmud, and Buhlul attempted to 
purchase peace by the most humiliating submission. Were he 
allowed, he said, to retain Delhi and the country for thirty miles 
around it he would cheerfully hold it in Husain's name. The offer 
was haughtily rejected and Buhlul marched forth at the head of 
18,000 Afghan horse, to meet his powerful enemy. The armies 
were encamped on opposite banks of the Jumna and for several 
days neither ventured to cross the river in force to attack the 
other until one day Husain who, in his contempt of his opponent 
neglected all military precautions, permitted the whole of his army 
to disperse for the purpose of plundering the fertile lands of the 
Doab. His camp was left unprotected, and Buhlul crossed the river 
by a ford and fell upon it. Even now Husain's insensate pride 
blinded him to his danger and it was not until the Afghans were 
actually plundering his tents that he sought safety in flight, then 
the only course left open to him. The ladies of his harem, including 
his wife Jalila, were captured by Buhlul, who generously sent them 
unharmed to Jaunpur. 

A new treaty, in which a truce of three years was agreed upon, 
was concluded and Buhlul, besides turning his attention once more 
to the improvement of his administration and the consolidation of 
his power, marched into Mewat for the purpose of dealing with 
Ahmad Khan, a great fief-holder who had joined Husain Shah in 
his recent expedition. Ahmad Khan fled and joined Husain in 
Jaunpur, thus furnishing him with a pretext for renewing hostilities, 
to which course he was constantly urged by his wife Jalila. 

Husain, after capturing Etawah, marched on Delhi with an army 
of 100,000 horse and 1000 elephants, and Buhlul again stooped to 
supplication and promised, if Husain would refrain from molesting 
him, to attend him in the field whenever in future he might require 
assistance. Husain vouchsafed no answer to this piteous appeal 
and Buhlul was compelled to take the field. He again defeated 
the army of Jaunpur, but was not strong enough to profit by his 
success, and was fain to make peace. Shortly afterwards Husain 
again marched against Buhlul, who marched from Delhi and en- 
countered him at Sikhera, about twenty-five miles east of the city. 
Husain was defeated but was again able to make peace on equal 
terms and retired to Etawah, where Qutb Khan Lodi and the son 
of the raja of Gwalior waited on him. Qutb Khan, learning that 
Husain still entertained designs on Delhi, ingratiated himself by 
disparaging Buhlul, and promised Husain that he would never rest 
until he had conquered for him the country as far north as Delhi* 



ix] Husain o/yaunpur is defeated 233 

Husain was duped, and allowed Qutb Khan to leave his camp. He 
at once joined his cousin at Delhi, and wamed him against Husain, 
whose military strength was still great and who had not abandoned 
the design of annexing Delhi to his dominions. 

Husain once more assembled his army for an attack on Delhi, 
and in March, 1 479, arrived at the bank of the Jumna. This was 
the most promising of all his campaigns and the effect of his nume- 
rical superiority was everywhere apparent, but Qutb Khan Lodi, 
by an appeal to the memory of Husain's mother, who had be- 
friended him during his captivity in Jaunpur, so played upon the 
invader's feelings that he induced him to make peace on obtaining 
from Buhlul formal recognition of his tenure of all districts east 
of the Ganges, corresponding to the modern province of Rohilkhand. 
After concluding this treaty Husain began a leisurely retreat and 
Buhlul perfidiously attacked him and captured a large number 
of elephants and horses laden with spoil and treasure, Husain's 
minister, and about forty of his principal nobles. This success, 
disgracefully obtained, marks the turn of the tide in favour of 
Delhi, arid Buhlul pursued the demoralised army of Jaunpur and 
occupied the parganas of Kampil, Patiali, Shamsabad, Suket, Koil, 
Marhara and Jalesar. Husain, hard pressed by Buhlul's pursuit, 
turned and faced him, but was again defeated and was now obliged 
to acquiesce in Buhlul's retention of the large tract of territory 
which he had recovered and to agree that the frontier of the 
kingdom of Jauupur should be withdrawn to Chhibramau, in the 
district now known as Farrukhabad. Husain retired to RaprI and 
Buhlul to Delhi, but the former, after a brief period of repose, 
again took the field to recover his lost territory and met Buhlul at 
Senha, where he suffered the heaviest defeat he had yet expe- 
rienced. The plunder which fell into the hands of Buhlul and the 
prestige which he gained with his victory established the supe- 
riority of Delhi and Buhlul encamped at Chhibramau and shortly 
afterwards took the offensive against Husain and defeated him at 
Raprl. Husain fled towards Gwalior, and after losing some of his 
wives and children in the passage of the Jumna, was attacked near 
Athgath by the Bhadauriyas, a predatory tribe, who plundered his 
camp. Kirat Singh of Gwalior was still faithful to him, supplied 
him with money, troops, and transport, and escorted him as far 
as Kalp! on his way to Jaunpur. Buhlul, after capturing Etawah, 
which surrendered to him after a siege of three days, marched to 
attack Husain, who turned to meet him at Raigaon Khaga 1 , where 

* In 25 53' N. and 81 16' E. 



234 The Lodj Dynasty [CH. 

his front was protected by the Ganges, which postponed Buhlul's 
attack for some months until Raja Tilok Chand of Baksar 1 joined 
his army and led it across the river by a ford, when Husain re- 
treated rapidly to Phaphamau 2 , the raja of which place provided 
him with money, horses, and elephants, and escorted him in safety 
to Jaunpur. Buhlul marche.d straight on Jaunpur and Husain fled 
towards Kanauj by way of Bahraich, an unnecessarily circuitous 
route. Buhlul followed him, overtook him on the banks of the 
Rahab, attacked him, and defeated him, capturing one of his wives. 
He then returned to Jaunpur, which he captured, and placed 
Mubarak Khan Lohani in the city as governor. He also placed 
a garrison under the command of Qutb Khan LodI in Majhaull 3 , 
beyond the Gogra and then marched to Budaun, which had been 
nominally subject to Husain since the death of 'Alam Shah in 
1478. Husain took advantage of his absence to re-assemble his 
army and march to Jaunpur, compelling Mubarak Khan to with- 
draw to MajhaulL Husain marched thither, and Buhlul'a officers, 
who could not risk a battle, gained time by feigning to negotiate, 
and while Husain was thus permitting himself to be delayed, Buhlul 
returned rapidly from Budaun, sent a force under his son Barbak 
to relieve Majhaull, and re-occupied Jaunpur. Husain, in despair, 
fled into Bihar, and Buhlul followed him as far as Haldi, on the 
Ganges near Ballia, where he heard of the death of Qutb Khan 
LodI at Majhaull and, after halting to mourn for him, returned to 
Jaunpur, where in 1486 he placed his eldest surviving son Barbak 
on the throne of that kingdom, and permitted him to coin money 
and to use the royal title. He then marched, by way of Chandwar, 
to Dholpur where the raja, as earnest of his submission, presented 
to him a large quantity of gold. From Dholpur he inarched 
eighteen miles westward to Ban, where Iqbal Khan, the Muslim 
governor, also made his submission, and was permitted to retain 
his fief. Thence he marched to 'Alampur, near Ranthambhor, plun- 
dered that district, and destroyed all the standing crops. Returning 
to Delhi he enjoyed some well-earned repose there and at Hissar, 
and, thus refreshed, marched to Gwalior, where Kirat Singh had 
for many years virtually maintained his independence by paying 
tribute to Jaunpur. Buhlul was ill-prepared for such an enterprise 
as the siege of the fortress, and Kirat Singh was well content to 
purchase peace and liberty by the payment of eight millions of 
rupees. From Gwalior Buhlul returned to Etawah, where he made 

1 Thirty-four miles south-east of Unao town. 2 In 25 32' N. and 81 56' E. 

3 In 26 17' N. and 83 57' E., on the Little Gandak river. 



ix] Sikandar Shah 235 

some administrative changes, and, on returning towards Delhi, was 
overtaken, near Suket, by his last illness, which produced a crop 
of intrigues regarding the succession. Buhlul himself, who had 
provided for his second and eldest surviving son, Barbak, by placing 
him on the throne of Jaunpur, seems to have intended that his 
third son, Nizam Khan (Sikandar Shah) should succeed him, but 
the Afghan nobles objected to him on the ground that his mother, 
a favourite wife or concubine, was the daughter of a goldsmith, 
and prevailed upon the dying king to summon him to the camp, 
lest he should usurp the throne in Delhi ; but the prince's mother 
and a few who favoured his cause were in the camp and secretly 
warned him that if he obeyed the order he would certainly be im- 
prisoned by his father. Nizam Khan temporised and the nobles, 
who were almost unanimous in opposing his succession, some sup- 
porting Barbak Shah of Jaunpur, and others A'zam-i-Humayun, 
son of Khvaja Bayazld, Buhlul's eldest son, urged Buhlul to assert 
his authority, and an order was sent to Nizam Khan, warning him 
that if he did not* immediately obey the summons his father would 
march to Delhi and punish him. Nizam Khan pitched his camp 
beyond the walls and announced that he was about to set out, but 
needed a few days in which to prepare for the journey. Meanwhile 
Buhlul suddenly died, in the second week of July, 1489. Zibii, the 
goldsmith's daughter, boldly confronted the Lodi nobles with an 
assertion of her son's claim to the throne, and was abused to her 
face by 'Isa Khan, Buhlul's first cousin, who brusquely told her 
that the son of a goldsmith's daughter was not the man to fill a 
throne. His discourtesy injured his cause by exciting sympathy 
for the widow, and Khan Khanan Qarmall rebuked him. *Isa Khan 
angrily replied that a servant had no right to interfere in the family 
affairs of the Lodis, and the Khan Khanan retorted that if he was a 
servant he was the servant of Sikandar Shah, the title by which Nizam 
Khan was already known to his adherents, and of none other. The 
army moved to Jalali, where it was met by Nizam Khan, who, on 
July 17, 1489, was proclaimed king under the title of Sikandar Shah. 
Sikandar was undoubtedly the fittest of all Buhlul's sons to fill 
his father's throne, and his promptitude in joining the army settled 
the question of the succession, but some of the courtiers with- 
drew in sullen disaffection to their fiefs and Sikandar soon found 
it necessary to attack his uncle 1 , 'Alam Khan, who was making 

1 According to Nizam-ud-dln Ahmad J^Alam Khan was Sikandor's brother but he 
may be satisfactorily identified with the 'Alam Khan (Jalal Shah) who was a younger 
brother ol Buhlul. 



236 The Lodi Dynasty [CH. 

pretensions to independence in Rapri and Chandwar. ( Alam Khan, 
after enduring a few days' siege in Rapri, fled and took refuge in 
Patiali with 'Isa Khan, who was in rebellion in consequence of the 
insult which he had hurled at the king's mother. Sikandar con- 
ferred the fief of Rapri on Khan Khanan Lohani and retired to 
Etawah, where he spent seven months in reorganising the adminis- 
tration of the provinces, which had been thrown into confusion 
by governors and fief-holders appointed during the late reign and 
disaffected to his rule and in conciliating those who were prepared 
to accept his succession as an accomplished fact. He_suceeeded in 
persuading 'Alam Khan to leave the protection of 'Isa Khan and 
endeavoured to secure his fidelity by bestowing on him the fief of 
Etawah, and he sent an embassy to his brother Biirbak in Jaunpur 
with the object of concluding a permanent treaty between that 
kingdom and Delhi, and marched in person against *Isa Khan in 
Patiali. 'Isa met him in the field, but was defeated, and so severely 
wounded that he survived his reconciliation with his nephew but a 
few days. Raja Ganesh, a Hindu officer who had espoused Barbak's 
cause, submitted to Sikandar and was rewarded with the fief of 
PatialL 

The mission to Jaunpur failed. Husain Sharqi, from his retreat 
in Bihar, had assiduously instigated Barbak to attack his brother, 
in the hope that their quarrels would open a way for his return to 
Jaunpur, and Sikandar, apprised of his brother's designs, marched 
to attack him. Barbak advanced to Kanauj to meet him and 
suffered a defeat, in consequence of which he fled to Budaun. 
Sikandar pursued him, besieged him in that city, and after a few 
days compelled him to surrender. He was treated with great 
leniency and was replaced on the throne of Jaunpur, but merely 
as a king in name, for Sikandar distributed the rich fiefs of the 
kingdom among his own adherents, and even placed confidential 
agents in Barbak's household. 

After this success Sikandar marched to Kotala and Kalpi, dis- 
possessed his nephew, A'zam-i-Humayun, who had been a candidate 
for the crown, of these fiefs, and bestowed them upon Muhammad 
Khan Lodl. He next attacked, in Jhatra, Tatar Khan Lodi, who 
had been one of his bitterest opponents, compelled him to submit 
and generously restored him to his fief. Marching thence to Gwalior 
he received the submission of Raja Kirat Singh, invested him with 
a robe of honour as governor of the fortress and district, and 
marched to Bayana, where the governor, Sharaf, son of Ahmad 
Jalvani, appeared before him and, by a feigned submission, obtained 



ix] Rebellion in Jaunpur 237 

a promise of the fiefs of J alegar, Chandwar, Marhara, and Suket 
on condition of his surrendering the keys of Bayana, He was per- 
mitted to return for the keys but had no sooner regained the 
shelter of the fortress than he prepared to stand a siege. Sikandar 
marched to Agra, which was held by Haibat Khan, a dependant of 
Sharaf, and, having entrusted the siege of that town to some of 
his officers, returned to Bayana and after a short siege compelled 
Sharaf to surrender. He was permitted to retire to Gwalior, the 
fief of Bayana was granted to Khan Khanan, and the king returned 
to Delhi. 

He had rested for no longer than four days in the capital when 
he received news of a serious rebellion in Jaunpur, where the 
Hindu landholders assembled an army of 100,000 horse and foot 
and put to death Slier Khan, brother of Mubarak Khan Lohani, 
governor of Kara, Mubarak himself escaped from Kara, but was 
seized by his Hindu boatmen at a ford near the present city of 
Allahabad and delivered to the raja of Phaphamau, who imprisoned 
him. Barbak Shah of Jaunpur was utterly unable to cope with this 
formidable insurrection, which seems to have l)een due to the 
intrigues of Husain Sharql in Bihar, and withdrew to Daryabad, 
between Lucknow and Gonda, whence he joined Sikandar, who 
was marching on Jaunpur, at Dalmau on the Ganges. The raja of 
Phaphamau, alarmed at Sikandar's approach, released Mubarak 
Khan and sent him to the royal camp, but the king's advance on 
Jaunpur was opposed by the rebel army, but he attacked it, de- 
feated it with great slaughter, dispersed it, and took much plunder, 
and, continuing his march to Jaunpur, reinstated his brother and 
retired towards Oudh, where he proposed to enjoy the chase, but 
was almost immediately recalled by the news that Barbak was help- 
less before the rebels. The facts of the case are obscure, but it 
appears that Barbak had been coquetting with the rebels and also 
with Husain. Sikaudar dealt promptly with him by sending some 
of his principal nobles to Jaunpur to arrest him, and he was brought 
before the king and delivered into the custody of Haibat Khan and 
'Umar Khan Shirvam. From the neighbourhood of Jaunpur Sikandar 
marched to Chunar, where a number of Husain's nobles were as- 
sembled. He defeated them but was not strong enough to attempt 
the siege of the fortress, and marched to Kuntit, on the Ganges, a 
dependency of Phaphamau, where Bhil, the raja of Phaphamau, 
made his obeisance, and was confirmed in the possession of Kuntit, 
as a fief. Sikandar marched on to Arail, opposite to Allahabad, 
and the raja, who accompanied him, became apprehensive for his 



238 The Lodi Dynasty [CH. 

personal safety and fled, leaving his camp and baggage in the king's 
hands. Sikandar, to reassure him, courteously sent his property 
after him. Arail was laid waste, and the army marched to Dalmau 
by way of Kara, and thence to Shamsabad, where Sikandar halted 
for six months, visited Sambhal, and returned to Shamsabad, de- 
stroying on the way the inhabitants of two villages who had been 
guilty either of rebellion or brigandage. 

In October, 1494, after spending the rainy season at Shamsabad 
he marched against Bhll of Phaphamau, who remained obdurate, 
laid waste his territory, and defeated his son Narsingh in the field. 
The raja fled in the direction of Sundha 1 , but died on the way, and 
Sikandar, unable, owing to scarcity of provisions, was obliged to 
push on to Jaunpur, where most of the horses of his army died, from 
the hardships of the campaign, according to the chroniclers, but in 
fact owing to the improvident habit of destroying both crops and 
stores of grain in a hostile province. The rebellious landholders, at 
whose head was Lakhmi Chand, a son of Raja Bhll, urged Husain 
Sharqi to attack Sikandar, assuring him that nine-tenths of the 
latter's cavalry horses had perished, and Husain marched from Bihar 
with all the forces which he could assemble and 100 elephants. 
Sikandar, whose losses had been exaggerated and had not proved 
to be irreparable, marched southward, crossed the Ganges by the ford 
at Kuntit, placed a garrison in Chunar, and advanced to Benares, 
sending Khan Khanan to conciliate Salibahan, another son of Raja 
BhTl. Thence he marched to attack Husain, who was within thirty- 
six miles of the city, and on his way was joined by Salibahan, whose 
adhesion had been secured by the promise of his father's territory. 
He had repaired his losses, and he inflicted a crushing defeat on 
Husain, and pursued him towards Patna with 100,000 horse. On 
learning that Husain had continued his flight from Patna he marched 
with big whole army to Bihar, and Husain, leaving Malik Kandu in 
the fortress of Bihar, fled to Kahalgaon (Colgong). Sikandar, after 
detaching a force which drove Kandu from Bihar, left some officers 
to complete the subjugation of that province and marched into 
Tirhut, where he received the allegiance of the raja and, having left 
Mubarak Khan Loham to collect the tribute imposed upon him, 
returned to Bihar. 

This invasion of Bihar which, though held by the kings of 
Jaunpur in the day of their strength, had always been regarded as 
a province of Bengal, aroused the hostility of 'Ala-ud-dln Husain 
Shah, the active and warlike king of that country, who resented 

1 In 82 38' E. and 25 17' N. 



ix] Turbulence of the Nobles 239 

both the pursuit of his protg and the violation of his frontiers. 
He hesitated to march in person against the king of Delhi, and sent 
his son Daniyal with an army to Barh, where he was met by a force 
under Mahmud Khan Lodi and Mubarak Khan Loham. Neither 
party had anything to gain by proceeding to extremities and the 
treaty executed by both contained the usual stipulation, meaning- 
less when boundaries fluctuate and are ill defined, that neither the 
king of Delhi nor the sultan of Bengal was to invade the dominions 
of his neighbour, but the latter's promise to abstain from harbouring 
Sikandar's enemies was an admission that he had erred in espousing 
Husain's cause. 

Sikandar remained for some time in Bihar and his army suffered 
from famine, perhaps the result of climatic conditions, but more 
probably caused and certainly aggravated by the devastating cam- 
paign in which it had been engaged. Grain became so dear that one 
of the taxes levied under the Islamic law was remitted, and Sikandar 
marched to Saran, asserted his authority by removing some of the 
landholders from their fiefs and appointing nobles of his own clan 
in their place, and returned to Jaunpur, where he reorganised the 
administration of the distracted province and, having accomplished 
this task, demanded a daughter in marriage from Salibahan of 
Phaphamau. He met with a refusal and attacked Salibahan's strong- 
hold, but failed to capture it and returned to Jaunpur, where he 
demanded from Mubarak Khan Lodi, to whom the collection of the 
revenue had been entrusted since the imprisonment of Barbak, an 
account of his stewardship. Mubarak Khan, who had been guilty 
of wholesale peculation, was much alarmed and sought the inter- 
cession of several influential courtiers with a view to avoiding an 
inquiry, but his anxiety betrayed his guilt, and he was ordered to 
pay into the treasury the large sums which he had embezzled. 

During the king's stay at Jaunpur the turbulent conduct of 
some of his nobles aroused his displeasure and his suspicions. One 
accidentally struck another on the head with his stick while playing 
polo with the king and the injured man's brother promptly attacked 
Haibat Khan, the unintentional offender, and a disturbance arose. 
The combatants were separated, but renewed their combat on the 
polo ground on the following day, and the king caused one of them 
to be flogged. Being apprehensive of the effect of this punishment 
on his nobles, and of the temper of men who did not hesitate to 
belabour one another with sticks in his presence, he took precau- 
tions to secure his personal safety. Selecting a number of nobles on 
whom he believed he could rely, he placed them on a roster for the 



240 The Lodi Dynasty [CH. 

duty of mounting guard over his palace and person at night These 
nobles, either originally disaffected or rendered so by an irksome 
duty, conspired to depose him and to raise to the throne his younger 
brother Fath Khan, the seventh son of Buhlul. The young prince 
privately repeated their proposals to his mother and a holy man, 
who advised him to disclose the matter to the king without delay. 
This he did, and the conspirators, twenty-two in number, were 
banished from court. 

In 1499 Sikandar left Jaunpur for Sambhal, where he remained 
for four years, engaged in organising the administration of the 
trans-Gangetic province, and in pleasure, sport, and polo. Shortly 
after his arrival at Sambhal he received complaints of the oppressive 
behaviour of Asghar, whom he had left at Delhi as governor of the 
city, and ordered Khavass Khan, who held the fief of Machiwara, 
in the present district of Ludhiana, to inarch to Delhi, seize the 
offender, and send him to court. Before Khavass Khan could reach 
the city Asghar left it and submitted himself to the king, who caused 
him to be imprisoned and Khavass Khan occupied Delhi without 
opposition and assumed the vacant office of governor. 

Sikandar had an opportunity while at Sambhal of displaying the 
bigotry which was a prominent feature of his character. A Brahman 
of Bengal excited some interest and, among precisians, much indig- 
nation, by publicly maintaining that the Muhaminadan and Hindu 
religions were both true, and were but different paths by which 
God might be approached A'zam-i-Humayun, governor of Bihar, 
was directed to send the daring preacher and two rival doctors of 
the Islamic law to court, and theologians were summoned from 
various parts of the kingdom to consider whether it was permissible 
to preach peace. They decided that since the Brahman had admitted 
the truth of Islam he should be invited to embrace it, with the alter- 
native of death in the event of refusal. The decision commended 
itself to Sikandar and the penalty was exacted from the Brahman, 
who refused to change his faith. 

An incident which happened at this time throws some light on 
the nature of the dominion of the Lodis in the Punjab, the province 
in which they had originally established themselves. They should 
certainly have been able, had they commanded the resources of this 
province, to crush at once the kingdom of Jaunpur, which for a long 
time contended with them on equal terms, to establish themselves 
as undisputed lords of the Doab, and to recover the fortress and 
province of Gwalior, which had been a Muhammadan possession for 
more than a century and a half until, in the troublous times of 



The Cambridge History of India y Vol. Ill 



Map 



30 




INDIA 

ml 525 I 

The Political boundaries arc shown thu 

- Country and People, (hu, . BENGAL 

Town . Parwhur 

R,ver - MahanaJf 

Scales 
V V) SO KM) 200 

^^EUgU Milei 

too o ioo oo aw 

i. ... i i a 1 

Kilometres 



ix] Capture of Dholpur 241 

Timur's invasion, it was annexed by the Tonwar Bajputs ; but the 
hold of the Lodis on the Punjab was precarious. It was held for 
them by their relations and dependants, but solidarity has never 
been an Afghan characteristic, and the Lodis seem never to have 
ventured to tax the loyalty of their officials in the Punjab too highly. 
In the discontents of the next twenty -five years the Punjab was the 
only part of their dominions to welcome a foreign invader, and 
BuhlOl, Sikandar, and Ibrahim were content with such acknowledge- 
ment of their supremacy as was indicated by occasional remittances 
of tribute or revenue, and did not call upon their officers in the 
Punjab to furnish large contingents for the subjugation of Hindu- 
stan. In 1500 Sa'id Khan Shirvani came from Lahore to Sambhal 
to pay his respects to the king, but was banished on suspicion of dis- 
affection and, with some other discontented nobles, took refuge with 
Man Singh, raja of (hvalior. The raja, with a view to deprecating 
Sikandar's wrath, sent as envoy to his court a eunuch named Ilaihan, 
with valuable presents, but the envoy was less conciliatory than his 
master, and returned impudent answers to some questions put to 
him by Sikandar. He was accordingly dismissed with an intimation 
that the raja would do well to look to himself. 

Sikandar soon found the opportunity which he sought. Khan 
Jahfm Qarmall, governor of Bayana, died, and though his two sons 
were for a short time permitted to manage the affairs of their 
father's fief their experience was not equal to the task, and they were 
summoned to Sambhal, where less important fiefs were bestowed 
upon them. Khavass Khan, governor of Delhi, was appointed to 
Bayana, and his son Ismail Khan succeeded him in the capital. His 
hands were strengthened in his new post by the appointment of 
Safdar Khan as governor of Agra, then a dependency of Bayana, 
and 'Alam Khan, governor of Mewfit, and Khsin Kharian Loham, 
governor of Iliiprl, were ordered to cooperate with him against 
Binayik Deo, raja of Dholpur. A combined attack was made on 
Dholpur, but the royal officers were repulsed with loss and Sikandar 
marched, on March 15, 1502, from Sambhal towards Dholpur. On 
his approach Binayik Deo fled to Gwalior, leaving his officers to 
defend Dholpur, but they followed their master's example and 
Sikandar occupied the fortress and sacked the town. The conquerors 
committed a senseless act of revenge by destroying the groves of 
trees which extended for a distance of fourteen miles round it. 

Sikandar halted for a month at Dholpur, placed Adam Khan Lodi 
there as governor, and marched towards Gwalior. He crossed the 
Chambal and halted for two months on the banks of the Asan, where 

C.H.I. III. 16 



242 "The Lodi Dynasty [CH. 

the army suffered so much from a pestilence, probably cholera, that 
all thought of advancing to Gwalior was abandoned. The Muslim 
chroniclers state that Man Singh expelled from Gwalior Sikandar's 
nobles who had taken refuge with him, visited the camp to make 
his submission, and left his son Bikramajit, or Vikramaditya, in 
attendance on the king, but as Sikandar was in no position to bring 
pressure to bear upon Man Singh, and found it necessary to receive 
Binayik Deo and to reinstate him in Dholpur it is improbable that 
Man Singh visited the royal camp. If he sent his son thither it was 
in the capacity of an envoy and the reinstatement of Binayik Deo 
was demanded as the price of the expulsion of the refugees, for 
Sikandar was at the moment eager for peace, though the peace 
which he made was illusory, for on his return to Agra he transf erred 
his capital from Delhi to that city, in order to facilitate the prose- 
cution of his designs against Gwalior. This is the first occasion on 
which Agra, which acquired such importance under the Mughul 
emperors, cornea prominently into notice, for it had hitherto been 
a dependency of the more important fortress of Bayana. 

The account of Sikandar's subsequent operations illustrates the 
strength of the raja of Gwalior and the extent of his territories, for 
the king did not venture to attack Gwalior itself, but attempted the 
systematic reduction and conquest of fortresses and districts sub- 
ject or tributary to Man Singh. The first of these was Mandrael *, 
for the siege of which he prepared by devastating the villages be- 
tween it and Gwalior. In March, 1505, he marched against Mandrael, 
which surrendered to him. He destroyed Hindu temples in the town 
and erected mosques on their sites, and plundered and laid waste 
the districts surrounding the fortress. This success emboldened him 
to remove Binayik Deo from Dholpur on his return to Agra and to 
appoint Malik Qamar-ud-din governor of that fortress and district. 

On July 6 a most destructive earthquake occurred in Agra. 
The area affected by it was extraordinarily large. It was general 
throughout India, it is mentioned by Babur in his memoirs, and it 
is said by Budaum to have extended to Persia. 

In October, after the rainy season, Sikandar renewed hostilities 
agajnst Gwalior. After a short halt at Dholpur he established his 
headquarters on the banks of the Chambal, and, leaving his camp 
there, led an expedition into Gwalior country. The direction in 
which he marched is uncertain, but the Hindus, who fled to the 
hills and jungles, were slaughtered and enslaved in large numbers, 
and the country was laid waste. The work of devastation was so 

1 In 77 18' E. and 26 18' N. 



ix] Campaigns against Gwalior 243 

complete that the invaders suffered from scarcity of food until a 
large caravan of Banjaras, carrying grain and other provisions, was 
captured. Man Singh was not inactive, and Sikandar, as he ap- 
proached his camp, observed precautions not habitual to him and 
threw out an advanced guard on the march and outposts when 
halted, suspecting some sudden manoeuvre. His precautions were 
opportune for, as he was retiring towards his camp on the Chambal, 
Man Singh laid an ambush for his army. The officers whose troops 
were exposed to the sudden and unexpected attack displayed great 
valour, and held the enemy until succour arrived from the main 
body of the army, when the Hindus were defeated with great 
slaughter. As the rainy season was approaching, in which operations 
were difficult, the only result of this success was to secure Sikandar's 
retreat, and he retired to Agra, but as soon as the rains abated 
marched to besiege the fortress of Utgir. The siege was pressed 
with such vigour that the walls were soon breached in many places 
and the fortress was carried by assault, the Hindus fighting des- 
perately to the last. Utgir shared the fate of Mandlaer, and Makan 
and Mujahid Khan, the latter of whom had remained at Uholpur, 
were appointed to the command of the new acquisition, but it was 
discovered, after the capture of the fortress, that Mujahid had been 
in correspondence with the raja of Utgir, and had undertaken, in 
consideration of a bribe, to dissuade Sikandar from attacking it. 
Mullii Jaman, one of his principal followers, who was with the army, 
was arrested, and orders for the arrest of Mubarak Khan himself 
were sent to Dholpur. After the capture of Utgir, Sikandar again 
retired to Agra, and by some extraordinary error the army was led 
by a route in which it endured the torments of thirst, and when 
water was found many of the sufferers drank so greedily of it as to 
cause death. The usual routes from Utgir to Agra were well sup- 
plied with water, and the selection of a waterless route suggests 
apprehensions of another attack by Man Singh. 

Sikandar again spent the rainy season at Agra, and early in 1508 
marched to attack Narwar, usually included in the kingdom of 
Mfilwa, but now, apparently, subject to Gwalior. He first sent Jalal 
Khan Lodi, governor of Kiilpi, against the fortress, and followed 
him from Agra. On his arrival at Narwar Jalal Khan drew up his 
army to receive him, and he was so impressed by its strength and 
warlike appearance as to become jealous of its leader's power and 
apprehensive of his motives, and resolved to degrade him. 

Some days' desultory fighting was followed by a general attack 
on the fortress, which was repulsed with heavy loss, and Sikandar 

162 



244 TAe Lodl Dynasty [CH* 

invested the place with the object of. reducing it by famine. During 
this period of comparative leisure he was occupied in compassing 
the ruin of Jalal Khan. Having attracted all his best officers into 
his own service he broke up his contingent, and sent him in custody 
in Utgir. 

Under the stress of famine and want of water the garrison of 
Utgir surrendered on terms and Sikandar entered the fortress and, 
after his custom, destroyed Hindu temples and on their sites raised 
mosqfkes, which he endowed with lands in the district. 

At this time Shihab-ud-dln, son of Nasir-ud-dln Khalji of Malwa, 
who had been in rebellion against his father 1 and, having been 
defeated by him, was now a fugitive, arrived at Siprl, near Narwar, 
and expressed his readiness to enter Sikandar's service. Sikandar 
sent him a horse and a robe of honour, but negotiations proceeded 
no further. 

Sikandar, on leaving Narwar, encamped on the banks of the 
Sindh, in its neighbourhood. Considering the importance of the 
fortress, and its distance from his capital, he judged it expedient to 
strengthen its defences, and encircled it with a fresh line of fortifica- 
tions. He then marched to the district of Athgath, which wan dis- 
turbed by Hindu rebels, against whom he carried out some successful 
and destructive operations, and, after establishing military posts 
throughout the district, returned, in the summer of 1509, to Agra. 

At the close of the rainy season he indulged in a tour to Dholpur, 
bent only on sport and pleasure, but while he was thus employed 
fortune added another province to his kingdom. 'All Khan and 
Abu Bakr, brothers of Muhammad Khan, the independent ruler of 
the small state of Nagaur, had conspired against their brother and, 
on their guilt being detected, fled to Sikandar's court and endea- 
voured to enlist his aid by stories of Muhammad's tyranny, but he 
adroitly forestalled them by sending gifts to Sikandar and acknow- 
ledging him as their sovereign. 

Dfingar, lately raja of Utgir, had, after the capture of his strong- 
hold, accepted Islam, and was now suffering at the hands of his 
former co-religionists. Sulaiman, son of Khan Khanan Qarmali, 
was directed to go to his aid, but demurred, ostensibly on the 
ground that he was unwilling to serve at a distance from court. 
Sikandar, incensed by his pusillanimity, dismissed him in disgrace 
to the pargana of Indri, in the Saharanpur district, which was 
assigned to him for his maintenance, and permitted the army to 
plunder his camp. 

1 See Chapter xiv. 



ix] Designs on Malwa 245 

Troubles in Malwa now supplied Sikandar with a pretext for 
interfering in the affairs of that kingdom. Sahib Khan, the eldest 
son of Nasir-ud-din Khalji, had been proclaimed king by a faction, 
and had at first maintained himself against his younger brother, 
Mahmud II, but had eventually fled before him and was now, in 
1513, under the protection of Bahjat Khan, governor of Chanderi, 
who had proclaimed him under the title of Muhammad Shah 1 and 
sought aid of Sikandar. Sikandar recognised the prince as king of 
Malwa, but Said Khan and 'Imad-ul-Mulk, whom he sentlx) his 
aid with 12,000 horse, demanded that Bahjat Khan should cause 
the khutba to be recited in the name of the king of Delhi, and, 
on his hesitating to comply with the request, retired, leaving him 
exposed to the wrath of Mahmud II, who, however, accepted his 
conditional surrender and recognised Sahib Khan as governor of 
the districts of liaison, Bhilsa, and Dhamon! ; but Sahib Khan mis- 
trusted Bahjat Khan and, on November 8, fled from Chanderi and 
took refuge with Sikandar. 

Sikandar sent Said Khan LodI, Shaikh Jamal Qarmali, Rai 
Jagar Sen Kachhwaha, Khizr Khan, and Khvaja Ahmad to Chanderi 
to establish his authority there and to govern the province nomi- 
nally on behalf of Muhammad Shah of Malwa, but actually as a 
fief of Delhi. 

Husain Khan Qarmali, governor of the recently acquired dis- 
trict of Saran, now fell into disfavour for some reason not recorded, 
and, having been dismissed in favour of Haji Sarang, fled to Bengal 
and took refuge with 'Ala-ud-dm Husain. 

Sikandar had provided for 'All Khan of Nagaur, who had fled 
from the wrath of his brother, Muhammad Khan, by giving him a 
fief on the borders of the district of Ranthambhor, which was then 
held for Mahmud II of Malwa by Daulat Khan, a prince of the 
Khalji family. 'AH Khan tampered with Daulat Khan and, having 
induced him to promise that he would transfer his allegiance to 
Delhi, reported his success to Sikandar, who marched in a 
leisurely manner towards Ranthambhor. At Bayana he was visited 
by Daulat Khan and his mother, but discovered, when the topic 
of the surrender of the fortress was broached, that 'All Khan 
was playing a double game, and had secretly urged Daulat Khan 
not to surrender it. 'All Khan was punished by being removed 
from his fief, which was conferred on his brother Abu Bakr, and 
Daulat Khan suffered nothing worse than reproaches for his 
duplicity. 

1 See Chapter xiv. 



246 The Lodi Dynasty [CH. 

From Bayana Sikandar returned by way of Dholpur to Agra, 
where he fell sick. He suffered from a quinsy and from fever, but 
struggled against his malady and insisted on attending as usual to 
business of state. He was choked in attempting to swallow a morsel 
of food, and died on November 21, 1517. 

He was the greatest of the three kings of his house and carried 
out with conspicuous success the task left unfinished by his father. 
We hear little of the Punjab during his reign and he drew no 
troops from it to aid him in his eastern campaigns, but there are 
indications that it was more tranquil and more obedient to the 
crown than it had been in his father's reign. His vigorous adminis- 
tration amply justified the choice of the minority which, in the 
face of strong opposition, raised him to the throne, and his selec- 
tion saved the kingdom from becoming the plaything of an oligarchy 
of turbulent, ignorant, and haughty Afghans. His weakest action 
was his support of his hopelessly incompetent brother Barbak, but 
this weakness was an amiable trait in a character by no means 
rich in such traits. He seems to have had a sincere affection for 
his brother, and to have felt that he owed him some reparation for 
having supplanted him in his birthright, but when he discovered 
that leniency was a mistaken policy he knew how to act. 

The greatest blot on his character was his relentless bigotry. 
The accounts of his conquests, doubtless exaggerated by pious his- 
torians, resemble those of the raids of the protagonists of Islam in 
India. The wholesale destruction of temples was not the best 
method of conciliating the Hindus of a conquered district and the 
murder of a Brahman whose only offence was the desire for an 
accommodation between the religions of the conquerors and the 
conquered was not a politic act, but Sikandar's mind was warped 
by habitual association with theologians. 

After his death the choice of the Lodi nobles fell upon his eldest 
son, Ibrahim, who was raised to the throne at Agra on November 
21, 1517, but a turbulent faction advocated, for its own selfish ends, 
a partition of the kingdom, and secured the elevation of Jalal Khan, 
who was either a younger brother of Ibrahim or his uncle, the 
youngest son of Buhlul, to the throne of Jaunpur, and carried him 
off to that city. Before he was established there the influence of 
Khanjahan Lohani, governor of Rapri, who vehemently condemned 
the suicidal policy of dividing the kingdom, secured an order for 
his recall, the delivery of which was entrusted to prince Haibat 
Khan, 'the Wolf-slayer/ His efforts were powerless to induce 
Jalal Khan, who was loth to forgo a kingdom, and naturally sus- 



ix] Jalal Khan's Rebellion 247 

pected Ibrahim, to leave Jaunpur, and the envoy was reduced to 
the necessity of tampering with the fidelity of Jalal Khan's adhe- 
rents in Jaunpur. With these his efforts and the profusion of 
Ibrahim were more successful, and they forsook the prince's cause. 
Jalal Khan, on discovering their defection, retired from Jaunpur, 
where he could no longer maintain himself, to Kalpi, where he 
caused the khutba to be recited in his name and pretended to 
independence. Here he found himself in proximity to A'zam-i- 
Humayun Shirvani, who was besieging Kalinjar in Ibrahlfh's in- 
terest, though he was lukewarm in his cause. Jalal Khan's position, 
which interrupted A'zam-i-Humayun's communications with the 
capital, enabled him to deal on very favourable terms with him, 
and he experienced little difficulty in securing his adherence. The 
two agreed that their first step should be the recovery of Jaunpur, 
and with this object in view they attacked Said Khan, governor 
of Oudh, who, having no force sufficient to oppose them, retired 
to Lucknow and reported his situation to Ibrahim, who secured 
his position at Delhi by placing his brothers in confinement in 
Hansi, and led a large army against the rebels. Before he had 
reached Kanauj his anxiety was allayed by the news that A'zam-i- 
Humayun had quarrelled with Jalal Khan and was hastening to 
make his submission. He received him well, and at the same time 
was enabled to welcome Malik Qasiin Khan, governor of Sambhal, 
who had suppressed a rebellion headed by a Hindu landholder in 
the Koll district. He also received at Kanauj most of the fief- 
holders of the province of Jaunpur, and dispatched A'zam-i- 
Humayun and other officers against Jalal Khan, who was at Kalpi. 
Before the arrival of this army Jalal Khan, leaving a garrison in 
Kalpi, marched with 30,000 horse and a number of elephants on 
Agra. The royal troops captured Kalpi after a few days' siege, 
and sacked the city, and Jalal Khan announced his intention of 
avenging its wrongs on Agra, but Ibrahim dispatched a force under 
Malik Adam to cover the approach to Agra. This detachment was 
not strong enough to try conclusions with Jalal Khan's great army, 
but its leader was a host in himself, and contrived, by opening 
negotiations, to delay Jalal Khan until reinforcements arrived, 
when he changed his tone and demanded that the prince should 
surrender his insignia of royalty and make his submission, pro- 
mising, in return for compliance with the demand, to commend 
him to Ibrahim and to recommend his retention of the government 
of Kalpi. Jalal Khan, who suspected the fidelity of his troops, 
complied, but Ibrahim refused to ratify the terms half promised 



248 The Lodl Dynasty [CH. 

by his lieutenant, and marched to attack the prince, who fled and 
took refuge with the raja of Gwalior. 

The king halted in Agra, and found sufficient occupation in the 
task of restoring order in the south-eastern districts of the kingdom, 
which, owing to the prince's rebellion, had been in confusion since 
Sikandar's death. Here he received the submission of the rebellious 
nobles; those, that is to say, who had either overtly or covertly 
supported Jalal Khan or had refrained from opposing him. He 
also secured his communications with Delhi and sent Shaikhzada 
Manjhu to Chanderl to control the policy and behaviour of the 
puppet Muhammad Shah, who had failed, since Sikandar's death, 
to acknowledge in an adequate manner the sovereignty .of Delhi. 
He also imprisoned Miyan Bhoda, one of his father's leading nobles, 
against whom the only offence alleged was that he was careless of 
forms and acted as he thought best in his master's interests without 
always troubling to obtain formal approval of his proceedings. This 
seems to have been the earliest of those encroachments on the 
liberties and privileges of the great nobles which ultimately lost 
Ibrahim both his throne and his life. The imprisoned noble's son 
was generously treated, and was installed in the position which his 
father had held, but the old man died in prison and his death sapped 
his son's fidelity. 

Ibrahim now resolved to pursue his father's design of annexing 
Gwalior. The occasion was favourable, for the brave and generous 
Man Singh, who had so long withstood Sikandar, had recently died, 
and had been succeeded by his son, Bikramajit Singh, who lacked 
his father's military and administrative capacity but, fearing an 
attack, had considerably strengthened the defences of his fortress- 
capital. A'zam-i-Humayun Shir van! who had been rewarded for 
his defection from Jalal Khan with the government of Kara, was 
ordered to take the field with 30,000 horse and 300 elephants, and 
a large army was sent from Agra to co-operate with him. On the 
approach of the imperial troops Jalal Khan fled from Gwalior and 
took refuge with Mahmud II in Malwa. 

