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Full text of "Canada in the great world war; an authentic account of the military history of Canada from the earliest days to the close of the war of the nations"

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Ted Barrett 





This edition is limited to One Thousand 

Numbered Sets, being the first 

printing, of which this is 

Number VoO 

^/\ 1^ /\ L^ /\ 




Vol ¥1 


HOiaiVI<3 iSIAMMOr* 








Vol. VI 







Copyright, 1921 


United Publishers op Canada, Limited 




By J. S. B. Macpherson 

By J, L. Melville 

By Lawrence J. Burpee 

By Officers of the Services 

By Wealtha A. Wilson and Ethel T. Raymond 

By Allan Donnell 


DEMOBILIZATION ..... .; . . 240 

F. A. Carman 

HEROIC DEEDS ..... .^ .. > 270 








Lieutenant-General Sir H. E. Burstall, K.C.B. 
K.C.M.G., A.D.C 

Brigadier-General W. B. M. King, C.M.G., D.S.O 

Sixty-pounders in action 

Loading a big gun .... 

The master-gunner and two of his officers 

Officers of the 9th and 10th Brigades, C.F.A 

Bridging the Canal du Nord 

Canadian Engineers at work 

Colonel Herbert A. Bruce, M.D., F.R.C.S. (Eng.) 

Officers of " B " Mess, Canadian Corps H.Q. 

Brigadier-General A. E. Ross, C.B., C.M.G 
seated in centre .... 

Late Lieutenant-Colonel John McCrae 

Lieutenant-Colonel F. A. C. Scrimger, V.C. 

Officers of the 26th Battalion, 1918 

Canadian Generals .... 

General Sir Arthur Currie with H.R.H. Prince 
Arthur of Connaught and Divisional and Brig- 
adier Generals .... 

Canadian Generals .... 

Canadian Generals .... 

Types of Canadian Battalion Commanders 

Types of Canadian Officers 

Types of Canadian Officers 

Canada's Greatest Aces 

Winners of the Victoria Cross 

Winners of the Victoria Cross 

Winners of the Victoria Cross 

Winners of the Victoria Cross 

Winners of the Victoria Cross 

Winners of the Victoria Cross 

Winners of the Victoria Cross 

Major-General Sir F. O. W. Loomis, K.C.B., C.M.G 

Major-General Sir David Watson, K.C.B., C.M.G 

facing page 6 








Officers of the Royal Canadian Regiment, 1918 .facing page S20 

Types of Canadian Battalion Commanders . . " 322 

Lieutenant-Colonel A. E. Dubuc, D.S.O., and Bar " 324 

Officers of the 42nd Battalion, 1918 ..." 326 

Officers of the 49th Battalion, 1918 ... " 328 

Soldier Brothers " 330 

Soldier Brothers " 336 

Soldier Father and Soldier Sons .... " 340 

Soldier Brothers " 346 

Types of Canadian Officers ..... " 352 

Types of Canadian Officers ..... " 356 

Lieutenant-Colonel C. P. Templeton, D.S.O. . > " 368 

Decorations ....... " 374 

Map of Europe . > • > .: . . page 378 



1. Its Organization and Work 

IN attempting to give an account of the work of the 
Canadian Artillery in the recent war, one is con- 
fronted with great difficulties. There was hardly 
a unit which went through such great changes and 
developments, and there was hardly a unit which 
changed its interior organization to so great an extent. 
Field artillery were changed from four-gun militia 
batteries to six-gun overseas batteries, back to four- 
gun batteries, and then again to six-gun batteries; 
howitzer brigades were abolished, but howitzer batter- 
ies were added to field artillery brigades, and the num- 
ber of brigades to a division was also changed. In the 
heavy and siege batteries, an organization grew from 
nothing in the case of siege batteries, and in the 
heavies from one battery for each of the first two 
divisions in France to independent brigades. Again, 
in the case of the arrival of the various portions 
of the Canadian Corps Artillery in France until 
the demobilization of the corps, each division had 
its own history in the formation of its artillery, 
and to trace the history of the artillery from this 
point of view would be a task which would involve 
searches through almost all the war diaries of the 
various brigades in existence at the end of the war, 
and the result would be little more than a catalogue 



of dates and figures. Therefore this article lays no 
claim to be a strictly accurate account of all the 
changes which took place in the artillery of the Cana- 
dian Corps, but attempts to give the reader a general 
idea of its development from the original First Divi- 
sional Artillery to the final growth which it had at- 
tained at the end of the war, and also to give some 
idea of the work done by the gunners, a work which is 
all too little appreciated, especially in the case of the 
field artillery. 

The field artillery at the end of the war was organ- 
ized into five divisional artilleries and one army bri- 
gade. Each divisional artillery consisted of two bri- 
gades and a divisional ammunition . column, and each 
brigade had three batteries of six 18-pounder guns 
each and one battery of six 4.5-inch howitzers. The 
divisional artillery was attached directly to each in- 
fantry di\dsion for administration and as much as pos- 
sible for operations, but frequently for operations was 
lent to some other division, not always a Canadian 
one. The Fifth Divisional Artillery and the Eighth 
Army Brigade were used wherever they were most 
needed, in and outside of the Canadian Corps. Thus 
the organization and growth of the artillery kept pace 
with that of tlie remainder of the corps and grew not 
only to four but to five divisions. 

The First Divisional Artillery was formed chiefly 
from the militia artillery of Eastern Canada, although 
both Winnipeg and Victoria sent large and extremely 
well trained detachments to Valcartier. The militia 
batteries in 1914 consisted entirely of four-gun bat- 
teries and at Valcartier were without howitzers. The 
various four-gun batteries were there combined to 
form six-gun batteries, of which there were three bri- 
gades of three batteries each to a division. These bri- 
gades were the 1st, largely from the vicinity of Ot- 
tawa; the 2nd, largely from Montreal; and the 3rd, 
largely from Toronto. There was also the 1st Heavy 


Battery, originally from Montreal, but at Valcartier it 
absorbed a large number of men from the heavy bat- 
teries (chiefly of St. John) in the Maritime Provinces. 
Such was the organization which sailed, fully equipped 
with guns and horses and over strength in officers and 
men, from Gaspe Basin in September, 1914. 

In England the four-gun batteries were again formed, 
and three brigades of four four-gun batteries each, 
together with the Heavy Battery, sailed from Bristol 
on the 10th of February, 1915, and arrived at St. Na- 
zaire some days later after a stormy and most un- 
pleasant voyage through the Bay of Biscay. 

The First Divisional Artillery has the distinction, of 
which it is particularly proud, of being the only divi- 
sion of the Canadian Corps which went to France as a 
complete fighting division. The only thing lacking 
was howitzers, and as these were not available an 
English howitzer brigade was attached to them until 
they got howitzers of their own; but apart from this 
they were from the moment of their arrival a complete 
division, and entirely self-supporting in every respect. 
The 2nd Division brought out one brigade, the re- 
mainder of their artillery following about three 
months later. The Third Divisional Artillery arrived in 
the winter of 1917, after the formation of the division 
from new battalions and various C.M.R. and other 
units, which were already in France. The Fourth 
Divisional Artillery was formed when the brigades 
were reorganized into six-gun batteries, but with only 
two brigades to each division. The Fifth Divisional 
Artillery came out complete in itself, but without any 
infantry for it to support. 

Now, although the artillery is considered an arm of 
the Service, and takes the right of the line, and is in 
every sense of the word a combatant corps, it is the 
infantry who win battles; the sole object of all fire- 
arms is to enable the man with the bayonet to accom- 
plish his work, and all other things are subordinate 


to that. During the war far too much was said of artil- 
lery winning this, that, and the other thing. The gun- 
ner is the first man to say that alone he can do noth- 
ing; without the protection of the infantry a battery 
is almost as helpless as a hospital. The field artillery 
had their task, the heavies had theirs, and both these 
tasks in their ultimate object were identical; namely, 
to help the infantry defeat the German infantry. The 
German gunners were doing the same thing; and, even 
when back areas were shelled or when batteries 
shelled each other, the primary object might be to hit 
a cross-road or destroy a battery, but the ultimate 
object was to prevent the enemy from using that cross- 
road in bringing supplies and relief to their infantry 
which was actually engaged, or to deny them the sup- 
port of the battery of which the destruction was at- 
tempted. Thus the whole object of all the artillery 
was to support its infantry in every possible way, and 
the better it accomplished this task the more efficient 
it was, even though the role might not be an inspiring 
or spectacular one. 

The protection of the infantry was the first consid- 
eration of a battery in any position. In the more or 
less permanent positions of trench warfare this was 
liighly orga'nized and what were known as S.O.S. lines 
were carefully laid out and frequently tested, and were 
handed over with each relief. Wlien an advance had 
been made on any portion of the front, even before 
the infantry had finally consolidated their new po- 
sition, a temporary S.O.S. line for their protection 
was always the first consideration from the moment the 
first objective was reached. As nearly all these ad- 
vances were made wholly under the protection of a 
barrage, the final resting-point of the barrage was 
generally the S.O.S. line. In the later stages of open 
warfare an S.O.S. line was always arranged as soon 
as the advancing infantry halted, even if the advance 
was to be resumed in a few hours. This was not al- 


ways an easy or simple thing to do, but invariably 
some attempt to do it was made. 

The S.O.S. consisted of a sort of continuous curtain 
of fire laid down in front of our own trenches, so that 
any advance which was made would have to pass 
through this fire, its object being to stop the enemy 
altogether, or to make their casualties so heavy that 
the infantry would have no difficulty in beating 
off an attack which did succeed in reaching our 
trenches. In a trench position each gun had its own 
particular line of fire, this being arranged by the 
batteries. A divisional area would have its front 
split into zones, each zone allotted to some particu- 
lar brigade supporting that division; each brigade 
then divided its zone and allotted a particular por- 
tion to each battery in the brigade and each bat- 
tery split its area up among its guns. The concentra- 
tion of this protective barrage varied with the nature 
of the ground and the importance at the time of a 
particular sector of the front. On some sectors a gun 
might have twenty-five or more yards to cover, on 
others ten or fifteen, or less. In addition to this pro- 
tection afforded by the 18-pounders, the homtzers and 
the heavies had their own tasks to perform, such as 
firing at trench junctions and cross-roads, counter- 
battery work, and so on. 

This protective fire could be called for by the in- 
fantry whenever it was required to repel an attack in 
force or a raiding party. All guns, when not actually 
engaged in some other firing, were kept laid on their 
S.O.S. lines, and if being used at the time when an 
S.O.S. was called for they immediately switched back 
to the S.O.S. lines. The signal for this fire was given 
in different ways, generally by coloured rockets fired 
in various combinations, which were changed at fre- 
quent intervals. The signal was always confirmed by 
telephone as well, for fear it might not have been seen 
or that a mistake might have been made. A definite 


rate of fire was laid down, varying with the calibre of 
the gun, such a rate as would give the maximum of 
fire without causing the gun to overheat and jam the 
breech in consequence. 

The S.O.S. barrage was the only carefully arranged 
purely defensive measure adopted by the field artil- 
lery; all its other tasks were offensive. Of its offen- 
sive roles in a trench-warfare front, the harassing fire 
and sniping were probably the most extensively em- 
ployed, coupled with frequent destructive shots under- 
taken by the heavies. The sniping done by detached 
guns was probably the most effective. 

Nearly every battery had one gun or a section of 
two guns in some position in advance of and some 
distance from its main position. This gun did al- 
most all the firing for that particular battery, so as 
to give the minimum chance of having the main bat- 
tery position accurately located by the enemy. During 
the day sniping was the method employed to harass 
and inconvenience the Germans, and it proved most 
effective. Every observation post kept the hostile 
territory in front of it under close watch all the time, 
and anything that moved within reach of the sniping 
gun was promptly fired at. In the great majority of 
cases no casualties were inflicted, but there were very 
few cases where the people fired at were not forced to 
run for cover and not to expose themselves again. 
Occasionally a gun was lucky and the men sniped 
at became casualties. When the great length of 
front is taken into consideration, and the fact that 
sniping wont on everywhere, the sum total of casual- 
ties inflicted in this way must have been very large 
indeed. However, it was of value mainly on account 
of its moral effect on the enemy. Living too much in 
deep tronclies and travelling too much in deep com- 
munication trenches, has a most destructive effect on 
the moral of troops. By vigorous sniping it was quite 
possible to have the enemy so cowed that not a liviiig 

BRIG.-GEN. W. B. M. KING, C.M.G., D.S.O. 


soul would dare show his head above ground during 
the hours of daylight, except very far back. In some 
cases, when the people opposite were of a cautious 
nature, although the sniping guns at the best could 
fire only five thousand yards behind the enemy front 
line, yet no one would expose himself under seven or 
eight thousand. 

At Hill 70 the military value of sniping was 
clearly shown. In the autumn of 1917 the Canadians 
were in that sector and kept up a vigorous snip- 
ing policy, so that after dawn it was seldom that 
any of the enemy could be seen above ground any- 
where within reach. However, late in the autumn the 
Canadians went forth to Passchendaele, and the Hill 
70 sector was then taken over by a division which did 
not carry out sniping tactics to nearly the same ex- 
tent. When the Canadian Corps returned to the Lens 
area after their successful operations at Passchen- 
daele, the Germans had become extremely bold and 
walked all over the back area quite openly during the 
day, but as soon as the vigorous sniping started again 
the old condition returned and in a little over a week 
it was possible to sit for hours in an observation post 
without sighting any object against which to direct 
the guns. 

Harassing fire was somewhat different in its nature, 
although its object was the same — to lower the 
enemy's moral and inflict casualties. This was carried 
, out chiefly at night and the laying of the gun was done 
entirely by measurements from the map. A definite 
number of rounds were allotted to each battery to be 
fired during the night, and these were fired at various 
intervals at selected targets, generally cross-roads 
much used by the enemy or junctions of important 
cross-country tracks and similar places, which were 
likely to be used at night when the chances were 
good of hitting ^something. In any case, the very fact 
that a shell was likely to land close to a certain spot 


at any time made it a very unpleasant thing to linger 
around there and, if this place were one it was neces- 
sary for the enemy to use, the harassing fire must 
have had a very bad effect. The number of signs of 
warning found after an advance was a fairly good in- 
dication of the general effectiveness of our harassing 

The barrage was probably the method of fire in 
which the close co-operation between the artillery and 
the infantry was most clearly shown. This method of 
employing artillery was not actually a product of the 
Great World War, but was certainly developed and 
organized and perfected during its progress. In 
former wars an infantry battalion might have in front 
of it a sort of rolling barrage, consisting of the con- 
trolled fire of a brigade, but the fire of the guns of a 
whole army working to a fixed time-table and on a 
concerted plan was not seriously thought of. That, 
however, is what a barrage consists of. 

This rolling barrage, or creeping barrage, is a cur- 
tain of fire arranged with heavies in depth as in an 
S.O.S. barrage, but it moves forward over the coun- 
try at a definite rate and a definite distance, the rates 
of fire being laid down for each section of the barrage 
and for each '^ rest." As far as the fire of the 18- 
pounders is concerned, this forms a curtain which 
moves forward as nearly as possible at the same pace 
as the infantry, and the infantry get as close to it as 
they can without actually getting in the beaten area. 
In this way it is used to keep the enemy under cover 
until the last possible moment, and if the infantry are 
sufficiently close to the barrage they should be on top 
of the foe before he has time to get his machine guns 
into action after the barrage has lifted. In the early 
stages of the war the lifts were generally from the 
first to the second line, from the second to the third 
line, and so on, but this was not found satisfactory. 
The Germans became past-masters of the shell-hole 


defence scheme; that is, little pockets of men with 
machine guns who lay in defended shell holes between 
the various lines of defence and escaped in the ''lifts." 
The machine gunners were frequently able to smash 
an attack very badly before it had really properly 
developed. This necessitated some change in the 
method of protective fire during an attack and the 
ultimate result was the rolling barrage of the latter 
part of the war. In this way the whole country was 
shelled and the shell-hole defence rendered much less 

The task of co-ordinating and arranging the various 
stages of a barrage and the various calibres of the 
guns involves an enormous amount of labour and 
would require a very technical explanation which can- 
not be undertaken here and which, indeed, would be 
out of place anywhere but in an artillery text-book. 
It will be enough to merely indicate what this means 
just in a battery. A separate range, angle of sight, 
and angle from the zero line must be worked out and 
tabulated for each gun and for each lift in the bar- 
rage; the fuze must be worked out for each gun and 
each change of fuze. It is impossible in the noise that 
is going on to pass orders with any degree of accu- 
racy and so all this has to be worked out for each gun 
and given to the N.C.O. in charge of the gun. In ad- 
dition, the officers must have tables showing all the 
guns, so that they can check them when possible. All 
the watches must be accurately synchronized with the 
divisional time, so that every gun and all the infantry 
of the division will be working together at the same 
second. Moreover, opportunities must be found when 
there is a "rest" in the barrage or when the rate of 
fire is slow to take the guns out of action in turn and 
cool them. 

Another job of the gunners which must be men- 
tioned is the slow, tiresome process of cutting wire. 
In a trench position, before any attack, it is always 


necessary to have the wire in front of the opposing 
trench cut, and this task generally fell, in part at 
least, to the IS-pounders. It was not a job much 
sought after. In the first place, it generally meant 
very close shooting, so that an occasional shot would 
land in or behind our trench, which always naturally 
greatly annoyed the infantry, but the only thing to do 
was to grin and take the abuse; explanations made 
them, if anything, more irascible. In the second place, 
it was generally very difficult to find an observation 
post from which the wire to be cut could be seen 
advantageously. When one was found it was as often 
as not in the most inaccessible place and necessitated 
a long line of special telephone wire being laid to it, 
but this wire was frequently cut. In the third place, 
the Divisional Headquarters, with their usual consid- 
eration, gave far too little time, and only about half 
the rounds necessary, to do the job properly, so that 
it was done in a rush and many rounds spent from the 
precious reserve which every battery commander per- 
jured himself and forged documents to build up. 

This task, after a suitable place for observing the 
wire was found and the extra telephone job completed, 
started off by careful registering on the wire. The 
registration could not be called satisfactory until a 
group of eight rounds had been laid down — four over 
and four short of the exact point registered on. The 
laying, needless to say, had to be done with the most 
painstaking care. Once the registration was satis- 
factory (provided the telephone was still all right, 
which was frequently not the case), the gun proceeded 
to fire at a definite point in the wire with a low-burst- 
ing fuze, so that the full forward sweep of the shrap- 
nel bullets would cut the wire and roll it up. The 
gun would gradually shift a little off, necessitating 
bringing it back on again ; the range or fuze was con- 
stantly changing and would have to be corrected. 
After hours of work and a great deal of very annoying 


shooting, with luck, the wire might be cut. It was ex- 
traordinary how badly some guns seemed to act on 
wire-cutting. One round might appear to be just 
right ; a second might be as effective. A group of four 
is ordered, and the nearest to the wire will be one hun- 
dred yards away. Sixteen rounds or more might be 
tried before the gun gets on again, only once more to 
lose its target. There seems to be no explanation and 
everyone's experience is the same. Another day, the 
same gun crew with the same gun will get on in a few 
rounds and never go off again and the job will be fin- 
ished while the man in charge of the gun next in line 
is still cursing his hard luck and has not had three 
decent bursts since he started. Telephones, too, have 
the same peculiarity. Just as you want to send down a 
message or stop a group that you know will be in- 
effective, the line goes out and you are left helpless. 
However, when one takes into consideration the enor- 
mous amount of wire-cutting done in France and the 
few failures, the efficiency of the field artillery in this 
work can be appreciated. 

This recital of the various uses of the field artillery 
in the trench-warfare stages is somewhat dull, but un- 
less the matter is understood much that has been said, 
and will be said, about artillery in the past and in the 
future will not be fully comprehended or appreciated. 
The tasks of the artillery required the greatest care 
and patience and were often very fatiguing, without 
bringing the men the excitement and glory of an ad- 
vance. For example, night harassing fire was very 
hard on a gun crew, especially if, as often happened, 
they were called on for some duties the next day, and 
yet nobody could claim that there was anything in- 
spiring or heroic about it. Wire-cutting often meant 
a whole day, or several days in succession, of the most 
painstaking and monotonous kind of slow firing. It 
was useful, essential work, but no one has ever shown 
much appreciation for wire-cutting. Barrage work 


and S.O.S. were different. There was an immediate 
and easily seen object for it. If the advance was suc- 
cessful or the enemy beaten off by the gunners' re- 
sponse to the S.O.S., everyone shared in the general 
jubilation and the artillery was not forgotten. 

Probably one of the best ways to explain the 
method by which the artillery fought is to outline the 
average way in which a battery took over the position 
of another battery in a trench-warfare position. The 
procedure followed was not always exactly the same; 
for example, sometimes guns were handed over and 
sometimes they were not; the relief was generally 
made on two successive nights, but occasionally, for 
some reason, the whole battery was relieved at once. 
However, if the usual relief toward the latter part of 
the war, when relief came to be largely a matter of 
routine, is taken as an example, it will give a fairly 
accurate general idea of the work involved in the 
change of position of a battery. 

A party always proceeded a day ahead and all that 
was possible was done to complete arrangements for 
guides. The position and accommodations were looked 
over, the observation post was visited, and the general 
system of communication examined. In the meantime 
some of the party had been arranging the taking over 
of the wagon lines. The second night, just after dark 
(I am considering the case where guns are taken 
over), the relieving section arrived with sights for the 
guns, small stores, and kits, and proceeded to take 
over from the incoming section. This was generally a 
fairly simple matter, as most battery commanders 
found it convenient to send personnel on only the first 
night, and as few wagons and horses as possible. 

The next day the new crew guns were " shot in.'* 
When guns were not taken over, but each crew came 
in with its ovm gun, this was generally quite a long 
business, although every possible attempt was made to 
get them on the line of the outgoing guns. However, 


even with a change of sights only, the sights vary 
slightly and as a precautionary measure the new crews 
fire on their zero line to test the sights and guns. The 
zero line is a line drawn from the battery through a 
conspicuous and easily located target. It is very ac- 
curately registered, as after its exact line has been 
found and the angles from the aiming point recorded 
and the aiming posts carefully laid out, every switch, 
even to the S.O.S. line, is measured from this zero 
line. Thus it is essential that when the gun is dead on 
line, the line through the aiming posts should read 
zero on the sight. If it does not, the sight is set at 
zero and the aiming posts moved until they are in line 
with the cross-wires of the sight. 

The next night the main relief took place. The bat- 
tery had spent the day in billets close to the wagon 
line of the outgoing battery, and when they pulled out 
they left their guns behind them. The actual party 
going on the guns generally arranged so as to arrive 
at their destination early enough to let the outgoing 
battery reach their billets at as reasonable an hour as 
possible. The actual relief at the guns took place 
much the same as before, except that four guns were 
relieved instead of two, and the telephone communica- 
tion was taken over and the command of the battery 
passed. At the wagon lines, all that could, moved 
without waiting for the party from the guns. They 
left behind sufficient transport and horses to bring 
along the rest of the battery. The incoming battery 
then took over the new wagon lines and the outgoing 
battery picked up the guns which were left behind by 
the battery which had just gone into action. The next 
day the new arrivals "shot in" the remaining four 

After a relief of any kind there was always a great 
deal of work to be done. No two battery commanders 
had exactly the same idea about the best way to build 
a position, and consequently the incoming battery al- 


ways made changes, and in many cases improvements. 
The same thing took place at the wagon lines. 

Many people envied the artillery their horses on a 
long march, but overlooked the fact that horses needed 
much care. During a long march the men had to 
walk to save the horses, and then on arrival in bil- 
lets the first consideration was not the man, but the 
horse. Before anyone could think of food or rest, 
horse lines must be put up, harness put away, the ani- 
mals watered and fed, so that very often, when artillery 
and infantry arrived in a village at the same time, the 
infantryman was fed and settled down in his billet long 
before the less fortunate gunner had finished helping 
the drivers with their horses. On marches the feeding 
and watering of horses very often became a serious 
problem. The number of instruments, the amount 
of telephone wire, and the quantity of maps and rec- 
ords which had to be carried by a battery increased 
enormously during the war, but the transport avail- 
able did not keep pace with it. Consequently it was 
often difficult to carry the forage, and all sorts of de- 
vices were tried, — the footboard of a wagon body, or 
the top of the body itself, was, I think, on the whole 
the most satisfactory. Again, on a march occupying 
several days, at many of the halts the water facilities 
were very poor and only a few horses could be 
watered at places a long distance from the actual lines 
of the unit. 

One of the most remarkable developments of the 
war was the great increase in the care and accuracy 
with which field artillery was fired. Devices were in- 
troduced and factors taken into account which before 
the war, and during its early stages, were looked on as 
almost the exclusive concern of garrison artillery and 
the experimental range. One of the first factors, 
which had previously been ignored, to be taken into 
account was the correction for tlie "error of the day." 
This had always been calculated for garrison work, 


but the field artillery had paid little attention to it. 
However, with the introduction of trench warfare and 
the close shooting necessary, it became quite apparent 
that no precaution which would give increased accu- 
racy could be overlooked. The ''error of the day" is 
the variation from the map range caused by the at- 
mospheric conditions. The correction, put on the gun, 
is added to or subtracted from the map range as the 
case may be, and is a result obtained from several 
factors; namely, the temperature of the air, the tem- 
perature of the charge, the barometric pressure, and 
the wind. In the instructions received in England in 
the autumn of 1914 we were told: "At night cock her 
up another fifty yards or so for safety's sake, and if 
the wind is against you, you had better add a bit too." 
If anyone had proposed such a thing at the same time 
of year in 1916 the medical officer would have been 
sent for. Telegrams were sent to every unit six times 
a day giving the temperature for various times of 
flight of shell, the velocity and direction of the wind, 
and the barometric pressure. It was from this in- 
formation that the "error of the day" was arrived 
at and corrected as it gradually changed. 

The error of each gun soon came to be considered 
also. A worn gun does not shoot as far as a new one, 
and so must be corrected, consequently each gun as it 
becomes worn will have an error peculiar to itself. 
At first, in a gun which was somewhat old, allowance 
was made for its age; this result was a sort of com- 
bination of guess and experiment, and might or might 
not apply in all positions. It certainly would not 
apply at all ranges. However, once the "error of the 
day" could be found with accuracy, then, by shooting, 
the range at which that gun ought to hit a target on 
that day could be found. By a calculation the muzzle 
velocity of the shell could be arrived at. This was 
invariably done, and from this the error at all ranges 
established, and this error was painted on the shield 


of the gun. It was quite a common thing, when a bat- 
tery was firing at, say, six thousand yards, for not a 
single gun in the battery to have that range on the 
range drum, yet all guns would be hitting the target. 
In 1918 the finding of the muzzle velocity, or calibra- 
tion, as it is called, was no longer done by shooting at 
a distant target, which at best was a somewhat long, 
expensive, and possibly inaccurate way. The muzzle 
velocity could be found by firing at very close range 
through electrically connected wire screens, and this 
method gave absolutely accurate results. 

A third consideration, which was not quite so neces- 
sary before the war, was the type of ammunition fired. 
With the introduction of N.C.T. as a propellant as 
well as cordite, this had to be taken into consideration 
in calculating the "error of the day." In addition to 
this, as more types of shells came into use many of 
these had to have special allowances made for them. 
When the war broke out there was the one type of 
18-pounder shrapnel shell in use, with the rarely used 
"star" shell. But, as the war progressed, a high- 
explosive shell was introduced, of slightly different 
weight, and also a different type of fuze, which had to 
be allowed for. Then there came the number eighty- 
five fuze and the number eighty brass fuze, the gas 
shell, the cast-iron and brass fuzes for high-explosive 
shells, the one-hundred-and-eight instantaneous fuze, 
the incendiary shell, and the smoke shell. Some of 
these could be fired with the same range as the or- 
dinary 18-pounder shrapnel shell, but many of them 
had their own corrections. In addition to this, the 
field howitzers had their troubles. Their shells were 
not always of the same weight, and over-weight and 
under- weight shells had to be allowed for; also a new 
type of driving-band was put on the shells, and the 
old and new driving-bands did not give exactly the 
same range; this, too, had to be allowed for. 

All these requirements, which used to be practically 


ignored, except for experimental purposes, may be 
said to be a development caused by the nature of the 
fighting in this war. It can easily be seen that night 
firing would be extremely ineffective if all the various 
sources of error mentioned were not carefully allowed 
for and we "just cocked her up another fifty yards or 
so for safety's sake" at night. The creeping barrage 
would not have been the extremely effective weapon 
it was had it not been for the great degree of accuracy 
attained. The protective S.O.S. when we were shoot- 
ing very close to our own trenches rendered it impera- 
tive that some way be found to prevent that fire being 
wild at the very moment when it should be most ac- 
curate, and of necessity this led to every conceivable 
source of error being sought out, and, as far as was 
humanly possible, eliminated. Thus as the infantry 
fighting changed from open to trench warfare and 
back to open again, so the artillery improved their 
methods and developed their aim so that at all times 
they were able to give to the infantry- what they were 
there to give them — their protection and support. 

The development of the heavy artillery was even 
more remarkable than the growth of the field artillery. 
Before the war Canada had a few hea^^ batteries and 
a little garrison artillery, but in the nature of mobile 
siege weapons nothing larger than a 60-pounder was 
available. The 1st Division arrived in France with 
one 60-pounder battery. At the end of the war there 
were with the Canadians two 60-pounder batteries, 
eight 6-inch -howitzer batteries, two 8-inch howitzers, 
and two 9.2-inch howitzer batteries. In addition to 
this remarkable growth of the actual number of bat- 
teries, the growth of the transport involved must be 
considered. The Canadian Corps Heavy Artillery fired 
an enonnous amount of ammunition, and as a great 
deal of heavy ammunition cannot be carried in one 
lorry, this expansion in the heavy artillery meant a 
corresponding expansion in the mechanical transport. 


It was chiefly in the case of the heavy artillery that 
the co-operation between aircraft and artillery was 
most useful. With the shorter range of the 18-pounder 
there are not so very many targets which cannot be 
seen and so aeroplane observation is not so necessary ; 
also the small burst of an 18-pounder is very difficult 
to see from the air and consequently there is not so 
much chance of an observer obtaining a really satis- 
factory result in the great majority of cases. But the 
heavy gun has the advantage of a conspicuous burst 
and furthermore its great range enables it to hit a 
large number of targets which cannot be seen from 
any point in its lines. For these reasons every effort 
was made to bring co-operation between the aircraft 
and the heavy artillery to as high a state of perfection 
as possible. The results achieved were excellent. The 
gun was on its target in a very few rounds, and a com- 
plete record of the "fire for effect" was obtained. In 
1918 the squadron commander of one of the squadrons 
doing artillery work (Major Portal) conducted a very 
successful shoot by moonlight — a feat which, I ven- 
ture to say, was unthought of early in the war. 

Probably the most remarkable feature of the Cana- 
dian Corps Heavy Artillery was the counter-battery 
work. In no corps of the British Army was this fea- 
ture so fully developed as in the Canadian Corps. 
Counter-battery fire is, as its name implies, fire against 
hostile batteries, but much more is involved than ap- 
pears on the surface. In the first place, there are 
destructive shots against definitely located hostile bat- 
teries ; then there is simply harassing fire against the 
batteries, with the intention, naturally, of doing as 
much damage as possible, but not necessarily of de- 
strojdng the battery ; then there is the neutralizing fire 
against a hostile battery in action. 

In the first case a hostile battery is selected for de- 
struction. The whole shoot is almost always observed, 
either by aeroplane or some other good means of get- 


Canadian Official Photographs 


ting accurate results. Photographs are taken, both 
before and after the shoot, and carefully examined to 
make sure the results are satisfactory. In this case 
ammunition is no object ; the whole battery is concen- 
trated on one hostile gun and fired until the observer 
considers that gun to have been satisfactorily dealt 
with. The fire is then shifted to the next emplace- 
ment, and so on until the most complete destruction 
possible has been done. 

In the second case the shooting may be observed or 
not. If it is not, then the results cannot be known. In 
the case of observed shooting, the battery firing regis- 
ters accurately and then proceeds with bursts of fire, 
"for effect." The aeroplane gives general reports on 
the bursts and small corrections are made from these 
reports. In this case the number of rounds is always 
limited, and, while it is hoped that as much destruc- 
lion as possible will be done in these bursts of fire, the 
number of rounds to be fired is set arbitrarily and is 
not governed by the result attained. 

Lastly, there is the fire used to silence a hostile bat- 
tery in action. Elaborate methods were worked 
out for the reporting of hostile batteries and as soon 
as there was any firing on our front the offending bat- 
tery was located. At the counter-battery office at 
Corps the position and calibre of every hostile battery 
was known, and as soon as shells of a certain size 
were coming over it could be told by the direction 
of the sound which battery was the offending one. 
Immediately one or more of our batteries were 
turned on it, and if possible observation from an 
aeroplane secured. This fire was not destructive in 
the strict sense of the word, as the expenditure of 
ammunition was not governed by the amount of de- 
struction done, but by the number of rounds required 
to stop the fire of a hostile battery. A definite number 
of rounds was generally fired on each call for fire of 
this sort, but this number was repeated until the of- 


fending battery had ceased fire and no further reports 
of its activity were coming in. So complete was the 
organization at the Canadian connter-battery office for 
this kind of work, that it was no uncommon thing for a 
counter-battery shoot to start in less than ten minutes 
after a hostile battery was reported in action. This is 
remarkable when one takes into consideration the fact 
that the report had to travel back to headquarters 
from the forward area, — even with field telephones, 
not an easy thing, — the offending battery had to be 
spotted, the battery selected which could most effect- 
ively deal with it, and the orders given to this battery, 
— all before the battery could be brought into action. 
If this were done in approximately ten minutes, it 
meant that at the counter-battery office the minimum 
of time was taken for its share in the work. 

The outstanding feature of the employment of the 
hea^^ artillery of the Canadian Corps was the coun- 
ter-battery work, and the credit for the highly de- 
veloped state of this work must go to Brigadier-Gen- 
eral A. G. L. MacNaughton, who organized and de- 
veloped the counter-battery office at Canadian Corps 
Headquarters. As has been said before, no other corps 
had such effective machinery for employing its heavy 
artillery in robbing the enemy of the effective use of his 
artillery, and all this machinery was created by Gen- 
eral MacNaughton. For each battery a crime sheet 
was prepared, which gave its position, the targets 
which it generally shelled, the number of rounds it 
fired, a complete and accurate history of its various 
offences, the time of each offence, and also the various 
punishments meted out to it. The means used to 
locate these offending batteries were many and 
varied; aeroplanes and photographs were most useful, 
but not always infallible. Sound-ranging instruments, 
which located the battery by the sound waves caused 
by its firing, were most effective under favourable con- 
ditions and were extraordinarily accurate. The in- 


tersection of flashes was of much value, and sometimes 
a battery was spotted by direct observation on the 

In the barrage and before an attack heavy artillery 
was used to bombard strong points against which field 
artillery would be absolutely ineffective, — for ex- 
ample, a concrete pill-box, which would stand a lot of 
pounding from even the heaviest shells. A shell from 
a field gun would simply bounce off anything of that 
nature. The heavies were used, also, against likely 
assembly areas of the enemy. When used in this way 
they were fired with an instantaneous fuze. This fuze 
goes off on contact and the shell does not penetrate 
the ground at all. It thus has a most deadly effect, as 
the pieces travel sideways and fairly low, and are in 
no way smothered by the earth as when the slower 
fuze is used and there is penetration before the ex- 
plosion. It is estimated that a 12-inch shell fired with 
an instantaneous fuze can be effective a thousand 
yards from the burst. 

Like the infantry, the artillery had its particularly 
risky jobs, or ''suicide clubs," and the artillery's 
"suicide clubs" were the trench mortars. The trench 
mortars are a creation of this war and grew 
from a subaltern with whatever weapons and numbers 
of men the powers that be chose to give him to a def- 
inite organization with a definite number of guns of a 
definite make. In the first winter of the war, experi- 
menting began, and until the conflict ended new de- 
vices were being experimented with and old ones im- 
proved. The light trench mortars were manned by the 
infantry, the medium (6-inch) by the artillery, and the 
heavy (9.45-inch) by the artillery. As their name 
implies, they are essentially a trench weapon and are 
fought from pits close to the line and deal with the en- 
emy's front-line systems. They are most effective 
against hostile trench mortars and enemy machine-gun 
emplacements, and the medium trench mortar is an ef- 


fective wire-cutter. The heavy trench mortars had 
a most destructive effect, and when used against 
trenches and new work must have been a great annoy- 
ance to the enemy. It is not a pleasant thing for a 
battalion to have had a big working party engaged all 
night on an important job, only to have a heavy 
trench mortar destroy the whole thing next day in 
about fifteen minutes. While trench mortars were pri- 
marily a trench weapon, experiments were constantly 
being carried out with various kinds of sleighs and 
carts whereby they could be used for the close support 
of infantry in an attack. Trench mortars in lorries 
at Amiens were on one occasion very useful. They 
assisted the French to capture Mezieres, and later 
gave them much-needed support ; but such cases were 
not numerous, and no way has yet been found of mak- 
ing trench mortars an effective weapon for open war- 

Purposely nothing has been said about the field 
artillery in open warfare. This is for two reasons — 
first, the greatest changes and improvements took 
place in and applied mostly to trench-warfare meth- 
ods ; secondly, for over four years the Canadian Field 
Artillery were engaged in trench fighting, whereas for 
barely font months they were employed in open or 
semi-open warfare. This does not mean that open 
warfare was by any means a secondary consideration, 
for that is what both sides had been striving to attain 
from the first day trench warfare set in, and in all 
training that object was always before the artillerists. 
One thing must be mentioned. When open warfare 
started, the most successful batteries were those that 
adhered the closest to the principles laid down in the 
pre-war artillery training; namely, Field Artillery 
Training, 1914. 

In the later stages of the war most attacks started 
with a barrage, and one battery, or separate section, 
were sent forward at zero hour to follow the infantry 


and give close support. The battery or section took 
no part in the barrage. At the completion of the bar- 
rage the remainder of the guns got forward as soon 
as possible to give additional support, or to fire a new 
barrage if necessary. 

The effectiveness of the guns in close support de- 
pended largely on the co-operation with the infantry. 
The artilleiy officer could not wait to be told his tar- 
gets by the infantry, who had other things to do, and 
much information he had to find out for himself as 
best he could if his support was to be effective. On 
the other hand, frequently the infantry would ignore 
the artillery with them and not pass on information 
which might easily have been passed on, and informa- 
tion which might have proved very useful indeed. 
There was one case when a battery was accused of not 
being on the job because it failed to take on a machine 
gun which was holding the flank of the battalion the 
battery was supporting. As a matter of fact, the bat- 
tery was firing at targets which the battery com- 
mander considered good ones, and the company com- 
mander, whose company was suffering, instead of at- 
tempting to get word of the situation to the artillery 
officer, sat down and cursed all the artillery in the 
world. Fortunately incidents of this sort were very 
rare, and on the whole in the latter stages of the war 
the co-operation of the artillery and infantry was ex- 

All this somewhat scattered information has not 
been given with a view to telling the imposing tale of 
war battles, but to give the ordinary reader, who has 
not had the opportunity of working with or seeing the 
artillery work, some idea of the various tasks they 
were called on to perform, and how they did them. 
They were at all times subordinate to the infantry, 
and while this war has perhaps made artillery sup- 
port increasingly important, nevertheless it was an 
auxiliary arm, and always will be an auxiliary arm. 


The infantry win battles, and the artillery try to 

No article on the artillery of the Canadian Corps 
would be complete without a reference to Major-Gen- 
eral Sir Edward Morrison. It was under General 
Morrison's guidance that it grew most rapidly and 
finally attained its full growth. It was under him 
that the siege artillery of the corps came into exist- 
ence, and while he may not have given the artillery its 
pugnacious spirit, nevertheless in their leader the 
gunners saw that spirit fully exemplified. He fought 
for his men and he saw to it that his men fought for 
him, and as a thorough Hun-hater there were few like 
him. Under General Morrison's leadership the Cana- 
dian Artillery fully lived up to the gunmen's motto, 
"Quo fas et gloria ducunt." 

2. Operations on the Western Front 

It is difficult to give in a clear manner an account of 
the operations of any particular arm of the Service 
\\dthout going into details as to the work of the other 
arms and chronicling the whole progress of events; 
yet, to understand the work of any one arm properly, 
an account of its activities, as distinct from the others, 
is necessary. In the following pages, therefore, there 
will be attempted a brief outline of the operations of 
the Canadian Artillery from the landing of the first 
guns in France in February, 1915, until the signing 
of the Armistice in November, 1918, three years and a 
half, in which there was not a day on which at least 
some units of the Canadian Artillery were not in the 

Tlie First Divisional Artillery went into the line 
about March 1st, 1915, in the vicinity of Fleurbaix, a 
short distance north of the scene of the Battle of 
Neuve Chapelle. While not actively engaged in this 
battle, every battery fired what was for those days a 


large amount of ammunition and kept up an appear- 
ance of great activity/ The Canadian Artillery were 
on the northern flank of the attack, and near Lille, and 
had the Imperials succeeded in their attempt to break 
through the German trench system they were to be 
among the first troops to advance. Although on the 
10th of March they were fully prepared to make a 
dash for Lille, the much-looked-for order never came 
and they quickly settled down to the old policy of 
watching and saving ammunition. The First Divi- 
sional Artillery remained at Fleurbaix for a month 
and then moved north into Belgium. 

After a short rest they again went into the line in 
the Ypres Salient, taking over from the French, and 
were soon in the thick of one of the most critical en- 
gagements of the war. On the 22nd of April, 1915, 
began the first real "show" the Canadians were in.- 
The story of the Second Battle of Ypres is far too 
well known to need repetition here, but, even with all 
the accounts that have been given of it, none of them 
give any adequate impression of the awful confusion 
of the first two days. By marvels of hard work and 
ingenuity a good supply of ammunition for the guns 
was kept up. At times, it is true, batteries did run 
short, but such a state of affairs did not at any time 
last very long, and for the most part the guns of all 
batteries were continuously in action. The confusion 
of the first night defies description. To add to the 
difficulties, there was a relief going on at the time, 
— some of the batteries of the 1st Brigade, which 
were out at rest, were coming into the line, and bat- 
teries of the 1st and 2nd Brigades were going out; 
thus some of the batteries had a section of one and a 
section of another, with officers and men strangers to 
each other at a critical time when smooth working was 
most essential. It must not be imagined that there 

1 See Vol. Ill, p. 44. 

2 See Vol. Ill, p. 128 et seq. 


was any friction, but, at the same time, two strange 
sections, moving in the dark with the roads crowded 
mth other batteries and wagons, infantry and ambu- 
lances, mixed in a gigantic sort of stew, find it much 
more difficult to keep together than a whole battery 
where everyone knows everyone else, and even voices 
can be recognized in the dark. 

To detail the work done by individual batteries on 
this critical occasion is out of the question. Each 
battery had its own troubles and each battery did its 
job efficiently. The position of some batteries perhaps 
called for more spectacular work than others, but no 
one battery can be said to have done better than any 
other. The first night all the batteries of the 3rd 
Brigade were forced to retire in the dark and without 
any definite information as to where their line was, 
or where the enemy were. There was fortunately prac- 
tically no shelling of the roads during the greater part 
of the night, although in their search for a new posi- 
tion some batteries came under machine-gun and rifle 
fire. By daybreak on the 23rd of April every battery 
was in action. The batteries at rest had come in on 
the western bank of the Ypres-Dixmude Canal; the 
batteries on the east side of the canal were still there, 
the 3rd Brigade in new positions, but the other batter- 
ies in their old ones. 

Some of the positions occupied during the night 
were in plain view of the enemy and these the batter- 
ies were forced to vacate. Heavy firing continued 
throughout the day, but the evening of the 23rd found 
matters much as they were in the early morning. The 
Germans began to advance again on the 24th, this 
time attacking on the Canadian front, and before eve- 
ning all the batteries had been forced to retire to near 
St. Jean, where they remained until the general with- 
drawal from the end of the salient, when most of the 
batteries withdrew behind the canals at Ypres. 

During this period, until near the end of April, the 


Ammunition Columns had very hard work. All the 
ammunition had to be hauled long distances by wagon, 
and this was not an easy job. The roads were badly 
shelled and the demands of the batteries insatiable. 
Great credit is due to the Brigade Ammunition Col- 
umns that there was at no time a serious shortage in 
any of the batteries, although at times a battery was 
out of action for a few minutes. 

After the general withdrawal there was a period of 
comparative inaction, but about the end of May the 
Canadians moved south to Festubert to take part in 
an attack there. ^ The fighting was very heavy, but 
consisted mostly of hand-to-hand engagements by the 
infantry, and except for protective barrages the artil- 
lery took very little part. 

Early in June a further move south was made to 
La Bassee Canal, where an attack towards La Bassee 
was made on the 15th of June, just one hundred years 
after the Battle of Waterloo. This attack proved a 
total failure. For the first time the Canadian Artil- 
lery had guns in the front line for special tasks.^ 
These guns were taken in at night and remained hid- 
den until five minutes before the infantry went over. 
One hundred rounds had been dumped by each gun 
and when the time came they opened up at close range 
on their allotted targets. The guns of the 2nd Brigade 
were not used for various reasons, but all those of the 
1st Brigade were fired and, from all the information 
which could be gathered, proved very successful. 

A few days after this "show" the whole division 
moved north again to Hill 63, between Ypres and 
Armentieres. This proved to be a very quiet spot, 
and here they remained until the spring of 1916, when 
they moved north once more to the southwest of 
Ypres, where the 2nd Division, which had arrived in 
the winter, were in action. The Canadian Heavy Bat- 

1 See Vol. Ill, p. 155 et seq. 

2 See Vol. Ill, pp. 187-189. 


tery had been in action at Loos during the attack in 
SejDtember and had done very well indeed/ 

The Canadian front was not specially active until 
the 2nd of June, 1916, when the Germans suddenly at- 
tacked the C.M.R.'s just south of Hooge. They pene- 
trated through Sanctuary Wood and advanced al- 
together about six hundred yards. The 1st Division 
counter-attacked that night and held up the advance, 
and on the 14th counter-attacked again, restoring the 
old line. This meant a very active period for the guns. 
All the batteries were in the line, and even after the 14th 
there was great activity and- hard work until late in 
July, after the Somme offensive was well started. At 
Sanctuary Wood the 1st Division had two guns in a 
forward position about five hundred yards from the 
front line. These guns, under Lieutenant Charles P. 
Cotton, put up a magnificent fight." They were even- 
tually captured, only one man of the two crews getting 
out alive, but on the counter-attack they were re- 
captured in their own positions, as the Germans had 
been unable to get them out. 

In the latter part of August and early in September 
the move to the Somme took place and the Canadian 
Artillery went into the show. The whole of the artil- 
lery was in and did not get any rest until the entire 
corps pulled out and moved north again. The Battle 
of the Somme was particularly hard on observing offi- 
cers. Some went forward on every advance and few 
came back. The enemy had not yet developed his 
persistent back-area shelling as fully as he did later 
on, so the actual battery positions were comparatively 
unmolested, but his attention to the forward areas, 
where the observation posts were situated, left noth- 
ing to be desired in its thoroughness. He also gave 
the plank roads a fair amount of attention and the job 
of bringing up ammunition and rations was difficult 

iSee Vol. Ill, P- 222. 
2 See Vol. Ill, p. 264. 


and hazardous. The Somme really marked the be- 
ginning of the full employment of artillery as it was 
known later in the war. The concentration of guns 
was greater than had ever before been attempted, the 
rolling barrage made its first appearance as such, 
and an absolutely unprecedented amount of ammuni- 
tion was fired. 

After the Somme, the corps moved north to a posi- 
tion near Bully Grenay, and the divisions went out in 
turn to rest, until March, when it moved into the Vimy 
Ridge section to prepare for the Battle of Vimy 
Ridge. A great many Imperial batteries were placed 
under the G.O.C., R.A., of the corps for this attack, 
the total number of guns being 848, the greatest num- 
ber that at any one time supported any corps. There 
were 45,760 artillery personnel, the equivalent of 
more than two (in fact almost three) infantry divi- 

The heavy and continuous firing during the attack 
of April 9th, 1917,' turned No Man's Land and all the 
forward area in the German lines into a sea of mud, 
so that after the enemy's front line was smashed bat- 
tery after battery was stuck in the mud and unable to 
advance. The Germans had retired for several miles, 
and it was a bitter disappointment not to be able to 
follow up to a greater extent this successful attack. 
The work of getting the guns through the mud baffles 
description. Hours of work resulted in the advance 
of a few yards; roads were non-existent, and, to add 
to the churned-up condition of the ground, it was in- 
tersected in all directions by deep trenches and barbed 

The Battle of Vimy Ridge was followed by a period 
of very great activity, which meant particularly hard 
work for the gunners. Long after the real advance 
was abandoned and the actual strength in guns con- 
siderably reduced, it had to be made to appear as if fur- 

1 See Vol. IV, p. 133 at seq. 


ther attacks were probable. This led to some very 
bitter local fighting and much shelling. None of the 
batteries got out to rest for some time and every bat- 
tery had a great deal of hard work to do, with many 
short moves to make. 

After the Vimy show two of the Canadian divisions, 
supported by all the Canadian Artillery, attacked Hill 
70.^ Four hundred and sixty-six guns and 25,520 
artillery personnel were used for this attack, which 
took place in August, 1917. The fighting, although on 
a narrow front, was most bitter and the enemy coun- 
ter-attacked unceasingly, so -that S.O.S. calls were 
without number. It was at this fight that the gunners 
of the 1st Division so distinguished themselves by re- 
moving their gas masks in order to see properly and, 
while it resulted in a successful S.O.S., it caused many 
gas casualties in the division. To the low ground be- 
hind Hill 70, where gas was most effective, the foe 
sent over an enormous number of gas shells, but never 
succeeded in putting the guns out of action. It did, 
however, add greatly to the difficulties of the gunners 
and caused a very large number of casualties in all 
batteries in that area. Although the fight at Hill 70 
was not on a wide front and did not result in a gain 
of great depth, it resulted in some of the bitterest 
fighting of the war, fighting in which the artillery did 
their full share. 

The corps remained in this area until moved north 
in November to attack Passchendaele. This was be- 
yond a doubt the worst ordeal of tlie war for the artil- 
lery. Every battery was in all the time, and the con- 
ditions defy description. The front lines were so 
vague and uncertain that most of the shelling con- 
sisted of area shots over areas where batteries were 
likely to be, and in the concentration of artillery there 
was not an area where a battery could not be found. 
The Canadian Corps Artillery, 587 guns and 32,755 
1 See Vol. IV, p. 180 et seq. 


personnel, alone fired over two million shells in thirty 
days. Trench tramways were non-existent and the 
plank roads were the only roads, so all ammunition 
had to be taken in by pack-mule. The ground was so 
wet that brushwood wrapped in chicken wire had to 
be used for platforms or the guns would sink out of 
sight. The building of any sort of shelter was abso- 
lutely impossible. Everybody had to crowd into the 
nearest available pill-box, often with inches of water 
on the floor of it, and very seldom with room enough 
to stand erect. Even at wagon lines rest at night was, 
at best, a poor thing, excepting when torrential rains 
temporarily caused hostilities to cease. The wagon- 
line areas and all the roads were nightly subjected 
to severe and continuous bombing. For pure, unadul- 
terated misery I do not think Passchendaele has ever 
been equalled. 

After Passchendaele the corps moved south again 
and held the line in the Vimy sector. There was little 
activity of note during the winter. Each division got 
out to rest for a time and, as the whole sector was 
filled with old battery positions, not much work was 
needed there. However, in anticipation of the en- 
emy's spring offensive, every battery had to build 
three positions in rear for the defence of lines already 

On the 21st of March the long-expected German 
attack began and immediately the Canadian Artillery 
were on the move. From a gunner's point of view, 
events were most confusing. They were pulled out of 
the line in a hurry, sent south, brought part way back, 
made wait, and moved again. Eventually all divisions 
were in the line over a very extended front. After the 
Battle of the Lys began on the 11th of April the front 
was still further extended. A very aggressive atti- 
tude was maintained, which involved very hard fight- 
ing on the part of the artillery. For protective work 
each battery had an unusually wide zone for so im- 


portant an area and, as numerous raids were carried 
out, with a wide distribution of the guns, it meant that 
all gun pits had to be built so as to allow for a large 
switch. The extended zone covered also called for 
very great vigilance on the part of the forward ob- 
serving officers, whose task, never an easy one, be- 
came all the harder. Shoots were being constantly 
carried out, particularly by the heavy artillery, and 
there were numerous gas-projector attacks accom- 
panied by an artillery barrage. During this period 
the Canadians were not actually called on to meet 
an attack, but, nevertheless, it was a strenuous time, 
and when the corps went out for a rest early in May 
everyone felt that it had been w^ell earned. 

The period of rest was spent in training for offen- 
sive operations in open and semi-open warfare. It 
was a welcome change from continual trench work 
and, although a certain amount of such training was 
done on all periods of rest, never before had there 
been such a long period on a training area where bat- 
teries could manoeuvre without afterwards facing a 
long bill for damages to crops. 

Early in June the Canadian Artillery went back 
into the line, where they remained till pulled out un- 
expectedly and sent to an unknown area. This proved 
to be just south of Amiens, and work began at once 
for an attack. The artillery were all kept under cover 
in woods and no movement of any sort was allowed by 
day. It was very fortunate that at this critical time 
the weather was misty and that the German machines 
could not get over to observe, for the water facilities 
necessary for such a large number of horses were ab- 
solutely non-existent, and in most cases the horses had 
to be taken for miles across the open to be watered. 

Every night was spent in taking ammunition up and 
dumping it at the new battery positions, for which 
no previous preparation had been made. Owing to 
the short time allowed for preparation, all units had 


to get supplies forward, with the result that the roads 
were jammed with traffic all night long. It sometimes 
took an hour to move a few hundred yards, and it was 
only because of the very skilful handling of the traffic 
and the most rigid enforcement of traffic regulations 
that vehicles were able to move at all. 

At 4.20 a.m. on the morning of the 8th of August 
the attack began under cover of a very severe barrage. 
None of the guns had been registered, in fact they 
had come into position only the night before, but, as a 
result of the very careful way in which the angles and 
ranges were worked out, the barrage was most suc- 
cessful. The guns of the two advancing divisions 
moved forward at once and as the attack progressed 
it became very much a case of each battery for itself. 
Exact information was, of course, out of the question 
with the situation changing so rapidly, but each 
brigade and battery commander struggled to keep in 
touch with the infantry and tried to use his guns to 
the best possible advantage. When the infantry had 
occupied the German lines a party of gunners went 
forward to turn captured guns around and use them 
against the retreating foe. They met with great suc- 
cess and did some very useful work indeed. 