The siege of Gwalior was opened vigorously and an important 
outwork was captured. While the siege was still in progress Jalal 
Khan, who had furnished the pretext for the attack on Bikramajit 
Singh, fell into Ibrahim's hands. He had fled from the court of 
Malwa into the Gond principality of Katangi, and the Gonds sent 
him as a prisoner to Ibrahim, who condemned him to imprisonment 
in Hans!, where the other Lodi princes were confined, but he was 
murdered on the way thither. 



ix] Rebellion of the Afghan Nobles 249 

Ibrahim now gave rein to those groundless and unreasonable 
suspicions of his nobles which prompted acts of capricious tyranny, 
and at length drove those who might have been the staunchest 
defenders of his throne into the arms of an invader. Immediately 
before the surrender of Gwalior he summoned A'zam-i-Humayun 
Shirvan! and his son Path Khan to Agra and threw them into 
prison. The tyrant was gratified by the fall of Gwalior, but his 
elation was short-lived, for Islam Khan, another son of A'zam-i- 
Humayun, headed a rebellion in Agra, assumed command of his 
father's troops and defended his property, and defeated Ahmad 
Khan, the governor, as he was preparing to assert his authority. 
As Ibrahim was assembling his army for the suppression of this 
rebellion A'zam-i-Huinayun Lodi and Said Khan Lodi, two nobles 
whose importance was due no less to the strength of the forces at 
their command than to their influence in the clan, deserted him, 
inarched to Lucknow, which they held as a fief, arid sent to Islam 
Khan a message assuring him of their sympathy and support. The 
king sent an army against the rebels, but it fell into an ambush 
and was driven back with heavy loss. Ibrahim seriously damaged 
his own cause by sending to the officers of his army a message 
bitterly reproaching them, and warning them that if they failed 
to crush the rebellion they would themselves be treated as rebels. 
Fortunately for himself he did not confine his resentment to this 
tactless and provocative message, but took the field at the head of 
40,000 horse. The danger in which he stood is veiled in Muslim 
chronicles under the statement that when the two armies were 
within striking distance Shaikh Raju of Bukhara intervened to 
avert strife, but is displayed in the attitude of the rebellious nobles, 
who demanded the release of A'zam-i-Huinayun Shirvan! as the 
price of their return to their allegiance. Ibrahim declined to accede 
to this condition and, after summoning reinforcements to his 
standard, attacked and defeated the rebels, slew Islam Khan, cap- 
tured Sa'!d Khan, and rewarded those who had remained faithful 
to him by bestowing on them the fiefs wliich the rebels had held. 

His triumph over his enemies served only to direct his thoughts 
towards the disloyalty of those whom he had trusted, his suspicion 
increased, A'zam-i-Humayun Shirvan! and other nobles died at this 
time in prison, in circumstances which caused a fresh 
disaffection, and Darya Khan Lohani, governor of Bihar, 
Lodi, Miyan Husain Qarmali, and others raised 
rebellion. Their resentment against the tyrant was inraasadby his 
procuring the assassination in Chanderi of Shaikh 




250 The Lodi Dynasty [CH. ix 

governor of that district and a relative of one of their number. 
Darya Khan Lohani, the leader of the revolt, died, and his sou 
Bahadur Khan was proclaimed king in his father's fief of Bihar, 
and assumed the usual prerogatives of eastern royalty. This bold 
act of defiance attracted many malcontents to his standard, and 
he was soon at the head of an army of 100,000 horse, with which 
he occupied the country to the east of the Ganges as far north as 
Sambhal. Nasir Khan Lohani, governor of Ghazipur, who had re- 
belled on his own account, joined him, and he assumed the title of 
Muhammad Shah and was able, for several months, to set Ibrahim 
at defiance. 

In this position of affairs Ghazi Khan, son of Daulat Khan Lodi, 
the powerful governor of Lahore, visited Ibrahim at Delhi, and wan 
so impressed by the discontent which had alienated from him the 
leading nobles of the kingdom that he returned to the Punjab a 
bitter enemy of Ibrahim's rule, and warned his father that should 
the king be successful in his campaign against the rebels in Hin- 
dustan and Bihar he would not leave him long in possession of 
Lahore. From this time date Daulat Khan's virtual assumption of 
independence and his intrigues with Babur, which will be described 
in Chapter I of Volume IV, and which led to Ibrahim's overthrow 
and to the establishment of a new and foreign dynasty on the 
throne of Delhi. 

Daulat Khan died while Babur was yet on the way to his great 
conquest, and at the same time died Bahadur Khan, or Sultan 
Muhammad, the de facto king of Bihar, but Ibrahim Shah Lodi 
was defeated and slain by Babur at Panipat on April 18, 1526, 
after a reign of nine years, as will be related in the account of 
Babur's conquest of India. 



CHAPTER X 

THE KINGDOM OF JAUNPUR 

THE eunuch Malik Sarvar, Khvaja Jahan, having, as minister, 
placed on the throne of Delhi, in March, 1393, Nasir-ud-din Mahmud, 
son of Muhammad and grandson of Flruz Tughluq, and suppressed 
the Hindu rebellions in the Gangetic Doab and Oudh, threw off his 
allegiance to Delhi, and established himself at Jaunpur. He ex- 
tended his authority not only over Oudh, but also over the Gangetic 
Doab as far \vest as KoTl and, on the east, into Tirhut and Bihar. 
His advance in this direction alarmed the king of Bengal, who pro- 
pitiated him with the tribute of elephants, due under the treaty 
with Firiiz Tughluq, to the king of Delhi, who was no longer strong 
enough to assert his claim to the tribute or to resent its diversion 
to Jaunpur. 

Khvaja Jahan sent no aid to Delhi when it was attacked by 
Tlmiir, and it is not recorded that he paid any attention to the 
invaders. He died in 1399, leaving his dominions intact to his 
adopted son, Malik Qaranful, who adopted the royal style of Mubarak 
Shah, and struck coin and caused the khutba to be recited in his 
name. 

An account of the abortive expedition undertaken by Mallu and 
Mahmud Shah of Delhi, who hoped, on Khvaja Jahan's death, to 
recover Jaunpur, has already been given in Chapter vn. Jaunpur 
was again menaced in 1401, and Mubarak prepared to repel an in- 
vasion, but died suddenly in 1402, and was succeeded by his younger 
brother, who ascended the throne under the title of Shams-ud-din 
Ibrahim Shah. 

Ibrahim was a cultured prince and a liberal patron of learning, 
which was then in sore need of a peaceful retreat, and found it at 
his court, from which issued many works on theology and law. The 
second expedition of Mallu and Mahmud Shah of Delhi against 
Jaunpur ended, as has been already related, in Mahmud's flight from 
his overbearing minister. Ibrahim's pride forbade him to treat his 
guest as his sovereign, and Mahmud was so chagrined by his recep- 
tion that he surprised Ibrahim's governor in Kanauj, expelled him 
from the town, and made it his residence. Ibrahim hesitated to 
take up arms against him, and returned to Jaunpur, while Mallu 



252 The Kingdom of yaunpur [CH. 

returned to Delhi. In 1405 he was slain in battle by Khizr Khan 
the Sayyid and Mahmud Shah returned to Delhi, leaving Malik 
Mahmud in command of Kanauj. Ibrahim attempted to expel him, 
but Mahmud Shah marched to his relief, and Ibrahim retired, but 
returned again in 1407 and, after a siege of four .months, forced 
Malik Mahmud to surrender and marched on Delhi. He was deterred 
by a report that Muzaffar I of Gujarat had marched from Malwa to 
the assistance of Mahmud Shah from attacking the city, but annexed 
the district of Sambhal, east of the Ganges, and appointed his son 
governor there. 

Between 1409 and 1414 Ibrahim was persuaded by the saint 
Qutb-ul-'Alam to invade Bengal with the object of punishing Raja 
Ganesh who, having acquired in that kingdom more power than its 
nominal ruler, was persecuting Islam. Ganesh, on discovering that 
his persecution of Muslims was raising up enemies against him on 
all sides, promised to desist from it, and permitted Qutb-ul-'Alam 
to convert his son Jaimal to Islam, and the saint, satisfied with this 
success, persuaded Ibrahim Shah to retire. 

Ibrahim's abortive attempt, early in 1428, to restore Muhammad 
Khan Auhadi to Bayana has been described in Chapter vnr. It 
added nothing to his reputation. 

In 1433 the idea of annexing the town and district of KftlpJ 
occurred simultaneously to Ibrahim and to Hushang Shah of Malwa. 
Each had advanced his frontier in this direction, and the district 
lay between their dominions and was separated from Delhi, to which 
it nominally owed allegiance, by the turbulent district of Etawah. 
The two kings met in the neighbourhood of Kalpl and hostilities 
were imminent when Ibrahim was obliged to retreat by the news 
that Mubarak Shah of Delhi was marching on Jaunpur. His anxiety 
was relieved by the assassination of Mubarak, but before he could 
return Hushang had profited by his absence to receive the surrender 
of Sadir Khan, the governor, and had added Kalpl to his dominions. 

Ibrahim died in 1436 and was succeeded by his son Mahmud 
Shah, who in 1443 opened with Mahmud Shah KhaljJ a friendly 
correspondence followed by measures which involved the two states 
in hostilities. Hushang Shah, Mahmud Khalji's cousin, had left 
Qadir Khan at Kalpi as governor of the fortress and district and he 
profited by the disputes regarding the succession to the throne 
of Malwa to assume independence, and even styled himself Qadir 
' Shah.' Qadir was now dead and had been succeeded by his son, who 
styled himself Nasir Shah, and so conducted himself as to scandalise 
all good Muslims. He destroyed a flourishing and populous town 



x] War between Jaunpur and Ma/wa 253 

and handed over many Muslim girls to Hindus in order that they 
might be taught to posture and dance, accomplishments held in the 
East to be disreputable. Mahmud of Jaunpur was among those 
to whom Naslr's behaviour gave offen'ce, and he sent a mission to 
Mahmud KhaljT to complain of his lieutenant's misconduct. The 
king of Malwa admitted that he had heard the reports which were 
confirmed by the letter of Mahmud Sharqi 1 , and gave him per- 
mission to punish Nasir. He inarched to KalpI, attacked Nasir, and 
expelled him from the town, and Nasir, assuming now the character 
of a vassal of Malwa, wrote to Mahmud Khaljl and complained that 
the king of Jaunpur had expelled him from a fief which had been 
bestowed upon his father by the king of Malwa, and intended to 
annex not only KalpI, but Chanderl. Mahmud Khaljl sent a message 
to Mahmud Sharqi, suggesting that as Nasir had expressed contrition 
he should be left in possession of the sub-district of Rath in the 
KalpI district, but Mahmud Sharqi, impelled either by ambition or 
by a just appreciation of the offences of which Nasir had been guilty, 
refused to stay his hand, and on November 14, 1444, Mahmud Khaljl 
marched against him. The armies met near Irij, and an indecisive 
battle was fought, but Mahmud Sharqi occupied a strong position 
from which he refused to be drawn, and desultory operations con- 
tinued for some months, until Mahmud Khaljl and his protege Nasir 
withdrew to Chanderl for the rainy season. While they were in 
quarters at Chanderl peace was concluded, Mahmud Sharqi agreeing 
to place Nasir at once in possession of Rath and to restore the rest 
of the KalpI district within four months, provided that Mahmud 
Khaljl had retired, by that time, to Maudu. After some hesitation 
on the part of Mahmud Khaljl these terms were accepted, and were 
observed, and by the end of the year each monarch had returned 
to his own capital and the district of KalpI had teen restored to 
Nasir, whose chastisement was deemed to have been sufficient. 

Mahmud Sharql's adventure against Buhlul LodI of Delhi in 
1452 and its unfortunate results for Jaunpur, have already been 
described in Chapter ix. His rash attack on Delhi served but to 
open Buhlul's eyes to the danger with which the existence of an 
independent kingdom of Jaunpur menaced him, and to convince 
him of the necessity for its destruction. 

After this unfortunate enterprise Mahmud turned his attention 
to the Chunar district, the greater part of which he annexed. 

1 The dynasty of Jaunpur is known as the Sharqi, or Eastern, dynasty, both from 
the title of Malik-ush-Sharq ('King of the East') held by its founder, and from the 
situation of its dominions, to the east of those of Delhi. 



254 T& e Kingdom of yaunpur [CH. 

Nizam-ud-din Ahmad gives him credit for an expedition against the 
idolaters of Orissa, whom, he says, he plundered, destroying their 
idol-temples, but he may be acquitted of the folly of pursuing pur- 
poseless adventures in foreign lands when the defence of his own 
kingdom demanded all his energies. 

The death of Mahmiid in 1457, just as he was about to meet 
Buhlul Lodi in the field, and the accession of his son Bhikan, who 
assumed the title of Muhammad Shah, have been described in the 
preceding chapter. Buhlul, having made peace with Muhammad 
and retreated as far as Dhankaur, near the Jumna, about twenty- 
eight miles south-east of Delhi, was reminded that he had left his 
kinsman, Qutb Khan Lodi, in captivity at Jaunpur, and suddenly 
returned to compel Muhammad Shah to release him. Muhammad 
turned with equal promptitude and marched to Shamsabad 1 , from 
which fief he expelled Raja Karati, Buhlul's vassal, and installed 
in his place Jaunan Khan, his own. His success attracted to his 
standard Raja Partab of Etawah who openly transferred his alle- 
giance from Delhi to Jaunpur. The two opposing armies marched 
to the neighbourhood of Rapri 2 , on the Jumna, where, after some 
desultory and inconclusive fighting that of Jaunpur was demoralised 
by intestine strife. Muhammad Shah, who, after his elevation to 
the throne, had evinced a violent and bloodthirsty disposition, had 
sent an order directing the chief magistrate of Jaunpur to put to 
death Hasan Khan, a younger son of Mahmud Shah, and Qutb Khan 
Lodi. The magistrate replied that he could not carry out the order 
as the king's mother was protecting the condemned men, and Mu- 
hammad enticed his mother from the city by persuading her that 
he wished to consult her regarding the assignment of a share of the 
kingdom to his brother, Hasan Khan. She had no sooner left 
Jaunpur than Hasan Khan was murdered, and as she remained at 
Kanauj to mourn her son, Muhammad insulted her grief by the 
brutal taunt that she would save herself trouble by mourning at 
the same time for her other sons, who would presently follow Hasan 
to the grave. The threat put the princes on their guard, and by 
persuading the tyrant that Buhlul was about to make a night attack 
on his camp they induced him to place at their disposal 30,000 horse 
and thirty elephants, wherewith to meet it With this force Husain 
Khan, the king's elder surviving brother, withdrew from the camp, 
followed by Buhlul, who perceived in the movement a menace to 
his lines of communication. He intercepted Husain Khan's younger 

1 In 27 32' N. and 79 30' E. 

2 In 26 68' N. and 78 36 E. 



x] Invasion of Orissa 255 

brother, Jalal Khan, who was attempting to join him, and detained 
him as a hostage for Qutb Khan LodI, who had by some means 
escaped assassination. Muhammad Shah, now aware of the defection 
of his brothers, retreated towards the Ganges, followed by Buhlul, 
but, on approaching Kanauj, discovered that his power was gone, 
and that his brother Husain had there been acclaimed as king. 
Muhammad was deserted by the few nobles who remained with him 
and was slain while attempting, with a few personal adherents, to 
defend himself against an attack from the army which had lately 
been his own. 

Husain Shah surrendered Qutb Khan Lodi to Buhlul, receiving 
in return his brother, Jalal Khan, and the two monarchs concluded 
a four years' truce, which both observed, Husain because his am- 
bition found another outlet, and Buhlul because he required a 
period of peace in which to consolidate his power and develop his 
resources. 

Husain's military strength far exceeded that of Buhlul, for, if 
the historians are to be believed, he was able, after concluding peace, 
to assemble an army of 300,000, with 1,400 elephants, for a pre- 
datory incursion into Orissa, where Kapileshwar Deva, of the Solar 
line, had established his authority in 1434. The numbers may be 
exaggerated, but without a very numerous army Husain could not 
have risked an advance to distant Orissa through or along the fron- 
tier of the intervening kingdom of Bengal, still less a retreat, laden 
with spoil. His first step was to crush the now virtually independent 
landholders of Tirhut, which province was devastated and plun- 
dered. He then marched on to Orissa, where the depredations of 
his great army overawed the raja and induced him to purchase 
peace by the payment of an immense ransom in elephants, horses, 
money, and valuable goods, which is represented by Muslim vanity 
as the first instalment of an annual tribute. 

In 1466, after his return from Orissa, he sent an army to capture 
the fortress of Gwalior, where Raja Man Singh still maintained his 
independence of both Jaunpur and Delhi, but the expedition was 
only partly successful, and after a protracted siege the army retired 
on the payment of an indemnity by the raja. 

The four years' truce with Delhi, concluded on the king's ac- 
cession in 1458, was long expired, and in 1473 Husain, urged by his 
wife Jalila, a daughter of 'Alam Shah, the last Sayyid king of Delhi, 
now living contentedly in inglorious retirement at Budaun, entered 
upon a series of campaigns, having for their object the conquest 
and annexation of Delhi. 



256 The Kingdom o/yaunpur * [CH. 

He inarched with a large army to the eastern bank of the 
Jumna, a few miles to the south-east of Delhi, and Buhliil, who could 
put into the field no more than 18,000 horse, was so dismayed by 
the imminence of his peril that he attempted to secure peace by 
offering to retain only the city of Delhi and the country for thirty- 
six miles round it, and to govern this district as Husain's vassal. 
The offer was rejected, and Buhlul marched from the city to meet 
his powerful enemy. The armies were encamped on opposite banks 
of the Jumna, which, for some days, neither ventured to cross in 
force, but Husaiu Shah, in his contempt of his opponent, neglected 
all military precautions, and was accustomed to permit nearly the 
whole of his army to disperse for the purpose of plundering the rich 
villages of the Doab. Buhlul, observing this, crossed the river in 
force and suddenly attacked his camp. There was no force to 
oppose him, and Husain was compelled to flee, leaving not only his 
camp, but the ladies of his harem, in the victor's hands. The latter 
were generously sent by Buhlul unharmed to Jaunpur. 

A new treaty was now made, and a truce of three years was 
agreed upon, but was broken in the following year by Husain, who, 
at the instigation of his wife, inarched with an army of 100,000 horse 
and 1000 elephants to Etawah, held by Qutb Khan Lodl. Etawah 
was captured at once, and Husain marched on Delhi. Buhlul again 
sued, in the humblest guise, for peace, but his entreaties were dis- 
regarded, and when he took the field he again defeated Husain, but 
was not strong enough to profit by his success and was fain to agree 
to peace. Shortly afterwards Husain marched on Delhi for the third 
time, but was defeated at Sikhera, about twenty-five miles east 
of the city, and retreated to Etawah. Qutb Khan Lodl had been 
permitted to retain his fief on swearing fealty to Husain, and now 
waited on him. On learning that Husain still entertained the design 
of conquering Delhi the wily Afghan went about to mislead him, 
and, after disparaging Buhlul, promised that he would never rest 
until he had conquered Delhi for Jaunpur. Husain was completely 
deceived and allowed Qutb Khan to leave his camp. He joined 
Buhlul at Delhi and put him on his guard against Husain, of whose 
determination he warned him. 

The fugitive 'Alam Shah, Husain's father-in-law, now died, and 
his death supplied Husain with a pretext for visiting Budaun, of 
which district he dispossessed his brother-in-law, 'Alam Shah's son. 
From Budaun he marched to Sambhal, captured Tatar Khan Lodl, 
who held the district for Buhlul, and sent him a prisoner to Saran, 
in Tirhut He then again assembled his army for an attack on 



x] Discomfiture of Husain Shah 257 

Delhi, and in March, 1479, encamped on the eastern bank of the 
Jumna. This appeared, of all Husain's campaigns, to offer the fairest 
prospect of success. He had been victorious on the east of the 
Ganges, his numbers were overwhelming, and Buhlul Lodi and his 
officers were even more depressed than on former occasions. Qutb 
Khan was, however, enabled to serve his kinsman by appealing to 
Husain's filial affection. He invoked the memory of Bibi Raji, 
Husain's mother, who had befriended him when he was a prisoner 
at Jaunpur, and conjured the invader to leave Delhi unmolested. 
Husain was so affected that he agreed to retire on obtaining 
Buhlul recognition of his tenure of his new conquests to the east 
of the Ganges, corresponding to the modern province of Rohilkhand. 
The recognition was readily accorded and Husain began a leisurely 
retreat towards Jaunpur. He had so frequently violated treaties 
that Buhlul considered himself justified in following his example, 
and perfidiously attacked the retreating army and captured a large 
number of elephants and horses laden with spoil and treasure, and 
the persons of Husain's minister and about forty of his principal 
nobles. 

This success marks the turn of the tide in favour of Delhi, and 
Buhlul pursued the demoralised army of Jaunpur and occupied and 
annexed the sub-districts of Kampil, Patiali, Shamstibad, Suket, 
Koil, Marahra, and Jalesar. Husain, when hard pressed by Buhlul's 
pursuit, turned and faced him, but was defeated, and when peace 
was made was obliged to acquiesce in Buhlul's retention of the con- 
siderable tract which he had recovered, and to withdraw the frontier 
of his kingdom to Chhibramau, sixteen miles south of the modern 
town of Farrukhabad. 

Buhlul returned to Delhi and Husain retired to Rapri, but was 
soon in arms again to recover his lost territory, and met Buhlul at 
Suhnuh 1 . On this occasion he suffered the heaviest defeat which he 
had yet experienced, and the plunder which fell into Buhlul's hands, 
and the military renown which he acquired with his victory turned 
the scale in favour of Delhi. Buhlul encamped at Chhibramau and 
shortly afterwards resumed the offensive against Husain and de- 
feated him at Rapri. Husain fled towards Gwalior, and, after losing 
some of his wives and children in his passage of the Jumna, was 
attacked near Athgath on the Chambal by the Bhadauriyas, a pre- 
datory tribe, who plundered his camp. Kirat Singh of Gwalior, who 
still retained confidence in his cause, supplied him with a large sum 
of money, a contingent of troops, tents, horses, elephants, and 

1 In 27 21' N. and 78 48' E. 
C. H.I. III. . 17 



258 The Kingdom of yaunpur [CH. 

camels, and personally escorted him as far as Kalp! on his way back 
to Jaunpur. 

Buhlul marched, after his victory, on Etawah, which was still 
tributary to Jaunpur, captured the fort after a siege of three days, 
and then turned to attack Husain, who awaited him opposite Raigaon 
Khaga 1 , on the Ganges, and was still strong enough to deter him 
for some months from attempting to force the passage of the river, 
until Raja Tilok Chand, whose estate lay on the north of the 
Ganges, joined him, and led his army across by a ford. Husain then 
retreated to Phaphamau, six miles north of Allahabad, the raja of 
which place escorted him in safety to Jaunpur. Buhlul marched 
directly on Jaunpur, and Husain fled by a circuitous route towards 
Kanauj, but Buhlul pursued him, attacked him before he could 
reach that city, and defeated him, capturing one of his wives. He 
then returned to Jaunpur, took the city, placed Mubarak Khan 
Lohanf there as governor, established a garrison under the com- 
mand of Qutb Khan LodI at MajhaulT 2 , beyond the Gogra, and 
marched to recover Budaun, which was still nominally subject to 
Husain. Husain took advantage of his absence from the neighbour- 
hood of Jaunpur to reassemble his army and march on that city, 
and Mubarak Khan, who was not strong enough to withstand him, 
withdrew to Majhauli and joined Qutb Khan. Husain followed him 
thither, and the Afghan officers, who hesitated to risk a battle, 
feigned to negotiate, and thus gave Buhlul time to return from 
Budaun and reoccupy Jaunpur. A force under his son Barbak had 
already relieved the garrison of Majhauli, and Husain, at length 
despairing of recovering his kingdom, fled into Bihar, followed by 
Buhlul as far as Haldi, on the Ganges near Ballia. 

With Husain's flight the line of the Sharqi kings of Jaunpur 
came to an end. Buhlul established his son Barbak as governor of 
Jaunpur, and gave him permission to use the royal title and to coin 
money, specimens of which, issued by him before his father's death, 
are extant. 

Husain lived in Bengal under the protection of Shams-ud-din 
Yusuf Shah and his successors on the throne of that kingdom until 
1500, but made no attempt to recover his throne beyond fomenting 
the strife between Barbak and his younger brother, Sikandar, who 
succeeded their father on the throne of Delhi in 1489. His hope 
that the quarrel might open a way for his return to his former 
kingdom was frustrated, for Sikandar overcame Barbak and Jaunpur 

i In 25 53' N. and 81 16' E. 
1 In 26 IT N. and 83 57' E. 



x] The End of the Kingdom 259 

was absorbed in the kingdom of Delhi, and Husain died in exile in 
circumstances not widely different from those in which his father- 
in-law, the former king of Delhi, died at Budaun. 

The Sharqi dynasty reigned in Jaunpur for rather more than 
eighty years, and in that period produced one king of happy 
memory, Ibrahim, the patron of learning and of architecture. For 
a dynasty whose rule was so brief the Sharqis have left very 
creditable memorials in their public buildings, and the enlighten- 
ment which earned for Jaunpur, in Ibrahim's reign, the title of 
' the Shiraz of India ' is surprising in one of negro blood. Malik 
Sarvar, who founded the dynasty, was a eunuch, and could therefore 
have no heirs of his body. His two successors were his adopted 
sons, the brothers Mubarak Shah and Ibrahim Shah, probably slaves. 
Mubarak's name, before he assumed the royal title, was Qaranful, 
' the Clove/ a contemptuous term of endearment appropriated to 
African slaves. Xo portraits of the period are known to exist, but 
there appears to be no reason to doubt that the kings of Jaunpur 
were of negro descent. The character of Husain, the last of the line, 
is perplexing and disappointing. He was a man of ideas, with wide 
opportunities, and resources commensurate with both, ever on the 
point of realising some great scheme of aggrandisement and ever 
missing his opportunity through carelessness, folly, and perhaps 
physical cowardice. 



172 



CHAPTER XI 

THE KINGDOM OF BENGAL 

IT must not be supposed that the province of Bengal, conquered 
for Muhammad bin Sam and Qutb-ud-dm Aibak by Muhammad 
Bakhtyar the Khalj, was conterminous with the Lower Provinces 
of Bengal which were governed until 1905 by a Lieutenant Gover- 
nor. Before the Muhammadan conquest Bengal was divided into 
five regions, (1) Radha, the country west of the Hughl! and 
south of the Ganges ; (2) Bagdi, the delta of the Ganges and 
Brahmaputra ; (3) Banga, the country to the east of the delta ; 
(4) Barendra, the country to the north of the Padma and between 
the Karatoya and the Mahananda rivers ; and (5) Mithila, the 
country west of the Mahananda. Muhammad Bakhtyar took pos- 
session of the south-eastern parts of Mithila, Barendra, the northern 
districts of Radha, and the north-western districts of Bagdi. The 
Muhammadan province and kingdom of Bengal was long confined 
to this territory, which was commonly known, from the name ot 
its capital, as Lakhnawati, but was subsequently extended into 
Banga and the western districts of Radha, which included Jhar- 
khaud, or Chota Nagpur. 

The course of events in Bengal during the period of its depen- 
dence on Delhi, which was its normal condition until 133H, has 
already been traced. Although the country was regarded until 
that time as a province the loyalty of its governors was Always, 
owing to the distance which separated Lakhnawati from Delhi, 
and climatic conditions which rendered military operations im- 
possible for many months in each year, a very uncertain quantity. 
It depended almost entirely on the king's ability to command 
obedience, and the dubious attitude of the governors of Lakh- 
nawati to the central authority became a byword at Delhi. The 
royal title was occasionally assumed, as by 'AH Mardan, who ob- 
tained the government from Qutb-ud-dm Aibak after the death 
of Muhammad Bakhtyar, and by Ghiyas-ud-dm the Khalj, who 
succeeded 'All Mardan. The first serious rebellion against a strong 
king of Delhi was that of Tughril against Balban, and the first 
instance of the unquestioned use of the royal title in Bengal was 
that of Nasir-ud-dln Mahmud, the contemptible father of the still 
more contemptible Mu'izz-ud-din, Balban's successor on the throne 



CH. xi] The House of Ealban 



261 



of Delhi. The father was content with the sovereignty of Bengal, 
and outlived the son, who was unfit to wield the sceptre of Delhi. 
Mahmud, on his death in 1291, was succeeded by his next surviving 
son, Rukn-ud-dTn Kaikaus, who, though he used the royal title and 
coined money in his own name, owned allegiance to 'Ala-ud-din 
KhaljT of Delhi. 

Kaikaus died in 1302, and was succeeded by his next brother, 
Shams-ud-din Flruz, who reigned obscurely until his death in 1318, 
when his eldest son, Shihab-ud-din Bughra, and his third son, 




Chittayong 



SKETCH MAP OF THE ANCIENT DIVISIONS OF BENGAL 

Ghiyas-ud-din Bahadur, contended for the kingdom. The Muslims 
had by this time extended their rule into Bang, or Eastern Bengal, 
and Bahadur had established himself, before his father's death, at 
Sonargfion, in the present district of Dacca, and when Bughra 
ascended the throne in Lakhnawati he attacked and defeated him. 
Bughra died, or was slain, and his next brother, Nasir-ud-dTn, who 
was older than Bahadur, ascended the throne and in 1324 sought 
the assistance of Ghiyas-ud-dTn Tughluq 1 of Delhi against his 

1 See Chapter vi. 



262 The Kingdom of Bengal [CH. 

brother. Tughluq marched into Bengal, established Nasir-ud-din 
on the throne of Lakhnawati, and carried Bahadur a captive to 
Delhi. 

Muhammad Tughluq, immediately after his accession, restored 
Bahadur to the government of Sonargaon, or Eastern Bengal, but 
associated with him, as a precautionary measure, Tatar Khan, better 
known by his later title of Bahrain Khan. Shortly afterwards Mu- 
hammad appointed Malik Bidar Khalji, Qadr Khan, to the govern- 
ment of Lakhnawati and 'Izz-ud-dm A'zam-ul-Mulk to that of 
Satgaon. 

In 1330 Bahadur rebelled in Sonargaon, but was defeated and 
put to death and Bahrain Khan remained sole governor of Eastern 
Bengal. Muhammad Tughluq displayed the vindictive temper for 
which he afterwards became notorious by causing Bahadur's skin, 
stuffed with straw, to be exhibited throughout the provinces of the 
kingdom as a warning to disaffected governors. 

The history of Bengal during the period immediately preceding 
and following Bahrain's death in 1336 is extraordinarily obscure. 
Bah ram either died a natural death or w r as slain by his chief armour- 
bearer, who had acquired great influence in the state and on his 
master's death assumed in Sonargaon the royal title of Fakhr-ud- 
dln Mubarak Shah. In 1339 Qadr Khan died at Lakhnawati, and 
the muster-master of his forces caused himself to be proclaimed 
king of Western Bengal under the title of 'Ala-ud-dln 'All Shah, 
and removed his capital from Lakhnawati to Piindua. 

Neither rebel had much to apprehend from Muhammad Tughluq, 
whose long course of tyranny was now bearing fruit in these rebel- 
lions which led to the disintegration of his kingdom, and 'Ala-ud- 
dfn 'All's transfer of his capital to Pandua seems to have been a 
strategic move calculated to bring him within striking distance of 
his rival's capital at Sonargaon. Hostilities between the two con- 
tinued for some years, and in 1349 Mubarak disappears from the 
scene. He can hardly have been defeated and put to death, as 
stated by the chroniclers, who place the event some yearn earlier, 
by 'All, for he was succeeded in Eastern Bengal by his son, 
Ikhtiyar-ud-dm Ghazi Shah, and 'All himself was no longer reigning 
in 1349, for his foster-brother, Malik Iliyas, who had been con- 
tending with varying success for the crown of Western Bengal ever 
since 'All had assumed the royal title, caused him to be assassinated 
in 1345, and ascended the throne under the title of Shams-ud-dm 
Iliyas Shah. He was nicknamed Bhangara from his addiction to 
the preparation of hemp known as bhang. There is some authority 



xi] Independence of Bengal 263 

for the statement that he captured and slew Mubarak of Sonargaon, 
but he did not obtain possession of Sonargaon until 1352, when 
Ghazi Shah was expelled. Iliyas is also said to have invaded 
Jajnagar, as the Muslim historians style the kingdom of Jajpur 1 
in Orissa, and there to have taken many elephants and much 
plunder. He also invaded the south-eastern provinces of the king- 
dom of Delhi and overran Tirhut, thus incurring the resentment of 
Firuz Tughluq, whose punitive expedition against him has already 
been described 2 . Iliyas was compelled to leave his capital, Pandua, 
at the mercy of the invader, and to retire to Ikdala, where he 
offered a successful resistance. The victory described by the syco- 
phantic historians of Delhi was infructuous, for Firuz was obliged 
to retreat without obtaining from Iliyas even a formal recognition 
of his sovereignty, and, though he is said to have remitted tribute 
to Firuz in 1354 and 1358, the truth seems to be that he merely 
accredited envoys to Delhi who bore with them the complimentary 
presents which eastern custom demands on such occasions. In 
December, 1350, Firuz formally recognised the independence of 
Bengal, and the gifts borne by his mission were at least as valuable 
as those received by him from Iliyas. These gifts, however, never 
reached their destination, for the envoy, Saif-ud-din, heard when 
he reached Bihar of the death of Iliyas and the accession of his 
son Sikandar, and applied to his master for instructions regarding 
their disposal. Firuz, notwithstanding his treaty with Iliyas, directed 
that they should be distributed among the nobles of Bihar and 
recalled Saif-ud-dln to Delhi to assist in the preparations for an 
invasion of Bengal. Some pretext for this breach of faith was 
furnished by a refugee who had recently arrived at his court This 
was Zafar Khan, son-in-law to Mubarak of Eastern Bengal, whom, 
according to his own account, he had had some expectation of 
succeeding. The conquest of Eastern Bengal by Iliyas had com- 
pelled him to seek safety in flight, and after many vicissitudes he 
reached Delhi, where he was well content with the position of a 
courtier until his wrongs suggested themselves to the king as a 
pretext for invading and conquering Bengal. His advance to Bengal 
has already been described in Chapter vn, and while he halted at 
Zafarabad, engaged in superintending the building of Jauiipur, he 
received envoys from Sikandar, bearing valuable gifts. These he 
meanly retained, while persisting in his design of invading Bengal. 
Sikandar, like his father, took refuge in Ikdala, and so completely 

1 In 20 51' N. and 80 20' E. 

2 See Chapter vn. 



264 The Kingdom of Bengal [CH. 

baffled Firuz that when he opened negotiations for peace he de- 
manded and obtained most favourable terms. He is said to have 
been obliged to agree to send to Delhi an annual tribute of forty 
elephants and to surrender Sonargaon to Zafar Khan. The latter 
condition was never fulfilled, owing, as the Delhi historians say, to 
Zafar Khan's preferring the security of Delhi to the precarious 
tenure of a fief in Sikandar's dominions, and if the tribute was 
ever paid Sikandar obtained an equivalent in the formal recogni- 
tion of his independence, a jewelled crown worth 80,000 tangos, 
and 5000 Arab and Turkman horses; and Bengal was no more 
molested. 

Sikandar had seventeen sons by his first wife, and only one, 
Ghiyas-ud-din A'zam, the ablest and most promising of them all, by 
his second. A'zam's stepmother, in order to secure the succession 
of one of her own sons, lost no opportunity of traducing him to 
his father, and at length succeeded in arousing his apprehensions 
to such an extent that in 1370 he fled to Sonargaon and assumed 
the royal title in Eastern Bengal. Sikandar, who had never believed 
the calumnies against A'zam, left him unmolested for several years, 
but in 1389 marched against him. The armies of the father and the 
son met at Goalpara, and although A'zam had given orders that his 
father was to be taken alive, Sikaudar was mortally wounded, and 
died, after the battle, in his son's arms, forgiving him with his latest 
breath. The throne was the victor's prize, and one of A'zam's first 
acts after his accession was to blind all his stepbrothers and send 
their eyes to their mother. He is more pleasantly remembered as 
the correspondent of the great poet Hafiz 1 , who sent him the ode 
beginning : 



Of the circumstances in which the ode was composed and sent 
a graceful story is told. A'zam, stricken down by a dangerous 
malady, abandoned hope of life and directed that three girls of his 
harem, named 'Cypress/ ' Rose/ and Tulip ' should wash his corpse 
and prepare it for burial. He escaped death and, attributing his 

1 Dr Stanley Lane-Poole, at p. 307 of The Mohammadan Dynasties, gives 1389 as 
the date of A'zam's accession in Pandua, but Hafiz died in 1388 so that unless A'zam's 
accession in Pandua is antedated it must be assumed that he enjoyed royal honours in 
Sonargaon before his father's death. There is no doubt as to the identity of the king 
addressed by Hafiz, for the poet, after saying that he is sending some Persian sugar to 
Bengal for the parrots of India, closes his ode thus : 

>jj~o JU 



xi] An Ode of Hafiz 265 

recovery to the auspicious influence of the three girls, made them 
his favourites. Their advancement excited the jealousy of the other 
inmates of the harem, who applied to them the odious epithet 
ghasscUa, or corpse-washer. One day the king, in merry mood with 
his three favourites, uttered as an impromptu the opening hemi- 
stich for the ode, ' Cupbearer, the tale now runs of the Cypress, the 
Rose, and the Tulip/ and finding that neither he nor any poet at 
his court could continue the theme satisfactorily, sent his effusion 
to Hafiz at Shiraz, who developed the hemistich into an ode and 
completed the first couplet with the hemistich : 

* And the argument is sustained with the help of three morning draughts/ 

the word used for ' morning draught ' being the same as that used 
for * corpse-washer ' \ The double entendre, said to have been for- 
tuitous, was more efficacious even than the king's favour, and 
secured the three reigning beauties from molestation. 

Another story also exhibits A'zam in a pleasing light. One day, 
while practising with his bow and arrow he accidentally wounded 
the only son of a widow. The woman appealed for justice to the 
qazi, who sent an officer to summon the king to his court. The 
officer gained access to the royal presence by a stratagem and un- 
ceremoniously served the summons. A'zam, after concealing a short 
sword beneath his arm, obeyed the summons and, on appearing be- 
fore the judge, was abruptly charged with his offence and com- 
manded to indemnify the complainant. After a short discussion of 
terms the woman was compensated, and the judge, on ascertaining 
that she was satisfied, rose, made his reverence to the king, and 
seated him on a throne which had been prepared for his reception. 
The king, drawing his sword, turned to the qazi and said, ' Well, 
judge, you have done your duty. If you had failed in it by a hair's 
breadth I would have taken your head off with this sword ! ' The 
qazi placed his hand under the cushion on which the king was 
seated, and, producing a scourge, said, ' king ! You have obeyed 
the law. Had you failed in this duty your back should have been 
scarified with this scourge ! ' A'zam, appreciating the qazi' 8 manly 
independence, richly rewarded him. If this story be true Bengal 
can boast of a prince more law-abiding than Henry of Monmouth 
and of a judge at least as firm as Gascoigne. 

It is said that A'zam, alarmed by the growth of the pow r er of 
the eunuch Khvaja Jahfin of Jaunpur remitted to him the arrears 
of tribute due to the king of Delhi, but there is no evidence that 

1 The analogy is apparent. 



266 The Kingdom of Bengal [CH. 

tribute had ever been remitted to Delhi, and the sum sent to 
Khvaja Jahan was perhaps a complimentary present. 

Little more is known of A'zam except that he died in 1396, and 
even the manner of his death is uncertain. Most historians mention 
it casually, as though it were due to natural causes, but one author 
asserts that it was brought about by Raja Ganesh of Dinajpur, a 
Hindu chieftain who is styled Raja Kans by most Muslim historians 
and ultimately ruled Bengal for several years. A'zam was, how- 
ever, peaceably succeeded by his son, Saif-ud-dm Hamza Shah, the 
obscurity of whose reign ill accords with the grandiose title of 
Sultan-us-Salatm, or king of kings, bestowed upon him by some 
chroniclers, though it does not appear on his known coins. He was 
defeated in 1404 by Gaiiesh, but continued to reign until his death 
in 1406, though it appears that the influence of Ganesh was domi- 
nant in Bengal from the time of his victory. Shams-ud-din, a son 
or adopted son of Hamza, was permitted to ascend the throne, but 
exercised no power, and died after a reign of little more than three 
years. Muslim historians describe Ganesh as a sovereign ruling 
Bengal in his own name, but he has left neither coins nor inscrip- 
tions, and it would seem that he was content with the power of 
royalty without aspiring to its outward tokens, for coins prove that 
the puppet Shams-ud-dm was succeeded by another puppet, Shihab- 
ud-din Bayazid, whose parentage is doubtful. There is no less 
difference of opinion regarding the character than regarding the 
status of Ganesh. According to some accounts he secretly accepted 
Islam, and according to one tolerated it and remained on the best 
of terms with its professors, while remaining a Hindu, but the most 
detailed record which has been preserved represents him as a Hindu 
bigot whose persecution of Muslims caused Qutb-ul-'Alam, a well- 
known Muslim saint of Bengal, to invoke the aid of Ibrahim Shah 
of Jaunpur. Ibrahim invaded Bengal, and Ganesh is said to have 
sought, in his terror, the intercession of Qutb-ul-'Alam, who re- 
fused to intercede for a misbeliever. Ganesh considered conversion 
as a means of escape from his difficulties, but eventually com- 
pounded with Qutb-ul-'Alam by surrendering to him his son, Jadu 
or Jatmall, in order that he might be converted to Islam and pro- 
claimed king, by which means the country might escape the horrors 
of a religious war. Qutb-ul-'Alam accepted the charge, but dis- 
covered, after he had, with great difficulty, prevailed upon Ibrahim 
Sharqi to retire, that he had been the dupe of Ganesh, who treated 
the proclamation of his son as a farce, persecuted Muslims more 
zealously than ever, and attempted to reclaim the renegade. The 



xi] Persecution of Hindus 267 

ceremonial purification of the lad was accomplished by the costly 
rite of passing him through golden images of cows, which were 
afterwards broken up and distributed in charity to Brahmans, but 
the young convert obstinately refused to return to the faith of his 
fathers, and was imprisoned. The discredited saint suffered for his 
folly by being compelled to witness the persecution of his nearest 
and dearest, but in 1414 death came to the relief of the Muslims of 
Bengal and the convert was raised to the throne under the title of 
Jalal-ud-din Muhammad, and persecuted the Hindus as his father 
had persecuted the Muslims. The Brahmans who had arranged or 
profited by the ineffectual purification of the new king were per- 
manently defiled by being obliged to swallow the flesh of the animal 
which they adored, and hosts of Hindus are said to have been for- 
cibly converted to Islam. 

The general attitude of the Muslim rulers of Bengal to their 
Hindu subjects was one of toleration, but it is evident, from the 
numerical superiority in Eastern Bengal of Muslims who are cer- 
tainly not the descendants of dominant invaders, that at some period 
an immense wave of proselytisation must have swept over the 
country, and it is most probable that that period was the reign of 
Jalal-ud-din Muhammad, who appears to have been inspired by the 
zeal proper to a convert, and by a hatred of the religion which had 
prompted his imprisonment, and had ample leisure, during a reign 
of seventeen years, for the propagation of his new faith. 

On his death in 1431 he was succeeded by his son, Shams-ud- 
dm Ahmad, who reigned until 1442, but of whose reign little is 
known, except that Bengal suffered at this time from the aggression 
of Ibrahim Sharq! of Jaunpur. Ahmad is said to have appealed 
to Sultan Shahrukh, son of Timiir, who addressed to Ibrahim a 
remonstrance which proved effectual. Towards the end of Ahmad's 
reign his tyranny became unbearable, and he was put to death by 
conspirators headed by Shadi Khan and Nasir Khan, two of his 
principal officers of state, who had originally been slaves and owed 
their advancement to his favour. Each had designs upon the throne, 
but Nasir Khan forestalled his confederate and, having put him to 
death, assumed the sovereignty of Bengal under the title of Nasir- 
ud-din Mahmfid. He claimed descent from Iliyas, and in his person 
the line of the house which had compelled Delhi to recognise the 
independence of Bengal was restored. 

Mahmud reigned peacefully for seventeen years, for the warfare 
between Jaunpur and Delhi relieved Bengal of the aggressions of 
its western neighbour, and left the king leisure for the indulgence of 



268 "The Kingdom of Bengal [CH. 

his taste in architecture. He rebuilt the old capital, Gaur, and 
built a mosque at Satgaon, but we know little else of him. He died 
in 1459, and was succeeded by his son, Rukn-ud-din Barbak, who 
died in 1474. He was the first king in India to advance African 
slaves in large numbers to high rank, and is said to have had no 
less than 8000 of these slaves, who afterwards became a danger to 
the kingdom. He was succeeded on his death by his son Shams-ud- 
din Yusuf, a precisian who insisted on the rigid observance of the 
Islamic law and prohibited the use of wine in his dominions. On 
his death in 1481 the courtiers raised to the throne his son Sikandar, 
a youth whose intellect was so deranged that he was almost imme- 
diately deposed in favour of his great-uncle, Jalal-ud-dln Fath Shah, 
a son of Mahmfid. Fath Shah was a wise and beneficent ruler, but 
incurred the hostility of the African slaves who thronged the court 
by curbing their insolence and punishing their excesses. The mal- 
contents elected as their leader a eunuch named Sultan Shahzada, 
and took advantage of the absence from court, on a distant expe- 
dition, of Indil Khan, who, though an African, was a loyal subject 
of Fath Shah and an able military commander, to compass the 
king's death. The guard over the palace consisted of no less than 
5000 men, and it was the king's custom to appear early in the 
morning at the relief of the guard and receive the salutes of both 
guards. The eunuch corrupted the officers of the palace guards, and 
one morning in 1486, when the king came forth, as usual, to take 
the salute, caused him to be assassinated and usurped the throne 
under the title of Barbak Shah. 

Indil Khan, at his distant post, heard of the tragedy and was 
considering on what pretext he could lead his troops to the capital 
to avenge his master's death when he received a summons from 
Barbak. He welcomed the opportunity and hastened with his troops 
to Gaur, where his influence and the armed force at his command 
rendered his position secure. He found that the eunuch's rule was 
already unpopular, and allowed it to be understood that he was a 
partisan of the old royal house, which was not yet extinct. Barbak 
was apprehensive of his designs, and when he appeared at court 
insisted that he should take an oath not to injure or betray him. 
A copy of the Koran was produced, and Indil Khan, who could not 
refuse the oath, added to it the reservation that he would not injure 
Barbak so long as he was on the throne ; but he interpreted the 
reservation literally, and, having bribed the ushers and doorkeepers 
of the court, awaited an opportunity of avenging the murder of 
Fath Shah. This soon presented itself when the eunuch fell into a 



xi] Death of Barbak Shah 269 

drunken slumber. Indll Khan forced his way into the royal apart- 
ment, but finding that Barbak had fallen asleep on the cushions 
which composed the throne, hesitated to violate the letter of his 
oath, and was about to withdraw when the drunkard rolled heavily 
over on to the floor. Indll Khan at once struck at him with his 
sword, but the blow failed of its effect, and Barbak, suddenly waking, 
sprang upon him and grappled with him. His strength and weight 
enabled him to throw his adversary and sit on his chest, but Indll 
Khan called to Yaghrush Khan, a Turkish officer whom he had left 
without, and who now rushed in with a number of faithful Africans. 
The lamps had been overturned and extinguished in the struggle, 
and Indll's followers hesitated to strike in the darkness, lest they 
should injure their master, but he encouraged them by shouting 
that their knives would not reach him through the eunuch's gross 
body, and they stabbed Barbak repeatedly in the back. He rolled 
over and feigned death, and they retired, satisfied that their task 
was done. After they had left a slave entered to relight the lamps, 
and Barbak, fearing the return of Indll Khan, lay still. The slave 
cried out that the king was dead, and Barbak, recognising his voice, 
bade him be silent and asked what had become of Indll Khan. The 
slave replied that he had gone home, and Barbak, who believed 
the man to be faithful to himself, issued an order for the execution 
of Indll Khan. The slave left the chamber, but instead of delivering 
the order to any who might have executed it, went at once to Indll 
Khan and told him that his enemy yet lived. Indll Khan returned 
to the palace, stabbed Barbak to death, and, sending for the minister, 
Khanjahan, consulted him regarding the filling of the vacant throne, 
the rightful heir to which was a child of two years of age. In the 
morning the courtiers waited upon Fath Shah's widow, who urged 
the avenger of her husband's blood to ascend the throne. Indll 
Khan, after a decent display of reluctance, accepted the charge, 
and was proclaimed, a few months after the assassination of Fath 
Shah, by the title of Saif-ud-din Firuz. His elevation established 
an unfortunate precedent, and historians observe that it was hence- 
forth an accepted rule in Bengal that he who slew a king's murderer 
acquired a right to the throne. 

Firuz had already distinguished himself as a soldier and ad- 
ministrator, and during his short reign of three years he healed the 
disorders of the kingdom and restored the discipline of the army. 
His fault was prodigality, and despite the warnings and protests of 
his counsellors he wasted the public treasure by lavishing it on 



270 The Kingdom of Bengal [CH. 

On his death in 1489 the nobles raised to the throne, under the 
title of Nasir-ud-dm Mahmild II, the surviving son of Fath Shah. 
Owing to the king's youth the administration was necessarily carried 
on by his counsellors, and all power in the state fell into the hands 
of an African entitled Habash Khan, whose monopoly of power 
excited the discontent of the other courtiers, one of whom, an 
African known as Sidi Badr the Madman, slew him and took his 
place. Sidi Badr's ambition was purely selfish, and in 1490 he 
caused the young king to be put to death and himself ascended 
the throne under the bombastic title of Shams-ud-dm Abu-Nasr 
Muzaffar Shah. This bloodthirsty monster, in the course of a reign 
of three years, put most of the leading men in the kingdom to 
death. The only measure in which he displayed wisdom was his 
choice of a minister, which rested on 'Ala-ud-din Husain, a Sayyid 
of a family which came from Tirmiz, on the Oxus, and a man 
respectable alike by reason of his lineage, his ability, and his 
personal character. He probably restrained Muzaffar's violence, 
and he served him faithfully as long as it was possible to do so, 
but the African developed the vice of avarice, fatal to a ruler 
whose authority depends upon the sword, and committed at once 
the crime of enhancing the burdens of his people and the blunder 
of diminishing the emoluments of his army. Sayyid Husain could 
no longer maintain his master's authority, and, wearied by protests 
against the tyranny with which his position in a measure identified 
him, withdrew his support, and immediately found himself the 
leader of a revolt. The troops, placing him at their head, besieged 
the king for four months in Gaur. The contest was terminated by 
the death of the king, who perished in a sortie which he led from 
the fortress. The nobles, after some consultation, elected Sayyid 
Husain king in 1493, on receiving from him guarantees which bore 
some resemblance to a European constitution of 1848. 

The new king's full title appears from inscriptions to have been 
Sayyid-us-Sadat 'Ala-ud-dm Abu-1-Muzaffar Shah Husain Sultan 
bin Sayyid Ashraf al-Husaini, and it is possible that to his father's 
name Ashraf may be traced the belief of some historians that 
he was descended from or connected with the Sharifs of Mecca. 
He proved to be worthy of the confidence reposed in him, and 
inaugurated his reign by issuing orders for the cessation of 
plundering in Gaur. The orders were not at once obeyed, and 
the punishment of the refractory was prompt and severe, though 
the statement that he put 12,000 plunderers to death on this 
occasion is probably an exaggeration. The booty recovered from 



xi] Expulsion of Africans 271 

those who suffered for their disobedience enriched the royal 
treasury. 

Husain Shah transferred his capital from Gaur to Ikdala, 
probably with the object of punishing the people of Gaur for their 
support of Muzaffar's cause, but his successor restored Gaur to its 
former pre-eminence. 

Husain was, with the exception of Iliyas, the greatest of the 
Muslim kings of Bengal. Among his earliest reforms were two very 
necessary measures, the first of which was the destruction of the 
power of the large force of paiks, or Hindu infantry, which had 
long been employed as the guards of the palace and of the royal 
person, and had gradually, during several preceding reigns, acquired 
n position analogous to that of the Praetorian Guards at Rome. 
A great part of the corps was disbanded, and the remainder was 
employed at a distance from the capital, and the duty of guarding 
the king's person was entrusted to Muslim troops. The second 
reform was the expulsion from the kingdom of all Africans, whose 
numbers had greatly increased and whose presence, since some of 
them had tasted the sweets of power, was a danger to the throne. 
During the seventeen years preceding Husain's accession three 
kings of this race had occupied the throne, and there was some 
reason to fear that the negroes might become a ruling caste. The 
exiles in vain sought an asylum in Delhi and Jaunpur, where they 
were too well known to be welcome, and most of them ultimately 
drifted to the Deccan and Gujarat, where men of their race had for 
many years been largely employed. 

In 1 495 Husain Shah, the last of the Sharqf kings of Jaunpur, 
having been driven from his kingdom by Sikandar Lodi of Delhi, 
fled for refuge to Bengal, and was hospitably accommodated by 
'Ala-ud-dm Husain Shah at Kahalgaon (Colgong), where he lived 
in retirement until his death in 1500. 

Husain, having established order in the neighbourhood of the 
capital, carried his arms into those districts which had formerly 
been included in the kingdom of Bengal, but had, during the dis- 
orders of the six preceding reigns, fallen away from a trunk too 
feeble to support branches. He recovered the lost provinces as far 
as the borders of Orissa to the south, and, having thus established 
his authority at home, turned his attention to foreign conquest, 
and in 1498 invaded the kingdom of Assam, then ruled by 
Nilambar, the third and last reign of the Khen dynasty. Husain 
led his army as far as Kamrup and, after a long siege, captured 
Kamalapur, Nilambar's capital, by stratagem. Other rulers, Hup 



272 "The Kingdom of Bengal [CH. 

Narayan, Mai Kunwar, Gosal Khen, and Sachhml Narayan, are 
mentioned by a Muslim historian as having been overcome in 
this campaign. They were probably governors of provinces of 
Nilambar's kingdom. 

Husain, on returning to his capital, placed one of his sons in 
command of his new conquest, but the raja, who had fled to the 
hills, took advantage of the rainy season, when the state of the 
roads and rivers rendered the arrival of reinforcements and sup- 
plies impossible, to descend into the plains and attack the foreign 
garrison, which he put to the sword. Husain made no attempt to 
avenge this defeat or to recover Assam, but devoted his attention 
to securing his frontiers, and to the building of mosques and alms- 
houses, for the maintenance of which he provided by endowments 
of land. He died a natural death in 1518, after a reign of twenty- 
five years, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Nasib Khan, who 
assumed the title of Nasir-ud-dm Nusrat Shah. 

Nusrat Shah, who had, before his accession, exercised almost 
regal power as governor of Bagdi, or the Ganges delta, and had 
coined money in his own name, was a prince of gentle disposition 
and strong natural affections, for he not only refrained from 
following the barbarous eastern custom of slaying, mutilating, or 
imprisoning his brothers, but doubled the provision which his 
father had made for them. Early in his reign he invaded Tirhut, 
attacked, defeated, and slew the raja, and appointed 'Ala-ud-dfn 
and Makhdum-i-'Alam, his own brothers-in-law, to the government 
of the reconquered province. 

Nusrat had occupied the throne for seven years when Babur 
invaded India, and having defeated and slain Ibrahim LodI, seated 
himself on the throne of the kingdom of Delhi. Numbers of the 
Afghan nobles of Delhi and many of the late royal family fled to 
Bengal, and were well received by Nusrat, who bestowed fiefs upon 
them for their support, and married the daughter of Ibrahim LodL 
He made a demonstration against Babur by sending Qutb Shah, 
one of his nobles, to occupy Bahraich, but when Babur established 
his authority in Jaunpur attempted to conciliate him with gifts 
which would not have turned him from his purpose had the time 
been ripe for the invasion of Bengal. In 1532, after Babur's death, 
Nusrat was alarmed by rumours of the hostile intentions of Huma- 
yuii, and sent an envoy to Bahadur Shah of Gujarat in Mandu to 
form an alliance. The envoy was well received, but his mission waa 
fruitless. 

The Portuguese now made their first appearance in Bengal In 



xi] The Portuguese in Bengal 273 

1528 Martim Alfonso de Mello Jusarte was sent by Nuno da Cunha, 
governor of the Portuguese Indies, to gain a foothold in Bengal, 
but was shipwrecked, and fell into the hands of Khuda Bakhsh 
Khan of Chakiria, south of Chatgaon (Chittagong), where he re- 
mained a prisoner until he was ransomed for 1500 by Shihab-ud- 
dln, a merchant of Chittagong. Shihab-ud-dm was soon afterwards 
in difficulties with Nusrat Shah, and appealed to the Portuguese 
for help. Martim Affonso was sent in command of a trading ex- 
pedition to Chittagong, and sent a mission, with presents worth 
about 1200 to Nusrat Shah in Gaur. The misconduct of the 
Portuguese in Chittagong, and their disregard of the customs 
regulations incensed the king, and he ordered their arrest and the 
confiscation of their property. The governor of Chittagong treacher- 
ously seized their leaders at a banquet to which he had invited 
them, slew the private soldiers and sailors who had not time to 
escape to the ships, confiscated property worth 100,000, and sent 
his prisoners to Gaur. Nusrat Shah demanded a ransom so ex- 
orbitant that the Portuguese authorities refused to pay it, but 
punished the king by burning Chittagong. This measure of reprisal 
in no way benefited the captives, who had from the first been 
harshly treated, and were now nearly starved. 

Nusrat Shah's character deteriorated towards the end of his 
reign, probably as a result of his debauchery, and his temper 
became violent. One day in 1533, as he was paying a visit to his 
lather's tomb at Gaur he threatened with punishment for some 
trivial fault one of the eunuchs in his train. The eunuch, in fear of 
his life, persuaded his companions to join him in an attempt to 
destroy the tyrant, and on returning to the palace the king was put 
to death by the conspirators. He was succeeded by his son 'Ala- 
ud-din Firuz, who had reigned for no more than three month? when 
he was murdered by his uncle, Ghiyas-ud-dm Mahmud, who had 
been permitted by Nusrat to wield almost royal power throughout 
a great part of the kingdom. 

Mahmud usurped his nephew's throne in 1533, and was almost 
immediately involved in trouble by the rebellion of his brother-in- 
law, Makhdum-i-'Alam, who held the fief of Hajipur in Bihar and 
was leagued with the Afghan, Sher Khan Sur of Sasseram, who had 
established himself in Bihar on the death of Muhammad Shah, the 
Afghan who had been proclaimed by the refractory Lodi nobles 
king in Eastern Hindustan. The two rebels defeated and slew Qutb 
Khan, governor of Monghyr, who was sent against them by Mahmud, 
and Sher Khan captured the elephants, material of war, and treasure 

C. H.I. III. 18 



274 The Kingdom of Bengal [CH. 

of the defeated army, by means of which he was enabled immedi- 
ately to increase his power and extend his influence. 

The successful issue of this rebellion and the great profit reaped 
by Slier Khan emboldened Makhdum-i-'Alam again to rise against 
Mahmud without seeking, on this occasion, a partner who might 
again appropriate all the spoils, but the task was beyond his 
power, and he was defeated and slain. Sher Khan resolved to 
avenge the death of his former confederate, sent his advance guard 
towards Bengal, and followed it with all his available forces. The 
position which Mahmud elected to defend was the narrow passage 
between the Rajmahall hills and the Ganges, which is strengthened 
by the fortress of Teliyagarhi on the south and Sikrlgali on the 
north bank of the Ganges, and was known as the gate of Bengal, 
and he turned for assistance to his Portuguese captives, all of whom, 
except four, preferred action with a chance of freedom to their 
lingering captivity. 

In this chosen position the troops of Bengal were able to stem 
the advance of Sher Khan's army for a whole month, and the 
Portuguese were the life and soul of the defence, but the invaders 
at length forced the position and advanced against the main body 
of Mahmud's army, which met them at some spot between Teliya- 
garhi and Gaur, and was defeated. Mahmud fled to Gaur, whither 
Sher Khan followed him, and the capital was invested. The siege, 
which was vigorously pressed, suffered little interruption from a 
rising in Bihar, for Sher Khan, who returned to suppress the dis- 
order, was able to leave his son Jalal Khan and Khavass Khan, one 
of his officers, in charge of the operations, which did not languish 
in their hands, and the garrison was reduced to such straits by 
famine that on April 6, 1538, Mahmud led them forth and attacked 
the besiegers. He was defeated and put to flight, his sons were 
captured, and Gaur was sacked and occupied by Jalal Khan. 

Sher Khan, having restored order in Bihar, returned to Bengal 
and pursued Mahmud, who, when closely pressed, turned and gave 
him battle, but was defeated and grievously wounded. Sher Khan 
entered Gaur in triumph and assumed the royal title, while Mahmud 
fled for protection to Humayun, who, in response to an appeal 
from him, had taken advantage of Sher Khan's preoccupation in 
Bengal to capture Chunar from his officers, and had now advanced 
to Darvishpur in Bihar. Sher Khan sent Jalal Khan and Khavass 
Khan to hold the gate of Bengal, and Humayun sent Jahanglr Qull 
Beg the Mughul to attack it Jahanglr Quli's force was surprised 
at the end of a day's march and routed, the commander himself 



xi] "The Rise of Sher Shah 275 

being wounded. Humayun then advanced in force to attack the 
position, and during his advance Mahmud, the ex-king of Bengal, 
died at Kahalgaon, after learning that Sher Khan had put his two 
sons to death. 

Jalal Khan, who feared to encounter the whole strength of 
Humayun's army, avoided it by escaping into the hills to the south 
of his position, and fled thence to Gaur, where he joined his father, 
while Humayun advanced steadily towards the same place. Sher 
Khan, alarmed by his approach, collected his treasure and fled into 
Radha, and thence into the Chota Nagpur hills. Humayun entered 
Gaur without opposition, renamed the place Jannatabad, caused the 
khiitba to be recited and coin to be struck in his name, and spent 
three months there in idleness and pleasure while his officers 
annexed Sonargaon, Chittagong, and other ports in his name. He 
foolishly made no attempt to pursue Sher Khan, and lingered 
aimlessly at Gaur until the climate bred sickness in his army and 
destroyed many of his horses and camels. In the meantime Sher 
Khan descended from the Chota Nagpur hills, captured the fortress 
of Rohtas, raided Monghyr, and put the Mughul officers there to 
the sword. At the same time, in 1539, Humayun received news of 
Hindal Mlrza's rebellion at Delhi, and was overwhelmed by the 
accumulation of evil tidings. After nominating Jaharigir Quli Beg 
to the government of Bengal and placing at his disposal a contingent 
of 5000 picked horse, he set out with all speed for Agra, but Sher 
Khan intercepted his retreat by marching from Rohtas to Chausa, 
on the Ganges. Here he was able to check Humayun's retreat for 
three months, and extorted from the emperor, as the price of an 
undisturbed passage for his troops, the recognition of his sovereignty 
in Bengal. Having thus lulled Humayun into a sense of security, 
he fell upon his army and defeated and dispersed it. 

On his return to Bengal he was harassed for some time by the 
active hostility of Humayun's lieutenant, Jahangir Quli Beg, but 
ultimately disposed of his enemy by inveigling him to an interview 
and causing him to be assassinated. He thus became supreme in 
Bengal, and the increasing confusion in the newly established 
Mughul empire enabled him to oust Humayun and ascend the 
imperial throne. 

When he marched from Bengal in 1540 to attack Humayun he 
left Khizr Khan behind him as governor of the province. Khizr 
Khan's head was turned by his elevation, and though he refrained 
from assuming the royal title he affected so many of the airs of 
royalty that Sher Shah, as soon as he was established on the 

182 



276 The Kingdom of Bengai [CH. xi 

imperial throne, marched into Bengal with the object of nipping 
his lieutenant's ambition in the bud. Khizr Khan, who was not 
strong enough to try conclusions with the conqueror of Delhi, 
welcomed his master with the customary formality of the East, 
and was immediately seized and thrown into prison. Sher Shah 
obviated a recurrence of his offence by dividing Bengal into a 
number of small prefectures, the governors of which were respon- 
sible, for the regular collection and remittance of the revenue, to 
Qazi Fazllat of Agra, who was appointed supervisor of the now 
disintegrated kingdom of Bengal. 

The independence of Bengal, due partly to the weakness and 
preoccupation of the sovereigns of Delhi between 1338 and 1539, 
and partly to the existence, between 1394 and 1476, of the buffer 
state of Jaunpur, dated from the later days of the reign of Muham- 
mad Tughluq, and endured, despite the two abortive attempts of 
Firuz Tughluq to subvert it in the reigns of Iliyas and his son 
Sikaiidar, until Humayun destroyed it by establishing himself, for 
three months in 1539, on the throne of Gaur. It was restored by 
Sher Khan's defeat of Humayun at Chausa, but again destroyed 
by Sher Shah after his ascent of the imperial throne. 

The annals of Bengal are stained with blood, and the long list 
of Muslim kings contains the names of some monsters of cruelty, 
but it would be unjust to class them all as uncultured bigots void 
of sympathy with their Hindu subjects. Some certainly reciprocated 
the attitude of the lower castes of the Hindus, who welcomed them 
as their deliverers from the priestly yoke, and even described them 
in popular poetry as the gods, come down to earth to punish the 
wicked Brahmans. Others were enlightened patrons of literature. 
At the courts of Hindu rajas priestly influence maintained Sanskrit 
as the literary language, and there was a tendency to despise the 
vulgar tongue, but Muslim kings, who could not be expected to 
learn Sanskrit, could both understand and appreciate the writings 
of those who condescended to use the tongue in which they them- 
selves communicated with their subjects, and it was the Muslim 
sultan rather than the Hindu raja that encouraged vernacular 
literature. Nasir-ud-din Nusrat Shah, anticipating Akbar, caused 
the Mahabhdrata to be translated from Sanskrit into Bengali, and 
of the two earlier versions of the same work one possibly owed 
something to Muslim patronage and the other was made to the 
order of a Muslim officer at the court of Sayyid 'Ala-ud-din Husain 
Shah, Nusrat's father, who is mentioned in Bengali literature with 
affection and respect. 



CHAPTER XII 

THE KINGDOM OF KASHMIR 

ISLAM was introduced into Kashmir at the beginning of the four- 
teenth century of the Christian era by Shah Mirza, an adventurer 
from Swat, who in 1315 entered the service of Sinha Deva, a chief- 
tain who had established his authority in the valley of Kashmir. 
Sinha Deva was overthrown and slain by Rainchan, a Tibetan who 
also was in his service and is said to have accepted Islam, probably 
at the suggestion of Shah Mirza, whom he made his minister, en- 
trusting him with the education of his children. On Rainchan's death 
Udayana Deva, a scion of the old royal house, who had found an 
asylum in Kishtwar during the ursurpation, returned to the valley, 
married Kota Devi, Rainchan's widow, and ascended the throne. 
He died after a reign of fifteen years, and his widow called upon 
Shah Mirza to place upon the throne her son, but the minister, 
during his long tenure of office, had formed a faction of his own, and 
was no longer content with the second place in the state. The 
circumstances in which he obtained the first are variously related. 
According to one account he proposed marriage to the widowed 
queen, who committed suicide rather than submit to the alliance, 
but the more probable story is that on Shah Mirzii's hesitating to 
obey her command she assembled her forces, attacked him, and was 
defeated. Shah Mirza then forcibly married her, and before she 
had been his wife for twenty -four hours imprisoned her and ascended 
the throne in 1346, under the title of Shams-ud-dln Shah. 

The new king used wisely and beneficently the power which he 
had thus acquired. The Hindu kings had been atrocious tyrants, 
whose avowed policy had been to leave their subjects nothing beyond 
a bare subsistence. He ruled on more liberal principles, abolished 
the arbitrary taxes and the cruel methods of extorting them, and 
fixed the state's share of the produce of the land at one-sixth. He 
was obliged, however, during his short reign, to suppress a rebellion 
of the Lon tribe of Kishtwar. He died, after a reign of three years, 
in 1349, leaving four sons, Jamshid, 'All Sher, Shirashamak, and 
Hindal, the eldest of whom succeeded him, but reigned for no more 
than a year, being dethroned in 1350 by his next brother, 'All 
Sher, who ascended the throne under the title of 'Ala-ud-din. 

'Ala-ud-dm, with a confidence rare among oriental rulers, made 
his next brother, Shirashamak, his minister, and seems to have had 



278 The Kingdom of Kashmir [CH. 

no reason to repent his choice. The events of his reign, which are 
very briefly chronicled, included a severe famine, a conspiracy which 
was frustrated, and the promulgation of a law, said to have been 
effectual, depriving women of light character of any share in the 
property left by their husbands. 

'Ala-ud-dm died in 1359 1 , and was succeeded by his brother, 
Shlrashamak, who assumed the title of Shihab-ud-dm, which was 
probably his real name, for that by which he was known before 
his accession means 'the little milk-drinker/ and was probably a 
childish nickname. 

Shihab-ud-din has left a reputation both as an administrator and 
as a warrior. He founded two towns and caused landed estates to 
be carefully demarcated, to prevent encroachments on the crown 
lands. At the beginning of his reign he led an army to the borders 
of Sind, and defeated the Jam on the banks of the Indus. Returning 
thence, he gained a victory over the Afghans at Peshawar, and 
marched through Afghanistan to the borders of the Hindu Rush, 
but was compelled to abandon his enterprise, whatever its object 
may have been, by the difficulties which he encountered in at- 
tempting to cross that range. Returning to India he established a 
cantonment in the plains, on the banks of the Sutlej, where he met, 
in 1361, the raja of Nagarkot (Kangra), returning from a raid on 
the dominions of Flruz Tughluq of Delhi. The raja, who is said to 
have conciliated Shihab-ud-din with a liberal share of his spoil, 
suffered for his temerity 2 , and received no assistance from Shihab- 
ud-din, who returned to Kashmir. 

For reasons which have not been recorded Shihab-ud-din dis- 
inherited and banished to Delhi his two sons, Hasan Khan and 'All 
Khan, and designated as his heir his brother Hiudal, who succeeded 
him, under the title of Qutb-ud-dln, on his death in 1378. A rebel- 
lion of some of his predecessor's officers obliged him to send an 
expedition, which was successful, for the recovery of the fortress of 
Lokarkot 3 . 

Qutb-ud-dm was for a long time childless and, recalling from 
Delhi his nephew Hasan Khan, made him his heir, but Hasan's 
impatience exceeded his gratitude, and he conspired with a Hindu 
courtier against his patron. The plot was discovered, and Hasan 
and his accomplice fled to Loharkot, but were seized by the land- 
holders of that district and surrendered to Qutb-ud-dm, who put 

1 The chronology of the kings of Kashmir is bewildering. See J.R.A.S., 1918, p. 451* 
3 See Chapter vn. 
In 33 50' N. and 74 23' E. 



xi i] Sikandar the Iconoclast 279 

the Hindu to death and imprisoned his nephew, of whom no more 
is heard. 

Two sons were born to Qutb-ud-din in his later years, Sikandar, 
known before his accession as Sakar or Sankar, and Haibat Khan. 

Qutb-ud-din died in 1394 and his widow, Sura, placed Sikandar 
on the throne and to secure his undisputed retention of it put to 
death her daughter and her son-in-law. It was probably at her 
instigation that Rai Madarl, a Hindu courtier, poisoned Sikandar's 
brother, Haibat Khan, but this act incensed the young king, who 
called the Hindu to account for it. Rai Madarl, in order to escape 
an embarrassing inquiry, sought and obtained leave to lead an ex- 
pedition into Little Tibet. He was successful, and, having occupied 
that country, rebelled. Sikandar marched against him, defeated 
and captured him, and threw him into prison, where he committed 
suicide by taking poison. 

In 1398 the Amir Timur, who was then at Delhi, and proposed 
to retire by the road which skirted the spurs of the Himalaya, sent 
his grandson Rustam and Mu'tamad Zain-ud-din as envoys to 
Sikandar. They were well received, and when they left Kashmir 
Sikandar sent with them as his envoy Maulana Nur-ud-din, and left 
Srlnagar with the intention of waiting personally on the conqueror. 
The envoys reached Timiir's camp in the neighbourhood of Jammfi 
on February 24, 1399, and the rapacious courtiers, without their 
master's knowledge, informed Nur-ud-dm that Timur required 
from Kashmir 30,000 horses and 100,000 golden dirhams. The envoy 
returned to his master and informed him of this extravagant 
demand. Sikandar, whose gifts did not approach in value those 
required by the courtiers, turned back towards Srlnagar, either in 
despair or with a view to collecting such offerings as might be ac- 
ceptable, and Timur, who was expecting him, failed to understand 
the delay in his coming. The members of Nur-ud-din's mission who 
were still in the camp informed him of the demand and he was 
incensed by the rapacity of his courtiers, and sent Mu'tamad Zain- 
ud-din with the returning mission to request Sikandar to meet him 
on the Indus on March 25, without fear of being troubled by ex- 
orbitant demands. Sikandar again set out from Srlnagar, but on 
reaching Baramula learnt that Timur had hurriedly left the Indian 
frontier for Samarqand, and returned to his capital. 

Hitherto the Muslim kings of Kashmir had been careless of the 
religion of their subjects, and free from the persecuting spirit, but 
Sikandar amply atoned for the lukewarmness of his predecessors. 
He was devoted to the society of learned men of his own faith, 



280 The Kingdom of Kashmir [CH. 

whom his generosity attracted from Persia, Arabia, and Mesopo- 
tamia, and it was perhaps the exhortations of bigots of this class 
that aroused in him an iconoclastic zeal. He destroyed all the most 
famous Hindu temples in Kashmir, and the idols which they con- 
tained, converting the latter, when made of the precious metals, 
into money. His enthusiasm was kept alive by his minister, Sinha 
Bhat, a converted Brahman with all a convert's zeal for his new 
faith, who saw to it that his master's hostility extended to idolaters 
as well as to idols. With many innocuous Hindu rites the barbarous 
practice of burning widows with their deceased husbands was pro- 
hibited, and finally the Hindus of Kashmir were offered the choice 
between Islam and exile. Of the numerous Brahmans some chose 
the latter, but many committed suicide rather than forsake either 
their faith or their homes. Others, less steadfast, accepted Islam, 
and the results of Sikandar's zeal are seen to-day in Kashmir, where 
there are no more than 524 Hindus in every 10,000 of the popula- 
tion. The ferocious bigot earned the title of Butshikan, or the 
Iconoclast. 

He died in 1416, leaving three sons, Nur Khan, Shahi Khan, and 
Muhammad Khan, of whom the eldest succeeded him under the title 
of 'All Shah. The renegade Brahman, Sinha Bhat, retained his office 
until his death, and the persecution of Hindus was not relaxed. 
Shortly before the end of the reign Sinha Bhat died, and 'All Shah 
appointed his own brother, Shahi Khan, minister, and shortly after- 
wards desiring, in an access of religious zeal, to perform the pil- 
grimage to Mecca, nominated him as regent and left Srinagar. He 
had not, however, left the country before his father-in-law, the raja 
of Jammu, and the raja of Rajaor! succeeded in convincing him of 
the folly of leaving a kingdom which, after his absence in a far land, 
he could never expect to recover, and provided him with an army 
which expelled Shahi Khan and restored him to his throne. 

Shahi Khan fled and took refuge with Jasrat, chief of the tur- 
bulent Khokar tribe, who had incurred the resentment of Timur 
by failing to keep his promise to aid him during his invasion of 
India and by plundering his baggage, and had been carried off 
to Samarqand, whence he had escaped on Timur's death, which 
occurred on February 28, 1405. 

'All Shah marched against Jasrat and Shahi Khan, but foolishly 
exhausted his army by a forced march, and Jasrat, on being in- 
formed of its condition, suddenly attacked it in the hills near the 
Tattakuti Pass, and overwhelmed it. 'All Shah's fate is uncertain. 
According to one account he escaped, but as he is no more heard 



xn] Zain-ul-lAbidln 281 

of it is more probable that, as is stated in other records, he was 
captured by Jasrat's troops. 

Shahi Khan ascended the throne of Kashmir in June, 1420, 
under the title of Zain-ul-'Abidln, and was not unmindful of his 
benefactor, whose successes in the Punjab, which slipped from the 
feeble grasp of the Sayyid king of Delhi, were due in part to sup- 
port received from Kashmir. 

Zain-uI-'Abidin may be regarded as the Akbar of Kashmir. He 
lacked the Mughul's natural genius, spirit of enterprise, and phy- 
sical vigour, and his outlook was restricted to the comparatively 
narrow limits of his kingdom, but he possessed a stock of learning 
and accomplishments from which Akbar's youthful indolence had, 
to a great extent, excluded him, his views were more enlightened 
than the emperor's, and he practised a tolerance which Akbar only 
preached, and found it possible to restrain, without persecution, the 
bigotry of Muslim zealots. He was in all respects, save his love of 
learned society, the antithesis of his father, the Iconoclast, and in 
the one respect in which he most resembled him he most differed 
from him in admitting to his society learned Hindus and cultured 
Brahmans. His learning delighted his hearers, and his practical 
benevolence enriched his subjects and his country. He founded a 
city, bridged rivers, restored temples, and conveyed water for the 
irrigation of the land to nearly every village in the kingdom, em- 
ploying in the execution of these public works the malefactors whom 
the ferocious penal laws of his predecessors would have put to 
death. Theft and highway robbery were diminished by the estab- 
lishment of the principle of the responsibility of village communi- 
ties for offences committed within their lands, and the authoritative 
determination of the prices of commodities, economically unsound 
though it was, tended, with other regulations framed with the same 
object, to prevent the hoarding of food supplies and imported goods. 

The fierce intolerance of Sikandar had left in Kashmir no more 
than eleven families of Brahmans practising the ceremonies of their 
faith. The exiles were recalled by Zain-ul-'Abidin, and many of 
those who had feigned acceptance of Islam now renounced it and 
returned to the faith of their ancestors. The descendants of the 
few who remained in Kashmir and of the exiles who returned are 
still distinguished as Malmas and Banamas. All, on undertaking to 
follow the rules of life contained in their sacred books, were free to 
observe all the ordinances of their faith which had been prohibited, 
even to the immolation of widows, which a ruler so enlightened 
might well have excluded from his scheme of toleration. Prisoners 



282 The Kingdom of Kashmir [CH. 

undergoing sentences inflicted in former reigns were released, but 
disobedience to the milder laws of Zain-ul-'Abidin did not go un- 
punished. Alms was distributed in moderation to the deserving 
poor, and the jizya, or poll-tax on non-Muslims, was abolished. 
Accumulations of treasure in conquered territory were allotted to 
the troops as prize-money, and the inhabitants were assessed for 
taxes at the moderate rates which satisfied a king who was able to 
meet most of the expenses of the administration from the produce 
of the royal mines. The currency, which had been debased by the 
indiscriminate conversion into coin of idols composed of metal of 
varying degrees of fineness, was gradually rehabilitated, and the 
king's decrees, engraved on sheets of copper and terminating with 
imprecations on any of his descendants who should depart from 
them, were distributed to the principal towns of the kingdom. 

Zain-ul-'Abidm was proficient in Persian, Hindi, and Tibetan, 
besides his own language, and was a munificent patron of learning 
poetry, music, and painting. He caused the Mahabharata and the 
Rajataranffini 1 , the metrical history of the rajas of Kashmir, to 
be translated from Sanskrit into Persian, and several Arabic and 
Persian works to be translated into the Hindi language, and estab- 
lished Persian as the language of the court and of public offices. 
He shared Akbar's scruples with regard to the taking of life, for- 
bade hunting, and abstained entirely from flesh during the month 
of Ramazan ; and in other relations of life his morals were unques- 
tionably superior to Akbar's, for he was faithful throughout his life 
to one wife, and never even allowed his eyes to rest on another 
woman. In other respects he was no precisian, and singers, dancers, 
musicians, acrobats, tumblers, and rope-dancers amused his lighter 
moments. A skilled manufacturer of fireworks, whose knowledge of 
explosives was not entirely devoted to the arts of peace, is men- 
tioned as having introduced firearms into Kashmir. 

The enlightened monarch maintained a friendly correspondence 
with several contemporary rulers. *Abu Sa'ld Shah, Babur's grand- 
father, who reigned in Khurasan from 1458 to 1408, Buhlul Lodi, 
who ascended the throne of Delhi in 1451, Jahan Shah of Azar- 
baijan and Gilan, Sultan Mahmud Begarha of Gujarat, the Burji 
Mamluks of Egypt, the Sharif of Mecca, the Muslim Jam Nizam- 
ud-din of Sind, and the Tonwar raja of Gwalior, between whom 
and the king of Kashmir love of music formed a bond, were among 
those with whom he exchanged letters and complimentary gifts. 

1 This, which is believed to be the only genuinely historical work in the Sanskrit 
language, has been admirably translated by Sir Aurel Stein. 



xii] Fratricidal Strife 283 

Early in his reign Zain-ul-'Abidm associated with himself in the 
government, and even designated as his heir, his younger brother 
Muhammad, but Muhammad predeceased him, and though the king 
admitted his son Haidar Khan to the confidential position which 
his father had held the birth of three sons of his own excluded his 
nephew from the succession. These were Adam Khan, Haji Khan, 
and Bahram Khan, three headstrong young men whose strife em- 
bittered his declining years. Haji Khan, his father's favourite, was 
the least unworthy of the throne, and Bahram employed himself 
chiefly in fomenting dissensions between his two elder brothers. 

Adam Khan recovered Baltistan, or Little Tibet, and Haji Khan 
the fort and district of Loharkot, both of which provinces had 
revolted. Adam Khan returned first to the capital, and, as the 
brothers were clearly seeking an opportunity to measure their 
strength against each other, his father detained him at Srinagar. 
Hajl Khan then returned from Loharkot with the object of attacking 
both his father and his brother, who marched from the capital to 
meet him. He was defeated, and fled to Bhimbar, where the main 
road from the plains of the Punjab enters the Kashmir mountains, 
and Zain-ul-'Abidm celebrated his victory with a ferocity foreign 
to his character by massacring his prisoners and erecting a column 
of their heads. 

Adam Khan now remained at Srinagar with his father for six 
years, participating largely in the administration of the kingdom. 
He slew many of the adherents of his fugitive brother and per- 
secuted their families. At this period Kashmir suffered from a 
severe famine, and the king was obliged temporarily to reduce the 
land tax, in some districts to one-fourth and in others to one-seventh 
of its normal amount. 

After the famine Adam Khan was entrusted with the govern- 
ment of the Kamraj district, but complaints of his rapacity and 
cruelty earned for him from his father a rebuke which provoked 
him to rebellion, and he assembled his troops and marched against 
his father. Zain-ul-'Abidm succeeded in recalling him to a sense 
of his duty, and permitted him to return to Kamraj, but recalled 
from exile at the same time Hajl Khan. The news of his brother's 
recall again provoked Adam Khan to rebel, and he attacked and 
slew the governor of Sopur and occupied that city. His father 
marched against him and defeated him, but he remained encamped 
on the northern bank of the Jhelum, opposite to the royal camp, 
until he heard of Hajl Khan's arrival at Baramula, when he fled to 
the Indus. Zain-ul-'Abidm and his second son returned to Srinagar, 



284 T/te Kingdom of Kashmir [CH. 

where Haji Khan atoned by faithful service for past disobedience 
and was rewarded by being designated heir to the throne. 

Shortly after this time the king fell sick, and a faction persuaded 
Adam Khan to return to the capital, but his arrival at Srlnagar 
was distasteful to his father, and he was ill received. Others, with 
better intent, endeavoured to bring about a reconciliation between 
the two elder brothers, but the attempt was foiled by Bahrain Khan, 
and Adam Khan retired to Qutb-ud-dlnpur, near the city. 

As the old king grew weaker his counsellors, dreading a fratri- 
cidal war, begged him to abdicate in favour of one of his sons, but 
he rejected their advice, and the three princes remained under 
arms. It is needless to recite at length their intrigues. Haji Khan 
was supported by his brother Bahrain, and by the majority of the 
nobles, and Adam Khan was obliged to leave Kashmir, so that 
when Zain-ul-'Abidln died, in November or December, 1470, Haji 
Khan ascended the throne without opposition as Haidar Shah. 

With the death of Zain-ul-'Abidm the power of the royal line 
founded by Shah Mirza declined, and the later kings were mere 
puppets set up, pulled down, and set up again by factious and 
powerful nobles, who were supported by their clansmen. The most 
powerful and most turbulent of these tribes was the Chakk clan, 
who, even in the reign of Zain-ul-'Abidm, became such a menace 
to the public peace that he was obliged to expel them from the 
Kashmir valley, but under his feebler successors they returned, 
and, after exercising for a long time the power without the name 
of royalty, eventually usurped the throne. 

Haidar Shah was a worthless and drunken wretch who entirely 
neglected public business and permitted his ministers to misgovern 
his people as they would. His indulgence of their misconduct was 
tempered by violent outbursts of wrath which alienated them from 
him, and his elder brother Adam Khan, learning of his unpopularity, 
returned towards Kashmir with a view to seizing the throne, but 
on reaching Jammii was discouraged by the news of the death of 
Hasan Kachhi and other nobles on whose support he had reckoned, 
and who had been put to death on the advice of a barber named 
Lull. He remained at Jammu, and, in assisting the raja to expel 
some invaders from his dominions, received a wound from the effects 
of which he died. 

The nobles now conspired to raise to the throne Bahram Khan, 
Haidar Shah's younger brother, but Hasan Khan, his son, who had 
been raiding the Punjab, returned to maintain his claim to the 
throne, and when his father, in December, 1471, or January, 1472, 



xn] Decline of the Royal Power 285 

slipped, in a drunken fit, on a polished floor, and died of the injuries 
which he received, Ahmad Aswad, one of the most powerful of the 
courtiers, caused him to be proclaimed king under the title of Hasan 
Shah. 

Bahrain Khan and his son Yusuf Khan, who had intended to 
contest Hasan's claim to the throne, were deserted by their troops, 
and, leaving the valley of Kashmir, took refuge in the hills of Kama, 
to the west of Kamraj. Shortly afterwards a faction persuaded 
them to return, but they were defeated by Hasan Shah's army, and 
both were captured. Bahram was blinded and died within three 
days of the operation. 

Ahmad Aswad, who had been entitled Malik Ahmad, acquired 
great influence over Hasan Shah, who, though less apathetic than 
his father, displayed little devotion to business. He sent an expe- 
dition under Malik Yari Bhat to co-operate with the troops of the 
raja of Jammu in ravaging the northern districts of the Punjab, 
where Tatar Khan Lodi represented the military oligarchy over 
which his cousin Buhliil presided at Delhi. The town of Sialkot 
was sacked, and Malik Yari Bhat returned with as much plunder 
as enabled him to form a faction of his own, and when Hasan Shah 
required tutors and guardians for his two young sons he confided 
Muhammad, the elder, to Malik Nauruz, son of Malik Ahmad, and 
Husain, the younger, to Yari Bhat. This impartiality encouraged 
both factions, and their passions rose to such a height that Malik 
Ahmad forfeited his master's favour by permitting his troops to 
become embroiled, in the royal presence, with those of his rival, 
and was thrown into prison, where he presently died. 

The mother of the two young princes was a Sayyid, and the 
king, after the death of Malik Ahmad, selected her father as his 
minister. The Sayyids became, for a time, all powerful in the state, 
Malik Yari Bhat was imprisoned and many other nobles fled from 
the valley of Kashmir. Among these was Jahangir, chief of the 
Maku clan, who established himself in the fortress of Loharkot. 