AYhen the advance stopped at night the usual pre- 
cautions were taken and S.O.S. lines arranged for, 
and preparations made to continue the attack the next 
day. Substantial advances were made on the 9th and 
10th of August, but after that fighting became more 
local and consisted of small advances by individual 
units and brigades. The enemy w^ere now in the old 
trench area and began to put up a strong resistance, 
so the situation rapidly came to resemble the old 
trench-warfare days of settled and protected battery 

On August 17th the corps began to move north. 
The heavy artillery remained in the Amiens area for 
some days, but by the 26th of August the whole corps 


was ready for the attack which eventually resulted in 
the capture of Cambrai. The area in front of Arras, 
where the attack began, abounded in trenches and 
barbed wire, so that a rapid advance as at Amiens 
was out of the question; consequently no batteries 
moved forward at the zero hoar, but as the advance 
progressed beyond the range of the barrage they got 
forward as best they could over much-cut-up roads. 
The enemy fought very tenaciously and, in field bat- 
teries in particular, put up a wonderful resistance. 
Many batteries remained in action in exposed posi- 
tions, firing over open sights, until all the gunners 
were knocked out. Some exceptionally good targets 
presented themselves, as the Germans used lorries to 
bring up machine gunners very close to the front, and 
many batteries fired on them over open sights and did 
some very effective shooting. The main battle lasted 
for two days, and after that there were many local 
encounters, the more important undertaken with a 
hastily arranged barrage, until the attack on the 
Drocourt-Queant Switch Line on September 2nd. The 
enemy made frequent counter-attacks, and the artillery 
had many S.O.S. barrages to fire, and besides strained 
every nerve to get up sufficient ammunition for the 
attack on the 2nd. In addition there was a great deal 
of wire-cutting to be done. 

The attack on the Drocourt-Queant Switch Line met 
with great success in its earlier stages. Some of the 
batteries went forward with the infantry and began a 
vigorous fire over open sights. The remaining bat- 
teries moved forward very soon after the attack began 
and most of them found good targets to shoot at and 
did effective execution among the German troops, 
finally forcing them to beat a hurried retreat. The 
next day there was very little advance made, although 
most of the batteries took the opportunity to move 
into better positions than the hastily selected ones of 
the night before. The enemy's artillery appeared to 


be very strong and he used an enormous number of 
gas shells against the battery positions, which made 
conditions very unpleasant, to say the least. He also 
used long-range guns on the wagon lines when he 
could locate them, and kept up intense bombing at 

During September everyone got out for a short rest 
and refit, and the batteries in the line were very 
active at sniping and harassing fire. 

The attack on the Canal du Nord took place on Sep- 
tember 27th. In most cases the barrage had to be 
kept up to a great depth, so that guns had to go very 
far forward indeed. This meant that the positions 
had to be occupied the night immediately preceding 
the attack, and the barrage fired without registration. 
The batteries of the 3rd and 4th Divisions had to ad- 
vance into captured ground during the barrage and 
continue it from there. There was very hard fighting 
until the 3rd of October and many counter-attacks 
were made by the Germans. All our attacks were 
made under a barrage and the work of getting up the 
necessary ammunition was enormous. 

The attack was renewed on the 8th of October by 
the Third Army, but the Canadian Artillery carried 
out a demonstration, and the next day the corps at- 
tacked at 1.30 a.m. in a dense downpour of rain. 
There was the same hard and bitter fighting until the 
11th of October. At this time the corps took over a 
front facing the flooded region north of the area over 
which so much of the heavy fighting had taken place. 
There was no general infantry action, but numerous 
offensive patrols were sent out and in many places 
the line slightly advanced. Every day barrages were 
fired to test the enemy's strength by his return fire. 
On the 17th of October it was very feeble and a gen- 
eral advance was started. The advance continued al- 
most without fighting until the 25th of October. The 
batteries followed the infantry closely, but were not 


needed, as the enemy put up no resistance. The chief 
difficulty was blown-up bridges and mined cross-roads. 
All mounted units were held up by these and much 
time and labour were spent filling in the holes in the 
road to make them passable, or constructing tem- 
porary bridges to replace those destroyed. The heavy 
artillery, for the most part, could not keep up with the 
advance. Some 6-inch howitzers and 60-pounders 
were available for the attack on Valenciennes, but the 
heaviest guns were left behind. 

On November 1st the advance was resumed. 
The 3rd and 4th Divisions attacked under a hea\^ 
barrage and captured Valenciennes. After this, prog- 
ress was slow but steady, the enemy putting up at 
times a fair resistance, except on the 9th of November, 
when a large advance was made. The artillery was 
called on to a certain extent, but no regular barrages 
were fired. Owing to the presence of the civilian pop- 
ulation the guns could not be used freely and these 
operations were confined to points where the enemy 
were clearly stationed in strength. 

November 10th brought the corps to the outskirts of 
Mons, which was captured on the morning of Novem- 
ber 11th without an artillery preparation. Most of 
the batteries were out of range by this time, but a few, 
who could do so with safety to our own troops and to 
the civilians, fired their last shot in the Great World 
War at 10.59 a.m. on November 11th, 1918. 



1. Introductory 

A STUDY of early history reveals the fact that 
the primary task of the engineers was, as it 
is now, the work of maintaining communica- 
tions and the construction and destruction of field de- 
fences. Hannibal's engineers built a famous road 
over the Alps, and two centuries later Caesar's en- 
gineers constructed magnificent military roads and 
bridges, one bridge, worthy of special mention, being 
thrown across the Rhine. In modern times the work 
of the engineers has been augmented by the introduc- 
tion of more modern conditions of warfare and also 
by the larger armies in the field. During the South 
African War the necessity of communications was a 
vital feature and considerable work was done in road, 
bridge, and railway construction. In addition block- 
houses had to be built and extensive accommodation 
provided for the troops and also for hospital patients. 
In the Great World War vast armies were in the 
field and the maintenance of lines of communication 
was vitally necessary to their mobility and success. 
In the first instance the troops and supplies had to be 
brought forward from the base, and the railways of 
France and Belgium were unable to cope with the 
traffic. This led to the development of the 60-c.m. 
light railways. Bridges had to be constructed, not 
only for horse transport, but to carry as well the new 
weapon of warfare, the "tank," the largest weighing 
thirty-seven tons. Horse transport tracks had to be 
provided in order to give close access to the units and 



supply points ; infantry tracks were made to facilitate 
the proper assembling of the troops. The vital neces- 
sity of water compelled the construction of large 
pumping stations and reservoirs. The development 
of trench warfare and the masses of artillery em- 
ployed involved very elaborate and extensive systems 
of defence. The driving and sinking of tunnels, mines, 
and deep dug-outs are more advanced stages of this 
work. Operations were on a large scale, speedy com- 
munication and close co-operation between units 
widely separated being essential to success; this re- 
sulted in a high development of the Signal Services. 
The advent of the aeroplane gave observation over 
the enemy territory; this rendered imperative the 
concealment of defensive works and weapons or, as it 
is generally known, '' camouflage. " The work of the 
engineers may therefore be defined as follows : — 

The purpose of engineers is to apply engineering 
science to the emergencies of modern warfare, in or- 
der to protect and assist the troops to ameliorate the 
conditions under which they are serving and to facili- 
tate locomotion and communication. 

In the following pages a short general account is 
given of the activities, in the various branches of 
work, of the engineering units with the Canadian 
Corps. No mention is made of the invaluable work of 
the Canadian Forestry Companies and Railway 
Troops,^ as they were not with the corps. The article 
closes with a brief account of the organization of the 
Engineer Services and a list of the units. 

. 2. The Acthtities of the Engineers 

Roads and Trades. From dusk until dawn the 

roads in the forward area were crowded with a mass 

of transport of all descriptions, rendering repair work 

very slow and difficult. During the day small parties 

1 See Vol. V, pp. 300-326. 


of sappers endeavoured to keep these roads passable ; 
no easy undertaking in the rainy season. This sea- 
son, in the Ypres sector, was supposed to last '^eight- 
een" months in the year; certainly the mud was ever 
present. Cross-country tracks were constructed to keep 
horse traffic off the main roads, but were only of use 
in the dry weather. These were often run along the 
side of main roads and served a very useful purpose 
in relieving traffic congestion. 

Conditions varied considerably, but at the Battles 
of Vimy Ridge and Passchendaele a severe strain was 
thrown on the engineering resources. This was es- 
pecially the case during the Passchendaele opera- 
tions, where only one main lateral road served the 
area. Large working parties of engineers, together 
with infantry and labour units, were employed con- 
tinuously doing the necessary work under severe shell- 
fire and exposed to the most trying conditions. Dur- 
ing the Battle of Amiens conditions were different; 
the attack was a complete surprise, the weather of the 
best, and the area comparatively clear of shell holes 
and trenches. Early on the morning of the advance, 
Staff cars, guns, wagons, and ambulances proceeded 
down the Amiens-Roye road on the heels of the at- 
tacking troops. These were all able to cut across 
country without any fear of being mired. Definite 
horse traffic routes were staked out and freely marked 
with signs. In the advances following the Battle of 
Arras of August, 1918, more difficulty was experi- 
enced. Large craters were blown at most of the cross- 
roads, usually by the detonation of a series of trench- 
mortar bombs. Detachments of sappers proceeded 
forward with the advancing infantry in order to 
search for these mines and, if possible, withdraw the 
charges. Many of these were set especially to destroy 
tanks. They consisted of a number of bombs with 
percussion caps and a plank across the top covered 
with a loose layer of earth or sod. During the Canal 


du Nord attack, the first tank to go over one of the 
dry canal crossings west of Inchy detonated one of 
these mines. Another tank came to the rescue and 
quickly hauled out the damaged one and the large 
crater was soon bridged and temporarily filled by the 
sapper party detailed to maintain this crossing. Con- 
siderable difficulty was met with where overhead rail- 
way crossings or arches were demolished and dropped 
on the road. In most cases a traffic diversion was 
made until a clear fairway was effected. 

One marked feature of the roads was the clear way 
in which they were sign-posted. Prior to the attack 
sign-boards were painted at the R.E. Parks and every 
cross-road was clearly marked. On entering a village 
from any direction, the name could usually be seen on 
a wall or gable of the first house, and direction signs 
were painted on the walls throughout. These signs 
were painted low in order to catch the light from the 
headlights of cars and lorries. 

On account of the narrowness of many of the roads, 
and to avoid traffic blocks, these had to be limited to 
"one-way traffic" and regular traffic circuit maps were 
issued to all drivers. 

During an operation, special parties from the en- 
gineer units proceeded forward with the attacking 
troops, examined the ground for road mines and did 
temporary repairs. Other parties followed up and 
maintained the roads. In the rear the work was done 
by the labour companies under the direction of the 
D.A.D. Roads, an Imperial Army officer attached to 
the Canadian Corps Staff. 

For the period from the 26th of August, 1918, to the 
11th of November, 1918, that is, during the advance 
from the Arras front to Mons, the following road pro- 
gramme was completed : — 

773 miles of road repaired and maintained for lorry 

292 miles of dry-weather tracks constructed. 


Bridges, It was only during the last hundred days 
of the war that there was really any extensive bridg- 
ing activity, in many ways the most interesting phase 
of engineering work. Certainly the sapper was at his 
best and happiest when on a job of this nature. The 
country between Arras and Mons was freely inter- 
sected by the canal system of Northern France, viz. 
Canal du Nord, Canal de la Sensee, Canal de PEscaut, 
and Canal de Conde. The water was from ninety to 
one hundred feet wide and the bridges constructed 
varied in length from one hundred to one hundred and 
ninety feet. In addition numerous rivers had to be 
crossed and also bridges constructed for high-level 
railway crossings. Between the 26th of August and 
the 11th of November, 1918, over two hundred bridges 
were constructed by the Canadian Corps; of these, 
eighty-six were for heavy traffic. 

Valuable data regarding the bridges existing before 
the war had been compiled by General Headquarters 
and issued in book form. This was supplemented by 
information from the local inhabitants and also by 
aerial reconnaissance and photographs. In addition 
very valuable knowledge as to the condition of these 
structures was obtained from daring investigations 
carried out by engineer officers and men. 

Bridging problems were very numerous and varied 
and were greatly complicated by the thorough demoli- 
tion which had been carried out. Not only were the 
bridges destroyed, but large craters were blown in the 
approach roads, and these had to be repaired and 
filled in before the lorry transport with heavy bridg- 
ing material could proceed to the bridge site. It was 
also necessary to construct these heavy bridges on, or 
close to, the site of the original structure; otherwise a 
traffic diversion had to be made, with consequent loss 
of time. This fact was known to the enemy and in- 
evitably resulted in a heavy and sustained bombard- 
ment of the site. 


The bridging work was usually divided into three 
phases, viz. : — 

1st. Crossing for infantry. 

2nd. Crossing for 1st line transport, i.e. field gans, 
horse transport, etc. 

3rd. Heavy bridges to take tanks, the 6-inch naval 
gun, lorries, etc. 

Infantry Crossings. Many different expedients 
were resorted to in order to ensure the speedy pas- 
sage of the infantry. The rivers were seldom suffi- 
ciently deep or wide to present a serious obstacle, but 
this was not the case with the canals. The crossing 
of the latter was effected by the use of cork pier 
bridges. Slabs of cork, sufficient to give the neces- 
sary buoyancy, were baled together with wire netting 
and formed the piers. These were connected at eight- 
foot intervals by two light wooden stringers across 
which slats were nailed. The bridges so formed took 
infantry in single file. 

The German foot-bridge was somewhat similar in 
construction, with the exception that hollow sheet-iron 
cylinders were used to give the buoyancy. The main 
feature in their favour was their portability ; but they 
were easily punctured by shell splinters and sunk, a 
thing that frequently occurred. 

In many cases it was possible to effect a crossing 
over the damaged bridge structure or at the lock 
gates. A fair amount of success was met with by 
ferrying the troops across in collapsible boats; these 
were canvas-covered and easily man-handled. 

Crossings for 1st Line Transport. It was essential 
to make provision for the early passage of the guns 
and wheeled vehicles of the fighting troops, and much 
success was met with in the use of the pontoons and 
trestles carried by the Pontoon Bridging Transport 
Units, of the Divisional Engineers. The sappers had 
all been well trained in the handling of this equipment, 
and under very adverse conditions constructed me- 


dium pontoon and trestle bridges over the canals in 
rapid time. During one of the advances pontoon 
bridges were constructed over the Canal de la Sensee. 
The Germans, however, had control over the locks and 
drained the canal in the captured area. This move, 
although unforeseen, was speedily noticed, and the 
maintenance party erected a new Weldon trestle 
bridge before any interruption in traffic took place. 
These pontoon and trestle bridges were speedily re- 
placed by more permanent structures. The equipment 
was loaded on the trestle wagons and moved forward 
in preparation for the next advance. The great fea- 
ture of the pontoon bridging equipment was its mo- 
bility and also the speed with which a bridge could be 
constructed. Ordinary timber trestle spans or crib 
pier bridges were also built where the conditions did 
not permit of the use of pontoons. In many cases 
temporary repairs were quickly made to structures 
which had not been entirely demolished. 

Heavy Bridging. The problems confronting the en- 
gineers in this direction were greatly added to by the 
introduction of the tanks. The first tanks weighed 
thirty tons ; then the new Mark 5 Tank, weighing thirty- 
seven tons and requiring a clear roadway of fourteen 
feet six inches, came into use. The next load, in point 
of seriousness, was the 6-inch Mark 7 Gun with an 
axle load of seventeen tons. Naturally all the heavy 
bridges could not be constructed to take care of these 
excessive loads, as time and material were very pre- 
cious. The most suitable crossings were therefore 
selected and every bridge was clearly marked as to 
its carrying capacity. The tank and artillery units 
were advised in order to avoid confusion. 

A number of standard-span portable bridges, vary- 
ing in span from sixteen to eighty-five feet, were 
stored at the base depots. These bridges consisted of 
loose members and were bolted with machine-turned 
bolts. They were, however, very cumbersome, and 


this rendered their erection slow. The weight was an- 
other disadvantage, e.g. the eighty-five-foot span was 
a single-way bridge and weighed sixty-three tons. 
Fortunately a new bridge, called the "Inglis Portable 
Military Bridge, Rectangular Type," had been in- 
vented by Captain Inglis, R.E., and was adopted by 
the British Army. This bridge was the Warren 
girder type and was composed of a number of identi- 
cal bays, each twelve feet long, twelve feet high, and 
twelve feet wide. It was designed to carry a dead 
load of eighty-four tons distributed over a clear span 
of eighty-four feet. Each part could be easily man- 
handled and the span could vary in multiples of 
twelve feet, e.g. sixty feet, seventy-two feet, eighty- 
four feet, ninety-six feet, and one hundred and eight 
feet, to suit the gap. The bridge was built on blocks 
in skeleton form with a counterbalance arm and jacked 
up on to a two-wheeled trolley. It was then pushed 
over the gap, the counterbalance removed, then jacked 
down on the abutment, and the decking laid. On the 
28th of September, 1918, a bridge of this type was 
erected complete over the Canal du Nord at Marquion 
in twelve and. a half hours actual working time under 
severe shell-fire. A party of approximately two hun- 
dred sappers was employed on the construction of the 
bridge with the necessary approaches and abutments. 
The span was one hundred and eight feet clear and 
the safe distributed load fifty-one tons. 

Owing to the scarcity of these bridges and their 
value in an offensive operation, it was necessary to 
start immediately on the construction of a more per- 
manent structure. Deck bridges wdth trestle bents 
were usually substituted, but everything depended on 
the available material and the conditions. The Inglis 
bridge at Sains-lez-Marquion was replaced by filling 
in the canal with earth and forming a two-way plank 
road. This fill was done by a detachment of Canadian 
railway troops in record time. 


Canadian Official Photographs 


Most of the heavy bridges were of timber construc- 
tion with I-beam stringers. Many valuable dumps 
of bridging material were captured and this supply 
greatly facilitated the work, both of temporary con- 
struction and replacements. 

An official photograph shows the crossing of the 
Arras-Cambrai road over the Canal du Nord. On the 
right is the Inglis bridge erected during the advance 
and on the extreme left is the original pontoon bridge. 
A semi-permanent bridge is being constructed by an 
Army Troops Company of Canadian engineers, who 
are busy driving the piles for the piers. 

The success of the Bourlon Wood operations de- 
pended, to a great extent, on the speed with which 
the Canal du Nord was bridged. It was decided to 
provide for seven infantry foot-bridges, ten crossings 
for guns and horse transport, and five crossings for 
heavy traffic. The east bank of the canal was held by 
the enemy and in some places they had outposts es- 
tablished on the west side. The river Agache ran 
parallel and close to the east bank of the canal and 
also had to be bridged after a crossing was effected. 
Special dumps of bridging material were, however, 
formed as far forward as possible and skilfully camou- 
flaged. Prior to zero hour, 5.20 a.m., on the 27th of 
September, 1918, most of the roads and tracks were 
repaired well forward, in order to expedite the pas- 
sage of the bridging convoys, which were all loaded up 
and '* standing to." Special engineer detachments 
went forward with the attacking infantry and soon 
had crossings completed. The first guns crossed the 
canal at 8 a.m. and other crossings were completed at 
various times during the day. The heavy bridging 
convoy for the Sains-lez-Marquion bridge consisted of 
twenty-four three-ton lorries and these reached the 
site at 2 p.m. The bridge was practically ready for 
launching before nightfall, but this was a hazardous 
operation and was delayed until daylight. The bridge 


span, one hundred and eight feet clear, was open for 
traffic early on the afternoon of the 28th of Septem- 
ber. An attempt was made to get material forward 
for the Marquion bridge on the Arras-Cambrai road, 
but the situation here was not cleared up till the after- 
noon of the 27th. Owing to the scarcity of this special 
bridging material and to the fact that the site would 
be heavily shelled during the night, it was decided 
to delay erection until dawn of the 28th. This policy 
was fully justified and the bridge, as already stated, 
was erected in twelve and a half hours actual working 
time, a record performance. 

Great commendation was given to the Canadian En- 
gineers by the Commander-in-Chief and G.H.Q. for 
their unequalled record in bridging; the fighting 
troops, too, realized how much their efforts had to do 
with the speed of the advance. 

Defences. The general policy concerning defences 
and their nature and siting was laid down by the 
Corps General Staff. The Chief Engineer had on his 
staff a field engineer in charge of defences, and these 
works were carried out by, or under the supervision 
of, the engineers. 

In order to ensure defence in depth, all work in the 
forward area was carried out under the supervision of 
the Commanding Royal Engineers Division or, as he 
was later, the Officer Commanding Engineer Brigade. 
In the corps area the work came directly under 
the C.E. 

Under the category of defences were included wiring, 
construction of trenches, deep dug-outs, gun and 
machine-gun emplacements, offensive and defensive 
mining, infantry subways, preparation of roads, 
bridges, railways, machinery for demolition, etc. In- 
fantiy and mule tracks had to be constructed, also 
deep dug-outs or protected accommodation for regi- 
mental aid posts, advanced dressing stations, and bat- 
talion, brigade, and divisional headquarters. 


It was not until the Battle of the Somme in 1916 
that deep dug-outs came to be extensively used. Large 
numbers had been constructed by the enemy, all hav- 
ing timbered entrances and chambers. These usually 
had from twenty to thirty feet of head cover and in- 
volved considerable work in construction. 

The wiring of the forward system was done at night 
by infantry parties under sapper supervision and was 
a very unpopular job. 

In addition to the defences in the forward area, 
provision had to be made in case of an enforced re- 
tirement. A study of the German successes in the 
early part of 1918 is sufficient evidence on this point. 
The most complete system of this nature was probably 
that of Vimy Ridge, where the defences were organ- 
ized to a great depth. These consisted of successive 
and clearly defined defensive systems which were 
roughly parallel to the main front. These were linked 
together by ''switch lines" sited to protect either 
flank. All of these systems were very strongly wired 
and protected by a series of machine-gun emplace- 
ments enfilading the wire. In addition a number of 
"strong points" were introduced at intervals; these 
formed part of the system and were stocked with am- 
munition, water, emergency rations, etc. Large num- 
bers of trench signs were erected in order to minimize 
confusion and clearly establish the different systems. 

These signs often afforded much amusement to 
visitors and usually were typical of the occupants, e.g. 
"Canada," "Ottawa," "Vancouver," "Regina." 
You could go along "Piccadilly" until you met "Teddy 
Gerrard ' ' and on your way back take in ' ' Peggy. ' ' At 
the same time the nervous system suffered a severe 
shock when at intervals were discerned such signs 
as: — 





The good weather of the early part of 1918 con- 
tributed to the success of the construction of these 
defences, and the following work was done in rear of 
the main front-line system:: — 

250 miles of trench dug. 

300 miles of barbed-wire entanglements erected. 

200 tunnelled machine-gun emplacements con- 

The tramways, water supply, deep dug-outs, etc., all 
formed part of these works, but are dealt with else- 
where in this sketch. 

Tunnelling and Mining. Very little is knoTVTi of the 
extensive underground operations which were carried 
out, and the report that a mine was blown by our 
troops conveyed little impression to the ordinary 
reader. Yet, for months, continuous shifts of tunnel- 
lers were employed driving shafts, hauling the refuse 
to the surface, and disposing of it in such a manner as 
not to excite the enemy's suspicions. Not only was 
this the case, but battles were fought under as well as 
above ground. The enemy was also busy with his 
underground, workings, and each was trying to gain 
the master position and blow in the other. The work 
of the tunneller was therefore no sinecure, and he 
toiled on, knowing that at any moment his gallery 
might be blown in. Very accurate information as to 
the level, direction, and vicinity of the enemy work- 
ings was given by trained miners who could detect the 
tapping from the face of their own shaft. Delicate 
instruments were also used to effect the same purpose. 

The most extensive and ambitious work of this 
nature was carried out in the Ypres sector and cul- 
minated in the Battle of Messines in June, 1917. The 
attack opened at 3.10 a.m. on the morning of the 7th 
with the blowing of a series of large mines. The sight 
was a never-to-be-forgotten one ; the terrific explosion 
and shock were instantaneously followed by immense 
jets of flame which rose to a height of from one hun- 


dred and fifty to two hundred feet. The mines were 
on a larger scale than had ever been attempted before 
and there was not a single failure. This was more 
remarkable owing to the fact that many of the charges 
were ready for firing many months previous. The 
success of this operation was an event in military his- 
tory and clearly showed that, with the scientific appli- 
cation of skill, determination, and personal bravery, 
military mines of temporary construction could be 
made to meet tactical requirements after a consider- 
able lapse of time, even in the most difficult ground. 
Large craters were found as a result of the blowing of 
these mines and some measured over three hundred 
feet in diameter and fifty feet deep. 

A very important part in these operations was 
played by the three tunnelling companies of Canadian 
engineers who were engaged on mining work in this 
area during 1916 and 1917. 

The mine under Hill 60 and the one under ''The 
Caterpillar" serve as good examples of the large 
amount of work and labour involved and the magni- 
tude of the quantity of explosive used. The charge 
for the former mine was fifty-four thousand pounds of 
ammonal at a vertical depth of ninety feet, while the 
latter one was seventy thousand pounds of ammonal 
at a depth of one hundred and ten feet. The charges 
were at the bottom of long inclined galleries and were 
loaded and tamped in October, 1916, i.e. eight months 
before they were blown. During the v/hole of this 
mining work the engineers were in instant touch with 
the enemy underground and operations were sub- 
jected to repeated counterblows. Conditions were 
very critical at times, and in one instance an enemy 
gallery was captured, which had penetrated one hun- 
dred feet inside our lines, at a depth of sixty feet. 

In addition to the offensive and defensive mining, 
special detachments of tunnellers were attached to the 
infantry during operations. Their duty was to locate 


and remove enemy mines, to examine dug-outs for 
booby traps, etc. 

Infantry saps and subways were constructed in or- 
der to give accommodation for troops and also to give 
protection and concealment while moving to forward 
positions. Battle headquarters had also to be con- 

On the reorganization of the Canadian Engineers in 
1918, two of the tunnelling companies were absorbed 
into the engineer battalions and the 3rd Tunnelling 
Company, C.E., alone retained its identity until the end 
of the war. These units seldom operated with the Ca- 
nadian Corps, but came directly under the orders of 
the Army Controller of Mines. 

Light Railways. The light railways constructed by 
the Canadian Corps on the Arras-Hill 70 front con- 
stituted the most complete forward system on the 
whole of the Western front. These were divided into 
two areas; viz. the army light railways, which were 
operated by steam motive power in the rear areas, 
and the corps tramways, which were operated by 
petrol engines in the forward areas. All the systems 
were linked together and connection was also estab- 
lished with the broad-gauge railheads. This resulted 
in a great saving in transportation and handling, and 
also in traffic on the roads. All the light railways in 
the corps forward area were constructed, operated, 
and maintained by the 1st and 2nd Tramway Com- 
panies, C.E., assisted by other engineer personnel in 
time of stress. 

The two main junctions on the Vimy front were 
at Lens Junction and Aix Noulette, and over sixty- 
one miles of railway were operated. All traffic 
was controlled from these points, which were in tele- 
phone communication with the control stations estab- 
lished at intervals along the line. The whole was a 
very well organized system, and when it is considered 
that all the forward area traffic was done at night over 


heavily shelled areas, and that accidents were very 
infrequent, the situation may be better appreciated. 
Special repair gangs of tramway engineers were con- 
tinuously patrolling, ballasting, repairing, and re- 
placing the track. 

Spur lines ran to battery positions and in this way 
ammunition was delivered direct to the guns. In the 
same manner rations and engineer stores were de- 
livered to the various dumps. The battery spurs were 
usually camouflaged in daytime in order that the gun 
positions should not be visible to the enemy airmen. 

An illustrative incident is recorded of an Imperial 
battery which was attached to the corps for an opera- 
tion. On the day on which the guns were placed in 
position the Officer Commanding the battery was vis- 
ited by a Canadian tramway officer, who asked how 
many rounds of ammunition he would like delivered 
that night. An order was placed with very little faith 
in the immediate delivery. Towards dusk a small 
gang of tramway engineers started on the construc- 
tion of a spur line connecting with the battery and 
soon had this completed and ready for the petrol 
tractor, which arrived well before dawn with the full 
complement of ammunition. Here was "service" as 
applied to modern warfare. 

The work of these tramway companies was not con- 
fined to supplies alone and the trains returning empty 
were used to bring in wounded personnel. Splendid 
results were obtained in this connection and many a 
wounded soldier was saved a rough ride or long 
stretcher carry over shell-torn roads. 

A seriously wounded Canadian was brought into the 
dressing station in the basement of the factory at 
La Coulotte (near Lens) one day when the writer was 
there. The Medical Officer, after an examination, 
stated that his only hope of life was to be immediately 
taken to a casualty clearing station for an operation. 
Luckily, the light railways were in operation to this 


point, and by the time the casualty was put on the 
train a clear right of way had been established to 
Lievin. Here the train was met by a medical officer, 
the patient transferred to another train, and then 
rushed to the hospital. 

Everything possible was being done to assist the 
troops, and it was decided to attempt to take a re- 
lieving brigade of infantry to the line by railway and 
to convey the outgoing troops to their rest billets. 
The experiment v^^as a complete success and was put 
in operation whenever possible. In the same way re- 
inforcements detrained at the railhead and trans- 
ferred to light railways, which conveyed them to the 
wagon lines of their units. The troops were thus 
saved the fatigue of long marches. 

In the spring of 1918 a leave train was run and 
about one hundred and fifty men were daily brought 
from the line by petrol tractor trains to Lens Junc- 
tion. Here they transferred to steam tractor trains 
and were conveyed to the railhead, where they joined 
the regular leave trains for Boulogne, Calais, or Paris. 

The value of the light railways in assisting in the 
projection of gas was inestimable. In these opera- 
tions special spurs were constructed very far forward, 
in order that our own troops and defences should not 
suffer from the gas projection. Many attacks were 
launched on the enemy and on the night of the 22nd 
of March, 1918, over 4,500 gas cylinders were taken as 
far forward as possible by petrol tractor. They were 
then pushed to the end of the spurs by infantry par- 
ties and the gas projected. 

During the Amiens operations nine captured metre- 
gauge steam locomotives were overhauled and, with 
thirty-five captured metre-gauge trucks, were removed 
under their own power to a place of safety. 

Fortunately the German light railways had, in many 
cases, the same gauge as our own, viz. 60 cm., and we 
were able to link up the two systems ; where they were 


operating a metre-gauge the conversion to 60 cm. 
was speedily made. 

Remarkable results were achieved by the light rail- 
ways in the Bourlon Wood operations of the 27th of 
September, 1918. Prior to the operation over three 
thousand tons of ammunition were being delivered 
daily to the advanced ammunition dumps and gun 
positions by the Canadian Corps Tramway Companies. 
The track was constructed very far forward, with the 
result that when the operation commenced the return- 
ing empty trains conveyed daily over one thousand 
wounded personnel to the broad-gauge railhead. 

A study of the traffic figures for the period from the 
1st of January to the 18th of November, 1918, will, how- 
ever, give a better impression of the saving in road 
transportation effected. 


73,134 107,694 64,088 239,306 484,222 

Approximately half a million tons, when allowance 
is made for personnel conveyed. 

The Supply of Water. The writer has a vivid recol- 
lection of a night during the Somme operations when 
he was in charge of a working party on the repair of 
the Courcelette road. A relief had taken place and 
the weary infantry were plodding their way back to 
Albert for a short spell of rest and quiet. Poor fel- 
lows, they were parched with thirst, and everywhere 
one was met with the query: "Say, Mac! got anything 
left in your water-bottle?" In this area the water 
supply situation was very serious ; most of the civilian 
wells had been obliterated and many of those which 
were reclaimed were found to be contaminated and 
labelled by the engineers: ''Water not fit for drink- 


The development of the water supply was a vital 
necessity, and when it is considered that provision had 
to be made for watering 100,000 to 160,000 men and 
25,000 to 45,000 horses, the. problem confronting the 
engineers may be better realized. In France and Bel- 
gium, especially in the battle zone, the main civilian 
source of water supply was from wells, and these ex- 
isted in large numbers in all the villages. During 
an advance, many were found to be polluted, a favour- 
ite method of the enemy being to throw dead bodies 
in the wells. 

The development of the water supply in the forward 
area was entrusted to sections from the Divisional 
Engineers. In the rear areas the system was more 
permanent and extensive and the work was carried 
out by the Army Troops Companies, C.E. This was 
especially so during an advance; but when the corps 
settled down in an area for any length of time, all 
water supply installations were put in by the A.T. 
Companies. This work was carried out under the 
supervision and orders of the Field Engineer, Water 
Supply, an officer on the staff of the Chief Engineer. 

Many different methods were used for raising the 
water, each dependent on local conditions. The hand- 
power lift and force pump was used to pump from 
ponds or rivers into canvas water-troughs; the old- 
type windlass and bucket was repaired or erected over 
wells, and where these were of good capacity a chain 
helice or power pump was usually installed. These 
systems relieved the situation in the villages to a 
great extent; but the reserve and forward areas had 
to be supplied, and this involved the necessity of pipe 
line installations. Where local conditions did not per- 
mit of any other scheme, a bore was driven by one of 
the ''well-boring sections" of the Royal Engineers. 
The water was then pumped through a 4-inch screw 
pipe main to the 50,000 gallon reservoirs. These 
reservoirs were interesting on account of the simplic- 


ity of construction. An excavation was made about 
eighty-five feet long, twenty-five feet wide, and five 
and a half feet deep, the sides being sloped at forty- 
five degrees, and a skeleton wooden frame constructed, 
to which was attached canvas tarpaulins. These res- 
ervoirs were built on the highest and most suitable 
ground in the vicinity, in order to obtain a good grav- 
ity feed to the numerous water supply points. Ca- 
mouflage was erected over the reservoirs as the large 
expanse of water was most conspicuous from the air. 

The pipe lines were continuously patrolled, and re- 
pairs effected by special repair gangs of engineers. A 
light covering of earth was usually thrown over the 
pipes in the summer months, but in the winter the 
pipes had to be sunk to a depth of three feet in order 
to have protection from the frost. Stand-pipes and 
water-bottle filler sets had to be wrapped with straw 
or boxed in manure. Under normal conditions, horses 
were watered three times daily, and as this was 
usually done at the same hour a great strain was 
thrown on the water supply. However, good stand- 
ings were constructed with "IN" and "OUT" gates 
and wired in. These were under the charge of a con- 
trol man, who was responsible for maintaining order.. 
During an advance special detachments of Divisional 
Engineers proceeded forward with the attacking 
troops. Rapid tests of the available sources of water 
supply were made and these were labelled as to their 
fitness for consumption. Temporary water points 
were constructed to meet immediate requirements. 

All the water used for consumption was chlorinated 
before use : this made it slightly unpalatable. During 
the advances of the corps several large German soda 
water factories were found and many large dumps of 
bottled soda water were captured: this seemed to be 
generally used by enemy troops. 

In the advance of the latter half of 1918 other meth- 
ods had to be devised. The deep penetration of our 


troops resulted in a move forward of larger masses 
of the corps personnel. To meet the demand, special 
water-tank companies were attached to the corps and 
came under the orders of the Chief Engineer. They 
were equipped with water-tanks fitted on motor chas- 
sis, and these were used to fill storage tanks which 
were placed at regular intervals along the sides of the 
roads. Special sterilizing lorries were also used to 
pump and sterilize water from the streams or other 
sources. These formed a very valuable asset and 
source of supply in the forward area during the 

As an instance of the work carried out by the Ca- 
nadian Engineers, the following development of the 
water supply was done during the Battle of Arras. 
Twenty-two power pumping stations were established, 
having a total daily capacity of six hundred thousand 
gallons. Fifty-five thousand linear feet of water pipe 
were laid or reclaimed, and six thousand linear feet of 
horse-troughing constructed. About one hundred thou- 
sand gallons of water per day were obtained from wells 
which were repaired or reclaimed; about fifty thou- 
sand gallons 9f water per day were supplied from the 
sterilizing lorries; and about forty water storage 
points were kept filled by the water-tank lorries. 
These operations, it should be noted, extended from 
the 26th of August to the 3rd of September, 1918. 

No Electrical and Mechanical Companies existed in 
the Canadian Corps and very valuable assistance was 
given by those units of the Australian and Royal 

A record of the water supply activities of the corps 
would not be complete without mention being made of 
the late Captain (Acting-Major) 0. M. Stitt, M.C. 
This gallant and capable officer was field engineer in 
charge of water supply and was mortally wounded 
near Rosieres on the 12th of August, 1918, while in- 
specting the forward water supply. He was conveyed 



Canadian Official Photoyraphs 


to the casualty clearing station at the asylum, south 
of Amiens. No hope was given for his recovery and 
the Medical Officer said he would pass away in a 
few hours. The writer stayed by his bedside during 
the whole evening. He was semi-conscious most of 
the time, and continuously asked for water. He once 
said to me: "That water is nice and cool; does it 
come from a spring?" I said *'Yes," and shortly 
after he asked where the spring was. Thinking to 
ease his mind, I said it was just outside the building. 
He thought for some time, then said: ''That isn't 
right; there is no spring in the grounds here; the 
nearest one is one and a half miles away." In a few 
hours he passed away, but not before he had discussed 
the question of his successor and was satisfied that 
everything would be taken care of. Here was the true 
engineering spirit, active to the last; typical of this 
officer, who was exact to the smallest detail. 

Accommodation. Consider for a moment a "mov- 
ing city," with a population greater than that of Ot- 
tawa, the whole or part of which was liable to move at 
short notice. This involved the provision and erection 
of the necessary hutting for headquarters, officers, and 
men, and in winter the construction of standing and 
shelters for upwards of twenty-five thousand horses. 
The essential sanitary arrangements such as latrines, 
bathhouses, laundries, disinfectors, incinerators, etc., 
had to be provided, and the hundred-and-one things 
which were necessary to maintain this personnel in 
the field. In the forward area most of this accommo- 
dation was below ground, and the refuse from the 
excavation had to be removed, distributed, and camou- 
flaged, in order to be screened from enemy observa- 
tion. Arrangements had to be made for the reception 
and storage of the necessary supplies, e.g. rations and 
forage, ammunition, and stores. 

During 1917 and 1918 aerial bombing increased to 
a tremendous extent and the rear and rest areas were 


the main targets on suitable evenings. Orders were 
issued by the Army that all sleeping quarters and 
horse lines had to be bomb-proofed. This involved the 
erection of breast-high earthworks, thus localizing the 
effect of bursting bombs. Similar provision had to be 
made at the ammunition dumps. 

I wonder if there is any British soldier in France 
who has not slept in a Nissen hut. These huts were 
twenty-one feet six inches long, sixteen feet six inches 
wide, and semicircular in section, with corrugated 
iron roof and sectional wood ends, and were speedily 
erected by a few sappers. They were usually bunked 
to accommodate twenty-two soldiers and, of course, a 
stove. A "standing room only" sign was totally in- 
adequate when reveille was sounded. These huts, 
however, served a very useful purpose; they were, 
quickly constructed or dismantled, easily portable, and 
did not form a very marked target. The inventor, 
Mr. Nissen, was, I understand, a Canadian who was 
serving with the British Forces. 

Camouflage. The increased demand for camouflage 
and the necessity for its use resulted in the Chief 
Engineer taking over all work of this nature from 
July, 1918. All gun positions, defensive works, head- 
quarters, dumps, etc., had to be skilfully disguised 
from enemy observation. Many ingenious expedients 
were resorted to in order to effect this purpose. In 
the case of special work, detail sketches were made 
on the site and the general colour scheme decided on. 
The Yv'ork was done at one of the camouflage parks of 
the Special Works Companies, R.E., under the direc- 
tion of the corps camouflage officer. As an example 
of the value of this work, the following authentic in- 
stance is given. 

In September, 1918, the Advance Headquarters of 
the Canadian Corps moved to an area between Neu- 
ville Vitasse and Wancourt. Quarters were taken up 
in dug-outs in the Old Hindenburg Line and a large 


number of huts were erected for officers, messes, 
garages, etc. The total personnel accommodated in 
this area would number approximately two hundred. 
On completion of the work a request was sent to the 
flying squadron attached to the corps, requesting an 
aerial photograph of the area. The exact map loca- 
tion of the camp was given. The first pilot returned 
with the information that he could find no trace of 
anything to photograph and a second trip resulted in 
a like report. The machines were flying low and 
crossed and recrossed over the site. After confirming 
the map location, a third trip was made and a series 
of photographs taken. It was almost impossible to 
detect anything from the prints and only one very 
familiar with the layout and the interpretation of 
aerial photographs could do so. The huts had been 
sunk into the sides of old trenches, sunken roads, or 
shell holes, and the whole camouflaged over. Every- 
thing was very skilfully assimilated with the local sur- 
roundings and no vertical faces were left to cast 

During the Battle of Amiens over one hundred 
thousand square yards of camouflage material were 
issued and erected in the Canadian Corps Area. On 
the return of the corps to the Arras sector in the 
middle of August, 1918, the camouflage factory at 
Duisans was taken over. This enabled special camou- 
flage material to be manufactured under direct super- 
vision. Schemes were evolved for the camouflage of 
guns up to and including the 6-inch howitzer, in order 
to meet the requirements of these mobile guns. Real 
success was met with and a light camouflage cover was 
devised, which could be erected by four men, complete, 
in four minutes. This cover met vtdth immediate ap- 
proval and was adopted by other armies. 

Engineer Stores. In order to meet the demand for 
all stores of an engineering description. Corps R.E. 
Parks were established at a suitable broad-gauge rail- 


head. These parks were operated by Army Troops 
Companies, C.E., or by the P.B. Company, C.E. This 
latter unit was an artisan company formed of skilled 
tradesmen, who had either been casualties or were of 
low medical category. 

In the early stages of the war it was possible to 
purchase stores locally, but the supply was soon de- 
pleted; as a consequence, the French authorities re- 
served any supplies which were left, and all purchases 
were prohibited. Careful estimates had, therefore, to 
be compiled and all material required requisitioned 
for six weeks in advance. These stores came through 
the regular army channels and were delivered to the 
corps parks in bulk. Here the allotment was made to 
the corps and divisional engineers and the material 
shipped forward by light railway, lorry, or wagon, to 
the advanced Corps R.E. Parks, Divisional R.E. 
Parks, and the advanced divisional, brigade, and bat- 
talion dumps. These engineering stores included 
cement, corrugated iron, roofing felt, steel joists and 
rails, posts and wire for entanglements, steel shelters, 
wire netting, expanded metal, hurdles, canvas and 
frames for revettjng the trenches, bath mats, bricks, 
baths, ironmongery, timber of all sizes, electrical stores, 
mining and tunnelling stores, water pipes and fittings, 
pumps, stock span bridges, standard huts, and tools 
of every description. 

At each of the Corps R.E. Parks workshops were 
established. Here timber was resawn to required 
dimensions and made up into standard designs for 
mining frames, revetting frames, bath mats, targets, sec- 
tional huts, and infantry, artillery, and trench bridges. 
In addition to the sawmills, well equipped plumber 
shops, machine shops, paint shops, blacksmith shops, 
and tinsmith shops were in full operation. Every- 
thing possible was done to produce articles which 
could be obtained from no other source, the primary 
object being to reduce the work at the advanced 


dumps. An instance of the work accomplished is 
worth quoting. Early in the winter of 1917 it was 
seen that the supply of stoves was far short of the 
requirements of the corps. A request was sent to 
each of the Canadian divisions for a nominal roll of 
all personnel who were tinsmiths by trade. These 
men were despatched to a Corps R.E. Park and 
started on the manufacture of the well known Quebec 
Heaters. A very large supply was quickly made, also 
the necessary stove pipes and fittings, and all the de- 
mands from the units were filled. The personnel of 
these parks was usually increased by detachments 
from the labour battalions, in order to distribute and 
load and unload the stores. 

Great difficulty was met with in obtaining the neces- 
sary engineering stores for the Battle of Amiens. 
This operation was skilfully camouflaged and its ex- 
tent known to only a few of the Higher Command. 
The result was that the Army and Corps R.E. Parks 
were not stocked to meet the excessive demands, and 
material had to be hauled from the base parks. For- 
tunately for the corps, the Canadian Engineers M.T. 
Company had been formed and its establishment of 
ninety-six lorries received. This unit rendered very 
valuable assistance from its formation in the summer 
of 1918. Had this transport not been available, the 
situation would have been a most difficult one. The 
following gives a list of the quantities of some of the 
stores drawn for the operation by the Canadian 
Corps: 1,500,000 sandbags, 36,000 shovels, 36,000 
picks, 15,000 small coils of barbed wire, one train-load 
of two-and-a-half-inch hardwood slabs for plank roads, 
twenty tons of eight-inch and nine-inch cut spikes, 
seven hundred and twenty hammers, seven hundred 
and twenty hand-saws, six hundred hand-axes, six hun- 
dred felling-axes. 

An attempt was made, in the battle referred to, 
to deliver urgent engineer stores by tank. One tank 


was allotted to each engineer brigade and, prior to 
the operation, loaded with bridging material, picks 
and shovels, wire, etc. But the experiment was not a 
success; the tanks were too slow and the material had 
to be transferred to the regular engineer trestle wag- 
ons. Had the newer and speedier tank been used, 
better results might have been achieved. 

Signal Service. The development of signal commu- 
nication was a very interesting feature of the war and 
an example of the march of -progress. History re- 
counts an important engagement during the South 
African War when an operation suffered through lack 
of support. This was owing to the fact that the sun 
was under a cloud all day — an almost unheard-of 
event at that time of year — and consequently there 
was no heliograph communication with the flanking 

During the recent campaign many new instruments 
and methods came into use. Those generally adopted 
were telephones and telegraphs, wireless telegraphy, 
\4sual signalling, pigeon service, and despatch riders. 
Trench warfare, for sigTials, entailed complicated 
buried cable systems and permanent airline routes. 
This necessitated the employment of every available 
man on maintenance and operation. In this way all 
other methods had been eclipsed by the telephone, which 
was developed almost to perfection. Cables had to be 
buried to a depth of six feet at least, in order to be 
protected against shell-fire. In the forward area it 
was essential that every precaution be taken to pre- 
vent the enemy from picking up messages, even 
though sent in code; this purpose was effected by the 
use of the ''Fuller Phone," a buzzer set which, by a 
simple contrivance, prevented enemy interception. 
Wireless came into use only during the last year of 
the war and the introduction of the ''Continuous 
Wave Wireless" was a decided asset. This was ex- 
tensively used during active operations for keeping in 


touch with special groups and also with the infantry 
and artillery brigades and divisions, when telephone 
communication was impossible or temporarily inter- 
rupted. When the corps were on the march into Ger- 
many the wireless was also in general use, especially 
when it was impossible to establish communication by 
connection with the civilian railway telegraph system. 

The deep penetrations made by the British Army in 
1918 resulted in a complete disorganization of the 
German communications. The enemy were forced to 
adopt wireless and the messages were intercepted by 
a special long-range set which was put in operation by 
the corps. 

Another valuable introduction was the adoption of 
''loop wireless sets." These had a limited range of 
four thousand yards and could be speedily put in 
operation without the aid of skilled personnel. They 
were used to establish communication between for- 
ward units when all other means had been cut off 
owing to enemy bombardment. 

During trench warfare one thousand pigeons were 
required for the Corps Pigeon Service. The birds 
were delivered to forward points by two despatch 
riders and taken into the trenches from these points 
by battalion and battery pigeoneers. In normal trench 
warfare about one hundred pigeons were sent forward 
daily and released after twenty-four hours' duty. 
About thirty special men had to be trained weekly as 
pigeoneers in order to maintain this service. These 
birds were of little use in open warfare, owing to the 
fact that they were unfamiliar with the ground and 
consequently lost considerable time in locating their 

Great credit and praise must be given to the Des- 
patch Eider Letter Service, whose work in the for- 
ward area was extremely difficult and hazardous ow- 
ing to the crowded roads and heavy shell-fire. A 
great volume of this traffic was handled at night and 


had to be delivered to units whose location was ever 
changing. No lights could be carried, and the only- 
address was of this description, "M 27 d 2.4," viz. a 
map reference. For the period from the 24th of August 
to the 1st of September inclusive, nine days, four regu- 
lar runs were made daily, 153 special runs were made, 
and 19,526 despatches were carried of which sixty per 
cent, were registered. 

The Corps Signal Company carried three portable 
3-K.W. electric lighting sets and the Divisional Signal 
Companies one each. These were used to light the 
Corps and Divisional Headquarters. In addition each 
signal company was provided with a 1-K.W. set for 
charging accumulators. 

A very extensive telephone service was established 
in the Vimy area, and, exclusive of battalion, brigade, 
battery, and other telephones, the Canadian Signals 
handed over to the relieving corps in May, 1918, when 
they came out to rest, 118 miles of six-foot buried 
cable routes averaging forty pairs per route, or 9,440 
miles of armoured cable; 152 miles of airline routes 
averaging ten pairs per route, or 3,040 miles of open 
wire; eight miles -of fifty pairs in mine galleries, or 
eight hundred miles of insulated cable. 

As an example of the traffic through the Corps 
Headquarters Signal Office the following figures for 
the nine days, viz. August 24th to September 1st, 1918, 
are given : — 

















A grand total of 63,788 messages, an average of 
over seven thousand per day. 

One very interesting and useful feature of the Sig- 
nal Service was the interception and police sets. 
These consisted of special instruments equipped with 
amplifiers and were used to collect information from 
messages and conversations passing over the enemy 
telegraph and telephone systems. They were also 
used to police our own system in order to regulate the 
traffic and so reduce to a minimum the amount of in- 
formation intercepted by the enemy. 

3. Special Oaitadian Engineee Units 

Anti-Aircraft Searchlight Company, C.E. The com- 
pany consisted of a headquarters and four sections of 
three 90-c.m. lights each. Each of these lights was 
mounted on a petrol electric lorry. This unit worked 
in conjunction with the other searchlight companies 
and anti-aircraft batteries in the area and came di- 
rectly under the orders of the Army Director of 
Searchlights. The Canadian personnel were attached 
to the British units for instruction and soon mastered 
the principles of the game. Their record for the num- 
ber of machines picked up as against the number of 
machines raiding our territory was a high one and re- 
ceived splendid commendation from the armies they 
operated with. 

The sight during an enemy raid is a never-to-be- 
forgotten one. The intermittent drone peculiar to the 
German machines would be heard and the sky dotted 
and intersected with the beams of light. These would 
intersect each other and slowly sweep the heavens. 
Meantime flashes of light followed by faint reports 
told that the ''Archies" were putting up their bar- 
rage. Suddenly the lights would all converge on one 
spot and the German machine could be seen, resem- 
bling a gorgeous silvery insect. Immediately the 


''Archies" got to work in their endeavour to bring 
him down or drive him back. The pilot would franti- 
cally manoeuvre his machine, but the beams were re- 
lentless. Often the cargo of bombs would be hastily 
unloaded and the lightened machine endeavour to re- 
turn to its aerodrome. Sometimes the pilot would 
continue on his way and suddenly the rear area lights 
would come into action and pick up the machine from 
the forward lights which were going out of range. 
Again the machine might be seen to burst into flames 
and come tearing down to earth like some mighty 
meteor — one of our night defence machines had shot 
him down and added to the heavy toll taken, 

Canadian Engineer Motor Transport Company/. On 
the formation of the Engineer Battalions in 1918 cer- 
tain motor transport was allowed for. It was later 
decided to form an Engineer M.T. Company and de- 
tail the lorries to units as required. This scheme was 
very successful and the unit rendered valuable assist- 
ance. It was now possible to deliver large quantities 
of material direct to engineer working parties and 
dumps. During operations the lorries were running 
for twenty-four hours daily, the second driver on each 
lorry forming the relief. Great credit is due to many 
of these drivers for work carried out under very 
heavy shell-fire. The lorries had to travel over roads 
which were being shelled and very often were halted 
while some in front, which had been hit, were dragged 
off the main roadway. The continuous lines of traffic 
on narrow roads rendered it impossible to return and 
take an alternative route. 

4. Organization and Administration 

A study of what has already been written naturally 
prompts the question: What was the organization 
responsible for the carrying out of this work and 
where was all the personnel obtained from? 


Chief Engineer. The Chief Engineer of the Cana- 
dian Corps was Major-General W. Bethune Lindsay, 
C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. His staff consisted of a staff 
officer and four officers who were attached as field 
engineers to assist in co-ordinating and directing the 
work within the corps area. He was the technical 
adviser of the Corps Commander on all Engineer Serv- 
ices, and on the reorganization of the Engineers ad- 
ministered all their personnel in France. This neces- 
sitated the provision of a staff officer, a staff captain 
(A and Q), a staff captain (stores and transport), 
and four field engineers (one each for defences, roads, 
water supply, and tramways). Additional field en- 
gineers were attached, as required, in time of stress. 

Divisional Engineers (before reorganization) . Un- 
til May 24th, 1918, the organization of Canadian En- 
gineer units within the corps was exactly the same as 
in the Imperial Service. In a division the engineer 
services were carried out under a Commanding Royal 
Engineer, who had an adjutant to assist him and 
three field companies under his command. Each divi- 
sion had a pioneer battalion, which was usually, al- 
though not always, placed under the C.R.E. for work, 
but not for administration. These companies were 
responsible for all the engineer work in the di\dsional 
area, i.e. defences, roads, tracks, water supplies, etc. 
As they were only small units of highly skilled per- 
sonnel, wholly intended for supervision, it was neces- 
sary to employ the pioneer battalion, usually re- 
inforced by infantry work parties, to do the work. 

The establishment of a field company was six offi- 
cers and 217 other ranks, and each company carried 
pontoon bridging equipment, which was, by itself, 
usually insufficient for any bridging job. 

Reasons for and process of reorganization. Upon 
the conclusion of the offensive operations of 1917 the 
Chief Engineer urged the reorganization of the units 
and personnel required for engineer services. The 


proposal was based on tlie ground that the existing 
establishments and organizations were unsuitable for 
dealing with the conditions developed during the war, 
and the reasons may be briefly stated as follows : — 

a. The personnel of the field companies was only 
sufficient for supervision. 

b. The pioneer battalion was useful when officered 
by engineer officers, but most of the available 
men were frittered away on odd jobs in the Divi- 
sional area. 

c. The daily detail of work parties from the infan- 
try w^as very unsatisfactory and costly as the 
engineers were responsible for the quality of the 
work and the infantry for the quantity. The de- 
tail of a different party each day was not con- 
ducive to continuity of work or good results. 

d. A permanent detail of a party from the in- 
fantry worked well, but naturally was strongly 
objected to by battalion commanders. 

e. The introduction of new weapons and new meth- 
ods of attack and defence was rapid and pro- 
gressive, thus rendering more difficult the prob- 
lems to be solyed. The depth of the battle zone 
had increased tremendously and defence in depth 
was essential. The increase in artillery involved 
the providing of means for handling the large 
tonnage of ammunition required. 

The obvious remedy was to merge the skilled and 
unskilled labour into one organization under one con- 
trol. A general scheme of reorganization of the divi- 
sional engineers was therefore prepared by the Chief 
Engineer, endorsed by the Corps Commander, ap- 
proved in March, 1918, and brought into effect on 
May 24th, 1918. 

New Organization. Within a division the personnel 
of the three field companies and a pioneer battalion 
was reorganized by utilizing each field company as a 
nucleus, absorbing the pioneer battalion, and by the 


addition of a proportion of a Tunnelling Company, 
C.E., and other personnel, creating three engineer bat- 
talions, and a pontoon bridging transport section. 
The whole formed a Brigade, C.E. In forming these 
battalions, care was taken to provide for the dilution 
of the highly skilled sapper personnel by the inclu- 
sion, in due proportion, of the service of skilled and 
unskilled Class ''A" labour who had completed their in- 
fantry training. 