In 1489 Hasan Shah, whose constitution had been enfeebled by 
debauchery, died, and the Sayyid faction raised to the throne his 
elder son, Muhammad, in whose name they ruled the kingdom, but 
their arrogance so exasperated the other nobles that they chose 
as their candidate for the throne Fath Khan, the son of Hasan's 
uncle, Adam Khan, and succeeded, before the child Muhammad 
had occupied the throne for a year, in establishing Fath Shah. 
Muhammad was relegated to the women's quarters in the palace, 
where he was well treated. 



286 The Kingdom of Kashmir [CH. 

The history of Kashmir for the next half century is no more 
than a record of the strife of turbulent nobles, each with a puppet 
king, the least important actor on the stage, to place on the throne. 
Their intrigues and conflicts are of little interest. 

One solitary event during this period is worthy of record. This 
was the appearance in Kashmir, during the first reign of Fath Shah 
(1489-1497) of a preacher from Talish, on the shores of the Caspian, 
named Shams-ud-din, who described himself as a disciple of Sayyid 
Muhammad Nur Bakhsh of Khurasan, and preached a strange 
medley of doctrines. He named his sect NUT Bakhsh (' Enlighten- 
ing'), after his master, but its tenets resembled in no way any 
doctrines ever taught by Sayyid Muhammad. Shams-ud-din pro- 
fessed to be an orthodox Sunni, like the majority of the inhabitants 
of the valley of Kashmir, but the doctrines set forth in his theo- 
logical work entitled A hwatah, or 'most comprehensive/ are de- 
scribed as a mass of infidelity and heresy, conforming neither to 
the Sunn! nor to the Shiah creed. He insisted on the dutyntf 
cursing the first three orthodox Caliphs and the prophet's w>re 
'Ayishah, a distinctively Shiah practice which strikes at the rud 
of Sunni orthodoxy and accentuates the chief difference betwe'eh 
the sects. He differed from the Shiahs in regarding Sayyid Mu- 
hammad Nur Bakhsh as the promised Mahdi, who was to appear 
in the last days and establish Islam throughout the world, and 
taught much else which was irreconcilable with the doctrines of 
any known sect of Islam. 

Mirza Haidar the Mughul, who conquered Kashmir in 1541, 
found the sect strongly represented at Srmagar, and, obtaining a 
copy of the Ahwatah, sent it to the leading Sunni doctors of the 
law in India, who authoritatively pronounced it to be heretical. 
Armed with this decision Mirza Haidar went about to extirpate 
the heresy. ' Many of the people of Kashmir/ he writes, * who were 
strongly attached to this apostasy, I brought back, whether they 
would or no, to the true faith, and many I slew. A number took 
refuge in Sufi-ism, but are no true Sufis, having nothing but the 
name. Such are a handful of dualists, in league with a handful of 
atheists to lead men astray, with no regard to what is lawful and 
what is unlawful, placing piety and purity in night watches and 
abstinence from food, but eating and taking without discrimination 
what they find ; gluttonous and avaricious, pretending to interpret 
dreams, to work miracles, and to predict the future/ Orthodoxy 
was safe in Mirza Haidar's hands. 

The enthronement of Fath Shah was a blow to the Sayyids, but 



xi i] Rise of the Chakk Tribe 287 

within the next few years the chiefs of the popular party quarrelled 
among themselves, and in 1497 Muhammad Shah, now about six- 
teen years of age, was restored by Ibrahim Makari, whom he made 
his minister, designating Iskandar Khan, the elder son of Fath 
Shah, as his heir ; but in 1498 Fath Shah regained the throne, only 
to be expelled again in 1499, when he escaped to the plains of India, 
where he died. 

Muhammad Shah was the first to raise a number of the Chakk 
tribe to high office, by appointing as his minister Malik Kaji Chakk, 
with whose assistance he retained the throne, on this occasion, 
until 1526. The Makaris and other clans resented the domination 
of the Chakks, and made more than one attempt to raise Iskandar 
Khan to the throne, but the pretender fell into the hands of his 
cousin Muhammad, who blinded him. This action offended Kaji 
Chakk, who deposed Muhammad, and raised to the throne his elder 
son, Ibrahim I. 

Abdal Makari fled into the Punjab after the failure of the last 
attempt to raise Iskandar to the throne, and there found Nazuk, 
the second son of Fath Shah, with whom, after obtaining some 
help from Babur's officers in the Punjab, he returned to Kashmir. 
Malik Kaji Chakk and Ibrahim I met him at Naushahra (Now- 
shera), and were utterly defeated. Kaji Chakk fled to Srinagar, 
and thence into the mountains, but Ibrahim appears to have been 
slain, for he is no more heard of. He reigned for no more than 
eight months and a few days. 

Abdal Makari enthroned Nazuk Shah at Nowshera in 1527, and 
advanced on Srinagar, which he occupied. After dismissing his 
Mughul allies with handsome presents he sent to Loharkot for 
Muhammad Shah, and in 1529 enthroned him for the fourth time. 
Malik Kaji Chakk made an attempt to regain his supremacy, but 
was defeated and fled to the Indian plains. He returned shortly 
afterwards, and joined Abdal in defending their country against a 
force sent to invade it by Kamran Mirza, the second son of Babur. 
The Mughuls were defeated and retired into the Puiyab. 

Abdal Makari and Kaji Chakk again fought side by side in 
1533, when a force sent by Sultan Said Khan of Kashghar and 
commanded by his son Sikandar Khan and Mirza Haidar invaded 
the Kashmir valley from the north, and by their ravages inflicted 
terrible misery on the inhabitants. The battle was indecisive, but 
the army of Kashmir fought so fiercely from morning until evening 
that the invaders were fain to make peace and withdraw from the 
country, relinquishing some of their plunder. Their departure was 



288 The Kingdom of Kashmir [CH. 

followed by a severe famine, during which large numbers died of 
hunger and many more fled the country. 

Muhammad Shah died in 1534, having reigned four times, and 
was succeeded by his surviving son, Shams-ud-din II, who died in 
June or July, 1540, when Nazuk Shah was restored. 

In this year Mirza Haidar the Mughul again invaded Kashmir. 
He was with Humayun at Lahore, and obtained some assistance 
from him on promising, in the event of success, to govern Kashmir 
as his vassal. He had with him no more than 400 horse, but was 
joined by Abdal Makari and Zangi Chakk, who, having rebelled in 
Kamraj, had been defeated by Kaji Chakk. His allies engaged 
Kaji Chakk's attention by threatening a frontal attack while he 
marching by Punch, where the passes were undefended, turned the 
enemy's right flank and, on November 22, 1540, entered Srmagar 
unopposed. 

Mirza Haidar, aided by Abdal Makari and Zangi Chakk, occu- 
pied himself with the administration of his easily won kingdom, 
while Kaji Chakk fled to Delhi and sought aid of Sher Shah, who 
placed at his disposal 5000 horse. He returned to Kashmir in 1541, 
but was defeated by Mirza Haidar and found an asylum in Baram- 
galla, where he was joined, in 1 543, by his kinsman Zangi Chakk, 
who had become suspicious of Haidar's attitude towards him. An 
attempt to recover Srinagar was defeated in 1544, and they were 
compelled to return to Baramgalla, where, in 1545, Kaji Chakk 
and his son Muhammad died of fever. In the following year Zangi 
Chakk and his son Ghazi attacked a force under Haidar's officers, 
and both were killed. These opportune casualties among hia 
enemies allowed Haidar leisure to receive with due honour a mis- 
sion from Kashghar, his own country, and to lead into Kishtwar an 
expedition which was compelled to retreat after suffering heavy 
losses and accomplishing nothing. Expeditions to Rajiiori and the 
region beyond Baltistan were more successful, and these districts 
were annexed in 1548. 

In 1549 the Chakk tribe gave offence to Islam Shah Sur of 
Delhi by harbouring Haibat Khan and other Niyazi Afghans who 
had rebelled against him. They made their peace with Delhi, but 
attempted to utilise Haibat Khan as a counterpoise to Mirza Haidar 
in Kashmir. Mirza Haidar was strong enough to frustrate this 
design, but was obliged, in order to strengthen his position, to con- 
ciliate Islam Shah by a remittance of tribute. 

The affectation of racial superiority by the Mughuls gave great 
offence to the natives of Kashmir, and in 1551 Haidar's officers at 



xn] Death of Mlrxa Haidar 289 

Baramula* where a mixed force proceeding to restore order in the 
eastern districts was encamped, warned him that the Kashmiri 
officers were meditating mischie Mirza Haidar, though he received 
confirmation of their report from the Makaris, always his staunch 
allies, committed the fatal error of mistrusting his own officers, 
whom he accused of contentiousness. The force continued its march 
from Baramula, the Mughuls were surrounded in the mountains, 
eighty officers were slain, others were captured, and a few escaped 
to Baramgalla. The outrage was followed by a rising throughout 
the provinces, where Mughul officers were either slain or compelled 
to flee. 

Mirza Haidar was now left with a handful of Mughuls at Srinagar, 
and to oppose the united forces of the Kashmir nobles, who were 
now returning from Baramula he hastily raised a force from the 
lower classes in the capital, who were neither well affected nor 
of any fighting value. With no more than a thousand men he 
marched from the city and attempted to counterbalance his moral 
and numerical inferiority by surprising the enemy in a night attack 
on his camp, but was slain in the darkness by some of his own men. 
The remnant of the Mughuls was pursued to the citadel of Srinagar, 
and after enduring a siege of three days was fain to purchase, by a 
timely surrender, a safe retreat from Kashmir. 

Thus, late in 1551, ended ten years of Mughul rule in Kashmir, 
whose turbulent nobles were now free to resume their intrigues 
and quarrels. Nazuk Shah was seated, for the third time, on the 
throne, and the chiefs of the Chakk tribe extended their influence 
by judicious intermarriage with other tribes. An invasion by Haibat 
Khan, at the head of a force of Niyazi Afghans, was repelled, and 
the victory helped Daulat, now the most prominent Chakk, to 
acquire the supreme power in the state. In 1552 he deposed Nazuk 
Shah, who had reigned for no more than ten months, and enthroned 
his elder son, Ibrahim II, whose short reign of three years was 
marked by a victory over the Tibetans, who had invaded the king- 
dom, and by a great earthquake which changed the course of the 
Jhclum, as well as by a quarrel between Daulat Chakk and another 
chieftain of the same tribe, Ghazi Khan, son of Kajl Chakk. 

Ghazi Khan, whose success secured for him the position which 
Daulat had held, deposed Ibrahim II in 1555, and placed on the 
throne his younger brother, Ismail Shah. The quarrels between 
chieftains of the Chakk tribe continued throughout his brief reign 
of two years and that of his son and successor, Habib Shah, who 
was raised to the throne on his father's death in 1557, but Ghazi 

C.H.I. in. 19 



290 The Kingdom of Kashmir [CH. 

Khan retained his supremacy and in 1558 crushed the serious re- 
bellion of Yusuf Chakk, who was supported by Shah Abu-'l-Ma'ali, 
recently escaped from Lahore, where he had been imprisoned by 
Akbar, and Kamal Khan the Gakhar. In 1559 Ghazi Khan executed 
his own son Haidar, who was conspiring against him and had mur- 
dered the agent whom he had sent to advise him to mend his ways ; 
and in the following year crushed another serious rebellion sup- 
ported by Mughuls and Gakhars from the Punjab. 

In 1561 Ghazi Khan dethroned and imprisoned Hablb Shah, 
and, finding that it was no longer necessary to veil his authority 
with the name of a puppet, ascended the throne under the title of 
Ghazi Shah. 

The house of Shah Mirza had held the throne for 215 years, 
from 1346 to 1561, but his descendants since 1470 had exercised 
no authority in the state. 

In 1562 Ghazi Shah sent his son Ahmad Khan in command of 
an expedition into Tibet. His advanced guard was defeated, and 
instead of pressing forward to its support he fled with the main 
body of his force an act of cowardice which cost him a throne. 
Ghazi Shah set out in the following year to retrieve the disaster, 
but was obliged by his disease to return. He was a leper, who had 
already lost his fingers and on this expedition lost his sight. He 
learnt that disturbances were impending in the capital owing to 
the animosity of two factions, one of which supported the claim of 
his son, Ahmad, and the other that of his half-brother, Husain, to 
the throne. He returned at once to Srinagar and, being no longer 
physically fit to reign, abdicated in favour of his half-brother, who 
in 1563-64, ascended the throne as Nasir-ud-din Husain Shah. 

Ghazi Shah could not at once abandon the habits formed during 
a long period of absolute power and so resented a measure taken 
by his brother to remedy an act of injustice committed by himself 
that he attempted to revoke his abdication, but found no support, 
and was obliged to retire into private life. 

Husain's was a troubled reign. His elder brother, Shankar 
Chakk, twice rose in rebellion, but was defeated, and a powerful 
faction conspired to raise his nephew Ahmad to the throne, but 
he inveigled the conspirators into his palace and arrested them. 
Ahmad and two others were afterwards blinded, and Ghazi Shah's 
death is said to have been hastened by grief for his son. 

In 1565 the minister, Khan Zaman Khan, fell into disgrace, and 
was urged by some of his supporters to seize the royal palace while 
the king was hunting, and to raise Ahmad, who had not yet been 



xi i] Imperial Intervention 291 

blinded, to the throne. Khan Zaman attacked the palace, but his 
son, Bahadur Khan, was slain by the king's servants while at- 
tempting to force an entry and he himself was captured and suf- 
fered death by impalement, his ears, nose, hands, and feet having 
first been amputated. 

In 1568 a religious disturbance gave Akbar's envoy, Mlrza 
MuqTm, a pretext for interfering in the domestic affairs of the 
kingdom. Qazi Hablb, a Sunni, was severely wounded with a sword 
by one Yiisuf, a fanatical Shiah, who w.as seized and brought before 
the doctors of the law, who adjudged him worthy of death, despite 
the protests of his victim, who said that so long as he lived his 
assailant could riot lawfully be put to death. Yusuf was stoned to 
death and Husain Shah replied to the protests of the Shiahs that 
he had but executed a sentence panned by the doctors of the law. 
Mlrza Muqlm, who was a Shiah, demanded the surrender of the 
wounded man and those who had pronounced the illegal sentence, 
but the latter defended themselves by asserting that they had 
passed no sentence of death, but had merely expressed the opinion 
that Yusuf might be executed in the interests of the public tran- 
quillity. Husairi escaped the clamour of the contending sects by a 
river tour, and the jurists were delivered into the custody of Fath 
Khan Chakk, a Shiah, who, after treating them with great harsh- 
ness, put them to death by Mlrza Muqlm's order, and caused their 
bodies to be dragged through the streets of the city. 

The affair caused Husain Shah much anxiety and, believing 
that his hesitation to punish the doctors of the law would give 
offence to Akbar, he sent him, by Mirza Muqlm, a daughter and 
many rich gifts, but Akbar was offended by his envoy's display of 
religious bigotry, and put him to death. It was reported in Kashmir 
that the emperor was sending back the princess, and this gross 
indignity so preyed upon the king's spirits as to increase the weak- 
ness and depression caused by an attack of dysentery from which 
he was already suffering. While he was in this feeble state of 
health his brother 'All Khan assembled his troops with the object 
of seizing the throne. Husain's conduct during the recent troubles 
had alienated most of his supporters, and he found himself deserted, 
and, surrendering the crown to his brother, retired to one of his 
villas, where he died three weeks later. 

4 All Shah, who ascended the throne in 1569-70, was happier in 
his relations with Akbar than his brother had been. In 1578 he 
received two envoys, Maulaua 'IshqT and QazT Sadr-ud-dm, whom 
he sent back to the imperial court with rich gifts and a report, 

192 



292 The Kingdom of Kashmir [CH. 

gratifying to the emperor, that the khutba had been recited in 
Kashmir in his name. His reign of nearly nine years was troubled 
by the usual rebellions, and by one severe famine in 1576. He died 
in 1579 from the effects of an accident at polo similar to that which 
caused the death of Qutb-ud-dm Aibak of Delhi, the high pommel 
of his saddle entering his belly, and was succeeded by his son, Yusuf 
Shah. 

The early years of Yusufs reign were even more than usually 
full of incident. He was immediately called upon to quell a serious 
rebellion headed by his uncle, Abdal Chakk, and had no sooner 
suppressed it than Mubarak Khan, a leading Sayyid, rose in rebel- 
lion and usurped the throne. A counter-rebellion displaced the 
Sayyid, who approached Yusuf and owned him as his sovereign, 
but the reconciliation came too late, for Lohar Chakk, Yiisuf's 
cousin, seized the throne. 

Yusuf left Kashmir, and on January 2, 1580, appeared before 
Akbar at Fathpur-Sikrl, and sought his aid. In August he left the 
court armed with an order directing the imperial officers in the 
Punjab to assist him in regaining his throne. His allies were pre- 
paring to take the field when many of the leading nobles of Kashmir, 
dreading an invasion by an imperial army, sent him a message 
promising to restore him to his throne if he would return alone. 
He entered Kashmir and was met at Baramgalla by his supporters. 
Lohar Chakk was still able to place an army in the field and sent 
it to Baramgalla, but Yusuf, evading it, advanced by another road 
on Sopur, where he met Lohar Chakk and, on November 8, 1 580, 
defeated and captured him, and regained his throne. 

The remainder of the reign produced the usual crop of rebellions, 
but none so serious as those which had already been suppressed. 
His chief anxiety, henceforth, was the emperor. He was indebted 
to him for no material help, but he would not have regained his 
throne so easily, and might not have regained it at all, had it not 
been known that Akbar was prepared to aid him. The historians 
of the imperial court represent him, after his restoration, as Akbar 's 
governor of Kashmir, invariably describing him as Yusuf Khan, 
and/he doubtless made, as a suppliant, many promises of which no 
trustworthy record exists. His view was that as he had regained 
his throne without the aid of foreign troops he was still an inde- 
pendent sovereign, but he knew that this was not the view held 
at the imperial court, where he was expected to do homage in 
person for his kingdom. In 1581 Akbar, then halting at Jalalabad 
on his return from Kabul, sent Mir Tahir and Salih Divana as 



xi i] Annexation 293 

envoys to Kashmir, but Yusuf, after receiving the mission with 
extravagant respect, sent to court his son Haidar, who returned 
after a year. His failure to appear in person was still the subject 
of remark and in 1584 he sent his elder son, Ya'qub, to represent 
him. Ya'qub reported that Akbar intended to visit Kashmir, and 
Yusuf prepared, in fear and trembling, to receive him, but the 
visit was postponed, and he was called upon to receive nobody 
more important than two new envoys, Hakim 'All Gllani and Baha- 
ud-din. 

Ya'qub, believing his life to be in danger, fled from the imperial 
camp at Lahore, and Yusuf would have gone in person to do homage 
to Akbar, had he not been dissuaded by his nobles. He was treated 
as a recalcitrant vassal, and an army under raja Bhagwan Das 
invaded Kashmir. Yusuf held the passes against the invaders, and 
the raja, dreading a winter campaign in the hills and believing 
that formal submission would still satisfy his master, made peace 
on Yiisuf s undertaking to appear at court. The promise was ful- 
filled on April 7, 1586, but Akbar refused to ratify the treaty which 
Bhagwan Das had made, and broke faith with Yusuf by detaining 
him as a prisoner. The raja, sensitive on a point of honour, com- 
mitted suicide. 

Ya'qub remained in Kashmir, and though imperial officers were 
sent to assume charge of the administration of the province, at- 
tempted to maintain himself as regent, or rather as king, and carried 
on a guerrilla warfare for more than two years, but was finally 
induced to submit and appeared before Akbar, when he visited 
Kashmir, on August 8, 1589. 

Akbar' s treatment of Yusuf is one of the chief blots on his 
character. After a year's captivity the prisoner was released and 
received a fief in Bihar and the command of five hundred horse. 
The emperor is credited with the intention of promoting him, but 
he never rose above this humble rank, in which he was actively 
employed under Man Singh in 1592 in Bengal, Orissa, and Chota 
Nagpur. 



CHAPTER XIII 

GUJARAT AND KHANDESH 

THE great empire of Muhammad Tughluq was dismembered 
partly by his own ferocious tyranny and partly by the weakness of 
his successors. Bengal revolted in 1338 and the Deccan in 1347, 
during Muhammad's lifetime. There were no further defections in 
the reign of his successor Firuz, who had some success in Bengal, 
but failed to recover the province, but the twenty-five years which 
followed the death of Firuz witnessed the accession of one weak- 
ling after another to the throne of Delhi, the destruction of such 
power as still remained in the hands of the central government by 
the invasion of Tlmur, and the establishment of independent prin- 
cipalities in Sind, Oudh, Khandesh, Gujarat, and Malwa. 

Malik Ahmad, the founder of the small principality of Khandesh 
was not, however, a rebel against the king of Delhi, but against 
the Bahmam dynasty of the Deccan. In 1365 he joined the rebel- 
lion of Bahrain Khan Mazandaranl against Muhammad T, the second 
king of that line, and, when he was compelled to flee from the 
Deccan established himself at Thalner, on the Tfipti. By 1382 he 
had conquered the surrounding country and ruled his small terri- 
tory as an independent prince. He was known both as Malik Raja 
and Raja Ahmad, but he and his successors for some generations 
were content with the title of Khan, from which circumstance their 
small principality became known as Khfmdesh, 'the Country of 
the Khans/ His dynasty was distinguished by the epithet Faruqi, 
from the title of the second Caliph, 'Umar, al-Faruq, or ' The Dis- 
criminator/ from whom Ahmad claimed descent. 

The kingdom of Gujarat was established in 1396. Farhat-ul- 
Mulk, who had been appointed governor of the province by Firuz 
Shah, had long ceased to pay any heed to orders received from 
Delhi and the inhabitants groaned under his yoke. In 1391 Mu- 
hammad Shah, the youngest son of Firuz, appointed Zafar Khan 
to the government of Gujarat, and sent him to establish his autho- 
rity there. The new governor was the son of a Rajput convert to 
Islam, Wajih-ul-Mulk of Didwana, governor of Nagaur. On January 
4, 1392, he defeated and mortally wounded Farhat-ul-Mulk at 
Gambhu, eighteen miles south of Patan, and gradually reduced to 
obedience all disorderly elements in the province. In 1396 the 



CH. xiii] Suhan Muzaffar I 295 

strife between two rival kings, Mahmiid Shah and Nusrat Shah, 
and the impossibility of determining to whom allegiance was due, 
furnished him with a pretext for declaring himself independent, 
and he was joined in the following year by his son Tatar Khan, 
who, having espoused the cause of the pretender Nusrat Shah, had 
been compelled to flee from Delhi. Zafar Khan was preparing to 
march to Delhi when he was deterred by tokens of Timur's im- 
pending invasion, and devoted the whole of his attention to his 
campaign against the Rajput state of Idar, which he subdued in 
1400. 

In 1399 Mahmiid Shah of Delhi and large numbers of fugitives 
fleeing before Tlmur arrived in Gujarat. They were hospitably 
received, but Mahmud considered that Zafar Khan's attitude to 
him was not sufficiently deferential, and retired to Malwa, where 
he took refuge with Dilavar Khan Ghuri, the governor. 

In 1403 Tatar Khan, learning that Iqbal Khan, or Mallii, who 
had driven him from Delhi, had so humiliated Mahmud Shah that 
the latter had fled from him, urged his father to march on Delhi 
and assume control of the situation, but Zafar Khan was well 
stricken in years and shrank from the enterprise. He so far yielded 
to his son's importunity as to place a force at his disposal in order 
that he might wreak his vengeance on his former antagonist, but 
Tatar Khan, finding himself at the head of an army, rose against 
his father, seized him and imprisoned him at Asawal, and caused 
himself to be proclaimed king under the title of Nasir-ud-dm 
Muhammad Shah. Having thus secured his father he appointed 
his uncle Shams Khan regent of the kingdom, with the title of 
Nusrat Khan, and set out for Delhi in order to carry out his 
original project, but as soon as he had left Asawal Zafar Khan 
persuaded the regent, his brother, to follow the rebel and privily 
compass his death. Shams (Nusrat) Khan set out for Tatar's camp 
and there poisoned him in a draught of wine, and on his return 
released his brother and restored him to his throne, which he now 
ascended under the title of Sultan Muzaflar. 

In 1407 Muzaflar invaded Malwa and besieged the king, Hushang 
Shah, in Dhar. The pretext for this attack was his resolve to 
avenge the death of his old friend and comrade, Dilavar Khan, who 
had been poisoned by his son Hushang. Dhar fell, and Hushang 
was captured and imprisoned, and Muzaffar established his own 
brother, Nusrat Khan (Shams Khan) in Dhar. 

After capturing Dhar Muzaflar learnt that Ibrahim Shah of 
Jaunpur, having annexed some districts to the east of the Ganges, 



296 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

intended to attack Delhi ; he thereupon marched from Malwa to 
the support of Mahmud Shah Tughluq, carrying with him the cap- 
tive Hushang. The menace deterred Ibrahim from prosecuting his 
enterprise and Muzaffar returned to Gujarat. 

Nusrat Khan had made himself so odious by his exactions in 
Malwa that the army expelled him, and elected Musa Khan, a 
cousin of Hushang, as their governor, and Muzaffar, who was not 
prepared to permit the army of Malwa to rule the destinies of that 
country, sent his grandson Ahmad, son of Tatar Khan, to restore 
Hushang, who was sent with him. Ahmad reinstated Hushang in 
Malwa and returned to Gujarat, where he was designated heir to 
the kingdom by his grandfather. 

Muzaflar died in June, 1411, and Ahmad was confronted on his 
succession, by a serious rebellion, headed by his four uncles, Firuz 
Khan, Haibat Khan, Sa'adat Khan, and Sher Khan, who resented 
their nephew's elevation to the throne. He succeeded, without 
bloodshed, in inducing them to acknowledge him as their sovereign, 
and was enabled to tuni his arms against Hushang Shah of Miilwa, 
whom he had summoned to his aid but who had determined, instead 
of assisting him, to profit by his difficulties. Hushang, who had 
hoped to find him fully occupied with the rebels, retreated pre- 
cipitately when he learnt that the rebellion had been extinguished 
and that Ahmad was marching against him, but his retirement 
was followed by a fresh rising of the rebels, who were, however, 
defeated and dispersed. The rebellion of the raja of Jhalawar then 
called Ahmad into Kathiawar, and during his absence in that region 
Hushang, at the invitation of Ahmad's uncles, again invaded Gu- 
jarat, and Ahmad, returning from Jhalawar sent his brother Latif 
Khan against their uncles and 'Imad-ul-Mulk Sha'ban, one of his 
nobles, against Hushang, who, finding that he was not supported, 
retired to Malwa, while Latif Khan dispersed the rebels and com- 
pelled them to seek refuge with the Chudasama chief of Girnar, 
in Sorath. Ahmad proceeded to chastise the raja for harbouring 
them, defeated him in the field, and besieged him in his fort on 
the Girnar hill. He purchased peace by a promise to pay tribute, 
and Ahmad, who was suddenly called away by a report of the 
invasion of Naudurbar, left two of his officers to collect the tribute 
and returned to his new city of Ahmadabad, which he had built 
on the site of Asawal, to assemble troops for the expulsion of the 
invader. 

Raja Ahmad of Khandesh had died on April 29, 1399, leaving 
two sons, Nasir and Hasan, to inherit his dominions. Nasir had 



xi n] Nastr Khan of Khandesh 297 

received the eastern and Hasan the western districts, and the 
former had founded, in 1400, the city of Burhanpur, and had cap- 
tured from a Hindu chieftain the strong fortress of Aslr, while the 
latter had established himself at Thalner. Such a division of the 
territories of the small state held no promise of permanence, and 
in 1417 the elder brother, Nasir, having obtained assistance from 
Hushang of Malwa, who had married his sister, captured Thalner 
and imprisoned Hasan before a reply could be received to the 
latter's appeal for aid to Ahmad of Gujarat. Naslr, with a view to 
forestalling Ahmad's intervention and to repairing the discomfiture 
of his father, who had made an unsuccessful attempt to annex the 
south-eastern districts of the kingdom of Gujarat, attacked Nan- 
durbar. A relieving force sent by Ahmad compelled Nasir to retreat 
to Aslr, and besieged him in that fortress. Peace was made on 
Nasir's swearing fealty to Ahmad, and promising to abstain in 
future from aggression, and Ahmad in return recognised Nasir's 
title of Khan. Nasir's brother Hasan retired to Gujarat, where he 
and his descendants for generations found a home and intermarried 
with the royal house. 

From this treaty dates the estrangement between Khandesh 
and Malwa, which had hitherto been allies. Naslr Khan resented 
Hushang's failure to support him adequately against Ahmad Shah 
and friendly relations were broken off. In 1429 Naslr, in spite of 
the old animosity of his house towards the Bahinanids, attempted 
to form an alliance with the Deccan by giving his daughter in 
marriage to 'Ala-ud-dm Ahmad, son of Ahmad Shah, the ninth king 
of that dynasty, but the union engendered strife, and Khandesh, 
after a disastrous war with her powerful neighbour, was at length 
driven into the arms of Gujarat. 

Ahmad himself had advanced as far as Nandurbar, sending 
Malik Mahmud, one of his officers, to besiege Asir, and while at 
Nandurbar he heard from his uncle Firuz, who had taken refuge 
in Nagaur, that Hushang Shah was about to invade Gujarat. This 
report was followed immediately by the news that Hushang, in 
response to invitations from the rajas of Idar, Champaner, Mandal, 
and Nandod, had crossed his frontier and reached Modasa 1 . Ahmad, 
although the rainy season of 1418 had begun, at once marched 
northward, traversed the country of the disaffected rajas, and ap- 
peared before Modasa. Hushang beat a hasty retreat, but Ahmad 
had no rest. He was obliged to send expeditions to quell a rebel- 
lion in Sorath, and to expel Naslr Khan from the Nandurbar 

1 In 23 28' N. and 73 18' E. 



298 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH . 

district, which he had invaded in violation of his promise. Both 
expeditions were successful, and Naslr was pardoned on its being 
discovered that the real culprit was Hushang's son, Ghaznl Khan, 
who had not only instigated him to invade the district but had 
supplied him with troops. 

It was now evident that the real enemy was Hushang, and 
Ahmad, having pardoned the rebellious rajas on receiving from 
them double tribute and promises of better behaviour, set out in 
March, 1419, to invade Malwa. 

Hushang came forth to meet him, but was defeated in a fiercely 
contested battle and compelled to take refuge in Mandu. Ahmad's 
troops devastated the country, but as the rainy season was at hand 
he returned to Ahmadabad, plundering on his way the districts of 
Champaner and Nandod. 

In 1420 Ahmad marched to Songarh 1 , and thence, in a nortln 
easterly direction, towards Mandu, 'punishing,' on his way, 'thi 
infidels' of the Satpuras. Hushang, dreading another invasioi- ; 
sent envoys to crave pardon for his past conduct, and Ahmad 
retired, and in 1422 reduced the raja of Champaner to vassalage. 
In 1422, during Hushang's absence on his famous raid into Orissa, 
Ahmad invaded Malwa, capturing Maheshwar on the Narbada on 
March 27. He appeared before Mandu on April 5, and besieged it 
ineffectually until the beginning of the rainy season, when he retired 
into quarters at Ujjain. In the meantime Hushang returned to 
Mandu, and on September 17 Ahmad reopened the siege, but, 
finding that he could not reduce the fortress, retired by Ujjain to 
Sarangpur, with the object of continuing his depredations in that 
neighbourhood, but Hushang, marching by a more direct route, 
met him near Sarangpur on December 26. Neither was anxious to 
risk a general action and after desultory and inconclusive hostilities 
of two and a half months' duration Ahmad began his retreat on 
March 17. He reached Ahmadabad on May 15, and in considera- 
tion of his army's labours refrained for more than two years from 
embarking on any military enterprise and devoted himself to 
administrative reforms. From 1425 until 1428 he was engaged in 
hostilities against Idar, which ended in the reduction of Harl Rai, 
the raja, to the condition of a vassal of Gujarat. 

In 1429 Kanha, raja of Jhalawar, fled from his state and took 
refuge with Nasir Khan of Khandesh, who, not being strong enough 
to protect him, sent him to the court of Ahmad Shah Bahmani at 
Bldar, who dispatched a force into the Nandurbar district to ravage 

1 In 21 10' N. and 73 36' E. 



xi 1 1] War with the Deccan 299 

the country. This force was expelled and driven back to Daulatabad, 
whereupon Ahmad of the Deccan sent an army under his son 'Ala- 
ud-dln Ahmad to invade Gujarat and re-establish Kanha in Jhalawar. 
This army, which assembled at Daulatabad, was there joined by 
Naslr Khan of Khandesh, and against the allied forces Ahmad of 
Gujarat sent an army under his eldest son, Muhammad Khan. This 
prince defeated the allies at Manikpunj, about thirty-eight miles 
north-west of Daulatabad, and 'Ala-ud-dln Ahmad fled to Daulata- 
bad while Naslr and Kanha fled into Khandesh. Muhammad Khan 
of Gujarat, perceiving that it would be useless to besiege Daulata- 
bad, laid waste part of Khandesh and retired to Nandurbar. 

In 1430 Khalaf Hasan of Basrah, an officer of the army of the 
Deccan, attacked Mahhn, the southernmost port of the kingdom of 
Gujarat, and Ahmad of Gujarat sent his younger son, Zafar Khan, 
to the relief of the town, while 'Ala-ud-dln Ahmad marched to the 
support of Khalaf Hasan. Mahim was taken, but Zafar Khan not 
only besieged the army there, but also took Thana, a port belonging 
to the kingdom of the Deccan. The campaign was decided, however, 
by a battle in which the army of the Deccan was completely defeated 
and was forced to evacuate Mahim and retreat. 

Ahmad of the Deccan was much chagrined by the news of this 
defeat, and led an army in person to invade Baglana, the small 
Rajput state between Gujarat and the Deccan which was protected 
by the former, but, on hearing that Ahmad of Gujarat was marching 
against him, retired to Bidar. Ahmad of Gujarat returned to 
Ahmadabad and Ahmad of the Deccan again advanced and besieged 
the fortress of Batnol, which was gallantly defended by Malik 
Sa'adat, an officer of Gujarat. Ahmad of Gujarat marched to the 
relief of the fortress, and Ahmad of the Deccan, raising the siege, 
turned to meet him. A battle was fought in which each army held 
its ground but Ahmad of the Deccan, dismayed by the extent of 
his losses, retreated in the night. 

In 1433 Ahmad led a raid into the Dungarpur state, compelled 
the Riiwal to pay a ransom, and left an officer at Kherwara to 
collect tribute. He continued his depredations in Marwfir, compelled 
his kinsman Firuz Khan 1 , now governor of Nagaur, to pay an in- 
demnity, and returned to Ahmadabad. 

In 1436 Mas'iid Khan of Malwa arrived at Ahmadabad as a 
suppliant seeking redress. His father, Ghaznl Khan, had ascended 
the throne of Malwa in 1435 and had been poisoned in the following 
year by his cousin, Mahmud Khalji, who had ascended the throne 

1 Firdz was the son of Ahmad's grand-uncle, Shams Khan. 



300 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

and deprived him of his inheritance. Ahmad welcomed the oppor- 
tunity of intervening, and in 1438 invaded Malwa with a view to 
seating MasTid on the throne of that kingdom. After mail) 7 months 
of fruitless campaigning he was obliged to retire owing to an out- 
break of pestilence in his army, and died on August 16, 1442, before 
he could fulfil his promise to restore Mas'ud. He was succeeded in 
Gujarat by his eldest son, who ascended the throne under the title 
of Mu'izz-ud-dm Muhammad Shah. Soon after his accession to the 
throne Ahmad had begun to build the town of Ahmadabad on the 
site of the old city of Asawal, and in spite of the constant military 
activities of his reign he was able to devote much of his time to the 
establishment of this city, which even to-day bears witness to the 
taste and munificence of its founder. 

While Ahmad had been engaged in espousing the cause of 
Mas'ud Khan in Malwa Nasir Khan of Khandesh had involved him- 
self in hostilities with the Deccan. His daughter had complained 
that her husband 'Ala-ud-din Ahmad, who had succeeded his father 
in 1435, was neglecting her for a beautiful Hindu girl, and Nasir, 
to avenge his daughter's wrongs, invaded Berar, the northernmost 
province of the Bahmani kingdom. His son-in-law sent against him 
a large army under Khalaf Hasan, who defeated him at Rohankhed 1 
and drove him into his frontier fortress, Laling 2 , where he besieged 
him. Nasir Khan, joined by a large force under his nobles, made 
a sortie, but suffered a severe defeat, died on September 20, and 
was succeeded by his son, 'Adil Khan I. Khalaf Hasan, hearing 
that a force was advancing from Nandurbar to the relief of Laling, 
retired to the Deccan with his plunder, which included seventy 
elephants and many guns. 

'Adil Khan I reigned in Khandesh without incident until 1441, 
when he died and was succeeded by his son Mubarak Khan, who 
reigned, likewise without incident, until his death on June 5, 1457, 
when he was succeeded by his son 'Adil Khan II. 

In 1446 Muhammad Shah of Gujarat, who was surnamed 
Karim, or ' the Generous/ marched against Idar, to reduce its ruler, 
Raja Bir, son of Punja, to obedience. Bir appeared before him 
and made submission, giving him his daughter in marriage, and 
at her intercession Idar was restored to him. Muhammad next 
attacked, at Bagor, Rana Kumbha, of Mewar, who fled and took 
refuge with the Rawal of Dungarpur, the chief of his house, but 
afterwards appeared before the invader and purchased peace with 
a heavy indemnity. 

1 In 28 37' N. and 76 11' E. 2 In 20 49' N. and 74 44' E. 



xi 1 1] War with Malwa 301 

In 1449 Muhammad attacked Champaner, with the object of 
expelling the raja, Gangadas, and annexing his state. Gangadas 
was defeated in the field with great slaughter, and driven into the 
hill fortress of Pavagarh, above the city. Muhammad indicated his 
intention of permanently occupying the city by constructing a fine 
cistern, which was named the Shakar Taliio, and by founding a 
palace and some public buildings. Gangadas appealed for help 
to Mahmud KhaljT of Malwa, who marched to his relief, but on 
reaching Dahod learnt that Muhammad, in spite of a severe illness 
contracted at Champaner, had advanced as far as Godhra to meet 
him. He retreated at once to Mandu, and Muhammad, oppressed 
by his sickness, was obliged to return to Ahmadabad, where he 
died on February 10, 1451. 

Three days after his death the courtiers enthroned his eldest 
son, Qutb-ud-dm Ahmad, and the young king was at once called 
upon to cope with a serious invasion of his kingdom. Mahmud 
KhaljT, on learning the seriousness of Muhammad's malady, resolved 
to seize the opportunity of conquering Gujarat, and after his return 
to Mandu assembled an army of 100,000 horse and 500 elephants, 
and invaded the Nandurbar district. 'Ala-ud-dm Suhrab, who 
commanded the fortress of Nandurbar, made no attempt to hold it 
against such a force, but surrendered it at once, and consulted his 
own safety by swearing allegiance to the invader and entering his 
service. After capturing Nandurbar Mahmud learnt of the death 
of Muhammad and inarched on Broach, where he summoned Marjan, 
the governor, to surrender. Marjan refused, and Mahmud was about 
to besiege the town when, by the advice of 'Ala-ud-din Suhrab, he 
decided, instead, to attack the capital at once, and marched to 
Baroda, where he was joined by Gangadas of Champaner and other 
chiefs. Crossing the Main river he advanced to Kapadvanj, where 
'Ala-ud-din deserted him and joined his old master, who received 
him with great favour and conferred on him the title of 'Ala-ul- 
Mulk, Ulugh Khan. Qutb-ud-dm advanced from Ahmadabad with 
40,000 horse and encamped six miles from Kapadvanj. On the 
night of April 1, 1451, Mahmud Khalji left his camp with the object 
of making a night attack on Qutb-ud-dln, but lost his way, and, 
after wandering about all night, found himself by daylight before 
his own camp. Disappointed of surprising the enemy, he drew up 
his army, and Qutb-ud-din, who had intelligence of what had passed, 
advanced to the attack. At a critical moment of the battle which 
ensued Qutb-ud-din threw in his reserves, the great army of Malwa 
was utterly defeated, and Mahmud fled, leaving eighty-one elephants 



302 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

and all his baggage in the hands of the victors. He halted at a 
short distance from the field until five or six thousand men of his 
scattered host had assembled round him, and at midnight began 
his retreat on Maudu, during which he was much harassed by the 
Kolis, who inflicted heavy losses on the remnant of his army. 

In 1453 Mahmud Khalji opened an abortive campaign against 
Nagaur, which was held by Firuz Khan, the kinsman of Qutb-ud- 
d!n, but was compelled to retire to Malwa without having effected 
anything. In the same year Firuz Khan died, and his brother 
Mujahid Khan took possession of Nagaur, expelling Shams Khan, 
the son of Firuz Khan, who sought aid of Rana Kumbha of Chitor. 
The Rana promised to restore him to his inheritance on condition 
that he destroyed three of the bastions of Nagaur, as a symbol 
that the disgrace of the defeat of Mukal, the Rana's father, by 
Firuz Khan was wiped out. Shams Khan agreed to the condition and 
was restored, but when he had recovered his patrimony his nobles 
refused to allow him to destroy any part of the fortifications, and 
Kumbha returned to Mewar to assemble an army for the reduction 
of Nagaur. Shams Khan fled to Almiadabad and, by giving a 
daughter in marriage to Qutb-ud-din, induced him to send an 
array to the defence of Nagaur, but the Rana defeated and almost 
destroyed the army, and overran the whole of the Nagaur territory, 
though he.failed to take the fortress. 

In 1456 Qutb-ud-din marched to Kumbhalgarh to punish Kumbha, 
and on his way thither captured and destroyed the town of Sirohl 
and expelled the raja, Sains Mai. He laid waste all the lowlands 
of the Rana's territory, defeated him in the field, and besieged him 
in Kumbhalgarh. The fortress was not taken, but Kumbha was 
obliged to purchase peace by the payment of ample compensation 
to Shams Khan for all the injuries which he had inflicted on him, 
and a heavy indemnity to Qutb-ud-din. 

On returning to Ahrnadabad Qutb-ud-din learned that Ghiyas- 
ud-din, the son of Mahmud Khalji, had led a raid into his dominions 
as far as Surat, but had hurriedly retreated on hearing of his return, 
and later in the year Mahmud sent a mission to propose a treaty 
of peace between the two kingdoms, in order that both might be 
free to wage holy war against the Hindus of Rajputana. These 
overtures were favourably received, and Mahmud marched to Dhar 
and Muhammad to the frontier of Malwa in the neighbourhood of 
Champaner, where they halted while plenipotentiaries concluded 
a treaty binding each to abstain from aggression on the other, and 
allotting to Gujarat the western and to Malwa the eastern districts 



xin] 'Mahmud Begarha 303 

of the Rana's dominions as the theatre in which each was to be 
free to attack the misbelievers. 

In 1457 Qutb-ud-dm again invaded the dominions of Rana 
Kumbha. He had in his camp the chief of Abu, who had been 
expelled from his mountain fortress by the Rana, and his first care 
was to restore him. Having accomplished this he attacked and 
burnt Kumbhalgarh, and slaughtered both men and cattle through- 
out the neighbourhood, but though he burnt the fortress he was 
unable to take it, and, having devastated the country round about 
Chitor, he returned to Ahmadabad, where he died, after a short 
illness, on May 18, 1458. 

Qutb-ud-dm was a young man, and as he had hitherto enjoyed 
good health his sudden illness and death aroused suspicions of 
poison. He had been addicted to strong drink, and when under its 
influence had been violent and quick to shed blood. Suspicion fell 
upon his wife, the daughter of Shams Khan of Nagaur, who was 
supposed to have instigated his daughter to administer poison to 
her husband in the hope of succeeding to the throne of Gujarat 
Qutb-ud-dm's officers at Nagaur put Shams Khan to death, and 
the king's mother subjected his widow to torture and ultimately 
handed her over to her jealous co-wives, who avenged the preference 
formerly shown for her by cutting her to pieces. 

On Qutb-ud-dm's death the great officers of state raised to the 
throne his uncle Daiid, but this prince immediately displayed such 
depravity and proceeded to fill the places of those who had enthroned 
him with favourites so unworthy that he was deposed after a reign 
of no more than twenty-seven days, and his younger brother Abu-'l- 
Fath Mahmiid was raised to the throne on May 25. Sultan 
Mahinud, a mere youth, was at once involved in the meshes of a 
conspiracy to raise his brother Hasan Khan to the throne. The 
courtiers who entertained this design approached him and informed 
him that the minister, 'Imad-ul-Mulk Sha'ban, was conspiring to 
depose him and to place on the throne Mahmud's son, Shihab-ud- 
din, an infant in whose name he would be able to govern the whole 
country as regent. Mahmud, new to political intrigue, believed 
them, and permitted them to arrest the minister and imprison him 
over one of the gates of the palace. During the night Malik 
'Abdullah, the superintendent of the elephant stables, who had 
access to the young king, informed him privately of the real state 
of affairs, and warned him that his throne was in danger. Mahmud 
consulted his mother aiid a few of his immediate attendants, and 
at once decided on a course of action. Going in person to the 



304 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

Tarpuliya gate, where the minister was confined, he easily gained 
admission, for the outer precincts of the gate were held by 600 of 
his own guards, whom he had lent for the purpose, but he found 
more difficulty in removing the scruples of the minister's gaolers, 
who were the creatures of the conspirators. By stamping his foot 
and demanding in a loud and angry tone the immediate surrender 
of the traitor that he might suffer instant death he succeeded both 
in overawing the gaolers by a display of the divinity that doth 
hedge a king, and in beguiling them into the belief that compliance 
with his commands would accomplish their master's design, but as 
soon as their prisoner was in the king's power they perceived their 
error. He begged his minister to excuse the mistake which he had 
made, and to resume his post. The conspirators, supported by their 
troops, assembled in the morning at the Tarpuliya gate in the 
expectation of removing their enemy by a summary execution, but 
to their dismay found the king holding an audience with his minister, 
who was standing in his accustomed position behind the throne. 
Trusting to numbers, they attempted to assume control of the 
situation, but were deserted by many of their troops and by the 
city mob, who hesitated openly to take up anus against the king. 
They fled, and some gained secure places of refuge, but others were 
captured and publicly executed. Among the latter was one who 
had attempted to flee, but was too corpulent to use the necessary 
expedition, and was discovered lurking in his hiding place. Before 
him lay the obvious fate of being trampled to death by an elephant, 
and the populace was regaled with the unctuous spectacle. 

The conspiracy having been thus frustrated the minister resumed 
office, but shortly afterwards retired. Haji Sultan! , one of Mahmud's 
confidants, was appointed in his place, with the title of 'Tmad-ul- 
Mulk, and Mahmud assumed charge of the administration of his 
kingdom. 'Imad-ul-Mulk Sha'ban did not long survive his retire- 
ment. 

In 1462 Mahmud, while on a hunting expedition, received an 
appeal for help from the guardians of the infant Nizam Shah of the 
Deccan, whose dominions had been invaded by Mahmud Khalji 
of Malwa. Mahmud of Gujarat marched to Nandurbar, where a 
second messenger informed him that Mahmud Khalji had defeated 
the army of the Deccan near Kandhar. Mahmud of Gujarat there- 
fore marched eastward into Khandesh and cut off his retreat by 
that road, so that he was compelled to retire through the Mahadeo 
hills in northern Berar, where the army of Malwa suffered severely 
both from want of water and from the attacks of the Korkus. 



xi n] Invasion of Sorath 305 

In the following year Mahmud Khalji again invaded the Deccan, 
but had penetrated no further than the northern confines of Telin- 
gana when the news that the sultan of Gujarat was again marching 
to the help of Nizam Shah caused him to retreat Nizam Shah sent 
an envoy to thank his deliverer for the assistance which he had 
given him, and Mahmud of Gujarat wrote to Mahmud Khalji saying 
that it was unfair to molest a child who had not reached maturity, 
and warning him that if he invaded the Deccan again he would 
find his own country overrun by the army of Gujarat. The threat 
was effectual, and Mahmud Khalji refrained from further acts of 
aggression. 

In 1464 Mahmud of Gujarat attacked the Hindu chief of Pardi, 
near Daman, who had been guilty of piracy. As he was ascending 
the hill to capture the fort the chief met him with the keys, and 
the stronghold was restored to him on his undertaking to pay 
tribute and promising amendment. 

In 1466 Mahmud invaded the territory of Mandalak Chudasama, 
raja of Girnar, his object being to compel the raja to pay tribute. 
The state was pillaged, and a number of Hindus perished in the 
defence of a famous temple, which was sacked. On the receipt of 
this news Mandalak agreed to pay tribute and Mahmud retired ; 
but in the following year, learning that Mandalak was in the habit 
of using the insignia of royalty, wrote and commanded him to 
discontinue their use, and the raja, dreading another invasion, 
obeyed. 

On May 31, 1469, Mahmud Khalji of Malwa died and was 
succeeded by his eldest son, Ghiyas-ud-dm. The question of the 
invasion of Malwa was at this time discussed at the court of 
Gujarat, but Mahmud showed that the warning which he had 
addressed to Mahmud Khalji when the latter was attacking Nizam 
Shah of the Deccan had its origin in principle, and declined to 
invade a state which had just suffered the misfortune of losing its 
ruler. Later in the year, however, he committed an act as wanton 
by leading into Sorath a large army against Mandalak of Girnar. 
It was in vain that the raja pleaded that he had remitted tribute 
regularly and had been an obedient vassal. Mahmud replied that 
he was come neither for tribute nor for plunder, but to establish 
the true faith in Sorath ; and offered Mandalak the choice between 
Islam and death. The answer admitted of no argument, and 
Mandalak could only prepare to defend himself. He retired to his 
citadel, Uparkot, and was there closely besieged. When reduced 
to straits he attempted to purchase peace by offering an enormous 

c.u.i. in. 20 



306 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

indemnity, but to no purpose, and, finding that he could no longer 
defend Uparkot, he fled with his Rajputs to his hill fort on the 
Girnar mountains, but was followed by Mahmud, who again closely 
besieged him until at last, on December 4, 1470, he was compelled 
to surrender. He accepted Islam and received the title of Khan 
Jahan, and the long line of Chudasama chiefs of Girnar came to an 
end. Mahmud incorporated Girnar in his dominions, and at the 
foot of the hill founded the city of Mustafa-abad, which became 
one of his capitals. 

Mahmud now learned that while he had been besieging Girnar 
Jai Singh, the son of Gangadas of Champaner, had been committing 
systematic brigandage and highway robbery in the country between 
his stronghold and Ahmadabad. He therefore sent Jamal-ud-dln 
Muhammad to govern this tract, conferring on him the title of 
Muhafiz Khan, and he put down thieving and highway robbery 
with such a firm hand that the inhabitants, we are told, slept with 
open doors. 

He had intended at this time to reduce the fortress of Cham- 
paner, but he was interrupted by complaints from southern Sind, 
where Muslims were said to be persecuted by Hindus. He crossed 
the Rann of Cutch by forced marches, and arrived in what is now 
the Thar and Parkar district with no more than 600 horse. An 
army of 24,000 horse which he found before him appears, if it were 
not that of those who had appealed, at least to have had no hostile 
intentions, for its leaders readily entered into negotiations with 
him. It proved to be composed of Sumras, Sodas, and Kalhoras, 
and its leaders told him that they were professing Muslims but 
knew little of their faith or its rules, and were wont to intermarry 
with and to live as Hindus. He invited those who would to enter 
his service, and to return with him to Gujarat, and many accepted 
his invitation and received grants of land in Sorath, where teachers 
were appointed to instruct them in the faith of Islam. 

In 1472 it was reported to Mahmud that 40,000 rebels had risen 
against Jam Nizam-ud-din, the ruler of Sind, whose daughter was 
the mother of Mahmud. According to Firishta these rebels were 
Baluchis of the Shiah persuasion, and according to the author of 
the Zafar-ul-Wdlih they were pirates who dwelt on the sea coast, 
owning allegiance to none, and skilled in archery. Mahmud again 
crossed the Rann by forced marches, and appeared in Sind with his 
army. The rebels dispersed on hearing of his approach, and Mahmud 
halted, and before he returned received gifts and a letter of thanks 
from the Jam, who also sent his daughter, who was married to 



xm] Conspiracy against Mahmttd 307 

Qaisar Khan, grandson of Hasan Khan Iftikhar-ul-Mulk of Khan- 
desh, who had taken refuge in Gujarat. 

On his return from Sind Mahmud marched, on May 14, 1473, to 
Jagat (Dwarka), the holy town on the coast in the north-western 
corner of Kathlawar, which was sacked by Mahmud of Ghazni. 
Mahmud Samarqandl, a learned poet and merchant sailing from 
a port of the Deccan, had been driven ashore at Dwarka, where the 
Hindus had robbed him of all that he had. He appeared at Sultan 
Mahmud's court to demand redress, and the king resolved to chastise 
the idolators. He marched to Dwarka, from which the Hindus, with 
their king, Bhim, fled on his approach, plundered and destroyed 
the temple, and built a mosque in its place. He then marched to 
Aramura, at the extreme north-western point of the peninsula, 
where the army was much troubled by lions, and by venomous 
reptiles and insects, to attack the island fortress of Bet Shan- 
khodhar, where Bhim and his people had taken refuge. The Hindus 
were defeated in a sea-fight and were compelled to surrender, as 
their fortress, though well stored with merchandise, had not been 
provisioned. The plunder was carried to the mainland and trans- 
ported to Mustafa-abad. Mahmud Samarqandl was summoned and 
called upon to identify his goods ; all that he identified was delivered 
to him, and over and above this rich presents were bestowed on 
him. Finally the king delivered to him his enemy, Raja Bhim, that 
he might do with him what he would. Mahmud Samarqandl thanked 
the king, but returned the raja, who was sent to Ahmadabad and 
impaled. 

In October, 1473, Mahmud, who had held his court at Mustafa- 
abad since his capture of Girnar, returned after an absence of 
nearly five years to Ahmadabad. A fleet of Malabar pirates made 
a descent on his coasts, but they were driven off and some of their 
ships were captured. In January, 1474, he ravaged part of the 
Champaner country and shortly afterwards returned to Mustafa- 
abad (or Junagarh) where he made a practice of spending part of 
each year, leaving his minister, Khudavand Khan b. Yusuf, who 
had married his sister, at Ahmadabad in charge of his son 
Ahmad. 

Mahmud's tireless energy and ceaseless activity were most 
wearisome to his courtiers and officers, and during his absence from 
his capital his minister, Khudavand Khan, having on December 4, 
1480, assembled at Ahmadabad, on the pretext of celebrating the 
festival 'Idrul-Fitr at the end of the month's fast, the principal 
nobles, formed a conspiracy with the object of deposing Mahmud 

202 



308 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

and raising to the throne his son, Ahmad Khan. The minister 
desired to put to death 'Imad-ul-Mulk Haji Sultan!, whose fidelity 
to Mahmud was believed to be unalterable, but Rai Rayan, the 
chief Hindu noble and one of the leading spirits among the con- 
spirators, was a personal friend of 'Imad-ul-Mulk, and refused to 
be a party to his death. He proposed to inform him of the plot 
and to gain his acquiescence, and, notwithstanding the minister's 
protests, carried out his intention. 'Imad-ul-Mulk feigned acquie- 
scence, but secretly summoned his troops from his fiefs and took 
other steps to defeat the designs of the conspirators, and Qaisar 
Khan Faruqi, who was at Ahmadabad, privately informed the king 
of the affair, so that it came to naught. 

Mahmud, instead of arraigning the conspirators, as might have 
been expected from the energy of his character, took steps to test 
the fidelity of his servants. He made all the necessary preparations 
for a sea voyage, and announced that he intended to perform the 
pilgrimage to Mecca, leaving his son Ahmad as regent of the king- 
dom. The nobles were summoned from Ahmadabad to Cambay to 
consider this proposal, and, perceiving that their plot had been 
discovered, urged the king to return to Ahmadabad and set the 
affairs of the kingdom in order before taking any irrevocable step. 
He accepted their advice and returned to Ahmadabad, where he kept 
them still on the rack. He desired, he said, to make the pilgrimage, 
but must leave the matter to the decision of his counsellors, and 
would neither eat nor drink until he had received that decision. 
The courtiers were in a quandary. They knew not how their advice 
would be accepted, but knew that they must either forgo the object 
of their conspiracy or be accounted hypocrites. So long did they 
hesitate that it became necessary to remind them that the king was 
hungry and awaited their decision. They had arrived at none, and 
sent Nizam-ul-Mulk Aisan, the oldest courtier, to the king as their 
spokesman. Nizam-ul-Mulk, who perceived that the king had out- 
witted the conspirators, adroitly suggested that just as the king 
was satisfied of his son's ability to guide the affairs of the kingdom, 
so he too had a son who was competent to advise and assist him, 
and requested that he himself might be permitted to accompany 
the king on his pilgrimage. It was now Mahmud's turn to be at a 
loss, but he sent Nizam-ul-Mulk back to those who had sent him, 
saying that he could not permit him to accompany him to Mecca 
and demanding a categorical answer. By the advice of 'Imad-ul- 
Mulk, Nizam-ul-Mulk was sent back to the king with the message 
that he would do well to conquer Champaner before deciding to 



xin] Siege of Champ aner 309 

make the pilgrimage. This advice was accepted, but it was not 
convenient to attack Champaner at once, and Mahmud marched to 
Patan and thence sent 'Imad-ul-Mulk and Qaisar Khan Faruql on 
an expedition to Sanchor and Jalor in Marwar. As the expedition 
was about to start the two sons of the minister, Khudavand Khan, 
entered the tent of Qaisar Khan and murdered him for his share 
in discovering the plot to the king. The actual murderers escaped, 
but Khudavand Khan was imprisoned, and Muhafiz Khan was 
made chief vazir in his place. 'Imad-ul-Mulk died in the same year, 
and was succeeded by his son, Buda 'Imad-ul-Mulk. From Patan 
Mahmud returned to Ahmadabad, and the country now suffered 
from a failure of the rains and famine. 

In 1482 Mahmud obtained the opportunity which he sought of 
attacking Champaner. Malik Sudha, his governor of Rasulabad, 
fourteen miles south-west of Champaner, led a raid into the raja's 
territories, and plundered and laid them waste nearly to the 
walls of the fortress, slaying the inhabitants. As he was return- 
ing, the raja, Patai, son of Udai Singh, followed him up, attacked 
and slew him, recovered all his booty, took two elephants, and 
sacked and destroyed Rasulabad. Mahmud, on hearing of this 
defeat, assembled his forces, and on December 4, 1482, marched 
from Ahmadabad to Baroda, on his way to Champaner. From 
Baroda he scut an army to besiege Champaner while he invaded 
the raja's territories to collect supplies for the besiegers, whom it 
was difficult, owing to the famine, to provision. 

Raja Fatal came forth to meet his enemy, but was defeated and 
driven into Pavagurh, his hill fortress above Champaner, while the 
besiegers occupied the town. Patai succeeded in cutting off one 
convoy sent by Mahmud to his army, but this was his sole 
success. When Mahmud joined the besieging army in person Patai 
made repeated offers of submission, but none was accepted, and 
Mahmud displayed his determination to capture the place by 
building in the city the beautiful mosque which still adorns its 
ruins. This measure not only discouraged Patai, but stimulated 
the Muslim officers, who now perceived that they would not be 
allowed to leave the fortress uncaptured, to exertions more strenu- 
ous than their former faint efforts. Patai sent his minister, Suri, to 
seek help of Ghiyas-ud-dm Khalji of Malwa, and Ghiyas-ud-din, 
assembling his troops, left Mandu and marched as far as Nalcha. 
Mahmud, leaving his officers to continue the'jsiege, led a force as 
for as Dohad to meet Ghiyas-ud-din, but the latter, repenting of 
his enterprise, which, as he was advised by Muslim doctors at his 



3 1 o Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

court, was unlawful, retired to Mandu, and Mahmud returned to 
Champaner and continued the siege. 

The operations lasted for a year and nine months, throughout 
which period Mahmud, besides besieging the fortress, continued to 
plunder the country, so that there remained no town, no village, 
no house, of which the money was not taken into the royal treasury, 
the cloths and stuffs into the royal storehouses, the beasts into the 
royal stables, the corn into the royal granaries and kitchens. At 
the end of this time the Rajputs were reduced to extremities, and 
resolved to perform the dreadful rite of jauhar. The women were 
burnt, and the men, arrayed in yellow garments, went forth to die. 
On November 21, 1484, the Muslims forced the gate and met their 
desperate opponents. Of the seven hundred Rajputs who performed 
the rite nearly all were slain, but Raja Fatal and a minister named 
Dungarsi were wounded and captured. Mahmud called upon them 
to accept Islam, but they refused and remained steadfast in their 
refusal during an imprisonment of five months, at the end of which 
time they were executed, together with the minister Sfirl. Patai's 
son accepted Islam and in the next reign became Amir of Idar, 
receiving the title of Nizam-ul-Mulk. 

Mahmud now made Champaner one of his principal places of 
residence, giving it the name of Muhammadabad, the other being 
Mustafa-abad or Junagarh. The kingdom of Gujarat had reached 
its extreme limits. After this conquest Mahinud held possession of 
the country from the frontiers of Mandu to the frontiers of Sind, 
by Junagarh; to the Siwalik Parbat by Jalor and Nagaur; to 
Nasik Trimbak by Baglana ; from Burhanpur to Berar and Mal- 
kapur of the Deccan ; to Karkun _and the river Narbada on the 
side of Burhanpur ; on the side of Idar as far as Chitor and Kum- 
bhalgarh, and on the side of the sea as far as the bounds of Chaul. 
It seems to have been after the conquest of Champaner that 
Mahmud was first styled Begarha. 

In 1487, while he was hunting at Halol, near Champaner, a 
company of horsedealers complained to him that the raja of Abu 
had robbed them of 403 horses, which they were bringing to Gujarat 
for him by his order. Mahmud paid them the full price of the 
horses and gave them a letter to the raja demanding restitution of 
the stolen property. The raja was terrified, and restored 370 horses, 
paid the price of 33 which had died, gave the merchants valuable 
gifts for Mahmud, and begged them to intercede with him. Mahmud, 
content with this display of his power and the raja's humiliation, 
permitted the merchants to retain the horses as weD as their price. 



xm] Depredations of Bahadur Gilarii 311 

In 1491 Mahmud received complaints of the exactions of 
Bahadur Gilam, who, during the troubles which had fallen upon 
the Bahmani kingdom, had possessed himself of the whole of the 
Konkan and committed piracy at sea and brigandage on land, his 
depredations extending as far north as Cambay. Qivam-ul-Mulk, 
who was sent with an army to punish him, discovered that he 
could not reach him without invading the Deccan, and returned to 
Ahmadabad to seek authority for this action, but Mahmud was 
averse from any act of aggression against the southern kingdom, 
and contented himself with writing to Mahmud Shah Bahmani, 
reminding him of the claims which Gujarat had on the gratitude of 
his house and requesting him to suppress the marauder. Bahadur 
was in fact in rebellion against the feeble Bahmanid, who had no 
control over him, but a reassuring reply was sent to Gujarat and 
Mahmud Bahmani, or rather his minister Qasim, Barid-ul-Mamalik, 
with the help of Ahmad Nizam Shah, who was now virtually in- 
dependent at Junntir, undertook a campaign against the pirate. 
The operations were protracted, and it was not until 1494 that 
Bahadur GilanT was defeated and slain and full reparation was made 
to Gujarat. The ships which Bahadur had taken were restored to 
their owners, and gifts consisting of Arab horses, a large quantity of 
pearls, five elephants, and a jewelled dagger were sent to Mahmud. 

In 1492 Baha-ud-din Ulugh Khan, son of Ulugh Khan Suhrab 
and governor of Modasa, oppressed the people and appropriated 
the pay of his troops, so that they rose against him and he fled. 
Mahmud sent Sharaf-i-Jahan to reassure him, but the mission was 
a failure, and Ulugh Khan, just as his father had joined Mahmud 
Khalji, sought an asylum with Ghiyas-ud-dm Khalji of Malwa, who 
refused to receive him. He then went to Sultanpur, and besieged 
the governor, 'Aziz-ul-Mulk Shaikhan, but on the arrival of a 
relieving force fled into Baglana, and was followed thither and 
defeated. After wandering for some time as a fugitive he submitted 
to the king, and was pardoned and reinstated, but shortly after- 
wards, having murdered one of his officers, was thrown into prison, 
where he died in 1496. 

On November 20, 1500, Ghiyas-ud-dm Khalji of Malwa had 
been deposed by his son, Nasir-ud-dln, and died in February 1501, 
not without suspicion of poison. Mahmud resolved to punish the 
reputed parricide, and prepared to invade Malwa, but Nasir-ud- 
din succeeded in persuading him that his father had acquiesced 
in his deposition, and that he was innocent of his death, and the 
expedition was abandoned. 



312 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH/ 

Vasco da Gama had appeared on the Malabar coast in 1498, 
and the Portuguese were now firmly established in more than one 
western port. In 1 506 a strong fort was built at Cochin, which was 
their chief emporium, and in 1507 a settlement was made on the 
island of Socotra, near the entrance of the Red Sea. Thus, in less 
than a decade, they had diverted the greater part of the lucrative 
spice trade from the Red Sea and Egypt ; for the discovery of the 
direct sea route to Europe had deprived the Mamluk Sultans of one 
of their chief sources of revenue, heavy dues being levied both at 
Jedda and Alexandria on goods in transit. The important ports of 
north-western India, such as Cambay and Chaul, which were held 
by the Muslims, were at the same time seriously affected, and thus 
the Portuguese incurred the hostility of all the Muhammadan 
powers surrounding the Arabian Sea, who determined to make a 
combined effort to oust the infidel intruders. It was finally arranged, 
by correspondence which passed between Qansauh-al-Ghauri, sultan 
of Egypt, the king of Gujarat, other local Muhammadan rulers, and 
the Zamorin of Calicut, who had been the most intimately associated 
with the Europeans, that a fleet should be equipped at Suez and 
dispatched to India, where it would be reinforced by such vessels 
as were available locally. The Egyptian fleet was under the com- 
mand of Amir Husain the Kurd, governor of Jedda, while the Indian 
contingent was commanded by Malik Ayaz, a Turkish subject who 
had found his way to the court of Gujarat Up to the year 1507 
the Portuguese had confined their activities inland to the Malabar 
coast, though they had frequently harassed the trading vessels and 
pilgrim ships bound from Gujarat, * the Gate of Mecca ' to Indian 
Muslims, for Jedda. The Portuguese Viceroy, Francesco de Almeida, 
in this year resolved to exploit the northerly coast of India, and 
dispatched his gallant son Louren^o with a squadron to explore 
the coast as far as Gujarat It does not appear that the Viceroy 
had any intimation of the attack which was to be made by the 
Egyptian fleet, although he was aware of the correspondence which 
had been passing between India and Egypt Had he known that 
Amir Husain was on his way it is unlikely that he would have 
sent so small a squadron under his son. Amir Husain reached 
India at the end of 1507 and encountered Loureno in the harbour 
of Chaul in January, 1508, when a fierce fight ensued in which the 
Portuguese were utterly defeated by Amir Husain and Malik Ayaz, 
and Dom Loureno died a hero's death. After this victory, which 
was the occasion of much jubilation and of mutual congratulations 
among the Muslims, Mahmud returned to Champaner. 



xi n] War of Succession in Khandesh 313 

We must revert to the history of Khandesh, in the affairs of 
which Mahmud was now, not unwillingly, entangled. We have 
already traced its history, in outline, to the succession of 'Adil 
Khan II in 1457. 

'Adil Khan II was one of the most energetic and most powerful 
rulers of Khandesh. He consolidated his authority in that region, 
and extended it over Gondwana, he suppressed the depredations of 
the Kolis and Bhils, thus ensuring the safety of travellers in his 
dominions, and carried his arms as far as Jharkhand, the modern 
Chota Nagpur, from which circumstance he is known as Jhar- 
khandl Sultan. Since Khalaf Hasan's invasion the rulers of 
Khandesh had regarded the king of Gujarat as their natural pro- 
tector, and had paid him tribute, but 'Adil Khan II, in his career 
of victory, had scorned dependence, and had omitted to send the 
usual tribute. A demonstration of force by Mahmud in 1499 or 
1500 had sufficed to bring him to his senses, and from that time 
until his death, more than a year later, he was on cordial terms 
with his suzerain and visited his court. 

On September 28, 1501, 'Adil Khan II died without issue and 
was succeeded by his younger brother, Daud Khan. There was, 
however, another aspirant belonging to the Faruqi family, named 
'Alam Khan, who had enjoyed the protection of the king of Gu- 
jarat. This 'Alam Khan was the great-great-grandson of Hasan 
Khan, who had been expelled from Khandesh by his elder brother, 
Nasir Khan, and had fled to the court of Ahmad Shah of Gujarat. 
All Hasan Khan's descendants, with the exception of one, who 
married a daughter of Jam Nizam-ud-dm of Sind, had married 
princesses of the royal house of Gujarat, and 'Alam Khan was the 
grandson of Mahmud Begarha. It thus came about that Mahmud 
induced 'Adil Khan II to nominate his youthful kinsman as his 
heir, to the exclusion of his brother Daud, but in 1501 Mahmud 
was not in a position to press his grandson's claim, and Daud suc- 
ceeded without opposition to the throne of Khandesh. He was a 
feeble but reckless prince, who contrived to embroil himself with 
Ahmad Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, who invaded Khandesh and 
could not be expelled until Daud had purchased the aid of Nasir- 
ud-din Khalji of Malwa by the humiliating concession of causing 
the khutba to be recited in his name. His death on August 28, 
1508, ended an inglorious reign, and he was succeeded by his son 
Ghazm Khan, who was poisoned after a reign of ten days. Ahmad 
Nizam Shah now again invaded Khandesh with the object of placing 
on the throne another scion of the Faruqi house also named 'Alam 



314 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

Khan, who had taken refuge at his court Mahmud Begarha was 
at this juncture reminded of his pledge to support his grandson's 
claim, and he too invaded Khandesh with the object of placing 
the other 'Alam Khan on the throne. Khandesh was divided into 
two factions, the one supporting the Gujarat claimant and the other 
the Ahmadnagar claimant. The adherents of the former, under 
Malik Husain the Mughul, established themselves in Burhanpur, 
where they were joined by Ahmad Nizam Shah and the king of 
Berar, while Malik Ladan, the leader of the Gujarat party, shut 
himself up in Asirgarh, where he was besieged. Meanwhile Mahmud 
Begarha, with his grandson, was marching on Thalner, and when 
news of his arrival reached Burhanpur Ahmad Nizam Shah and 
the king of Berar withdrew, leaving a force of 4000 to support the 
Ahmadnagar candidate and Malik Husain. When they heard that 
Mahmud had sent a force to attack them these troops fled from 
Burhanpur, carrying the pretender with them, and Malik Husain, 
thus deserted, was obliged to submit to Mahmud. All opposition 
being thus removed, the king of Gujarat held a court at Thalner 
and installed his candidate on the throne of Khandesh with the 
title of 'Adil Khan III. After Mahmiid's retuni to Gujarat an 
envoy from Ahmad's son and successor, Burhan Nizam Shah, waited 
on him and demanded that some provision should be made for 
'Alam Khan, but was compelled to convey to his master the humi- 
liating message that the sultan of Gujarat recognised no royalty 
in the rebellious slave of the kings of the Deccan, and that if 
Burhan dared again to address a king otherwise than as a humble 
suppliant he should repent it. 

'Adil Khan III of Khandesh cemented his alliance with Gujarat 
by marrying a daughter of Sultan Muzaffar, Mahmud's son, who 
afterwards succeeded his father as MuzafFar II. One of his first 
acts was to cause Malik Husain, who was again plotting with the 
king of Ahmadnagar, to be assassinated. The dispatch from Gu- 
jarat of a large force averted a danger which threatened the state 
from the direction of Ahmadnagar, and the reign of 'Adil Khan III 
was not marked by any noteworthy event. On his death, on August 
25, 1520, he was succeeded by his son, Muhammad I, generally 
known as Muhammad Shah, from his having been summoned to 
the throne of Gujarat, which he never lived to occupy. 

From Thalner Mahmud returned to Champaner, where, in 1510, 
he was gratified by the arrival of a mission from Sikandar Lodi of 
Delhi, who tendered him his congratulations on his successes in 
Khandesh. A mission in the following year from Shah Ismail I 



xm] Death of Mahmud Begarha 315 

Safavl, of Persia, was less favourably received. The envoy, Yadgar 
Beg Qizilbash, was commissioned to invite Mahmud to embrace 
the Shiah faith, but Mahmud, whose health was failing, had refreshed 
his orthodoxy by visits to the shrines of saints at Patan and Sarkhej, 
and sent a message to the heretics bidding them begone. He had 
already designated his son Muzaffar as his heir, and feeling the 
approach of death summoned him from Baroda. Muzaffar arrived 
only in time to assist in bearing his father's coffin from Ahmadabad 
to his tomb at Sarkhej, for Mahmud I, the greatest of the sultans 
of Gujarat, had breathed his last on November 23, 1511. 

Mahmud Begarha was not only the greatest of the sultans of 
Gujarat. He holds a prominent place among the warrior princes 
of India. Succeeding to the throne at an age when even Akbar 
was under tutelage, he at once assumed the management of affairs, 
overcame an extensive conspiracy backed by armed force, and 
administered his kingdom with complete freedom, whether from 
the dictation of a minister or from the more pernicious influence 
of the harem. He was, in short, a prodigy of precocity. When he 
grew to manhood his appearance was striking. Tall and robust, 
with a beard which descended to his girdle and a heavy moustache 
which twisted and curled upwards, his mien struck awe into his 
courtiers. His elder brother, Qutb-ud-dm Ahmad Shah, had died 
by poison, and wonderful fables are related of the means by which 
Mahmud protected himself from a like fate. He is said gradually 
to have absorbed poisons into his system until he was so impreg- 
nated with them that a fly settling on his hand instantly died, and 
he was immune from the effects of any poison which might be 
administered to him. It is to him that Samuel Butler refers in 
Hudibras, first published in 1664 : 

The prince of Cambay's daily food 
Is asp and basilisk and toad 1 . 

Physicians will estimate the practicability and efficacy of such a 
course of prophylactic treatment, but whatever foundation there 
may be for these strange legends there is no reason to doubt that 
Mahmud profited from the general belief in his immunity from 
poison, and Butler's description of his diet is at least incomplete, 
for his voracious appetite demanded large supplies of more whole- 
some food. His daily allowance was between twenty and thirty 
pounds' weight, and before going to sleep he placed two pounds or 
more of boiled rice on either side of his couch, so that he might 

1 Part n, Canto i. 



3 1 6 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

find something to eat on whichever side he awoke. When he rose 
in the morning he swallowed a cup of honey, a cup of butter, and 
from 100 to 150 bananas. 

His martial exploits and the expansion of his dominions which 
they brought about have been recounted. He was mild and just to 
his own servants, and his fierce intolerance of Hinduism is counted 
to him by historians of his own religion as a merit. Of his nick- 
name Begarha two explanations have been given, but there can be 
no doubt that the true interpretation is be garh, or 'two forts,' 
and that it had reference to his capture of the two great Hindu 
strongholds of Girnar and Champaner. 

The naval victory over the Portuguese at Chaul in 1508, which 
had so elated the Muslims, was without lasting results, for in the 
following year Almeida sailed up the west coast with his whole 
fleet to Diu, where he found the Egyptian fleet with its Indian 
auxiliaries lying between the island and the mainland. In the 
desperate battle which followed the Muslims were totally defeated 
and the Egyptian fleet almost entirely destroyed. No mention of 
this Portuguese victory is made by the Muslim historians, but it 
is alluded to by the Arabic historian of the Zamoriris of Calicut. 
Full and circumstantial accounts are, however, to be found in the 
Portuguese chronicles. After this failure to drive the Portuguese 
from the Indian seas Mahmud Begarha ordered Malik Ayaz to 
make peace, and to return the prisoners taken at Chaul. In the 
following year the Portuguese first obtained possession of Goa and 
transferred their headquarters from Cochin to that city. Mahmud 
offered them a site for a factory at Diu, and almost immediately 
after the accession of Muzaffar II in 1511 a Portuguese mission 
arrived to seek permission for the construction of a fort to protect 
the factory. This request was not granted, and the mission left 
Yadgar Beg, the ambassador from Shah Isma'il Safavi whom 
Mahmud Begarha had refused to receive, was favourably received 
by Muzaffar, and was lodged at Ahmadabad, and afterwards at 
Champaner. 

Mahmud II, who had ascended the throne of Malwa in 1510, 
was the younger son of his father, Nasir-ud-din, whom he had 
deposed, and the elder son, Sahib Khan, entitled Muhammad Shah, 
now sought refuge with Muzaffar and begged him to help him to 
expel his brother and gain his throne. He joined Muzaffar's camp 
at Baroda, on the way from Ahmadabad to Champaner, and Mu- 
zafiar sent an agent into Malwa to investigate the situation and 
report upon it. The agent, Qaisar Khan, returned with a report 



xm] Events in Malwa 317 

favourable to Sahib Khan's claim, and Sahib Khan was impatient 
for his host to take the field. Muzaffar bade him have patience 
and promised to invade Malwa at the end of the rainy season, but 
before the time came to redeem his promise Sahib Khan had left 
Gujarat in consequence of the gross misconduct of the Persian 
ambassador, who invited him to dinner and assaulted him. The 
prince's servants attacked the ambassador's suite and plundered 
his lodging, but the affair was noised abroad, and Sahib Khan was 
so overcome with shame that he fled from Gujarat and attempted 
to take refuge with 'Adil Khan III of Khandesh, but while he was 
travelling to that court the governor of a frontier district of the 
kingdom of Malwa attacked and defeated him, and he fled, with a 
following of 300 horse, to 'Ala-ud-din 'Imad Shah of Berar, who 
would not offend the sultan of Malwa by offering the fugitive 
armed assistance, but assigned to him lands for his maintenance. 

Nasir-ud-dm of Malwa had employed in his army a large number 
of Rajputs from eastern Hindustan, who had become so powerful 
in the kingdom that Mahmiid II was a puppet in their hands. 
Muzaffar II inarched to Godhra with a view to invading Malwa 
and restoring Mahmud's authority by crushing the Rajputs, but 
at Godhra he received disturbing news from Idar. 'Ain-ul-Mulk 
Fuladi, governor of Patan, was inarching with his contingent to 
join him at Godhra, but on the way learned that Bhim Singh of 
Tdar, taking advantage of Muzaffar 's preoccupation with the affairs 
of Malwa, had raided the whole country to the east of the Sabar- 
matl river. He turned aside to punish him, but the raja defeated 
him, slew his brother and 200 of his men, and compelled him to 
flee. Muzaffar, on receiving the news, Inarched in person to Modasa, 
drove Bhim Singh to the hills, and sacked his capital, destroying 
the temples and other buildings. Bhim Singh was fain to purchase 
peace, and permission to return to Idar by a payment of 800,000 
rupees and the delivery of 100 horses. 

Having thus settled affairs on his north-eastern frontier Mu- 
zaffar, in 1513, marched to Godhra, sent his son Sikandar to 
Champaner as governor, dispatched a force under Qaisar Khan to 
Deoli 1 near the Mahi, and followed him with his army. He had 
now changed his intention of aiding Mahmud by crushing the 
Rajputs, and had formed the design of conquering and annexing 
Malwa. He sent a force to occupy Dhar, the governor of which 
offered no resistance on receiving an assurance that the city should 
not be sacked nor its inhabitants massacred. 

1 In 22 57' N. and 74 68' E. 



3 1 8 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

Muzaffar now learnt that Mahmud was at Chanderi, endea- 
vouring to crush a rebellion of the Rajput troops under their 
leader, Medeni Rai, and he once more changed his mind. For this 
second instance of vacillation two reasons are assigned. The first, 
more favourable to Muzaffar's character, was the reflection that 
to attack a brother Muslim who was in straits owing to the mis- 
conduct of infidels would be both unlawful and ungenerous, and 
the second was the defeat of a detachment sent by him to Nalcha, 
which he regarded as an evil omen. The former reason may be 
accepted as the true one, first because it is conformable to the 
whole course of Muzaffar's behaviour towards Mahmud Khalji, 
and secondly because the fact that his troops were defeated is 
not established. He retired to his own dominions and relieved 
the anxiety which oppressed Mahmud, beset on all sides by 
difficulties. 

In 1515 Raja Bhim Singh of Idar died, and should have been 
succeeded by his son Bihari Mai, but his cousin german contested 
the succession, and Sangrarna Singh, Rana of Mewar, the Sanga or 
Sanka of Muslim historians, welcomed the opportunity of asserting 
his ill-founded claim to supremacy over all Rajput princes and 
supported the pretender, who was his brother-in-law. He invaded 
Idar and enthroned Rai Mai, expelling Bihari Mai, who took refuge 
with Muzaffar. Muzaffar would not brook this interference in a 
state which had for many years owned allegiance to Gujarat, and, 
marching to Ahmadnagar, sent Nizam-ul-Mulk to Idar to expel 
Rai Mai and establish Bihari Mai as raja. The selection of Nizam- 
ul-Mulk for the duty was not merely fortuitous, for he was the 
son of Raja Fatal of Champaner, and had embraced Islam after 
the fall of that stronghold. He expelled Rai Mai from Idar and 
restored Bihari Mai. He then followed Rai Mai into the Bichabhera 
hills and attacked him. The battle was indecisive, many lives being 
lost to no purpose, and Muzaffar rebuked Nizam-ul-Mulk for his 
inconsiderate rashness ; and shortly afterwards Nizam-ul-Mulk was 
stricken with paralysis and was relieved at his own request, 
Nusrat-ul-Mulk being sent to Idar in his place. Nizam-ul-Mulk 
was so eager to return to Champaner that he started from Idar 
before Nusrat-ul-Mulk could arrive, leaving Zahir-ul-Mulk with 
no more than a hundred men to hold Idar. 

Rai Mai marched on Idar and Zahir-ul-Mulk went forth with 
his small force to meet him, and was defeated with the loss of more 
than a quarter of his men. Nusrat-ul-Mulk, who was at Ahmad- 
nagar, pressed on, drove off Rai Mai, and made Ahmadnagar his 



xm] Defeat of the Rajputs 319 

headquarters, maintaining order in the plains by harrying the 
brigands of the Vajinagar hills. 

Mahmud II of Malwa was so weary of the dominance of his 
Rajput officers that he secretly left his capital and arrived at 
Bhagor 1 , where he was received by the Gujarat noble, Qaisar 
Khan. As soon as Muzaffar heard of his arrival he sent him tents, 
treasure, and elephants, and shortly afterwards joined him with an 
army and entertained him at a banquet to celebrate the occasion. 
When Medem Rai heard of these doings he set out for Chitor, in 
order to seek help from Rana Sangrama, leaving a garrison to pro- 
tect Mandu, against which Mahmud and Muzaffar were marching. 
The Rajput garrison was twice defeated before the walls, and 
Muzaffar formed the siege of the fortress. Pithaura, who com- 
manded the garrison, had heard from MedenI Rai that the Rana 
was coming to his aid, and strove by feigned negotiations, as well 
as by force of arms, to hold out as long as possible. Muzaffar II 
was now joined by his nephew and son-in-law, 'Adil Khan III of 
Khandesh, whom he sent with Qivam-ul-Mulk to check the progress 
of the Rana and MedenI Rai, who had already reached Ujjain. 

On February 23, 1518, the day of the Hindu festival of the Holl, 
Mandii was carried by escalade, the Rajput garrison performed the 
rite ofjauhar, and Muzaffar, on entering the city, ordered a general 
massacre of the surviving Rajputs. Nineteen thousand were put 
to the sword, and the streets ran with blood, which streamed from 
the drains which carried rainwater into the ditch. 

Muzaffar now prepared to march against the Rana and Medeni 
Rai, but learned that they had been so terror-stricken by the news 
of the massacre that they at once turned and fled, riding fifty-four 
miles on the first night of their flight. Muzaffar restored Mandu 
to Mahmud, who entertained him sumptuously and accompanied 
him on his homeward way as far as DeolT, and Asaf Khan with 
10,000 horse was left in Malwa to aid Mahmud against his enemies. 
In connexion with the siege of Mandu we first hear of 'Imad-ul- 
Mulk, Khush Qadam, who played such an important part in the 
affairs of Gujarat at this time. 

Muzaffar, after returning to Champaner, learned that Rai Mai 
had been ravaging the Patan district, and marched to punish him, 
remaining for some time in Idar while Rai Mai and his confederates 
were pursued in the hills. 

In 1519, after his return to Champaner Muzaffar heard of the 
defeat and capture of Mahmud II by Rana Sangrama near Gagraun, 

1 In 22 53' N. and 74 36' E. 



3 2 o Gujarat and Khandesh [CH . 

and of the heavy losses suffered by his own contingent of 10,000 
horse. He sent reinforcements into Malwa, but they were not 
required, for the Rana generously restored his vanquished foe to 
his throne. 

Mubariz-ul-Mulk was now sent to relieve Nusrat-ul-Mulk at 
Idar, where he was so annoyed by hearing the praise of the valour 
and generosity of the Rana that he named a dog Saugrama, and 
tied it up at one of the gates of the town. The Rana, on hearing 
of this insult, assembled his army and inarched on Idar, where 
Mubariz-ul-Mulk's officers were so em-aged with him for having by 
his contemptible act endangered them and the city that they dis- 
suaded the king from sending assistance to him, and retired to 
Ahmadnagar, carrying him with them. The Rana occupied Idar 
and marched on to Ahmadnagar, where he defeated Mubariz-ul- 
Mulk with heavy loss and compelled him to retreat to Ahmada- 
bad. After plundering Ahmadnagar he marched to Vadnagar, the 
inhabitants of which town, being Brahmans, escaped molesta- 
tion thence he marched to Visnagar, plundered the town after 
defeating Malik Hatim, who gallantly came forth to meet him with 
the small force at his disposal, and then returned to his own 
country. 

After his departure Mubariz-ul-Mulk returned with a small 
force to Ahmadnagar and buried the dead. Here he was attacked 
by the Kolls of Idar, whom he defeated. 