The Pontoon Bridging Transport Unit was formed 
by pooling the pontoon bridging equipment of the 
three field companies in the division. Each unit car- 
ried sufficient to build two hundred and twenty-five 
feet of medium pontoon bridge. The centralization 
and control of this equipment under one unit was a 
very marked success. During large operations the 
equipment of the four Pontoon Bridging Transport 
Unit sections was pooled. 

The staff of each of the four engineer brigades 
consisted of a brigade commander, brigade major, and 
two staff captains. The establishment of each of the 
twelve engineer battalions was thirty-nine officers and 
975 other ranks, and of each of the four Pontoon 
Bridging Transport Unit companies three officers and 
sixty-three other ranks. The battalions were, how- 
ever, never up to strength; prior to the Battle of 
Amiens they totalled approximately seven hundred 
other ranks, and prior to the Battle of Arras 725. 

A certain number of lorries were allotted to each 
battalion, but an Engineer M.T. Company was formed 
and the lorries were detailed to suit the requirements 
of the engineer brigades. 

The organization of the engineer brigades and the 
C.E. Motor Transport Company was carried out un- 
der a great handicap in the field and was completed in 
the last week of July, 1918. During the first week in 
August it was subjected to its first trial — a very 
severe one — and more than justified the change. 


From this period until the close of hostilities the en- 
gineers provided all necessary facilities to ensure the 
rapid advance of the corps in the way of roads and 
tracks, bridges, light railways, defences, water supply, 
camouflage, etc. This work was all done without call- 
ing upon other troops for working parties. The fight- 
ing efficiency of these other arms was therefore not 
impaired and they were able to conserve their entire 
energy and devote it to the task of overcoming and 
wearing down the enemy opposition. The value of 
this is seen in the rapid and unprecedented advances 
made by the corps. 

5. Corps Troops 

Corps troops may vary from twenty thousand to fifty 
thousand men, and to carry out the engineer services 
required, the Chief Engineer had, at Corps Headquar- 
ters, a C.R.E. Corps Troops assisted by an adjutant. 
This officer administered all the Canadian engineer 
units and attached Royal engineer formations, other 
than those with the d,ivisions. 

The Canadian units consisted of five Army Troops 
Companies, C.E., two Tramway Companies, C.E., 
three Tunnelling Companies, C.E., an Anti-Aircraft 
Searchlight Company, C.E., a P.B. Company, C.E., and 
a C.E. Motor Transport Company. 

The establishment of the Army Troops Companies 
was identical with that of the R.E. units, viz. 
three officers and 138 other ranks per company (three 
supernumerary officers were attached to each of the 
Canadian companies). These companies were em- 
ployed on water supply, bridging, the construction of 
defences, the operation of R.E. Parks, and the con- 
struction of accommodation for the troops in the corps 
area. The companies had each two motor lorries and 
were very mobile. The inclusion of a large propor- 


tion of highly trained sappers rendered them very- 
useful and valuable. 

In March, 1916, the C.E. organized an unofficial unit 
called the Canadian Corps Tramway Company, for 
the construction of light railways in the forward area, 
by borrowing suitable men from other sources. This 
organization soon proved the practicability and value 
of the construction of these lines and the immense 
saving in transport and man power effected. At a 
later date the construction of light railways was un- 
dertaken by General Headquarters, but the limit of 
their construction was usually a point to which de- 
liveries in bulk could be made in daylight by steam 
traction. After two years the organization of the two 
tramway companies was approved and the units were 
formed by absorbing the original company with the 
addition of qualified personnel. The establishment of 
each of these companies was twenty officers and 363 
other ranks. 

The establishment of the Tunnelling Companies, 
C.E., was the same as that of a Tunnelling Company, 
R.E. (higher establishment), viz. nineteen officers and 
550 other ranks. Three of these companies were 
formed from Canadian personnel, but they seldom 
worked with the corps. However, on the reorganiza- 
tion of the Engineers the 1st and 2nd Tunnelling 
Companies were absorbed into the engineer battalions 
on the agreement that the Canadian Corps would un- 
dertake all the tunnelling work required in their area 
without assistance. The 3rd Company was to be ab- 
sorbed as soon as it could be relieved from work 
in another Army area, but this was never given 
effect to. 

The A. A. Searchlight Company, C.E., was formed 
in 1918 from skilled personnel drawn from the other 
engineer units. Hostile bombing had increased very 
considerably in the latter part of 1917 and in 1918, 
and the primary object of the formation of the com- 


pany was to help to protect the Corps area and en- 
sure the rest of the troops. The establishment al- 
lowed for five officers and 125 other ranks. 

The P. B. Company, C.E., was formed early in 1917 
to enable skilled tradesmen who had become casualties 
with engineer units, and had been placed in a lower 
category than Class ''A," to be utilized in operating 
a Corps R.E. Park and Workshops. An A.T. Com- 
pany was therefore relieved for more forward work. 
This unit performed a great deal of very useful work 
and completely justified its organization. Its provi- 
sional establishment was two officers and 123 other 

The C.E. Motor Transport Company operated di- 
rectly under the orders of the Chief Engineer, but was 
administered by the S.M.T.O. Canadian Corps. 

6. Signal Service 

The Canadian Signal Service in France was admin- 
istered by the Chief Signal Officer, Canadian Corps, 
viz. Lieut.-Colonel E. Forde, D.S.O. This officer was 
technical adviser to the Corps Commander on all 
questions of intercommunication and was responsible 
for the organization and efficiency of the signal com- 
munications in the corps area. This included the co- 
ordination of the corps, divisional, and artillery com- 
munications and of the personnel employed therein. 
The Canadian Signal Service consisted of: — 
One Corps Signal Company with nineteen officers 

and 516 other ranks. 
Four Divisional Signal Companies, each of thirteen 

officers and 288 other ranks. 
5th Divisional Artillery Signals, four officers and 

fifty-eight other ranks. 
8th Army Brigade C.F.A. Signals, one officer and 
twenty-one other ranks. 


The Corps Signal Company was responsible for the 
communication with flanking corps, divisions, heavy 
artillery, the Royal Air Force, and all special units 
with the corps. It included the headquarters, one 
wireless, two motor airline, and four cable sections; 
also signal sub-sections for the heavy artillery. 

The Divisional Signal Company was responsible for 
communications to the flanking divisions and all com- 
munications to, and with, the artillery and infantry- 
brigades, and other units in the Divisional area. 
These companies included a headquarters section, 
Motor Cycle section. Despatch Rider Letter Service 
section, wireless section, and two cable sections, in 
addition to the signal sections for the Divisional Artil- 

The Signal Services found that their equipment was 
inadequate to meet the demands of modern conditions 
of warfare. This was more especially so owing to the 
extra strength of the Canadian Corps. A complete re- 
organization of the whole system was recommended 
on March 10th, 1918, but did not meet with the ap- 
proval of General Headquarters. Further proposals 
were forwarded, but these did not receive the final 
approval of General Headquarters before the cessa- 
tion of hostilities. 

All the engineers were trained in England and on 
the reorganization of the Engineer Services a large 
C.E. Training Depot was formed to meet the increased 
demand for officers and men. Specially selected offi- 
cers and N.C.O.'s, with front-line experience, were 
sent over from France to act as instructors. 

Reinforcements were despatched on demand to the 
Canadian Corps Reinforcement Camp in France and 
allotted to the Signal Reinforcement Wing or Engi- 
neer Reinforcement Wing, where training was con- 
tinued until they were despatched to meet the de- 
mands of units in the field. 



B.E.F. (France) 









1. In Canada 

WITHOUT attempting, or even wishing to at- 
tempt, any comparison of the respective 
merits of the different arms of the Cana- 
dian Expeditionary Force, this much should at least 
be said, that nowhere was found more devoted and un- 
selfish service, more cheerful or grim persistency, 
more genuine heroism under conditions that burned 
down to a man's very soul, than in the Canadian 
Army Medical Corps. This is an attempt to tell, how- 
ever imperfectly and inadequately, the story of the 
Medical Corps in the Great World War : what it was, 
how it was organized, where it served, and what it 

To get this story in proper perspective, one must go 
back a few years and run over very briefly the earlier 
history of the corps. In the early Colonial days the 
service was represented only by medical officers at- 
tached to each militia regiment, whose duties were 
rather ornamental than useful. There was no army 
medical organization before Confederation, or for 
many years thereafter. It was not, indeed, until 1885, 
when a field force had to be hurriedly got together to 
dispose of Louis Riel and his rebel followers in the 
North- West, that something in the nature of a Cana- 
dian army medical service was organized. Dr. D. Ber- 
gin, of Cornwall, Ontario, was appointed Surgeon-Gen- 
eral with headquarters at Ottawa. Dr. Thomas Rod- 
dick, of Montreal, accompanied the expedition as Dep- 



uty Surgeon-General, and had with him Surgeon-Major 
Douglas, V.C., of Halifax, as Director of Ambulance 
Corps, Dr. M. Sullivan, of Queen's University, as Pur- 
veyor-General, and Dr. James Bell, as surgeon in 
charge of the Field Hospital attached to General Mid- 
dleton's division. Dr. Bell had under his direction six 
assistant surgeons, and these officers, with the medical 
officers attached to each regiment, and a number of 
medical students who volunteered as hospital dressers, 
constituted the medical force. Their work was light, 
as there were comparatively few casualties, either 
from wounds or sickness. 

It cannot be said, however, that the C.A.M.C. as an 
organization dates from the Rebellion of 1885, as, 
although Dr. Bergin retained his rank as Surgeon- 
General, and Dr. G. A. S. Ryerson, of Toronto, and 
Dr. Tobin, of Halifax, in addition to Dr. Roddick, 
were appointed Deputy Surgeons-General, they were 
given no opportunity of building up a medical service 
in connection with the militia. It was not, in fact, 
until 1896, when Dr. (afterwards Sir Frederick) Bor- 
den, became Minister of Militia, that active steps were 
taken to create at -least the nucleus of a Canadian 
Army Medical Corps. Dr. Borden was not only a 
keen and far-sighted militiaman, but he had been Med- 
ical Officer of one of the regiments in Nova Scotia, 
and one of his first steps after taking charge of his 
department was to put the militia of Canada on a 
more efficient basis, and incidentally to lay the foun- 
dation for a medical service. He was fortunate in 
securing as Director-General of Medical Services, 
Colonel Hubert Neilson, who had seen active service 
in the Russo-Turkish War of 1878 and in the Soudan 
Campaign of 1884-85, and had also made a careful 
study of army medical organization in Europe and the 
United States. It was decided that tlie new organiza- 
tion of the Royal Army Medical Service should be 
adopted as the model for the Canadian Corps, and 


Colonel Neilson and several other medical officers pro- 
ceeded to Aldershot to thoroughly familiarize them- 
selves with the system. 

With the appointment of Colonel Neilson as 
D.G.M.S. things began to move, although necessarily 
slowly, as it meant building up a medical service from 
practically nothing. By Order-in- Council, in the au- 
tumn of 1899, authority was granted for the forma- 
tion of a Canadian Army Medical Corps to consist of 
six bearer companies and six field hospitals. The 
regimental officers were formed into a Regimental 
Medical Service, and the Order-in-Council linked the 
two services, or rather two branches of the same serv- 
ice, together, and set forth how they were to be ad- 
ministered in case of mobilization. Provision was 
also made for the instruction of regimental officers, 
as well as for their rank, promotion, and seniority. 
This applied also to officers appointed to the new 
Army Medical Corps. 

While the organization of the Canadian Army Medi- 
cal Corps thus practically coincided with the out- 
break of the Boer War, the work was not sufficiently 
advanced to send a medical unit with the First Con- 
tingent to South Africa. That contingent was, in fact, 
a very small affair compared with the First Contin- 
gent that crossed the Atlantic fifteen years later. It 
consisted of a single battalion, and took with it the 
Regimental Medical Officers. It did, however, em- 
brace a Bearer Section, recruited from the Halifax 
Bearer Company, the first of its kind in Canada. This 
company had been organized some time before by 
Lieutenant G. Carleton Jones, under an agreement 
with the Imperial authorities by which the Dominion 
supplied the medical personnel for the Halifax garri- 
son. Lieutenant Jones, it may be noted, served with 
distinction in South Africa, with the rank of major, 
and in 1914 went overseas as Director of Medical 
Services of the Canadian Expeditionary Force. 


Early in 1902 the first Canadian medical unit, the 
10th Canadian Field Hospital, left Halifax for South 
Africa, under the command of Colonel A. N. Worth- 
ington. The equipment included the Hubert tent, be- 
lieved to be an improvement on the British hospital 
tent, and several other Canadian innovations, includ- 
ing a mobile acetylene gas plant. The 10th Canadian 
Field Hospital did good service in the Transvaal, as 
a stationary hospital, and a detachment went through 
the Battle of Hart's River, vnth Cookson's column. 
Of the three Regimental Medical Officers who accom- 
panied the First Contingent to South Africa, Captain 
Eugene Fiset particularly distinguished himself, win- 
ning the D.S.O. at Paardeburg. He became Deputy 
Minister of Militia and Defence in 1906, was appointed 
Surgeon-General in 1914, and knighted in 1917. An- 
other Regimental Medical Officer who did exception- 
ally good work in South Africa was Major (afterwards 
Lieut. -Colonel) Keenan, of the Strathcona's Horse, who 
won the D.S.O. in the late war. He went overseas in 
1914 as M.O. to the P.P.C.L.L, and was afterwards 
Senior Surgical Officer to No. 2 Canadian General 
Hospital in France.' 

As a result of experience gained in the South Afri- 
can War, a number of changes were made in the or- 
ganization of the C.A.M.C, notably the creation of 
Principal Medical Officers, to serve as intermediate 
links in the chain of responsibility between Head- 
quarters and the local medical units. Following the 
lead of the Imperial authorities, Canada also decided 
to combine the Bearer Company and Field Hospital 
into a single unit, the Field Ambulance. The object 
of this consolidation was "to attain increased mobility 
at the front, and more particularly to combine under 
one command the two intimately related functions of 
collecting the wounded and affording immediate but 
temporary care of the same." The Bearer Companies 
had been associated with the city corps, and the Field 


Hospitals with rural corps. The introduction of the 
Field Ambulance into the Canadian service was ac- 
complished, not by combining these urban and rural 
units, but by expanding each into the larger form. 
Another feature, and one that differentiated the Cana- 
dian from the Imperial system, was the provision of 
skeleton rather than full establishments. Where the 
British Field Ambulance consisted of ten officers and 
241 other ranks, divided into three sections, the Cana- 
dian unit consisted of the same number of officers and 
non-commissioned officers, but only seventy-five other 
ranks, divided among one full section and two skeleton 
sections, the latter to be brought up to strength on 
mobilization. It is claimed for this system that, with- 
out putting an undue burden upon the country, it 
offered a means of drawing competent civil practi- 
tioners into the service. 

No more momentous step forward in the develop- 
ment of the C.A.M.C. was taken, however, between the 
close of the South African War and the opening of the 
European War, than in the intelligent recognition of 
the supreme importance of sanitation. As Colonel 
Adami says, in his War Story of the Canadian Army 
Medical Corps, "it is no exaggeration to declare that 
the main advance in the Canadian Militia . . . was in 
the steadily increasing realization that where men are 
massed together their welfare and their effectiveness 
centre around the preservation of their health, and 
that sanitation is a matter that concerns all." It took 
some time, nevertheless, to convince many of the more 
conservative Commanding Officers that sanitation was 
a matter too vitally linked with the health of their 
men to leave to the Quartermaster of the battalion, 
and that it was one in which the Medical Officer should 
have a governing voice. The tremendous improve- 
ment in this respect is illustrated in a comparison of 
the relative casualties from wounds and from disease 
in the South African War and in the European War; 


and the result is still more striking if the comparison 
is carried back to, say, the Crimean War. Much of 
the success of the movement for improved methods of 
sanitation in the army, so far as Canada was con- 
cerned, was due to the recognition of the fact that it 
depended upon the effective combination of knowledge 
and authority. It was largely a matter of discipline, 
intelligently applied. The Medical Officer had the 
knowledge of how that discipline should be applied so 
as to safeguard the health af the battalion. The 
Commanding Officer had the authority to enforce it. 
Therefore, the actual responsibility for effective sani- 
tation was laid upon the latter, and to protect himself 
he was compelled to follow the advice of his Medical 

In 1907 the Association of Medical Officers of the 
Militia was organized, as a means of bringing to- 
gether the medical officers of the permanent force and 
the militia, and creating an esprit de corps. This 
association met annually, and proved helpful in a 
variety of ways. In 1911, for the first time, the Army 
Medical Corps held its own camp, medical units from 
the different districts being brought together at Lon- 
don, Ontario, for sixteen days' training. An ambi- 
tious programme was worked out, ranging from the 
work of the M.O. with his battalion under service 
conditions, up through field ambulance work with the 
brigade, to divisional co-operation of field ambulance 
and casualty clearing station. The London camp also 
ftfforded an opportunity of testing the details of the 
new Manual of Establishment and Equipment of the 
Army^ Medical Corps, Canada, which covered both war 
and peace conditions. 

In these and other ways the members of the 
C.A.M.C. were deliberately preparing themselves for 
any possible emergency, and actually preparing them- 
selves for the Great Emergency that faced them in 
1914. For some years prior to the outbreak of the 


war the D.G.M.S. had conducted a course at Ottawa 
every winter, in which the medical history of one or 
other of the great campaigns had been carefully 
studied, and laboratory training given in sanitation 
and bacteriology. This course was for the principal 
medical officers, and these in turn instructed the regi- 
mental medical officers in their respective divisions. 
As a result of all this preparatory work, the D.G.M.S. 
was able to call to the Service in 1914, ''not an un- 
trained herd of general practitioners, but a group of 
officers keenly interested in their work, familiar with 
the problems and difficulties of the Service, and, what is 
more, familiar with the forms and administrative pro- 
cedure of the Army Medical Corps." 

This brief sketch of the history of the C.A.M.C. pre- 
vious to the declaration of war in 1914 would be in- 
complete without some reference to the nursing serv- 
ice. Unlike the British and other armies, the Army 
Nursing Sisters of Canada had a definite status, and 
formed a part of the C.A.M.C. And this was provided 
for as long ago as 1906. Regulations were laid down 
as to the qualifications and training, and the fully 
qualified sister was given the relative rank of lieuten- 
ant. A certain amount of captious criticism was 
aroused by this granting of military rank to Army 
Nursing Sisters, but, even if the criticism had any 
reasonable basis, it must long since have been over- 
borne by the splendid record of the sisters, both in 
South Africa and in the Great World War. Canadian 
nurses had made an enviable name for themselves in 
civil work. To a much greater extent in Canada than 
in other countries, nursing had come to be regarded 
as the profession for young women of birth and edu-' 
cation who had too much independence of character 
and self-respect to waste their lives in the social 
merry-go-round. Canadian nurses were eagerly 
sought after in the larger hospitals of the United 
States, and many of them rose to be matrons of the 


institutions. And the mental and moral fibre, as well 
as the physical stamina, which made them a conspicu- 
ous success in civil life, carried them with even more 
conspicuous success through the almost unbearable 
hardships of war. 

This brings us down to the assembly of the First 
Contingent at Valcartier, the mobilization among 
other units of various Field Ambulances, and the san- 
itary arrangements at Valcartier. No. 7 and No. 9 
Field Ambulances were called out two days after the 
declaration of war by Great Britain, for temporary 
service at Quebec and Valcartier. A few days later 
No. 1 Clearing Hospital and No. 18 Field Ambulance 
were also mobilized. This was before the general 
Mobilization Order of August 17th calling for the 
formation of a Canadian Expeditionary Force, 

For various reasons it was found convenient to 
mobilize the Field Ambulances in various centres. No. 
1, drawn from units in the Maritime Provinces, Que- 
bec, and Eastern Ontario, was mobilized at Valcartier ; 
No. 2, drawn from Ontario units west of Kingston, 
was mobilized at Toronto; and No. 3, covering West- 
ern Canada, was mobilized at Winnipeg. Nos. 2 and 
3 proceeded to Valcartier as complete units with 
stores and equipment. Lines of Communication units 
included No. 1 Canadian Casualty Clearing Station, 
created by amalgamating No. 1 Clearing Hospital 
from Toronto and No. 2 Clearing Hospital from Liver- 
pool, N.S. ; Nos. 1 and 2 General Hospitals and Nos. 1 
and 2 Stationary Hospitals recruited from various 
medical units. Of the two Field Ambulances first 
called out for temporary service. No. 7 volunteered 
for overseas service, and No. 9 was returned to its 
base. The Medical Service at Valcartier was placed 
under the command of Lieut.-Colonel H. R. Duff. 
Lieut.-Colonel Duff ^ suffered ah injury and was suc- 

1 Lieut.-Colonel DufF died in Egypt while serving with Queen's 
University Hospital. 


ceeded by Lieut.-Colonel J. W. Bridges, A.D.M.S. 
The important and arduous work of examining and 
filling out medical papers for some thirty-two thou- 
sand volunteers was entrusted to Lieut.-Colonel A. T. 
Shillington, assisted by a staff of thirty officers and 
a hundred clerical orderlies. The equally important 
work of vaccination and inoculation was under the 
control of Lieut.-Colonel Hodgetts, with the assistance 
of some ten officers and twenty other ranks. The san- 
itary arrangements at Valcartier, and particularly the 
securing of an ample and safe supply of drinking 
water, were carried through with conspicuous success 
under the direction of Lieut.-Colonel G. G. Nasmith, 
in charge of the Hydrological Service. 

This was substantially the situation up to the time 
the First Contingent sailed for England. Before fol- 
lowing the C.A.M.C. overseas it may be convenient to 
note here certain charges and recommendations made 
at a later date in connection with the work of that 
portion of the Medical Corps which remained on duty 
in Canada. One of the serious charges made in the 
Report of Colonel Bruce — which will be dealt with as 
a whole when we come to consider the work of the 
corps in England — was that many soldiers were ar- 
riving in England from Canada medically unfit, who 
should never have been enlisted. This applied espe- 
cially to battalions and drafts which arrived from Can- 
ada in the second year of the war; the Canadian Pio- 
neer draft, for instance, which arrived in the Shorn- 
cliffe area in June, 1916, being found to have twenty- 
two per cent, of unfits. 

The Babtie Board, which passed upon Colonel 
Bruce 's Report, agreed with his conclusion that large 
numbers of soldiers had been sent over from Canada 
who were unfit for service at the front. The Board 
was of the opinion that this was partly due to in- 
experience on the part of examining medical officers, 
partly to hurry, partly to carelessness, and lastly, in 


some instances, to the opinion of the examining medi- 
cal officer being over-ridden or ignored by commanding 
officers. It agreed with Colonel Bruce that the remedy- 
lay in a more stringent examination and better organi- 
zation of recruiting methods in Canada. The Board, 
however, declined to place upon the Director of Medi- 
cal Services the blame for a condition of affairs which, 
according to Colonel Bruce, was responsible for the 
presence in England of thousands of unfits, represent- 
ing a useless expenditure of millions of dollars, and 
enormous wasted effort. 

Among Colonel Bruce's recommendations for the 
betterment of the service were several that affected 
conditions in Canada. He recommended that the med- 
ical arrangements in Canada, England, and overseas 
be co-ordinated, so that the special qualifications of 
each medical officer be used to the best advantage. 
That as soon as suitable accommodation could be pro- 
vided in Canada, soldiers who were obviously incapaci- 
tated from any further active service be returned to 
Canada when they were fit to travel without detriment 
to their health, their further medical treatment and 
necessary re-education to be carried out in Canada. 
That immediate steps be taken to provide hospitals 
of one thousand beds in Halifax, Montreal, Toronto, 
Winnipeg, and Vancouver, together with a smaller one 
in Ottawa, and that these have suitable accommoda- 
tion for a limited number of officers. That a certain 
number of Canadian medical officers, who had had 
experience at the front, be detailed for duty in Canada 
to assist in the organization of these hospitals. That 
all ranks, before leaving Canada, be examined by an 
independent Medical Board, to ensure the weeding out 
of unfits, and that a sufficient number of boards for 
this purpose be established throughout Canada, to be 
undei the direction and control of the A.D.M.S. Em- 
barkation. That in future no medical units be or- 
ganized in Canada for overseas duty. That there be 



established in Canada a sufficient number of well 
equipped C.A.M.C. depots for thoroughly training the 
personnel. The then Director of Canadian Medical 
Services in England concurred in all these recom- 
mendations. Some of them were subsequently carried 
out. Others were, apparently, not thought necessary 
or desirable. 

2. In England 

The Canadian Army Medical Corps did not have to 
wait for its arrival in France to be of service to the 
combatant troops. It had already done good work at 
Valcartier, and it found much more to do on Salisbury 
Plain. Conditions were exceptional. The winter of 
1914-15, so far as Salisbury Plain was concerned, was 
one of the worst on record. The rainfall for Decem- 
ber was the highest in fifty years. The Canadian 
camp remained for weeks at a time an almost impass- 
able quagmire. Nothing could very well exceed the 
discomfort. The men were all under canvas. It was 
impossible to keep dry — almost impossible to get 
even temporarily dry. The Expeditionary Force lived 
in an atmosphere of liquid mud. Their tents were 
islands in a sea of mud, and the islands themselves 
were saturated with mud ; so were the inhabitants ; so 
were their arms and accoutrements and clothing; it 
even lent a wholly unacceptable flavour to their food 
and tobacco. 

And yet the men not only managed to keep cheerful, 
but the average health of the troops remained remark- 
ably good, as long as they were kept under canvas. 
Trouble dated from the time when, owing to the in- 
creasing cold, they were removed from the tents to 
hutments, where the inevitable overcrowding and lack 
of adequate ventilation brought about an equally in- 
evitable outbreak of influenza and throat troubles. 
This furnished plenty of work for No. 1 Canadian 


General Hospital, which had established its headquar- 
ters in Bulford Manor, and soon found it necessary to 
draw reinforcements from No. 2 General Hospital. 
The remainder of the latter, with the exception of a 
few officers and other ranks who maintained a small 
hospital at Lavington on the western side of Salisbury 
Plain, proceeded to France, where they were tempo- 
rarily employed in Imperial hospitals until the entire 
unit could be established on that side of the Chan- 

Meantime No. 1 C.G.H. had its hands full. Some 
neighbouring cottages were taken over, and tents 
erected on the Bulford cricket ground. Later it be- 
came necessary to move the main hospital to the Cav- 
alry School at Netheravon. At Christmas the number 
of patients was over a thousand. About the beginning 
of February it had increased to twelve hundred. Al- 
together No. 1 C.G.H. received and treated 3,993 pa- 
tients, of whom 1,249 were venereal cases and forty- 
six cerebro-spinal fever. The total deaths amounted 
to sixty-nine, of which one-third were due to cerebro- 
spinal fever. When the main hospital was moved to 
the Cavalry School, Bulford Manor was retained for 
venereal cases, and one of the larger cottages became 
an isolation hospital for cerebro-spinal fever patients. 
Early in December, Figheldean House had been se- 
cured as an auxiliary hospital. The three ambulances 
were kept constantly employed in the work of carry- 
ing patients to and from the hospitals, and their work 
was made peculiarly arduous by reason of the state of 
the roads and the large area over which Canadian 
troops were scattered. It finally became necessary to 
enlist -the co-operation of the Divisional Ammunition 
Park at Netheravon, which furnished motor transport 
as temporary ambulances. 

Because of the publicity given at the time to the out- 
break of cerebro-spinal fever at Salisbury Plain, and 
the criticism in Canada and elsewhere directed against 


the military authorities, including those of the 
C.A.M.C., it is important to summarize briefly what 
Colonel Adami has to say on the subject in his War 
Story of the Canadian Army Medical Corps. Al- 
though the impression had been spread abroad that 
there was a grave epidemic of meningitis on Salisbury 
Plain, the fact was that, out of the thirty-three thou- 
sand men of the First Contingent, only thirty-nine 
developed the disease, though twenty-eight of these 
were fatal cases. Some sporadic cases occurred in 
England after the 1st Division left for France, among 
men at the Training Depot, bringing the total up to 
fifty cases, with thirty-six deaths. 

Cerebro-spinal meningitis appears in an epidemic 
form at irregular intervals. It usually carries off 
large numbers of young children, with occasional 
adults. The disease has broken out among the sol- 
diers in every modern war, and epidemics are fre- 
quently recorded in barracks in times of peace. As a 
matter of fact, cases were reported from several parts 
of Canada in the autumn of 1914. Four cases were 
found at Valcartier in September, and, despite the 
utmost care in isolating those who had come in contact 
with the patients, three cases developed on the convoy. 
After the arrival on Salisbury Plain, seven cases were 
reported up to November 24th, scattered through the 
different battalions, but from that time up to nearly 
the middle of December not a single case was re- 
ported, owing, it is thought, to the open life in the air 
and sleeping in tents. With the removal to huts, the 
disease broke out again. There were fourteen cases 
in the latter half of December, ten of which proved 
fatal. Early in January a fully-equipped laboratory 
was established, and a thorough bacteriological study 
was made of the cases. 

The principal difficulty was found with *' carriers," 
men who, while not suffering from the disease, carried 
the dangerous germs in their system, and might read- 


ily convey the disease to others. In spite of the diffi- 
culty in discovering these carriers, and other difficulties 
incident to handling a large number of men in camp 
under peculiarly unfavourable climatic conditions, the 
outbreak of meningitis was kept well under control. 
The thirty-nine cases were scattered among eighteen 
different units, the highest number being six in the 
17th Battalion. The precautions taken were so com- 
plete that nothing approaching an epidemic was al- 
lowed to develop in the camp. 

Colonel Adami completely disposes of the idea, 
somewhat prevalent at the time, that the Canadian 
Contingent had introduced the disease into England, 
and particularly into the Imperial army. He shows 
that there had been repeated outbreaks of the disease 
in different parts of the British Isles between 1906 
and 1914, more than a dozen cases having been re- 
ported in the month before the contingent arrived in 
England, and the first cases developing on Salisbury 
Plain coinciding in point of time with the cases found 
among the Imperial troops. ''There is," he says, 
"absolutely no evidence that the Canadian troops are 
responsible for the spread of the disease in the East- 
ern Command and el'sewhere in England. The fact is 
that when the disease is already present in a country 
and the weather is raw and damp, there is certain to 
be an outbreak among the troops unless those precau- 
tions be taken which the experience of the last four 
years has shown to be effective." 

One other point should be noted here, as to which 
criticism was directed against the Canadian Army 
Medical Corps, and that is as to venereal disease 
having been scandalously prevalent in the Canadian 
Expeditionary Force, as has been repeatedly alleged 
by well-meaning but ill-informed zealots. The evi- 
dence shows conclusively that the percentage was 
never at any time as high as that found in the average 
city. And it may be added that, after the Canadian 


army took the field, venereal disease was almost 

Before taking up some other matters connected with 
the service of the Canadian Army Medical Corps in 
England, it may be well to note here that No. 2 Sta- 
tionary Hospital had the honour of being the first 
Canadian unit to land in France. It left Salisbury 
Plain on November 6th, 1914, after having been in- 
spected by His Majesty, and crossed the Channel to 
Havre. At Le Touquet, near Paris Plage, on the 
French coast, it became the first of a series of Cana- 
dian base hospitals. No. 1 Stationary Hospital had at 
first been assigned to duty as a base hospital near Lon- 
don, but the plans were changed, and in February, 1915, 
it followed No. 2 to France, and began operations at 
Honeault Camp, Wimereux. Early in August it was 
sent to the island of Lemnos, in connection with the 
Gallipoli campaign. 

No. 1 Casualty Clearing Station, after laying the 
foundation of what afterward became the Duchess of 
Connaught's Canadian Red Cross Hospital at Clive- 
den, crossed the Channel in March, and settled down 
in Fort Gassion, Aire. No. 1 Canadian General Hos- 
pital remained on Salisbury Plain after the First 
Contingent crossed over to France in February, until 
the last of its patients could be evacuated. In May it 
reached its final destination near Etaples, and began 
work under canvas. No. 2 Canadian General Hospital, 
which, as already noted, had been temporarily broken 
up, was finally reassembled in March, and established 
at Le Treport, at the mouth of the Bresle. The Field 
Ambulances of course went to the front with the 1st 

It will not be necessary at this stage to say anything 
about the various units of the C.A.M.C. that were sub- 
sequently sent to France. It may, however, be con- 
venient to note that the units in England ultimately 
included ten general hospitals, seven special hospitals, 


eight convalescent hospitals, one laboratory, four sani- 
tary sections, a depot of medical stores, and two hos- 
pital ships. The total personnel was 8,376, made up of 
770 medical officers, 1,094 nursing sisters, and 6,512 
other ranks. 

It now becomes necessary to refer to a matter 
that unfortunately became the subject of bitter 
controversy. Not many months after the First 
Contingent reached the battle line, the organiza- 
tion and administration of the Canadian Army 
Medical Service began to be subjected to severe criti- 
cism. Finally, in the spring of 1916, the Govern- 
ment of Canada appointed Colonel Herbert A. Bruce, 
a well-lmown Toronto surgeon, as Special Inspector 
General of the C.A.M.C., with instructions to proceed 
to England, investigate the administration of the 
corps, and make a full report to the Government. 
With the assistance of a committee of officers, selected 
by himself, he made a thorough investigation of the 
Canadian hospitals and Medical Service in England, 
and submitted a confidential report to the Minister of 
Militia, in September of the same year. This report, 
with a memorandum in reply by Surgeon-General 
Jones, then Director of Medical Services in London, 
was referred to the Acting Sub-Militia Council for 
Overseas Canadians, in London, and the council unani- 
mously approved of Colonel Bruce 's report and rec- 
ommendations, and advised that the necessary re- 
organization of the Medical Service should be pro- 
ceeded with. In October, the Minister of Militia sent 
instructions that the reorganization was to be carried 
out, under the direction of Colonel Bruce. The work 
was x^roceeded with until November, when the resig- 
nation of Sir Sam Hughes as Minister of Militia, and 
the appointment of an Overseas Minister for the Mili- 
tary Forces of Canada, changed the current of events. 
About the middle of that month, a Board of Inquiry 
was appointed to consider and report upon Colonel 


Bruce 's Report. This board, under the presidency of 
Surgeon-General Sir William Babtie, submitted its 
report about the end of the year, and, on December 
30th, the Overseas Minister relieved Colonel Bruce of 
his office as Inspector-General of Medical Services. 

These, in very brief outline, are the surface facts. 
It remains to consider what the defects were that 
Colonel Bruce found in the organization and adminis- 
tration of the Canadian Army Medical Corps, and 
how he proposed to remedy them ; what were the views 
of the Director of Medical Services in the matter; 
and what the Babtie Board thought of the Bruce Re- 
port and its recommendations. Of the political and the 
personal sides of the famous controversy nothing need 
be said here, as it is not believed that it would serve 
any useful purpose. Colonel Bruce is evidently con- 
vinced that both he and the officers associated with 
him on the committee of investigation were made the 
objects of bitter and unrelenting persecution by the 
Overseas administration. So far as Colonel Bruce 's 
side of the question is concerned, the reader is re- 
ferred to his book. Politics and the Canadian Army 
Medical Corps. There may be another side, but if so 
it has not yet been made public. 

In justice to Colonel Bruce, prominence should be 
given at the outset to his statement as to his attitude 
toward the Medical Service, as it has on more than 
one occasion been represented that his Report consti- 
tuted an attack on the character and efficiency of the 
individual members of the Canadian Army Medical 
Corps. This charge Colonel Bruce emphatically de- 
nies. "Neither in my original Report," he says, ''nor 
in this volume, have I criticized the medical men 
carrying on their professional duties in the Canadian 
Army. My exposure was of the administration of the 
service, and of the misuse of its personnel. In my own 
experience of three years I have never failed to ex- 
press my unbounded admiration and respect for these 


men, for the sacrifice they made and for their effi- 
ciency in the various Canadian medical units in 
France and England. Nor can the praise of the in- 
formed and discerning be withheld from those mem- 
bers of the medical profession who carried on so ably 
and so uncomplainingly at home. 

"To the medical officers serving with battalions I 
have paid special tribute for their admirable work un- 
der the greatest difficulties and hazards, and with un- 
failing cheerfulness, and sympathetic helpfulness, that 
gave moral support to the men. Their personal ex- 
hibitions of courage were only second to those of the 
stretcher-bearers, who displayed a heroism beyond all 
praise. To the medical officers working in the field 
ambulances, casualty clearing stations, and hospitals 
in France and England, I have also paid homage for 
their splendid devotion to duty. Indeed I have on 
many occasions remarked the unusually high standard 
of professional qualifications and aptitude existing in 
the Medical Service, the general competence and zeal 
of the nursing staff, and the fine spirit in which all 
'carried on,' often under adverse and trying condi- 

It is clear, then, that Colonel B race's criticisms 
were directed, not against the individual members of 
the Medical Service, but against the system under 
which that service was administered. With this 
thought in mind, let us see what the points were that 
he believed to be open to criticism, and how he pro- 
posed to remedy the evil. It may be convenient to 
note at the same time the views of Surgeon-General 
Carleton Jones, then Director of Medical Services in 
London, and of the Babtie Board of Inquiry. 

One tiling emerges quite definitely from a careful 
reading of these documents, and that is that the par- 
ticular point around which the controversy raged most 
fiercely was the desirability or otherwise of concentrat- 
ing wounded Canadians in Canadian hospitals. To this 


point Colonel Bruce gives much more space than to 
any other. It is also made the principal feature of the 
Report of the Board of Inquiry. It is the subject- 
matter of much ofl&cial and semi-official correspond- 
ence. And it is common knowledge that it gave rise 
to more acrimonious discussion, both in England and 
Canada, than any other point in Colonel Bruce 's Re- 

This was the situation: Canadian casualties arriv- 
ing from the front were sent indiscriminately to a 
hospital in England, Scotland, Wales, or Ireland. It 
was found that they were accommodated in no less 
than eight hundred different hospitals. Colonel Bruce 
recommended that this practice should be discontinued 
and that Canadian patients should be directed to Ca- 
nadian hospitals, concentrated within a restricted area 
near the eastern coast. He reported that the adoption 
of this policy would avoid needless delay in the trans- 
fer of patients to convalescent hospitals, would be 
more economical, and would be much more satisfac- 
tory to Canadian wounded soldiers. He says that for 
a time in 1915, under an agreement with the War 
Office, Canadian patients were sent to the Queen's 
Canadian Military Hospital at Beachborough Park 
and to the Duchess of Connaught's Hospital at Clive- 
den, Surgeon-General Jones having expressed the 
opinion that "it is conducive to the patients' well- 
being and comfort to be under our own administrative 
control," but that in March, 1916, the Director of 
Medical Services countermanded the previous request 
to the War Office and stated that '4t is not now con- 
sidered necessary, from a Canadian point of view, to 
make any special arrangements at Southampton for 
the collection of Canadian patients," 

The Babtie Board in its Report deals at length with 
this matter, and while admitting that there is much to 
be said on both sides, concludes that the policy of se- 
gregation would not only be unwise but impracticable, 


having regard to the amount of accommodation that 
would be required owing to the increase of Canadian 
troops in Europe. The Board takes strong exception 
to what it considers to be the dominant idea of the 
Bruce Report, that the Canadian Expeditionary Force 
was something separate and apart from the Imperial 
army, and feels that to separate on their return to 
England men who had fought side by side, must tend 
to undo the bond of brotherhood sealed in the face of 
the enemy. 

After reading all that has been said on both sides 
of this rather unfortunate controversy, one cannot 
help feeling that it was more or less of a tempest in 
a teapot. In the midst of the greatest and most mo- 
mentous war the world has seen, when not merely 
the lives of individuals, but those of nations and em- 
pires, and even civilization itself, were at stake, the 
controversy seems altogether trivial. The demand 
for segregation is too suggestive, in its provincial out- 
look, of a popular election cry — Canada for the Ca- 
nadians. It seems all the more regrettable that, in a 
report that contained many really serious charges of 
inefficiency, and many admirable recommendations for 
the improvement of the Canadian Army Medical 
Corps, so much prominence should have been given to 
the least important factor. 

What these other charges and recommendations 
were will be stated as briefly as possible. Colonel 
Bruce found that the treatment of Canadian sick and 
wounded soldiers had not been such as to ensure 
either the earliest possible return of convalescents to 
the fighting unit or base duty, or the prompt discharge 
from the service of the medically unfit. There was no 
Consulting Surgeon, although the necessity for such 
an appointment was urgent. There was no adequate 
inspection of hospital cases. The V.A.D. hospitals 
were inefficient, expensive, and unsatisfactory. The 
system of dual control in Red Cross hospitals was un- 


desirable. The administration of the Shorncliffe Mili- 
tary Hospital was very expensive and unsatisfactory. 
The special hospitals at Ramsgate and Buxton should 
never have been established, as most of the cases 
treated there could be better and more cheaply treated 
in Canada. The system of handling Canadian vene- 
real cases was strongly condemned. No adequate pro- 
vision had been made for Medical Boards to regulate 
the classification of casualties when convalescent. 
Satisfactory records regarding individual casualties 
were not available. The exceedingly important ques- 
tion of pensions, involving the expenditure of large 
sums of money by Canada, had been neglected, so far 
as the C.A.M.C. was concerned. There was a lack of 
co-ordination in the Canadian Medical Service be- 
tween Canada, England, and the Front. Canadian 
Army Medical Corps personnel was not being used to 
the best advantage. The policy of the Director of 
Medical Services had been opposed to the use of ex- 
perienced medical and surgical consulting specialists. 
The C.A.M.C. Training School had never been prop- 
erly organized, although of the greatest importance 
to the Medical Service. The policy in connection with 
promotion was unfair and occasioned discontent in the 
service. Sufficient attention had not been paid to 
economy of management. 

Such of Colonel Bruce 's recommendations as af- 
fected the service in Canada have already been noted 
in the first part of this article. Of the others, his most 
sweeping suggestion was that the Canadian Medical 
Service be reorganized from top to bottom. He also 
recommended that Canadian casualties be, as far as 
possible, treated in Canadian hospitals, on the princi- 
ple that the first duty of the Canadian Army Medical 
Corps was to the Canadian sick and wounded; that 
there should be a concentration of Canadian hospitals, 
and that the use of Voluntary Aid hospitals for Cana- 
dians should be discontinued ; and finally that the joint 


operation of hospitals with the Red Cross be discon- 
tinued. The proposed reorganization would of course 
dispose of the other points to which Colonel Bruce 
takes exception, in connection with the administration 
of the C.A.M.C. 

As already mentioned, Surgeon-General Jones in 
his Reply concurred in most of the recommendations, 
and so did the Sub-Militia Council. The Babtie Board 
at once took issue with Colonel Bruce as to the neces- 
sity of a complete reorganization of the Canadian 
Army Medical Corps. In its opinion the reforms he 
suggested would not remedy the defects he had 
pointed out, which were not due to the system but to 
inexperience on the part of officers, military and medi- 
cal, and to faults in administration which could be 
otherwise remedied. As indicated in this general 
statement, the Board admitted the existence of many 
of the imperfections in the system which Colonel 
Bruce had exposed, but disagreed in whole or in part 
with nearly all his proposed remedies. 

Particular exception was taken to Colonel Brace's 
criticism of the Voluntary Aid hospitals. ''These 
hospitals," says the Board, "are the outcome of a 
mobilization of the medical resources of the United 
Kingdom, and in them Canadian soldiers are not only 
well cared for professionally, but are comfortable, 
happy and at home. The Board desires to emphasize 
its dissent from the criticism of these institutions, 
which it believes to be unjust and undeserved." 

In August, 1917, the Director of Medical Services 
submitted a report on the various reforms that had 
been instituted up to that time in the administration 
of the C.A.M.C. This is an exceedingly interesting 
document, and it is only just to Colonel Bruce to say 
that it clearly establishes the justice of most of his 
charges against the system as he found it in 1916. As 
Colonel Bruce points out in his book, "23 out of the 28 
improvements stated by the Director of Medical Serv- 


ices to have been effected in the service, were due to 
the adoption of recommendations in my Report, or the 
continuation of reforms instituted during my term of 
office as Inspector-General while reorganizing the 
service. ' ' 

3. At the Front 

In the two preceding parts of this article, the at- 
tempt has been made to describe the work of the Ca- 
nadian Army Medical Corps in Canada and in Eng- 
land. There remains the much more difficult task of 
telling the story of the Medical Service of Canada at 
the front. That story is so many-sided, and there are 
so many facts and incidents that deserve to be put on 
record to make it even approximately complete, that 
one is left in a state bordering on despair. Considera- 
tions of space, however, and the comprehensive nature 
of this entire work, make it imperative to confine the 
narrative to a broad outline of the place taken by the 
C.A.M.C. in the tremendous war drama on the West- 
em front, with only the briefest possible mention of 
what they achieved in other theatres of the war. 

We have already noted the arrival of the Stationary 
and General Hospitals and other units of the C.A.M.C. 
in France, and the interesting fact that No. 2 Station- 
ary Hospital enjoyed the distinction of being the first 
of all the Canadian units to reach France.^ 

At the outset some difficulty was experienced by the 
C.A.M.C in getting into smooth working order under 
the novel conditions of service on the Western front. 
The First Contingent was not an independent army; 
it was an essential part of the British army; and as a 
necessary consequence the C.A.M.C. came more or less 
under the direction of the higher officers of the 
R.A.M.C. For instance, the Assistant Director of Med- 
ical Services who commanded the Canadian Divisional 
1 See Vol. II, p. 209 et seq. 


Medical Corps, — that is, the three field ambulances, 
one attached to each brigade, — came under the Dep- 
uty Director of Medical Services of the Imperial army 
corps to which the Canadian division was attached. 
At the same time, he was responsible to the Director 
of Medical Services for Canada. Similarly, the latter 
found it difficult to keep in close touch with the dif- 
ferent Canadian medical units and give them neces- 
sary instructions, without invading the jurisdiction of 
Imperial officers whose authority was supreme within 
their own particular districts. 

This was but one of the numerous complications in- 
cident to the novel co-operation of Imperial and Do- 
minion troops in one and the same army, and, as in 
other cases, a practical compromise was reached be- 
fore long which worked smoothly and satisfactorily, 
largely because of the keen desire of all parties to fur- 
ther the common cause. 

It remains now to describe the actual organization 
of the Medical Service at the front, and how it func- 
tioned under the stress of unprecedented war condi- 
tions. The soldier in the front line found in the Regi- 
mental Medical Officer and his sixteen stretcher-bearers 
his most familiar acquaintances in the C.A.M.C. They 
were his daily companions in the dangers and dis- 
comforts of trench warfare. The R.M.O. looked after 
his health while he remained unwounded, and the 
stretcher-bearers — those most unassuming heroes of 
the war — carried him out of the trenches or back 
from the hell of No Man 's Land when he was wounded. 
They carried him to the regimental aid post, situated 
as near the trenches as was consistent with protection 
from shell-fire. Here all the wounded, whether walk- 
ing or stretcher cases, were gathered for temporary 
treatment, and then sent back to the advanced dress- 
ing station, slightly wounded men making their way 
on foot, and the more serious cases being removed 
on stretchers by men of the bearer section of the field 


ambulance. It may be noted tliat, as tbe war went on, 
the regimental stretcher-bearers became so expert and 
so valuable in affording first aid to the wounded, that 
they were largely retained for that work, especially 
during a heavy action, other men being detailed from 
the platoons to take their places as stretcher-bearers. 

From the advanced dressing station, the wounded 
after receiving necessary treatment were moved back 
to the main dressing station, well behind the lines. 
This work in the earlier stages of the war was done 
by means of horse ambulances, but these proved so 
unsatisfactory under the exacting conditions of mod- 
ern warfare that they were before long replaced by 
motor ambulances. 

At the main dressing station the wounded were 
definitely classified. Operations were performed here 
only in emergency cases, such as to remove an arm, 
foot, hand, or leg that no medical skill could save. 
Mild cases got rest and treatment for a few days, and 
then went back to their units. The remainder were 
transferred immediately, either to the casualty clear- 
ing station for treatment, or to one or other of the 
special hospitals. 

The casualty clearing station, the next stage on the 
journey back from the front to Blighty, was estab- 
lished within easy reach of railhead — that is, the 
point where the railway ended and men and supplies 
went forward to the front by motor or other trans- 
port. It was really a collecting depot for wounded 
from a certain section of the front, who were brought 
together here, and after a short rest were sent down 
to the base on ambulance trains. The casualty clear- 
ing station was, however, a fully equipped hospital, 
under the charge of skilled surgeons, and many cases 
which could not safely be subjected to the long jour- 
ney down to the base, were operated on here. Some 
of these stations were housed in existing hospitals; 
others, in hutments. 


As the war went on and the pressure increased, the 
system was adopted of establishing these stations in 
pairs. After one of the big tights, when hundreds of 
serious cases demanding immediate operation poured 
into the casualty clearing station day after day, the 
strain upon the physical endurance of the surgeons 
would have reached the breaking point, if some method 
of relief had not been devised. By arranging the 
hospitals in pairs, however, the staff of one could 
work at full pressure for a day, the stream of patients 
would then be directed to the other hospital, and so 
on, the off days being utilized for routine work 
with cases going down to the base. At the casu- 
alty clearing station the wounded soldier, on his way 
down from the front, for the first time came under the 
ministration of the nursing sisters, those devoted 
women who did so much to lighten the suffering of the 
fighting troops. 

The ambulance trains, marvels of comfort and con- 
venience, carried cases that could be moved down to 
one or other of the coast towns. There they were met 
by motor ambulances, and the patients transferred to 
a base hospital, stationary or general. Practically 
the only distinction between the two was that the lat- 
ter was much larger, and being equipped with s^Decial- 
ists, pathological and X-ray departments and other 
special equipment, handled a larger proportion of the 
more serious cases. 

It is difficult to appreciate the scale upon which 
these military hospitals were operated during the 
war. The number of beds has been mentioned else- 
where in this article, but that suggests very little to 
the average reader. A comparison with well-known 
Canadian hospitals may give a more definite idea. 
For instance, one of the Canadian stationary hospitals 
accommodated more patients than any hospital in 
Canada, with the possible exception of the new Gen- 
eral Hospital in Toronto. Its accommodation ex- 


ceeded that of the Royal Victoria in Montreal or the 
Winnipeg General Hospital. And the Canadian gen- 
eral hospitals operated on a correspondingly larger 
scale. Their staffs included hundreds of surgeons, 
nursing sisters, and orderlies; with many special de- 
partments, kitchens, stores, messrooms, officers' and 
nurses' quarters, dining-rooms, recreation rooms, ad- 
ministrative offices, etc., all housed in separate tents 
or hutments, the whole constituting a small town, and 
a very busy one. 

These base hospitals were not, of course, the ulti- 
mate destination of the wounded soldier. The pres- 
sure from the front was too great to admit of a pa- 
tient being kept at the base a moment longer than was 
absolutely necessary. The general and stationary 
hospitals were but one of the many stages of his jour- 
ney back to convalescence, followed either by return 
to duty or discharge, according to the extent of his 
injuries. Very much the same procedure was followed 
at the base hospitals as at the casualty clearing sta- 
tions. Some minor cases might be kept for a time, 
and returned to the front without the necessity of 
crossing the Channel. Serious cases might have to be 
retained until they had gained sufficient strength to 
stand a further journey. But the majority were 
usually evacuated within three days. 

The next stage was the hospital ship. This was as 
wonderfully organized as the hospital train. Stretcher 
cases could be moved from deck to deck by means of 
lifts ; they were furnished with cots swung so that the 
motion of the ship was reduced to a minimum. The 
ship had its medical personnel and nursing sisters, 
and emergency equipment of one kind and another. 
Everything was done to make the crossing as safe and 
comfortable as it could be made for a wounded soldier. 

On the other side of the Channel, the ship was met 
by ambulance trains ; stretcher cases were carried down 
the gangway and on to the trains ; the walking cases 


followed; and they were off to one or other of the 
British hospitals. Here they remained for days, or 
weeks, as their cases demanded; and were finally 
transferred to the great convalescent hospitals. 

No greater tribute to the splendid work accom- 
plished by the Canadian Army Medical Corps, and the 
skill and thoroughness of its individual members, 
could be found than that suggested by the casualty 
lists. Bearing in mind the deadly efficiency of all 
classes of weapons used in the war, their variety, and 
their numbers, — in all three respects far transcend- 
ing anything previously dreamed of, — the losses were 
remarkably small ; far less, in fact, than had been an- 
ticipated by competent military authorities at the be- 
ginning of the war, when the destructive power of 
many new types of large and small arms was only be- 
ginning to be developed, and other weapons of ex- 
traordinary destructiveness had not yet been intro- 
duced. Keeping in mind, too, the enormously greater 
destructive power wielded by the respective armies in 
this war, over that of all previous conflicts, a com- 
parison either of actual losses, or of the proportion 
of total casualties to deaths, with the statistics of 
earlier wars, is markedly favourable to the Great 
"World War. Unquestionably much, if not most, of the 
credit for this result must be given to the remarkably 
effective work of the various Army Medical Corps, 
and in this respect the C.A.M.C. compared very 
favourably indeed with its fellow services in the other 

Some idea of the difficult conditions nnder which 
much of the work of the C.A.M.C. had to be carried 
on, particularly at the regimental aid posts and ad- 
vanced dressing stations, may be gained from the ex- 
perience recorded by Captain R. J. Manion, M.C., in 
his very readable and instructive book, A Surgeon in 

''Until a man reaches the CCS. [casualty clearing 


station]," he says, ''his wounds are dressed in very 
rough surroundings, not the aseptic dressing rooms 
of peace times. Dug-outs, cellars or open trenches 
are employed for dressing stations. After the Battle 
of Vimy Ridge my boys and I dressed our men for 
four days in an open, muddy trench, with the shells 
dropping about all the time. Dug-outs are simply 
holes in the ground, and may be most primitive dress- 
ing rooms. Everyone knows how aseptic the ordinary 
cellar could be made, even with the greatest care on 
the part of a M.O.'s assistants. But our dressings are 
folded and wrapped in such a manner that they can 
be applied, even though the dresser's hands are cov- 
ered with mud, without the aseptic part of the dress- 
ing, which is applied to the wound, being in any way 

"I have given one hundred and fifty inoculations 
hypodermically for the prevention of typhoid in a tent 
in which the men and myself stood ankle-deep in mud. 
Not one case of infection of the point at which the 
needle was inserted occurred. This illustrates the 
efficiency one reaches from being accustomed to work- 
ing in filthy surroundings. Your stretcher-bearers 
and dressers become as skilled in this art as yourself, 
so that the men really get good attention in spite of 
the many difficulties in the way. ' ' 

Month by month, and year by year, as the war 
dragged its weary length, taking its hideous toll of 
death and suffering and leaving its glorious record of 
heroism and self-sacrifice, the Canadian Army Medi- 
cal Corps developed a reputation for thoroughness, 
efficiency, and initiative second to none among the 
medical services of the Allied armies. Old theories 
that had responded well enough to the demands of 
previous wars were rejected as unequal to the strain 
of new conditions ; new theories were tested in the fire 
of active service, did not measure up to the high 
standard demanded, and were promptly discarded, or 


remodelled and again subjected to the test. As the 
war progressed the conditions that had to be met and 
overcome by the C.A.M.C. were constantly changing, 
and constantly becoming more difficult. The unprece- 
dented scale on which the conflict was carried on in 
itself put an immense strain upon the resources of the 
medical corps. The enemy improved his weapons, in- 
creased their number and efficiency, added new and 
unexpected factors. Every move involved novel con- 
ditions and increased casualties, and every move de- 
manded a prompt and effective reply on the part of 
the C.A.M.C. 