In January, 1521, Muzaffar sent an army of 100,000 horse and 
100 elephants under the command of Malik Ayaz, governor of 
Sorath, to chastise the Rana for his raid into Gujarat. Bakor 1 , 
Galiakot 2 , Dungarpur 3 , Sagwara 4 , and Banswara 5 were ravaged 
and laid waste. At Banswara a large force of Hindus lying in 
ambush was attacked and put to flight after suffering losses. Malik 
Ayaz then marclied to Mandasor, and besieged that town. Rana 
Sangrama marched to its relief, but would not venture within 
twenty miles of the Muslim camp, and sent agents to Malik Ayaz 
offering to pay tribute to Muzaffar II if he would raise the siege, 
but his prayers were unheeded. Mahmiid II joined Malik Ayaz, 
and Mandasor might have been captured and Sangrama defeated, 
but for the jealousy of Malik Ayaz, who feared lest Qivam-ul-Mulk, 
his principal lieutenant, should gain the credit for the victory. He 

therefore made peace with the Rana on his promising to pay 

t 

1 In 23 21' N. and 73 37' E. 2 In 23 21' N. and 74 r E. 

3 In 23 50' N. and 73 43' E. * In 23 40' N. and 74 2' E. 

6 In 23 33' N. and 74 27' E. 



xin] Bahadur s flight from Gujarat 321 

tribute, to place a son at Muzaffar's court as a hostage, to wait in 
person on the king, and to be obedient to his orders. Qivam-ul- 
Mulk was strongly opposed to this treaty and persuaded Mahnmd 
Shah to join him in an attack on the Rana, but Malik Ayaz was 
informed of this design, used his authority over the army of 
Gujarat to prevent its execution and marched back to Ahmada- 
bad. Muzaffar was so deeply disappointed by this termination of a 
promising campaign that he would not see Malik Ayaz, but sent 
him straight back to Sorath, where he died in the following year 
and was succeeded by his son Ishaq. 

Muzaffar himself was preparing, in 1522, to march against the 
Rana, but before he could start from Ahmadabad Sangrama's son 
arrived with gifts from his father, and the expedition was aban- 
doned. 

In 1524 'Alam Khan, son of Buhlul LodI of Delhi, who was a 
refugee at Muzaffar's court, informed him that according to infor- 
mation received by him from Delhi there was much dissatisfaction 
with his nephew. Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, and the chances of his 
obtaining his father's throne appeared to be good. Muzaffar accord- 
ingly supplied him with a sum of money and a small force and dis- 
missed him. 

Late in 1524 Muzaffar's second son, Bahadur, demanded equality 
of treatment with his eldest brother, Sikandar, but the king, who 
had designated Sikandar as his heir, feared to place more power in 
the hands of the ablest and most energetic of his sons, and put him 
off with fair words. Bahadur fled disgusted from his father's court, 
and repaired first to Udai Singh of Dungarpur, then to Sangrama 
Singh at Chitor, and next to Mewat, where the local Muhammadan 
ruler, Hasan, entertained him hospitably. He eventually proceeded 
to Delhi, but it is not quite clear at what precise date. In all pro- 
bability it was at the beginning of 1526, for the people of Delhi 
were then expecting the approach of Babur with his invading 
army. Bahadur was well received by Ibrahim LodI, who was doubt- 
less glad to obtain the services of this young but experienced 
soldier. Ibrahim was encamped at Panipat when Bahadur joined 
him, and skirmishes had already begun with the advanced guard of 
the Mughul army. It was in one of these skirmishes that Bahadur 
so greatly distinguished himself that the jealousy of Ibrahim LodI 
was roused, and Bahadur deemed it prudent to withdraw, and set 
out for Jaunpur, possibly selecting this town in response to an in- 
vitation received from the local nobles, who are said to have offered 
him the throne. The battle of Panipat, in which libur defeated 

C.H.I. III. 21 



322 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

Ibrahim, was fought on April 18. Abu Turab, a contemporary 
writer, tells us that Bahadur was present at this battle, but took 
no part in the fighting. If this refers to the decisive action Bahadur 
must have left for Jaunpur as soon as the issue of the day had been 
decided. On April 7 his father Muzaffar died, and it was while he 
was on his way to Jaunpur that Bahadur received an invitation to 
return, and immediately turned back in the direction of Gujarat, 
travelling by way of Chitor. 

The nobles of Gujarat were now divided into three factions, 
supporting the claims of Sikandar, Bahadur, and Latif, the eldest, 
second, and third sons of Muzaflkr. Sikandar, who had been 
designated heir by his father, was immediately proclaimed by 
'Imad-ul-Mulk Khush Qadam and Khudavand Khan al-Iji, and 
marched from Ahinadabfid to Champaner. The new king was 
feeble and ill-advised. lie alienated the old nobles of his father's 
reign by advancing his own personal servants beyond their merits, 
and by his untimely profusion. There was general dissatisfaction, 
and an impression prevailed that Bahadur would soon return to 
seize the throne, but the immediate danger was from Latif Khan, 
who was assembling his forces at Nandurbar. A force under 
Sharza Khan was sent against him, but he retired into Baglana 
and when Sharza Khan followed him thither he was attacked, 
defeated, and slain by the raja, and the Rajputs and Kolfs followed 
the defeated army and slew 1700 of them. The superstition of the 
time regarded the termination of the first enterprise of the reign 
as an augury of the future fortune of the king. Another army, under 
Qaisar Khan, was assembled, but the choice was an indication 
either of the ignorance and folly of the king or of the treachery of 
the nobles, for Qaisar Khan was Latif s principal adherent ; but 
before the expedition could start 'Imad-ul-Mulk Khush Qadam had 
caused Sikandar to be assassinated during the midday slumbers, 
and had raised to the throne Mahmud,an infant son of Muzaffar II, 
whom on April 12, 1526, he caused to be proclaimed as Mahmud II. 

His object in selecting an infant son was, of course, that the 
government of the kingdom might remain entirely in his hands, but 
it may be doubted whether he expected to maintain his puppet 
against Bahadur, or even against Latif. The adherents of the 
former had been writing to urge him to return without delay to 
Gujarat, and he had eagerly responded to their solicitations. The 
old nobles of the kingdom, disgusted with the rule of the freedman, 
'Imad-ul-Mulk, who was as lavish of titles and robes of honour as 
he was niggardly of more substantial favours, fled from Champaner, 



xi 1 1] Accession of Bahadur 323 

and Taj Khan Narpali led a force to escort Bahadur back to 
Gujarat 

'Imad-ul-Mulk in his terror sent large sums of money to Durban 
Nizam Shah I of Ahmadnagar and Udai Singh, raja of Palanpur, 
to induce the former to invade Nandurbar and the latter to 
advance on Champauer in support of the infant king, and wrote 
also to Babur, requesting him to send a force to DiQ with the same 
object, and promising him a gift of 10,000,000 tangas and the 
allegiance of Gujarat. This last promise was reported to Khuda- 
vand Khan and Taj Khan, and only served to increase the general 
detestation in which 'Imad-ul-Mulk was held Burhan Nizam Shah 
accepted the money sent to him, but did nothing in return. Udai 
Singh did indeed inarch to Champaner, but his aid alone was of 
little consequence, and he almost immediately transferred his 
allegiance to Bahadur. 

Bahadur at once returned to Gujarat by way of Modasa and 
Patan and, as he advanced, was everywhere welcomed and joined 
by the nobles and officers of his father's court. On July 11 lie 
ascended the throne at Ahmadabad, and immediately continued his 
journey to Champaner. The feeble efforts of 'Imad-ul-Mulk to 
delay or hamper his advance were ineffectual ; he entered Cham- 
paner without opposition and at once went about to punish those 
who had murdered his brother and prepared his own way to the 
throne. Mmad-ul-Mulk Khush Qadam, Saif-ul-Mulk, and the actual 
assassins of Sikandar were immediately put to death. Latif Khan, 
who was lurking in the city in the hope of events taking a turn 
favourable to his pretensions, wisely accepted the advice of his 
friends and fled to Palanpur, and thence to Nandurbar, where he 
was joined by a number of his partisans. His adherents at Cham- 
paner were arrested, and their houses were plundered by the mob. 
Ghazi Khan, who was upholding Bahadur's cause in the Nandurbar 
district, reported that Latif Khan had raised the standard of revolt, 
that he had defeated him and dispersed his followers, and that 
Latif was a wounded prisoner in his hands. He was ordered to see 
that his prisoner received proper treatment and to send him to 
court, but the prince died on his way thither and Bahadur was left 
without a competitor except his infant brother Mahmud, who was 
secretly put to death within the year. Another brother, Chand 
Khan, had taken refuge with Mahmud Khalji at Mandii, and 
Mahmud's refusal to surrender him dissolved the friendship which 
had once saved his kingdom for him. The murder of the child 
Mahmud II alienated Udai Singh of Palanpur, who sacked the town 

212 



324 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

of Dohad, but Taj Khan Narpali led a punitive expedition against 
him and chastised him severely. 

Malik Ishaq, who had succeeded his father, Malik Ayaz, in the 
important government of Sorath, lost his reason in 1527, and 
attacked without any justification the Hindu chief of Dwarka, who 
was an obedient vassal of Bahadur. After his return to Junagarh 
he became so violent that it was found necessary to put him in 
prison, where he died shortly afterwards. He was succeeded by his 
brother, Malik Tughan, famous for his stature and great bodily 
strength, who in order to watch the Portuguese made Dili his 
principal place of residence. The adventurers would not abandon 
their design to build at Diu a fort for the protection of their trade 
and merchandise, and sought to execute it at times by means of 
negotiations and at times by force, but for several years had no 
success. At length, on September 21, 1534, Bahadur permitted 
them by treaty to build a fort. 

Towards the end of 1527 Bahadur received an appeal for help 
from 'Ala-ud-dm 'Imad Shah of Berar and Muhammad I of Khan- 
desh. The kings of Ahmadnagar and Berar had quarrelled over the 
possession of the town and district of Pathri on the Godavarl, which 
belonged to the latter but were coveted and had been annexed by 
the former. ' Ala-ud-din had enlisted the aid of Muhammad and had 
marched to recover the district, but Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmad- 
nagar and his ally, Amir 'All Band of Bidar, had attacked and 
defeated them, captured their artillery and elephants, pursued 
them through Berar, and expelled 'Ala-ud-din from his kingdom, 
compelling him to take refuge in Khandesh. Bahadur marched to 
Nandurbar, where he was met by his cousin, Muhammad of Khan- 
desh, and by the Rahtor raja of Baglana, who did homage to him 
and entertained him in his fortress of Salher. Bahadur gave his 
sister in marriage to Muhammad, upon whom he conferred the 
title of Shah, and after the rainy season of 1528 marched on 
Ahmadnagar by way of Berar, where he was joined by 'Ala-ud-din 
'Imad Shah, sending a force with the raja of Baglana, whom he 
ordered to advance on Ahmadnagar by the more direct route of his 
own principality. 

Burhan's army, with a contingent of 6000 horse furnished by 
Ismail 'Adil Shah of Bijapur and 3000 furnished by Auilr 'Ali 
Barid, was in the hilly country about Bir, and Amir 'All Barid in- 
flicted two defeats on detachments of Bahadur's army between 
Paithan and Bir, but the army of Gujarat continued to advance, 
and occupied Ahmadnagar for forty days, while Burhan Nizam 



xii i] Invasion of the Deccan 325 

Shah, who had first retired from Blr to Parenda, was pursued to 
Junnar. Meanwhile the army of Ahmadnagar had been engaged in 
cutting off Bahadur's supplies, and the invaders had already begun 
to suffer from famine when Bahadur marched to Daulatabad and 
opened the siege of the fortress, while Burhan and Amir 'AH Barid 
occupied the neighbouring hills. They attempted to relieve Daula- 
tabad but were driven back into the hills, and then opened nego- 
tiations with Sultan Bahadur's allies, and found no difficulty in 
seducing 'Ala-ud-d!n 'Imad Shah, who was beginning to suspect 
that Bahadur did not intend to leave the Deccan, and regretted 
having summoned him to his aid. He sent a quantity of supplies 
into the fortress and hurriedly retired into Berar, leaving his camp 
standing. 

Bahadur's situation gave him some cause for anxiety. He had 
no prospect of capturing Daulatabad, one of his allies had deserted 
him, the other, Muhammad of Khandesh, desired peace, and the 
rainy season of 1529 was approaching. He therefore permitted 
Muhammad to open negotiations, and after some discussion agreed 
to peace on terms sufficiently humiliating to Burhan Nizam Shah. 
Both he and 'Ala-ud-dm 'Imad Shah were to cause the khutba to 
be recited in Bahadur's name in their dominions, and \vere to 
appear before him as vassals ; all the elephants taken from 'Ala-ud- 
dfn and Muhammad were to be restored, and Pathri and Mahur 
were to be ceded again to Berar. Burhan fulfilled the first condition 
by causing the khutba to be recited on one occasion in Bahadur's 
name, but it was only with great difficulty that Muhammad of 
Khandesh recovered his elephants, and those of 'Ala-ud-dm were 
never restored, nor were Pathri and Mahur ceded to him. 

Bahadur returned to Gujarat in the spring of 1529, and his 
relative, the Jam Firuz of Sind, who had been expelled from his 
country by Shah Beg Arghun, took refuge at his court. 

In 1530 the Portuguese, having already assembled at Bombay 
a great fleet, sailed for Daman and captured that town, and in 
February, 1531, arrived before Din, which they attacked, but 
Bahiidur had already visited the place in 1530, and had made all 
provision for its defence, and the Portuguese, having failed to 
take the town, sailed back to Goa, leaving a fleet in the Gulf of 
Cambay to harass the trade and shipping of Gujarat. 

Bahadur returned from Diu to Champaner, where he received 
some of the nobles of the late Ibrahim Shah Lodi of Delhi, who had 
reached his court with 300 followers. From Champaner Bahadur 
inarched to Modasa and thence led an expedition into Baker and 



326 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

Banswara. The Rana, Ratan Singh II, who had succeeded San- 
grama after the battle of Slkri, interceded for the two chiefs, and 
Bahadur stayed his hand. 

Mahmud II of Malwa was now pursuing a suicidal policy. He 
had sent a force to ravage the southern districts of the territories 
of the Rana, he had so alienated by his sinister and deceitful course 
of conduct the nobles of Malwa that some had taken refuge with 
the Rana and others with Bahadur, and he was harbouring at his 
court a son of the late Sultan Muzaffar of Gujarat, Chand Khan, a 
pretender to Bahadur's throne, whose claims he was understood to 
favour. The old friendship between Miilwa and Gujarat was thus 
entirely dissolved. Bahadur, less bigoted than his father, and 
sensible of Ratan Singh's claims on his friendship, which were based 
on Sangrama's reception of him when he was a fugitive, was 
inclined to deprecate wanton attacks on his territories, was bitterly 
resentful of the harbourage offered to Chand Khun, and was 
inclined to regard Mahinfid, who owed his tenure of his throne to 
the capture of Mandu from rebellious Rajputs by Mahmud Begarha, 
as a vassal : Mahmud, on the other hand, was perturbed by 
Bahadur's harbourage of malcontents from Malwa, and suggested 
a meeting at which differences could be settled. Bahadur haughtily 
replied that he had been awaiting a request for an interview at 
which Mahmud could appear before him and explain matters. 
This had not been Mahmud's intention, but he found it difficult to 
recede from his suggestion, and could hardly propose that Bahadur 
should wait upon him. He feigned to be eager to pay his respects 
to the sultan of Gujarat but always discovered a pretext for 
evading a meeting. Ratan Singh of Mewar marched as far as 
Sarangpur and threatened Ujjain, to which city Mahmud advanced. 
Bahadur entered Malwa and awaited Mahmud's arrival at his 
camp, but an envoy from Mahmud made his excuses by explaining 
that his master had broken his arm whilst out hunting. In private 
he informed Bahadur that Chand Khan was the real difficulty, as 
Mahmud did not wish to surrender him, but feared to refuse. 
Bahadur bade the envoy reassure his master on this point, and 
marched slowly towards Mandu, accompanied by Muhammad Shah 
of Khandesh, expecting Mahmud at each stage ; but Mahmud had 
^vSshed his hands of kingship, and had withdrawn into his seraglio 
at lilaficlu, meeting the remonstrances of his courtiers with the 
answer' that he knew that his reign was drawing to its close, and 
that he intended to enjoy life while it lasted. He had thoughts of 
abdicating and installing his son Ghiyas-ud-dln, but seemed to be 



xm] Conquest of Malwa 327 

unable to execute any plan. Meanwhile Bahadur marched to 
Na'lcha and formed the siege of Mandu, being joined by many of 
the nobles and officers of Malwa. The sloth and carelessness of 
Mahmud infected his army, and on the night of March 17 the 
besiegers scaled an unguarded section of the wall and entered the 
city unopposed. Mahmud formed the intention of imitating the 
Rajputs and performing the rite of jauhar, but, on receiving a 
message from Bahadur that his life and honour were safe, aban- 
doned it and waited on Bahadur with seven of his officers. The 
khutba was recited at Mandu in the name of Bahadur, Malwa was 
annexed to Gujarat, and Mahmud and his family were sent towards 
Chainpaner, where Bahadur proposed to imprison them, but on 
April 12, 1531, the camp of Asaf Khan, in whose custody the prisoners 
were, was attacked by Bhils and KolTs, and Mahmud's guards, fearing 
a rescue, put him to death, and he was buried near Dohad. His 
seven sons were sent to Champaner, where they were imprisoned. 

Bahadur remained awhile at Mandu and marched in June to 
Burhanpur, where he was entertained by Muhammad Shah of 
Khandesh, who persuaded him, with some difficulty, to receive the 
learned and pious Shah Tahir, who had come as an envoy from 
Burhiin Nizam Shah I of Ahmadnagar. Burhan had not fulfilled 
the conditions of the treaty of Daulatabad, and Bahadur was con- 
sequently ill-disposed towards him, but Shah Tahir undertook that 
his master should wait on him at Burhanpur and, returning to 
Ahmadnagar, persuaded Burhan to carry out this promise, which 
he had made at Daulatabad. The humiliating circumstances of the 
reception were somewhat alleviated by an artifice of Shah Tahir, 
who bore a copy of the Koran for presentation to Bahadur, .and 
thus obliged the latter to descend from his throne to do reverence 
to the holy book. Both Bahadur and Burhan remained for a short 
time at Burhanpur as the guests of Muhammad Shah, and before 
they parted Bahadur gratified Burhan's vanity by recognising his 
title of Shah. 

The Rajput Silahdi, who held the districts of Raisen, Bhilsa, 
and Sarangpur, nominally as fiefs of Malwa but actually as a small 
principality, had been permitted by Bahadur to visit Raisen after 
the fall of Mandu, but showed no disposition to fulfil his promise^, 
to return, and Nassau Khan, who was sent to Raisen and 
him to court, privately informed the king that he was 
if permitted again to leave the court would ally hij 
Rana. He was therefore arrested at Dhar, his troops wd 
and dispersed, and his elephants were confiscated. 




328 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

Early in January, 1532, Bahadur sent 'Imad-ul-Mulk Malikjf, 
son of Tawakkul, to arrest Silahdfs son Bhopat, who had remained 
at Ujjain when his father came to court and had since occupied 
Sarangpur. 'Imad-ul-Mulk reported that he had fled to Chitor to 
seek help of the Rana, and the king marched by Bhilsa, which he 
occupied, to Raisen, still held by Silahdf s brother, Lakhman Singh. 
He was attacked as he approached the town on January 26, but 
drove the Rajputs into the fortress and formed the siege. 

Bahadur's artillery, under Mustafa Rum! Khan, who had succeeded 
Tughan as governor of Diu, did much execution, and Silahdi con- 
ciliated Bahadur by perfidiously feigning to accept Islam, and thus 
obtained permission to meet his brother, ostensibly with the object 
of arranging for the surrender of the fortress, but when he and 
Lakhman Singh met they agreed to await the relieving force 
expected from Chitor, and sent 2000 men under SilahdI's youngest 
son to hasten its arrival. This force, was, however, intercepted by 
the besiegers and defeated, SilahdI's son being slain, and Bahadur, 
on learning of Silahdl's perfidy, sent him in custody to Maudu and 
dispatched a force under Muhammad Shah of Khandesh and 'Imad- 
ul-Mulk MalikjT to meet the Rana and Bhopat This force met and 
put to flight at Kamkera another force of 2000 Rajputs under 
Puran Mai, another of Silahdi's sons, and Bahadur, learning that 
the Rana was at the head of a large army left his officers to continue 
the siege and marched against him. Vikramaditya, who had suc- 
ceeded his father Ratan Singh, would not face Bahadur in the field, 
but retired to Chitor, and Bahadur returned to Rainen. Lakhman 
Singh, despairing of relief, offered to surrender on condition that 
Silahdi was pardoned, but when Silahdi, having been recalled from 
Mandu, was again permitted to enter Raisen, he was persuaded to 
perform the rite ofjauhar rather than incur the disgrace of being 
implicated in the surrender. Over 700 women were burnt, and the 
men sallied forth, according to custom, in garments died yellow, 
but exhibited little of the spirit of the Rajput, for though all were 
slain the losses of the Muslims amounted to no more than four or 
five. 

Muhammad Shah of Khandesh, who was sent to establish 
Bahadur's authority over the outlying districts of Malwa, captured 
Gagraun 1 and Kanor 2 , both of which had been treacherously sur- 
rendered by Medeni Rai, who had held them of the king of Malwa, 
to the Rana of Mewar, and Bahadur, having appointed as governor 
of Raisen Sultan 'Alam, chief of Kalpi, who had fled from his prin- 

i In 24 38' N. and 76 12' E. 2 In 24 26' N. and 74 16' E. 



xii i] Quarrel with HumayUn 329 

cipality before Babur, overran part of Gondwana, captured many 
elephants, appointed Alp Khan governor of that region, and, turning 
westward, captured Islamabad and Hoshangabad, and met Muham- 
mad Shah, of Khandesh at Sarangpur, where the Rana's governor 
of Gagraun was presented to him. Then returning to Mandu he 
sent 'Imad-ul-Mulk Malikjf arid Ikhtiyar Khan to take Mandasor, 
formerly spared at the intercession of Sangrama Singh, whose 
successor's writ no longer ran either in Malwa or in Gujarat. The 
town and fortress were taken, the Rana's officer fled, and Bahadur 
dismissed Muhammad Shah to Khandesh, visited Dili, and on his 
return thence spent the rainy season at Champaner considering the 
punishment of the Rana. The occasion was opportune, for Vikra- 
maditya was the Commodus of Rajputana,and disgusted his haughty 
nobles by his preference for the society of gladiators, wrestlers, and 
professional swashbucklers. 

Bahadur, having been joined by Muhammad Shah of Khandesh, 
marched from Champaner on November 6, 1532, and on February 
14, 1533, the two kings arrived before Chitor. Ten days later the 
queen-mother, the widow of Sangrama Singh, purchased peace with 
what remained of the plunder taken by her husband when he 
captured Mahmud Khalji II of Malwa, including the jewelled crown 
of Hiishang, and Bahadur retired, but returned again in 1534. 

On this occasion he received in his camp Muhammad Zaman 
Mirza, a prince of the house of Timfir, whose pretensions had so 
incensed his kinsman, the emperor, that he had been sentenced to 
imprisonment in the fortress of Bayana and to the loss of his eyes, 
which he saved by flight. Humayun, whose relations with Bahadur 
had hitherto been perfectly friendly, took umbrage at his harbouring 
the fugitive and his followers, and a correspondence ensued which 
led to a permanent rupture between the two monarchs. Two of 
the letters which passed between them have been preserved in 
their entirety and offer a striking picture of the diplomatic methods 
of that day. Humayun pointed out that although his ancestor 
Timur had desisted from attacking the Ottoman Sultan Bayazid 
while he was engaged in fighting the Franks he protested against 
Bayazid's harbouring princes who had rebelled against himself. 
He therefore demanded that the prince should be either surrended 
or expelled. To this Bahadur, who is said to have dictated his 
reply when in his cups, sent a most insulting answer, in which he 
ironically suggested that Humayun had boasted of the exploits of 
'his sire seven degrees removed' because he himself had achieved 
nothing worthy of record. 



3 3 o Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

So shocked were Bahadur and his nobles when they considered 
the tone of this letter on the morrow that an effort was made to 
overtake the courier, but without success, and their only solace 
was the reflection that nothing more could be done, and that what 
was decreed must come to pass. 

Bahadur gained an easy victory over Vikramiiditya at Loicha 1 , 
in the dominions of Surjan, Rao of Bundi, for the Rana was deserted 
by most of his vassals, who marched to the defence of Chitor, and 
Bahadur, after his success, turned in the same direction and formed 
the siege. Burhan-ul-Mulk now held Ranthambhor, which he had 
captured for Bahadur when he had first appeared before Chitor 
in the preceding year, and Bahadur sent Tsitilr Khan LodI, a 
grandson of Buhlfil LodI of Delhi who had entered his service, 
with a vast sum of money, in order that he and Burhan-ul-Mulk 
might attack the Mughul empire. Tatar Khan raised an army and 
captured the fortress of Bayana, but Humayuii's youngest brother 
immediately recovered it, and slew him. Meanwhile the siege of 
Chitor continued According to Rajput legend Jawahir Bai, the 
queen-mother, of Rahtor race, sent Humayun a bracelet, in accord- 
ance with the chivalrous custom of Rajasthan, adopting him as her 
champion against Bahadur, but the legend is inconsistent with the 
Muslim chronicles and with the conduct of Humayun, who, despite 
the gross provocation which he had received, would not attack 
a brother Muslim while he was engaged in fighting the mis- 
believers. 

Bahadur was seriously perturbed by the news of the defeat and 
death of Tatar Khan LodI and by apprehensions of being attacked 
by Humayun, and would have raised the siege but for the confident 
assurance of Sadr Khan, one of his officers, that Humayun would 
never attack him while he was besieging Chitor. After a lapse of 
three months an extensive breach was made in the rampart, which 
had never before been exposed to artillery fire. It was stoutly 
defended but with a terrible sacrifice of life, and the valiant Jawahir 
Bai led a sortie from the fortress and was slain at the head of her 
warriors. The garrison lost hope. The infant heir, Udai Singh, was 
conveyed by Surjan, prince of Bund!, to a place of safety, and the 
surviving Rajputs performed the rite ofjauhar. Thirteen thousand 
women, so the legend says, headed by Karnavati, the mother of 
the young prince, voluntarily perished in an immense conflagra- 
tion fed by combustibles, and the survivors of the slaughter in the 
breach, led by Baghji, prince of Deola, rushed on the Muslims and 

1 In2517 / N.and7534 / E. 



xin] Flight of Bahadur 331 

were exterminated. Chitor was for the moment a possession of the 
king of Gujarat, and received a Muslim governor. 

Bahadur had now to think of his return to his capital, and had 
reason to repent the folly which had prompted him to insult the 
emperor ; for Humayun, though he had scrupulously abstained from 
attacking him while he was engaged with the misbelievers, had 
advanced to Mandasor, and was there awaiting him. Bahadur had 
already taken a step which proclaimed his despair by sending to 
Mecca, under the charge of a certain Asaf Khan, both the ladies 
of his harem and his treasury. His army, as it approached the 
emperor's position at Mandasor, was disheartened by the defeat of 
its advanced guard and by the defection of Sayyid 'All Khan 
Khurasan!, who deserted to the emperor. Bahadur was beset by 
conflicting counsels. Sadr Khan urged that an immediate attack 
should be delivered, while the army was still flushed with its 
victory at Chitor, but Riimi Khan, who commanded the artillery, 
was of opinion that it should entrench itself and rely on its great 
superiority in guns. Unfortunately the advice of the artilleryman 
was followed. The light armed troops of Gujarat dared not face 
the Mughul archers in the field, and the imperial troops, beyond the 
range of the guns, were able to cut off the supplies of the entrenched 
camp. A reinforcement from Raisen only increased his difficulties 
by consuming his supplies, and after enduring a siege of two 
months, during which losses from famine were heavy, he basely 
deserted his army by night on April 25, 1535, and fled with Mu- 
hammad Shah of Khandesh, Mallfi Qadir Khan, governor of Malwa, 
and three other nobles, to Mandu. His army dispersed, only a few 
of the principal officers being able to lead off their contingents. 

Humayun pursued him and besieged him in Mandu. A division 
escaladed the walls of the fortress at night, and Bahadur, who was 
asleep at the time, escaped with difficulty to Champaner with no 
more than five or six followers. Sadr Khan and Sultan 'Alam, 
governor of Raisen, retired into the citadel, Songarh, but were 
forced to surrender after the lapse of two days, when the former 
entered the emperor's service and the latter, guilty of being a 
member of the Lod! clan, was mutilated by the amputation of his 
feet. Sadr Khan was not the only one who changed his allegiance. 
Mustafa Rumi Khan, to whom the government of Ranthambhor 
had been promised during its siege, so resented his master's failure 
to keep his word that he entered Humayun's service after the 
defeat at Mandasor. 

After reducing the citadel of Mandu Humayun pursued Bahadur, 



332 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

who fled from Champaner to Cambay. Humayun followed him 
thither, but arrived at the port on the day on which he had taken 
ship for Diu. The remnant of the fugitive's army was staunch and 
made a night attack on the imperial camp, but a traitor had betrayed 
their design and the imperial troops, having vacated their tents, 
allowed the enemy to plunder them and then, falling on them, put 
them to the sword. They also slew, lest they should be rescued, 
Sadr Khan and Firuz, formerly Jam of Sind, who had fallen into 
their hands. 

Bahadur induced Humayun to withdraw from Cambay by 
sending Mahmud Lari, Muhtaram Khan, to interview Mustafia 
Bum! Khan. Haji Dabir reports the interview as it was related to 
him by Muhtaram Khan, who conveyed such bitter reproaches from 
Bahadur that Rum! Khan sweated with shame, and added, * If this 
attack on Dili is your suggestion, then employ some device to deter 
him : if it is not your suggestion then try to shake his purpose/ 
Ruml Khan, stung by these reproaches, went to Humayun, who 
happened to be suffering from the effects of the climate and advised 
him to postpone the attack on Diu, as the sea air was bad for his 
health. Humayun agreed, and at the same time news of disturbances 
in Ahmadabad was received, and he withdrew to Champaner. 

Champaner was still held by Ikhtiyar Khan for Bahadur, and 
Humayun besieged the fortress. Selecting the most inaccessible 
part of the wall as likely to be the most lightly guarded he led to 
the spot 300 men armed with steel spikes, by means of which, 
driven into the mortar between the stones, they escaladed the wall 
and, on August 9, 1535, opened the gates to the rest of the army. 
Ikhtiyar Khan fled to the citadel, but almost immediately sur- 
rendered, and Humayun was master of Champaner. 

The treasure found at Champaner relieved the imperial troops 
of the duty of dispersing themselves throughout the country for 
the collection of revenue, and the fief-holders sent to Bahadur in 
Kathiawar a message expressing their unaltered loyalty and their 
readiness to pay the land tax, if officers could be sent to collect it. 
Bahadur selected 'Imad-ul-Mulk Malikji for this duty, and he, 
assembling an army of 50,000 horse, encamped before Ahmadabad 
and sent out detachments to collect the revenue. Humayun, who 
would have been better employed in his own dominions, was in- 
toxicated by his new conquest and bent on including it in his 
empire. He marched towards Ahmadabad and his advanced guard 
defeated 'Imad-ul-Mulk between Nadiad and Mahmudabad. The 
victory encouraged him to distribute the fiefs of Gujarat among 



xiu] Retreat of Hum av tin 333 

his officers, as though the conquest were complete and permanent, 
and the kingdom assumed for a short time the appearance of a 
settled province of the empire. Bahadur, at Diu, was trembling at 
the prospect of an attack by land on that port and wrote to Xuuho 
da Cunha, governor of Portuguese India, imploring his aid. Da 
Cunha visited Diu and on October 25 concluded a treaty by which 
he undertook to assist Bahadur against his enemies by land and 
sea, and received in return confirmation of the cession of the port 
of Bassein to the king of Portugal and permission to build a fort 
at Diu, the customs dues of the port being retained, however, by 
Bahadur. 

Humayun, fired with the lust of conquest, marched into Khan- 
dcsh and visited Burhanpur. Muhammad Shah wrote, begging him 
to spare his small kingdom the horrors of an invasion, and at the 
same time wrote to Ibrahim 'Adll Shah I of Bijapur, Sultan Qull 
Qutb Shah of Golconda, and Darya 'Imad Shah of Berar, proposing 
a league for the defence of the Dcccan, but Humayun 's operations 
were confined to a military promenade through Khandesh, whence 
he returned to Mandu. 

While he had been indulging in dreams of conquest Sher Khan 
Sur, the Afghan, had risen in rebellion in Bengal, the nobles of 
Gujarat, with the aid of the Portuguese, had recovered some posts 
from the Mughuls, and 'Askarl Mlrza, at Ahmadabad, was medi- 
tating his own proclamation as king of Gujarat Tardi Beg, the 
Mughul governor of Champaner, refused to admit into the fortress 
the officers who, having been driven from their posts by Bahadur's 
troops, desired to take refuge there, for he believed them to be 
partisans of 'Askarl and disaffected towards Humayun. They 
accordingly besieged him in Champaner and Humayun hastily 
returned towards Agra, where his presence was urgently required, 
and was joined on the way by 'Askari and those who had besieged 
Champaner who now made their peace with him. His ill-timed 
expedition into Gujarat had lasted for thirteen months and 
thirteen days. 

Bahadur had closely followed the retreating Mughuls, and as 
he approached Champaner Tardi Beg evacuated it and Bahadur 
reoccupied it on May 25, 1536. He apologised to his nobles for 
having at Mandasor followed the advice of Mustafa Rum! Khan, 
who had since deserted to Humayun, to which error all the subse- 
quent misfortunes of Gujarat were to be traced. Mallu Qadir Khan 
returned to Mandu as governor of Malwa. 

Bahadur, having regained his kingdom, repented of his bargain 



334 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

with the Portuguese, and sought to expel them from Diu. Manoel 
de Sousa, who commanded the fort, was aware of this design, and 
when the king visited Diu late in 1536 would not wait upon him, 
lest he should be treacherously assassinated. Nunho da Cunha, in 
response to an invitation from Bahadur, visited Diu towards the 
end of December, but having been warned by de Sousa that it was 
the king's intention to send him in a cage to the sultan of Turkey, 
feigned sickness and refused to land. He persisted in his refusal 
until the king lost patience and decided, on February 13, 1537, 
against the advice of all his counsellors, to visit him on board his 
ship. He made his visit accompanied by thirteen officers of high 
rank, and after remaining a short time on board expressed a desire 
to return. The Portuguese attempted to detain him, ostensibly 
that he might inspect the gifts which they had brought for him 
from Goa, but doubtless with a view to obtaining a pledge that he 
would abandon his designs against them and to extorting further 
concessions from him. He is said to have cut down a priest who 
attempted to bar his way, and when he entered his barge the 
Portuguese boats closed round it and swords were drawn. Manoel 
de Sousa was killed, and the king and Khvaja Safar leaped into the 
water. A Portuguese friend drew the Khvaja aboard his boat, but 
the king was drowned and all his other companions were killed. 

Bahadur was one of the greatest and may be reckoned the last 
of the kings of Gujarat, for his three actual successors were mere 
puppets in the hands of a turbulent and factious nobility. His one 
great error was committed at Mandasor, when he entrenched himself 
instead of falling at once on the imperial army. His disgraceful 
flight was almost a necessary consequence, for in it lay his only 
chance of saving his kingdom. If we except these two actions and 
his meditated treachery towards his Portuguese allies, which was 
not regarded as reprehensible in his faith and in that age, we shall 
be inclined to agree in the praise bestowed upon him by Hajl Dablr, 
author of the Zqfar-td-Walih 1 , who describes him as liberal, gener- 
ous, and valiant, with a loftier spirit and wider ambitions than 
any of his line, and reckons as his conquests the places in which 
he caused the khutba to be recited in his name; Gujarat, the 
Deccan, Khandesh, Malwa, Ajmer, the Aravalli Hills, Jalor, Nagaur, 
Junagarh, Khankot, Raisen, Ranthambhor, Chitor, Kalpi, Baglana, 
Idar, Radhanpur, Ujjain, Mewat, Satwas, Abu, and Mandasor. 

Bahadur left no son, and Muhammad Zaman Mlrza, the kinsman 
and brother-in-law of Humayun, impudently claimed the throne 

1 Vol. i, p. 263. 



xin] Decline of the Royal Power 335 

on the ground that Bahadur's mother had adopted him as her son, 
but 'Imad-ul-Mulk Malikjf hastened from Diu to Ahmadabad and 
agreed to call to the throne Muhammad Shah of Khandesh, whose 
wife, mother, grandmother, and two more remote ancestresses had 
all been princesses of Gujarat. Descent in the female line seldom 
counts for much in questions of succession in Muslim states, but 
Muhammad had been for years the loyal vassal and faithful com- 
panion in arms of Bahadur, whose recognition of his title of Shah 
was understood to indicate a wish that he should succeed him. 
Muhammad Shah obeyed the summons and set out from Burhanpur 
to ascend the throne of Gujarat, but died on May 24, on his way to 
Champaner. 

There now remained only one possible successor, the last 
descendant of Muhammad Karim, Mahmud Khan, son of Bahadur's 
brother Latif Khan, who, during his uncle's reign, had been placed 
in the custody of Muhammad of Khandesh, and was a state prisoner 
in a fortresH in that state. The nobles of Gujarat summoned him 
to the throne, but Mubarak II, who had succeeded his brother in 
Khandesh, and had almost certainly hoped to receive a summons 
to the throne of Gujarat, would not surrender him until a force 
led by Ikhtiyar Khan invaded Khandesh. Ikhtiyar Khan carried 
Mahmud with him to Ahmadabad, where he was enthroned on 
August 8, 1587, as Sa'd-ud-diu Mahmud Shah III. 

The part which Ikhtiyar Khan Siddiql had played in bringing 
the new king from Khandesh and placing him on the throne gained 
for him the regency, for Mahmud was but eleven years of age. 
Ikhtiyar Khan was learned and accomplished and his surname 
indicates descent from Abu Bakr as-Siddlq ('the truthful'), the first 
successor of the prophet Muhammad, but his father had held the 
comparatively humble post of qazl of Nadiad and his advancement 
was resented by many of the nobles, now divided into factions 
quarrelling over the part which each had borne in attempting to 
overcome the calamities which had recently fallen upon the king- 
dom and over the compensation due to each for his sufferings and 
his losses. 

Two nobles of the second rank, Fattfiji Muhafiz Khan and 
Darya Khan Husain, urged 'Imad-ul-Mulk MalikjT, son of Tawakkul, 
who had long taken a prominent part in the affairs of the kingdom 
and now found himself relegated to the third place, that of deputy 
minister, to remove Ikhtiyar Khan by assassination, and his jealousy 
and ambition succumbed to the temptation. He stepped into 
Ikhtiyar Khan's place and appropriated the title of Amir-ul-Umara, 



3 3 6 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

but 'Abd-ul-Latif Sadr Khan, the minister, grieved deeply for his 
old friend, and taxed 'Imad-ul-Mulk with having been accessory 
to his death. The new regent's denial of his complicity was not 
believed, and Sadr Khan voluntarily resigned his post, and ex- 
plained to the king the grounds for his action. He informed both 
the king and the regent that Darya Khan aspired to the first place 
in the kingdom, and privately warned 'Imad-ul-Mulk that the life 
of none would be safe if ambitious subordinates were permitted to 
foment discord between the great officers of state and to persuade 
them to remove rivals by assassination. Darya Khan obtained the 
post vacated by Sadr Khan, but the hitter's warning was not lost 
upon 'Imad-ul-Mulk who regarded his late accomplice with suspi- 
cion, which was rewarded with secret intrigue and open hostility. 

In 1517 the last of the Mamluk Sultans had been overthrown, 
and Egypt became part of the Ottoman Empire, but it was not 
until 1538 that the new rulers of Egypt made any further attempt 
to drive the Portuguese from the Indian Ocean. In 1537, however, 
when news reached Egypt of the tragic death of Bahadur and the 
consequent strengthening of the Portuguese position in India, the 
Ottoman Sultan, Sulaiman I, grew apprehensive and ordered the 
equipment at Suez of a powerful fleet, which eventually set sail 
under Sulaiman Pasha al-Khadim, governor of Cairo, and then an 
old man of eighty-two. His objective was Diu, which was now in 
the sole possession of the Portuguese. His public announcement 
that he was setting out on a ' holy war ' against the Franks did not 
prevent his behaving with the utmost treachery and cruelty to- 
wards his co-religionist at Aden, where he called on his way to India. 
News of his disgraceful behaviour at Aden travelled quickly to 
India, and was doubtless the real cause of his failure against the 
Portuguese, for when he reached Muzaffarabad Khvaja Safar, 
Khudavand Khan, whom Mahmud III had placed in command of 
a large force intended to co-operate with the Pasha, and who was 
at first inclined to join him, was deterred by his friends, who re- 
minded him of the fate of the governor of Aden, and although he 
sent many gifts to the Pasha he persistently evaded a personal 
interview. But though co-operation between the land and sea forces 
was thus incomplete the Portuguese were reduced to great straits. 
They were driven by Khvaja Safar from the city into the fort, 
which they held with their wonted determination. Garcia de 
Noronha, the newly arrived viceroy, either could not or would not 
understand the situation, and failed to send relief ; the defences 
were almost destroyed, and of the original garrison of 600 only forty 



xi n] Siege of Dm Raised * 337 

men remained fit to bear arms. Sulaiman Pasha, who had been 
attacking by sea, was unaware, owing to the army's failure to co- 
operate with him, of the desperate situation of the defence and was 
so discouraged by repeated failure and by his losses that when 
Khvaja Safar, disgusted by the arrogance of the Turks, which had 
convinced him that Gujarat had nothing to gain by their taking 
the place of the Portuguese at Diu, sent him a fabricated letter, 
announcing that the viceroy was about to arrive from Goa with 
a formidable fleet, he sailed away on November 5. Some of his 
officers remained behind and entered the service of Gujarat. Among 
these were Aqa Farahshad the Turk, afterwards entitled Fath Jang 
Khan, Nasir the African, afterwards entitled Habash Khan, and 
Mujahid Khan, who occupied Junagarh. Khvaja Safar, on Sulaiman 
Pasha's departure, set fire to the town of Diu and retired. 

'Imad-ul-Mulk was now to discover the wisdom of Sadr Khan's 
warning. His relations with Darya Khan had been growing ever 
more strained and the latter's influence over the feeble king ever 
stronger. He accompanied the king on an excursion, ostensibly for 
the purpose of hunting, but when well beyond the city walls carried 
him off to Champaner, and sent to 'Imad-ul-Mulk a royal letter 
directing him to retire to his fiefs in Kathiawar. 'Imad-ul-Mulk 
assembled his troops and attempted to obtain possession of the 
king's person in order to re-establish his influence over him, but 
the proceeding so closely resembled rebellion that many of his 
officers deserted him for the royal camp, and he was obliged to 
return to Ahmadabad, whence he retired, with Sadr Khan, to Morvi, 
his principal fief. In 1540 Darya Khan, carrying with him the king, 
marched against 'Imad-ul-Mulk, defeated him at Bajana 1 , where 
Sadr Khan was slain, and drove him into Khandesh. Darya Khan 
followed him, and at Dangri 2 , near the Tapti, met Mubarak II, who 
was prepared to oppose any attempt to enter his kingdom. Darya 
Khan was again victorious, and 'Imad-ul-Mulk fled to Mandu, 
where Mallu Nasir Khan, appointed governor by Bahadur was 
now independent, styling himself Nasir Shah. At this point Darya 
Khan and Mahmud III abandoned the pursuit and returned to 
Gujarat. 