That the corps invariably responded, and responded 
quickly and intelligently, to the innumerable and ever- 
varying calls made upon it, is a remarkable tribute 
alike to the administrative genius and resourcefulness 
of the officers who directed its operations and to the 
loyalty, untiring energy, and team-work of their sub- 
ordinates in the field and in the hospitals. It is be- 
yond question that much of the success of the corps 
was due to the clear-headedness and resolute charac- 
ter of the D.D.M.S., Brigadier-General A. E. Ross. 
He had at all times both the affection and implicit 
trust of those under his command. He had also the 
confidence of his associates in the Imperial service. 
Even the enemy officers recognized his ability. It is 
mentioned, for instance, that on the morning of the 
Battle of Amiens a German medical officer who had 
been captured, congratulated the D.D.M.S. on the suc- 
cess with which the wounded were being evacuated. 
It is also a striking tribute to the success of his ad- 
ministration of the C.A.M.C. that the Imperial author- 
ities offered General Ross the position of D.M.S. of 
the Fifth Army with rank of Major-General — the 
only occasion on which such rank was offered to a 
Colonial medical officer; and that the Overseas Minis- 
ter refused to let him go. Without attempting the 
well-nigh impossible task, where the level of achieve- 



ment was so uniformly high, of mentioning those of 
General Ross' subordinates who particularly distin- 
guished themselves, it must at least be said once more, 
if only for the sake of emphasis, that the entire per- 
sonnel of the corps, from the Assistant Director do^vn 
to the medical orderlies and stretcher-bearers, co- 
operated loyally with the D.D.M.S. to keep the Medical 
Corps at all times and under all circumstances up to 
the highest pitch of efficiency, and in so doing to ful- 
fil their main purpose of keeping the fighting troops 
medically fit and capable of handling the colossal tasks 
which fell to their lot. 

What that meant to the Canadian Corps, and to the 
cause of the Allies, cannot better be illustrated than 
by quoting a brief extract from Sir Arthur Currie's 
account ^ of some of the achievements of the Cana- 
dians during the memorable Last Hundred Days, bear- 
ing in mind that those achievements were to a very 
large extent made possible by the devoted work of 
the Medical Corps in keeping the fighting troops phys- 
ically fit and over strength. 

Sir Arthur Currie, after describing the salient fea- 
tures of the three great battles of the Canadian Corps 
in the closing months of the war, — Amiens, Arras, 
and Cambrai, — the conditions under which they w^ere 
fought, and their momentous consequences, and noting 
incidentally that more than one-half of the V.C.'s won 
throughout the war by Canadians were won in the last 
hundred days, briefly summarizes the three and com- 
pares them — for the sake of driving home their su- 
preme importance, and the extraordinary odds over 
which the Canadians Avere victorious — with another 
great battle earlier in the war, a battle of which Ca- 
nadians are deservedly proud, "one of the most mag- 
nificent victories the Canadians have to their credit," 
the Battle of Vimy Ridge. *' At Vimy," he says, "we 

1 In an address before the Canadian Club of Ottawa in Au- 
gust, 1919. 


fought nine German divisions; at Amiens sixteen, at 
Arras eighteen, at Cambrai thirteen, reinforced by 
thirteen machine-gun detachments. At Vimy we cap- 
tured seven thousand prisoners; at Amiens over nine 
thousand, at Arras about ten thousand, at Cambrai 
nearly eight thousand. At Vimy we captured sixty- 
seven guns ; at Amiens one hundred and ninety-six, at 
Arras ninety-eight, at Cambrai two hundred and 
twenty. At Vimy we penetrated ten thousand yards ; at 
Amiens twenty-four thousand, at Arras twenty thou- 
sand, and at Cambrai thirty thousand. In those last 
hundred days the Canadian Corps met and decisively 
defeated forty-seven different German divisions. On 
the 1st of August, 1918, there were one hundred and 
eighty-four German di\asions on the Western front, and 
one-fourth of one hundred and eighty-four is forty-six ; 
so that we can claim that the Canadians defeated one- 
fourth of the German army. Of these forty-seven 
divisions we re-engaged fifteen that had been pulled 
out of the line and rested for two weeks. If we count 
these as fresh divisions — and we do — that would 
make sixty-two. In addition there were two of them 
that were re-engaged after a further rest of two 
weeks, making in all sixty-four divisions. So that 1 
do not think it is out of the way, or improper of me, to 
say that there was no force of its size engaged in the 
war that played a greater part than the Canadian 
Corps in finally crushing the Boche and forcing him 
to his knees." And, once again, let it not be forgotten 
that the C.A.M.C. played a most important, though 
inconspicuous, part in so forcing the Boche to his 

Something has already been said, in the first part 
of this article, as to the enviable reputation won by 
Canadian nurses, in civil as well as in war work. So 
far as the latter is concerned, it is almost a work of 
supererogation to attempt to add anything to the 
chorus of praise that has risen from all quarters as a 


tribute to their splendid work throughout the war. 
While it would be rather poor taste to draw any com- 
parison between the Nursing Services of Canada and 
the other Allies, it is beyond all question that the Ca- 
nadian nursing sisters combined to a remarkable de- 
gree the qualities that were most essential to the suc- 
cessful performance of their duties, not the least im- 
portant of these qualities being that combination of 
pluck and endurance commonly called grit. Indeed, 
for sheer, unqualified grit, it would be difficult to 
match the achievement of these Canadian girls — 
transferred almost in a moment from the comforts 
and conveniences of civil life to the privations and 
dangers of a theatre of war. The writer remembers 
meeting on the train, in the autumn of 1917, a frail- 
looking French-Canadian nursing sister, very quiet and 
self-contained, and very reluctant to talk about her 
work at the front. By dint of patient questionings, he 
learned that she had been overseas for nearly three 
years, working most of the time under canvas, assist- 
ing at operations until she almost fell asleep on her 
feet, unable to get a dry change of clothing for weeks 
at a time, sleeping between wet blankets, and living 
in an atmosphere of universal mud, noise, and suffer- 
ing. She had been ordered home for three months' 
rest — and was counting the days until she could re- 
turn to duty. 

An incident mentioned by Colonel Adami is not 
without interest, as evidence of the reputation gained 
by the Canadian nursing sisters among the higher 
officers of the Imperial Service. It will be remembered 
that, on one of his visits to the front. His Majesty was 
seriously crushed by his horse slipping in the mud and 
falling upon him. Surgeon-General Macpherson, of 
the British Medical Corps, rode over to the Canadian 
Casualty Clearing Station at Aire, and selected one 
of the nursing sisters to look after the King. She 
attended upon His Majesty for several days at the 


chateau to which he had been removed, accompanied 
him on his journey home as soon as he could be moved, 
and remained with him at Buckingham Palace until 
his convalescence was so far advanced that her serv- 
ices were no longer necessary. On the day she re- 
linquished her charge, His Majesty expressed his 
gratitude for her services by personally presenting 
her with the M.V.O. Badge, and the Queen gave her 
autograph copies of the Royal photographs. 

No section of the Canadian Army Medical Corps 
was perhaps more thoroughly appreciated by officers 
and men of the other armies than the Dental Depart- 
ment.^ While one would not feel justified in institut- 
ing comparisons between other branches of the Cana- 
dian Expeditionary Force and corresponding branches 
of the other armies, one need not hesitate to do so in 
the case of the Dental Department. It was, indeed, 
generally recognized that, until the American Expedi- 
tionary Force reached the front, there was nothing in 
the other armies to compare with the Canadian Dental 
Department, either in the knowledge and skill of the 
dental officers or the completeness of their apparatus. 
Of all the corps on the British front, the Canadians 
alone had a Corps Dental Laboratory. By this means 
the percentage of casualties was very materially re- 
duced. A bad tooth may be nominally only a very 
minor casualty, but for all effective purposes it puts 
a man out of service for the time being. No man can 
do intelligent work, or in many cases be trusted to do 
it at all, whose mind is distracted by the maddening 
persistence of a throbbing toothache. The provision 
of this laboratory, with all it involved, also meant a 
great- economical saving in transportation and mate- 
rial as well as in man power. In connection with the 
laboratory there was provided an officers' as well as 
a men's clinic. It was found that when an officer at- 
tended the men's clinic, he was given first place, an 
1 See Vol. V, p. 341 et seq. 


arrangement that proved generally unsatisfactory, 
and. the simplest way out of the difficulty was to estab- 
lish an officers' clinic. This proved an immense boon, 
not only to our own officers, but to those of adjoining 
British units. Officers even on duty in the front-line 
trenches could telephone and make an appointment; 
and it was no unusual thing for patients to arrive at 
the laboratory by aeroplane from comparatively re- 
mote units. Wherever they were stationed, patients 
flocked to them from all the surrounding units. The 
dental officer of the 4th Canadian General Hospital 
had the distinction of attending to the teeth of the 
King of Serbia, which w^ere apparently in a very 
neglected condition. His Majesty was so grateful that 
he bestowed the Order of the White Eagle on the 
dental officer, the Order of St. Sava on the anassthetist, 
and even the hospital orderlies were rewarded with 
medals of the Crown Prince's Household. One can 
readily imagine that His Majesty thought no distinc- 
tion too high to confer upon the man who had relieved 
him from the intolerable agony of a bad toothache. 

Reference has already been made to the remarkably 
low percentage of deaths among the Canadians in the 
European War, having in view the size of the armies 
and the exceptionally deadly nature of modern weap- 
ons. Much of this favourable result was due to the 
skill of the surgeons and the excellent organization 
of the Medical Service generally, but, distinguishing 
casualties due to sickness from casualties due to 
wounds, much, perhaps even more, should be credited 
to the very effective work of the Sanitary Section. 
For the sake of emphasizing a very important fact, 
one may repeat what has already been said in the first 
part of this article, that the sanitary arrangements in 
the late war were far in advance of anything achieved 
or attempted in previous wars, with the very gratify- 
ing result that while in the past a very large percent- 
age of the deaths was due to preventable disease, in 


the European War the percentage was reduced to an 
extremely small figure. 

Under conditions that in other wars would have led 
inevitably to an outbreak of typhoid fever, the water 
supplies were so carefully and systematically safe- 
guarded that, with the additional precaution of in- 
oculation, — the Canadian Corps, alone of the Allied 
troops, were one hundred per cent, inoculated, — 
cases of the disease among the Canadian troops were 
extremely rare. In fact, out of 100,000 Canadian 
patients, only one man was found to have typhoid. 
Whenever any part of the Canadian army moved into 
a new field, the Sanitary Section immediately obtained 
samples from all wells, pumps, streams, and other 
sources of water. The mobile laboratories examined 
and reported upon these samples, chemically and bac- 
teriologically ; and wherever necessary certain sources 
were labelled as unfit for drinking purposes, and sen- 
tries placed over them to prevent their use. Other 
sources, not polluted to the same extent, were de- 
clared fit for use, after chlorination. Samples were 
taken daily, tested in the laboratory, and the neces- 
sary amount of hypochlorite added to the water in the 

Similar precautions were taken to protect both the 
comfort and health of the troops in the matter of lice, 
which had always in previous wars been regarded as 
unavoidable under the living conditions of an army in 
the field. As the result of various experiments, a 
simple but very effective disinfector was put in opera- 
tion, by means of which steam at a temperature of 
seventy or eighty degrees was applied to the men's 
overclothing. By this means the tunics and trousers 
of from fifty to a hundred men could be thoroughly 
disinfected, and ready for use again within half an 
hour. Large bath-houses were, installed at the same 
time, in which a couple of platoons could be given hot 
baths simultaneously. The men discarded their un- 


Canadian Army ^ledical Corps 

And died not knowing how the daj' had gone 


derclothing, for disinfection, washing, and mending; 
got a complete change of underclothing; had their 
baths ; and received their disinfected overclothes when 
they were through. This system was devised by 
Colonel Amj^ot. Another officer of the Canadian Sani- 
tary Section, Major Orr, produced an equally effective 
system of disinfection by hot air. Both the Amyot 
disinfector and the Orr huts were extensively used, 
not only in the Canadian divisions, but throughout the 
British Expeditionary Force. 

It may be noted here that the Canadian Railway 
Troops, some twelve battalions, although under Brit- 
ish administration, had Canadian medical officers and 
Canadian dental officers. The Canadian Forestry 
Corps, also under British administration, had hos- 
pitals with Canadian personnel — medical officers, 
nurses, dental officers, and other ranks. This very 
efficient service was organized by Lieut.-Colonel F. W. 
E. Wilson. 

It remains to say a few words about the service of 
the C.A.M.C. elsewhere than on the Western front, 
Canadian Stationary Hospitals, Nos. 1, 3, and 5 sailed 
from Dover in the summer of 1915, on the hospital 
ship Asturias, for service in the Mediterranean. Nos. 
1 and 3 did splendid service at Lemnos, under un- 
usually trying conditions, throughout the disastrous 
Gallipoli campaign. In 1916 No. 1 was transferred to 
Salonika, and in the autumn of the following year re- 
turned to England, where it became No. 13 Canadian 
General Hospital, at Hastings. No. 3 went from 
Lemnos to France in 1916, being utilized for a time in 
1918 as a casualty clearing station. No. 5 opened at 
Cairo, Egypt, and after some months' service there, 
was transferred to France as No. 7 Canadian General 
Hospital. Nos. 4 and 5 Canadian General Hospitals, 
from Toronto University and British Columbia re- 
spectively, served at Salonika from the closing months 
of 1915 until August, 1917, when they were trans- 


ferred to England, the former opening at Basingstoke, 
and the latter at I^rkdale. This, with the exception 
of the Canadian Medical Services attached to the ex- 
peditionary forces sent to Northern Russia and Si- 
beria, completes the tale Of service of the Canadian 
Army Medical Corps on the minor fronts. 

Figures make rather dry fare, but they suggest at 
least to some extent the enormous growth of the 
C.A.M.C. during the war and the magnitude of its 
achievement. The various units in England have al- 
ready been summarized. In France and elsewhere, 
a total of eleven units in 1915 had expanded to thirty- 
seven units in the autumn of 1918. These embraced 
six general hospitals, six stationary hospitals, four 
casualty clearing stations, fourteen field ambulances, 
five sanitary sections, a depot of medical stores, and 
a mobile laboratory. The total personnel of the 
C.A.M.C. in France at the time of the Armistice was 
7,204, made up of 681 medical officers, 792 nursing 
sisters, and 5,731 other ranks. Altogether, the 
C.A.M.C. at the end of the war had grown, from com- 
paratively small beginnings, to a total personnel of 
15,580, distributed among seventy hospitals and other 
units, or attached to administrative staffs, medical 
boards, and regimental and other establishments. The 
bed capacity of the Canadian hospitals, it may be 
noted, rose from three thousand in June, 1915, to 
something over forty thousand in November, 1918. 

In any final estimate of the exceptionally fine work 
performed by the members of the Canadian Army 
Medical Corps throughout the European War, it must 
not be forgotten that, while regimental medical officers 
and their assistants were almost constantly under fire, 
officers, nursing sisters, and men employed in the hos- 
pital and other units far behind the lines were not 
necessarily free from danger. With an enemy like the 
Hun, not even the Red Cross was respected. In May, 
1918, the great hospital area at Etaples was delib- 

Canadian Army Medical Corps 


erately bombed by German aeroplanes, on four differ- 
ent occasions — May 19tli, May 21st, May 30th, and 
May 31st. There were three Canadian general hos- 
pitals in this area, Nos, 1, 7, and 9, with a large num- 
ber of British units. On the first date, the German 
airmen used incendiary as well as explosive bombs, 
so that fire was added to the other horrors of the 
occasion. Not content with this, they flew low and 
used their machine guns against those who were at- 
tempting to rescue the wounded from the burning 
huts. The Canadian casualties included fifty-three 
killed and seventy-one wounded among the staff, one 
nursing sister being killed and seven wounded, two of 
whom subsequently died. Of the patients, fifteen were 
killed and sixty-seven wounded. "It was," says the 
official narrative, "a night of horrors relieved by ex- 
amples of wonderful heroism. While the raid was 
still in progress, stretcher parties hastened to remove 
the wounded to places where they could receive first 
aid, and while the enemy aircraft still circled over- 
head the nursing sisters went about their work with 
perfect coolness." 

The raids of May 21st and May 30th fortunately 
proved abortive, no damage resulting to the hospitals 
or their occupants ; but on the 31st the casualties were 
again very heavy, No. 9 Canadian Stationary Hospital 
losing one officer and two nursing sisters, and having 
fourteen other ranks wounded. 

On the night of May 29th, 1918, No. 3 Canadian 
Stationary Hospital at Doullens was bombed, under 
circumstances that again placed beyond all question 
the deliberate nature of the raid. An operation was 
in progress at the time, and the entire group in the 
operating rooms — surgeons, nursing sisters, patient, 
and stretcher-bearers — were instantly killed. Al- 
together, two officers, three nursing sisters, and six- 
teen other ranks were killed, while one nursing sister 
and fifteen other ranks were wounded. 


The story of tiie sinking of tlie Llandovery Castle, 
then used as a Canadian hospital ship, is too well 
known to repeat here. No one can ever forget the 
wonderful heroism and devotion to duty of the Cana- 
dian Medical Staff on board, and especially of the 
fourteen nursing sisters, every one of whom was lost/ 

General Sir Arthur Currie, than whom no one is 
better fitted to speak with authority on the subject, 
has sent the writer the following tribute to the quali- 
ties of the men and women who made up the personnel 
of the Canadian Army Medical Corps, a tribute with 
which this sketch of the corps may fittingly close: 

''Much has already been written, and much more 
will assuredly be written, about the character and 
achievements of the fighting branches of the Overseas 
Military Forces of Canada, What they were and 
what they accomplished is known to every patriotic 
Canadian. Their deeds will live forever in the hearts 
of their countrymen. On the other hand, compara- 
tively Httle is known of the work of the non-combatant 
branches of our Overseas Forces, and the public does 
not perhaps quite realize how absolutely essential that 
work was to our success in the war. This is peculiarly 
true of the Canadian Army Medical Corps, whose rec- 
ord is one of which Canadians have every reason to be 
proud. From D.D.M.S. to stretcher-bearer, the per- 
sonnel of the corps revealed at all times the same fine 
spirit of co-operation and self-sacrifice. Labouring 
under conditions that were nearly always difficult, 
often enough dangerous, and sometimes such as to tax 

1 The writer is largely indebted for much of the information 
that appears in the foregoing pages to Colonel J. G. Adami's ad- 
mirable War Story of the Canadian Army Medical Corps, Colonel 
Herbert A. Bruce's Politics and the Canadian Army Medical 
Corps, and the Report of the Ministry, Overseas Military Forces 
of Canada, 1918. Two other books that will prove valuable to any- 
one interested in the work of the C.A.M.C. at the front are Cap- 
tain Robert .T. Manion's A Surgeon in Arms and Major F. 
McKelvey Bell's The First Canadians in France. 


human endurance to the breaking point, these devoted 
men and women, surgeons, nurses, and loyal helpers, 
saved thousands of lives, relieved the suffering of the 
wounded, kept the fighting troops fit, and, beyond all 
question, contributed most definitely to the successful 
prosecution of the war. It is, indeed, not too much 
to say that the brilliant victories won by our men 
throughout the war, and particularly their repeated 
successes against overwhelming odds in the memor- 
able Last Hundred Days, would not have been possible 
but for the fact that our battalions were kept over 
strength, and the men absolutely fit, through the 
splendid organization, efficiency, and unceasing efforts 
of theC.A.M.C." 



1. The Canadian Chaplain Services 

ON appointment the chaplain joined his unit in 
the ordinary way and became part of the bri- 
gade or battalion. He was given the rank of 
honorary captain. This rank was both a help and a 
hindrance; it was a help inasmuch as it gave him a 
definite place in the organization, but a hindrance in 
that it was a barrier between him and the men in the 
ranks. He became part of the military machine. 
"Whatever views he or his church might have of the 
matter, that is what he was. 

Napoleon said: "When you have resolved to 
fight a battle, collect your whole force. Dispense with 
nothing. A single battalion sometimes decides the 
day." And General Sir Henry Home, commanding 
the First Army, commenting on that maxim, says: 
" Can there be any doubt that religious enthusiasm 
on the part of the soldier is the equivalent of many 
battalions? Such enthusiasm, which is far more than 
mere fanaticism, is the outcome of sound religious 
conviction." And because religious conviction is so 
potent a factor, the military authorities appoint chap- 
lains to produce and maintain it in the ranks of the 

As soon as he enlisted, however, the padre discov- 
ered that his duties consisted of more than Sunday 
services and definitely '' religious " meetings. He 
had to help and befriend his men in every possible 
way. The troops to whom he ministered had suddenly 


torn themselves from home and gone into a world 
where all things were new. In spite of the long hours 
of drill and manoeuvre, there were long hours of lei- 
sure which had to be filled. The fact that the camps 
were at least nominally " dry " saved some situa- 
tions, but drink is not the only evil in the world. 
Fortunately, in all the large camps the Y.M.C.A. was 
in operation, and the padre found in that organization 
a medium through which he could work. Every eve- 
ning there were concerts and Bible classes and 
cinemas, and athletics which the chaplain could help 
stage or conduct. Throughout his service, this early 
training stood him in good stead, for, wherever he 
went, these things, with minor differences, had to be 

As the men got to know the chaplain, provided, of 
course, that he was the right kind of man, they came 
to him more and more for help and advice. They dis- 
covered that his position made him a link between them 
and the combatant officers ; that he could adjust things 
which could not always be adjusted officially, and 
obtain privileges which could not be obtained in the 
ordinary way. 

To a great extent, the padre became matrimonial 
adviser in extraordinary to the troops. In time of 
war Mars and Venus swim into close conjunction, and 
almost every day the chaplain had to weigh prospec- 
tive joy or sorrow and then advise. 

Before his unit left for overseas, he was usually 
given charge of men by fond mothers or wives who 
seemed to think that he was able to take care of men 
old enough to look after him. 

On the troop trains and transports, unique oppor- 
tunities for work were presented. Most men had a 
clear idea of what lay ahead and were disposed to 
take things seriously. In quiet chats, in confidential 
interviews, it was clearly revealed that what was up- 
permost in the minds of men was not prospective 


glory or '^ delight of battle," but the thought of those 
who were being left behind. On the boat it was more 
than ever necessary that the chaplain should be sports 
organizer, concert manager, and general provider of 
amusement and entertainment. Then, too, he had the 
best opportunity ever offered to get to know his men. 
They thawed out as they had never done in Canada 
and came to his cabin at all hours of the day. Many 
of them were very plastic to religious influences, espe- 
cially if the crossing were rough; and if good resolu- 
tions passed when they landed, we need not be sur- 

England gave the Canadians warm welcome and 
took them to her heart. English girls set out to 
please, and, as the Registrar-General knows, they suc- 
ceeded. Most of the Canadian camps were near Lon- 
don, and to that Mecca of the world every good Cana- 
dian went. Much has been said and written about the 
temptations of that city. London was like the rest 
of the world; there was evil for those who wanted it, 
and no power on earth can make a man go wrong un- 
less of his own free will. Nothing more than was 
done could have been done to protect the troops. 
Medical officers lectured them, padres preached to 
them, and good women patrolled the streets to see that 
they did not mistake their home address. 

As time went on a special service for the London 
area was instituted. At Victoria Station an office and 
inquiry bureau were opened where men could obtain 
information about places to which to go for amuse- 
ment, and be told where to stay for their leave. As 
the number of hospitals around London increased, a 
staff' of chaplains was kept for the sole purpose of 
\asiting the Canadians in these hospitals, arranging 
drives or theatre parties for the convalescents, and 
generally giving attention to their wants and needs. 

Camp life in England was like camp life in Canada, 
but intensified. There were drills, drills, and yet more 


drills; and of course there was rain. If ever spiritual 
help were needed, it was needed when the troops lived 
and ate and slept in mud; and if ever it were indig- 
nantly rejected, it was then. The wise chaplain gave 
as much time to concerts as he did to sermons, and 
took as much care of an entertainment programme as 
he took of Sunday services. His most appreciated 
efforts, perhaps, were those he made towards getting 
invitations for his men to country houses. Most 
people in England were very anxious to provide the 
troops from overseas with English hospitality, and 
the padre was the natural point of approach. Where- 
ever he might be, the local clergyman was almost sure 
to ask him to preach in the local church, and from that 
introduction he could easily pass on to obtain privi- 
leges for his men. It is probable that these glimpses 
of home life did as much for the morals of the men as 
anything else; they kept home memories green. 

Scattered here and there throughout England were 
Canadian hospitals, and each of these carried a chap- 
lain. The day began, officially, at 9 a.m., but before 
that time the padre had been round the wards, admin- 
istering Holy Communion and seeing whether any- 
thing unusual had developed during the night. 
Promptly at nine o'clock the doctors began their 
routine work in the wards, and naturally the padre 
was better out of the way. In the meantime he usu- 
ally devoted himself to making arrangements for the 
day's excursions and outings. Every hospital had a 
number of convalescent patients who wished to go for 
drives. The local people gave very generously of 
their traps and automobiles for this purpose, but the 
demand for seats was always in excess of the supply. 
Under such circumstances, the work of deciding who 
should go and who should stay became rather onerous, 
especially when the nursing sisters were always sure 
that their patients got less than their due; and a 
couple of hours in the morning was all too short in 


which to see patients, doctors, and nurses in order to 
arrange which men might be sent. Around eleven 
o'clock the padre might venture into the wards and 
talk to the patients. Usually he began hospital work 
with the idea that there was very little in "visiting," 
but after a time he usually changed his mind. A ward 
contains, say, sixty patients ; each one is an individual, 
not a ''case," and it is as an individual, with all his 
rights and peculiarities, that each man must be ap- 
proached. The constant change from man to man, 
each making new demands upon sympathy, tact, and 
understanding, is a drain upon nervous energy such 
as can be understood only by those who have done the 

What did the chaplain talk about on such occasions ? 
That depended upon his common sense. If he insisted 
on talking "religion" in season and out of season, he 
would soon have discovered that his approach syn- 
chronized with an uncontrollable desire to sleep on 
the part of the men. Usually he had sense enough to 
recognize the fact that if his spiritual life was de- 
veloped in certain directions, the spiritual life of his 
flock was developed in others, and that no class of men 
can claim a monopoly in religious experience. If he 
did not recognize that fact then, he learned to recog- 
nize it afterwards, when the cheerfulness, the willing 
self-sacrifice, the patient endurance, and the heroic 
conduct of the men forced him to see that such virtues 
are born of God. 

After lunch the padre would marshal the men for 
drives, see that they were put into the proper vehicles 
or sent to the houses, etc., to which they were invited, 
and then he would return to the wards. Some time 
during the afternoon he would look up "talent" for 
concerts and other entertainments, and make arrange- 
ments for the evening's amusement. Later in the 
war, a Y.M.C.A. officer was attached to many of the 
larger hospitals to attend to the entertainments, but 


for the first two years or so the chaplain had to do it 
all himself. 

As can be readily understood, there were a thou- 
sand and one little jobs which cannot be recorded — 
messages for men, letters to their relatives, questions 
about pay, kit, etc., which consumed time and made 
the life of a hospital chaplain full from dawn to dark. 
Every evening saw a concert or cinema of which he 
had charge, and when that was over his work for the 
day was done, unless, as too often happened, he was 
called out of bed to watch with a man at the point of 

It sometimes happened that when a chaplain was sent 
to France he was posted to a casualty clearing station 
instead of being sent straight to the line. In theory it 
''broke him in" gradually, and made the actual war- 
fare easier, but in practice the effect was the reverse. 
There was no place on all the front more likely to 
make him dread the fighting than the casualty clearing 
station. Every day he saw men sadly wounded come 
from the line; day and night he heard the moans of 
the maimed; the smell of gas-gangrene was never ab- 
sent from his nostrils; the pictures of agony never 
faded from his mind. He learned to think of the front 
as a place where men were shattered and mangled, for 
all who came from it had suffered hurt. His work 
here was much the same as that in a hospital in Eng- 
land, but with differences enough to make a descrip- 
tion worth while. 

The station was usually situated a few miles behind 
the lines, out of range of anything except the heavier 
guns. The patients who came to it had been hastily 
dressed at the field ambulances or advanced dressing 
stations; they came to the casualty clearing station 
for operations or other urgent treatment, and were 
then shipped to the base. They came at any hour of 
the day or night, but whenever they came the chaplain 
had to be on hand to receive them. It often happened 


that a man would get as far as the casualty clearing 
station and then his strength would fail and life 
flicker out. If the chaplain were there he could give 
the dying man comfort and take any messages he 
might wish to send. In the receiving-room the pa- 
tient's regimental number, rank, name, and unit would 
be recorded in a book; the orderly medical officer 
would make a rapid diagnosis of the case, chalk the 
initial of a ward on his jacket, and he would be taken 
away and put to bed. Before being placed between 
the sheets, the patient would be stripped and washed, 
the contents of his pockets turned out and placed in a 
trinket bag which was hung at the head of the bed. 
If he were unconscious and, as usually happened, his 
pay-book did not contain the name of his next of kin, 
addresses could be found on letters in his pockets and 
the padre could write to his friends and so forestall 
the cold official notice. If he died, his effects were 
sent home. A wise chaplain would go through the 
letters, etc., before they were forwarded. 

The padre in a casualty clearing station, as any- 
where else, could make his job what he pleased. If he 
were so inclined, he could idle through the day; or he 
could occupy every moment of his time. In the wards 
there was always something to do, a patient to be 
eased, a letter to be written for a man too badly in- 
jured to do so for himself, besides the more formal 
duties laid down. He had it in his power to make the 
hours of suffering easier, and the sights and sounds 
of suffering spurred most men to work without rest. 
Few chaplains could do such work conscientiously for 
many months without a change, and the man who 
added to his overburdened day by attending to units 
of fit men in his vicinity was wise. The very sight of 
men who were sound and whole seemed to give him 

One of the hardest tasks laid upon a padre was that 
of writing to the relatives of the men who died, and a 


chaplain in a casualty clearing station was never free 
from this sad duty. If the work of writing to the rel- 
atives was so sad that most men would do anything 
rather than compose such letters, the replies received 
were more than compensation. The writer spent 
several months in a casualty clearing station, and at 
the end of that time had a box full of such sacred writ- 
ings. In his mind was a conviction that they should be 
published and given to the world : they would have en- 
riched our literature and in the years to come have 
made the hearts of men throb and their eyes fill at the 
thought that the writers were of their race and kin- 
dred. The evening before he left the casualty clearing 
station, he took them out and read them. Many were 
poor in spelling and artless in form ; but all were rich 
in the eloquence of a burning patriotism and sublime 
faith. One said : ' ' Our boy is gone. He was the last 
of our name and we hoped and prayed that he might 
be spared. But we feel that he died the noblest death 
a man could die, and we shall not complain." An- 
other said : ' ' Now that my husband has been killed I 
am the whole support of the family. There are five 
mouths to feed and what the future holds I cannot 
say, but I feel that God will not desert us." 

By the flickering light of a candle the letters were 
read, until in the drear dawn of a Belgian morning 
the reader laid the last one down and wiped the tears 
from his eyes and was not ashamed. They were 
burned: for love and grief and patriotism and hope 
are sacred things, and we must not unveil their sancti- 
ties to the eyes of a curious world. But by the loss of 
those letters the world is poorer, for in all our litera- 
ture there is nothing to which to liken them. 

Besides the casualty clearing stations, there were 
scattered units on the lines of communication — rail- 
way troops, the Forestry Corps, and such like. As 
the Chaplain Services became better organized, the 
padres to these units were taken from the Corps Com- 


mand and given an organization of their own. The 
work was very similar to that done in England, or 
even in Canada, — with the exception that an occa- 
sional bomb or shell would fall close to their quarters, 
— and therefore no further description is necessary. 

From the casualty clearing station or the lines of 
communication, the chaplain was usually sent to work 
with troops in the field. He might go to infantry, 
artillery, or engineers ; but wherever he went his work 
was much the same. It is significant that, looking back, 
one finds it difficult to put down what constituted a 
tj^pical day's work. The padre had to make his day. 
There is little to report in going in and out among 
men, chatting and making friends, but that occupied a 
great deal of his time. His business was to be friendly 
with every man ; to win his confidence and respect so 
that at any time he would feel free to come to the 
chaplain for help and advice. At the end of the day, 
all that the padre would be able to put into his report 
might be a few brief words — ''Visited line," "At the 
guns," but that short entry would represent a well- 
occupied day. 

Many of the chaplains felt the vagueness of 
their work; there were no results to show; there were 
no means of estimating what they did. Some of the 
more active-minded took unofficial duties such as cen- 
soring, writing the war diary, and charge of trans- 
port; and there is no doubt that in so doing they 
gained the respect of both officers and men, as well as 
the personal satisfaction of being engaged in some- 
thing which showed tangible results. 

Under such circumstances, the social work carried 
on by the department was extremely fortunate, not 
only in the service which it rendered to the troops, 
but in the occupation which a chaplain could find in it. 
In the fall of 1915, at the request of the Corps Com- 
mander, the chaplains hired the theatre in Bailleul and 
staged afternoon and evening entertainments. Fifteen 


hundred dollars was borrowed to purchase equipment, 
etc., and in six months this was paid back from the 
admission fee of two and a half cents per man. A club 
was also opened in the town, and so popular and 
opportune were the entertainments that divisions and 
brigades asked for extensions. Two tents, each ca- 
pable of seating a battalion, were purchased in Paris, 
and the Boy Scouts of Canada provided another. Two 
cinema outfits were bought, and these were used to 
crowded houses from the spring of 1916 until the end 
of the war. Early in 1916, canteens were opened and 
continued so until the fall of 1918; in them the usual 
things which a soldier requires could be obtained. 
The goods sold were purchased chiefly from the Ex- 
peditionary Force canteens. The returns, together 
with the income from the cinema, were the only source 
of revenue. No public money was asked for or ob- 
tained. Receipts rose as high as two million francs 
for the year, and of this about ten per cent, was 
profit. This profit was returned to the troops in free 
supplies of stationery, athletic goods, pictures, coffee, 
etc. The accounts were audited every three months 
by the field cashier and published in Corps Orders. 
Three concert parties operated through the corps, and 
all such entertainments were free to the troops except 
when parties were hired from the English divisions. 

The most spectacular and certainly a most appre- 
ciated service was that of supplying free coffee and 
biscuits during battles. This was begun on the Somme 
and continued until the end of the war. At the Somme 
two big tents were operated on the Brickfields, and 
four coffee stalls behind the line. One large tent, fully 
equipped with electric light, was handed over to the 
Medical Service, and used as a field ambulance. At 
Vimy the Chaplains ' Social Department had three cine- 
mas, seven canteens, and nine coffee stalls in operation. 
One large tent was partly destroyed by shell-fire and 
two of the men working in it killed. At Passchen- 


daele a cinema near Ypres and a concert tent at 
Brandhoek were instituted, besides seven coffee stalls 
as near the line as tliey could go. During the open 
warfare which began at Amiens, only coffee-stall work 
was done. At every dressing station the familiar, 
boiler was put up and free refreshments supplied. 

Whilst the Corps Headquarters was at Camblain 
I'Abbe in 1918 an Officers' Club was opened. This sup- 
plied a long-felt need and was greatly appreciated by 
those who were able to use it. 

One unusual feature of the supplies given through- 
out the corps was that of reprints of good pictures. 
Almost every dug-out, billet, and dining-room sported 
a display of La Vie Parisienne studies in anatomy. 
To counteract the effects of too prolonged attention 
to these representations of the female form divine, 
copies of good pictures were bought and distributed. 

At Headquarters an excellent library of theological 
books was carried for the use of the chaplains, who 
tactfully borrowed them and returned them usually 
unread. At every canteen a lending library of good 
fiction was maintained for the use of the troops. 

A month before the Armistice an arrangement 
was made with the Y.M.C.A, by which all social work 
in the field came under their management. All equip- 
ment was passed over to - that organization, which, 
backed by a huge machine at home and generously 
supplied with money, was in a far better position to 
carry on the work. 

Much of the success which undoubtedly attended 
the social efforts of the Chaplains' Department was 
due to the management by Canon Shatford, who had 
charge of the work from June, 1916, to October of the 
same year, and then from March, 1917, until October, 

It is difficult to say just what constituted a typical 
day's work. The following brief description of an 
actual day, lasting from nine in the morning until past 


midnight, may give some idea of a chaplain's work 
when "nothing to report" was happening along the 
front. The notes were made in August, 1917, when 
the Canadian Corps was holding the Arras sector, and 
the places visited are around Lievin. It is a day in 
the life of an artillery chaplain. 

At 9 a.m. he leaves his tent and proceeds to the bat- 
tery wagon lines to visit the men. The majority of 
the drivers are out exercising their horses or with 
wagons on fatigues. Those who remain are cleaning 
the horse lines, repairing the rough stables, or attend- 
ing to their harness. The padre wanders from group 
to group, bidding "Good morning" here and there 
and discussing the day's news. One thing is imme- 
diately noticeable. There is a common ground be- 
tween the parson and his flock such as rarely obtains 
at home. He shares their life, their dangers, and some 
of their discomforts ; their anxieties are his anxieties, 
their occasions of relief the same as his. The conse- 
quence is that there is little of that constraint which 
exists all too frequently between clergy and laity. It 
may be that having seen him day after day in various 
circumstances, that awkward divinity which hedges 
round a priest has faded away and the men realize 
that he is as human as they. 

Presently he comes to a little group of men leaning 
upon their shovels and hotly engaged in argument. 
He is called into the discussion and asked to decide. 
The question involved is: "Why did it rain just be- 
fore the fight for Zonnebeke, and so spoil the British 
attack? If the cause of the Allies is right, then God 
must be on their side. If He is, one would expect 
some assistance, even in the matter of weather. But 
the weather seems always in favour of the Boche — 
our attacks on the Somme, Vimy, and Zonnebeke have 
all been spoiled by rain. How can we reconcile the 
positions, our cause right and therefore God's, and 
His apparent non-intervention on our behalf?" 


As every soldier knows, this question cropped up 
time and time again. The hold it obtained on the 
imagination of others than those at the front may be 
seen by reference to the newspapers of that time. 
The chaplain whose day we are following makes some 
attempt at an answer by saying that w^e do not know 
whether it is or is not advantageous to the final out- 
come of the war that our plans should miscarry by 
reason of rain. 

After more discussion and conversation, he visits 
the officers and is given little commissions, such as 
messages about rations, ammunition, etc., to take to 
the guns. The telephone wire has been cut by shelling 
and so he is able to be of service in this way. 

En route to the guns he calls in at other wagon 
lines, ammunition dumps, etc., and then goes on. The 
enemy is retaliating for a midnight "shoot" and 
heavy shells are '* crumping" around. As he walks 
up the road there is a tremendous explosion and pieces 
of shell come hurtling through the air. Having long 
since lost that special brand of idiocy w^hich makes 
inexperienced men walk upright when fragments of 
steel are whistling by, he ''flops" in the muddy ditch 
by the side of the road. It is clear that one of the 
enemy projectiles has burst on a pile of ammunition 
somewhere, and caused it to explode. Warily raising 
his head, he sees the scene of disaster, a battery posi- 
tion away on the left. He races over and finds two 
guns overturned, men of the gun detachments wounded 
and some dead. The captain in command is busy with 
bandages and the padre assists. Wliilst they are tend- 
ing the wounded, an ambulance arrives and carries the 
sutferers to the field hospital in Ablain St. Nazaire, 
and then the captain puts the remaining guns on to 
searching for the battery which has shelled him. 

One of his subalterns has been killed : he was one of 
the best, and obviously the commander is distressed. 
Almost bitterly he turns to the padre and demands 


why it is that so often the best men are killed whilst 
so many whom the world could easily spare are un- 
hurt. The padre does not know: he has asked the 
same question himself a score of times, but obviously 
he is expected to know, and in some vague way most 
men hold the clergy as being partly responsible for 
"the acts of God." He says he cannot answer the 
question, and whilst they are discussing it the cook 
announces lunch. The meal over, he goes on to 
another battery, which, owing to its skilful camou- 
flage, is difficult to find. At last, however, it is dis- 
covered, and here again he spends some time with the 
officers and men, after which he proceeds to the for- 
ward guns, where his messages about rations and am- 
munition are delivered. Arrangements are made for 
Sunday services, and as it is now past five o'clock he 
prepares to return. Before he can get away, one of 
the gunners insists on showing him a captured Ger- 
man gun which they are about to use against the 
enemy. He has to wait and see the shoot and then, 
before the usual retaliation comes, turns his face to- 
wards "home." Little units are scattered here and 
there along his path, and it is well to put his head in- 
side the doors of dug-outs to show that he has not 
forgotten them. By the time he reaches his own camp, 
the other officers are sitting down to dinner, and he 
gets in just on time. When the meal is finished he 
retires to his own tent and begins to try to catch up 
\vith a correspondence which somehow is always be- 
hind; but no sooner is he settled than a friendly ser- 
geant comes in for a chat. It is past nine when the 
sergeant leaves: he cannot very well tell him to go 
before then, as these little talks are an important part 
of his work; and just as he is saying "Good night" 
an orderly comes from the infantry battalion over the 
way to ask if the chaplain and the doctor will "run 
over" to the infantry mess. As they are going into 
the line next morning and putting on a big raid the 


foUoTvdng night, he calls for the doctor and they go. 
Soon after eleven he pleads tiredness and escapes, 
thinking that at last he will get down to his writing in 
peace, only to discover that in his absence a pile of 
letters to be censored has been placed upon his table 
and must be read that night so as to catch the morn- 
ing's mail. By the time they are all gone through it is 
half-past twelve, and, tired out, he goes to bed. 

There is very little in a day like that. To a man of 
active and practical mind it seems that most of the 
time has been frittered away. All that he can put 
into his report is '^ Visited guns and wagon lines," 
and that is all that he has done. The other officers 
can say that they have taken an exercise ride, a stable 
parade, a gun-drill, have fired so many rounds of 
ammunition and destroyed an enemy trench ; the very 
batman who cleans the padre's boots can point to 
something accomplished; but the chaplain cannot say, 
*'See, there is the result of my labour," for, in the 
nature of the case, he has no tangible results to show. 
Put briefly, he has gone to the guns, not altogether 
without danger, and chatted with various men. It 
may be that the mere fact of seeing him has brought 
comfort to a war-weary soul ; it may be that when the 
captain whose subaltern was killed is bitter at the 
blind waste of life, he will remember the discussion 
they had; it may be that the sergeant will be kept 
straight by the friendship which put aside important 
letters to chat and smoke with him at the end of a 
tiring day; it may be that when that young infantry 
subaltern who said ''Cheerio," in a voice that meant 
*' Good-bye," is taking his men across No Man's Land 
in the darkness of the following night he will think 
of the padre and the padre's God and be comforted. 
But of these things the chaplain can know nothing. 
On the report by which most of his work is judged he 
can put five words — "Visited guns and wagon lines." 

As a rule all Anglican and Catholic padres began 


their Sunday duties by Holy Communion or Mass. 
After breakfast the parade services were taken. At- 
tendance at these was usually compulsory, a fact to be 
regretted, as most men who served in the ranks will 
testify. Sermons had to be brief and to the point, 
dealing with the vital things of life rather than with 
speculative theology. The services were shortened 
and otherwise adapted to the time and place; not in- 
frequently they were shortened by the enemy. 

Every chaplain was supposed to minister to such 
units in his vicinity as were without a padre of their 
own, and so it was no uncommon thing for him to con- 
duct three services in the morning and one or two in 
the afternoon. In the evening he would usually speak 
in the voluntary service in the Y.M.C.A. hut, where 
he could always be assured of a good congregation. 

Church services were held in any place available — 
a trench, a barn, a house, or the open field. Farther 
back, the ^'Y" huts were freely lent to all denomina- 
tions, whilst at Divisional Headquarters a theatre 
could usually be obtained. The Eoman Catholic 
churches of the country were not open to Protestant 
use — there was an order forbidding the use even of a 
ruined church — and so some unusual places were 
used for services. 

Among the rank and file of the chaplains the great- 
est co-operation and camaraderie prevailed. Where- 
ever possible, denominational differences were disre- 
garded and all worked together. Even the Anglicans 
held open Communions, to which any man of any de- 
nomination might come. There have been instances 
of a Presbyterian preparing Anglicans for Confirma- 
tion; of a Methodist arranging an altar for a Roman 
Mass; of a Roman Catholic chaplain walking many 
miles to bring a Baptist padre to attend a dying 
Baptist boy. 

Every chaplain respected the faith of another and 
was more willing to give than to take. The only dis- 


cord in the harmony was that appointments and pro- 
motions went by denomination instead of by merit or 
seniority; but that was because the denominations at 
home demanded their full pounds of flesh — each one 
wanted its full quota of "colonels" and ''majors," 
and they brought pressure to bear upon Ottawa, and 
the administration overseas had to give way. 

Success or failure as a chaplain depended almost 
entirely upon personality: tact, sympathy, and under- 
standing counted for more than anything else. With 
these and manliness, a padre could win the respect 
and confidence of his men; without them he was 
doomed to fail. 

One of the most brilliant men in the Church of 
England — a man whose name appears on the title 
page of very learned books — told the writer that he 
felt himself a failure at the front, and that he was ap- 
pljdng to go home. "I cannot get close to the men," 
he said. "There's something between us which I can- 
not bridge." It almost broke his heart to go, but he 
was wise enough to see his limitations, and so went. 
In his college lecturing and his cathedral preaching 
he was back in his proper sphere, whilst men with a 
tithe of his learning and special ability ministered 
successfully to the troops. 

Among Canadian chaplains one man of outstanding 
personality caught the imagination and won the affec- 
tion of all denominations and all ranks. That man, of 
course, was George Frederick Scott, C.M.G., D.S.O., 
Senior Chaplain of the 1st Division. Poet and scholar, 
he combined within himself — to borrow the words of 
a master of description — "a deal of Ariel, just a 
streak of Puck," much of Sir Galahad, of Francis of 
Assisi BQOst of all — and something perhaps of Don 

Wherever things were most dangerous and help was 
most needed, the canon was to be found. Men wor- 
shipped him. He brought more credit to the Chaplain 


Services than any other man. His appearance among 
a battalion or in a crowded theatre evoked such scenes 
of enthusiasm as are rarely seen. It seemed that he 
led a charmed life. At Passchendaele he walked 
through falling shell, looking for wounded where it 
seemed that nothing could live. An officer, scanning 
the churning mud before him, turned to his companion 
and said, "There's someone out there looking for 
death." The man with him turned his glasses on the 
wanderer. "It's Canon Scott." "Oh," said the first 
speaker, "they can't hit him." At last, after four 
years of gambling with death, the canon was hit, but 
not seriously. 

Being a little lower than the angels, the canon had 
his faults, the chief of which was an impatience of office 
routine. He could not see that "Visited line" de- 
scribed a day's work, and he was a sore trial to the 
little official minds who stayed back in safety and 
made "Digests of Reports." But the reports are for- 
gotten, and the officials, too, whilst George Frederick 
Scott is enshrined securely in the hearts of men who 
fought in France and Flanders. 

To the men of the Canadian Mounted Rifles the 
name of Robert Ridgeway, M.C. and Bar, chaplain, is 
one to be spoken with honour and respect. He lived in 
the line. His commanding officer is said to have re- 
fused to allow another decoration to be given to his 
battalion until Ridgeway 's services were officially rec- 
ognized — and when they were he forgot to put the 
ribbon ' ' up. ' ' The following story is given at second- 
hand, but the authority is good. A ' ' certain person of 
importance" had come from England to tell the chap- 
lains in the field how to do their work. ' ' Get in right 
with the general," he said. "That's the first thing to 
do. Get in right with the general and you'll get on." 

"Damn the general," said Ridgeway, rising in his 
seat. "A chaplain's first duty is to his men." And 
he went out. 


The writer may be wrong, and contentedly so, but 
that expression is more to Ridgeway's honour than 
many unctuous words. 

Another chaplain whom the older C.M.R.'s remember 
and love is Allan Gillies Wilken, taken prisoner on the 
Somme in June, 1916. Wilken overstayed his tour of 
duty in the line to do the work of one who had im- 
portant business farther back. The Boche came over 
and carried Wilken off and kept him for nearly two 
years in German prison camps. He volunteered to go 
with the rank and file in preference to the officers' 
camp, to which he was entitled to be sent. Courts- 
martial and punishments came to him for his efforts 
on behalf of the prisoners, whilst the man who should 
have relieved him in the line received promotion and 
rewards. When the time came for Wilken to be ex- 
changed, the British Government asked him to stay 
and continue his labours for the men. He remained 
for some time, and when he came home even the pro- 
motion which was his due was denied. It had gone to 
others with important business farther back. But 
there are greater rewards than bits of ribbon or steps 
in rank, and the greatest reward is to feel that one 
has played the man. Allan Gillies Wilken has that 
and is content. 

Space permits mention of only a few who should be 
mentioned — E. E. Graham, D.S.O., M.C., recommended 
for the V.C. for acts of bravery of which a colonel said 
that he bad "never seen any man, drunk or sober, do 
the like;" William Henry Davies, M.C., killed at Le 
Quesnel whilst going forward with his men; *'Bob" 
Thompson, M.C., who had the rare distinction — more 
rare than courage — of refusing promotion three times 
because he thought that the rank would hinder his 
work ; Arthur McGreer, thrust into command of all the 
chaplains in the Canadian Corps over the heads of 
many older and more experienced than he, and who 
did his work well as an A.D.C.S. and never recom- 


mended himself for a decoration; and John Almond, 
C.M.G., C.B.E., who left the line to go to London to 
reorganize the Chaplain Services, and had to wrestle 
with ecclesiastics and powers and politicians in high 
places in order to get the department on its feet. It 
is unfair to pick out names. None but God's bright 
angel knows how many toiled faithfully and honestly, 
day after day and month after month, and whose 
record no man knows. There is glory in obscurity 
sometimes — when men forget to ''get in right with 
the general" and are satisfied to serve: did not Ben 
Adhem's name lead all the rest? 

No true chaplain strove for honours and rewards, 
and very few of them — looking around on the men in 
the ranks, those great soldiers who went over the top 
in the drear dawn of day, or who held a dirty ditch 
whilst Death twined his fingers round their throats — 
thought that they deserved them. Far more than any 
other on the front, the padre was in a position to 
realize that the big man out there was the ''buck pri- 
vate," he who endured mud, misery, and the risk of 
being maimed, — grousing, cursing, but patient and 
long-suffering, and without swank. He got very few 
rewards or honours, and he cared nothing for that. 
His job was to "get through and get home," and it 
was honour enough to any man to be privileged to do 
his bit in such brave company. 

This narrative began by saying that the chaplain 
was part of the military machine, appointed to pro- 
duce and maintain religious conviction as a help to 
victory. He was, but he was more. Machinery is 
great, but humanity is greater, and the padre had to 
forget the machine in his care for men. 

He was the soldier's friend, or he was a failure. 

To him was given the high honour of holding the 
chalice to the lips of heroes; of giving them God's 
stirrup-cup as they went out to battle, or crossed to 
where the trumpets sounded victory over death. He 


was a priest of God : but the glory and the sacrament 
of his high calling were not in his office, but in the fact 
that men who knew him could call him "Friend."^ 

2. The Canadian Y.M.C.A. 

Forty-three years before the Great War, the Cana- 
dian Y.M.C.A. had instituted military work in the 
camp at Niagara. When the South African War 
broke out it sent representatives to work on the veldt. 
But its big opportunity came in 1914. 

A few days after the formation of Valcartier Camp, 
permission to operate Y.M.C.A. 's there had been 
granted by the Minister of Militia. The association 
was already on the ground and in some sort of work- 
ing order, but permission was necessary to place it on 
a military basis. Under the direction of F. T. Best — 
a veteran of the South African War — and A. W. 
Forgie, of the National Council of the Y.M.C.A. 's 
Staff, a most desirable location was secured in the 
central part of the great camp grounds, and five mar- 
quees and ten bell tents were erected. A post office, 
reading and writing tents, canteen, barber shop, shoe- 
shine parlour, and huge entertainment marquee were 
opened; religious services were held nightly, and 
the Y.M.C.A. quickly gained the confidence of the 

When the First Contingent sailed for England there 
were with it six "Y" officers, with the honorary rank 
of captain, whose one idea was "Service to the 
Troops." They were H. A. Pearson, H. Whiteman, 

1 426 Canadian chaplains served overseas. The following hon- 
ours and awards were gained by the Canadian Chaplain Service: 
C.M.G., 5; C.B.E., 3; O.B.E., 6; D.S.O., 9; M.C., 36; Bar to the 
M.C., 2; D.C.M., 1; M.M., 3. Mentioned in despatches, 32; Home 
Service Mentions, 13. Two chaplains were killed in action, one 
died of wounds, two died of sickness while on active service, and 
one was drowned when the Llandovery Castle was torpedoed. 


A. W. Forgie, A. Pequegnat, C. Graham, and Oscar 
Irwin. In those days the "Y" men felt their way- 
gingerly, for they were breaking new ground. All 
commanding officers had not yet realized that the asso- 
ciation was something more than a luxury, and that 
its ministrations in the days to come were to mean so 
much in maintaining the moral of the troops. The 
Y.M.C.A. officer had few definite duties, and the high 
position he won in later days was secured by ''making 
good" at the first. 

In England the work done at Valcartier was re- 
peated. Huts and tents were erected and a ''Y" pro- 
gramme put on. There was rain, there was mud, there 
was spinal meningitis, and in the midst of all that 
misery the secretaries toiled indefatigably. 

And then — France! 

When the Canadians crossed the English Channel 
the real difficulties began. All troops in France came 
under General French, the British Commander-in- 
Chief, and the British War Establishment obtained. 
This establishment made no provision for Y.M.C.A. 
officers and so none could officially be carried. Some- 
how they crossed to France and somehow they stayed, 
and when a staff officer was sent from G.H.Q. to in- 
vestigate the irregularity he recommended that it con- 

An extract from an early report will show where 
the ''Y" officer stood then: "The relationship of the 
Y.M.C.A. to the Army was a doubtful one. Add to 
this the fact that the association, like other branches 
of the Service, was quite unprepared to cope with the 
task on hand; that there was no organization, no 
equipment, no special duties and no precedent, and you 
have some idea of the situation." The writer of the 
report goes on to tell of the march into Kemmel 
Shelters. The officers were billeted, the men were 
billeted, but the ^'Y" man wandered uncared for and 
forlorn. None knew where he should go or what he 


should do. At last he ''found a cold tiled floor and 
tried to sleep with his boots for a pillow." The next 
day someone took compassion on him and helped him 
to get "fixed up." 

This is in marked contrast with the latter days of 
the war, when the Y.M.C.A. officers were official mem- 
bers of the staff at Brigade, Division, and Corps 
Headquarters; when brigadiers sought their services, 
and commanding officers of units and their men pro- 
tested vigorously if they were neglected. 

So also is there a contrast between the business of 
those days and later on. Then "there was one con- 
necting link in the person of Captain Lee, who repre- 
sented the Canadian Y.M.C.A. in London, and whose 
duty it was to provide the officers in Prance with one 
thousand sheets of writing paper and envelopes each 
week, and to purchase for these officers certain sup- 
lilies which could be sent by parcel post." 

At the time of the Armistice the Canadian "Y" had 
a business turnover of more than six million dollars 
for the year ; it had 250 branches scattered around the 
globe wherever Canadians were to be found ; it had set 
Up 1,200 different places for the troops in France 
within twelve months; it had in the same time given 
291 free concerts and cinemas, conducted innumerable 
athletic meets at a cost of $486,000, and contributed 
$297,000 in cash, stationery, smokes, and drinks. Not 
only that, but from the half dozen officers who crossed 
^\ith the First Contingent had sprung an organization 
which consisted of at least one thousand officers and 
men, carried upon military establishment, and over 
five thousand civilian volunteer workers, both men and 
women. Its ramifications extended to France, Bel- 
gium, England, Scotland, Palestine, Northern Russia, 
Siberia, Holland, and, after the Armistice, to Ger- 

Formal authorization for the establishment came in 
May, 1917, when provision was made for 114 officers 


and 265 other ranks in England and France. In little 
more than a year from then the personnel of the "Y" 
was 140 officers and 745 other ranks. 

Although the most spectacular work was done in the 
battle areas, yet the service rendered in training 
camps, hospitals, and leave centres was of equal im- 
portance. Beginning with Valcartier, the Red Tri- 
angle was set up in every training camp throughout 

During the entire period that men were being 
trained the Y.M.C.A. was with them at the numerous 
military centres covering the Dominion from coast to 
coast. Not a single soldier reached the other side 
without experiencing the helpfulness of the ^'Y." 

When the wounded began to return home, the Red 
Triangle met them at Montreal, Quebec, and Halifax 
with its programme of welcome and cheer. At each 
of these points special staffs were maintained, and to- 
wards the close of the war, when returning men ar- 
rived in ever-increasing numbers, these staffs were 
augmented to cope with the enormous task of minis- 
tering to their welfare. The policy of free drinks and 
refreshments that had proved of so much benefit in 
the war area was continued at the Canadian ports of 

Further developments of the service for returned 
men consisted of transport and troop-train work. 
Secretaries with special equipment travelled on all 
transports carrying the troops home. It was the 
duty of these men to organize entertainments on board, 
and to conduct bureaus of information whereby sol- 
diers were advised as to Government arrangements 
for veterans and where information of peculiar in- 
terest to returned men was supplied. 

A similar work was done on the troop-trains, the 
Y.M.C.A. representatives being business men and 
others from the districts to which the men were re- 
turning. The trains were accompanied to their des- 


tination by the ''Y" men, most of whom were volun- 
tary workers. In many cases the work on both troop- 
ships and trains consisted of ministering to the wel- 
fare not only of the soldiers but of their wives and 
children as well. The cost of the troop-train service, 
which included periodical free distribution en route of 
candies, fruits, and cigarettes, as well as literature, 
averaged one hundred dollars per train. 

Getting the men home did not end the obligation of 
the Y.M.C.A. It was found that thousands of the 
veterans congregated at the large centres of popula- 
tion. To care for these men, many of them waiting 
for discharge, thousands of them unsettled in mind as to 
their final destination, became a further charge upon the 
association. What were known as Red Triangle Huts 
or Clubs were established at strategic points. These 
buildings, either leased or built for the purpose, be- 
came veritable soldiers' hotels where returned men 
could find bed and board at considerably less than 
current prices charged for such privileges elsewhere. 
Each Red Triangle Club became a rendezvous for sol- 
diers who found there a warm welcome from the staff 
and voluntary women and lay workers, and where 
through the Service Bureau thousands of men found 
employment and saved thousands of dollars in adjust- 
ments of pay and pension through the expert advice 
tendered them. 

It is interesting to note that when, owing to lack of 
funds, it was proposed to close the Red Triangle Club 
in Toronto, a special petition, signed by fourteen hun- 
dred returned men, was presented by a deputation, 
headed by the mayor of Toronto, asking that the club 
be kept open. As a result the National Council de- 
cided to continue operating the club until April, 1920. 
This policy was extended to all the Red Triangle 
Clubs throughout Canada. 

General Sir Arthur Currie, speaking at a banquet 
given by the local officers in his honour at Toronto in 


August, 1919, went out of his way to pay a special 
tribute to the work of the "Y." He said: 

"We must not forget the Y.M.C.A. All of us know 
the splendid service which that organization rendered 
at the front. There is no need for me to say anything 
to you about it. You who were there know the mag- 
nificent work it did. I want to say that I am prepared 
to stand on any platform in this country and tell 
those who contributed funds to that splendid insti- 
tution that their money was well invested and wisely 

In the beginning of its operations in England the 
Y.M.C.A. had but nine centres ; before the end of 1918 
it had grown to embrace eighty- four. When the re- 
cruit came, fresh from Canada, the association pro- 
vided him with facilities for amusement and addi- 
tions to his comfort. A round of entertainment was 
provided, canteens were open for his use, athletics 
were organized and encouraged. 

In the Canadian hospitals throughout England the 
"Y" did much excellent service. For instance, the 
theatre at the Canadian Military Hospital at Orping- 
ton was turned over to the association and used as a 
reading, writing, and recreation room. In other hos- 
pitals work was done in the wards or as circumstances 

The Canadian Forestry Corps, scattered as it was 
through Great Britain, in many cases far from towns, 
was provided with a full "Y" programme which went 
far towards relieving the monotony of camp life. 

London attracted the Canadian on leave, and the 
<<Y" was there to look after him. Information bu- 
reaus, kit stores, tourist agencies, dances, and, not 
least, the Beaver Hut were provided. At any of the 
bureaus the soldier would be given such information 
about places, trains, hotels, theatres, churches, etc., as 
he might require; at the kit stores he could deposit 
his pack and equipment until the end of his leave; at 


the tourist agencies he could arrange a tour to any 
part of the British Isles, and at the Beaver Hut he 
could make himself at home. 

The Beaver Hut. It was after long consideration of 
the needs of the men in London that the site of the 
old Tivoli Theatre was taken over by the Canadian 
Y.M.C.A. For a year and a half a little information 
bureau had stood there, but permission to erect a 
larger building was difficult to obtain. Only buildings 
which could be regarded as necessary from a military 
point of view were allowed to be erected, but the au- 
thorities at last were convinced that a home of their 
own for Canadian soldiers came under that category, 
and so the Beaver Hut came into being. 

The hut consisted of a rotunda, lounge, quiet room, 
billiard room, kitchen, dining-room with a capacity for 
three thousand meals per day; dormitories with 165 
beds; kit storage for seven hundred kits; lavatories, 
shoe-shine parlour, and barber shop. A bed cost 
eighteen cents per night and included towel, soap, use 
of lavatories, shower baths, and kit room. A rationed 
meal cost eighteen cents. The building was open day 
and night, and all soldiers of the Allied forces were 
welcome. Every day an orchestra played from 3 p.m. 
to 10 p.m. in the lounge, and entertainments were 
given in the Little Theatre, adjacent, at. intervals 
from 2 p.m. to 10.30 p.m. In the hut a staff of eight 
hundred Canadian and English women, under the 
superintendence of Miss Helen Fitz-Randolph, of New 
Brunswick, assisted by Lady Beaverbrook, cared for 
the men. In the ranks of this statf were women of 
title, and women who earned their daily bread in 
office or factory or store. They were one in their de- 
sire to serve the men of Canada. 

Every effort was made to acquaint the men of the 
Canadian Corps with the facilities for clean enter- 
tainment and amusement provided in London for 
them. The following advertisement was inserted in 



the Canadian Daily Record, the official newspaper for 
the troops : 



Beaver Hut, 66, Strand, including Dormitories, Res- 
taurant, Billiard Room, Theatre, Kit Store, Barber Shop 
and Shoe Shine, Shower Baths, 2,500 meals served daily. 
160 beds available. Theatre every afternoon and evening. 

C.A.P.C. Hut, Millbank — 3,900 meals daily. 

Kit Stores, Victoria — Medical Service and Viseing 
Offices in building. 50 yards from Victoria Station. Ac- 
commodation 3,000 kits. 

Officers' Hut, Eaton Square — Canada Wing, an addi- 
tion to Queen Mary Hut for officers. Cubicles, smoking- 
room, bathing facilities. 

Leave Department — All information re Tours and 
Hospitality in Great Britain. 

Address inquiries to O.C. Leave Department, Beaver 
Hut, Strand, London. 

Recreation Grounds, Chiswick — London Polytechnic 
grounds, boat-house. Tennis, cricket, football, baseball. 
Track and field athletic equipment supplied free. 

Officers' Cluhs. Whilst the man in the ranks has 
always come first in consideration, yet the officer has 
not been neglected by the "Y." 

Many junior officers, recently promoted from the 
ranks, found London hotel prices beyond their means. 
Not only that, but accommodation was limited and 
many a man, fresh from the front, was compelled to 
spend the first night of his brief leave in wandering 
from place to place seeking shelter. 

To meet this need a Canadian wing was added by 
the Y.M.C.A. to the Queen Mary Hut for officers in 
Eaton Square; information bureaus kept lists of 
places where accommodation might be obtained; and 
finally a large, modern, and convenient hotel in 
Bloomsbury was taken over. 


In the camps — Seaf ord, Bramshott, Witley, and 
Rhyl — Officers ' Clubs were opened and did much to 
relieve the monotony of life spent so far from towns. 

In France, Officers' Clubs at Villers an Bois, Neu- 
ville St. Vaast, Chateau de la Hale, Hersin, Bully 
Grenay, Ecoivre, and Ecurie were established and 
proved an inestimable boon. 

Canteens. One of the first ''extras" demanded by 
men in France was a canteen where supplementary 
rations could be purchased. As a rule units conducted 
their own canteens and used the profits which accrued 
to augment regimental funds ; but the scheme was not 
always satisfactory and under mobile warfare it failed 
entirely. Railheads changed their locations; Expe- 
ditionary Force Canteens — the official supply depots 
for canteen stocks — could not always keep up with 
the troops; supplies were often hard to obtain and 
more and more the canteen business passed into the 
hands of the more mobile Y.M.C.A. From the modest 
arrangement already mentioned whereby one Cana- 
dian Y.M.C.A. officer sent from England a thousand 
sheets of paper and envelopes per week, and such 
parcels as mail-boats permitted, the canteen business 
grew to such gigantic proportions that, as already 
stated, its turnover in the last year of the war for 
France and England was nearly six million dollars. 
Of course, profits were made. No canteen was allowed 
to sell goods in France at more or less than the price 
laid down by the Expeditionary Force Canteen's Com- 
mittee, which sat at the War Office. Price lists were 
published and hung in every canteen where customers 
could see them. 

What was done with the profits? A fixed percent- 
age (five per cent, of sales, or about twenty per cent, 
of the gross profits) was returned in cash to unit com- 
manders to be used as they thought fit. In this way 
$163,368 was handed over in 1918. This money went 
into regimental funds and was used for extra food, 


rubber boots, straw for billets, and other comforts for 
the men. 

When fighting was in progress the men going up to 
the line could halt at a ''Y" coffee stall en route and 
obtain free hot tea or coffee. The same arrangement 
obtained on their return. During battles, extras, such 
as chocolate, cigarettes, and matches, etc., were dis- 
tributed free. 

Transport Difficulties. One of the greatest difficulties 
found by the "Y" in France was that of transport. 
Supplies could be carried to the ports and shipped to 
railhead in the ordinary way, but often railhead was 
some distance behind the main body of the troops and 
the problem was how to carry the goods from railhead 
to the corps. 

The Y.M.C.A. had no transport of its own ; the one 
or two light cars upon its strength were absurdly in- 
adequate to the task, and so it became necessary to 
borrow lorries and wagons for the work. In stationary 
warfare this was not very difficult : the mere fact that 
it was " Y.M.C.A. stuff for the troops" was enough ; but 
when the corps moved the real trouble began. Every 
available vehicle had an allotted load and none could 
be spared for extra work. It was often necessary to 
go outside the corps — to Army Troops or even to 
another army altogether — before transport could be 
obtained. Obtained it was in every case without fail, 
often to the complete mystification of the Department 
of Supply and Transport. 

Problems of Personnel. In March, 1917, the Cana- 
dian Y.M.C.A. was placed upon the official establish- 
ment and a certain number of men from each division 
allotted to the work. Many of these men were mag- 
nificent — and some were not. It was not to be ex- 
pected that commanding officers would let their best 
men go, and it sometimes happened that men with rec- 
ords which rendered their absence from their own 
units desirable, were drafted to the **Y." 


Some well-founded criticism was directed against 
the organization by men who were perhaps not well 
served by these enforced servants of the association. 
It was difficult to discriminate between the actual 
"Y'* workers and those drafted into it by the military 
authorities, whose business it was to keep the best men 
for the line. 

Entertainments. No man can estimate the part 
played by the "Y" in maintaining the ynorol of the 
men in the field. Concerts, cinemas, sing-songs, ath- 
letics, etc., all contributed to keep them from going 

A man could come out of the line, change and wash 
at the divisional baths, and then proceed to any one of 
half a dozen places of entertainment to forget the 
sights he had so lately seen and the deeds he had been 
called upon to do. Not only did the entertainments 
preserve moral; they saved many a man's sanity. 

Great emphasis was laid upon athletics. The Cana- 
dian "Y" had fully qualified physical directors at- 
tached to each division, and every *'Y" man had been 
trained to stage athletic games. Baseball, football, 
tennis, cricket, etc., were scheduled and leagued, whilst 
track athletics received marked attention. The entire 
equipment, including costumes, required for these 
sports were supplied by the <'Y" on a free-loan 

One of the most spectacular events ever staged in 
the athletic world was the Canadian Championship 
Meet on Dominion Day of 1918. At the little town 
of Tinques on the Arras front over 35,000 troops 
gathered to witness the finals of the events in which 
they had been competing for weeks. Had it not been 
necessary for some troops to hold the line the whole 
corps would have been there. As it was, almost the 
whole corps was represented. It was estimated that 
about 70,000 men competed in preliminaries and finals. 
For months past the scheme had been prepared, and 


as soon as permission to go ahead was given, over 
$100,000 worth of athletic equipment was distributed 
on loan by the '<Y" to the troops. Philip Gibbs, the 
famous war correspondent, wrote at the time: ''It 
was one of the most remarkable scenes I have ever 
seen. It was a holiday in war-time, and every man 
knew that in another day or two, or in another week 
or two, he might be in the midst of battle, so that his 
jollity had a sweet spice to it. And all those men 
looked so fine and hard and splendid, that to see them 
gave one a sense of safety, and of victory in the fight- 
ing that must come." Representatives from all the 
armies in France attended; Canada's Prime Minister 
and the Duke of Connaught came also. The meet cost 
the Canadian Y.M.C.A. 44,560 francs. What it was 
worth in increased moral none can estimate. 

Huts. The Red Triangle on a thousand huts, tents, 
barns, billets, and dug-outs forms one of the few 
pleasant memories of the years of war; to quote a 
writer in a previous volume in this series: *'In three 
years, the Y.M.C.A. 's Red Triangle became almost as 
well known as the Red Cross as a sign denoting an 
expression of the good will of the people at home to- 
wards the men of the forces." ^ It has stood for the 
thought of the people in Canada, who, by their gener- 
ous and often self-sacrificing giving, have made the 
work of the association possible; it has stood for the 
helping hand and the cheery welcome — the one place 
where men could escape from the soulless machinery 
of war and relax as in the house of a friend. 

Wherever possible huts were erected. In them 
there was light and warmth, books and magazines to 
read, writing paper and pens at hand all day. In the 
evenings they were the scene of concert or cinema or 
a short religious service. On Sunday mornings the 
huts were loaned to the chaplains for parade services, 

1 See Vol. II, p. 204. 


regardless of denominational difference. It meant 
much for men to escape from dug-outs or uncomfort- 
able "bivvies" into such places. 

From the base to the front the Y.M.C.A. was with 
the troops, striving to do them service. The associa- 
tion followed them on leave whether in the British 
Isles or France. Something has been said of the work 
in London; a similar work was undertaken in Paris. 
Many men, reahzing that a priceless opportunity was 
to hand, elected to spend their leave in the French 
capital; but there were few facilities for such an ex- 
perience except at great expense Hotel charges out- 
rivalled those in London ; there were no welfare agen- 
cies such as so happily obtained in England — and 
Paris had temptations all her own. The Americans had 
placed the city out of bounds, and the Canadian au- 
thorities seriously considered as to whether it would 
not be wise for them to follow their example. Then 
the Canadian Y.M.C.A. stepped in, took over the 
Hotel d'lena and ran it for the troops. It was a first- 
class hotel, with silken hangings, beautifully carved 
furniture, and every modern luxury. The rates for 
the private soldier were from 75 cents to $1.00 for a 
bed, or from $2.50 to $3.00 for room and three meals 
— a striking contrast with the prices prevailing in 
Paris at the time. The hotel was the centre of a 
series of excursions and entertainment; men went to 
Versailles and Fontainebleau, saw the things worth see- 
ing, and came away satisfied with what they had seen. 
Theatre and opera parties set out each evening, 
special terms being given to the Canadian troops. 
From the time the Canadian Y.M.C.A. took over the 
work in Paris there was no mention of placing the city 
''out of bounds." 

Prisoners of War. Special efforts were made to 
assist prisoners of war. In September, 1918, Lieut.- 
Colonel Birks visited Holland and found 375 Cana- 
dians interned. Accordingly, a ''Y" officer was sent 


there in the next month and was able to do much for 
the men, both before and after the Armistice. At the 
Hotel d'lena in Paris many returned prisoners found 
a warm welcome and a wooing back into the ways of 
free men. Service was provided for prisoners of war 
returning through Mons and Valenciennes. A special 
service of free milk, coffee, chocolate, and biscuits was 
supplied to French refugees from evacuated areas and 
also to the starving people left in the wake of the re- 
treating Hmi. The French Government expressed 
their warm appreciation of this service. 

In Far Fields. Among the Canadian troops in Rus- 
sia, — at Archangel and on the Murman Coast, — as 
well as in Palestine, where they worked among the 
Canadian Railway Troops, the Y.M.C.A. built up a 
much appreciated work. To men so far from home, 
amid climatic conditions so trying, and in countries 
where intercourse with the natives was almost out of 
the question, the ministrations of the Canadian '*Y" 
were doubly welcome. Wherever the Maple Leaf has 
gone the Red Triangle has accompanied it. 

The Armistice. With the cessation of hostilities 
the need for entertainment and diversion increased. 
There was a sudden reaction from the strain of war 
which let loose energies which had to be guided into 
proper channels. The Y.M.C.A. redoubled its efforts 
and put on the largest and most comprehensive pro- 
gramme in its history. In the occupied territories 
concerts, cinemas, and sing-songs were in full swing 
every day and night. In Germany and in Belgium 
local theatres were taken over, sometimes with their 
staffs, and operated by the "Y." Two divisions and 
the Corps Troops went to Germany; for one of these 
divisions alone twelve theatres and fifteen canteens 
were opened. The part that these canteens played is 
shown by the fact that in thirteen days the troops 
spent more than $50,000 in them. In one brigade 
alone four cinemas were operated, 2,500 men being en- 


tertained in one night to a cinema show, a supper, and 
a variety show. 

Back in Belgium, where two divisions remained, and 
where the Canadian troops from Germany retired on 
demobilization, similar entertainment was provided. 
Special tours to Brussels, Waterloo, Antwerp, Bruges, 
Ostend, and Ghent were arranged. In one month 
nearly fifteen thousand men went to these places un- 
der the auspices of the Canadian *'Y." In Liege and 
Brussels entire divisions were entertained free. 

At Havre, special efforts were made to fill the wants 
of the returning soldier. One feature was a cinema, 
to seat 1,500, which cost $15,000. 

At the base camps at Etaples and Aubin St. Vaast 
the usual activities were carried on. Aubin St. Vaast 
boasted an athletic ground containing in one area a 
football field, five indoor baseball diamonds, a running 
track, three quoiting pitches, five tennis courts, tug-of- 
war ground, boxing and wrestling rings, jumping pit 
and fields for lacrosse, cricket, badminton, and 
mounted events. 

One interesting feature staged was that of the Ca- 
nadian Citizenship Campaign. Special speakers were 
brought from Canada to address the troops on the 
various phases of demobilization, repatriation, and 
conditions prevailing at home. The service was 
greatly appreciated by men who had been for so long 
a period out of direct touch with Dominion affairs, 
and many were able to decide their after-the-war vo- 
cations and to settle business at home because of the 
information given. 

Another pleasing service was in the bringing to 
France of two star Shakespearian companies which 
rendered Shakespeare's magic art as many had never 
seen it rendered before. 

When the move was made to England, the ''Y" was 
able to attach a canteen car, with a library and gram- 
ophone, to each train en route to Havre. At every 


stop throughout the long journey of four days, hot 
drinks and other refreshments were provided and 
athletic equipment brought out to relieve the monot- 
onj^ of the trip. 

For the long wait in England, previous to embark- 
ing for Canada, a huge programme of entertainment 
was put on. The Leave Department was taken advan- 
tage of as never before. In one month (March, 1919) 
13,934 men were sent on tours of Great Britain by the 
International Y.M.C.A. Hospitality League, whilst the 
Beaver Hut alone sent 1,000 in the same period. 

Almost from the beginning chaplains and Y.M.C.A. 
officers had made individual efforts to interest and in- 
struct the men when off duty. Bible Study Classes 
gave the idea of study classes in other subjects, and 
so keenly were these taken up that a whole educational 
field was seen to be open. Then again, the popular 
lectures which were so important a feature of Y.M.C.A. 
entertainment suggested popularized college lectures. 

In 1917 Dr. H. M. Tory, president of the University 
of Alberta, was sent overseas by the National Council 
of Y.M.C.A. 's to investigate the situation and report 
upon the possibilities for a plan of popular education 
in England and France. Whilst Dr. Tory was back in 
Canada, laying before the universities the scheme 
which he had outlined, the study classes which were 
carried on in the different areas were given official 
recognition by the military authorities and a commit- 
tee of Y.M.C.A. officers and chaplains, together with a 
representative from Headquarters, was appointed. 
Under this committee the educational work was car- 
ried on by means of Khaki Colleges and Battalion 
Schools in England and a series of Battalion Schools 
in France. A Correspondence Department was also 
maintained for soldiers living under circumstances 
where local organizations were not practicable. 

In France General Lipsett had undertaken the or- 


ganization of educational work among the men, and 
the University of Vimy Ridge ^ came into being. 
Necessarily, the work done was occasional, but it had 
the important effect of keeping alive interest in edu- 
cational matters. 

Later on an Advisory Council, representing the uni- 
versities of Canada, was appointed, with Dr. Tory as 
educational director, and the whole organization was 
legally constituted by Order-in-Council of the Domin- 
ion Government, and financial support was provided 
by the Government and by the Y.M.C.A. In its 1918 
campaign the National Council of Y.M.C.A. 's of Can- 
ada raised $500,000 towards the support of the Khaki 
University, and this sum was handed over to the Uni- 
versity Board. 

Casual reference has been made to the unselfish 
labours of the lay voluntary workers, both men and 
women, without whose constant, efficient, and ungrudg- 
ing service the work of the Red Triangle could not 
have been accomplished. To the women in par- 
ticular a word of more than praise is due. Without 
their assistance as waitresses in the Red Triangle 
Clubs, the moderate charges that prevailed in these 
institutions would not have been possible ; but beyond 
the monetary value of their services was the whole- 
some atmosphere they brought to these busy centres. 
"Whether enjojdng a cup of coffee or a chat at the 
"Mother's Corner," soldiers were brought into direct 
contact with the uplifting influence of a gracious 
womanhood from which they had been separated too 

It is impossible to enumerate even the outstanding 
instances of busy business men who not only gave 
unstintingly of their means, but also rendered long 
and valuable personal service on committees of man- 
agement. Such men formed not only the personnel of 

1 See Vol. V, pp. 27-31. 


the National Council at Toronto and other centres, 
but also that of innumerable committees throughout 
the land. 

At the risk of appearing invidious, mention must be 
made of three who served overseas: Lieut.-Colonel 
Gerald W. Birks, Montreal; Mr. Abner Kingman, 
Montreal; and Captain David Corbett, a Canadian 
Scot from New York. These three men severed im- 
portant business ties and went overseas to serve the 
Canadian forces under the segis of the Red Triangle. 
Colonel Birks, as General Supervisor, Mr. Kingman, 
as Chairman of the Overseas Committee, and Captain 
Corbett, as Business Manager, contributed, at their 
own cost, a service to the Canadian Y.M.C.A., and 
through the association to the soldiers, that no word 
of acknowledgment can adequately express. 

3. Knights op Columbus ''Catholic Army Huts" 

This association — a war activity organized by the 
Canadian Councils of the Knights of Columbus — 
came into being as a result of representations made to 
the Ottawa Council by Major the Rev. J, J. 'Gorman, 
when invalided to Canada in the winter of 1916-17. It 
set out (1) to provide chapels for Catholic soldiers 
(i.e., to furnish or equip the military hutments ceded 
by the Army, or to construct buildings when neces- 
sary), and (2) to provide social and recreational 
facilities for all troops, irrespective of creed. The 
first funds, donated by the Ottawa Council, were sup- 
plemented by drives, successfully organized in 1917 
and 1918. To these drives all citizens of Canada were 
asked to contribute, and their response showed that 
they appreciated the clean-cut programme of the or- 

The gross expenditure overseas was £61,004, the 
apportioning of which was as follows : 


Equipment and maintenance of huts and tents 
Recreational supplies to military huts 
Religious supplies to military huts . 
Cables and postage .... 
Free stationery .... 

Office, express, salaries, and transportation 





Bramshott Camp. The first important activities of 
the association in England were at this camp, where a 
chapel and adjacent recreation room had been built 
by a British Catholic association for the benefit of Ca- 
nadian troops in the latter part of the year 1916. In 
the fall of 1917 this property was taken over by the 
C.A.H. and the Recreation Hut continued its good serv- 
ice with the valuable co-operation of the Catholic Wo- 
men's League of England. These ladies deserve the 
grateful thanks of the people of Canada for their ad- 
mirable work in connection w^ith the C.A.H., as also for 
the welcome which was always afforded to Canadians in 
their own hut near Westminster Cathedral. Through 
their efficiency the Bramshott Hut, with its spacious 
canteen, its billiard tables, and its general atmosphere 
of homelike comfort, became increasingly popular 
among the troops, and it is worthy of note that, when 
H.M. the King of England visited the camp in 1918, 
the refreshments for the Royal party were provided 
by this hut at the request of Canadian Headquarters. 
The buildings, enlarged and improved from time to 
time, were used until demobilization closed the camp. 

London Area. The incessant problem of accommo- 
dation and recreation for troops on leave in London, 
demanded the contribution of the C.A.H. to its solu- 
tion. From the fall of 1917 a chaplain, whose ex- 
penses were partly defrayed by the C.A.H., lived near 
the C.W.L. hut at Westminster, and did his best to 
bring Canadian soldiers into the radius of decent 
quarters, and honest recreation. It was at first pro- 
posed that the C.A.H. should enlarge the C.W.L. hut, 


but this was found impracticable, and the directors 
were eventually able to obtain possession of fine prem- 
ises at No. 24 Grosvenor Place. This building, di- 
vested of its superfluous furniture and works of art, 
was adapted to its new purposes and opened to the 
troops at the beginning of May, 1917. An electric 
sign, bearing the inscription ' ' K. of C. Catholic Army 
Huts. All Sailors and Soldiers Welcome," and the 
Maple Leaf sign, with its monogram of the Holy 
Name, brought a full house at once. Wlien H.E. Car- 
dinal Bourne, assisted by Sir George Perley, Sir Ed- 
ward Kemp, General Turner, and others, formally 
opened the club on the 21st of May, it was already an 
assured success. Within a few weeks a second man- 
sion was rented at No. 31 Grosvenor Place. The 
sleeping accommodation was then increased to 127 
beds, and each house had spacious rooms for recrea- 
tion. At No. 31 a continuous canteen of the highest 
quality was maintained at a low tariff, and in this, as 
in every C.A.H. institution, all possibility of profit 
was excluded by order of the directors. The original 
premises at No. 24 contained a private oratory for the 
convenience of Catholic soldiers and a room for the 
chaplain. Of all C.A.H. ventures this was naturally 
the largest and most important. During the thirteen 
months of its existence, it offered continuous welcome, 
shelter, recreation, and food, not only to Canadian but 
also to American and all Allied troops. The high 
standard of its appointment met with the complete ap- 
proval of all military authorities and also with the 
deep appreciation of the troops. It closed its doors at 
the end of June, 1919. 

In the fall of 1918 the London directors decided, in 
spite of uncertainties as to the future, to extend the 
C.A.H. work to the Waterloo district, which was in 
need of further accommodation. The large premises 
known as St. George's Hall, near Southwark Cathe- 
dral, were rented and adapted under great difficulties. 


About Christinas, 1918, the new club was opened by 
Sir Robert Borden, and its intensive career of useful- 
ness from that date until the end of May, 1919, showed 
that it met a real need. 

Witley. During the long and tiresome formalities 
which had to be gone through before the erection of a 
C.A.H. establishment, the directors did their best to 
help the existing military huts. A magnificent new 
hut was, however, completed in time to render real 
service during the demobilization period. 

Seaford. The C.A.H. was able to give great help to 
the original Catholic Soldiers Club managed by a local 
priest. In the fall of 1918 a new and splendidly ap- 
pointed hut was built in the South Camp and main- 
tained the C.A.H. and C.W.L. standard until the end 
of demobilization. 

BexJiill and Cooden. Cadets from the neighbouring 
school and wounded soldiers from Cooden Hospital 
were well looked after in a club, which, at first locally 
managed, was at length adopted by the C.A.H. In the 
neighbouring hamlet of Cooden Beach a large tent was 
provided in summer and subsequently replaced by a 
hut which became a remarkable success. 

FrensJiam Pond. At this segregation camp a mar- 
quee was provided and subsequently replaced by a 
C.A.H. hut which did service later at Rhyl. 

Epsom. After a delay which was not imputable to 
the C.A.H., this hospital was provided with a long- 
needed chapel and recreation hut in 1918. 

Kinmel Park. This huge demobilization camp re- 
ceived its hut in March, 1919, only. Its short career 
was marked with complete success. 

Ripon. The troops sent from Bramshott for conve- 
nience of demobilization found the C.W.L. at work, 
and here again the C.A.H. renewed a partnership 
which had always been successful. 

Buxton. This centre, comprising the original dis- 
charge depot and three hospitals, was served by the 


erection of a unique and comfortable "down-town" 
hut, which did excellent work right on to the winter 
of 1919-20. 

The record of the C.A.H. in France shows that 
much good work was done during the latter part of the 
war in spite of its lack of military establishment, 
transport facilities, etc. The bulk of the work was 
therefore conducted by the Catholic chaplains, com- 
paratively few in numbers and already hard-worked. 

At the Front. A chapel tent was sent to the 22nd 
Battalion in January, 1918, and did good work for that 
notable unit. In February four more tents were 
erected behind the lines in the Lens sector. In all, 
eleven tents were thus despatched and used, though 
one marquee sent to the 12th Brigade was never de- 

Belgium and Germany. In the course of the move 
towards Germany, the 11th Brigade were provided 
with a C.A.H. club at Boitsford, and the 4th Brigade 
Engineers with one at Nil St. Vincent. The 72nd Bat- 
talion were provided with a Christmas dinner en 
route. When the Canadian troops arrived in the 
Ehineland the 22nd Battalion and the 2nd Brigade 
had clubs near Bonn. To other units frequent sup- 
plies of cigarettes, writing paper, sport material, and 
devotional articles were sent. 

Railway Troops. These scattered troops were pro- 
vided at different times with four chapel tents and the 
usual supplies. 

Hospitals. Chapel tents were provided for the 1st 
Canadian Casualty Clearing Station and the 2nd Cana- 
dian Stationary Hospital. A chapel and reading-room 
were provided at Le Treport and a chapel at Etaples. 
After some difficulty a chapel tent was given to No. 3 
Canadian General Hospital (McGill). The hut built 
for No. 8 General Hospital was delayed by transpor- 
tation difficulties and finally used at Le Havre. The 
hut provided at No. 6 Canadian General Hospital 


(Laval), at Joinville, was inspected by General Tur- 
ner, who, in December, 1918, declared it to be "the 
most complete hut" he had seen. 

At the Base. In Etaples the Oratory Hut, an Eng- 
lish Catholic concern, was taken over by the C.A.H. 
and free drinks provided to over two thousand men 
each day. 

The biggest and best achievement of the C.A.H. 
overseas was attained at Le Havre in January, 1919. 
Here the main stream of demobilization was met by 
two huts, one outside the camp and one within. In the 
first hut, during February, 1919, the daily average of 
free hospitality given was fifty gallons of coffee and 
cocoa, fifty boxes of biscuits, and two thousand ciga- 
rettes. When the second hut got into operation more 
than double quantities were served. By May 11th it 
was calculated that 120,000 bowls of tea, coffee, and 
cocoa, 8,000 pounds of biscuits, 570,000 cigarettes and 
6,000 boxes of matches had been disposed of free of 
charge to Canadian troops leaving France, as a token 
of appreciation from the people of Canada through 
the medium of the C.A.H. 

In addition to the work done in England, France, 
Belgium, and Germany, the activities of the C.A.H. 
extended to far Siberia, where the Canadian. Expedi- 
tionary Force was accompanied by the K. of C. Secre- 
tary, who, from headquarters at Gournostia, distrib- 
uted a million cigarettes and a hundred thousand 
packages of gum. Moreover, plentiful supplies of 
''comforts" were placed on transports returning from 
England and distributed under the supervision of 
commanding officers. 

The work of the association was carried on with- 
out militarj^ establishment. Through the courtesy of 
Canadian Headquarters the Overseas Secretary- 
Treasurer had a convenient centre at Argyll House, 
within easy reach of the Chaplain Sei^ice. The office 
files show that no reasonable request was ever re- 


fused and that no line of denominationalism was ever 
drawn. This intensive work was carried on by a staff 
of four, and it is especially worthy of note that the 
cost of administration to the Canadian public for the 
whole period of activity was $1,300. 

Demobilization. Coincident with the beginning of 
preparations for the demobilization of the Canadian 
Expeditionary Force, the need of caring for returned 
men, during and after the period of their discharge 
from the Service in Canada, became apparent, and the 
necessary steps were immediately taken to cope with 
the situation. The organization's funds at this time 
consisted of the balance of the original $1,100,000 
raised for the work, after the deduction of expendi- 
tures overseas. 

Lieut.-Colonel Clarence F. Smith, of Montreal, 
was appointed Comptroller of the Knights of Colum- 
bus Catholic Army Huts, the military authorities were 
consulted, and a chain of huts thrown open right 
across the Dominion, covering the dispersal areas 
selected by the Department of Militia and Defence. 
Local committees were appointed to take charge of 
the work in the various centres, and in an incredibly 
short space of time the machinery of the organization 
was ready for the reception of the home-coming 

The C.A.H. in Canada adopted as its chosen motto 
the words "Everything for the Returned Man," and 
set out to do the maximum amount of good for all 
soldiers and sailors, regardless of colour, race, or 

In the Huts. In all the Catholic Army Huts, recrea- 
tion and writing-rooms were placed at the disposal of 
the men, and free beds and meals provided for them 
for the first few days following their discharge. After 
this, they were accommodated at greatly reduced 
rates, cases of genuine need being invariably looked 
after gratis. 


The element of personal interest was brought into 
the work in every way possible, both through the serv- 
ices of the secretaries and their staffs, and through 
the thousands of volunteer workers who devoted them- 
selves to the interests of the demobilized men through- 
out the country. The efficient serving of meals and 
the work of many of the necessary committees in con- 
nection with the huts, would have been impossible 
without the army of women who formed themselves 
into ladies ' auxiliaries in the various centres and effec- 
tually handled many branches of the work. 

Assistance and advice in military and civilian mat- 
ters were given free of charge to all comers at the 
various inquiry counters. Correspondence was con- 
ducted for the men with the various naval and mili- 
tary offices and government departments, and matters 
of gratuity, land settlement, vocational training, pen- 
sions, and so forth looked after for them. The great 
question of employment was also dealt with to a lim- 
ited degree. 

An idea of the extent of the work done may be 
gathered from the official records, which show that 
from the time of their opening until March 21st, 1920, 
the Catholic Army Huts in Canada provided 225,934 
beds and 926,857 meals for returned men; 57,260 beds 
and 246,481 meals being given free of charge. 

Reception Committee. Beyond the regular work of 
the huts in providing food, shelter, and comfort for 
all comers, the returning soldiers were looked after at 
all the landing ports and important railroad stopping- 
places, en route to their final destinations. Reception 
committees under the administration of the various 
huts served all these points and kept the men well sup- 
plied with all kinds of recreational materials and com- 
forts and refreshments, and also saw to the free des- 
patching of their letters and telegrams, a service that 
was much appreciated by the soldiers. 

Hospital Work. The care of those who would other- 


wise have been unable to avail themselves of the privi- 
leges and services of the huts, was always an important 
feature of the C.A.H. work, and the last of its activi- 
ties to be suspended. Hospital committees were 
formed in connection with every hut, for the express 
purpose of caring for every military and naval ''case" 
in the locality. In places removed from the larger 
centres, members of the Knights of Columbus and 
other energetic volunteers took charge of the work and 
attended to the distribution of comforts and recrea- 
tional supplies provided by the Catholic Army Huts. 
The providing of entertainments for the sick and 
wounded also came under the administration of the 
hospital committees, and included all kinds of amuse- 
ments, from motion pictures to concert parties. Spe- 
cial donations were also made to hospitals in the 
shape of gramophones, stereopticon sets, motion pic- 
ture machines, games of all kinds, and, in cases where 
they could be put to good use, canoes, boats, and 
motor-launches were also placed at the disposal of the 
military patients. 

Not the least appreciated of the services of the 
hospital committees was the regular visiting of the 
hospitals and other institutions, which was the means 
of not only cheering the men up generally, but of set- 
tling their various difficulties for them, cases being 
taken up by the visitors and handled direct by them 
where possible, or referred to the K. of C. organiza- 
tion for settlement. 

Probably one of the most historic shipments of 
presents on record was made by the Knights of Co- 
lumbus at Christmas, 1919, when ten thousand individ- 
ual gift packages were shipped from Montreal, for 
distribution by C.A.H. workers and members of the 
Knights of Columbus, to patients in all the military 
and D.S.C.R. hospitals in the country, in accordance 
with the official lists of these institutions and their 
inmates, supplied by the authorities. 


The work of the hospital committees, thus briefly 
summarized, was considered so important that it was 
continued after the closing of the other C.A.H. activi- 
ties in the spring of 1920. 

Reconstruction and Employment Service. In the 
fall of 1919, when demobilization was practically 
ended, it was seen that while certain of the huts could 
be dispensed with, there was much good work still to 
be done along other lines, towards the satisfactory re- 
establishment of the returned men, more particularly 
in aiding them through inquiry offices. The various 
councils of the Knights of Columbus were called on 
for their co-operation, and the Knights of Columbus 
Eeconstruction and Employment Service came into be- 
ing. This new branch of the work called for the fur- 
ther development of the inquiry offices in the huts 
in the larger centres, and for the establishment of new 
offices, often in the council building of the Knights of 
Columbus in the smaller places. In this manner 
nearly one hundred branches were put into operation 
in the course of a few months. 

The work done, outside of the regular office activi- 
ties, consisted in looking after the general welfare of 
returned men in the various districts, in all lines, in- 
cluding entertainment and hospital work. By means 
of the new offices, the work was spread to localities 
formerly more or less out of reach of the Huts ' activi- 
ties, and many men helped who might otherwise have 
been unable to gain any benefit from the work of the 
organization. The records show that up to the month 
of March, 1920, 4,500 men were placed in positions, 
and over 3,300 cases taken up in writing for discharged 
soldiers and sailors by the Eeconstruction and Em- 
ployment Service. 

Volunteer enterprise was again largely responsible 
for the success of this branch of the work; for though 
paid secretaries were installed at various points, 
many other places were cared for by volunteers, and 




in all cases the work was superintended by Returned 
Soldiers' Committees, formed in the various councils 
of the Knights of Columbus throughout Canada, whose 
members gave their time and energies to the work 
without remuneration. 

Throughout the spring and summer of 1919, eight- 
een huts were kept in operation by the C.A.H. in Can- 
ada, all the way from Charlottetown, P.E.L, to Vic- 
toria, B.C., looking after the welfare of the returned 

Charlottetown, P.E.L Every detachment of soldiers 
returning to Prince Edward Island was met on the 
mainland by representatives of the Knights of Colum- 
bus, and looked after until demobilized. A hut opened 
on Dorchester Street rapidly became a landmark for 
returned Prince Edward Islanders, and was the hub 
of Catholic Army Huts' activities. 

Halifax, N. S. This was one of the first points at 
which the returning troops got in touch with the K. of 
C. Catholic Army Huts. The work was started by the 
local Knights of Columbus, as soon as the numbers of 
returning troops were sufficient to warrant organized 
receptions, and from the very start of demobilization 
all troop-ships were met by committees of Halifax 
citizens and war-activity organizations, which in- 
cluded many C.A.H. workers in their ranks. In this 
way it is calculated that well over 200,000 soldiers and 
their dependents were cared for. More than 15,000 
men availed themselves of the hut opened for them on 
Barrington Street, while a Hospital Comforts Bureau 
looked after the various local hospitals. 

St. John, N.B. Cliff Street Hut was a busy spot 
during all the demobilization period, and the reception 
committees on the wharves were worked to capacity, 
day and night, till the closing of the military activity 
of the port in May, 1919. 

Quebec, Que. The work of the C.A.H. and the K. of 
C. in the ancient capital of Canada was carried on 


through various citizen organizations for the welfare 
of the returned men. Generous donations were made 
by the Catholic Army Huts to the various institutions, 
and many volunteer workers provided. The council 
and hall of the local council of the Knights of Colum- 
bus were also placed at the disposal of returned men 
and of American sailors visiting the port, and a num- 
ber of highly successful entertainments given. 

Montreal, Que. Two huts were put into operation 
here, one on Phillips Square, in the heart of the up- 
town district, and the other at 354 Sherbrooke Street, 
East, in the premises of Lafontaine Council K. of C. 
The Phillips Square Hut was one of the last huts to 
be closed down at the suspension of the organization's 
activities. It did sterling service, both during the 
period of demobilization, and, later, during the winter 
of 1919-20. In addition to the regular work of the hut, 
its spacious rooms were the scene of many pleasant 
evening entertainments for returned men. The hos- 
pitals, both in the city and at St. Anne de Bellevue 
and St. Agathe, came under the care of the Montreal 
Hospital Committee of the Knights of Columbus Cath- 
olic Army Huts. 

The hut on Sherbrooke Street, East, installed to 
serve as an overflow from the bigger hut during the 
busy days of demobilization, rapidly became popular 
with returned men in the eastern section of the city, 
and eventually became the headquarters of the French- 
Canadian branch of the local Great War Veterans 

Montreal was also the veritable headquarters of the 
C.A.H. work throughout Canada, the Comptroller's 
office being located in the Drummond Building, 
throughout the period of the association's activities. 

Ottaiva, Ont. By means of a hut located in a very 
central position, Ottawa took an active part in the 
C.A.H. activities, both in the regular work of the hos- 
tel and in caring for the returned men generally 


through the various committees appointed to take 
charge of the different branches of the work. 

Kingston, Ont. A permanent garrison and also one 
of the chosen dispersal areas on the demobilization 
programme of the Canadian Expeditionary Force, 
Kingston found plenty of returned men and Service 
men ready to avail themselves of the hut established 
at 338 King Street. This hostel was kept open until 
the very end of the K. of C. activities, and had a fine 
record of work, both for itself and its various commit- 

Toronto, Ont. The Queen City, with a first-class 
hut at the corner of King and John Streets, in prem- 
ises formerly occupied by the Arlington Hotel, was 
perhaps the busiest point on the plan of the K. of C. 
Catholic Army Huts' work. The building was admi- 
rably suited to club work, and hundreds of thousands 
of returned men patronized the hostel, which was one 
of the finest in the country. 

Outings for the sick and wounded were a feature of 
the activities, and the excursions to Hanlan's Point 
and Scarborough Beach, and trips on the lake and to 
various points of interest, will go down in the post- 
war history of the city. Thousands of ''casualties" 
were entertained in this way, through the energies 
of the Hospital Committee and those who devoted 
their time, and in many cases their automobiles, to the 
success of the work. 

The attendance at the hut might have been even 
larger had it not been for the fact that thousands of 
troops demobilized at the Exhibition Grounds spent 
only a few hours in Toronto whilst waiting for train 
connections. Even under the actual circumstances the 
Toronto Hut held the attendance record for Canada. 

Hamilton, Ont. Gould's Hall was the scene of the 
work of the Catholic Army Huts in Hamilton. The 
hut, with its staff composed entirely of returned men, 
and its spacious dormitories and cafeteria, rapidly be- 


came the hub of the city's post-war activities, and the 
headquarters of the local Great War Veterans Asso- 
ciation, which fact in itself speaks volumes for the 
institution's popularity with the returned men of the 

London, Ont. In London, Ont., a spacious hut on 
Richmond Street, with committees to look after the 
various branches of the activities, was the centre of 
the K. of C. work. This hut was kept open until the 
very end of the C.A.H. work in the spring of 1920, 
and accommodated thousands of veterans during its 

Winnipeg, Man. A hundred-bed hut was thrown 
open for returned men in Winnipeg, in the Forrester 
Block. In addition to the regular activities, this hos- 
tel was responsible for the finding of over a thousand 
civilian positions for ex-soldiers. 

Brandon, Man. Shelter and accommodation for re- 
turned men of the army and na\^ were provided at 
the hostel opened by the C.A.H. in the premises for- 
merly occupied by the Imperial Hotel. Here, as at 
other points, committees were placed in charge of the 
various departments, and all lines of the K. of C. 
programme followed up. 

Saskatoon, Sask. A soldiers* home, in every sense 
of the word, was conducted by the K. of C. at the 
corner of Third Avenue and Twentieth Street. The 
well-furnished hut, with its first-class accommodation, 
rapidly made its presence felt in the community, and 
was the home of most of the veterans of the neigh- 
bourhood, and the centre of many returned soldiers' 

Province of Alberta. The situation in the Province 
of Alberta at the commencement of the Catholic Army 
Huts' activities in Canada was found to be different 
to that in other localities, and, after a thorough inves- 
tigation, it was decided not to establish huts, but to 
open offices for the assistance of the returned men. 


Secretaries were accordingly installed in Calgary, 
Lethbridge, Edmonton, and Medicine Hat, and the 
work carried on through their offices, all branches of 
the work being developed, and hospital, employment, 
and repatriation work generally looked after. Thus, 
though by different means, the end of the C.A.H. was 
accomplished, and the slogan of the association, 
''Everything for the Eeturned Man," carried into 
effect in the Prairie Province. 

Revelstoke, B.C. A small hut was established here, 
when Revelstoke was chosen as a demobilization point. 
The changes in the plans of the military authorities, 
however, called for the dispersal of men from this 
section at points further east. After doing good work 
among such returned men as needed its services the 
hostel was closed down in the fall of 1919. 

Vancouver, B.C. This important demobilization 
point was served through a spacious hut in the Riggs- 
Selman Building, While the numerous Government 
offices in the city were well able to cope with the work 
of aiding the returned man in his post-demobilization 
difficulties, the hut was the home of thousands of 
veterans, and the assistance of the secretary and his 
staff appreciated by all who visited it. 

Victoria, B.C. The Eitz Hotel, taken over by the 
C.A.H. at the outset of their work, became after a 
few necessary changes one of the best and most popu- 
lar returned men's institutions in the Dominion. The 
accommodation was excellent, and every comfort pro- 
vided. Hospital service, information and assistance 
work, and the various other branches of the K. of C. 
programme were developed, and, until the closing of 
the hut in common with the general cessation of activ- 
ities in the spring of 1920, the Victoria Hut proved it- 
self one of the most used and hard-worked branches 
of the work in Canada, and a real benefit to returned 
soldiers and sailors on the Pacific Coast. 


While the Catholic Army Huts cannot and do not 
claim the honour of early arrival in Europe, they do 
claim, in all sincerity, to have done their very best, in 
the time and with the means placed at their disposal 
by Canadian generosity, to lighten the lot of the rank 
and file, to encourage and console, to feed and recreate, 
and to maintain the dignity of the men who, through- 
out the work, proved themselves loyal coadjutors and 
grateful friends. 

4. The Canadian Salvation Army 

The Canadian Salvation Army played an important 
part in the Great World War; but as its work over- 
seas was done largely in conjunction with the British 
Salvation Army, it is impossible to give a detailed 
account of its operations. It kept few records and 
was more intent on service than on reporting its activ- 

Immediately the war broke out the Salvation 
Army of Great Britain began its labours in the war- 
smitten areas. It so happened that Brigadier Mary 
Murray, daughter of Major-General Murray of the 
Imperial Army, was in Brussels on the eventful Au- 
gust 4th, 1914. This officer had had valuable expe- 
rience during the South African War. She had been 
decorated for her services in that war and was to be 
awarded the coveted Mons Medal for her work in the 
Great World War. She at once rushed to the help of 
the Belgian refugees, driven from their homes by the 
ruthless Hun. The small staff at her command was 
totally inadequate to cope with the situation, and she 
sent out an S.O.S. for more helpers. Her cry reached 
Canada and the Salvation Army there responded mth 
the zeal it ever displays when suffering is to be re- 

From small beginnings there sprang up a tremen- 
dous Salvation Army organization of huts at the 


front, canteens at the base, and hostels in France and 
England, which accommodated tens of thousands of 
men. It was estimated towards the close of hostilities 
that about three hundred thousand soldiers and sail- 
ors attended Salvation Army institutions of one kind 
or another daily. About two hundred huts were used 
for the comfort of the men and also for religious 
meetings in the camps in England and France. It is 
said that the Mary Booth Hut at Etaples, named after 
the General's daughter, during four years of war had 
pass through it 6,500,000 men from different parts of 
the Empire. On the Vimy sector one Salvation Army 
Hut supplied an average of four thousand eggs daily. 
On another part of the front, after a major engage- 
ment, one Salvation Army clearing station, hastily 
equipped, fed and refreshed thirteen hundred men on 
their way from the fight. The Army had also forty 
Rest Eooms, where papers, magazines, writing paper, 
etc., were supplied. It maintained ninety-six hostels 
for the use of the soldiers and sailors close to the 
large stations or landing-places, having accommoda- 
tion of 5,317 beds. Long before the war ended forty- 
nine Salvation Army motor ambulances, manned by 
Salvationists, had conveyed over one hundred thou- 
sand wounded soldiers from the battle-field. In this 
gigantic scheme of military social service over twelve 
hundred officers and uniformed workers were engaged, 
while about forty thousand Salvationists took part in 
the war in one way or another. 

In all this work the Canadian Salvation Army 
played its part. The canteens managed by it were 
popular institutions, and its huts, particularly a fa- 
mous one at Etaples, were always crowded with sol- 
diers. It preached effectively the "Gospel of the 
Frying-pan" and refreshed thousands of war- weary 
men, bracing them spiritually, mentally, and physi- 
cally for their trying tasks. 

The Salvation Army chaplains were ideal padres. 


They laboured incessantly and with excellent judg- 
ment for the men of the units to which they were at- 
tached, and it was not unusual to see a Salvationist 
padre marching along with the men, burdened with 
cooking equipment. Needless to say, their patient 
self-sacrifice was greatly appreciated. One of the most 
indefatigable of the padres was Chaplain-Captain 
Penfold, who endeared himself to thousands of the 
boys by his work on their behalf. Others worthy of 
special mention were Captains Steele and Robinson, 
among the first chaplains to sail from Canada. These 
pushed their way right up to the fighting line and min- 
istered to the soldiers under fire, fearlessly risking 
their lives. Robinson had fighting blood in his veins 
and when man shortage threatened the cause of the 
Allies he resigned his chaplaincy and became a com- 
batant. He won the Military Cross for valour on the 
battle-field and was killed at the Battle of the Somme 
in 1916. Captain Steele ''carried on" in looking after 
the creature comforts of the men and went through a 
long and strenuous experience right up on the firing 
line. Writing to Commissioner Richards, of Toronto, 
immediately after the Battle of Passchendaele, he 
said, in part: 

' ' The men going to and coming from the, trenches 
were served at our coffee stalls, and it was indeed in- 
teresting to see these men, especially those returning 
from the line, so caked with mud that it was almost 
impossible to identify them as human beings, standing 
in long lines waiting their turn to receive a mug of 
steaming hot coffee. Frequently German prisoners 
going down, seeing our men drinking at the coffee 
stalls, would make their way over and, of course, re- 
ceive their share. It speaks well for the spirit of our 
men that, after just having fought the Germans, they 
were the first to hand over cigarettes and coffee. 
After careful calculation it was estimated that fully 
ten thousand soldiers were served every twenty-four 


hours and not less than twelve hundred gallons of hot 
drinks issued every day." 

During his three and a half years of service Chap- 
lain-Captain Steele was through most of the heavy 
fighting and was gassed and wounded. 

In Canada the Salvation Army was extremely ac- 
tive. Wlien the first appeal for help was made, one 
of the things most urgently needed was motor am- 
bulances. Canada responded with a promise of six, 
and these were dedicated in an immense Salvation 
Army meeting in Massey Hall, Toronto. 

As battalion after battalion was raised, there was 
soon a scarcity of bandsmen. Regimental bands were 
few in number, but the Salvation Army was to do 
much to meet the situation. In all about seven hun- 
dred Salvationist bandsmen enlisted in Eastern Can- 
ada alone. One of these, Bandsman Christmas, of the 
Kingston Salvation Army Band, had the distinction 
of being the first bandsman to cross the Rhine, when 
he led his band over the bridge at Coblenz. But mem- 
bers of the Canadian Salvation Army were in nearly 
every Canadian battalion and in not a few of the Im- 
perial regiments. Many of them had enviable military 
records, one Canadian Salvationist winning the V.C., 
while others were decorated with the M.C. and other 
marks of honour for valour and service. 

If the work in France and Belgium was extensive 
and important, that done by the Army in the various 
camps in England and the hostels in London was no 
less so. Chaplain-Captains McGillivray and Walton 
rendered splendid service to the Canadians in some of 
the camps and also in London. The pitfalls and 
sources of temptation were legion, as we know from 
information that reached this side of the Atlantic 
from time to time, and the work done by the chaplains 
in this connection is beyond estimation. 

As has been stated, it is difficult to give statistics of 
the work done by the Canadian Salvation Army, as, 


in addition to the activities of tlie chaplains and others 
sent from Canada, the Canadian Headquarters fi- 
nanced work done by British officers on behalf of Ca- 
nadian troops. Also when the British Government 
commandeered many of the largest hotels in London, 
and put them under the direction of the Salvation 
Army for the care of troops on leave, one of these was 
reserved for Canadian troops and financed by the Ca- 
nadian Headquarters. Thousands of Canadian sol- 
diers, therefore, found restful and congenial surround- 
ings in the heart of the world's metropolis provided 
by Canadian money. Only those who know how pre- 
cious those days of leave were, and their relation to the 
question of morals, can realize what this accommoda- 
tion meant. Of even greater importance than this, 
perhaps, was the protection afforded by the moral 
atmosphere of these institutions. Then there was the 
large number of wounded Canadians in the London 
area, and these had to have attention. One of the 
special services our chaplains rendered was to take 
the T.B. cases once a week for a motor trip, or some 
other form of outing. The chaplains, moreover, dis- 
tributed thousands upon thousands of dollars' worth 
of comforts among the Canadian troops, especially the 
wounded and convalescing. 