Darya Khan was now absolute in the kingdom, but Mahmud 
had sufficient spirit to be sensible of the humiliation of his situation, 
and enlisted the aid of a humble attendant, one Chirji, a fowler, to 
escape from it. Chirji had horses ready one night under the city 
wall, and the king, leaving his palace at midnight, mounted and 

1 In 28 T N. and 71 47' E. a In 21 9' N. and 75 4' E. 

C.H.I. m. 22 



3 3 8 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

rode to Dhandhuka, the fief of 'Alam Khan Lodi, nearly sixty miles 
south-west of Ahmadabad. 

* Alam Khan received him with every demonstration of loyalty, 
and summoned to his aid his brother-in-law, Nasir-ud-din Ulugh 
Khan of Junagarh, Mujahid Khan of Palitana, and other fief- 
holders. Darya Khan, on discovering that the king had escaped 
him and found a powerful protector, renounced the struggle to 
maintain his ascendancy and sent to the king a mission with the 
royal insignia, elephants, horses, and his own letter of resignation ; 
but his old accomplice, Fattuji Muhafiz Khan, coming into the city 
from his fief of Vlramgam, met the mission at Sarkhej, turned it 
back, and persuaded Darya Khan to strike a blow for the recovery 
of his lost supremacy. It was necessary to oppose a puppet to the 
actual king, and a child of obscure origin was accordingly pro- 
claimed and carried by Darya Khan with the army which he led 
against Mahmud III and his new protectors. 

The armies met to the south-west of Ahmadabad, in a confused 
conflict which had a strange result. 'Alain Khan Lodi charged with 
great impetuosity, cut his way through the centre of Darya Khan's 
army, rode to Ahmadabad with only five or six of his men, and 
took possession of the city in the name of Mahmud III. Darya 
Khan, convinced that 'Alam Khan's small force had been cut to 
pieces, continued the action with apparent success until it was 
confidently reported that 'Alam Khan had entered the royal palace, 
proclaimed his victory over the rebels, and let loose a mob of 
plunderers into his house. He hesitated, and was lost. His army 
fled, and Mahmud marched on into the city, Muhafiz Khan and the 
child who had been proclaimed king fleeing before him. Darya 
Khan fled to Burhanpur and Muhafiz Khan, with his puppet, to 
Champaner, whither he was followed by Mahmud III and 'Alam 
Khan. He was glad to purchase life by a speedy surrender and 
disappeared from the kingdom. 

Mahmud III now returned to Ahmadabad to discover that he 
had but changed one master for another. He insisted, in his grati- 
tude, on promoting Chlrjl the fowler to the rank lately held by 
Fattuji and conferred on him all FattujI's possessions, and his title 
of Muhafiz Khan, but the advancement profited the humble bird- 
catcher little, for when he took his seat among the nobles of the 
kingdom 'Alam Khan Lodi protested, and when Chirji, with the 
king's support, persisted in asserting his right, compassed his death. 
The manner in which the minister's decision was executed indicates 
the estimation in which the king and his wishes were held by his 



xm] Overthrow of^Alam Khan 339 

new master. Ashja' Khan, 'Alam Khan's brother, entered the royal 
presence with a dagger in his hand, laid hold of the wretched 
Muhafiz Khan, dragged him forth, and as soon as he had crossed 
the threshold of the hall of audience stabbed him to death. 'Alam 
Khan became, of course, lieutenant of the kingdom, and Nur-ud-din 
Burhan-ul-Mulk Bambanl was appointed minister. 'Imad-ul-Mulk 
MalikjT returned from Mandu and received Broach as his fief. 

The domination of 'Alam Khan was even less tolerable than 
that of Darya Khan. The latter had, at least, observed some 
moderation in the pomp with which he surrounded himself, but 
the former encroached, in this respect, on the royal prerogative. 
A minister whose power was absolute might well have avoided this 
indiscretion and should have understood that a king deprived of 
his power will cling all the more jealously to its outward symbols. 
Nor was this his greatest error. The assassination of the recently 
ennobled fowler wounded the king's affections as well as his honour, 
and in crushing one presumptuous minister he had learned how 
to deal with another. By a private appeal to the loyalty of some, 
who, though nominally 'Alam Khan's followers were no less dis- 
gusted than the king with his arrogance and presumption, he 
succeeded in ridding himself of his new master. On a night when 
Mujahid Khan was on duty at the palace the king persuaded him 
to assemble his troops, and at break of day rode forth with the 
royal umbrella above his head and proclaimed by a crier that 
'Alam Khan's palace might be sacked. The mob broke in, and 
'Alam Khan, roused from a drunken slumber, fled in confusion and 
made the best of his way to Mandfi, where he joined his former 
enemy, Darya Khan. 

Mujahid Khan now became lieutenant of the kingdom, with 
'Abd-us-Samad Afzal Khan as minister. Muharrain bin Safar was 
entitled Rum! Khan, and others who afterwards became prominent 
in the state received titles. 'Abd-ul-Karim became Ftimad Khan, 
Bilal Jhiijhar Khan, and Abu Sulaiman Mahalldar Khan. 

Darya Khan and 'Alain Khan now appeared at Riidhanpur 1 
with 'Ala-ud-dln Fath Khan of the royal line of Sind, whose mother 
had been a princess of Gujarat, and proclaimed him king, but 
Mahmiid attacked and defeated them, and they fled again to Mandu, 
while Fath Khan, who had merely been an instrument in their hands, 
made his excuses to Mahmiid and was well received at his court. 

Mahmud, now freed from the domination of ambitious ministers, 
turned his attention to the Portuguese. Khvaja Safar, Khudavand 

i In 23 49' N. and 71 39' E. 

222 



34 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

Khan, was governor of Cambay, and was ordered to construct a 
fort at Siirat for the protection of the maritime trade, which had 
been much harassed by the Portuguese ever since their establish- 
ment at Diu. Though much hampered by the Portuguese, who 
attempted, first by force and afterwards by bribery, to prevent its 
construction, the fort was successfully completed according to the 
principles of fortification then obtaining in Europe, and was armed 
with many guns which had belonged to Sulaiman Pasha's fleet, and 
.had been carried to Junagarh by Mujahid Khan. 

Mahmud had not forgotten the death of his uncle, Bahadur, nor 
its authors, and his failure to expel the Portuguese from Diu in 
1538 had not discouraged him. Khvaja Safar, who maintained an 
outwardly friendly correspondence with them, and was well ac- 
quainted with their affairs, encouraged his master to make another 
attempt to recover Diu, but before resorting to arms endeavoured 
to gain possession of the fortress by treachery. The plot was dis- 
covered and Khvaja Safar opened the siege. The fort was small, 
and would accommodate only a small garrison, and Safar's bom- 
bardment caused heavy losses, but the Portuguese fought with 
unflinching valour. They were encouraged by the death, on June 24, 
1546, of Khvaja Safar, whose head was taken off by a gunshot. 
He was succeeded in the command by his son, Muharram Rumi 
Khan, who made desperate efforts to take the place, one assault 
being repulsed with the loss of 2000 men and of Bilal Jhujhar 
Khan, his second in command, but the numbers of the Portuguese 
were reduced to 200, until a timely reinforcement of 400 men under 
Alvaro de Castro encouraged them to sally forth and attack the 
enemy. They were repulsed with heavy loss, but on November 7 
a fleet of nearly 100 sail, under the command of Joao de Castro, 
governor of Portuguese India, appeared off Diu. 

On November 10 the Portuguese attacked in force, and drove 
the Muslims into the city, where they massacred men, women, and 
children without discrimination. The Muslims rallied, but after 
a bloody fight were defeated with the loss of 1500 killed, 2000 
wounded, and many prisoners. Muharram Rumi Khan and many 
other officers were among the slain and Jhujhar Khan was cap- 
tured. The loss of the Portuguese was no more than 100, and their 
booty included many standards, forty heavy and a hundred and 
sixty field and light guns, and much ammunition. 

Jahangir Khan fled from the field and carried the mournful news 
to the king, who wept with rage and mortification, and caused twenty- 
eight Portuguese prisoners to be torn to pieces in his presence. 



xi 1 1] Successes of the Portuguese 341 

Jo&o de Castro celebrated his victory by a triumph at Goa, 
his prisoners following him in chains, in imitation of the Roman 
custom, which drew from Queen Catherine of Portugal the remark 
that he had conquered like a Christian and triumphed like a heathen. 

The failure of the attack on Diu led to the dismissal, on 
February 21, 1547, of the minister, Afzal Khan, in whose place 
'Abd-ul-Halim Khudavand Khan was appointed. 

In September, 1547, Jorge de Menezes landed at Broach, burned 
both the fortress and the city, destroyed such guns as he could 
not carry away, and put the inhabitants to the sword. Later in 
the year the governor, Joao de Castro, with 3000 men, formed the 
foolhardy resolve of landing near Broach and attacking Mahmud, 
who had assembled a force of 150,000 men and eighty guns either 
in order to renew the attack on Diu or to protect his ports from 
raids, but was dissuaded from the rash act. He sailed off and 
plundered and destroyed some ports on the coasts of Kathiawar 
and the Konkan, carrying much booty back to Goa ; and Mahmud, 
unwilling at length to exasperate a power which could at all times 
descend with impunity on his coasts refrained from renewing the 
attacks on Diu, and in 1548 executed a treaty most advantageous 
to the Portuguese. 

In the same year disputes between Mujahid Khan and Afzal 
Khan had given rise to internal troubles, and it was resolved to 
recall Asaf Khan, who had been in Mecca ever since 1535, when 
Bahadur had sent him away in charge of his harem and treasure. 
His first reform on assuming office was the formation of a powerful 
bodyguard recruited from the foreign legion and composed of Turks, 
Africans, Javanese, and others, numbering in all 12,000. By this 
means the king's authority was firmly established. 

In 1549 the king made Mahmudabad on the Vatrak his ordinary 
place of residence. The town had been built by his ancestor, 
Mahmud Begarha, and he conceived a liking for its air and sur- 
roundings. He enlarged the existing royal palace and parcelled out 
land among his nobles, bidding them build palaces and houses for 
themselves. Mallu Qadir Shah of Malwa, who had been expelled 
from his kingdom by Shuja'at Khan, Sher Shah's governor, was 
now at his court, and described in detail the beauties of the deer- 
park of Mandu, inspiring Mahmud to lay out a replica of it. Here 
he lived in great splendour and luxury, indulging, besides the 
usual lusts of an oriental prince, his propensity for powerful and 
poisonous drugs, which he took not only for their intoxicating and 
stupefying effect, but also as aphrodisiacs. 



342 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH . 

The raja of Idar had, since Humayiin's invasion, behaved as an 
independent monarch, remitting no tribute, and when, in 1549, a 
small force was sent to demand the arrears due he opposed the 
royal troops and compelled them to retire, but a larger force under 
'Imad-ul-Mulk Asian Riimi, who had been appointed to the com- 
mand of the foreign legion, captured Idar and compelled the 
raja to pay tribute. Farahshad, one of the Turkish officers who had 
deserted Sulaiman Pasha on his withdrawal, acted as Imad-ul- 
Mulk's standard bearer and l>ehaved with great gallantry, for which 
he was rewarded with the title of Fath Jang Khan. In the follow- 
ing year a similar expedition was dispatched to Sirohl, the country 
round about which was plundered ; but there was no design, 
apparently, of reducing Sirohl to the condition of a vassal state 
paying regular tribute. In 1551 it was necessary to suppress the 
predatory Rajputs who infested the heart of the kingdom and had 
murdered a doctor of the law travelling from Pat/an to Ahmadabad. 
A massacre reduced the survivors to temporary obedience. 

One of Mahmud's immediate attendants, Burhan-ud-din, a man 
who made pretensions to piety, and one of whose duties it was to 
lead the prayers when the king was in the field, offended him one 
day by disrespectful behaviour, and Mahmud in his wrath sentenced 
him to death by being bricked up in a wall. The barbarous sentence 
was put into execution, but Mahmud happened to pass while the 
wretch's head yet protruded, took pity on him, and caused the 
structure to be pulled down. He was much lacerated and injured 
by the pressure of the mortar and rubble, but with care he re- 
covered, and lived to resent his sufferings rather than to be grateful 
for his life. His resentment exhibited itself again in disrespect, 
and the king used language which left no doubt that he would not 
escape the punishment to which he had once been sentenced, but the 
celebration of the prophet Muhammad's birthday, on February 15, 
1554, temporarily diverted Mahmud's attention from the matter. 
At the conclusion of the feast which marked the occasion Mahmud, 
stupefied with wine and drugs, withdrew to his bedroom, where he 
was attended by Daulat, the nephew and accomplice of Burhan- 
ud-din, who had also taken the precaution of corrupting the royal 
bodyguard, known as the Lion-slayers. It was an easy matter for 
Daulat to cut the king's throat as he lay on his bed, and Burhan- 
ud-din issued summonses in the king's name to all the chief officers 
of state. Most obeyed, and were assassinated by the royal guards, ten 
being slain in this manner, including the famous vazlr, Asaf Khan, 
but 'Abd-ul-Karim Ttimad Khan suspected mischief and remained 



xin] Death of Mahmua III 343 

at home. Burhan-ud-dm then bestowed titles upon the soldiers of 
the guard and the menial servants of the palace, promised to pro- 
mote them to the principal offices in the kingdom, and in the 
morning caused the royal umbrella to be raised over his head and 
proclaimed his accession. 

The surviving nobles led their troops to the palace and attacked 
the usurper, who fell at their first onslaught, and then proceeded 
to determine the succession, which was no easy matter, for Mahmud, 
who had a nervous dread both of providing an heir who might 
be put forward as a competitor for the throne and of a disputed 
succession after his death, had taken the barbarous precaution 
of procuring an abortion whenever a woman of his harem became 
pregnant. Inquiries were made in the harem and it was reported 
that one child, Khalil Shah, had escaped the cruel law. After the 
burial of Mahmud the nobles demanded the delivery of Khalil 
Shah, that he might be enthroned, but were informed that a 
mistake had been made, and that there remained no heir to the 
throne. It would appear that some fraud had been intended, but 
that when the moment arrived the conspirators lost heart and 
abandoned their design. 

Inquiries were made and a young prince entitled Razi-ul-Mulk, 
the great-grandson of Shakar Khan, a younger son of Ahmad I 
was raised to the throne under the title of Ahmad Shah II. 

The leaders of the nobles who placed Ahmad II on the throne 
were Ptimad Khan and Sayyid Mubarak Bukhari, and it was the 
former who assumed the office of regent, while the latter retired 
to Mahmudabad, which he occupied as his fief. All the nobles of the 
kingdom were virtually independent, and each lived on his estate, 
leaving Ptimad Khan to carry on a pretence of administering the 
whole country in the name of the youthful king. 

The port of Daman was held by one Sayyid Abu-'l-Fath, who, 
as he neither paid taxes nor materially acknowledged the central 
government, could expect no support when, in 1559, the Portuguese 
viceroy, Constantino de Braganza, attacked him, drove him first 
from Daman and then from Pardi, and established the Portuguese 
firmly in Daman and Bulsar, securing native support by assigning 
the customs of the former port to the governor of the island of 
Salsette, which was within the dominions of Ahmadnagar. 

Ahmad II was virtually a prisoner in the hands of Ptimad 
Khan, and after passing five years in this condition he reached an 
age at which he became sensible of the restraint to which he was 
subjected, and of the minister's usurpation of his rights. He fled 



344 Gujarat and Khandesh ,[CH. 

and threw himself on the protection of Sayyid Mubarak Bukharl 
at Mahmudabad, where a number of nobles, influenced more by 
the Sayyid's prestige and by hostility to I'timad Khan than by 
loyalty to a sovereign whom they hardly knew, assembled, i'timad 
Khan and his partisans marched against this confederacy, and the 
death of Sayyid Mubarak from an arrow involved the defeat and 
dispersal of the army assembled round the king. Ahrnad wandered 
for some days a helpless fugitive in the jungles, until he was 
obliged to return to his master, who carried him back to Ahmada- 
bad and imprisoned him in the palace. 

'Imad-ul-Mulk Asian and Tatar Khan Ghuri, disgusted with 
Ttimad Khan's monopoly of power, dragged forth their guns and 
bombarded his house at Ahmadabad, and the regent fled to Halol, 
near Champaner, taking the young king with him. Here he began 
to assemble his army, and civil war was on the point of breaking 
out when peacemakers intervened and effected a composition 
whereby Ftimad Khan retained the office of regent and the custody 
of the king and the other nobles parcelled out the kingdom among 
themselves/Imad-ul-Mulk Asian, Ttimad Khan's principal opponent, 
receiving Broach, Champaner, Nandod, and other districts between 
the Mahi and Narbada rivers. To the king was assigned land suffi- 
cient for the maintenance of 1500 horse, but this was no more 
than a concession to his vanity, for he remained almost as closely 
guarded as before. 

Ptimad Khan could not, however, entirely seclude him, and he 
used to amuse himself by hatching, with those officers who gained 
access to him, boyish plots for the assassination of the regent, and 
by drawing his sword and severing the soft stem of a plantain tree, 
with the childish boast that he could thus cleave in two his tyrant. 
All this was reported to Ptirriad Khan, who, though he well knew 
that the boy was incapable of any desperate deed, began to fear 
lest some officer should earn the king's gratitude and the coveted 
post of regent by giving effect to wishes so unreservedly expressed. 
He therefore, in July, 1562, caused Ahmad to be assassinated, and 
his body to be flung out of the citadel into the open space between 
the river and the house of a noble entitled Vajih-ul-Mulk Abuji 
Tank, and when it was discovered gave out that Ahmad Shah must 
have gone secretly to Vajih-ul-Mulk's house on some amorous 
adventure and have been slain by some injured person before he 
could be recognised. 

The death of Ahmad II revived the question of the succession, 
now more complicated than ever, as no scion of the royal house 



xin] Muzafar III 345 

was known to exist. Ftimad Khan solved it by producing a child 
named Nathu and swearing that he was the son of Mahmiid III by 
a concubine. He explained his birth by saying that Mahmud, when 
he discovered that the concubine was pregnant, handed her over 
to him with instructions to procure an abortion, but that he, dis- 
covering that the girl was in the sixth month of her pregnancy, 
could not find it in his heart to subject her to an operation which 
would almost certainly be fatal, and retained her in his house, 
concealing the birth of the child and bringing him up in secret 
The story was in the last degree improbable, for greater facilities 
for carrying out Mahmud's unnatural orders must have existed in 
the royal harem than else where, and no explanation of the preference 
shown for a collateral when Ahmad II was enthroned was offered, 
but an heir had to be found, for none of the nobles would have 
submitted to any one of their order, and Ftimad Khan's oath was 
accepted and the child was enthroned as Muzaffar III. 

The history of Muzaffar's ten years' reign is but a record of 
perpetual strife between the great nobles, each of whom was in- 
dependent in his fief, while Ftimad Khan retained the office of 
regent. 

The whole of northern Gujarat, as far south as Kadi, was 
divided between Musa Khan and Sher Khan FuladI, two Afghans, 
and Fath Khan, a Baliich ; the country between the Sabarmati 
and the Main was held by Ftimad Khan, and Dholka and Dhand- 
huka by Sayyid Miran, son of Sayyid Mubarak Bukhari ; Chingiz 
Khan, son of Ftimad Khan's enemy, 'Imad-ul-Mulk Asian Rumi, 
held Siirat, Nandod, and Champaner, and his brother-in-law, 
Rustam Khan, Broach ; and Kathiawar was held by Amm Khan 
Ghuri. 

A very brief sketch of the conflicts between these factious 
nobles will suffice. 

In 15G3 the Afghans Musa Khan and Sher Khan expelled Fath 
Khan from northern Gujarat, and drove him to take refuge with 
Ftimad Khan, who attacked the Afghans but was defeated and 
driven back to Ahmadabad. The Afghans then marched to attack 
him, and he was defeated at Jotana and fled and sought aid of 
Chingiz Khan, who accompanied him to Jotana. No further fighting 
took place, a peace being arranged, but after the nobles had re- 
turned to their fiefs Chingiz Khan wrote to Ftimad Khan, casting 
doubts on the king's birth. The regent replied that his oath had 
been accepted, and that Chingiz Khan's father, had he been alive, 
would have corroborated it. Chingiz Khan then openly demanded 



346 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. 

more land for the support of his troops. Ptimad Khan evaded the 
demand by advising him to recover the district of Nandurbar, 
which had formerly belonged to Gujarat and was now held by 
Muhammad II of Khandesh. Chingiz Khan fell into the trap and 
in 1566 marched to Nandurbar, which he occupied, and, encouraged 
by his success, advanced towards Thalner, but was attacked and 
defeated by Muhammad II and Tufal Khan of Berar, and compelled 
to flee to Broach, where he proceeded, in 1568, to reorganise his 
army, in which work he was assisted by the rebellious Mirzas, 
Akbar's kinsmen, who had fled from the empire and sought a refuge 
in Gujarat. He now resolved to avenge himself on Ttimad Khan 
for the trick which he had played him, and marched on Ahmadabad, 
requesting the regent to withdraw to his fiefs, as he was coming to 
pay his respects to the king, and it was undesirable that they should 
meet in the capital. Ptimad Khan and the king marched towards 
Nadiad, near which place the armies met. There was no battle, for 
Ptimad Khan, who had heard much of the war-like disposition of 
the Mirzas, was smitten with sudden panic, and fled to Dungarpur, 
whence he sent a message to Akbar, who was then before Chitor, 
inviting him to invade Gujarat. 

The rest of the army dispersed, the Sayyids of Bukhara going 
to Dholka, Ikhtiyar-ul-Mulk to Ma'murabad, and Ulugh Khan and 
Marjan Jhujhar Khan with the young king to Virpur 1 . Slier Khan 
Fuladi, jealous of the power so suddenly acquired by Cliingiz Khan, 
hinted that he required a share of the spoils, and Chingiz Khan, 
anxious to conciliate him, ceded to him all territory to the west of 
the Sabarmati. 

Muhammad II of Khandesh profited by these disputes to assert 
his claim to the throne of Gujarat, which was certainly less open 
to suspicion than that of Muzaflar III, and invaded the kingdom 
with an army of 30,000 horse, but was defeated before Ahmadabad 
by Chingiz Khan and the Mirzas and driven back to his own 
country. Chingiz Khan rewarded the Mirzas with extensive fiefs 
in the Broach district, but in a short time it was discovered that 
they were encroaching on the land of their neighbours and had 
been guilty of cruelty and oppression on their estates. They defeated 
a force sent against them by Chingiz Khan, but retired into 
Khandesh. 

Meanwhile Muhammad Ulugh Khan and Marjan Jhujhar Khan, 
who had been awaiting help from Ptimad Khan or from Sher Khan 
Fuladi, were disappointed and, joining Ikhtiyar-ul-Mulk, marched 

i In23U / N. and 73 29' E. 



xi 1 1] Akbar invades Gujarat 347 

with him to Ahmadabad to make their peace with Chingiz Khan. 
A redistribution of fiefs was agreed upon, and Chingiz Khan 
promised to treat the other nobles as his equals in all respects, 
but neither party trusted the other, and Ulugh Khan was warned 
that Chingiz Khan was meditating his assassination. He provided 
for his safety by inducing Jhujhar Khan to decapitate Chingiz 
Khan with his sword 1 as the three were riding together to the 
polo ground, and he and his partisans took possession of the citadel 
while their troops plundered those of Chingiz Khan, and Rustam 
Khan rode off, with his brother-in-law's corpse, to Broach. 

Ulugh Khan and Jhujhar Khan, who were joined by Sher Khan 
Fuladi, invited Ptimad Khan to return to Gujarat, and he assumed 
the office of regent, but there was little confidence between the 
parties, and Ptimad Khan refused to leave the capital when the 
other nobles marched to expel the Mirzas, who had returned to 
Broach and resumed possession of their former fiefs. His suspicions 
were so bitterly resented that those who had recalled him to power 
agreed to divide his fiefs among themselves, but they quarrelled 
over the division of the spoil, and Ptimad Khan succeeded in 
detaching Jhujhar Khan and inducing him to join him at Ahmada- 
bad. Ulugh Khan joined Sher Khan Fuladi at Ghiyaspur, opposite 
to Sarkhej, on the Stibarmati, and the king, taking advantage of 
these dissensions, fled from Ahmadabad and joined the camp at 
Ghiyaspur. I'timad Khan wrote to Sher Khan, impudently repu- 
diating his own solemn oath and asserting that Muzaffar III was 
not the son of Malmuld III, and that he had therefore deposed him 
and invited the Mirzas from Broach in order that one of them 
might ascend the throne. The Mirzas arrived, and when the quarrels 
between the two parties had continued for some time without any 
definite result Ptimad Khan again invited Akbar to invade the 
country. 

Sher Khan Fuladi was besieging Ahmadabad when the imperial 
army reached Patan, and fled, carrying with him Muzaflar III, when 
he heard of its arrival. The Mirzas at the same time fled to Baroda 
and Broach, and on Akbar 's arrival at Ahmadabad Ptimad Khan, 
Ulugh Khan, Jhujhar Khan, and Ikhtiyar-ul-Mulk submitted to 
him and entered his service. 

In 1572 Muzaffar III fled from the camp of Sher Khan Fuladi, 
who had not treated him well, and on November 15 was found by 
two of the imperial officers lurking in the neighbourhood of Akbar's 

1 For this crime Akbar afterwards, on the complaint of Chingiz Khan's mother, 
caused Jhujhar Khan to be crushed to death by an elephant. 



348 Gujarat and Khandesh [CH. xm 

camp at Jotana. On November 20 he appeared before Akbar, who 
detained him as a political prisoner, and Gujarat was formally 
annexed to the empire. 

Some time after the annexation Muzaffar was permitted to live 
in retirement in Kathiawar, but in 1583 a rebellion appeared to 
offer him an opportunity of recovering his throne, and he joined 
the rebels. After ten years of hopeless adventure, during the greater 
part of which time he was a fugitive, he fell into the hands of the 
imperial troops in 1593, and committed suicide by cutting his 
throat. 



CHAPTER XIV 

THE KINGDOM OF MALWA 

MALWA, like Gujarat, became independent of Delhi on the dis- 
solution of that kingdom after the invasion of Timur, at the end 
of the fourteenth century. 

The date of the appointment of Dilavar Khan Ghurl, the Afghan 
governor, is not precisely known, but he was certainly in Malwa in 
1392, and was probably appointed by Firuz Shah of Delhi, who 
died in 1388. He remained quietly in Malwa while Timur sacked 
Delhi, and when Mahmud Shah Tughluq, fleeing before the con- 
queror, sought an asylum and was disappointed by his reception in 
Gujarat, Dilavar Khan received him as his sovereign, and enter- 
tained him with princely hospitality until he was able, in 1401, to 
return to his capital. 

Alp Khan, Dilavar Khan's son and heir, strongly disapproved 
of the deference shown to Mahmud, which he considered to be in- 
compatible with the independence of Malwa, and, while the royal 
guest remained at Dhar, withdrew to Mandu, where he occupied 
himself in perfecting the defences of that great fortress city. 

Dilavar Khan never assumed the style of royalty, though he 
could maintain no pretence of dependence on Delhi, whose nominal 
lord was a prisoner in the hands of an ambitious minister, but in 
1406 Alp Khan, impatient for his inheritance, removed his father 
by poison, and ascended the throne under the title of Hushang Shah. 

In the following year Muzaffar I of Gujarat invaded Malwa 
on the pretext of avenging the death of his old friend, defeated 
Hushang before Dhar, drove him into the citadel, forced him to 
surrender, and carried him off a prisoner to Gujarat, leaving in 
Malwa, as governor, his own brother Nusrat Khan. 

Nusrat Khan treated Malwa as a conquered country, and his 
rule was so oppressive and extortionate that the army expelled 
him, and elected as their ruler Husharig's cousin, Musa Khan, who, 
fearing the vengeance of the king of Gujarat, established himself 
in Mandu, the fortifications of which were now complete. Hushang, 
on hearing of this usurpation, implored Muzaffar to restore him to 
his throne, swearing on the Koran that he was guiltless of his 
father's death, and Muzaffar, who had his own outraged authority 
to assert, sent his grandson Ahmad Khan, with an army to restore 
Hushang. 



3*50 The Kingdom of Ma/wa [CH. 

His orders were executed, and Ahmad Khan, after restoring 
Hushang at Dhar, then the capital of Malwa, returned to Gujarat, 
but Musa Khan, who still held Mandu, was not inclined to submit, 
and most of the nobles of the kingdom, who were at Mandu with 
him, though they favoured Hushang's cause feared to join him, as 
their wives and families would be left exposed to Musa's wrath. 

Hushang marched to Mandu, and some combats took place 
between his troops and those of his cousin, but he had no means 
of reducing the fortress and marched off, but took possession of 
the kingdom by establishing military posts in the principal towns. 
Malik Mughls Khalji, said to have been descended of the elder 
brother of Jalal-ud-dm Firiiz Khalji of Delhi, and Malik Khizr, 
sons of Hiishang f 8 paternal aunts, left Musa Khan and joined 
Hushang, and Musa, who could not maintain an army without the 
revenues of the country, which his rival was collecting, was induced 
by Mughls to vacate Mandu, which was promptly occupied by 
Hushang. 

Hushang's two abortive invasions of Gujarat, undertaken for 
the purpose of supporting rebels against Ahmad I, who succeeded 
his grandfather on the throne of that kingdom in 141 1, have already 
been described in Chapter xm. He gained neither credit nor ad- 
vantage from these attacks on a former benefactor, and he estranged 
his brother-in-law, Nasir Khan of Khandesh, by his tardiness in 
assisting him when Ahmad attacked him in 1417. Another invasion 
of the north-eastern districts of Gujarat in 1418 ended in a dis- 
graceful retreat, and Ahmad, exasperated by these unprovoked 
attacks, in 1419 invaded Malwa, defeated Hushang in a battle 
fought near Mandu, drove him into that fortress, plundered his 
country, and retired to Gujarat at the beginning of the rainy season. 

In 1422 Hushang undertook a most adventurous enterprise. 
Believing that elephants were required to make good his military 
inferiority to his neighbour of Gujarat he resolved to lead a raid 
into Orissa, and to capture a number of these beasts from the raja. 
He cannot have understood the nature of the expedition on which 
he embarked, for he had to traverse the forests of Gondwana, then 
an unknown country to the Muslims, but his objective was Jajpur 1 , 
the capital of Orissa, distant more than 700 miles in a straight line 
from Mandu. 

Leaving his cousin Mughls as his regent in Malwa he set out 
at the head of 1000 horse, carrying with him some horses and 
merchandise which might enable him to pass as a merchant. He 

1 In 20 51' N. and 86 20' E. 



xiv] Expedition to Orissa 35*1 

travelled expeditiously, and in due course arrived before Jajpur, 
though it is difficult to believe that he was no more than a month 
on the road. At Jajpur the raja, one of the line founded by Chora 
Ganga of Kalinganagar, sent a message to Hushang, at the spot 
where he was encamped, &nd asked him why he did not bring his 
caravan into the city. Hushang replied that his men were too 
numerous to find accommodation, arid the raja promised to visit 
his encampment, to inspect his merchandise and to pay, either in 
cash or elephants, for anything that he might purchase. On the 
day appointed the raja came forth attended by 500 horse, and 
Hushang had the stuffs which he had brought with him spread on 
the ground for his inspection. They were damaged by a shower of 
rain which fell, and by the hoofs of the horses of the raja's escort, 
and the damage supplied the pretended merchants with a pretext 
for quarrelling with the Hindus, whom they attacked and put to 
flight, the raja himself being taken prisoner. Hushang then dis- 
closed his identity and informed the raja that he had come to 
Orissa in search of elephants. The leading men of Jajpur sent an 
envoy to ask him to formulate his demands, and on learning that 
he required elephants sent him seventy -five. He then set out for 
his own country, but carried the raja with him as far as the frontier 
of the Jajpur state. On his homeward way he learnt that Ahmad I 
had invaded Malwa and was besieging Mandu, but he found time 
to capture Kherla 1 and carry off the raja as his prisoner. As he 
approached Mandu Ahmad withdrew his troops from the trenches 
in order to oppose his entry, but he contrived to evade his enemy 
and entered the fortress. 

The rest of this campaign has already been described in the 
preceding chapter. Hushang was again unfortunate, and after his 
defeat returned to Mandu and, having allowed his army a brief 
period of repose, marched to Gagraun 2 , and besieged and captured 
that town. Thence he marched to Gwalior, and had been besieging 
the fortress for a month when Mubarak Shah of Delhi advanced 
by way of Bayana to attack him. He raised the siege and marched 
towards the Chambal, but Mubarak had gained his object by re- 
lieving Gwalior, and hostilities were averted by a treaty, under 
which each king agreed to return to his own capital. 

The raja of Kherla, since he had been made prisoner by Hushang 
in 1422, had acknowledged him as his overlord and paid him tribute, 
thus giving offence to his former suzerain, Ahmad Shah Bahmam 
of the Deccan, who still claimed his allegiance and, in 1428, besieged 

1 In 21 56' N. and 78 1'E. a In 24 88' N. and 76 12' B. 



3*52 The Kingdom of Malwa [CH. 

Kherla, but on Hushang's marching to its relief retired southwards 
for three stages, closely followed by Hushang. He then halted to 
receive Hushang's attack, which at first succeeded, but his army 
was attacked, at the moment when victory seemed assured, by 
Ahmad Shah Bahmam, who had been lying in ambush, and was 
put to flight. Its rout was so complete that the ladies of Hushang's 
harem fell into the hands of the victors, while the army of Malwa 
fled headlong to Mandii. The scrupulous and pious Ahmad sent 
his prisoners to their lord under an escort of 500 horse. 

Hushang's campaign against Qadir Khan of Kalpi has been 
described in Chapter x. Kalpi was captured, but Qadir Khan, 
whose chief offence against Hushang had been the assumption of 
the royal title, was reinstated on swearing fealty. Hushang was 
much annoyed on his homeward march by the quarrels of his four 
sons, Ghazm Khan, 'Usman Khan, Fath Khan, and Haibat Khan, 
graceless and worthless youths. 

After his return to Mandii he was engaged in punishing robbers, 
and when he had completed this task he founded the city of Ho- 
shangabad, on the Narbada. Here he was alarmed by an accident 
which he took for an omen of death. A ruby fell one day from his 
jewelled crown, and though his courtiers endeavoured to reassure 
him, an attack of diabetes confirmed his fears. He left Hoshanga- 
bad and returned to Mandii, and on his way thither designated his 
eldest son as his heir. A number of the nobles, to whom Ghazm 
Khan was obnoxious, supported the pretensions of 'Usman Khan, 
who had been imprisoned for having grossly insulted his elder 
brother, and intrigues were set on foot for his liberation, to which 
the king would not consent. 

Hushang died on July 6, 1435, within a day's march of Mandu, 
and Ghazm Khan, who had the powerful support of his cousin 
Mughis and his son Mahmud Khan, was proclaimed under the title 
of Muhammad Shah. 

He was a confirmed drunkard, and left the administration almost 
entirely in the hands of Mughis and Mahmud Khan, but displayed 
a malignant activity in putting to death his three brothers and 
blinding his nephew and son-in-law, Nizam Khan, and his three 
young sons. This barbarity alienated Mahmud Khan, who began 
to scheme to depose the tyrant and to seize the throne for himself. 
His design was revealed to the king, who made arrangements to 
have him assassinated, but Mahmud discovered the preparations 
and to protect himself took precautions so marked that they could 
not pass unnoticed, and the king took him into his harem and in 



xi v] Usurpation of the Khaljls . 353 

the presence of his wife, who was Mahmiid's sister, conjured him 
to be faithful to him. Mahmud swore that he harboured no designs 
against him and begged the king to slay him if he suspected him. 
The king excused himself for his suspicions, and outward harmony 
was restored, but mutual distrust remained and increased, and 
Mahmud, shortly after the interview in the harem, caused his 
master's death by a dose of poison administered in his wine. 

A faction among the nobles raised to the throne Muhammad's 
son MasTid Khan, a boy of thirteen years of age, and, believing 
Mahmud Khan to be yet ignorant of the late king's death, sum- 
moned him to the palace in Muhammad Shah's name, and, when 
he refused to attend, went to his house in a body to arrest him ; 
but he had concealed armed men in the house, and when the nobles 
entered it they were arrested and imprisoned. Those of their fac- 
tion who had remained with Mas'iid Khan assembled the royal 
troops and raised an umbrella over his head, and Mahmud marched 
on the palace to secure the persons of Mas'ud and his younger 
brother, 'Umar Khan. Some fighting occurred between the royal 
troops and those of Mahmud, and lasted until the evening, when 
the two boys were so terrified that they persuaded their attendants 
to allow them to flee from the palace by night. Mas'iid Khan 
sought the protection of a holy Shaikh, and found his way to 
Gujarat, and in the morning his supporters, having nothing left 
to fight for, dispersed, and Mahmiid took possession of the royal 
palace. He offered the crown to his father, Malik Mughis, then 
engaged in hostilities against the Hara Rajputs of Haraoti, but 
he hastened to Mandu, declined the honour, and urged his son 
to ascend the throne. Mahmud was accordingly proclaimed on 
May 13, 1436. 

There was still much disaffection among the nobles, who re- 
sented the usurpation of the throne by one of their number, and 
Mahmud was obliged, immediately after his accession, to cope with 
a rebellion which assumed serious dimensions owing to the presence 
in the rebel ranks of Ahmad Khan, a surviving son of Hushang. 
The rebellion was crushed, and the leading rebels, including Ahmad 
Khan, were pardoned and received fiefs, but they rebelled again, 
and Malik Mughis was employed to crush them. Ahmad Khan, the 
most formidable of them, was poisoned by a musician at the insti- 
gation of Mughis, and operations against the others were in pro- 
gress when Ahmad I of Gujarat invaded Malwa with the object of 
placing Mas'ud Khan on his father's throne. The course of this 
campaign has been traced in the preceding chapter, Ahmad Shah 
C.H.I, in. 23 



354 The Kingdom of Malwa, [CH. 

was compelled to retire to Gujarat, and died, in 1442, before he 
could fulfil his promise to Mas'ud Khan. 

Mahmud Shah's troubles were not ended by Ahmad Shah's 
retreat. 'TJmar Khan, the younger son of Muhammad Shah, had 
fled from Gujarat to Chitor, whence he had again crossed the fron- 
tier of Malwa and was welcomed by the garrison of Chanderi, who 
acknowledged him as king. He had been slain during Ahmad Shah's 
invasion, but the garrison had proclaimed another pretender, Malik 
Sulaimau, under the title of Shihab-ud-dm Shah. Mahmud besieged 
Chanderi for seven months, during which period the pretender 
died, and finally carried it by assault, but during the siege Raja 
Dongar Singh the Tonwar, of Gwalior, had invaded Malwa and laid 
siege to a town named Shahr-i-Nau, not now traceable. Mahmud 
invaded Gwalior, plundered and devastated the country, defeated 
the Hindus, and drove them into the fortress, which he besieged. 
Dongar Singh raised the siege of Shahr-i-Nau and retired into his 
own dominions, and Mahmud, whose sole object had been the ex- 
pulsion of the invader, returned to Mandu, where he completed 
the great mosque founded by Hushang. 

The feeble Sayyid, Muhammad Shah, now occupied the throne 
of Delhi, the affairs of which kingdom were in the utmost confu- 
sion, and a faction among the nobles, who admired the energy and 
enterprise of Mahmud Shah of Malwa, and were, perhaps, affected 
by the consideration that he was a member of a family which 
had already ruled India, not without glory, invited him to Delhi, 
and offered him the throne. In 1440 he marched northwards and 
encamped before Tughluqabad, within eight miles of the city, but 
his partisans were either too weak to afford him any assistance or 
had repented of the advances made to him, for the royal army, 
commanded nominally by Muhammad Shah's son 'Ala-ud-din, and 
actually by Buhlul Lodi, marched forth to ipeet him. Mahmud 
retained one division of his army in reserve, and sent two, under 
his sons Ghiyas-ud-din and Qadr Khan, against the enemy. The 
battle, which lasted until nightfall, was indecisive, and Muhammad 
Shah proposed terms of peace, of which the principal condition 
was Mahmud's retirement. The offer was readily accepted, for 
Mahmud had learnt that during his absence the mob had risen in 
Mandu, removed the gilded umbrella from the tomb of Hushang, 
and raised it over the head of a pretender. The nobles of Delhi 
were, however, deeply disgusted with the meanness of spirit which 
permitted an invader thus to depart in peace, and when Buhlul 
Lodi violated the treaty by following the retreating army and 



xiv] War with Kumbha Rana 355 

taking some plunder the exploit was magnified into a great victory, 
and honour was satisfied. 

On reaching Mandu, on May 22, 1441, Mahmud found that the 
rebellion had been suppressed by his father, and rested for the 
remainder of the year, but marched in 1442 to punish Kumbha, 
the Rana of Chitor, for the assistance which he had given to 'Umar 
Khan, the sdh of Muhammad Shah GhurL On his way he learnt 
that Nasir Khan, son of Qadir Khan, governor of Kalpi, had as- 
sumed the royal title, styling himself Nasir Shah, and had, more- 
over, adopted strange heretical opinions, which he was spreading 
in his small state. He was minded to turn aside and punish him, 
and actually marched some stages towards Kalpi, but was per- 
suaded by his courtiers to pardon the offender, who had sent an 
envoy with tribute and expressions of contrition, and to pursue 
the object with which he had left Mandu. 

After entering the Rana's dominions he captured a fort and 
destroyed a temple, and advanced to Chitor, the siege of which he 
was forming when he learnt that the Rana had retired into the 
hills. He followed him thither, and the Rana returned to Chitor. 

While Mahmud was preparing again to fonn the siege of Chitor 
his father, Malik Mughis, who had led an expedition against Man- 
dasor, died, and he retreated to Mandasor, followed by the Rana, 
who, in April, 1443, attacked him, but was defeated, and suffered 
a second defeat in a night attack which Mahmud made on his 
camp. The Rana then retired to Chitor and Mahmud, who had 
decided to postpone until the following year the siege of that 
fortress, returned to Mandu. 

Immediately on his return he received a mission from Mahmud 
Shah Sharql of Jaunpur, who complained of the misconduct of 
Nasir Khan of Kalpi, and sought permission to attack him, which 
was granted. Mahmud afterwards repented of having acceded to 
the request of Mahmud Sharqi, and desired him to desist from 
molesting Nasir Khan, who had fled to Chaiideri and sought his 
assistance. Mahmud Sharqi evaded a decided answer and on 
January 12, 1445, Mahmud Khalji marched for Chanderi. Thence 
he marched on Kalpi, avoiding the army of Jaunpur, which was 
drawn up at Erij to meet him. An indecisive battle was fought 
near Kalpi, and desultory fighting, in which neither gained any 
decided advantage, continued for some months, at the end of which 
period peace was made 1 . Nasir Khan, who promised amendment, 
was to be restored by degrees to the districts comprising the small 

1 See Chapter x. 

232 



356 The Kingdom of Ma/wa. [CH. 

state of Kalpi, and Mahmud Khalj! returned to Mandu, where he 
occupied himself in building a hospital. 