The work that was being done at home was scarcely 
less important than that done overseas. A splendid 
service was rendered by the Army's Home League 
branches throughout the Dominion. Tens of thou- 
sands of articles, such as socks, underwear, Christmas 
parcels, and the like, were forwarded through Mrs. 
Commissioner Richards to our chaplains overseas. 
Chaplain-Captain Steele in one of his letters wrote: 

"I cannot express my appreciation of what the Ca- 
nadian Home Leagues have done in the way of pro- 
viding comforts. The parcels that were sent to me 
were most welcome. The socks were a positive bless- 
ing to the men, especially during the rainy weather, 


when they would get their boots soaked through with 
the wet mud. I arranged for the socks to be distrib- 
uted from the most forward coffee stall for the use of 
the men in the front line. To let them know that socks 
had arrived I put up a big sign worded as follows: 
' Canadians, if you need socks, ask for them. Donated 
by Salvation Army Home League.' 

''Sixty thousand sheets of note-paper and twenty- 
five thousand envelopes bearing the impress of the 
Salvation Army were also distributed each month 
from the canteens." 

Another feature of the work in Canada was that of 
visiting the homes where the news had come that a 
loved one had made the supreme sacrifice. The visit 
of a sympathetic woman at such a time was much 
appreciated by those who had received the sad tidings 
from the front. 

It was early realized that, after men had been kept 
under discipline for one, two, or three years, living 
in an atmosphere of excitement, certain safeguards 
and helps would be necessary in the steadying-down 
process leading to repatriation. So when the troops 
began to return in great numbers the Army had its 
staff established at the ports of landing, and arrange- 
ments were made for providing refreshments as soon 
as the men came ashore. A cardboard box containing 
candy, fruit, the day's newspaper, a copy of the "War 
Cry," etc., was handed to each man. Unwittingly the 
Army had hit upon a great advertising scheme, for 
the empty boxes were seen beside the railway tracks 
from the seaboard to the prairie reaches of the West. 

Another need soon became apparent. The returned 
men, especially the unmarried or those away from 
home, could not content themselves in an atmosphere 
altogether foreign to that in which they had lived so 
long. They wanted to associate with their kind, and 
this was realized by the Army, with the result that the 
Commissioner decided to establish a series of hostels. 


Within a short time there was a chain of these institu- 
tions between the two great seaboards of the Domin- 

The Toronto Hostel had its accommodation taxed to 
the utmost, and thousands of men all over Canada re- 
member with warm gratitude the cheerful service ren- 
dered in connection with this institution. Invariably 
the men wanted to pay, and when they were told that 
there was no charge for the first twenty-four hours 
they felt that there were grateful hearts — not con- 
fined to the Army alone — who appreciated the mag- 
nificent part they had played in protecting the rights 
and freedom of our civilization. 

Not only on his return to Canada was the soldier 
provided with free meals or bed, but, — as unfortu- 
nately has happened to hundreds of discharged sol- 
diers, — should he through sickness, lack of employ- 
ment, and various causes be *'up against it," he was 
taken care of until some arrangement had been ef- 
fected whereby he could get on his feet again. In this 
the Army acknowledges the splendid spirit evinced by 
Government and military officials, who always mani- 
fested a desire to know where there was need, and to 
assist in meeting it. 

The foresight looking to the need of the returned 
soldier by different organizations was remarkable. 
But in the great task involved in this, until the close 
of the war no provision had been made for the mar- 
ried soldier when he and his dependents were sud- 
denly coming back in great numbers. Within fifteen 
minutes of the arrival at Toronto of a train from New 
York with about five hundred women and children 
aboard one Sunday afternoon, a military officer rushed 
into the hostel almost breathless, asking what could 
be done to provide accommodation. The Army's mili- 
tary secretary — Major Southall — happened to be 
there at the time. When the train arrived a whole 
brigade wearing the well-known bonnets and caps with 


red bands were carrying babies and baggage, getting 
refreshments, and so on. After a few similar expe- 
riences a meeting was called by the mayor at the City 
Hall, and other organizations began to assume a share 
in the greater responsibility that increasing and more 
frequent arrivals entailed. The Rotary Club, espe- 
cially, should be mentioned in this connection, and 
also the Patriotic Fund organization. 

Mrs. Colonel McMillan, wife of the Chief Secretary, 
developed a very fine organization to handle this 
work, and with tireless energy, in all kinds of weather 
and at all hours, carried on a work that has received 
the highest commendation from municipal and mili- 
tary sources. 

There quickly developed the need for organized 
social service work among soldiers' families. Four 
district visitors were appointed by the Commissioner 
to visit the homes of soldiers. Soon difficulties of all 
kinds were met with, and it required trained and ex- 
perienced women to give wise and sympathetic counsel 
in the hundreds of cases which had to be dealt with. 
The far-reaching influence of this work, which kept 
together many homes that otherwise would have been 
totally wrecked, cannot be estimated. 

The Army continues to "carry on" in its great 
Military Social Service work on the lines mentioned, 
and there is no question that its beneficent service in 
its many-sided operations will be an important factor 
in solving the social jjroblems that will confront us 
until "repatriation" is fully accomplished. 



1. Genekal Activities 

WHILE it is true that, in the strictest military 
sense, Canada was unprej^ared for war when 
Germany struck, something else was equally 
true. That element which is worth all the technical 
accoutrements of war put together, that without which 
even the finest plans come to naught, was fully alive 
and ready for action. Patriotism was not slumbering. 

In those first days of August, 1914, many men de- 
clared that the contest would be a brief one. While 
Canadian women hoped the prophecy a true one, they 
knew that their part began at once. Even the briefest 
war summonses women to the colours, and their share 
of war's indemnity is always collected unfailingly and 
without discount, whether the issue is peace with vic- 
tory or defeat with loss of national prestige. Theo- 
retically, women are unfitted for war; in actual prac- 
tice they are the real supporters and approvers of 
war. It could never be waged were it not mothered 
by women. 

True to the traditions of their sex and true to their 
inheritance as daughters of the British Empire, Cana- 
dian women reported for instant service. Before 
their men had started for camp, the women were busy 
making comforts for the soldiers. That line of work 
was never abandoned during over four years of war- 
fare and it grew to amazing proportions. In a short 
time it became an accepted fact that knitting was al- 


lowable in church. Knitting was a sedative for the 
heartache and nerve-racking anxiety that could not 
endure inaction. But the days soon came when those 
who could not stand the strain of constant knitting 
were offered countless lines of service. Each new 
outrage by the Hun, each new disaster, caused the 
armour to be tightened with a stubbornness that 
boded ill for the enemy. The natural executive abil- 
ity of Canada's women asserted itself and their men 
will never know the extent of their debt to the women 
at home who laboured tirelessly and to fine purpose 
every day and all day and half the night. 

How they managed to keep their home fires burning 
clear and bright and to keep every boat that crossed 
to England and France loaded with the things so 
urgently needed, not even the women themselves can 
understand. But they did it. They made heroic 
sacrifices of time and money ; they worked to the point 
of physical exhaustion; they made willing surrender 
of comforts, all that Canada's cause and the cause of 
the civilized world should triumph. Supremest of all 
was the giving up of their first-born, their best be- 
loved, the ones who had been counted on to make Can- 
ada a name of which to be eternally proud. What 
they planned in peaceful days came to pass in fullest 
measure, but it was at Ypres, Vimy Ridge, Passchen- 
daele, Arras, Cambrai, and Mons that undying glory 
was won for those brave women who volunteered in 
August, 1914. 

Perhaps Canadian women have a genius for system- 
atizing their work ; perhaps it is a talent that belongs 
in an unusual degree to capable women the world 
over. However that may be, the first tasks were re- 
duced to system and intended results were evolved in 
orderly fashion. As each new service presented it- 
self it was analyzed and systematized into perfect 
working shape. For the majority of women this 
whole-hearted acceptance of war's burden meant a 


different kind of work for six days out of seven or the 
same kind of work with different groups. Club women 
did a wise thing in those days. They attended their 
clubs whenever possible because of the needed relaxa- 
tion, but club work was in the background of life. 
The members, for the most part, destroyed the iden- 
tity of the club as knitters and Red Cross workers 
and patriotic club visitors, because these activities 
were carried on in church and neighbourhood groups 
or in central work-rooms. This explains why promi- 
nent clubs are not listed among the doers of war work. 
There were tens of thousands, of women in Canada, 
buried in obscure places, on lonely farms, isolated 
from the enthusiasm and encouragement that come 
from numbers, who, nevertheless, ''carried on" val- 
iantly and were no mean factors in securing that amaz- 
ing total of comforts and Red Cross supplies and, 
later, in the greater production which was an absolute 
necessity if the Allies were to be fed. There are any 
number of such women who can show a record of hun- 
dreds of pairs of socks which they knitted with their 
own hands. Their work was sent overseas directly 
and acknowledged by an illuminated card when the 
total reached one hundred or more pairs. Thousands 
of others sent their work to large centres in Canada, 
from which tremendous shipments were made over- 
seas. In their eagerness to serve, these various 
workers neglected to keep a record of their output. 
That is one of the reasons why the work which Cana- 
dian women did in war time can never be reckoned. 
But a still greater reason is that no one has ever yet 
found a method of computing whole-souled devotion 
and reducing it to figures. 

Keeping in mind the fact that devotion cannot 
be reduced to mathematical expression, it is still com- 
paratively easy to give an idea of what Canadian 
women did in England during the trying years of the 
war. What would the home folks have done without the 


Information Bureau established by the Red Cross in 
London? The idea was clearly worked out in the 
mind of its originator, Lady Drummond, before she 
left Montreal for England in the early days of the 
war. The perfection of her planning is shown by the 
fact that the bureau opened in London the day after 
the 1st Canadian Contingent landed in France. The 
wonderful vision and sympathetic understanding 
which suggested the plan is best realized by those who 
received the infinite comfort that is always afforded 
by the knowledge that everything possible is being 
done to share and lighten one's personal sorrow. 
When the Atlantic divides one from the place where 
one longs to be, it is easy to see what a blessed proxy 
the bureau was for Canadian women whose men were 
exposed to the happenings of war. A full account of 
the workings and staffing of the bureau has already 
been given in this series.^ 

Lady Drummond was identified with other highly 
important measures for helping Canadians in London. 
She came into personal touch with Canadian soldiers 
and their families, securing employment, when that 
was necessary, and assisting those in trouble through 
illness or death. She was the means of making the 
period of leave a happy time to Canadians, through 
the hospitality offered by the King George and Queen 
Mary Maple Leaf Club, of which she was the founder 
and president. In time this club came to occupy 
fourteen commodious buildings and two large huts. 
The Canadian I.O.D.E. furnished funds for equipping 
these club buildings. 

Those Canadians who happened to be living in Eng- 
land when war was declared, organized themselves 
into a Canadian War Contingent Association, with 
the idea of looking after their countrymen who ar- 
rived for military service. It was due to them that 
the Queen's Canadian Military Hospital was estab- 
1 See Vol. II, Chapter X. 


lished in Beacliborougli Park, Shorncliffe. Tlie Free- 
masons of Canada co-operated in every way with tlie 

A Ladies' Committee was formed at once, with 
Lady Perley as convener and Lady MacLaren Brown 
as honorary secretary. Money for the thousands of 
comforts sent to the trenches, as well as for the gar- 
ments and linen needed in the hospital, was subscribed 
in Canada, and from first to last the hospital was 
looked after by the Ladies' Committee. In the same 
way they attended to the forty odd hospitals estab- 
lished in other places by the • C.W.A. In addition, 
there were clubs, hostels, and other agencies for the 
comfort of soldiers. Relief work for the Allies was 
also carried on. 

Canada's Field Comforts Commission began work 
in Canada, but soon transferred its activities to Eng- 
land, two Canadian women meeting the First Contin- 
gent on its arrival at Salisbury Plain and taking 
charge of the distribution of comforts. Later their 
base was moved to Shorncliffe. Captain Mary Plum- 
mer was in charge of this work, with Lieutenant Joan 
Arnoldi as second officer. Devotion to duty and effi- 
ciency in its discharge caused both to be mentioned 
in despatches. Associated with them in work were 
Miss Leonore McMeares, Miss M. I. Finn, Miss M. R. 
Gordon, and Miss S. S. Spencer. These ladies were 
all commissioned and gave their services voluntarily. 
At least two hundred other women were identified 
with tlie department as voluntary workers at various 
times during the war. 

Two Ottawa ladies, Miss Winnifred Lewis and Mrs. 
Sandford Fleming, opened a convalescent home in 
England for Canadian soldiers in June, 1915. A 
second home becoming necessary, Miss Lewis raised 
the funds required and secured Clarence House, Roe- 
hampton. The hospital confined itself to amputation 
cases as long as these were treated in England; after 


that the greater part of the work was the treatment 
of heart and lung cases. From the first, Miss Lewis 
was honorary commandant. Qualified Nursing Sis- 
ters and several V.A.D.'s from Canada composed the 
staff assisting the medical officer. 

As more and more men were called to the trenches, 
opportunities for unusual lines of service opened up 
for women. Mrs. W. D. Ferris, B.A., of Edmonton, 
trained inspectors in bookkeeping at the Westminster 
Technical Institute in London. This was necessary 
owing to the taking over of regimental canteen work 
by women. Mrs. Ferris 's next task was as area 
superintendent over a district which involved the 
supervision of two hundred and twenty-five canteens. 
Later, as superintendent of the Women's Corps, she 
organized the work of the N.A.C.B. in Ireland, estab- 
lishing schools for the instruction of workers in Irish 

A striking and very necessary form of war work 
was the introduction of the idea of Women's Insti- 
tutes in England. It was the grafting on to English 
village life of an entirely new feature. Credit for 
this belongs to Mrs. A. T. Watt, M.A., M.B.E., of 
Victoria, B.C. From her long and effective service 
in the cause of Women's Institutes in Canada in 
peaceful years, Mrs. Watt was eminently fitted to be 
the teacher of that idea in England at a time when 
contentment with village and farm life meant the 
salvation of Great Britain as far as home production 
was a factor. Luckily, Mrs. Watt was in England 
when war was declared and, luckily, also, she grasped 
at once the importance of greater production. After 
a year of more or less discouragement in attempting 
to rouse the women in rural districts into active ef- 
forts to win the war, she received recognition from 
the Agricultural Society and was made chief organ- 
izer of Women's Institutes and began to train organ- 
izers. Rural women were brought into direct touch 


with the great needs of the day and made to realize 
their opportunity as well as the country's need. The 
result was far greater than the securing of increased 
production. Village life was vitalized, old industries 
revived, and the future of English rural life was 
assured on a higher plane than ever before. Instead 
of ceasing with the war, the work begun by Mrs. 
Watt will continue to grow in importance and value. 

Mrs. Watt was ably assisted from the first by Mrs. 
F. Tyrell Godman, of Victoria. As president of the 
Sussex Federation of Women's Institutes, the latter 
was responsible for eighty organizations noted for 
unusually good work. 

For three years, from 1915 to 1918, Canadian wo- 
men in Folkestone maintained a club for aiding their 
soldiers. Their activities took many forms. Visiting 
military hospitals and reporting to the Information 
Bureau in London, providing revolving huts for 
Moore Barrack as well as a recreation room, re- 
organizing a club previously started by the English 
and christening it ''Maple Leaf Club, Folkestone," 
were the important things accomplished by the mem- 
bers. Literally tens of thousands of men were pro- 
vided with beds and meals, and help of all kinds was 
extended to the men and their dependents. 

Canadian women staffed the I.O.D.E. Club for 
nurses in London. Lady Perley attended to the or- 
ganization and was assisted by Lady MacLaren 
Brown, Mrs. J. G. Ross, Miss Boulter, and other Ca- 
nadian women in the city. 

Canadian women also assisted at the Canadian 
Y.M.C.A. centres in the British Isles. Their most 
important work was done at the Beaver Hut in Lon- 
don. Miss Helen Fitz-Randolph, of St. John, N.B., 
was lady superintendent and head of the voluntary 
workers, who numbered about six hundred. 

The Yukon did admirable service during the war. 
Mrs. Black, wife of the Commissioner, Captain George 


Black, acted as administrator of funds raised in the 
Yukon for its overseas soldiers. Mrs. Black sent 
parcels to Yukon men wherever located, did their 
shopping when so requested, and made payments to 
the Prisoners of War Department and to dependents 
in England entitled to allowances from the Patriotic 

To Mrs. Lacey Amy belongs credit for work that 
possessed the same economic value as that done by 
Mrs. Watt in that its results must, of necessity, be felt 
and continued in peace time. Mrs. Amy went to Eng- 
land as Mess Sister for the Massey Harris Conva- 
lescent Home at Dulwich. Before the end of the year 
she accepted a position under the Ministry of Muni- 
tions at a factory at Walthamstow. She was trans- 
ferred in a few months to an important post at Acton, 
London, N.W., where she was lady superintendent and 
had entire supervision of over three thousand women 
and girls. In addition, she engaged workers, attended 
to rate contracts for service, and organized her staff 
with an eye to the preservation of discipline. On this 
staff were a welfare worker for both day and night, 
three nurses, a canteen supervisor, three police- 
women, several clerks, and a private secretary. Three 
times there were, strikes at neighbouring factories, but 
those under Mrs. Amy's care stood at their posts. 
Certainly Mrs. Amy richly deserved the M.B.E. which 
was awarded her in the King's Birthday List for 1918. 

Canadian women were to be found outside their own 
organizations. They were enrolled in the ranks of the 
W.A.A.C.'s, the ''Wrens," the Women's Royal Air 
Force, the Scottish Women's Hospitals, the First Aid 
Nursing Yeomanry ("Fanny's"), as nurses in the 
British Nursing Service, and in government offices 
throughout the British Isles. Their service was al- 
ways valuable, and in some cases, where conspicuous 
bravery was displayed, they were mentioned in des- 


One Canadian woman achieved the unique dis- 
tinction of becoming a member of Parliament. This 
honour was conferred by the soldiers and nurses over- 
seas and she became their representative in Alberta. 
Miss Roberta MacAdams, the subject of this honour, 
was attached to the Quartermaster's Department at 
the Ontario Military Hospital, Orpington, Kent, and 
acted as dietitian. In 1918 she resigned to organize 
the women's staff of the Khaki University. AYhen she 
returned to Canada to attend the session of the Pro- 
vincial Parliament, she was asked by the Canadian 
Immigration Department to report on the need of co- 
' operation on the part of women in order to handle 
wisely the matter of emigration of women to Canada. 

When it comes to telling what Canadian women did 
in France, the task is as hopeless as is the case at 
home. It was true there, as at home, that scores of 
women toiled without thought of recognition. Their 
work won, but their record was not preserved. Then, 
too, most w^omen who served in France in any other 
capacity than that of Red Cross nurses were required 
to sign up with one of the British organizations of 
women. The individual thus became merged into the 
greater body. 

Probably the most notable exception to that condition 
is the South of France Relief Association, financed 
in Montreal and throughout the Dominion. It was 
formed in March, 1915, owing to the initiative of Mrs. 
Wilfred Drew, and was staffed bj'- voluntary workers, 
who set about to assist the hospitals of France, which 
were poorly equipped to care for the wounded. As 
the war advanced they took over the care of orphans 
and refugees, attended to creche and garderie work, 
and looked after soldiers on leave. Mrs. Riddett of 
Cannes was made president. Associated with her 
were women of great ability, who devoted themselves 
body and soul to the work. They underwent the nec- 
essary training and frequently took entire charge of 


hospitals. Some were under shell-fire, and one of 
them, Mrs. Katherine Weller, who served continuously 
from 1915 to the end of the war, was awarded the 
MedaiUe de la Reconnaissance by the French Govern- 

A form of work very similar to the last vv^as that 
organized by Miss Grace Ellison to supply nurses to 
French hospitals. The appeal which she sent to Can- 
ada was answered by volunteers. Miss Helen McMur- 
rich, of Toronto, was given the Croix de Guerre for 
three years of service, some of it under bombardment ; 
Miss Madeline Jeffray, who served for twenty-three 
months until severely wounded, also received the Croix 
de Guerre. Miss Margaret Mclntyre served with dis- 
tinction for more than two years, and a number of 
others for shorter periods. 

The bulk of canteen work for soldiers passing to or 
from the front was in the hands of English women, 
and many Canadian women volunteered, some of them 
financing the work directly or through friends. 

Several Canadian women identified themselves with 
the French War Emergency Fund movement, which 
was under the patronage of H.R.H. the Duke of Con- 
naught, with headquarters in London. The well- 
known ability and faithfulness of Canadian workers 
caused them to be employed readily by this organiza- 
tion. The committee appointed Mrs. W. M. Dobell 
honorary secretary for Canada, with a position on the 
executive. Previous to this, Mrs. Dobell had served 
for five months as depot worker. Miss Kerr, of To- 
ronto, served as chauifeuse for some months. She 
was also inspecting delegate to the hospitals of the 
interior. Mrs. Barclay, of Quebec, served in one of 
the canteens at the front for several months. Miss 
Smart, of the Maritime Provinces, served first as 
depot and then as canteen worker at Triage, near the 
front. Another who served in similar capacities was 
Miss McLachlin, of Ottawa. 


From funds collected by La Presse, Montreal, a 
hospital for French wounded was established in Paris. 
Miss Katherine Wallis, of Peterboro, volunteered in 
December, 1914. Her work won a letter of apprecia- 
tion from the late Director of Medical Services in 
France, and she was also given the medal of the 
Golden Palms with the Red Cross. Mrs. Gordon 
Monro, of Toronto, was similarly rewarded. 

An exceedingly important war work undertaken by 
Canadian women in France was the organization and 
management of Canadian Red Cross Recreation Huts 
in hospitals. Concerts, theatricals, and all sorts of 
recreation suited to convalescents were provided by 
willing and competent workers. First to undertake 
this work were Miss Helen Mathewson and Miss 
Marguerite Strathy, of Montreal. 

When the Canadian Red Cross decided to open a 
rest house in Boulogne for its nurses, Mrs. Gordon 
Brown took charge and did a great part of the work 
for a year. In the following year the work was en- 
larged to include Nursing Sisters of the Imperial 
forces, and Mrs. Brown was given charge. 

The name "Corner of Blighty" is familiar to those 
who followed with any interest what was being done 
for soldiers on leave in Paris. To Miss Lily Martin, 
a native of Ireland, is due the credit for the idea and 
its working out. All British soldiers on leave in Paris 
could obtain at the comfortable rooms, free of charge, 
tea, writing facilities, and pleasant employment for a 
leisure hour. Miss Martin was assisted, for various 
periods, by a number of Canadian women who acted 
as guides to parties on leave and helped in many 
other ways. 

Under, permission from the French Government, 
helpful work was carried on at the Porte Dauphine, 
Paris, from which point excursions were made into the 
Aisne Department and assistance was given to the 
inhabitants of eleven devastated villages. Refugees in 


Paris were also helped and work-rooms were opened, 
where over thirty women were employed. This work 
was under the direction of Mrs. Hamilton Gault. 

In the Lycee Pasteur, Neuilly, Paris, a large Amer- 
ican hospital was opened and maintained through pri- 
vate subscription. Canadian nurses were among the 
staff, and, of the sixty enrolled at various times, 
three — Miss Rosalind Cotter, Miss Beatrice Page, 
and Mrs. Eaton — were awarded the 1914 badge. The 
staff also included fifteen V.A.D.'s, who did excellent 
work, involving much more responsibility than was 
assigned to V.A.D.'s in either English or Canadian 

Miss Rachel Webb, one of the fifteen, after serving 
in the hospital for sixteen months, spent three months 
at St. Raphael, organizing a dressing station for 
coloured troops. In 1918 Miss Webb served in a 
hospital for French wounded in the Chateau d'Anel, 
helping to evacuate the wounded in March. Later she 
returned to St. Raphael and worked until the end of 
May, being under bombardment throughout all that 
period. During June she worked in an immense 
French evacuating hospital. The next two months 
were spent at Beauvais, under regular bombardment. 
She did subsequent nursing at various points in the 
war zone, some of it in an American Hut Hospital 
and some in the Argonne Forest. In the last week of 
1918 Miss Webb was sent to Germany to organize 
diet kitchens in the hospital at Treves, 

Closely related to the establishment of the Recrea- 
tion Huts in connection with French hospitals was the 
work started in the Pepiniere Barrack by the Cana- 
dian Y.M.C.A., with Miss Marguerite Strathy and 
Miss Jessie Dennison in charge, assisted by Mrs. L. G. 
Mowrer, of Regina, who finally became director. 
When the leave club was opened at the Hotel d'lena, 
Paris, Mrs. Mowrer was assisted at various times by a 
large staff of Canadian women. 


To Mrs. J. F. W. Ross, Miss Burnham, and Miss 
Tate belongs the credit for putting into operation the 
idea of a convalescent home in France for Canadian 
officers. Mrs. Ross was president of the financial 
committee and Mrs. Herbert Burnham honorary sec- 
retary. Money was secured through voluntary sub- 
scriptions, a grant from the C.R.C.S., and by the pay- 
ment of a small billet and ration allowance for 
each patient of the Imperial forces convalescing there. 
From the first, the home was under military super- 
vision and did fine work. During the last year it was 
transferred to the summer residence of Baron Henri 
de Rothschild in the Trouville Hospital District. The 
staff had a sanctioned strength of ten Canadian wo- 
men, all voluntary workers, with the exception of one 
professional nurse and a masseuse. The Home was 
superintended at first by Mrs. William Douglas and 
later by Mrs. Christopher Robinson. 

Some Canadian women qualified for that arduous, 
exacting, and heroic work, the driving of motor con- 
voys. Miss Jessie McLachlin, of Ottawa, was deco- 
rated by the French Government because of devotion 
to duty. Canadian women also did admirable service 
as ambulance drivers in England, France, and else- 
where, some of them operating machines as far away 
as Serbia. Several of them were mentioned in des- 

Fifty-seven women of Canadian birth connected 
themselves vv^ith the staffs of American Red Cross 
military hospitals, and of these five were still on the 
staff at the close of hostilities, the others serving for 
very short periods. 

Two of Canada's young women. Miss Evelyn Gor- 
don Brown, of Ottawa, and Miss K. J. Snyder, of 
Vancouver, identified themselves with the First Aid 
Nursing Yeomanry and received decorations for 
bravery under shell-fire. Miss Ella Scobie, another 
V.A.D., was mentioned in despatches. 


Miss Jane Whitman, of Nova Scotia, volunteered 
early in the war, went to France, and worked untir- 
ingly providing comforts for the men and at the 
French cantine at Gare de I'Est, at which place she 
died of spinal meningitis in May, 1917. 

Other women who worked in various capacities 
were: Miss Foster, Miss McTavish, and Mrs. Peter 
Lyall, who acted as official representative in Paris of 
the Manitoba War Relief for France; Miss Eleanor 
Fleet, who worked at No. 9 B.R.C. Hospital and at the 
same place when it became a casualty clearing station 
for the Second Army; Mrs. Paul Watel, who founded 
a hospital for French soldiers at Giungamp at the be- 
ginning of the war; Mme. Bergas, who directed the 
casualty hospital at Dinard and afterwards worked 
in other French hospitals; Mile, de Foras, of Winni- 
peg, who also worked at Dinard until incapacitated by 
illness, which proved fatal ; Miss Davignon, of Knowl- 
ton, P.Q., who was assistant in the Juviy hospital for 
French wounded and during the last year of war 
worked in a French canteen; Mme. Chase-Casgrain, 
who directed refugee work in the QUuvre pour les 
Hopitaux Militaires, and also collected money in Can- 
ada for French Relief and was awarded the Medaille 
de la Reconnaissance. Misses Mabel and Edith Kerr, 
of Hamilton, devoted time, money, and talent to the 
relief of soldiers without family. Miss Leah McCar- 
thy, of Toronto, and Miss Flora Taylor, of St. Catha- 
rines, did work in the American canteen at Arlier. 
Mile. Therese Brazeau organized concerts for soldiers. 
Mrs. W. R. Thomas worked for a year in the Russian 
hospital in Nice. Mile, de Longueil, of Montreal, or- 
ganized house-to-house visiting of consumptive sol- 
diers and trained nurses for service at Besangon, 
1916-17. Miss Edith Morris, of Toronto, did clerical 
work continuously from May, 1917. She served the 
British Y.M.C.A. at Etaples and Abbeville, and then 
the Franco-American Y.M.C.A. at Foyer des Soldats. 


Mrs. Henshaw, of Vancouver, was made captain early 
in the war and was sent on a tour of inspection of the 
war zone in France; later she organized a Service de 
Blesses et de Refugies attached to both the army and 
Service de Sante. Much of this work was carried on 
under shell-fire and won for her the Croix de Guerre 
with citation for coolness and skill in danger. Dur- 
ing the summer of 1918 she did work with the staff 
of the C.R.C.S. motor drivers in Paris. 

A whole chapter might be devoted to Canada's 
Nursing Sisters, without giving fulsome praise. 
Wherever the troops went, there were the Sisters. 
The same perils on land and sea that confronted the 
troops were met by the Sisters. The same bravery 
that was displayed by the men was conspicuous among 
the Sisters. By agreement of all civilized nations, 
Nursing Sisters and the wounded are immune from 
attack and therefore are not protected as are regular 
soldiers. Nursing Sisters and their charges were 
doubly at the mercy of the Hun, because their location 
was plainly indicated. Those who were, in a measure, 
free from the danger due to perfidy on the part of the 
enemy were, nevertheless, exposed to hardship which 
carried danger in a different form. Wherever placed, 
these noble women did their whole duty and did it 

Canadian nurses went to England, France, Salonika, 
Mudros, Russia, Egypt, and Gallipoli. They were on 
hospital ships between England and France as well 
as between England and Canada, and on ambulance 
trains. They nursed the wounded of the Allies in 
Canadian hospitals as well as those from all parts of 
the British Empire. At the time of the signing of the 
Armistice, there were in England, on total strength, 
1,107 Canadian Sisters, and 795 in France. 

All the world knows the story of the Llandovery 
Castle, that monument to Himnish barbarity. Four- 
teen nurses lost their lives at that time. One was 


killed in action, four were killed in raids on hospitals, 
one was drowned, and eighteen died "from natural 
causes, ' ' and six were wounded. 

Because the Sisters received the rank and pay of 
officers, they were eligible for certain decorations. 
Eight received the Military Medal for conspicuous 
bravery, forty-three were awarded the Royal Red 
Cross Medal, first class, 149 the Royal Red Cross 
Medal, second class, and 152 were mentioned in des- 
patches. Principal Matron E. K. Redley, R.R.C., was 
made Commander of the British Empire, and Matron 
B. J. Willoughby, R.R.C., was made Officer of the 
British Empire. Several nurses served the entire 
period of the war. In Canada, 527 Nursing Sisters 
were on duty in convalescent homes. 

In reply to the request of the British Red Cross 
Society and Order of St. John of Jerusalem, 324 
official V.A.D.'s sailed from Canada for overseas 
service. They served wherever Nursing Sisters served ; 
some under the British Red Cross and others in the 
Anglo-French Hospital. Some drove ambulances in 
the countries of the Allies ; while some took charge of 
recreation huts or formed part of the staffs of various 
homes. Two of the V.A.D.'s were mentioned in des- 
patches. Another body, not official, enrolled to the 
number of 180 in the Imperial Canadian V.A.D.'s, 
founded in 1918, with Lady Perley as commandant. 
They wore the regular imiform, with "Canada — R" 
as a shoulder badge. 

There was but one death among the V.A.D.'s, Miss 
Dorothy Pearson Twist, Shawnigan Lake, B.C.', dying 
of influenza pneumonia. She was buried with full 
military honours at Aldershot. 

In common with the other Allies, Canada was com- 
pelled to face and overcome new conditions in every 
department of life. Shortage of men would have 
spelled the disruption of the entire social and eco- 
nomic fabric had there not been a willingness on the 


part of Canadian women to step into the breach and 
a like willingness on the part of the business world 
to employ women where previously only male help had 
been considered capable. This is popularly referred 
to as substitution and dilution of labour. While it is 
true that at first women replaced men with something 
like mathematical exactness, it became true, later, that 
women took over work that had not been done pre- 
viously by men for the simple reason that the work 
was not in existence when men would have been avail- 
able. War increased business enormously in certain 
directions and women made it possible to carry that 
increase. In a double and very important sense, 
therefore, they substituted for the men called to the 

Another thing to be kept in mind in gi\^ng proper 
estimate to the entrance of women into the unfamiliar 
world of business is that for the most part women 
were entirely untrained and it was impossible for one 
untrained worker to replace entirely one trained 
man. The trained workers who were left had to be 
distributed among the untrained in such a way that 
the labour of all should keep up the standard of the 
output. This was dilution. Over ten thousand women 
stepped into business life. They filled positions of 
responsibility and applied themselves in such a way 
that the close of war found many retained because 
their services were valuable in a strictly business 

Banking, railroading, insurance, the making of mu- 
nitions, farming in its many branches, dairying, tram- 
way conductors, motor drivers, operators in aero- 
plane factories, every one of these and countless other 
occupations were undertaken by women who allowed 
nothing to come between them and winning the war. 
It seemed, in the main, that the only limit to the kinds 
of work that women could do was their lack of physi- 
cal strength and their inability to stand great nervous 


strain. It frequently happened that women overcame 
some of these handicaps by suggesting improved 
methods of handling material. This was especially 
true in the making of munitions. It was the women 
who saw that by simply changing the position of a 
certain machine they could handle heavy shells with 
ease. There were other shells which even men could 
not handle. For a long time it was thought that wo- 
men could not maice the 9.2 shell, but one manufac- 
turer thought differently and within five weeks from 
the time he began instructing his four hundred women 
workers they were turning the shells out according to 
standard and performing every operation up to and 
including the shipping. Too much weight cannot be 
given to the fact that an element which aided English 
manufacturers was lacking in Canada. No woman, 
as operator, had ever set foot in a metal-working 
factory in Canada before October, 1916. Neither were 
Canadian factories under national control. The splen- 
did loyalty of organized labour caused both those pos- 
sible obstacles to disappear. 

Every community had its own peculiar problems 
along welfare lines and, in each case, the need was 
solved. Throughout the war Canadian men and wo- 
men worked hand in hand in every enterprise. Both 
gave unstintingly of their money; both gave without 
stint of their leisure and of their ability. There was 
splendid co-operation. In no work was this more 
apparent than in the management of the Patriotic 
Fund. Because of the magnitude of the demands 
made upon the fund, the Montreal office, for example, 
had need of a staff possessed of the best that was 
forthcoming in the way of executive ability, devotion 
to duty, and special equipment for work. All of this, 
and, if possible, more, was found. The executive 
work was in the hands of Miss Helen R. Y. Reid, a 
Lady of Grace. The eighteen departments into which 
she divided the work were looked after with marvel- 


lous efficiency by voluntary workers, sometimes num- 
bering ten to a department. They looked after an 
area of about 178 square miles and attended to the 
daily needs of about forty thousand persons. Not 
only were pressing needs attended to, but the future 
was kept in mind and thrift encouraged by practical 
instruction. Thousands of families are, to-day, better 
fitted than ever before to live within their incomes 
and save a little besides, all because of the patient, 
practical, sympathetic way in which their problems 
and worries were understood by the main office. 
Training in this work resulted in the transfer of many 
workers to voluntary service overseas. 

Women's Institutes in Canada played an important 
part in helping to win the war. This is one of the 
groups of organized women who will never receive 
their due meed of praise as war workers. The members 
belonged to the I.O.D.E. and the Red Cross,^ some- 
times to more than one group, and were credited 
where they worked. 

In their own particular line they gave material help 
in the campaign for increased production on the 
farms, often furnishing the needed labour themselves. 
They contributed generously of material and then, by 
working at the canning centres, put it into shape for 
shipping overseas. 

Many a sick boy in hospital in France was cheered 
by the faithful service of one woman, and what she 
accomplished shows how much good one person can do 
when really in earnest. Mrs. Rachel de Wolf Archi- 
bald, of Wolfville, N.S., filled and packed, with her own 
hands, an even five thousand jars of fruit for the mili- 
tary hospitals in France. This was done in a tiny 
bungalow and by a frail little woman whose only son 
was overseas wdth the Imperials, R. E. Black Watch. 
She *' carried on," without compensation, as valiantly 
as any soldier. She had a mother's heart for every 

1 See Vol. II, Chapter X. 


sick soldier. One summer, in order that pneumonia 
throats and gassed lungs might be eased, Mrs. Archi- 
bald and her daughter travelled over a hundred miles 
gathering blackberries. She invented her own meth- 
ods of packing and not one jar was lost, not even in 
the North Station in Halifax on that fatal day, Decem- 
ber 6th, 1917. As the scope of her work increased, 
the Halifax Red Cross and friends who were in sym- 
pathy with the work furnished fruit, jars, and 

The Canadian W.C.T.U., like so many other organi- 
zations, did its war work, for the most part, in Red 
Cross and I.O.D.E. groups. Special work was under- 
taken by the Toronto district and over $3,000,000 
which did not go through provincial channels was 
subscribed for war work. The Ontario district organ- 
ized for systematic war work and contributed 
$31,526.28 for war causes. Other districts did valu- 
able service. 

One of the ways in which Canada was kept closely 
in touch with the affairs of the Allies was through the 
Women's Canadian Clubs. Speakers from abroad 
were secured and many causes were presented for aid 
by this means. Splendid generosity was shown by the 
clubs in spite of the fact that they were generous sup- 
porters of the Red Cross, the I.O.D.E., and frequently 
of special causes dear to certain communities. At the 
same time these clubs did fine home work, devoting 
their time and money towards the needs of their own 
community. They visited for the Patriotic Fund and 
organized work that had a direct bearing on repatria- 
tion. Notable among such movements is the work 
done by the Women's Canadian Club at St. John, N.B. 
The club had a membership of nine hundred and ex- 
pended for war purposes $18,000. The members did 
a tremendous amount of excellent work meeting the 
English brides of Canadian soldiers who came over at 
the close of the war. Other clubs did equally fine 


work, but on a smaller scale, because the need was not 
so great. 

Almost inseparable from the workings of the Patri- 
otic Club, and yet filling a niche of its own, was the 
Soldiers' Wives' League. The mother league, organ- 
ized in Montreal during the Boer War, grew by leaps 
and bounds during the Great World War, numbering 
twenty-four branches when peace was declared. It 
carried on three distinct lines of work: Relief for 
soldiers' dependents; management and up-keep of 
Osborne House; work of its branches. Sympathy 
with the soldiers' dependents is at the foundation of 
the league's work, and this has always been shown in 
fullest measure and in practical ways. During the 
last year of the war the league's expenses were 
$21,667.87, with a monthly expense account at the 
close of the war of $2,000. Its income for the same 
period was $26,759.93. Every important war measure 
was aided by the league. 

Canadian girls did their "bit" on the land, leaving 
the city to help on berry and fruit farms. They did 
dairy work and planted and harvested crops, attended 
to stock and took over the care of the house, in order 
to release women who could fill pressing vacancies 

Too much cannot be said in praise of the farm wo- 
men themselves, who were in serious difficulty because 
of the shortage of farm labour. They worked at regu- 
lar farm work throughout the summer. 

Like hundreds of other organizations, the Y.W.C.A. 
in Canada worked zealously to alleviate local needs 
arising from war conditions. This took the form of 
supplementing, in every possible way, the work car- 
ried on by the Red Cross Society and various bodies 
looking after soldiers in Canadian hospitals and after 
dependents in Canada. 

War work which was national in character con- 
cerned itself with looking after women working on the 


land and in fruit camps, the establishment and man- 
agement of canteens, hostels, and hostess houses, and 
the support of several workers in France. During 
1917-18 the association supervised fifty camps in 
Ontario and placed 333 house mothers and helpers in 
these camps and in others opened in various parts of 
the Dominion. 

Four canteens for war workers were established by 
the Y.W.C.A. and operated for a year, or less time. 
They served a daily average of fifteen hundred girls 
and were operated by about four hundred voluntary 
workers. Two hostels w^ere operated for short periods 
for war workers, and hostess houses were mamtained 
in the R.A.F. camps and at the artillery and military 
camps in Ontario. 

One worker was supported for service with the 
British Y.W.C.A., one with the American Y.W.C.A., 
and a Canadian Y.W.C.A. hut at Honfleur, in charge 
of a Y.W.C.A worker, was presented to the Army. 

W^ith the splendid record made by Canadian women 
in standing shoulder to shoulder with their men when 
that was the thing needed, marching along, doing 
without comforts and leisure and peace of mind in 
order that justice might endure on the earth, no one 
need fear that the future of Canada will be neglected. 
The same spirit that conquered the menace of the past 
has turned to the serious problems that must be met 
in order that Canada shall fulfil her destiny. Her wo- 
men are already "carrying on" and marching under 
the banner "To-morrow." 

2. The War Work of the I.O.D.E. 

Women may not be called upon to sound a battle- 
cry to arms, but there are bloodless battles to be won, 
as essential to the stability of a great empire and the 


uplifting of its people as the victories of the battle- 
field. Women's work in strengthening and preserving 
the fabric of the British Empire and safeguarding its 
ideals was thus visioned by Mrs. Clark Murray, of 
Montreal, at the time of the South African War. But 
the same search-light of vision did not reveal the 
titanic part it was destined to play in the Great 
World War. 

On February 13th, 1900, a new bond of Empire was 
created among women living under the British flag, 
when a society was organized for the promotion of pa- 
triotic undertakings. Not only- in every town and city 
of the Dominion of Canada, but in all parts of the 
Empire, were the links of patriotism to be welded. 
Primary chapters were to be federated into municipal, 
provincial, and national chapters, and ultimately an 
imperial chapter with headquarters in London, which 
would centralize this organization, whose far-reaching 
influence would be felt to the uttermost parts of the 

After a year's strenuous work of organization, Mrs. 
Clark Murray relinquished the future of the order 
into the hands of capable Toronto women. Mrs. Sam- 
uel Nordheimer was elected first president, and the first 
National Executive was composed of Mrs. MacMahon, 
Mrs. H. S. Strathy, Mrs. Arthur Van Koughnet, Mrs. 
John Bruce, Mrs. A. E. Gooderham, and Miss Mac- 
donald. In 1901 the organization was incorporated 
as the Imperial Order of Daughters of the Empire 
and Children of the Empire. 

The badge of the order is a Union Jack centering a 
white, seven-pointed star on a blue ground, encircled 
by the name of the order, on white relief, the whole 
surmounted by the Imperial Crown. The motto of the 
order is "One Flag, One Throne, One Empire." Im- 
perial unity is its corner-stone, upon which chapter 
after chapter has been founded. Seven years after its 
inception 118 chapters existed in Ontario; the follow- 


ing year Western Canada responded with the forma- 
tion of twenty-nine new chapters. A year later and 
the Maritime Provinces were marshalled into line. 
At the present time, every province in the Dominion 
of Canada has its various chapters. Besides the 
National Chaj^ter of Canada, national chapters now 
exist in Bermuda, Newfoundland, and the Bahamas. 
The order also thrives in Australia and New Zealand 
and is active in the United States. 

Towns, cities, provinces, and autonomous domin- 
ions were creating parts of a machinery, whose en- 
semble and co-operative force were to be put to the 
severest strain. 

The order in Canada, in its fourteen years of exist- 
ence, had broadened and strengthened in preparation 
for its stupendous war effort. In four hundred towns 
and cities there were twenty-four thousand members. 
Mrs. Gooderham, associated with the order from the 
first, after having filled the offices of Councillor and 
National Secretary and Treasurer of the South Af- 
rican Graves Fund, succeeded to the presidency. Four 
years' experience had thoroughly familiarized her 
with the role of leadership. Thus stood the I.O.D.E. 
on the eve of war, with a president equipped with a 
working knowledge of the machinery of the whole, 
which was to prove a telling factor in the continued 
organized work of hundreds of voluntary workers. 

The aims and objects of the order were each tested 
in turn and firmly interwoven in the fabric of Im- 
perial service. The first two : "To stimulate and give 
expression to the sentiment of patriotism, which binds 
the women and children of the Empire around the 
Throne and the persons of their gracious and beloved 
sovereign, ' ' and ' ' to supply and foster a bond of union 
amongst the Daughters of the Empire," — were es- 
sentially fulfilled at the outset. It remained for the 
third to be tested by an Imperial crisis: "To provide 
an efficient organization by which prompt and united 


action may be taken by the women and children of the 
Empire, when such action is desired." 

Immediately upon the declaration of war in August, 
1914, while the War Council discussed matters of 
grave import, in which the destiny of Canada was in- 
volved, the National Committee of the I.O.D.E. called 
an emergency conference, representative of all nation- 
ally organized women's societies, to discuss what 
might best be done for the national cause. 

Women's thoughts naturally tended to the allevia- 
tion of the suffering that must inevitably come, and 
to supplying comforts and meeting all the calls of 
mercy, for which the sacred symbol of the Red Cross 

Many and varied were the suggestions forthcoming 
to meet the issue, and after due and careful considera- 
tion a fully equipped Hospital Ship was thought to be 
the most fitting gift that Canadian women could make 
to the Motherland. This suggestion was made by 
Miss Mary Plummer, who eventually became secretary 
of the General Committee. Mrs. John Bruce, an effi- 
cient and experienced worker, was elected treasurer 
of the proposed fund. The idea of a floating hospital 
appealed to the public mind and the Hospital Ship 
Fund was instituted with an objective of one hundred 
thousand dollars. For this first war purpose the 
machinery of the I.O.D.E. was set in motion. Each 
chapter immediately became a centre of vitalized 
energy. Long before the allotted three weeks were 
up, Halifax and Dawson City had answered from the 
eastern and north-western extremities of the Domin- 
ion. Through the channels of women's organizations, 
money flowed in from every part of Canada, until the 
objective was exceeded and the high- water mark, 
$282,857.77, was attained. 

Meanwhile the disposition of this sum had become 
the subject of correspondence with the Admiralty and 
the War Office. The central committee learned that it 


would be best to send the money without stipulation 
as to its expenditure. The gross receipts accordingly 
were placed in the hands of H.R.H. The Duchess of 
Connaught. The sum of one hundred thousand dol- 
lars was presented to the War Office and without de- 
lay twenty motor ambulances were bought and shipped 
to France, while others were purchased for use in 
England. The Admiralty received $182,857.77, which 
they desired to use in a way that would cause the gift 
to be permanently remembered. Wings were built 
to the Naval Hospital at Haslar, near Portsmouth, 
for the use of the nurses. Here the buildings will 
long remain a monument to Canadian women's loyalty 
to the British Empire. Thus at the instigation of the 
I.O.D.E. was inaugurated and accomplished Canadian 
women's first organized war effort. 

As soon as England had declared war, the British 
Reservists hastened back at the call of the Motherland. 
Their families were visited and kindly attention shown 
to them by members of the I.O.D.E. in all parts of the 
Dominion. In Edmonton, alone, sixty volunteer vis- 
itors were looking after the welfare of some two hun- 
dred families before the local contingent had left. 
This was one of the most faithfully sustained services, 
in which another object of the order was fulfilled: 
^'To care for the dependents of British soldiers and 
sailors during war, in time of peace, or under sick- 
ness, accident or reverses of fortune." 

By the time the bugle aroused the stillness of Val- 
cartier Camp to martial life and the white tents of our 
first volunteers dotted the plain and their bridges 
were thrown across the tawny tide of Jacques Cartier 
river, women were busily devising comforts to lessen 
the accustomed rigours of camp life. Sleeping-caps, 
mufflers, wristlets, cholera-belts, socks, and numerous 
other articles were sent in large shipments, the ever 
handy little housewife equipped with mending necessi- 
ties proving a boon to every soldier. 


Wherever there were military camps, recreation 
and reading rooms were organized, and temperance 
canteens, often instituted and frequently served by 
members of the I.O.D.E., established. Knitting, the 
almost-forgotten accomplishment of our grand- 
mothers, was revived. 

In order to purchase wool and other materials and 
to establish canteens, money must be forthcoming and 
plans of every kind were conceived for raising funds 
for the ultimate use of the fighting men. "Ship Day" 
was followed by ''Flag Days" and "Tag Days," con- 
certs, lectures, carnivals, and bazaars. In short, all 
old schemes were repeated and many new ones de- 
vised with a versatility and inventive genius born of 
the times. 

The first C.E.F. soon entrained for Quebec. In the 
broad blue waters of the St. Lawrence lay the armada 
which was to carry "Canada's answer" back to the 
Motherland. Upon the khaki-clad men crowding the 
decks, the Plains of Abraham looked down, — historic 
heights where once their forebears so vigorously con- 
tended. On October 3rd, 1914, the gray transports 
moved slowly seaward on their momentous voyage, 
convoyed by women's prayers. 

Women now felt that Canada had thrown aside the 
habiliments of Peace and had taken up the gage of 
Battle in reality. At this crisis the National Execu- 
tive of the I.O.D.E. evinced a splendid power of lead- 
ership. Their keen foresight and systematic planning 
prevented much overlapping and a harmonious con- 
certed action realized a maximum of effort, — one 
enthusiastic chapter, bent on attaining the greatest 
possible working power, going so far as to carry out a 
registration of its members. 

Tlie unwritten law of the order was that which 
Field Marshal Earl Haig wrote in his final despatch 
on discipline: "True discipline demands as much 
from officers as from men, and without mutual 


trust, understanding, and confidence on the part of all, 
the highest form of discipUne is impossible." 

Provincial, municipal, and chapter regents directed 
their allotted part of the general campaign with an 
almost military promptitude. Co-ordination was also 
essential on the part of the chapters, which, in orderly 
manner, marched into action like disciplined units, 
marshalled and drilled. 

When the C.E.F. reached England the order at once 
began working for the comfort of the troops. It 
showed particular energy in providing Christmas 
cheer for the men. Many busy hours of planning, 
buying, making, and packing were represented by each 
overseas box — rivalled only by Pandora's box of 
blessings. Military units were remembered by some 
chapters, while others addressed their boxes to men 
who had gone from their own locality. The Princess 
Mary Christmas Fund was but one of many outlets 
for generosity, which afforded expression of the 
I.O.D.E. Christmas spirit. 

The first war Christmas was a never-to-be-forgotten 
one by the Canadian soldier. The carefully hung 
stocking of expectant childhood never divulged a more 
infinite variety of surprises than his first parcels from 
home. Gifts of all kinds, descriptions, and uses — 
food, clothing, and amusement — had crowded the 
holds of steamers, which followed in the wake of 
transports. On this first war Christmas, though bit- 
ter seas rolled between, separating families and loved 
ones who faced the dread uncertainty of war, the 
Motherland and Canada clasped hands in a spirit of 
deeper affection and truer understanding than ever 

War had proved a great impetus to the growth of 
the order. In 1915 one hundred and seventy new 
chapters had come into existence. Five hundred chap- 
ters and thirty thousand members had now to be 


At the Annual Meeting the I.O.D.E. War Clasp 
was introduced by Mrs. Gatewood, of Vancouver, in 
the following resolution: "That a bar or clasp be 
placed on the badge of those members of our order 
who are wives or mothers or both of men who are on 
active service on behalf of their country, the bar to be 
of blue enamel in the case of a husband, or crimson 
enamel in the case of a son, the bar to be a line of blue 
and one of crimson enamel when a member has both 
husband and son or sons serving with the colors; 
across the bar to be placed, in gold letters, the date 
'1914,' the bar to be suspended by two small gold 
chains over the badge." Later, this privilege was ex- 
tended to mothers of nurses serving overseas, in which 
case the bar was white. No military decoration was 
ever worn by our gallant men as reward for their 
heroic exploits as proudly as the slender red, white, 
and blue bars worn on the breasts of Canadian women. 

Not only women of East and West united under the 
order, but it also proved a strong cumulative force, 
breaking down for the first time barriers of religion 
and social caste. Mrs. MacDougald, of Montreal, re- 
cords the significant fact in the following words: "The 
women of Quebec have without distinction of race or 
creed for the first time worked together .under the 
direction of the LO.D.E. The good sisters of the 
Roman Catholic order and the church guilds of va- 
rious denominations have joined hands in a way that 
has been most inspiring." Regardless of creed or 
social difference, the gray-garbed nun of the cloister 
and the fashionable woman of the world, the shop- 
girl and the millionaire's daughter, worked side by 
side, folding the white surgical dressings, sewing the 
khaki shirts, or knitting the soft gray wool into sol- 
diers' comforts, mindful only that they were working 
for the same sacred cause. 

Valuable help was received from an active chapter 
in the United States under the able regency of Mrs. 


Josephine M. Langstaff. In addition to two motor 
ambulances and a truck, large shipments were made 
from New York to London of hospital supplies so 
greatly in demand and often so difficult to obtain — 
chloroform, ether, ammonia, iodine, rubber sheeting 
and tubing, adhesive plaster, cases of castor oil, and 
atomizers. The variety of gifts was infinite and in- 
cluded respirators, hot-water-bags, sand-bags, am- 
bulance rugs, blankets, bandages of all kinds, fracture 
pillows, air pillows, feather pillows, linen old and 
new, cases of surgical instruments and electric torches. 
Many personal gifts were also made and sent, not 
least among them the bedside comfort bag on which 
the sick soldier cast a contented eye of proprietorship. 
Both American and Canadian branches of the order 
seemed to doubt the renowned virtues of the English 
plum-pudding, for the home brand was inevitably in- 
cluded. Such games as cards and chess and puzzles 
were also sent. Victrolas with their records of music, 
sacred and secular, grave and gay, wiled away many 
a weary hour in hospital, but, to the man on the march 
or in the trenches, there was nothing appreciated like 
the individual performance of the mouth-organ. This 
little pocket instrument, sent overseas in large quan- 
tities, saved many a situation, enlivened the fighting 
man's spirit and cheered him when he got into a tight 
corner. In Tommy Atkins' own words: — 

" O, there ain't no band to cheer us up, there ain't no Highland 

To keep our war-like ardure warm, round New Chapelle and 

Wipers : 
So since there's nothing like a tune to glad the heart of man. 
Why, Billy with his mouth-organ, 'e dees the best 'e can." 

While our men fought the Germans on the battle- 
fields of France and Flanders, a foe as insidious as 
the deadly poison-gas endangered their homeland. In 
an attempt to precipitate a premature peace, propa- 
ganda was scattered broadcast under the favourite 


guise of Christianity, threatening the country with the 
paralysis of pacifism. This, however, was powerless 
to shake the loyalty of the I.O.D.E,, who carried on a 
vigorous offensive. Peace without victory was not on 
their official programme. 

Despite the censor, stories of prisoners languishing 
in disease in vermin-ridden camps began to filter 
through, of poor wrecks of humanity often inhumanly 
treated, sometimes without necessary food and cloth- 
ing, existing under conditions which often made death 
more to be desired than life. As soon as word was 
received of their deplorable plight, the hearts of Ca- 
nadian women burned within them and their hands 
compassionately reached out to alleviate their suifer- 
ings and render some comfort, meagre though it needs 
must be. Food and clothing were sent in quantities 
dictated by the enemy. The Prisoners of War Fund 
was inaugurated, and in support of this the I.O.D.E. 
were most generous and active. 