In October, 1446, he again invaded the Rana's dominions. He 
halted at Ranthambhor, removed Bahar Khan from the command 
of that fortress, appointed Malik Saif-ud-dm in his stead, and next 
halted on the Banas, while his army besieged the Rana in Man- 
dalgarh. The siege was raised on the Rana's promising to pay 
tribute for the fortress, and Mahmud marched on Bayana. When 
he was within two leagues of the fortress the governor, Muhammad 
Khan, sent to him his younger son, Auhad Khan, with 100 horses 
and 100,000 tangos as tribute, and Mahmud, having sent compli- 
mentary gifts in return, halted until he had ascertained that Mu- 
hammad Khan had substituted his name for that of 'Alam Shah 
of Delhi in the khutba and had struck coin in his name, and then 
retired by way of Ranthambhor, near which place he captured a 
minor fortress, and continued his journey towards Mandu, sending 
Taj Khan with 8000 horse and twenty-five elephants to besiege 
Chitor. Before reaching Mandu he collected 125,000 tangas as 
tribute from the raja of Kota. 

Towards the end of 1450 Mahmud, as has been already recorded 
in the preceding chapter, invaded Gujarat in support of Kanak 
Das, raja of Champaner, but retired to Mandu without effecting 
anything or gaining anything beyond an instalment of tribute from 
Kanak Das. His invasion of Gujarat in the following year, which 
has also been described, ended in a disastrous defeat, which was 
not retrieved by a raid on Surat, carried out by his son in 1452. 

In 1454 he led a punitive expedition against the rebellious 
Kara Rajputs on his northern frontier, put many of them to the 
sword, and sent their children into slavery at Mandu. Marching 
on to Bayana, he collected tribute from the governor, Daud Khan, 
who had succeeded his father, Muhammad Khan, confirmed him 
in the government, and composed a long-standing dispute between 
him and Yusuf Khan of Hindaun. On his return to Mandu he 
appointed his younger son, Fidai Khan, entitled Sultan 'Ala-ud-dm, 
to the command of the fortress of Ranthambhor and the govern- 
ment of Haraoli, the district of the Hara Rajputs. 

Later in the same year Mahmud invaded the Deccan at the 
invitation of two rebellious nobles, and laid siege to the fortress of 
Mahur, but raised the siege and retired when 'Ala-ud-d!n Ahmad 
Shah Bahmam marched to the relief of the fortress. 

In 1455 he again attacked the Rana, marching to Chitor and 
ravaging his dominions. Kumbha attempted to purchase peace by 



xiv] Reconquest of Ajmer 357 

a large indemnity, but as the money sent bore his own name and 
device it was indignantly returned, and the devastation of the 
country continued. Mahmud retired to Mandu for the rainy season, 
but returned, when it was past, to Mandasor, and began the syste* 
matic conquest of that region. He occupied a standing camp, 
and sent his troops in all directions to lay waste the country. 
While he was thus employed it was suggested to him that it would 
be a work of merit to recover from the idolators the city of Ajmer, 
which contained the holy shrine of Shaikh Mu'In-ud-dm ChishtT, 
and he marched rapidly on the city and invested it Gajanhar, 
the Rajput commander, made daily sorties, all of which were un- 
successful, and on the fifth day of the investment ordered a general 
sortie, which was driven back into the city. The pursuers entered 
with the pursued, and the city was won after great slaughter in 
the streets. Mahmud paid his devotions at the shrine, appointed 
Khvaja Ni'matullah, whom he entitled Saif Klmn, governor of the 
city, founded a mosque, and marched to Mandalgarh. Temples 
were destroyed and the country was devastated in the neighbour- 
hood of this fortress, the siege was opened, and the approaches 
were carried up to the walls. On October 19, 1457, the place was 
carried by assault, with great slaughter. A remnant of the garrison 
shut itself up in the citadel, but was compelled by want of water 
to surrender, and the lives of the men were redeemed by a promise 
to pay 1,000,000 tangas. The temples in the fortress were over- 
thrown, a mosque was built of their stones, and Mahmud turned 
again towards Chitor, sending columns in different directions to 
harass the Rajputs and reduce them to obedience. Bund! was 
captured by one column, various districts were harried and placed 
under contributions of tribute by others, and heavy indemnities 
were exacted from the raja of Kumbhalgarh and the raja of 
Dungarpur, whose fortresses were too strong to be taken without 
tedious sieges, to which Mahmud was not disposed to devote his 
time. 

After this protracted and successful campaign he returned to 
Mandu, and in 1461 was induced to embark on a disastrous expe- 
dition to the Deccan. 

Nizam-ul-Mulk Ghuri, who was perhaps related to Mahmud, 
was a noble at the court of Humayun Shah, known as the Tyrant 
the most brutal and depraved of the line of Bahman. He was 
traduced at his master's court, and the tyrant caused him to be 
assassinated His family escaped to Mandu and besought Mahmud 
to avenge his death, and the invitation was welcomed by Mahmud, 



358 The Kingdom of Ma/wa [CH. 

who composed a recent quarrel with 'Adil Elian II of Khandesh 
and invaded the Deccan. The tyrant Humayun had been removed, 
and had been succeeded by his infant son, Nizam Shah, who was 
carried into the field by his nobles. When the two armies met, 
that of the Deccan gained some slight advantage, but the pre- 
cipitate action of a slave named Sikandar Khan, who had charge 
of the person of the child king, decided the fate of the day. He 
conceived his master's life to be in danger, carried him from the 
field, and delivered him to his mother, who was at Firuzabad, in 
the south of his dominions. 

After this victory Mahmud occupied Berar and the northern 
Deccan, entered Bidar, the capital, and besieged the citadel, but 
meanwhile the guardians of the young Nizam Shah had sought aid 
of Mahmud Bigarha of Gujarat, who had arrived on the frontier of 
the kingdom with 80,000 horse. Mahmud Gavan, one of Nizam's 
two ministers, marched by Bir to meet him and assembled a force 
of 20,000 horse. Mahmud Bigarha placed a similar force at his 
disposal and Mahmud Khalji found his direct line of retreat barred. 
He retired hastily by way of eastern Berar, followed by Mahmud 
Gavan, who cut off his supplies and so harassed him that he aban- 
doned his elephants, after having blinded them, and burnt his 
heavy baggage. His retreat soon became a rout, and to avoid his 
pursuers he plunged into the forests of the Melghat, where his 
army was nearly destroyed. Over 5000 perished of thirst, and the 
Korkus fell upon the remnant and slaughtered large numbers. 
Mahmud put the Korku chieftain to death, but his vengeance could 
not save his army, few of whom returned to Mandu. 

He learnt little from this disaster and later in 1462, again in- 
vaded the Deccan with 90,000 horse, but the army of the Deccan 
was drawn up to meet him at Daulatabad, and the sultan of Gu- 
jarat once more marched to Nandurbar. On this occasion Mahmud 
Khalji retired before it was too late, and again traversed the Mel- 
ghat on his homeward way, but his march was now leisurely, and 
his troops suffered from nothing more serious than the difficulty of 
the roads. 

In 1465 Mahmud was much gratified by the arrival at Mandu 
of Sharaf-ul-Mulk, an envoy from al-Mustanjid Billah Yusuf, the 
puppet 'Abbasid Caliph of Egypt, who brought for him a robe of 
honour and a patent of sovereignty. The honour was an empty 
one, such patents being issued chiefly for the purpose of filling the 
coffers of the needy pontiffs who were in theory the Commanders 
of the Faithful, and in practice obsequious courtiers of the Mamluk 



xiv] Mahmud recovers Kherla 359 

Sultans of Egypt, but it was highly prized by the lesser sultans in 
India. 

Nizam-ul-Mulk, an officer of Nizam Shah of the Deccan, now 
led a large army against the fortress of Kherla. Siraj-ul-Mulk, who 
held it for Malwa, was helplessly drunk when the enemy arrived 
before the fortress, but his son attempted to withstand the invader. 
He was defeated and fled, and Nizam-ul-Mulk occupied Kherla. 
Mahmud retaliated by sending Maqbul Khan against Ellichpur, 
the capital of Berar, and though he failed to capture the city he 
laid waste the fertile district in which it stood and returned to 
Mandu with much spoil, but in the following year a treaty of peace 
was concluded with Muhammad III, who had succeeded his brother 
Nizam on the throne of the Deccan and Mahmud's possession of 
Kherla was confirmed but the integrity of Berar, with that excep- 
tion, was maintained. 

In the same year Mahmud marched to Kumbhalgarh and be- 
sieged Rana Kumbha, who was then in that fortress. Learning 
that Chitor was denuded of troops, Mahmud ordered his officers to 
assemble an army, as quietly and unostentatiously as possible, at 
Khaljipur, hard by Mandasor, in order that a sudden descent might 
be made on the Rana's capital, but Kumbha discovered the design 
and sallied from Kumbhalgarh to attack him. He was defeated, 
but succeeded in making good his retreat to Chitor, and as the 
opportunity of surprising the fortress had been lost Mahmud re- 
turned to Mandu. While he had been thus engaged Sher Khan, a 
Turkish officer in his service, had captured Amreli in Kathiawar 
and slain its raja, Chita. 

Muhammad III of the Deccan had broken the treaty of 1466 
by tampering with the loyalty of Maqbul Khan, Mahmiid's governor 
of Kherla, who transferred his allegiance to the southern kingdom 
and surrendered the fortress to the son of the raja whom Mahmud 
had imprisoned. Mahmud's sons, Taj Khan and Ahmad Khan, made 
a forced march to Kherla, defeated the raja's son, put him to flighi, 
and re-occupied the fortress. The Gonds with whom he took refuge, 
on hearing that Taj Khan was preparing to attack them, sent the 
fugitive to him in chains. Mahmud visited Kherla, and marched 
thence to "Sarangpur, where he received Khvaja Kamal-ud-d!n 
Astarabadi, an envoy from Timur's great-grandson, Sultan Abu- 
Said, king of Transoxiana, Khurasan, and Balkh. When the envoy 
departed he was accompanied by Shaikhzada 'Ala-ud-din, whom 
Mahmud sent as his envoy to Abu-Sa'id. 

In 1468 the landholders of Kachwara raided some of the 



360 The Kingdom of Malwa [CH. 

districts of Malwa, and Mahmud at once marched to punish them. 
His son Ghiyas-ud-dm built, in an incredibly short space of time, 
a fortress which he named Jalalpur, on the border of Kachwara, 
which was occupied by a garrison which curbed the predatory ten- 
dencies of the rebels. 

In the same year Mahmud inarched to Chanderi, and thence 
sent Sher Khan and Fath Khan to capture the town of Karahra, 
160 miles distant from his camp. They invested the place and 
pushed forward their parallels until they were able to throw lighted 
combustibles into one quarter of the town. The fire spread, and 
destroyed 3000 houses, and the town was captured without diffi- 
culty, no fewer than 7000 prisoners being taken. Mahmud was 
informed at Chanderi of the outbreak of the conflagration, and is 
said to have ridden in one night from that town to Karahra in 
order to witness the discomfiture of the unbelievers, but this is 
hardly credible. 

In the course of this expedition Mahmud received, on February 
20, 1469, Shaikhzada Muhammad Qarmali, Qutb Khan Lodi, and 
Kapur Chand, son of Karl Singh, raja of Gwalior, who came as 
envoys from Buhlul Lodi, king of Delhi, to seek his help against 
Husain Shah of Jaunpur, whose repeated attempts to gain posses- 
sion of Delhi gave its master no rest and appeared, at this time, to 
be certain of success. Bayana was held out as the bait, and Mahmud 
promised, in return for the cession of this district, to supply Buhlul 
with 6000 horse whenever he might have need of them. 

After the dismissal of this mission Mahmud returned to Mandu, 
exhausted with unceasing warfare. He was now sixty-eight years 
of age, and during a reign of more than thirty-three years he had 
preferred the song of the lark to the cheep of the mouse, and to 
be worn out rather than rusted out. In the course of his return 
march to his capital he suffered severely from the fierce heat of an 
Indian summer, and on June 1, 1469, shortly after his arrival at 
Mandu, he expired. 

He was the greatest of the Muslim kings of Malwa, which 
reached its greatest extent during his reign. His ambition may be 
measured by his attempts to conquer Delhi, Gujarat, Chitor, and 
the Deccan, in all of which he failed, but against his failures must 
be set his signal successes against the Kana Kumbha and many 
minor Rajput chieftains, his enlargement of the frontiers of his 
kingdom, and the high estimation in which he was held by his 
contemporaries. His recognition by the phantom Caliph, worthless 
though it was, proved, at least, that his fame had reached distant 



xi v] Ghiyas-ud-dln 361 

Egypt, and the mission from Sultan Abu-Said conveyed to him the 
more valuable regard of a king in fact as well as in name. He 
earned a reputation as a builder, and one of his works was a column 
of victory at Mandu, erected to commemorate his successes against 
Bana Kumbha of Chitor. The more famous column of victory at 
Chitor is said to commemorate victories over Mahmud of Gujarat 
and Mahmud of Malwa. If this is so it, t like some tall bully lifts 
its head and lies.' Mahmud I failed to capture Chitor, but the 
Bana never gained any important victory over him. The successes 
of the Gahlots against Malwa were gained by Sangrama Singh, not 
by Kumbha, against Mahmud II, not Mahmud I. 

Mahmud was a good Muslim. He substituted the unpractical 
and inconvenient lunar calendar, sacred to Islam, for the solar 
calendar in all public offices, he destroyed temples and idols and 
slew or enslaved their worshippers, and he was so scrupulous about 
meats that when he was besieging the citadel of Bidar he harassed 
the saint Khalilullah Butshikan, son of Shah Ni'matullah of Mahan, 
with questions regarding a supply of lawful vegetables for his table. 
The saint expressed surprise that one who was engaged in attacking 
a brother Muslim and slaying his subjects should be so scrupulous 
in the matter of his food. Mahmud acknowledged, with some 
embarrassment, the justice of the rebuke, but pleaded that the 
laws of the faith had never sufficed to curb the ambition of kings. 

Mahmud I was succeeded by his eldest son, Ghiyas-ud-dm, who 
took his seat on the throne two days after his father's death. He 
earned the gratitude of his servants by retaining in their posts all 
those whom his father had appointed, and displayed a confidence 
in the loyalty of his near relations rarely found in an eastern king. 
His next brother, Taj Khan, was confirmed in his fiefs and received 
the title of 'Ala-ud-dln, and his younger brother, Fidai Khan, was 
permitted to retain the government of Banthambhor and other 
districts. His declaration of policy resembled that of the Boman 
emperor Augustus. His father, he said, had extended his sway 
over the whole land of Malwa, and it should be his care to hold 
what had been acquired, not to molest his neighbours. So averse 
was he from war that when Buhlul Lodi raided Palampur, near 
Banthambhor, he would not take the field himself, but ordered 
Sher Khan, governor of Chanderi, to obtain satisfaction from the 
invader, which task was sufficiently well performed, and when, in 
1484, he marched from Mandu in response to an appeal from the 
raja of Champaner, who had sought his aid against Mahmud Be- 
garha, he was suddenly smitten with compunction, and consulted 



362 The Kingdom of Malwa [CH * 

the doctors of the law on the legality of aiding an infidel against a 
Muslim, and, on their delivering the opinion that such assistance 
was unlawful, at once returned to Mandu. 

At the beginning of his reign he conferred on his eldest son, 
'Abd-ul-Qadir, the title of Nasir-ud-dln Sultan, designated him as 
his heir, and associated him with himself in the business of govern- 
ment. 

Ghiyas-ud-dm found his own chief amusement in the administra- 
tion of his harem, which it was his fancy to organise as a kingdom 
in miniature, complete in itself. Its army consisted of two corps 
of Amazons, of 500 each, one of African and one of Turkish slave 
girls, who at public audiences were drawn up on either side of the 
throne. The harem contained, besides these, 1600 women, who 
were taught various arts and trades, and organised in departments. 
Besides the musicians, singers, and dancers usually found in a 
royal seraglio there were goldsmiths, blacksmiths, shoemakers, 
weavers, potters, tailors, makers of bows, arrows, and quivers, car- 
penters, wrestlers, and jugglers, each of whom received fixed wages, 
their officers, also women, being paid at higher rates, also women 
who supervised the various crafts and administrative departments. 
These women were recruited, at great trouble and expense, from 
all parts of India, but a case in which one of his agents abducted a 
girl from her parents led him to order the cessation of recruitment 
in his own dominions. A replica in miniature of the great bazar 
in the city was erected within the precincts of the palace, and was 
filled with the artists, artisans, and craftswomen of the harem. 
The king himself regulated with meticulous nicety the pay and 
allowances of all, even to the quantities of grain, fodder and meat 
allotted to the various animals employed or domesticated within 
the extensive premises set apart for the harem, decided disputes, 
and generally wasted in these futile pursuits the time and energy 
which should have been devoted to the administration of his 
kingdom. 

When not thus employed he devoted himself to the ceremonies 
of his faith, and to inventing others, to add to the list of those with 
which the daily life of a devout Muslim is encumbered. He insisted 
on being aroused every night, shortly after midnight, even if force 
should be necessary, for the recitation of the voluntary night 
prayers, and he abstained, not only from all intoxicants, but from 
all food of the legality of which there was the slightest doubt, and 
from wearing clothes of materials not sanctioned by the law of 
Islam. 



xi v] Folly of Ghiyas-ud-dln 363 

His folly and profusion were practised upon by rogues and im- 
postors, whose fraudulent tricks needed but to be connected in 
some way with professions of religion to receive unmerited rewards. 
A beggar from Delhi picked up a handful of wheat from a heap 
lying in the courtyard of the palace and carried it into the royal 
presence. When asked the meaning of his action he explained that 
he was one who had committed to memory the whole of the Koran, 
which he had recited over each single grain of the wheat in his 
hand, which he now offered to the king. Honours and favours were 
showered upon him. 

Another rogue brought to the king the hoof of an ass, which he 
asserted to be a hoof of the ass on which our Lord had entered 
Jerusalem. He received 50,000 tangos and was, of course, followed 
by three other rogues, each bearing the hoof of an ass, of whickhe 
told the same story and for which he received the same reward. 
As though this were not enough, a fifth appeared, with a fifth hoof, 
and the king commanded that he likewise should receive 50,000 
tangos. The courtiers protested against this folly, and asked their 
master whether he believed that the Messiah's ass had five legs. 
'Let him have the reward/ replied the crowned fool, 'perhaps he 
is telling the truth and one of the others made a mistake/ 

At such a court as this beggars of all classes of course abounded, 
and the taxes wrung from a thrifty and industrious people were 
squandered on rogues, vagabonds and idlers. 

Ghiyas-ud-din's declining years were embittered by a violent 
quarrel between his two sons, 'Abd-ul-Qadir Nasir-ud-dm and 
Shuja'at Khan 'Ala-ud-dm, whose mother, Rani Khurshid, daughter 
of the raja of Baglana, favoured the cause of the younger. The 
miserable king, whose naturally feeble intellect was now impaired 
by old age, was incapable of composing the strife, and vacillated 
between his heir and his wife's favourite. Murders were committed 
on either side, and both appealed to arms. Nasir-ud-dm marched 
out of the capital and assembled an army, and both his father and 
his mother attempted to persuade him to return, the former that 
the prince might resume the government of the kingdom, which 
had latterly fallen entirely into his hands, and the latter that she 
might find an opportunity of putting him to death. Nasir-ud-din's 
first attempt to storm the capital was unsuccessful, but the greater 
part of the nobles and the army was on his side, and he was even- 
tually admitted by the Balapur gate. He seized his mother and 
brother, imprisoned the one and put the other to death, and on 
October 22, 1500, ascended the throne with the consent of his 



364 The Kingdom of Malwa * [CH. 

father. He caused those of the nobles who had opposed him to be 
put to death and designated his second son, Miyan Manjhla, as his 
heir, conferring on him the title of Shihab-ud-din. 

Many of the nobles in the provinces, including Sher Khan, the 
powerful governor of Chanderi, and Muqbil Khan, governor of 
Mandasor, declined to believe that the new king had ascended the 
throne with his father's consent, and took up arms against him. 
After one unsuccessful attempt to crush this rebellion, and another 
attempt, equally unsuccessful, to conciliate the rebels, he took the 
field against them, and assembled his army at Na'lcha, leaving his 
son Shihab-ud-din in charge of the capital. At Dhar he received 
news of the death of his father, on February 28, 1501, from poison, 
administered, as it was generally believed, by his orders. He en- 
countered the rebels at Sarangpur and utterly defeated them. 
Sher Khan fled to Chanderi, and thence to Erij and Bhander 1 , 
and Nasir-ud-dln occupied Chanderi, but discovered that a faction 
in the town had invited Sher Khan to return and promised him 
their active support. He sent a force against the rebel, who was 
advancing on Chanderi and who was defeated and so severely 
wounded that he died in the course of his retreat. The king 
marched as far as the spot where the body had been buried, ex- 
humed it, and carried it back to Chanderi, where it was exposed 
on a gallows. He then appointed Bihjat Khan governor of Chan- 
deri and returned to Mandu, when by deep drinking he aggravated 
the natural ferocity of his disposition and by his violent and iras- 
cible temper alienated his nobles. 

In 1503 he led a marauding expedition into the dominions of 
the Rana, and later in the year sent a force to the aid of Baud 
Khan of Khandesh, whose dominions had been invaded by Ahmad 
Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar. 

In 1510 Shihab-ud-din, his son and heir apparent, rose in re- 
bellion, and was joined by most of the nobles in the provinces and 
many in the capital, who were disgusted by the king's tyranny. 
Nasir-ud-dm marched against him and met him, with greatly 
inferior numbers, at Dhar. Shihab-ud-din, encouraged by his 
numerical superiority, attacked his father, but was defeated and 
fled to Chanderi, and, when he was pursued thither, to Sipri. His 
father followed him, and having vainly attempted to persuade him 
to return to his allegiance set out for Mandu, but died on his way 
thither. 

Of the manner of his death there are two accounts. According 

i In 24 81' N. and 73 45' E. 



xiv] Mahmttd II 365 

to one he contracted a fever and insisted on bathing in cold water, 
which so aggravated his illness that it terminated fatally. Accord- 
ing to the other he gave expression to his suspicions of many of his 
nobles, whom he believed to have been secretly in correspondence 
with Shihab-ud-dm, and uttered menaces, until they became so 
apprehensive that they poisoned him. Immediately after his death 
they unanimously raised to the throne, on May 2, 1511, his son 
'Ala-ud-din Mahmud II, who was in the camp, and sent Nasir-ud- 
din's body to Mandu for burial. 

Shihab-ud-dm, on hearing of his father's death, returned to 
Malwa and marched on Maudu, but Mahmud II outstripped him 
and arrived there first, and when Shihab-ud-dm reached the city 
the gates were shut in his face. After attempting, without success, 
to persuade the governor of the city, Muhafiz Khan, to admit him, 
he retired to the fortress of Asir, in Khandesh. 

Mahmud II confirmed in his post his father's minister, a Hindu 
named Basant Rai, but the Muslim nobles so resented his tenure 
of this high place that they murdered him. The intrigues of 
Muhafiz Khan, governor of Mandu, drove Iqbal Khan and Mukhtass 
Khan, two of the leading nobles, into rebellion and they fled to 
the Narbada and sent Nusrat Khan, the former's son to Asir, to 
summon Shihab-ud-dm to the throne of Malwa. The prince was so 
overjoyed that he set out at once, riding hard, in the great heat, to 
join his adherents, but he succumbed, and on July 29, 1511, died 
on the road. The rebels sent his body to Mandu for burial, pro- 
claimed his son king under the title of Hushang II, and marched 
into the central districts of Malwa. A force was sent against them 
and defeated them, and Hushang took refuge in Sehore, but the 
leaders convinced the king that they were loyal at heart, and had 
rebelled only in consequence of the intrigues of Muhafiz Khan. 
This officer had already angered the king by proposing that he 
should put to death his eldest brother, Sahib Khan, and the quarrel 
became so acute that Muhafiz Khan attacked the king in his 
palace. He was defeated and driven off, and avenged himself by 
proclaiming Sahib Khan king under the title of Muhammad IP. 
Mahmud II escaped from Mandu and withdrew to Ujjain, where 
he was joined by Iqbal Khan, Mukhtass Khan, and Dastiir Khan. 
Sahib Khan advanced to Nalcha, and Mahmud retired to Dipal- 
pur, where most of the nobles, whose wives and families were 
in Mandu, deserted him. He asked Bihjat Khan, governor of 

1 Muhammad II reigned nominally from A.H. 917 to A.H. 921 (A.D. 1511-1516). His 
extant coins bear the latter date. 



366 "The Kingdom of Malwa [CH. 

Chanderi, to give him an asylum in that fortress, but Bihjat Khan 
replied that he was the servant of the king who held MandiL 
Mahmud knew not where to turn, and remained irresolute for some 
days, until he bethought himself of Mednl Rai the Purbiya, a 
Rajput of eastern Hindustan, who held the military government 
of a small district in Malwa and was noted for his valour. He 
responded to the king's call, and came to his aid, and his accession 
induced Bihjat Khan of Chanderi to change his attitude, so that he 
sent his son Shiddat Khan to the king with offers of service. 

Mahmud, thus reinforced, marched to meet his brother, who 
advanced from Mandu. The armies met in the evening, and while 
they were encamped for the night Afzal Khan deserted the prince, 
taking half of the army with him to Mahmud's camp, and Mu- 
hammad fled without fighting. Mahmud at once marched on 
Mandu, being joined on the way by the remnant of Shihab-ud-dm's 
supporters from Sehore, and on November 28 found his brother, 
who had assembled a number of troops, barring his way to the 
capital. Muhammad was defeated, and fled into the fortress, and 
Mahmud, after an ineffectual attempt to induce him to submit, 
opened the siege of the place. On January 6, 1512, he was admitted 
into the fortress by some of his partisans, and Muhammad and 
Muhafiz Khan fled, with such jewels and treasure as they could 
collect and carry with them, and threw themselves on the protec- 
tion of Muzaffar II of Gujarat, who was then encamped at Baroda. 
The course of Muhammad's subsequent wanderings has been traced 
in the preceding chapter. He found a home, for a time, in Berar, 
under the protection of 'Ala-ud-dm 'Imad Shah. 

Mahmud was now established at Mandu, and soon had occasion 
to repent of having summoned the Purbiya Rajputs to his aid. 
Mednl Rai assumed the office of minister, dismissed from their 
posts all the old nobles of the kingdom, in whose places he ap- 
pointed men of his own faith and race, and induced the king to 
sanction the assassination of Afzal Khan and Iqbal Khan, whom 
he accused of entering into correspondence with Muhammad. The 
Muslim nobles viewed with mingled disgust and apprehension the 
supremacy of the idolators in the state, and Sikandar Khan, 
governor of Satwas and one of the most important of the great 
fief-holders, raised the standard of revolt. Bihjat Khan of Chanderi 
excused himself from obeying his sovereign's command to march 
against the rebel, and Mansur Khan of Bhilsa, who obeyed the 
royal summons, was so ill supported that he abandoned the attempt 
to crush the rebellion, and joined Bihjat Khan at ChaiiderL Mednl 



xi v] Predominance of the Rajputs 367 

Rai reduced Sikandar Khan to obedience, and by confirming him 
in his fiefs induced him to renew his allegiance to Mahmud. 

Bihjat KKan of Chanderi was still contumacious, and when 
Mahmud marched in person to Agar sent letters to Sahib Khan, or 
Muhammad Shah, in Berar, and to Sikandar Shah Lodi of Delhi, 
begging the former to join him and receive the crown of Malwa, 
and seeking the assistance of the latter against a king who was 
dominated by infidels. 

While Mahmud was awaiting the return of a mission which he 
had sent to Bihjat Khan for the purpose of recalling him to his 
obedience, he was perturbed by the news of a revolt in his capital, 
and of the invasion of his kingdom by Muzafiar II of Gujarat, but 
the revolt was immediately suppressed and Muzafiar was recalled 
to Gujarat by domestic disturbances. No sooner had Mahmud 
been reassured by this news than he learnt that Sikandar Khan 
was again in rebellion, and had defeated and slain a loyal officer 
who had endeavoured to reduce him to obedience. At the same 
time he learned that his brother had reached Chanderi and had been 
proclaimed king by Bihjat Khan and Mansur Khan. He retired to 
Bhilsa and remained for some time in that neighbourhood. His 
inaction encouraged the rebels to send a force to Sarangpur, but 
the governor of that district defeated them, and the news that a 
contingent sent to their help by Sikandar Shah Lodi had retired 
restored Mahmud's spirits, and disheartened, in a corresponding 
degree, his enemies. An attempt of Muhafiz Khan to return to 
Mandu was defeated, and the rebels were ready to come to 
terms. The king was no less weary of the conflict, which, as he 
now understood, was being prolonged only in the interest of the 
Purbiya Rajputs, and ceded to his brother the districts of Raisen, 
Bhilsa, and Dhamoni, besides remitting to him a substantial sum 
for his immediate needs. The retention of the money by Bihjat 
Khan excited the apprehensions of Muhammad, who believed that 
he was about to be betrayed to his brother, and fled to the pro- 
tection of Sikandar Shah Lodi, thus enabling his host to make an 
unqualified submission to Mahmud, who, on December 18, 1513, 
was received at Chanderi by Bihjat Khan, who endeavoured, with- 
out success, to free him from his subservience to Media Rai. 

Early in 1514 the king returned to Mandu, where he fell 
entirely under the influence of the Rajput minister, and at his 
instigation put many of the old Muslim nobles of the kingdom to 
death. The rest left the court, and even menial servants were dis- 
missed, until the king was entirely in their power. He made an 



368 The Kingdom of Malwa [CH. 

effort to free himself by dismissing Medni Rai, but the minister 
refused to accept his dismissal, and the Rajputs were restrained 
from violence only by prudential considerations, and promised in 
future to abstain from what was their greatest offence in the eyes 
of Muslims the keeping of Muslim women as concubines. One of 
their leaders, Salibahan, refused to make this promise, and the 
offence thus continued. Mahmud then attempted to remove Medni 
Rai and Salibahan by assassination, and succeeded in the case of 
the latter, but the former was only wounded, and the Rajputs 
attacked the king's small bodyguard of Muslims, but were defeated, 
chiefly owing to their fear of provoking the intervention of Muzaf- 
far II of Gujarat by proceeding to extremities. 

In 1517 Mahmud lost patience with his Hindu masters, and, 
leaving Mandu on the pretext of hunting, eluded his Rajput escort 
and fled to the frontier of Gujarat, where he sought aid of Muzaf- 
far II, whose ready response to the appeal, and the capture of 
Mandu, the terrible massacre of the Rajputs, and Mahmiid's re- 
storation to his throne have already been described in the pre- 
ceding chapter. 

The Rajputs had not all been in Mandu when it was taken by 
Muzaffar, and Medni Rai had established himself in the northern 
and eastern districts of the kingdom : his officers held Chanderi 
and Gagraun, and his brother, Silahdi, Raisen, Bhllsa, and Sarang- 
pur. 

Mahmud recalled all his old Muslim nobles and their troops, 
and by the advice of Asaf Khan of Gujarat, who had been left, 
with 10,000 horse, by Muzaffar II to assist him against his enemies, 
marched first to Gagraun, which was held by Hemkaran for Medni 
Rai. 

Medn! Rai was himself with Rana Sangrama, and, on hearing 
that Mahmud had opened the siege of Gagraun, implored the Rana 
to save a town which contained all that was most precious to him. 
Sangrama responded to the appeal, and marched with a large army 
towards Gagraun, and Mahmud, on hearing of his advance, aban- 
doned the siege and marched with great rapidity to meet him. His 
army encamped within fourteen miles of Sangrama, who, having 
ascertained that it was exhausted by its long march, attacked it at 
once. On his approach the Muslims took the field in small bodies, 
each division falling in as soon as it could arm and mount The 
whole army was thus cut to pieces in detail and utterly defeated. 
Mahmud himself was wounded and was captured, fighting valiantly, 
for he lacked not physical courage, and carried before Sangrama, 



xiv] Malwa annexed to Gujarat 369 

who received him with the chivalrous courtesy which the Rajput 
knows how to show to a defeated foe, but compelled him to sur- 
render all his crown jewels. 

The Rana was now in a position to annex Malwa, but prudently 
refrained from a measure which would have raised against him 
every Muslim ruler in India, and, making a virtue of necessity, 
supplied Mahmud with an escort which conducted him back to 
Mandu and replaced him on his throne. 

Asaf Khan's contingent of 10,000 cavalry fought in this battle, 
and shared the disaster which befell the army of Malwa, and for 
this reason Sangrama's success is always represented in Hindu 
annals as a victory over the combined armies of Malwa and 
Gujarat. 

Mahmud's authority now extended only to the neighbourhood 
of his capital. The northern and eastern districts of the kingdoms 
remained, as already mentioned, in the hands of the Purbiya Raj- 
puts, and Satwas and the southern districts in those of Sikandar 
Khan. A victory over Silahdl reduced him temporarily to obedi- 
ence, but its effect was fleeting. 

A few years later Mahmud behaved with incomprehensible folly 
and ingratitude. When Bahadur Shah, in July, 1526, ascended 
the throne of Gujarat, his younger brother, Chand Khan, fled to 
Mandu, and Mahmud not only received him, but encouraged him 
to hope for assistance in ousting his brother from his kingdom. 
Three years later, having heard of the death of Rana Sangrama, he 
raided the territories of Chitor and provoked Sangrama's successor, 
Ratan Singh, who invaded Malwa and advanced as far as Sarangpur 
and Ujjain, to reprisals. He reaped the fruits of his ingratitude 
towards the king of Gujarat as described in the preceding chapter. 
On March 17, 1531, Mandu was captured by Bahadur Shah, and 
the Khalji dynasty was extinguished. Bahadur's operations in 
Malwa during the next two years, his defeat by Humayun, and the 
latter's capture of Mandu in 1535 have been described in the 
account of his reign. Humayun lingered in Malwa until August, 
1535, when he would have been better employed elsewhere, and 
was suddenly roused to activity by the rebellion of his brother 
'Askari. After his departure Mallu Khan, formerly an officer of the 
Khalji kings, who had been permitted to retain the fief of Sarang- 
pur and had received the title of Qadir Khan, reduced to obedience 
other fief-holders in Malwa, from Bhllsa to the Narbada, and, 
having established himself at Mandu, assumed the title of Qadir 
Shah. When Sher Khan, hard pressed by Humayun in Bengal, 

C.H.I. in. 24 



370 The Kingdom of Malwa [CH. 

demanded in language too peremptory for the occasion, assistance 
from Qadir Shah, the latter returned an insolent reply, which was 
not forgotten, and Sher Shah, now king of Delhi, invaded Malwa 
in 1642. Qadir, who was not strong enough to oppose him, made 
his submission to him at Sarangpur, and was well received and 
appointed to the government of Bengal instead of that of Malwa, 
but shortly afterwards, being apprehensive of Sher Shah's inten- 
tions towards him, fled from his camp. The king imprisoned 
Sikandar Khan of Satwas, lest he should follow Qadir's example, 
and retired from Malwa, leaving behind him as viceroy Hajl Khan, 
with Shuja'at Khan as governor of Satwas. 

Nasir Khan of Satwas attacked the new governor with the 
object of seizing his person and holding him as a hostage for his 
father, Sikandar Khan, but was defeated, though Shuja'at Khan 
was severely wounded in the battle. He had not recovered from 
his wounds when he was summoned by Hajl Khan to assist him 
against Qadir Shah, who, having assembled an army in Banswara, 
was marching to attack him. Shuja'at Khan responded to the 
appeal, and Qadir was defeated, and fled to Gujarat. The credit of 
the victory rested with Shuja'at Khan, and Hajl Khan was recalled 
and Shuja'at Khan was appointed to succeed him as viceroy of Malwa. 

Puran Mai, the son of Silahdi, still retained possession of the 
fortress and district of Raisen, and had recently, after occupying 
the town of Chanderl, massacred most of its inhabitants, and 
collected in his harem 2000 women, Muslims as well as Hindus. In 
1543 Sher Shah marched from Agra against him and besieged him 
in Raisen. He was induced by delusive promises to surrender, and 
Sher Shah, when he had him in his power, attacked him and his 
followers with his elephants. The Rajputs performed the rite of 
jaukar, and, fighting bravely, were trampled to death. 

Shuja'at Khan was on bad terms with Islam Shah, Sher Shah's 
son and successor, and in 1547 an Afghan, whom he had punished 
with mutilation for drunkenness and disorderly conduct, attempted, 
with the king's implied approval, to assassinate him. He was 
wounded, and so resented his master's behaviour that he fled from 
his camp at Gwalior. 

Islam Shah treated him as a rebel, and invaded Malwa, but the 
viceroy would not fight against his king, and withdrew into Ban- 
swara. Islam Shah was called to Lahore by the rebellion of the 
Niyazis, and at the instance of his favourite, Daulat Khan Ajyara, 
who was Shuja'at Khan's adopted son, pardoned and reinstated the 
recalcitrant viceroy. 



xiv] Malwa annexed by Akbar 371 

When Humayun recovered his throne in 1555 Shuja'at Khan 1 
abstained from acknowledging him, and demeaned himself in all 
respects as an independent sovereign. Later in the same year he 
died, and was succeeded by his son Miyan Bayazld, known as Baz 
Bahadur, whose pretensions were opposed by his father's adopted 
son, Daulat Khan Ajyura. Baz Bahadur, having lulled his rival's 
suspicions by assenting to an arrangement by which Malwa was 
partitioned, seized him and put him to death, arid assumed the 
royal title. He then expelled his own younger brother, Malik 
Mustafa, from Raisen, and captured Kelwara from the Miyana 
Afghans. His next exploit was an expedition against the famous 
Ram Durgavati, queen of the Gonds of Garha-Katanga, who de- 
feated him and drove him back into his own country, where he 
forgot his disgrace in the arms of his famous mistress, Rupmati. 
He sank into the condition of a mere voluptuary, and when Malwa 
was invaded, in 1561, by the officers of the emperor Akbar, he was 
driven from his kingdom, which became a province of the Mughul 
empire. 

1 Shujfv'at Khan was vulgarly known as Sazaval or Sajaval Khan. 



242 



CHAPTER XV 

THE KINGDOM OF THE DECCAN. 1347-1490 

THE revolt of the centurions and the establishment by 'Ala- 
ud-dm Bahman Shah of the kingdom of the Deccan, not wholly 
recovered by Delhi for 340 years, have already been described in 
Chapter vi. 

This kingdom was not conterminous with the southern provinces 
of Muhammad Tughluq's great empire, for the Hindus of the south 
had not failed to profit by the dissensions of their enemies. Kan- 
hayya Naik of eastern Telingana, who claimed to represent the 
Kakatiya dynasty, had readily assisted the rebels against the king 
of Delhi, but was not prepared to acknowledge Bahman Shah as 
his master. Vira Ballala III of Dvaravatlpura had established his 
independence when the Muslim officers in the Deccan rose in rebel- 
lion, and having thrown off the yoke of Delhi was in no mood to 
bow his neck to that of Gulbarga. He pushed his frontier north- 
ward to the Tungabhadra river, which remained the extreme 
southern limit of Bahman's dominions, nor did his successors in- 
variably succeed in retaining even this frontier, for the great 
kingdom of Vijayanagar, which rose on the ruins of Dvaravatlpura, 
claimed the Doab between the Krishna and the Tungabhadra, with 
its two strong fortresses, Raichur and Mudgal, and this tract re- 
mained a debatable land while Bahman's dynasty endured. 

Ibn Batutah, in his account of his voyage down the western 
coast of India, mentions petty rulers of ports and their adjacent 
districts owning allegiance and paying tribute to Muhammad 
Tughluq, but this allegiance was withheld from Bahman Shah, and 
only gradually recovered by his successors, whose authority over 
the Hindus of the Western Ghats was always precarious. 

The new kingdom included the province of Berar, which marched 
on the north-west and north with the small state of Khandesh and 
the kingdom of Malwa, and it was separated from Gujarat by the 
small hilly state of Baglana (Baglan), which retained a degree of 
independence under a dynasty of native Rajput chieftains. 

'Ala-ud-dln Hasan claimed descent from the hero Bahman, son 
of Isfandiyar, and his assumption of the title Bahman Shah was an 
assertion of his claim 1 . Firishta relates an absurd legend con- 
necting the title with the name of the priestly caste of the Hindus, 

1 J.A.S.B., Part i, vol. LXXIII, extra number, 1904. 



CH. xv] Bahman Shah 373 

but this story is disproved by the evidence of inscriptions and 
legends on coins, and the name Kanku, which frequently occurs in 
conjunction with that of Bahman, and is said by Firishta to repre- 
sent Gangu, the name of the king's former Brahman master, is 
more credibly explained by Maulavl 'Abd-ul-Wali 1 as a scribe's 
corruption of Kaikaus, which was the name of Bahman's father as 
given in two extant genealogies 2 . 

The lesser Hindu chieftains of the Deccan, who had been bound 
only by the loosest of feudal ties to their overlord in distant Delhi, 
had followed the example of Dvaravatipura and Warangal, and 
Bahman was engaged during his reign of eleven years in estab- 
lishing his authority in the kingdom which he had carved out of 
Muhammad's empire. .He first captured the forts of Bhokardhan 
and Mahur from the Hindu chieftains who held them, and then 
dispatched his officers into various districts of the Deccan to reduce 
the unruly to obedience. 'Imad-ul-Mulk and Mubarak Khan ad- 
vanced to the Tapti and secured the northern provinces, and Husain 
Gurshasp received the submission of the remnants of Muhammad's 
army which had been left to continue the siege of Daulatabad, 
and which submitted readily on learning that Bahman Shah was 
prepared to pardon their activity in the cause of the master to 
whom they had owed allegiance. Qutb-ul-Mulk captured the towns 
of Bhum, Akalkot, and Mundargi, and pacified, in accordance with 
the principle approved by his master, the districts dependent on 
them. Landholders who submitted and undertook to pay the taxes 
assessed on their estates were accepted as loyal subjects, without 
too rigorous a scrutiny of their past conduct, but the contumacious 
were put to death, and their lands and goods were confiscated. 
Qambar Khan reduced, after a siege of fifty days, the strong fort- 
ress of Kaliyani, and Sikandar Khan, who was sent into the Bidar 
district, marched as far south as Malkhed, receiving the submission 
of the inhabitants of the country through which he passed, and 
compelled Kanhayya Naik of Warangal to cede the fortress of 
Kaulas and to pay tribute for the territory which he was permitted 
to retain. 

Bahman had rewarded Ismail Mukh, who had resigned to him 
the throne, with the title of Amir-ul-Umara, the nominal command 
of the army, and the first place at court, but afterwards transferred 
this last honour to Saif-ud-dln Ghuri, father-in-law of Prince Mu- 
hammad, the heir-apparent, and the old Afghan, bitterly resenting 

1 Journal and Proceedings, A.S.B., vol. v, p. 463. 

a Preserved by Firishta and the author of the Burhan-i-Ma'dsir. 



374 The Kingdom of the Deccan [CH. 

his supersession, conspired to assassinate the king, and paid the 
penalty of his crime, but Bahman was so sensible of his indebted- 
ness to him that he appointed his eldest son, Bahadur Khan, to the 
post rendered vacant by his father's death. 

Bahman was as yet far from being secure in his new kingdom 
and a pretence of loyalty to Delhi furnished Narayan, a Hindu who 
possessed the tract between the Krishna and Ghatprabha rivers, 
and Mu'ln-ud-din, a Muslim who held a fief in