Picture those first gifts arriving for starving, rag- 
ged men, penned in dirty prison camps, suffering gross 
indignities at the hands of an inhuman foe. Memor>^ 
surged over their hearts as they realized that the 
women of Canada had not forgotten them. Food 
sustained their strength, but remembrance reinforced 
their courage. Hundreds of Canadian prisoners of 
war gratefully attribute their very lives to the parcels 
from their own loved land which came as providential 

When the first disabled veterans returned to Can- 
ada, work on their belialf immediately began. As 
they continued to arrive in an ever-swelling stream, 
Veterans' Homes were established for them in many 
cities and fitted with every means of comfort and rec- 
reation. For those disabled or convalescent, cots in 
military hospitals were endowed, wards were 
equipped, and convalescent homos were established. 

The order as a whole and its units contributed to 


all kinds of war work intended to ameliorate tlie lot 
of the fighting forces — hospitals in England, Belgian, 
Serbian, French, Russian, and Polish relief, the Sail- 
ors' Aid Fund, and the Red Cross. One ambitious 
chapter, while already maintaining a returned sol- 
diers' convalescent home, undertook to provide an 
annex for Canadians to a London hostel. 

Methods of raising funds were as numerous as the 
needs for which they were required. This exacting 
and important work was carried on with unflagging 
zeal. Tea rooms, box collections in shops and hotels, 
sales of home-made cakes and confectionery and of 
fancy and useful articles, dances and golf tourna- 
ments were some of the ways employed. By such 
means it was possible to open and maintain local 
reading and recreation tents, supply churches with 
honour rolls for the names of men who had enlisted, 
make contributions of beds to Canadian hospitals, 
present flags and flagpoles, and give aid in numerous 
other directions. 

Women all over Canada prepared a delectable 
dainty in the form of home-made jam for the over- 
seas troops — a decided luxury and welcome change 
from the inevitable ''plum and apple," which un- 
questionably did its "bit" in the Great World War. 

The necessary work of making and sending forward 
field comforts went steadily on. Busy needles were 
plied in cottage and mansion. Women sewed and 
knitted untiringly to make socks, shirts, mufflers, 
mitts, and helmets. Every soldier's comfort and War 
Relief garment sent overseas by the I.O.D.E. bore a 
tag on which was woven the crest of the order sur- 
mounting the word "Canada." Tens of thousands of 
these tags were used and their significance is re- 
ferred to by Lady McLaren Brown, who writes as 
secretary of the Canadian War Contingent Associa- 
tion, "which received and distributed literally to the 
four corners of the earth vast supplies of field com- 


forts. And month by month and year by year, as I 
counted and sorted and checked, I used to marvel at 
the ever increasing supplies sent by the Daughters. 
How I used to watch for their cases and rejoice when 
I saw them, for their little white badge with its let- 
ters of blue stitched to the garments and stamped on 
the parcels was always a guarantee of 'the best.' 

' ' Sometimes I wonder if all the pathos and romance 
of the faring forth of that little badge of the order 
has ever been fully realized even by the members 
themselves. It is known in camps, the barrack, the 
hospital, the trenches, and on the battle-fields. Across 
those grave-strewn fields of Flanders it marched with 
our men. It rested on their bodies when they went 
down in the holocausts of France. It lay with them 
on the blood-soaked deserts of Egypt and Palestine. 
In the terrific places about Salonika, in the wastes of 
Mesopotamia, in the dark jungles of Africa, — wher- 
ever a man of the British breed went to make his fight 
for righteousness, the emblem of the Daughters of the 
Empire went too. Aye, it went with him even down to 
the grave, where he sleeps his last sleep. 

''That badge of white and blue, do you know how it 
has helped and comforted and blessed? I knew a boy, 
lying in a hospital, whose first faint gleam of interest 
in life came back when he caught sight of it stitched 
to the corner of the sheet which covered his broken 
body. He came from a small town away 'at the back 
of beyond,' where 'all the girls' had belonged to the 
chapter, and to him it was a living thing. . . . An 
Indian soldier, dying far from his native hills, pointed 
to the white coverlet and smiled when a Canadian girl 
explained, as best she could, what those little blue 
letters stood for, 'One Flag, One Throne, One Em- 

"Sometimes I have helped with the cases being 
made ready for the 'foreign reliefs.' I used to won- 
der if the poilu would notice the I.O.D.E. badge 


stitclied inside his sock, and what the brave Alpini, 
who watched in the lonely mountains, would make of 
it; and whether if, in far-off Serbia, where a well- 
nigh hopeless people still stood erect, they would 
speculate about the meaning of the badge fastened to 
the garments and the linen which helped to cover 
their nakedness!" 

At the sixteenth annual meeting of the order, the 
president, Mrs. Gooderham, remarked that its growth 
had been phenomenal. It was now immeasurably the 
largest women's organization in the Empire, and its 
leadership in patriotic work had become everywhere 
recognized. She eulogized the voluntary recruiting 
spirit, but declared that the time had come for a 
change of system as in England. 

The order did much to stimulate recruiting. One 
Western chapter held a "Silent Recruiting" week 
for one of the battalions, each member wearing a 
badge urging enlistment. Resolutions were unani- 
mously passed in favour of military training in the 
schools and a petition was sent to the Dominion 
Government to prohibit the importation of enemy 
goods after the war. 

One of the most outstanding war efforts and the most 
corporate work of the order during the year had been 
the founding of the Annexes of the King George and 
Queen Mary Maple Leaf Club in England. This most 
praiseworthy piece of work was inspired by the need 
of the Canadian soldier on leave who was without 
friends in England and lacked comfortable quarters 
during his brief respite from the trenches. The 
cheery atmosphere of these comfortable headquarters 
filled a long-felt want, and was gratefully welcomed 
by thousands of Canadian soldiers. 

Canadian women volunteers, many of whom were 
members of the order, looked after these buildings 
and gave the desired touch of "home." H.R.H. the 
Princess Patricia of Connaught, now Lady Patricia 


Ramsay, usually appeared at the supper hour and 
graciously assisted in waiting on the tables. An 
especially cordial greeting was bestowed upon any 
lucky wearer of the P.P.C.L.I. badge, who was gal- 
lantly sustaining the colours worked by her own 

The year 1917 was ushered in with no signs of the 
ominous war-cloud lifting. The order had now settled 
down solidly and patiently to its work and even tried 
to exceed its previous stupendous efforts. Eighty- 
four new chapters ^\ith active membership had been 
enrolled. It could now boast the magnificent member- 
ship of forty thousand. 

Some idea of the year's work may be gleaned from 
the report of the treasurer, Mrs. John Bruce: Or- 
dinary receipts for the year $11,069, and special con- 
tributions of $2,314 for Canadian Red Cross, $3,005 
for Secours Nationale, $5,830 for Y.M.C.A. overseas, 
$3,607 for British Sailors' Relief Fund, $2,623 for 
St. Dunstan's Home for Blind Soldiers, $2,196 for 
Prisoners of War Relief, etc., with $753,601 raised by 
the various chapters of the order for war work in 

The welfare of orphaned children of soldiers killed 
during the war was a subject for serious considera- 
tion. The establishment of homes for their care was 
embodied in a resolution sent to the Federal Govern- 

The order, with the soldiers' interest at heart, 
petitioned the Government to grant furloughs to all 
men of the first Canadian Expeditionary Force, those 
who had borne the brunt of battle and were still over- 

The convalescent homes for soldiers had proved a 
great boon. One Western home, alone, reported that 
3,545 had enjoyed its care and hospitality. 

Food was the second line of defence. Food became 
the universal topic, although Canada did not suffer 


from a food shortage as did the Motherland. Food 
conferences were held to consider what help might be 
sent overseas. As a result members of the I.O.D.E. 
pledged themselves to abstain from the use of pota- 
toes two days each week, also to observe two meatless 
days, that these commodities might be shipped over- 
seas. Thrift campaigns were launched among Cana- 
dian women in general. 

The women of Canada emulated the splendid spirit 
shown by the women of England and France. They 
freed men that they might fight in the Empire's de- 
fence and hundreds of the order laboured as farmer- 
ettes, munitionettes, and filled positions in banks, 
offices, and in countless ways did their best to ex- 
emplify that there was no sacrifice which they would 
not voluntarily make, nor any hardship they would 
refuse to undergo to help toward the goal of ultimate 

The thoughts and activities of the chapters were 
abruptly directed to a home disaster. A ship loaded 
with high explosives blew up in Halifax harbour, 
shattering the harbour-front and causing a deplorable 
loss of life. Help was rushed into the stricken city 
from all directions. Special trains with nurses and 
doctors hastened to the scene, where many of the 
homeless inhabitants were suffering not only from 
shock and injury but from loss of sight caused by the 
shattering glass. 

In the wake of the fire, which inevitably broke out, 
followed a blizzard which demolished the temporary 
quarters of the sufferers. Many women's organiza- 
tions sent food and clothing. The National Executive 
of the I.O.D.E. issued an appeal for the establishment 
of a "Halifax Fund" with the intention of founding 
a home for unclaimed children. Normal conditions 
revealed, however, that the number of little ones 
rendered homeless was not so great as at first antici- 
pated, and the money upon advice was used for the 


establishment of a Home for Mentally Deficient Chil- 
dren. Thus directly through the war was estab- 
lished this first home of its kind in the Dominion 
of Canada. 

Another undertaking of which the order is justly 
proud was the founding of the Daughters of the Em- 
pire Red Cross Hospital, which British authorities 
pronounced to be one of the finest in London. The 
building was located on a beautiful site opposite Hyde 
Park. Its complete equipment was generously pro- 
vided by Colonel and Mrs. Gooderham, with the ex- 
ception of the operating theatre and X-ray machine, 
which were gifts of the primary chapters. 

The hospital was formally opened by H.R.H. Prin- 
cess Louise, Duchess of Argjdl. Their Majesties 
King George and Queen Mary paid a friendly visit of 
inspection to the institution and graciously com- 
mended the work of the I.O.D.E. in general. Insti- 
tuted for the exclusive accommodation of officers, it 
was always filled to capacity. V7ithin its walls torn 
and shattered men were restored to fight again in 
their country's defence, or, in the case of the more 
serious cases, were passed on to convalescent homes. 
The genuine gratitude of the patients was expressed 
not only for the tender care and excellent skill of 
nurse and surgeon, but for the order which had de- 
vised and worked to make possible the establishment 
of this institution. 

In 1918 lowered the darkest hour before the dawn. 
In this year General Haig issued his historic order: 
''With our backs to the wall and believing in the 
justice of our cause, each one of us must fight to the 
end. The safety of our homes and the freedom of 
mankind depend upon the conduct of each one of us 
at this critical moment." 

Upon individual effort the outcome now depended. 
The unyielding spirit of our dauntless men, who stub- 
bornly fought on with the characteristic tenacity of 


the British breed, was emulated generally by Cana- 
dian women. One of Germany's greatest mistakes 
was in reckoning on the detachment of the Dominions. 
The Prussian War Lords queried as to what the men 
of Canada might do on an issue, but the women's part 
was quite unthought of or was considered a negligible 
quantity. Canadian women had to be reckoned with. 
Without martial bands or banners they quietly re- 
cruited everywhere, and women of every age, class, 
and accomplishment, without ostentation, continued 
to step into the men's places in office and factory, and 
on the farm, that men might be released for military 
service, and did their utmost to help carry on the 
business of the nation. Premier David Lloyd George 
has eloquently testified that it was the women of the 
Allied nations who made victory possible. 

The I.O.D.E. had not only energetically "carried 
on" in every field of war effort but, be it recorded to 
their everlasting honour, they faithfully sustained all 
pre-war responsibilities. The noble and widely recog- 
nized work in safeguarding public health against the 
inroads of the wliite plague was as loyally carried on 
and as generously financed as though no world war 
had been raging. 

In addition to these multitudinous activities, the 
order courageously launched still another enterprise. 
Second only to the soldier's welfare and comfort were 
those of the nursing sister, three members of which 
profession were being supported by the order. An- 
nexes and clubs had proved such a boon to overseas 
Canadians, that the order confidently made a general 
appeal for funds. As expected, it met with a ready 
response, sufficient to enable the Committee of Man- 
agement to install a club for Canadian nurses in most 
desirable quarters at 95 Lancaster Gate, London. 
This was the town house of Lady Minto, wife of a 
former governor-general of Canada. Every comfort 
and convenience were available at a nominal cost and 


these attractive headquarters afforded the longed-for 
home touch. 

H.R.H. Princess Patricia officiated at the opening 
ceremony, nurses in uniform attending as a guard of 
honour. A rapidly increasing membership testified 
both to the great need met by this club and to the 
appreciation of the nurses of the advantages it af- 
forded. The honorary secretary of the Committee of 
Management observed that: "In their long record of 
splendid achievement, the I.O.D.E. never accomplished 
a more useful project." 

A lively interest was taken by many of the chapters 
in the St. Dunstan's Home for Blind Soldiers, to the 
support of which they liberally contributed. They 
keenly appreciated the work being so splendidly ac- 
complished by the institution for our sightless heroes, 
who, deprived by war of their most precious sense, 
had yet a longer, harder, and less glorious battle to 
wage alone. Sir Arthur Pearson, the head of the 
institution, who won a notable victory over his owni 
loss of sight, was specially fitted to inspire our men 
to surmount their heavy handicap, to restore their 
shaken self-confidence, and to train them to become 
competent in their various chosen paths of life. 

War clouds began to lighten and the radiant vision 
of Peace dawned suddenly upon a wondering world. 
The guns of battle abruptly ceased and the day for 
which all had worked and prayed came with a sudden- 
ness that outdistanced the expectations of the most 

It is impossible to give an adequate idea of the 
multiplicity of activities of the I.O.D.E., whose scope 
was wide as the Empire. Recognition of the services 
of individual chapters would be an endless task, but a 
brief compilation is embodied in the follo^^ing from 
Headquarters Reports: — 

Out of funds raised entirely by members of the 
order, nineteen ambulances, three motor trucks, eight- 


een macliine-guns, two automobiles, and thirty-two 
field kitchens were donated to the army. Similar un- 
dertakings under other auspices have also been liber- 
ally contributed to, such as the motor ambulances 
from Southern Alberta, Saskatchewan, Manitoba, and 
the Lady Ross Fund for Ambulances. Twelve operat- 
ing tables, one electrical massage apparatus, twenty- 
two wheel stretchers and invalid chairs were donated 
to various hospitals, and six sterilizing outfits sent to 
Serbian hospital units. 

Military hospitals were the object of much attention 
on the part of the order, who furnished completely 
thirty-six wards and endowed or equipped nine hun- 
dred and forty-two beds. Three huts for convalescent 
soldiers were donated and four convalescent homes 
established. Twelve soldiers' and sailors' clubs and 
also eleven club rooms stand to the credit of the pri- 
mary chapters. Most of this work thus begun will 
require continual support. 

On Armistice Day, November 11th, 1918, there were 
four provincial chapters, twenty-four municipal chap- 
ters, six hundred and forty-two primary chapters, 
eighty junior chapters, making a grand total of seven 
hundred and fifty chapters in the Dominion of Canada. 

Since the outbreak of war the order has followed 
with keenest interest the work of the British navy, 
the ''Silent Service." The Navy League of Canada, 
in recognition of the services of the I.O.D.E., many 
of whose chapters record frequent and generous gifts, 
recognize the local chapters of the order wherever 
organized, making their officers ex-officio members of 
the Navy League branch. Mrs. Gooderham, the presi- 
dent, was elected to the first vice-presidency of the 
Dominion Navy League. In recognition of personal 
services rendered and interest generally shown in 
matters pertaining to the navy, a service medal was 
bestowed upon her. Why Britain Rules the Waves 
was the title of a pamphlet contributed by her to the 


series of valuable navy pamphlets issued by the Navy 
League. Hundreds of pictures commemorating the 
Empire's great naval events and innumerable gift and 
prize books recording naval history have been dis- 
tributed throughout the Dominion, especially in the 
provinces bordering on the sea. 

In addition to the funds already launched for 
French Relief, a movement was set on foot to re- 
establish homeless French refugees in the districts 
devastated by war, to which plan Madame Chase- 
Casgrain bent her energies and in the interests of 
which she toured Canada. Various chapters felt that 
the duty owed France was inseparably linked mth the 
remembrance of the men who fought and gave their 
lives on the Western front. They could conceive no 
more fitting memorial than the restoration of the area 
laid waste by the rude hand of war. The magnificent 
subscription of $10,000 from the Ontario Government 
and lesser sums from a few interested individuals 
opened this worthy fund. The work of restoration 
and relief began and huts and houses were built and 
furnished in the districts that had been laid waste by 
the ruthless German army. Those who inhabit these 
homes built as a gift of Canadians will learn to feel 
that there exists a link of warm human understanding 
between the countries whose men fought for the same 

The fund grew so rapidly that it was soon possible 
for the directing authorities to set aside a distinct 
section in the war-swept area which was to be desig- 
nated as "The Daughters of the Empire Sector." 
The plan will be completed by placing in a church or 
public building, in the restored portion, the names of 
contributing chapters and individuals who relieved the 
distress of living France and remembered the Cana- 
dian heroes who fell fighting that the French people 
might continue to enjoy the blessing of liberty. 

Thus did the order help to ameliorate the lot of 


those sorely smitten by war and at the same time 
''to cherish the memory of brave and heroic deeds 
and last resting-places of our heroes and heroines, 
especially such as are in distant and solitary places, 
to erect memorial stones on spots that have become 
sacred to the Nation through great struggles for free- 
dom and battles against ignorance, and by events of 
heroic and patriotic self-sacrifice." 

The close of the Great World War did not end the 
activities of the I.O.D.E. The future had to be con- 
sidered and plans were laid for education along Na- 
tional and Imperial lines. 

This is the bond to which the order now set its 
seal: That a fund be raised by the I.O.D.E. in Can- 
ada to promote the educational work of the order as a 
memorial to the Canadian men and women who have 
died so gloriously in the defence of the Empire during 
the present war, this fund to be expended in the fol- 
lowing ways : 

1. To found scholarships of sufficient value to pro- 
vide a university education or its recognized equiva- 
lent, available for and limited to the sons and daugh- 
ters of: (a) a soldier or sailor or man of the Air 
Force killed in action or who died from wounds or by 
reason of the war prior to the declaration of Peace; 
(b) the permanently disabled soldier or sailor; (c) the 
soldier or sailor who, by reason of injuries received 
in service overseas, dies after the declaration of Peace 
while his children or any of them are of school age. 
In those provinces where other organizations or in- 
stitutions have made similar provision, these scholar- 
ships will not be given. 

2. Post-graduate scholarships from a national fund, 
to be distributed among the provinces. 

3. A travelling fellowship, to be competed for by 
the I.O.D.E. provincial scholars. 

4. A lecture foundation in Canada for the teaching 
of Imperial history. 


5. To place in schools selected by the Departments 
of Education of every province, some of the reproduc- 
tions of the series of Canadian War Memorial Pic- 
tures, painted for the Dominion Government by lead- 
ing artists of the Empire, to commemorate Canada's 
part in the war, so that in every community the chil- 
dren of Canada may be constantly reminded of the 
heroic deeds of the men and women whose sacrifices 
saved the Empire and its cherished institutions. 

6. To promote courses of illustrated lectures, free 
to the children of Canada, on the history and geogra- 
phy of the Empire. 

7. To place, within the next five years, in every 
school in Canada, where there are children of foreign- 
born parents in attendance, a Daughters of the Em- 
pire historical library. 

Thus will be immortalized the glorious sacrifice of 
men and women, in all branches of the Service, who 
exemplified a true Imperial spirit even unto death. 
The pageantry of war is past, but "Peace hath her 
victories not less renowned than war." Many blood- 
less battles still must be waged, wherein education 
should prove as effectual a weapon as did the sword 
of the Allies on the battle-fields of the Great World 


IT was not until May, 1918, that the Entente Allies 
decided to send a military expedition to Northern 
Russia. Looking back over the progress of the 
Russian revolution, it may seem strange that such a 
decision was not arrived at many months soonero 
However, there were probably what seemed to be very 
excellent reasons for the delay. Be that as it may, 
the time chosen eventually was one of the most peril- 
ous that confronted the Allies during the whole war. 
In Russia, German propaganda had succeeded to an 
amazing extent and greatly outbalanced the material 
assistance which the Allies sought to render the anti- 
Bolshevik forces. Following their success in demoral- 
izing the Russian military power, the Germans con- 
centrated their efforts on crushing the Allies on the 
Western front. Their offensive, commenced in March, 
was, by May, plunging its way toward Paris in a 
tremendous effort to reach that goal before the 
American armies in France had become sufficiently 
large and well trained to constitute a serious obstacle. 
The chaotic condition of Russia made it possible for 
them to transfer troops from their eastern frontier to 
the battle-line in France at the rate of six divisions 
a month. At no other time in the whole titanic strug- 
gle, with the exception of the period preceding the 
Battle of the Marne, was the need of the Allies for 

1 The writer acknowledges the courteous assistance rendered him 
in the preparation of this article by Colonel C. H. L. Sharman, 
C.M.G., C.B.E., who kindly loaned maps, diaries, reports, and 
other documents relating to the campaign in Northern Russia. 



men on the Western front more urgent. In spite of 
that, however, and to some extent because of it, 
drastic action with respect to Russia had become im- 

The half-hearted policy of shipping munitions and 
supplies to the anti-Bolshevik forces had not only 
proved entirely inadequate when matched against 
German intrigue, but it had added yet another danger 
to those existing already. Vast stores of Allied mu- 
nitions and other war material had been collected at 
the port of Archangel, on the White Sea, to assist 
the loyal Russians who were offering armed resist- 
ance to the baneful German influences and the Bolshe- 
vik revolution. But the astonishing success of the 
revolution, coupled with the apparently friendly re- 
lations existing between Germany and the Bolsheviki, 
made it more than a possibility that the supplies at 
Archangel would fall into the hands of the enemy. 
Again, there was real danger that the Germans would 
attempt to occupy the port of Kola, on the Murmansk 
coast, for use as a submarine base. Had the enemy 
secured control of that port and the railway running 
south to a point near Petrograd, it would have been 
possible for them to outflank the great mine barrage 
that the American and British navies were construct- 
ing between Scotland and Norway. Further, it was a 
matter of honour, as well as of expediency; that an 
earnest effort should be made to establish communi- 
cations with, and to assist as much as possible, the 
forces in Russia that were still loyal to the cause of 
the Entente Allies. 

The expeditionary force was drawn from British, 
French, Italian, Serbian, Canadian, and American 
units. Including the Russians who joined the force 
after its debarkation, it totalled only about twenty 
thousand men. Canada's initial contribution was not 
large. Some fifty Canadian officers and non-commis- 
sioned officers went along as instructors for the Rus- 


sian units that it was proposed to recruit. These 
Canadians had all seen active service in France, a 
number of them from early in 1915. Their work as 
instructors soon proved to be but a portion of their 
duties. They were called upon to supervise the 
transport of supplies on their section of the front, 
and they had a hand in the fighting as well. 

Both the Murmansk coast and Archangel had been 
occupied by the Allies early in August. Delay in 
reaching the latter place, however, enabled the Bol- 
sheviki to remove practically all of the munitions and 
other military supplies that had been stored there. 
It was a serious and galling loss, for during the fol- 
lowing winter the Bolsheviki used the guns and shells 
against the Allied force. 

After occupying Archangel small forces were sent 
up the Dvina river and the railway connecting Arch- 
angel with the trans-Siberian railway near Petrograd. 
A small flanking party was sent up the Pinega river 
for a few miles above its confluence with the Dvina. 
The other, or western flank, had been provided for, 
after the occupation of Kola, by the seizure of Kem 
and Onega, on Onega bay. There were, therefore, 
three main lines of advance, with the flanks at the 
outset well over one hundred miles apart and about 
three times that distance at the ultimate fighting 
front. The railway force had met with stiff resist- 
ance, but managed to advance about sixty miles to 
Obosertskaya, which proved to be the farthest point 
reached in that direction. The force on the Dvina had 
met with greater success. With the assistance of two 
monitors it was able to proceed some three hundred 
miles up-stream to the junction of the Dvina and 
Vaga rivers and then up each of these for forty and 
seventy miles respectively. Obviously, this was a long 
way to extend so small a force from its base, espe- 
cially in a country more than half the inhabitants of 
which were secretly, if not openly, hostile. Besides, 


the Bolsheviki were beginning to realize that the 
forces opposed to them were not formidable and, con- 
sequently, their resistance steadily increased. In 
addition to rallying their land forces, they had 
brought together a number of barges and steamers, 
upon which they mounted field-guns and howitzers. 
The Allies, therefore, decided to halt their advance 
and to strengthen the positions they had already oc- 
cupied, so as to be in readiness for a winter campaign. 
The situation evidently caused some concern at the 
British War Office, for late in August reinforcements 
were ordered and Major-General E. Ironside, form- 
erly of the 4th Canadian Division, was made Com- 
mander-in-Chief. The Canadian military authorities 
sanctioned the formation and despatch, with these 
reinforcements, of the 16th Brigade, Canadian Field 
Artillery. Colonel C. H. L. Sharman, who was then 
in charge of the Canadian Reserve Artillery at Witley, 
was given command of the new brigade. His first 
step was to call for volunteers from the officers and 
men in the Reserve Artillery who had seen service in 
France. There were plenty of applicants. Few of 
the men were keen on returning to France, but they 
were weary of the ennui and routine of camp life in 
England, and saw in the Russian expedition an op- 
portunit}^ to vary their military careers. Major F. F. 
Arnoldi, D.S.O., and Major W. C. Hyde, D.S.O., were 
selected to command the two six-gTin batteries. All 
the combatant officers, with one exception, as well as 
the gunners and a number of the signallers and driv- 
ers, had seen active service in France. The others 
were drawTi from the Reserve Artillery, and, in spite 
of their lack of experience in actual warfare, played 
their part in the campaign in a very creditable manner. 
To the usual establishment of an artillery brigade 
headquarters was added a signal personnel corre- 
sponding to an engineor signal comjiaiiy, but the mem- 
bers were all artillery signallers who had received 


their training in France early in the war. Medical, 
Dental, Veterinary, Pay, and Y.M.C.A. officers were 
carefully selected by their several branches of the 
Service. Colonel Sharman demanded the selection 
of men who, in addition to departmental fitness, were 
strong, healthy, and optimistic. The wisdom of in- 
sisting on these additional requirements was amply 
proved during the long, trying winter campaign in 
Northern Russia. A reinforcing party of five officers 
and fifty men also accompanied the brigade all the 
way from England to the battery positions. They 
performed very valuable services during the winter, 
for during that period not a single wounded or sick 
man who was once evacuated to the base ever re- 
turned to the lines, owing to difficulties of transport 
and other kindred reasons. The whole brigade was 
given as thorough training as time permitted in the 
handling of machine guns and trench mortars and 
also in infantry tactics. 

Although the brigade was ready to leave England 
on the 7th of September, it was not until the 19th that 
it entrained at Witley for Dundee, from whence it 
sailed on the S.S. Stephen two days later. Some 
thirteen hundred Canadian, British, and French 
troops were packed in a boat which had accommoda- 
tion for about two hundred. Consequently, the nine 
days' voyage was extremely hard on officers and men 
alike. An escort of destroyers was provided as far 
as the Shetland islands, after which no other ships 
appeared on the cold, deserted waters until the con- 
voy had reached the Murmansk coast. Influenza and 
pneumonia broke out, chiefly amongst the French 
troops, and intensified the anxiety of those in charge. 
The Canadians were free from sickness other than 
mal de mer, a circumstance largely attributable to 
regular physical drill while on shipboard and later 
on when travelling on barges up the Dvina river. The 
Americans, for example, had lost sixty-five men from 


disease in Archangel before the end of September. 
Field-gnns were mounted on the forward part of the 
ship for use in the event of a submarine attack, and 
also to give the artillery gunners some drill in direct 
ranging from the decks of a rolling steamer. 

The convoy anchored in Archangel harbour on the 
evening of September 30th, but the Canadians were 
not disembarked until the 3rd of October. Colonel 
Sharman received orders on landing to move the Ca- 
nadians up the Dvina river for some three hundred 
miles to support the troops that had landed two 
months previously. It was necessary to obtain barges 
and tugs to convey the equipment up-stream. This 
was accomplished after a day's delay and the long, 
tedious struggle with currents and sand-bars and 
crippled tugs commenced. On the evening of the 7th, 
the brigade reached Yemetskoe, a small village near 
the junction of the Emtsa river with the Dvina and 
about one hundred and fifty miles from Archangel. 
It was near this point that two sections of the 68th 
Canadian Battery, under Major Hyde, first went into 
action. The Canadian military authorities had in- 
tended that the 16th Brigade of Artillery should 
operate as a unit. Actual conditions soon indicated 
the folly of attempting that in Northern Russia. The 
IDhysical features of the country, the political tur- 
moil in which the inhabitants were involved, the small 
numbers of troops holding a large and semi-hostile 
area, and the shortage of artillery, each and all tended 
to preclude the possibility of a brigade of artillery 
operating as a unit. 

During the first half of October, the campaign 
along the railway went badly. The Russian and 
Polish artillery in that region was neither efficient nor 
reliable.. With a view to strengthening the position 
a party of three Canadian officers and twenty-six 
men were detailed from Colonel Sharman 's command 
to take over the armoured train on the railway. This 


train had been captured intact by the British a few 
weeks previously and was equipped with field-guns 
and 155-m.m. howitzers. The work of the Canadians 
in that exploit called forth high commendation from 
the Commander-in-Chief, and although no further 
advance was made along the railway the gains al- 
ready made were not again seriously questioned. 

About the same period another action was carried 
through between the Dvina river and the railway. Its 
purpose was to outflank the Bolshevik troops along 
the railway and to establish a line between it and the 
river, which might be requisitioned for the transport 
of supplies after the river had been frozen over. The 
operation was in charge of Lieut.-Colonel Gavin, 
formerly an officer of the 4th Canadian Division, and 
the artillery work for the engagement was carried out 
by two sections of the 68th Canadian Field Battery. 

Meanwhile the remainder of the Canadian artillery 
proceeded up the Dvina and reached Beresnik, near 
the mouth of the Vaga river, on the 10th of October. 
At that time the Bolsheviki were carrying on a de- 
termined attack on the Dvina column about forty 
miles farther up-stream. They had brought together 
a formidable fleet of river steamers, barges, and rafts, 
upon which they had mounted several field-guns, 
130-m.m. guns, and 6-inch howitzers. To meet this 
array of water craft the Allies had one monitor, 
which was still at the confluence of the Dvina and 
Vaga. At an informal council of war at which the 
force commander, Lieut.-Colonel Jocelyn, the naval 
officer in charge of the monitor, and Colonel Sharman 
were present, it was decided to send the 67th Cana- 
dian Battery up the Dvina to the support of what 
was known as the River column. The section of the 
68th Battery still not in action was to proceed up the 
Vaga to the Vaga column — the two columns compris- 
ing the ' ' Dvina force. ' ' Men were at once despatched 
to Tulgas, a few miles up-stream and about ten miles 


from the front line, to purchase horses to haul the 
guns. The peasants, although only recently set free 
from the Bolsheviki, were unwilling to sell their 
horses, but after much persuasion some twenty-eight 
ponies were secured at an average price of eight hun- 
dred roubles, the equivalent of about seventy-five 
dollars at that time. Meanwhile the barges with the 
guns of the 67th Battery proceeded to Gunner's 
Bridge, a point two miles south of Tulgas, and the 
scene of several local struggles during the following 
months. There, all final arrangements were com- 
pleted for landing, and on the night of October 13th 
one barge was moved up to Selzo, where the battery 
was unloaded and placed under cover, as, in daylight, 
the Bolsheviki had complete observation from the 
opposite bank. Rifles had been issued to every artil- 
leryman and Lewis machine guns to each of the bat- 
teries. This provision, so contrary to artillery regu- 
lations early in the war, made it possible to save the 
field-guns from capture on more than one occasion, 
and enabled the gunners to give invaluable assistance 
to the infantry where the latter were hard pressed. 

For several days previous the infantry defences 
had been subjected to such heavy shelling from the 
long-range guns of the Bolsheviki that the column 
commander decided to retire at once and issued 
orders for the field artillery just disembarked to be 
moved back to Tulgas that evening. The withdrawal 
of the River column, consisting of British and Amer- 
icans, though necessary, was carried out with too 
great haste, which resulted in the loss of considerable 
quantities of supplies, and the column commander 
was relieved of his position shortly after. Allied in- 
fantry held the village of Kurgomen, directly across 
the Dvina from Tulgas, and also the village of Topsa, 
situated 'on a cliff about eight thousand yards from 
the river. This latter position afforded an excellent 
view of the Dvina valley for several miles, but it had 


to be abandoned for lack of a sufficient number of 
troops. Guns were ferried across the river to sup- 
port the infantry in the village of Kurgomen. 

On the 18th of October the 68th Battery, which had 
been delayed because of lack of transport, was able 
to proceed up the Vaga river to Shenkursk, a journey 
that occupied three days. This town was the only one 
that the Canadians assisted in garrisoning in North- 
ern Russia, where the citizens had taken the initiative 
in driving out the Bolsheviki. A series of blockhouses 
was in course of erection about the town when the 
Canadians arrived and good fields of fire laid out. 
Two Russian batteries were assisting to defend the 
place, but their discipline was quite demoralized and 
their guns and stores were in a hopeless condition, for 
the Russian gunner possessed a perfect genius for 
losing equipment. Both batteries were taken down- 
stream to Beresnik, where an artillery school was 
established for their benefit. 

During the succeeding three weeks every effort was 
devoted to getting ready for the winter campaign. 
Trenches were dug, wire entanglements put out, and 
work on log blockhouses pushed forward as quickly 
as possible. In order to create some measure of 
efficiency in the Russian batteries, Canadian officers 
were given administrative control of them until, later 
on, British liaison officers assumed this duty. Cana- 
dian fitters kept all the guns in repair, — Russian as 
well as Canadian, — and in the same manner Cana- 
dian shoeing-smiths shod all the horses. This plan was 
rather hard on the Canadian personnel, but it was the 
means of keeping several guns in action during the 
winter, that otherwise would have been quite useless. 

In the meantime the enemy artillery had been very 
active against the River column. Their gunboats had 
succeeded in sinking the scow with the only 130-m.m. 
gun possessed by the column. The six Canadian field- 
guns were now the only artillery supporting the in- 


fantry at Tulgas and Kurgomen. On Armistice day, 
the Bolsheviki staged a heav>^ attack on the two vil- 
lages. Infantry advanced along both banks of the river 
and their artillery and gunboat fire swept both vil- 
lages. Suddenly from out of the woods on the Tulgas 
bank and only a few hundred yards from the village, 
a party of some five hundred Bolsheviki rushed the 
rear portion of the village, which was occupied by the 
hospital. No resistance was offered and they ad- 
vanced to the artillery billets. The gunners were, of 
course, busy in repelling the frontal attack and were 
still unaware of the danger in their rear. But a 
veterinary sergeant and twenty-three drivers quickly 
formed a line of defence. Although hopelessly out- 
numbered, they poured a heavy rifle fire into the ranks 
of the Bolsheviki. The latter wavered long enough to 
make it possible to warn the Canadian gunners of 
their danger. The drivers then fell back to the guns. 
For nine hours the fight continued. Machine guns, 
rifles, and even bombs were requisitioned. The frontal 
attack kept the field-guns busy most of the day and 
the machine-gun fire prevented the gunners from 
turning their guns. Finally, at dusk, two guns were 
turned and gun fire at shrapnel zero was poured into 
the Bolshevik ranks. In addition, high-explosive 
shells were dropped into the billets which the enemy 
had seized in the morning. That completed .the over- 
throw of the attacking force. About twenty prisoners 
were taken and nearly two hundred Bolsheviki 
wounded were treated in the hospital. Many other 
wounded perished in the woods in an effort to escape. 
It w^as learned by later reports that very few of the 
attacking force ever rejoined their own ranks. The 
policy of issuing small arms to the artillery and train- 
ing the men in their use was thus clearly vindicated. 

For a few days the enemy artillery continued to 
pound the Tulgas position. Winter was unusually late 
in setting in and their gunboats and barges, bearing 


guns having a range of 8,500 yards or more, came into 
full view and poured 1,000 to 1,200 shells into the vil- 
lage every day. The Canadians' field-guns, with a 
range of only 6,000 yards, could only retaliate by 
shelling the enemy infantry. By means of skilful 
rapid fire, too, an effort was made to puzzle the enemy 
as to the number of guns in action. This ruse was 
successful. A few days later a Bolshevik officer 
deserter came into the Allies' lines. On being ques- 
tioned, he referred to the six field-guns which the Ca- 
nadians had on the Tulgas side of the river. There 
were in reality but two. 

News of the Armistice in France had tended to 
lower the fighting spirit of the Allied troops in Rus- 
sia. But this determined activity of the Bolsheviki 
aroused the men and did much for Allied anorak 

With the coming of winter the enemy's gunboats 
retired well within their own lines. All thought of 
forcing the enemy farther back had to be abandoned. 
The lines of communication were already dangerously 
long and further reinforcements were refused by the 
War Office. In addition, the British troops on the 
Dvina, although of high moral, were in a low category 
physically, for they had all been casualties in France. 
Throughout the winter, however, there was but little 
activity on the River column front. There were occa- 
sional minor bombardments, but the Allies maintained 
a moral superiority which was much enhanced when 
a section of British 4.5 howitzers reached the River 
front in January. The shells used by these guns were 
fitted with very sensitive fuses and detonated with ex- 
ceptional violence. Consequently, the Bolsheviki soon 
learned to have a very wholesome respect for them. 

Although there were no important engagements on 
this front, the critical situation on the Vaga front, 
farther to the west, during the winter made it im- 
perative to carry out detailed reconnaissance work 
back of the lines. Positions were selected to which 


the several units might retire, in case either a forced 
or a voluntary retreat became necessary. Ammuni- 
tion was carefully distributed at such positions, so 
that in case of a hasty or prolonged retirement a 
minimum would be lost. Such comprehensive recon- 
naissance work demonstrated that the Russian mili- 
tary maps were hopelessly inaccurate and incomplete. 
To remedy this, maps were prepared in the field. In 
spite of a lack of proper facilities for such work, 
these maps were drawn to scale and showed very 
many important details that were not indicated on the 
Russian maps. 

The gun emplacements used during the winter were 
substantially constructed of logs. They were kept as 
nearly as possible at a temperature of 50 degrees F., 
in order to avoid the effects that wide variations of 
temperature would have on the ammunition. The 
occasional need for firing the guns in any direction 
was provided for by constructing wooden tracks from 
the gun-pits to open ground several yards in front, so 
that the guns could be run out quickly and their fire 
directed at targets on any point of the compass. 

During the winter the Canadians brought three 60- 
pounder howitzers from Archangel to the position oc- 
cupied by the River column at Kurgomen and to the 
Vaga column at Mai Beresnik. It was a task that 
seemed well-nigh impossible under the conditions that 
prevailed in Northern Russia. British and Allied 
officers were frankly sceptical, but at the same time 
it was agreed that the experience during the autumn 
proved the assistance of long-range guns to be an 
absolute necessity in the spring. Without them, the 
Allied forces would be at the mercy of the big guns 
that the Bolsheviki had mounted on their gunboats 
and scows, for the breaking up of the ice in the upper 
portions of the rivers would enable them to get into 
action several days sooner than the British monitors 
farther down-stream. Early in the winter, therefore, 


Captain Gillis and a farrier sergeant, both of the 67th 
Canadian Battery, were sent to Archangel to make an 
attempt to bring the 60-pounders up the river. These 
guns had reached Archangel in the autumn, but no 
attempt had been made to send them up-stream while 
the river was open, as the ammunition for them had 
been lost at sea. The guns were dismantled and 
divided into loads of about two tons each. Special 
sleighs were constructed, and after much hard labour 
two of the guns were safely transported to the River 
column and mounted at Kurgomen, and a third at Mai 
Beresnik, with the Vaga column. The transportation 
of the ammunition was an even more nerve-trying 
problem. It did not leave England until March 1st 
and it required the aid of four ice-breakers to bring 
the ammunition ship through the White Sea. How- 
ever, excellent transport was arranged by General 
Headquarters, and in nine days from the time the boat 
reached Archangel, 2,500 rounds were at the guns, 
three hundred miles up-stream. 

If the River column was comparatively free from 
attack during the winter, the Vaga column was 
scarcely so fortunate. At the end of October this 
force was supported by one section of the 68th Battery, 
Canadian Field Artillery, some fixed defence guns 
manned by Canadians, and a section of a Russian field 
battery. The fighting front was about seventy miles 
south of the confluence of the Vaga and Dvina in the 
vicinity of the small town of Shenkursk. As on the 
River front, the defences were stoutly built, log block- 
houses with wire entanglements surrounding both the 
infantry and artillery positions. This latter precau- 
tion was rendered necessary because the infantry 
force was too small to attempt any defence of the guns 
in positions where attacks might break from the for- 
est on any quarter at any time. Owing to successive 
retreats during the winter, it was impossible for the 
artillery with the Vaga column to keep its ammunition 


at a uniform temperature, as was done in the excellent 
blockhouses built by the River column. This caused 
the cordite to deteriorate, so that it lacked uniformity 
and reliability. Early in the winter an attack was 
planned on a Bolshevik stronghold about fifty miles 
east of Shenkursk. The little expedition was in charge 
of Captain Mowat, of the 68th Battery, whose force 
consisted of small parties of Cossacks and American 
and Russian infantry with one 18-pounder field-gun 
in support. The plan was to advance on the strong- 
hold simultaneously from three sides, the Cossacks to 
attack the front and the Americans and Russians the 
respective flanks. Each of the parties was to notify 
Captain Mowat in writing when they were ready to 
proceed. The firing of the field-gun was to be the signal 
to attack. The Russian infantry carried out its task, 
but the Cossacks were much less steady, although 
they succeeded in advancing to the outskirts of the 
little town. The Americans did not advance. Instead, 
they made their way to the rendezvous three miles in 
the rear and from there were reported to Captain 
Mowat as ready to return to Shenkursk. Captain 
Mowat was thus forced to withdraw all his little force 
without having captured the stronghold. 

The succeeding month was quiet — ominously quiet, 
for it preceded a better organized and more vigorous 
series of attacks than had been made by the Bolshe- 
viki up to that time. As a result, the Allies of the 
Vaga column were forced back over sixty miles, to 
within a short distance of the junction of the Vaga 
and Dvina rivers. The enemy was completely suc- 
cessful in concealing his plans. The Allies' Intelli- 
gence Service was in ignorance of all the preliminary 
movement of troops, guns, and ammunition that must 
have been necessary, a circumstance that indicated 
the difficulties of fighting in a semi-hostile country. 
The first attack opened on the 18th of January. 
Heavy bombardments preceded each of the infantry 


thrusts, for the Bolsheviki had concentrated a large 
number of guns with abundant anununition. The 
troops holding the outposts a few miles south of 
Shenkursk were steadily driven in by weight of num- 
bers. Another field-gun, under Captain Mowat, was 
moved forward to strengthen these troops, but the 
gun was put out of action by shell fire and the whole 
crew either killed or wounded. Captain Mowat, who 
was among the wounded, died a few days later. Shen- 
kursk had to be abandoned after being badly wrecked 
by shell fire, for the Bolsheviki were surrounding the 
town with an overwhelming number of infantry and 
almost succeeded in capturing the entire Allied force 
at that point. One complete company of Russians 
deserted in a body during the progress of the attack. 
The Russian aviators did excellent service. In spite 
of heavy casualties and weather about forty degrees 
below zero, they flew low over the enemy troops, pour- 
ing machine-gun fire into their ranks as well as bring- 
ing back very valuable information. 

The column fell back some twenty-five miles to She- 
govari, whither quantities of blankets, food, and other 
supplies were rushed from points further down the 
river. As Colonel Sharman was temporarily in com- 
mand of the column during the absence of the com- 
mander at that time, he was prevented by the urgency 
of events from visiting his own brigade headquarters 
at Piander, a few miles below the junction of the 
Dvina and Vaga rivers, for several days. The Cana- 
dians there, acting on their own initiative, therefore 
organized a refugee relief station, which performed 
a fine service in assisting the starving and :^eezing 
inhabitants who had been forced from their homes by 
the enemy. 

For some weeks the enemy did not press their ad- 
vantage other than to bombard the Allied positions 
at intervals. This lull made it possible to strengthen 
defences and to generally re-align the troops and the 


officers for the next attack. One of the British 4.5 
howitzers was moved from the River to the Vaga col- 
umn during this period. 

Late in February the Bolsheviki again launched an 
attack, preceded by a heavy and remarkably accurate 
artillery fire. The entire force at Vistafka was sur- 
rounded and the Canadian gunners resorted to rifles 
and machine guns to defend their positions. The en- 
emy were finally forced back in the rear and communi- 
cation was re-established. But they were successful 
in dri\dng in the frontal defences. An emergency 
section of mountain guns manned by Canadian and 
Russian gunners had to be abandoned on the position 
being evacuated by command of the British officer in 
charge. Vistafka was evacuated and a position taken 
up farther to the rear. Fighting continued at inter- 
vals during which the new position was destroyed by 
shell fire and a further retirement of about ten miles 
was made necessary. This proved to be the last impor- 
tant attack during the winter. It was learned some 
weeks later that the enemy losses had been so serious 
that their troops refused to continue on the offensive. 
It had been anticipated that as soon as the ice moved in 
the upper river in the spring the enemy would bring 
their water craft into action in an attempt to force 
a decision before the Allies' gunboats and monitors 
could ascend the river. Consequently everything pos- 
sible had been done to prepare for a defensive fight 
during that period. However, on the night that the 
ice went out of the Dvina, the infantry at Tulgas, 
which was exclusively Russian, killed many of their 
officers and handed the town over to the enemy. The 
Russian artillery at Tulgas remained loyal and even 
turned their guns on the mutinous infantry that de- 
serted to the enemy ranks. Help could not be brought 
across the river because of the moving ice, but a 
covering artillery fire from the opposite bank enabled 
the Russian artillery to withdraw seven miles to Shu- 


shega, where they were under the protection of the 
artillery at Pless and also where they could receive 
infantry support. However, the enemy held Tulgas, 
from which they had easy observation of the Allies' 
position in Kurgomen. Their artillery observers took 
every advantage of this and their guns poured a 
heavy fire into the Kurgomen defences. Fortunately, 
the Canadian gun positions were exceptionally strong 
and were able to withstand the bombardment remark- 
ably well. The 60-pounder howitzers received much 
attention from the 130-m.m. guns of the enemy fleet, 
but by almost continuous firing they were able to keep 
the water craft of the Bolsheviki from closing to de- 
cisive range. Major Arnoldi's brilliant handling of 
the guns at his disposal kept the casualties reduced to 
a minimum. With the arrival of the British monitors 
and gunboats the situation cleared materially, but it 
was evident to the officers on the ground that Tulgas 
should be captured. Strict orders had been issued to 
the force commander not to undertake any offensive 
until July, when it was intended to carry out a heavy 
attack. To avoid clashing with these orders, it was 
resolved that the task of seizing Tulgas should be 
attempted under the guise of ' ' Artillery Instruction. ' ' 
Colonel Sharman was given command of both the 
land forces and the British naval units operating on 
the Dvina above the Vaga. The whole plan of attack 
was carefully studied and rehearsed in part, so that it 
was perfectly clear to each of the officers in charge. 
Heavy bombardments were to precede each advance 
of the infantry and the monitors were to keep the 
enemy fleet at a distance. Unfortunately, the naval 
guns used by the Bolsheviki outranged those of the 
British, as the deck fittings of the latter prevented 
them from getting sufficient elevation for their guns. 
Moreover the British naval gunners were not well 
trained in indirect ranging. However, the latter diffi- 
culty was mastered by giving the naval gunners artil- 


lery practice and the range of the monitors was in- 
creased by flooding the starboard side, which of 
course gave the guns added elevation. With these 
changes the tables were turned and the enemy fleet 
was forced to retire. The artillery poured a most 
searching fire into the enemy position as planned and 
the Tulgas villages were reoccupied by the infantry 
^vithout a single casualty. This remarkable demon- 
stration changed the whole attitude of the enemy on 
the Dvina river front. Their aggressive attitude of a 
week before disappeared and an unusually large num- 
ber of deserters found their way into the Allied lines. 
The position was thus firmly held when the Canadians 
were relieved toward the end of May. 

Not to be outdone by the River column, the Vaga 
column decided to carry out an attack on the enemy 
in front of Mai Beresnik. In the raid that resulted, 
they captured two officers and seventy-nine other 
ranks, without suffering any casualties themselves. 

During the long winter the little party of Canadians 
with the Murmansk forces had led an active life. 
They were under the command of Colonel Leckie, who 
had charge of the greater portion of the forward area 
that centred on Onega bay. They did not encounter 
the exhausting forced marches, the heavy manual 
labour, the fierce battles with the enemy, generally 
against heavy odds, such as confronted their fellow 
Canadians who were with the Dvina and Vaga 
forces. But they performed valuable service as 
instructors, as supervisors of supply convoys, and as 
moving spirits in numerous minor raids on the enemy. 
By the end of April, 1919, the troops on the Mur- 
mansk front were disgruntled and dissatisfied. Cer- 
tain of the Allied troops claimed that they had not 
been sent to Russia to fight, but to carry on propa- 
ganda amongst the Russians. This they attempted to 
do, their officers actually exchanging literature with 
the officers of the Bolsheviki forces when in the fight- 


ing line. Naturally such conduct lowered tlie moral 
of the whole force. The Canadians had opportunities 
for combatting this evil, for they supplied "stiffen- 
ing" for many local encounters, and the Russians who 
were with the Allied forces asserted that they felt 
more confident when the Canadians were present. 
They were the last of the Canadians to leave Russia, 
spending the greater portion of the summer in the 
region about lake Onega. 

The Canadians of the River and Vaga columns were 
relieved by British troops early in June and on the 
afternoon of the 7th they embarked on scows at a 
village near the mouth of the Vaga, for the voyage 
down-stream to Archangel, where they arrived the 
evening of the following day. Before embarking on 
the S.S. Gzaritza for England, General Ironside ex- 
pressed to the Canadian artillery his deep apprecia- 
tion of the services of the Canadians, and on the oc- 
casion of a small dinner for some of the officers, the 
Base Commandant, General Crosby, stated: "We 
shall probably never meet again; but never forget 
that we know your boys saved the situation for us 
time and again and shall always remember the Cana- 
dian Field Artillery and be grateful to them." 

Colonel Sharman received the C.M.G. and Major 
Arnoldi a bar to his D.S.O. Seven officers received 
the M.C. and over fifty other British decorations were 
given to members of other ranks. 

The Governor-General of North Russia, before bid- 
ding an official farewell to the brigade, presented 
every officer, who had not already received one, with 
a Russian military decoration. In addition, he paid 
the Canadians an even more unique compliment by 
presenting ten St. George Crosses (the Russian equiv- 
alent to the Victoria Cross) and ten St. George Med- 
als to the twenty bravest men in the brigade. No 
other soldier of the Allies had up to that time been 
given a St. George Cross or Medal for services in 


Northern Russia. With a nice sense of the hononr 
thus done the Canadians, the Russian custom of se- 
lecting the men who should receive the coveted dec- 
orations was followed, that is, the men themselves 
were allowed to select the twenty bravest among them. 
In all, forty-eight Russian decorations were bestowed 
upon the members of the Canadian Field Artillery. 

Seven months to the day after Germany signed the 
Armistice with the Allies, the 16th Canadian Artillery 
Brigade and their gallant comrades in the lonely epic 
struggles in the forests of Northern Russia, the Royal 
Scots, sailed from Archangel for Scotland, arriving 
at Leith on the 19th of June, 1919. 

Another development of the Russian situation was 
the Allied decision to send a force to Siberia in the 
autumn of 1918. The primary reason for this move 
was the relief of some four thousand Czecho-Slovaks 
who had worked their way across Siberia as far as 
lake Baikal. There they were surrounded by Bolshe- 
vik forces and prevented from proceeding to Vladi- 
vostok, where they had planned to embark for the 
Western front. Had the war continued into 1919, it 
is conceivable that a strong Allied force in Siberia 
would have been of considerable military value. 

The expedition was comprised of units from all the 
Allied nations, but the Canadians constituted nearly 
three-fourths of the British quota. The Canadians 
totalled 4,188 of all ranks and were under the command 
of Brigadier-General J. H. Elmsley, C.B., C.M.G., 
D.S.O. Practically every arm of the Service w^as rep- 
resented, but two battalions of infantry made up more 
than half of the force. The first convoy left Canada 
on the 11th of October, 1918, just one month befor^e 
the signing of the Armistice, and the last on the 27th 
of March, 1919. 

The relief of the Czecho-Slovaks was accomplished 
before the Canadians reached Vladivostok. Moreover, 


the signing of the Armistice cancelled any further 
military reasons for the presence of Allied troops in 
Russian territory. Nevertheless, some 3,500 of the 
Canadians were despatched after the 11th of Novem- 
ber, 1918. 

The only casualties suffered by the Canadian Ex- 
peditionary Force to Siberia were three accidentally 
killed and sixteen deaths from disease. The force, 
with the exception of a few stragglers, was returned 
to Canada between the 9th of April and the end of 
June, 1919. 


WHEN the Armistice was signed there were 
overseas 277,439 Canadian troops. Approx- 
imately two-thirds of these were in France 
and Belgium and the remainder -in England. The de- 
cision to demobilize was reached within two days 
after hostilities ceased, and the British Ministry of 
Shipping at that time communicated to th« Ministry 
of the Canadian Overseas Forces an offer to provide 
ships for the return of troops to Canada at once. The 
first large party of Canadian troops to return left the 
United Kingdom on the 23rd of November, when the 
Aquitania brought thirty-nine hundred soldiers and 
fifty-one dependents to Halifax. Five days earlier 
the instructions for the demobilization of the forces 
in Canada had been published in orders. 

Demobilization was begun quickly and carried 
through with creditable speed. It was thought in ad- 
vance that the process would take at least eighteen 
months, Avhile as a matter of fact nine-tenths of the 
troops were back within half that period. Prepara- 
tions for the process were not, however, made in a 
night. As early as December, 1916, the Deputy Min- 
ister of Militia and Defence, Major-General Sir 
Eugene Fiset, proposed the appointment of a general 
officer in charge of repatriation, whose duties were to 
include '-all that pertains to demobilization." This 
recommendation was not put into effect at the time, 


but consultations then begun led directly to the draw- 
ing up of the plans for the dispersal of the Canadian 
Expeditionary Force. 

The consultations and discussions which followed 
were conducted in part at Ottawa, in part with the 
officers of the Ministry of the Overseas Military 
Forces of Canada, and in part with the Imperial au- 
thorities. The first-fruit of these discussions was the 
adoption of an Order-in-Council which laid the basis 
of the system that was put into operation immediately 
following the Armistice. The main principle then 
decided was that each soldier should be allowed to 
choose his destination in Canada on his return. This 
involved the reorganization of the C. E. F. units ac- 
cording to the destination of their members and the 
division of the Dominion into dispersal areas, each 
with its dispersal centre, at which the soldiers for des- 
tinations within that area could be discharged. In 
selecting these dispersal areas, the MiHtary Districts 
were retained as a basis, though it was found neces- 
sary to divide them for convenience in dispersal. 
Some of the Military Districts were given two or 
three dispersal centres, while others were limited to 
a single centre. In all there were twenty-two dis- 
persal centres, stretching from Halifax to Victoria. 

This Order-in-Council also laid down the principle 
that men with the longest service should come home 
first; but this principle was modified in several ways. 
It was modified as a result of the decision to bring the 
troops of the Canadian Corps home in the units in 
which they had fought. It was modified by a priority 
given to married men and to widowers with children. 
The duration of the war from August 4th, 1914, to the 
end of 1918 was divided into seventeen periods, and 
two groups of soldiers were assigned to each period. 
The first seventeen groups were composed of married 
men and of widowers with children; and the last 
seventeen of single men and of widowers without 


children. Those with dependents were given the first 
opportunity to come home, but as among married men 
or as among single men, the man with longest service 
came home first. 

Plans were made, in Canada as in England, to 
bring home the troops in accordance with the need for 
them in industrial or agricultural life. In both in- 
stances it was found impracticable to adhere to these 
plans, though they were probably followed to a greater 
extent in the United Kingdom than with us. As far 
as Canada is concerned, it may be safely added that 
little was lost by surrendering them, although on 
economic grounds discharge by occupations would ap- 
pear to be desirable. The object of occupational dis- 
charge was, of course, to prevent a glut of the labour 
market; and this Canada did not suffer from during 
the year of demobilization. What saved us from such 
a catastrophe was probably that the troops came 
home, the "peak load" at least, in summer, when the 
demand for labour is at its greatest; and this saving 
influence was powerfully supported by the grant of 
a War Savings Gratuity and by the assistance given 
to returned men by the Department of Soldiers' Civil 
Re-establishment, the Soldier Settlement Board, and 
the Board of Pension Commissioners. 

The decision to set aside the plans for discharge by 
occupations was brought about by representations on 
the part of Sir Arthur Currie of the desire of the 
Canadian Corps to come home in the units in which 
they had fought. Such a desire is natural enough to 
troops at all times, and it was greatly intensified by 
the victories of the last One Hundred Days. It was 
estimated at the time that the units of the corps 
would number about one hundred thousand men; but 
as it turned out they did not number much over sixty 
thousand. The strength of the divisions and of the 
other units of the corps, as they came home, is as 
follows : — 



First Division 538 11,671 

Second Division 669 12,861 

Third Division 452 9,427 

Fourth Division 606 13,128 

Corps troops and Line of Communi- 
cation units 214 4,444 

Heavy and Siege Artillery Ill 2,470 

Cavalry Brigade 77 1,162 

Total 2,667 55,163 

These figures give a total of 57,830. In addition 
there is an allowance to be made for certain units for 
which the records are not at present available; but 
even with these included the figure is not likely to go 
much over sixty thousand. 

The divisions were not brought home in the exact 
order in which they were raised, although an effort 
was made to follow this plan as far as possible. At 
the time the decision was reached to bring the corps 
home by units, the 1st and 2nd Divisions were on 
their way to the Rhine, where they occupied half the 
bridge-head held by the British Empire. The choice 
then lay between the 3rd and 4th, and, as Sir Arthur 
Currie explained in a letter read to the House of 
Commons, the 3rd had been first organized and there- 
fore he selected it. It may be remarked in addition 
that included in the 3rd Division were the ''Princess 
Pats," the first Canadian battalion to come under fire 
in France. The 3rd Division came home in March, 
the first party of troops belonging to it embarking on 
March 1st. It was followed by the 1st Division, which 
began to embark for Canada on March 27th. The 2nd 
Division sailed for home on May 1st, and the 4th 
began embarkation in the last week of the same 

The Canadian Corps, some sixty thousand strong, 
came home in their fighting units and in their fighting 
kit, and the remaining three-quarters of the Canadian 
Expeditionary Force in dispersal drafts. For both 


much the same procedure had to be gone through and 
the same records taken. When the demobihzation 
order was issued, the troops were scattered in various 
base camps in England and in France from Boulogne to 
the front, with some units in the Vosges and others near 
Bordeaux. All troops were concentrated in the Cana- 
dian camps in England to be prepared for home- 
coming, and organized according to dispersal areas. 
This applied to corps units as to all other troops. 
Members of a corps unit who chose a destination 
other than within the dispersal area to which the unit 
was proceeding, did not go forward with the unit un- 
less their destination was west of the centre at which the 
unit was to be dispersed. A member of a corps unit 
who chose to go home in a dispersal draft was quite 
at liberty to do so. The same liberty of choice was 
given to every soldier. He picked out his destination 
in Canada or the United States and he was provided 
with transportation to that point. The result was 
that units and reinforcements alike were subject to 
reconstruction according to the destinations chosen 
by the men. For the troops in France (152,264), units 
and reinforcements, this reconstruction was made in 
France, and they arrived in England arranged ac- 
cording to dispersal areas. For the troops in Eng- 
land (123,024), it was done at the base camp of the 
unit, which in turn became the concentration camp. 

Of the Canadian troops in France at the time of the 
Armistice, the 3rd Division was at Mons, having en- 
tered that famous town on the morning of the signing 
of the terms of truce, and the other divisions and re- 
inforcements were behind upon the lines of communi- 
cation. Demobilization did not at first affect the corps 
itself, but certain non-fighting categories. Documents 
for men of "B" category were almost immediately 
ordered from the Canadian Record Office in London, 
and on the fourth of December a record office was 
opened at Etapies for the purpose of demobilization. 


Five days later the General Officer Commanding of 
the Canadian Section at the General Headquarters 
was given instructions for the repatriation to England 
of the troops on the lines of communication, with 
directions to co-operate in the demobilization of the 
troops composing the corps. On December 20th a 
concentration camp was authorized for the Canadian 
troops in France, and shortly afterwards a record 
office was opened at Havre, from which port Canadian 
troops embarked for the British Isles. Here early in 
January an embarkation camp was established, 
through which passed the great bulk of the Canadian 
forces in France. By the end of December, 1918, ten 
thousand Canadian troops, consisting of "B" cate- 
gory men, casuals and ambulance cases, had been sent 
to the concentration camps in England. 

The Canadian concentration camp in France in 
fact never came into actual operation, its place being 
taken by the embarkation camp at Havre. The rea- 
son for this alteration in plans was the decision that 
the corps should return to Canada in the units in 
which they had fought and that they should be given 
the right to visit the British Isles before sailing for 
home. The concentration camp was, however, par- 
tially organized at Aubin St. Vaast, which was the 
site of the Canadian Corps Eeinforcement Camp, the 
intention being that this camp, which had fed rein- 
forcements to the front line, should receive the troops 
of the four divisions back from the front and send 
them on their way to Canada. During January it was 
decided to move the camp to England, where it was 
set up in the Bramshott and Witley areas in time to 
receive the 3rd Division on its arrival in February. 

On February 2nd the ''Princess Pats" and the 
Eoyal Canadians, the vanguard of the 3rd Divi- 
sion, began to arrive at the embarkation camp at 
Havre. The decision to demobilize the 3rd Divi- 
sion first of the corps was reached in December; 


but its transport was delayed by congestion on the 
railways owing to the necessity of conveying food 
and clothing to the Army of Occupation, and in 
the meantime repatriation of the forestry and rail- 
way troops was begun. The forestry troops began to 
arrive at Havre on the first of January; and the 
movement of these and of the railway troops con- 
tinued all this month and the next, being practically 
concluded by the end of February. In the interval 
the 3rd Division had been concentrated in the Lille- 
Toumai area, where they had been documented and 
prepared for demobilization. 

The demobilization of the 3rd Division was carried 
out by units without regrouping according to dis- 
persal area. The other three divisions were re- 
arranged in France on the dispersal area basis. The 
corps troops, that is, arms attached to the corps gen- 
erally, the Fifth Divisional Artillery, and the Cana- 
dian Cavalry Brigade, were handled under the same 
system as the 3rd Division. In all instances, the unit 
formation was retained; but in the case of the 1st, 
2nd, and 4th Divisions there was a reallotment of 
troops among the units in accordance with the dis- 
persal area to which each soldier was returning. The 
reallotment and documentation, as far as was practi- 
cable, were performed in the concentration area of the 
unit, and from this point it proceeded by train to the 
embarkation camp at Havre. The 3rd Division 
passed through Havre in the month of February, and 
the 4th, the last to leave, in the early part of May. In 
the intervals between the movement of the divisions 
were handled the corps troops, who sailed for Eng- 
land in ' ' flights ' ' at the rate of approximately a thou- 
sand a day. 

Apart from the main operation of despatching the 
four divisions and the corps troops to England, a 
number of difficult problems of detail had to be 
worked out by the officer of the Adjutant-General's 

BRIG. -GEN. F. W. HILL, C.B., C.M.G., BRIG.-GEN. J. M. ROSS, C.M.G., 
D.S.O. D.S.O. 


D.S.O. C.M.G., D.S.O. 



branch in charge of what are known as "personal 
services." One of these was the recall of Canadian 
officers and other ranks who were seconded or attached 
to the Imperial forces. These were called back to the 
Canadian forces as soon as the exigencies of the 
Army of Occupation would allow; and came back to 
Canada in dispersal drafts in the same manner as the 
members of the C.E.F. In addition to these there 
were a considerable body of Canadians who had ac- 
cepted commissions or had enlisted in the British 
army. These were repatriated to Canada, not by the 
Canadian, but by the Imperial Government; but they 
returned to the Dominion on the Canadian troop- 
ships. Some of the Canadian soldiers had been 
joined in France by their families; others were given 
permission to marry in France or Belgium. These 
dependents were brought to their new home in Can- 
ada by the Canadian authorities; and between the 
15th of March and the IQth of June two hundred and 
sixty-two families of other ranks were collected by 
"personal services" and sailed from Havre for Bux- 
ton in England, whence they were returned to Canada 
in company with the dependents of Canadian soldiers 
in the United Kingdom. 

In order to release all personnel of the Canadian 
Expeditionary Force in France it was necessary to 
provide for the care of Canadian equipment. For 
this purpose an arrangement was made with the Brit- 
ish army, which took over all ordnance equipment, in- 
cluding mechanical transport. The horse transport 
of the Canadian forces was disposed of to the Belgian 
Government. The Belgian Government made use of 
some of the horses for its cavalry, but the larger part 
were in turn sold to farmers and others who required 
horses throughout the country. A large number of 
animals belonging to the British army were likewise 
sold in Belgium. 

At the embarkation camp at Havre, through which 


nearly all the Canadian troops moved to England, 
special efforts were made for the comfort and enter- 
tainment of the men. Games, amusements, and phys- 
ical training were organized, and there was accommo- 
dation which enabled all the men in the camp to be 
under cover at one time without being confined to 
their sleeping quarters. "Great satisfaction," says 
an oflficial report on the subject, "was obtained from 
an airship hangar which was kindly lent to us by 
the French Admiralty and in which it was possible to 
carry on all kinds of games and physical exercise 
which the winter weather and lack of suitable grounds 
would otherwise have rendered either unpleasant or 
impossible. . . . The work done by various voluntary 
organizations, the Canadian Y.M.C.A., the Catholic 
Army Huts, and the Salvation Army, was also of the 
highest value in keeping the transient personnel con- 
tented and comfortable during their stay at Havre." 
Troops embarked at Havre and, after a ten-hour 
voyage, disembarked at Weymouth, whence they were 
transported by train to the Canadian concentration 
camps in England. 

These Canadian concentration camps in England 
occupied a vital place in the demobilization machinery. 
If the work of the C.C.C, as they were called in offi- 
cial documents, was well done, it went a long way to 
ensuring a speedy and comfortable discharge; and if 
not, there was sure to be trouble and delay. .There 
were in all in England nine concentration camps, but 
all were not in operation throughout the whole period 
of demobilization. The four divisions of the corps 
were concentrated at Bramshott and Witley. The 
corps artillery came to Witley; the corps engineers 
went to Seaford; the cavalry and cyclists to Ripon; 
and the medical corps to Shorncliffe. At Purfleet 
gathered the railway battalions; and the forestry at 
Sunningdal«. Buxton was a special concentration 
camp for soldiers who had dependents. Kirkdale was 


the centre at which the Medical Services prepared 
convalescents for embarkation, Kinmel Park was a 
''staging camp" for troops, in both France and Eng- 
land, who were not attached to the corps and who 
came there to await shipping accommodation. 

The concentration camps were divided into ''wings,'* 
twenty-two in number, corresponding to the twenty- 
two dispersal areas into which the Dominion was 
divided. On arrival at the concentration camp the 
troops were sent to the "wing" which prepared 
drafts for the dispersal area to which they were pro- 
ceeding. On his first day at the camp the soldier 
filled out his application for war service gratuity, a 
document which called for answers to twenty ques- 
tions, some of them involving a good deal of detail, 
which had to be sworn to before a commissioner for 
the administration of oaths. On his second day he 
registered his name for the purpose of having his 
documents completed, a process which involved the 
compilation of the man's history since he joined the 
army; and on the same day he paraded before the 
medical officer of his unit or draft as a preliminary 
for being passed upon by a medical board on the day 
following. On the fourth day he had a dental board, 
was issued with any clothing or equipment which he 
needed, and was given an issue of pay for his fur- 
lough. On the fifth day he proceeded on two weeks' 
leave, at the end of which he reported and was posted 
to the shipping company to await a sailing. As soon 
as a sailing was assured, each soldier was given an 
embarkation card which entitled him to a berth ou 

The medical board, before which each officer and 
other rank appeared at the concentration camp, sat 
for the purpose of establishing his physical condition 
at the time of discharge. On this depended his claim 
for pension or for assistance on the part of the De- 
partment of Soldiers' Civil Ee-establishment. These 


boards were conducted with an effort to combine 
thoroughness in examination (according to insurance 
standards) with rapidity in operation. The prelim- 
inary examination which every soldier underwent at 
the hands of the M.O. of his unit was instituted with 
the object of saving the time of the medical boards. 
If the unit M.O. found that the soldier was in good con- 
dition and had suffered no disability during the war, 
he was given what was called a ' ' short board. ' ' This 
meant that a short form of medical history sheet was 
filled out for him; and it implied that he was not 
eligible for a pension. If he was found to be suffer- 
ing from a disability or if his health was in any man- 
ner affected, he was put through a detailed examina- 
tion and given what was called a "long board," a 
sheet being filled out which gave full information as 
to his medical history and his condition at the time of 
the examination. Where the soldier was suffering 
from a serious disability, he was examined by a spe- 
cialist. Some curious tests were employed by the 
medical officers. In order to promote rapidity in 
handling the men, thirty had their hearing tested at 
once, the men standing on the chalk line of a circle 
drawn around the M.O. A soldier who failed to re- 
spond to a command given in a low tone was sent be- 
fore an aurist. For other conditions other tests were 
adopted. An injured knee joint was carefully meas- 
ured and the angle of flexion was recorded in the 
medical report. A man who had lost part of two fin- 
gers and had had his elbow injured, had his power to 
"grip" measured as a percentage of the "grip" of 
the other hand. 

The record of the proceedings of the medical board 
was one of the most important of the documents in- 
cluded in the compilation of the history of the sol- 
dier's life in the army. It was, however, only one of 
a lucky , thirteen which were necessary to his dis- 
charge. The foundation of all was the attestation 


D.S.O. C.M.G., D.S.O. 



CM. G., D.S.O. C.M.G., D.S.O. 



paper, whicli the soldier signed on entering the army. 
For the volunteer, — and five-sixths of the Canadian 
Expeditionary Force were volunteers, — this attesta- 
tion paper supplied the authority under which he was 
held in the army. For the soldier who was drafted 
under the Military Service Act, the place of the 
attestation paper was taken by the particulars of re- 
cruit. This was a much less important document 
than the attestation paper, for the drafted man was 
held under the authority of the M.S.A., while the vol- 
unteer owed obedience to his superior officers because 
he had made a contract to serve the King for the 
period of the war and for six months thereafter. At 
the time of the soldier's entry into the army, in ad- 
dition to his attestation paper or particulars of re- 
cruit, there were also opened for him a medical his- 
tory sheet, a dental history sheet, a casualty form, and 
two conduct sheets, one for his company and the other 
for his battalion. The medical and the dental history 
sheets contained, as their names indicate, a record of 
his condition and of treatments received. The con- 
duct sheet told the story of his behaviour in the army ; 
a "clean sheet" was the best record a man could have. 
The casualty form was one of the most important 
documents in the dossier. It contained a record of all 
his promotions or reductions or transfers; in short, 
of his *' casualties" or of anything which affected his 
pay or service. All these documents had gone over- 
seas with the soldier and they all had to be collected 
at the concentration camp and enclosed in the sol- 
dier's file. The conduct sheets were not essential, for 
their place had in the meantime been taken by a field 
conduct sheet, which contained the record of the 
man's "conduct" on active service; this was essential. 
All these documents came with the soldier to the 
concentration camp or else they had to be collected 
and brought there. At the camp seven other docu- 
ments had to be created. The proceedings of the 


medical board have already been mentioned. Corre- 
sponding to its report there was for the Dental Serv- 
ices a document known as ' ' dental examination on dis- 
charge," which was accompanied by a "dental certifi- 
cate on discharge" where the soldier was entitled to 
further dental treatment in Canada. An "equipment 
and clothing statement" was prepared by the Quarter- 
master-General's Branch, showing w^hat issues of 
clothing or equipment had been made to him. A dis- 
persal certificate was made out as authority for send- 
ing the soldier back to Canada. The discharge certifi- 
cate, the document which finally turned the soldier 
into a civilian, was prepared in duplicate, one copy 
on parchment for the soldier and one on less expen- 
sive paper for the official records. A cover for all the 
documents, called "proceedings on discharge," con- 
tained a record of the soldier's identity and of the 
authority for his discharge — which after the Armis- 
tice was "demobilization," "medically unfit," or 

In this account of the "documentation" of the sol- 
dier one important item has been omitted; that is 
the record of his pay, and for this record two doc- 
uments had to be completed. The first was his pay 
book, which he had carried wdth him at all times, even 
in hospital This was virtually his bank book, and it 
was made up for him at the concentration camp. In 
addition to the pay book the paymaster at the camp 
also handed to the soldier a last pay certificate.' This 
certificate was prepared in London and contained a 
statement of the account between the soldier and the 
army up to the date at which he was expected to sail 
for Canada. This pay certificate was handed to the 
soldier for his examination, and for his signature if 
he accepted it as correct. If he did not accept it as 
correct, it was open to him to refuse to sign it. As a 
matter of fact, the soldiers did not refuse to sign ; but 
their signature did not prevent them from raising the 


issue after they were safe in Canada, if they were not 
satisfied with the account. The Paymaster-General 
in Canada recognized that soldiers would sign any 
document put before them in order to get home; and 
while he did not recognize any claims for more money 
which were not well proven, he did not attempt to 
hold the soldiers to the letter of their signatures 
given in the United Kingdom. 

This system of documentation has served a four- 
fold purpose. During the war it supplied the means 
by which track was kept of the forces available and 
was the basis of the statistics on which the Com- 
mander-in-Chief depended in making his plans for 
action. During demobilization and afterwards it pro- 
vided protection for the public treasury against un- 
worthy claims for pensions or for medical care at 
public expense ; in this light the cost of the upkeep of 
the Record Office (where the soldier's documents are 
kept) is in the nature of an insurance premium. The 
same records are frequently of direct and material 
value to the soldier himself, for the information avail- 
able at the Record Office may enable him to prove a 
claim against an insurance company; and it is on the 
basis of these records that his claim to a war service 
badge, certificate, decoration, or war service gratuity 
has been and is still being decided. For the purpose 
of demobilization itself the system of documentation 
was of value, because in the long run it facilitated 
and did not delay discharge. 

Having been "documented" and ''medically 
boarded" and having had his furlough and being in 
possession of an embarkation card, the returning sol- 
dier left the concentration camp for the seaport at 
which he was to embark for Canada. Up to the time 
he went on shipboard he was under the authority of 
the Minister of the Overseas Military Forces of Can- 
ada ; but once on board ship he passed again under the 
control of the Department of Militia and Defence, 


Canada, with headquarters at Ottawa. Representing 
the Minister of Militia on board ship was the officer 
commanding the permanent conducting staff. The 
permanent conducting staffs, of which there were 
thirty in commission at the "peak load" of the troop 
movement, were first established in the winter of 1918 
to supervise the conducting of drafts to the training 
camps in England. They proved their worth in this 
service, for they supplied an element of discipline 
which it had been impossible to secure while the officer 
commanding had been the senior officer among the 
officers commanding the drafts and had therefore 
changed with every ship. The officers commanding 
the permanent conducting staffs had an opportunity 
to become familiar with their duties and so discipline 
improved under their authority. Each staff, under 
the officer commanding, consisted of an adjutant, a 
medical officer, a paymaster, a sergeant-major, an 
orderly room sergeant and orderly room clerk, and 
two pay clerks. Later the medical staff was strength- 
ened by the addition of a second officer; while the 
medical officers were assisted by a staff of nurses, the 
staff' varying in size mth the number of troops on 
board ship. Attached to the staff during demobiliza- 
tion was a representative of the Department of Sol- 
diers' Ci^^l Re-establishment and a representative of 
the Y.M.C.A. with honorary military rank. A chaplain, 
too, was usually attached, but, as chaplains were se- 
lected from among those returning for demobilization, 
there was not always one available, and sometimes 
there were three or four on board. 

The voyage was a busy time for the conducting staff. 
In addition to the problem of discipline, every man's 
documents had to be checked and a new pay book 
made out, no small task when there were five thousand 
men on board. The now pay book was an innovation 
made for demobilization. Under the old system the 
soldier's pay book had showni only one side of his 


account. It had had entered in it only the payments 
made to him; there was no provision for the entry of 
credits, of which he was expected to keep track him- 
self. The new pay book, which was handed to the 
troops on shipboard, however, had in it columns for 
the entry of credits, for cash payments, for deferred 
pay, for assigned pay, and for the balance, debit or 
credit. The new pay book, in fact, gave the soldier 
fuller details of his account than are given to de- 
positors in savings banks. These books were made 
out on shipboard and in addition the last pay certifi- 
cate, prepared at the concentration camp, was entered 
up to the date at which the soldier was to be dis- 
charged. At the concentration camp the soldier's 
account had been made up to the date at which he was 
to leave England and he had been given pay before 
going on furlough. When he came on shipboard ho 
received one pound as boat expense money and during 
the voyage he was handed a train expense card to 
be exchanged for five dollars on leaving the ship. The 
conducting paymaster on board took the balance of 
the man's account as he left England as his starting 
point, — this might include entries, called "endorse- 
ments," of extra allowance issued on account of delay 
in the sailing of a troop-ship, — and with that balance 
made up a statement of the account as it would stand 
on his arrival at the dispersal station. This account 
included, besides the balance, on the credit side his 
pay and allowances to the expected date of discharge, 
a civilian clothing allowance of thirty-five dollars, 
and the first instalment of war service gratuity, which 
was a minimum of seventy dollars. On the debit side 
would be shown the boat and train expense money, 
the man's assigned pay to the date of discharge, and 
the amount of a cheque for the balance, the cheque 
being issued to him at the dispersal station. No sol- 
dier was allowed to leave the army with less than 
seventy dollars, unless the paymaster knew that there 


was a debit balance against him larger than the total 
amount of war service gratuity due to him. The last 
pay certificate, as just described, was handed to the 
soldier on board ship, and he was given an opportu- 
nity of asking for any explanations which he desired. 
If he found the statement satisfactory, his account 
was considered settled; if not, any points in dispute 
were referred to the Paymaster-General at Ottawa. 
The last pay certificate was in duplicate, one copy 
going forward with the man's documents to the dis- 
persal station, the other being retained by the con- 
ducting paymaster and sent on to Ottawa through the 
chief conducting paymaster at the clearing depot. 

The clearing depots — situated at Quebec, Halifax, 
and St. John — were at the centre of the whole scheme 
of demobilization. Situated at the seaports in Can- 
ada, they welcomed the returning soldiers after their 
voyage and sent them on their way, either to their 
homes or to the dispersal stations, where they re- 
ceived their discharge from the army. In the case of 
the great body of the troops the clearing services 
merely "cleared" the way for the soldiers into the 
interior of the Dominion, leaving the discharge to be 
given at the dispersal stations. Those troops, how- 
ever, who came home accompanied by their dependents, 
were given their discharge at the clearing depot and 
went on their way as civilians. Towards the end of 
the demobilization period, when there were few sol- 
diers to be handled, the clearing depot issued dis- 
charge papers to all. The clearing services grew out 
of the discharge depots, which were established at the 
seaports early in the war to handle returning troops, 
and their later function was merely a return to an 
earlier phase. The original name, *' discharge de- 
pots," was changed to "clearing depots" to accord 
with an alteration in function, when the operation of 
discharge had been passed on to the Military Dis- 


The method of "clearing" a shipload of troops 
where they went forward for discharge at the dis- 
persal station was speedy, the soldiers passing 
through the depot at the rate of fifteen or twenty per 
minute. The soldiers arrived in port with their doc- 
uments arranged according to the dispersal stations 
to which they were proceeding. Disembarkation be- 
gan as soon as the customs and health officers had 
given the ship "clearance." A train of ten or fifteen 
cars was standing ready in the depot — at Quebec 
alongside the building, at Halifax within it. At Hali- 
fax there was room within the depot for two trains, 
while at Quebec there was accommodation for three 
or four trains just alongside. The soldiers for a 
given dispersal area were paraded on deck and came 
down the gangplank one by one. As each man 
landed he handed in his train expense card and re- 
ceived in exchange five dollars for pocket money on 
the train; his meals were, of course, supplied him. 
The soldier then proceeded direct to his train. The 
cars were filled one at a time, the accommodation 
varying from forty to fifty-two per car. As one car 
was filled another was opened. When the entire train 
for a dispersal area was filled, it drew out and an- 
other took its place. The documents for the train 
were handed over by the permanent conducting staff 
to the officer in charge of records at the clearing 
depot, who in turn handed them on to the officers in 
charge of drafts. 

Where troops returned with their dependents, the 
process was longer and partook more of the nature of 
a welcome. In this process the clearing services and 
the immigration officers of the port co-operated. 
While the soldiers were receiving their discharge, the 
soldiers' dependents were being passed by the immi- 
gration authorities. Soldiers' dependents were ex- 
empt from the immigration regulations, but had to 
conform to the requirements of the health authorities. 


They had been collected in the United Kingdom by the 
Immigration Department and had had their passage 
paid by the Government, Accompanying them on 
shipboard had been a representative of the Y.W.CA. 
to look after the women and children, as the welfare 
of the soldiers was provided for by the Y.M.C.A. 
Each dependent was on shipboard given a landing 
card and this was authority for the port officials to 
pass her or him. 

While the soldiers were receiving their discharge 
papers in one part of the depot, in another the women 
and children were being examined by the immigration 
officers and having their wants attended to by various 
patriotic organizations which co-operated with the 
two departments in welcoming them. Both at Que- 
bec and at Halifax there was a creche for the children 
of returning soldiers. Here they were received by 
representatives of the Y.W.C.A., of the Imperial 
Order of Daughters of the Empire, and of local ladies' 
committees. AVhile the mother was resting, her chil- 
dren were cared for by skilled hands and babies were 
bathed, fed, and supplied with clean clothes, where 
that might be necessary. The Canadian Patriotic 
Fund was the guardian of every returning dependent. 
Not in every case was aid given or needed ; but where 
there was need, the assistance of the fund was always 
forthcoming. "Where soldiers and dependents re- 
turned on the same ship, the husband or father had 
his pay cheque, which he could cash at the depot. But 
sometimes the husband was lying in French or Bel- 
gian soil, and the mother and her children were in 
need of financial aid and counsel. Under the Canadian 
law immigrants are required to have at least twenty- 
five dollars in their possession on entering the coun- 
try. Civilians who do not possess the required 
amount are turned back; soldiers' dependents in like 
case were sent on to the Patriotic Fund, which not 
only provided the necessary money, but looked after 


the welfare of the dependents until they arrived at 
their destination. Even dependents of soldiers who 
had fought under our flag but whose homes were in 
the United States, were looked after by the Canadian 
Patriotic Fund, which in these cases was reimbursed 
by the American Red Cross. The Canadian Red 
Cross was also represented at the clearing depots and 
provided skilled attention for any soldiers or depend- 
ents suffering from wounds, accident, or illness. The 
Salvation Army likewise was active, having a hostel 
at Halifax, and at Quebec a rest room in the clearing 

The permanent conducting staff and the clearing 
services acted under the authority of the Adjutant- 
General. The transport of the troops from the clear- 
ing depot to the dispersal station was conducted un- 
der the authority of the Quartermaster-General. 
The Q.M.G. — or rather the Q.M.G.'s immediate sub- 
ordinate, the Director of Supplies and Transport — 
was represented at the seaports by a military land- 
ing officer, sometimes called a railway transport 
officer. This officer had charge of the military side 
of the entraining of the troops on their departure for 
the dispersal station. Under the Military Landing 
Officer in turn was a train conducting officer, who ac- 
companied the train to its destination. He was re- 
quired to inspect the train before its departure from 
the clearing depot, to see that all was in order. In 
this inspection he was accompanied by the officer 
commanding the troops, that is, the senior draft con- 
ducting officer, and the representative at the clearing 
depot of the railway concerned. A report of this in- 
spection was made in writing to the Director of Sup- 
plies and Transport; and in addition the Train Con- 
ducting Officer sent in telegraphic reports during the 
journey. On each troop train, in addition to the officer 
commanding troops and a train conducting officer, 
were a medical officer and a representative of the 


Y.M.C.A. On trains carrying dependents there was 
also a representative of the Y.W.C.A., and on hospital 
trains there was a nurse to assist the medical officer. 
The agreement between the Department of Militia and 
the railway companies provided that the trains should 
consist of standard sleeping cars, colonist cars, com- 
missariat cars, and standard dining cars when required. 
The cars were equipped with bedding, and porters were 
supplied by the railway company to see to their clean- 
liness. The trains carrying dependents were sim- 
ilarly made up and similarly equipped. Special pro- 
vision was, however, made for supplying food to de- 
pendents at low cost, food packages being sold at a 
moderate price by the clearing depot canteen at Que- 
bec, while at Halifax and St. John similar packages 
were provided by the immigration authorities and by 
the Canadian Pacific Railway, respectively. 

The troop train carried the returning soldiers to 
the dispersal centre. It was at the dispersal station 
that by far the greater number of the troops said 
farewell to the army. It was in the dispersal centres 
— en route from the railway depot to the dispersal 
station — that the great public welcomes took place. 
It was at the dispersal station that the soldiers met 
their friends after the separation of years and after 
the dangers of the battle-field. The proceedings in 
the dispersal centres varied as there was a public 
welcome or as the troops returned in drafts for dis- 
persal only. In the former case there was a parade, 
in which the soldiers marched with rifles, bayonets, 
and steel caps ; in the latter they were taken direct to 
the dispersal station by train or conveyed there by the 
motor trucks of the Army Ser\^ce Corps. On arrival 
at the dispersal station they were dismissed for half 
an hour to mingle with relatives and friends, after 
which they were called to attention for the procedure 
of dispersal. 

Speed was of the essence of the problem. The dis- 





persal stations were, therefore, organized in queues. 
Each queue — of which there might be half a dozen, 
as at Toronto — was designed to look after the dis- 
charge of a group of soldiers whose names brought 
them within certain letters of the alphabet. Each 
queue was fully equipped for the procedure of dis- 
persal. The first step in the process Y\^as passing the 
ordnance officer, to wdiom the soldier turned in his 
arms and equipment; if he returned with his unit he 
carried his rifle with him; if not, he had already- 
turned it in on shipboard. He was allowed to keep 
his steel helmet and his clothing. Having passed the 
ordnance, the soldier went on to the paymaster. Here 
he received his cheque, which might, including de- 
ferred pay and war service gratuity, amount to a 
thousand or twelve hundred dollars. Next came the 
record officer, who issued him with his discharge cer- 
tificate and his war service badge. He then passed 
before the medical and the dental officers, w^ho signed 
his medical history sheet and his dental certificate. 
At the end of the queue the transportation officer 
issued him a warrant, w^hich he could exchange at the 
railway offices within the dispersal station for a ticket 
to his home. Here also he found a bank, at which he 
could cash his cheque or make a deposit to be trans- 
ferred to a bank at his destination. Moreover, there 
were at the dispersal stations representatives of the 
leading churches, who worked under the direction of 
the Chaplain Services. At the seaport each soldier 
had been presented with a booklet on behalf of the 
Chaplain Services. This booklet contained a message 
of welcome from each of the leading denominations 
and religious organizations, including the Y.M.C.A., 
the Knights of Columbus, the Salvation Army, and 
the Jewish faith. In each of these booklets was a de- 
tachable page, on which the soldier was asked to fill 
in his name and address and the name and address of 
his home church. These pages were collected on the 


troop train by the Y.M.C.A. officer, and at the dis- 
persal station were delivered to the representative of 
the appropriate denomination. These representatives 
in turn put themselves in touch with the minister of 
the church named by the soldier, and in this way a 
welcome was assured for him by his home church. 

A brief account has now been given of the progress 
of the returning soldier from his camp in France, 
Belgium, on the Rhine, or in Great Britain until he 
has reached his home in Canada. But in so doing 
quite inadequate attention has been paid to the trans- 
portation phase which was the crux of the problem. 
In advance of experience it w^as assumed that the 
chief difficulty would be in obtaining sufficient ships. 
It turned out, however, that the greatest obstacle to be 
overcome was land transport in Canada. Two days 
after the Armistice was signed the British Ministry 
of Shipping advised the Minister, Overseas Military 
Forces of Canada, that shipping could be supplied to 
return fifty thousand troops to Canada each month. 
The Minister of Militia called to his aid the Minister 
of Railways, and the presidents of the Canadian 
National, the Canadian Pacific, and the Grand Trunk 
Railways, who advised him that this number was in 
excess of the capacity of the railways of Canada. A 
committee of the Railway War Board was established 
to have special oversight of demobilization and every 
effort was made to provide increased accommodation 
for the home-coming troops. As a result of their 
endeavours, arrangements were made so that, in ad- 
dition to caring for ten thousand civilians, it would 
be possible to handle twenty thousand troops in Jan- 
uary, thirty thousand each for the next three months, 
forty thousand in May, and forty-five thousand 
monthly thereafter. This programme was main- 
tained, and a little more than maintained, through- 
out demobilization; in March nearly forty-two thou- 
sand troops were carried on Canadian railways and 


in May nearly fifty thousand. It was expected 
in advance also that delays might occur during the 
railway transportation of the troops, and, in order to 
cope with these, rest stations were equipped, where 
several thousand soldiers might be housed and fed; 
but so smoothly did the railway systems work that 
at no time were the rest stations brought into opera- 

The chief difificulties which had to be faced on ship- 
board arose out of berthing, food, service, and seating 
accommodation on deck. Early in the demobilization 
period, in fact in January, 1919, there was a public 
investigation of conditions on board the troop-ship 
Northland. Mr. Justice Hodgins, who conducted the 
inquiry, found that there was plenty of food on board, 
that the cooking was good, but that there were minor 
instances of bad food being served. He found, how- 
ever, that berthing and messing accommodation were 
too crowded; that discipline on shipboard was bad, 
largely because the permanent conducting staff failed 
in its duties; and that stewards had made a practice 
of selling food to the soldiers. He recommended the 
addition of a light supper to the regular meal hours. 
This investigation had an excellent effect upon the 
troop-ship service. The recommendation of the judge 
in regard to a supper just before "lights out" was 
adopted and was highly appreciated by the men. His 
remarks on the functions of the permanent conducting 
staffs were taken to heart and sympathetic handling 
on the part of the officers naturally induced a con- 
tented feeling among the troops. Sale of food did 
occur at intervals, but it was severely punished and 
did not again become troublesome. Berthing at times 
was the cause of many complaints and there were 
protests against using hammocks in place of berths. 
Some conducting officers nevertheless preferred ham- 
mocks to berths on the ground that they conduced to 
better ventilation and greater cleanliness. Seating 


accommodation on deck on the ships carrying depend- 
ents was always short; and it was always difficult to 
obtain proper berthing for the sub-staff in the orderly 
room. Taken all in all, however, discontent was rare 
among the troops on shipboard, which may be re- 
garded as very satisfactory, considering that some of 
the larger ships brought back as many as five thou- 
sand, the population of a good-sized town, crowded 
into narrow quarters under conditions which the tur- 
bulance of the ocean at times made anything but com- 
fortable. No doubt a great part of the credit for 
the comparative absence of discontent is due to the 
Y.M.C.A. officers and to the chaplains, who devoted 
themselves so successfully to the provision of amuse- 
ment and occupation during the voyage. 

Some serious troubles occurred at the Canadian 
concentration camps in the United Kingdom. The 
main cause of these troubles was the impossibility of 
bringing the soldiers back to Canada as rapidly as 
they desired to come. In certain instances there was 
special discontent because sailings were cancelled 
after they had been announced; and at times dis- 
satisfaction was created because certain officers and 
men were brought home in advance of their normal 
time of return. The camp staff fully understood that 
it was impossible to count absolutely on regular sail- 
ings at the close of a submarine war and that labour 
troubles frequently prevented the repair of a ship or 
its loading; but it was natural that these conditions 
would be lost sight of by troops whose one thought 
was a desire to get home and who were not fully in- 
formed as to the situation. It was natural, too, that 
these soldiers would not understand that special per- 
mission for discharge in advance of the normal time 
was granted only after careful investigation and for 
very good reasons. There is no doubt, however, spe- 
cial discharges and shipping delays played only a 
secondary part in the troubles at the camps in Eng- 


land. The main trouble was that the soldiers wanted 
to get home more quickly than ships and rolling-stock 
existed to carry them. This is a consideration that 
should be kept in mind in judging of conditions on 
shipboard. It was an effort to meet this over-ruling 
desire that led to the use of hammocks and that led 
to the overcrowding of berthing and messing accom- 

The problems and the procedure so far described 
relate to the demobilization of the Canadian Expedi- 
tionary Force, which served in Europe. There were 
in addition at the Armistice 71,654 officers and other 
ranks on the strength in Canada. One week after the 
Armistice there was promulgated in orders the de- 
cision that this force would be reduced immediately 
to the lowest point consistent with efficiency. Certain 
units, such as the Clearing Services Command and the 
District Depots, it was necessary to retain at full 
strength for the purposes of demobilization; other 
units were retained for the maintenance of the 
Militia and of the Permanent Force; the rest were to 
be reduced at once. In the selection of men to keep 
the forces up to the required strength, preference was 
given to men with overseas service who desired to 
remain with the colours; but allowance being made 
for this, reductions were to be made in the following 
order : — 

(1) All personnel with overseas service who de- 

sired discharge and who could be spared. 

(2) Married men who desired discharge and could 

be spared. 

(3) Personnel of lower categories who were un- 

able to render efficient service. 

(4) Personnel by occupations required for eco- 

nomic reasons as might be directed by Mi- 
litia headquarters. 

(5) All others whose services were not required. 


In connection with the demobilization of soldiers 
who were on special leave at the time of the Armis- 
tice, the Adjutant-General made special arrangements 
which saved the country some thousands of dollars. 
Instead of having these men come back to the district 
depot to receive their discharge, a form of discharge 
was sent to them to be signed. In signing this the 
soldier released the Government from all liability in 
relation to compensation for injuries while in the 
service. At the same time the Government saved the 
expense of railway transportation for some twelve 
thousand men from their homes to the discharge 

The demobilization of the Siberian Expeditionary 
Force was not carried out until the spring of 1919. 
This force, which numbered 311 officers and 3,786 
other ranks, was recalled at the end of February ; and 
its members were discharged immediately after their 
arrival in Canada. The first comers reached Canada 
in April, but the great majority, 3,202 in number, 
came home in May, a small party remaining behind 
with the British forces. 

In addition to the soldiers who returned to Canada 
for discharge, to those of the Siberian force, and to 
those who were struck off the strength in Canada and 
had never proceeded overseas, there were 15,182 Ca- 
nadian troops who took their discharge in the United 
Kingdom after the Armistice. Besides these, some 
7,136 had taken their discharge in the United King- 
dom before that time. At no period did the Canadian 
Government view with favour the discharge of our 
soldiers in England; and every possible obstacle was 
put in the way of such action. In fact, every soldier 
who took his discharge in Great Britain had to sign 
away his right to free transportation to Canada. Fur- 
ther, he had to produce evidence that he had a bona 
fide offer of employment, or independent means of 
support, or family ties requiring his presence on that 


Killed in action 



side of the water. The grounds for this attitude on 
the part of the Government were twofold: they de- 
sired to keep the British-born settlers for Canada and 
they were confident that opportunities for the men 
themselves would be better in Canada than they could 
possibly be in the United Kingdom at the close of a 
long war. In spite of government discouragement, as 
already stated, a large number of the British-born, 
and possibly some Canadian-born, among our fighting 
men did stay in the British Isles, and unfortunately 
in many cases it was found necessary that govern- 
ment assistance be given to them later on. 

Many of our soldiers who went overseas to fight in 
our defence were later joined in Great Britain by 
their families. Others married overseas while on 
service. To both children were born in the United 
Kingdom. In these ways it came about that at the 
Armistice there was a large community of soldiers' 
dependents in the British Isles. The Canadian au- 
thorities decided in January, 1919, to repatriate these 
dependents at public expense, a decision which un- 
doubtedly met with public approval. It was decided 
later to refund passage money to all soldiers' depend- 
ents who had returned to Canada before the Armis- 
tice. Those who returned after the Armistice were 
brought home on special ships with their soldier rel- 
atives. Special trains were provided in Canada to 
take them to their homes. The care of the dependents 
was assumed by the Department of Immigration and 
Colonization, while the returning soldiers were under 
the control of the permanent conducting staffs of the 
Department of Militia. On the ships carrying de- 
pendents, in addition to the permanent conducting 
staff, there was a representative of the Department of 
Immigration and a representative of the Y.W.C.A. 
The Y.W.C.A. representative made it her special duty 
to look after the wants of the soldiers' dependents, 
who in addition received the attention of the nurses 


attached to the permanent conducting staff. The 
Y.M.C.A. officer, who was a member of the permanent 
conducting staff, arranged entertainments and provided 
literature as on the troop-ships. By these means, there- 
fore, the tedium and discomforts of a voyage were min- 
imized. The accommodation provided at public ex- 
pense was third-class passage, as was provided for 
the troops themselves; but those who desired better 
accommodation were allowed to secure it by paying 
the additional cost out of their own means. The num- 
ber of soldiers' dependents who returned home after 
the Armistice is put by the Immigration Department 
at thirty-seven thousand five hundred; and it is esti- 
mated that about seventeen thousand had come home 
before that time. 

Demobilization was not complete until the soldier 
was re-established in civil life. In order to tide over 
the time between discharge and the time when the 
soldier should have obtained employment the Depart- 
ment of Militia granted war service gratuities. These 
gratuities consisted in a continuance of the pay and 
allowance of the soldier, and the period over which 
they were paid ranged, for overseas men, from two to 
six months, according to the length of service of each 
soldier. The minimum paid to a single man for the 
two months was one hundred and forty dollars and to 
a married man two hundred dollars. The soldier who 
had served three years, of which at least six months 
had been spent overseas, was entitled to pay and 
allowances — as a minimum, seventy dollars monthly 
without or one hundred dollars with dependents — for 
six months. In addition, opportunities for land settle- 
ment were offered by the Soldiers' Settlement Board 
under the Department of the Interior; while disabled 
soldiers could obtain a pension and vocational train- 
ing under the Board of Pension Commissioners and 
the Department of Soldiers' Civil Re-establishment. 
The same department had representatives in the 


Government employment offices, federal and provin- 
cial, to look after the special interests of returned sol- 
diers. There is little doubt that it is owing in a con- 
siderable degree to these provisions by the Govern- 
ment, that Canada has escaped — or at least post- 
poned — that industrial crisis which economic ex- 
perience associates with a flooding of the labour 



Lieutenant Wallace Lloyd Algie, V.C. 

Late 20th Battalion 

^' I ^^OR most conspicuous bravery and self-sacrifice 

tr^ on the llth of October, 1918, north-east of 

**■ Cambrai, when with attacking troops which 

came under heavy enfilade machine-gun fire from a 

neighbouring village. 

"Rushing forward with nine volunteers, he shot 
the crew of an enemy machine gun, and, turning it on 
the enemy, enabled his party to reach the village. He 
then rushed another machine gun, killed the crew, 
captured an officer and ten of the enemy, and thereby 
cleared the end of the village. Lieutenant Algie, hav- 
ing established his party, went back for reinforce- 
ments, but was killed when leading them forward. 
His valour and personal initiative in the face of in- 
tense fire saved many lives and enabled the position 
to be held." 

Major (afterwards Lieut.-Colonel) William George 
Barker, V.C, D.S.O., M.C. and two Bars, D.F.C. 

Royal Air Force 

''On the morning of the 27th of October, 1918, this 
officer observed an enemy two-seater over the Foret 
de Mormal. He attacked this machine, and after a 

1 The stories are official; as given in the London Gazette. 


D.S.O., M.C., D.F.C., CROIX DE D.S.O. AND BAR, M.C., 





short burst it broke up in the air. At the same time 
a Fokker biplane attacked him, and he was wounded 
in the right thigh, but managed, despite this, to shoot 
down the enemy aeroplane in flames. He then found 
himself in the middle of a large formation of Fokkers, 
who attacked him from all directions, and was again 
severely wounded in the left thigh, but succeeded in 
driving down two of the enemy in a spin. He lost 
consciousness after this, and his machine fell out of 
control. On recovery he found himself being again 
attacked heavily by a large formation, and singling 
out one machine, he deliberately charged and drove 
it down in flames. During this fight his left elbow 
was shattered and he again fainted, and on regaining 
consciousness he found himself still being attacked, 
but, notwithstanding that he was now severely 
wounded in both legs and his left arm shattered, he 
dived on the nearest machine and shot it down in 
flames. Being greatly exhausted, he dived out of the 
fight to regain our lines, but was met by another for- 
mation, which attacked and endeavoured to cut him 
off, but after a hard fight he succeeded in breaking 
up this formation and reached our lines, where he 
crashed on landing. 

"This combat, in which Major Barker destroyed 
four enemy machines (three of them in flames), 
brought his total success up to fifty enemy machines 
destroyed, and is a notable example of the exceptional 
bravery and disregard of danger which this very gal- 
lant officer has always displayed throughout his dis- 
tinguished career." 

Corporal, Colin Barron, V.C. 
3rd Battalion 

**For conspicuous bravery when, in attack [Novem- 
ber 6th, 1917, at Passchendaele Ridge], his unit was 
held up by three machine guns. Corporal Barron 


opened on them from a flank at point-blank range, 
rushed the enemy guns single-handed, killed four of 
the crew and captured the remainder. He then, with 
remarkable initiative and skill, turned one of the 
captured guns on the retiring enemy, causing them 
severe casualties. The remarkable dash and deter- 
mination displayed by this non-commissioned officer 
in rushing the guns produced far-reaching results and 
enabled the advance to be continued." 

Captain Edwabd Donald Bellew, V.C. 

7th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty 
near Keerselaere on the 24th of April, 1915, during 
the German attacks on the Ypres salient, Captain (then 
Lieutenant) Bellew, as battalion machine-gun officer, 
had two guns in action on the high ground overlooking 
Keerselaere. The enemy's attack broke in full force 
on the morning of the 24th against the front and right 
flank of the battalion, the latter being exposed owing 
to a gap in the line. The right company was soon put 
out of action, but the advance was temporarily stayed 
by Captain Bellew, who had two of his guns on the left 
of the right company. Reinforcements were sent for- 
ward, but they in turn were surrounded and destroyed. 
With the enemy in strength less than one hundred 
yards from him, with no further assistance in sight, 
and with his rear threatened, Captain Bellew and 
Sergeant Peerless, each operating a gun, decided to 
stay where they were and fight it out. Sergeant Peer- 
less was killed and Captain Bellew was wounded and 
fell. Nevertheless he got up and maintained his fire 
till ammunition failed and the enemy rushed the po- 
sition. Captain Bellew then seized a rifle, smashed his 
machine -gun, and, fighting to the last, was taken 
prisoner. ' ' 


Captain (afterwards Lieut.-Colonel) William Aveey 

Bishop, V.C, D.S.O. and Bar, M.C., R.F.C., 

Croix de Guerre 

Royal Flying Corps 

"For most conspicuous bravery, determination, and 

"Captain Bishop, who had been sent out [near the 
Foret de Mormal] to work independently, flew first of 
all to an enemy aerodrome ; finding no machines about, 
he flew on to another aerodrome about three miles 
south-east, which was at least twelve miles the other 
side of the line. Seven machines, some with their 
engines running, were on the ground. He attacked 
these from about fifty feet, and a mechanic, who was 
starting one of the machines, was seen to fall. One of 
the machines got off the ground, but at a height of 
sixty feet Captain Bishop fired fifteen rounds into it 
at a very close range, and it crashed to the ground. 
A second machine got off the ground, into which he 
fired thirty rounds at one hundred and fifty yards 
range, and it fell into a tree. Two more machines 
then rose from the aerodrome. One of these he en- 
gaged at a height of one thousand feet, emptying the 
rest of his drum of ammunition. This machine 
crashed three hundred yards from the aerodrome, 
after which Captain Bishop emptied a whole drum 
into the fourth hostile machine and then flew back to 
his station. Four hostile scouts were about one thou- 
sand feet above him for about a mile of his return 
journey, but they would not attack. His machine was 
very badly shot about by machine-gun fire from the 
ground. * ' 


CoRPOKAi. (afterwards Sergeant) 
Alexander Brereton, V.C. 

8th Battalion 

'' For most conspicuous bravery during an attack 
[August 9th, 1918, east of Amiens], when a line of 
hostile machine guns opened fire suddenly on his 
platoon, which was in an exposed position and no 
cover available. This gallant N.C.O. at once appre- 
ciated the critical situation and realized that unless 
something was done at once the platoon would be 
annihilated. On his own initiative, without a mo- 
ment's delay, and alone, he sprang forward and 
reached one of the hostile machine-gun posts, where 
he shot the man operating the machine gun and bay- 
oneted the next one who attempted to operate it, 
whereupon nine others surrendered to him. Corporal 
Brereton 's action was a splendid example of resource 
and bravery, and not only undoubtedly saved many of 
his comrades' lives, but also inspired his platoon to 
charge and capture the five remaining posts." 

Lieutenant John Brillant, V.C, M.C. 

Late 22nd Battalion 

'' For most conspicuous bravery and outstanding 
devotion to duty when in charge of a company which 
he led in attack [east of Meharicourt] during two 
days [8th and 9th August, 1918] with absolute fear- 
lessness and extraordinary ability and initiative, the 
extent of the advance being twelve miles. On the 
first day of operations, shortly after the attack had 
begun, his company's left flank was held up by an 
enemy machine gun. Lieutenant Brillant rushed and 
captured the machine gun, personally killing two of 
the enemy crew. Whilst doing this he was wounded, 
but refused to leave his command. Later, on the same 





day, his company was held up by heavy machine-gun 
fire. He reconnoitred the ground personally, organ- 
ized a party of two platoons, and rushed straight for 
the machine-gun nest. Here one hundred and fifty 
enemy and fifteen machine guns were captured, Lieu- 
tenant Brillant personally killing five of the enemy, 
being wounded a second time. He had this wound 
dressed immediately, and again refused to leave his 
company. Subsequently this gallant officer detected a 
field gun firing on his men over open sights. He 
immediately organized and led a * rushing party' to- 
wards the gun. After progressing about six hundred 
yards, he was again seriously wounded. In spite of 
this third wound, he continued to advance for some 
two hundred yards more, when he fell unconscious 
from exhaustion and loss of blood. Lieutenant Bril- 
lant 's wonderful example throughout the day inspired 
his men with an enthusiasm and dash which largely 
contributed towards the success of the operations." 

Private Harry Brown, V.C. 

Late 10th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery, courage, and de- 
votion to duty. 

^' After the capture of a position [August 16th, 
1917, at Hill 70, near Loos], the enemy massed in 
force and counter-attacked. The situation became 
very critical, all wires being cut. It was of the utmost 
importance to get word back to Headquarters. This 
soldier and one other were given the message, with 
orders to deliver the same at all costs. The other 
messenger was killed. Private Brown had his arm 
shattered, but continued on through an intense bar- 
rage until he arrived at the close support lines and 
found an officer. He was so spent that he fell down 
the dug-out steps, but retained consciousness long 


enough to hand over his message, saying 'Important 
message.' He then became unconscious, and died in 
the dressing station a few hours later. His devotion 
to duty was of the highest possible degree imaginable, 
and his successful delivery of the message undoubt- 
edly saved the loss of the position for the time and 
prevented many casualties." 

Sergeant Hugh Cairns, V.C, D.C.M. 
Late 46th Battalion 

* ' For most conspicuous bravery before Valenciennes 
on the 1st of November, 1918, when a machine gun 
opened on his platoon. Without a moment's hesita- 
tion. Sergeant Cairns seized a Lewis gun and single- 
handed, in the face of direct fire, rushed the post, 
killed the crew of five, and captured the gun. Later, 
when the line was held up by machine-gun fire, he 
again rushed forward, killing twelve enemy and cap- 
turing eighteen and two guns. Subsequently, when 
the advance was held up by machine guns and field 
guns, although wounded, he led a small party to out- 
flank them, killing many, forcing about fifty .to sur- 
render, and capturing all the guns. After consolida- 
tion he went with a battle patrol to exploit Marly and 
forced sixty enemy to surrender. Whilst disarming 
the party he was severely wounded. Nevertheless he 
opened fire and inflicted heavy losses. Finally he was 
rushed by about twenty enemy and collapsed from 
weakness and loss of blood. Throughout the opera- 
tion he showed the highest degree of valour, and his 
leadership greatly contributed to the success of the 
attack. He died on the 2nd of November from 


Lieutenant Frederick William Campbell, V.C. 
Late 1st Battalion 

'*For most conspicuous bravery on the 15th of 
June, 1915, during the action at Givenchy. 

''Lieutenant Campbell took two machine guns over 
the parapet, arrived at the German first line with one 
gun, and maintained his position there, under very 
heavy rifle, machine-gun, and bomb fire, notwithstand- 
ing the fact that almost the whole of his detachment 
had been killed or wounded. When our supply of 
bombs had become exhausted, this officer advanced 
his gun still further to an exposed position and, by 
firing about one thousand rounds, succeeded in hold- 
ing back the enemy's counter-attack. This very gal- 
lant officer was subsequently wounded, and has since 

Late 2nd Battalion 

*'For most conspicuous bravery [September 10th, 
1916, near Pozieres]. 

"He was detailed with his section of bombers to 
clear the continuation of a newly captured trench, and 
cover the construction of a 'block.' After most of 
his party had become casualties, he was building a 
'block' when about twenty of the enemy with two 
officers counter-attacked. He boldly advanced against 
them, emptied his revolver into them and afterwards 
two enemy rifles, which he picked up in the trench. 
One of the officers attacked him with the bayonet, 
wounding him in the leg, but he shot him dead. The 
enemy ran away, pursued by Corporal Clarke, who 
shot four more and captured a fifth. Later, he was 
ordered to the dressing station, but returned next day 
to duty." 


LiEUT.-CoLONEL W. H. Claek-Kennedy/ V.C, C.M.G., 
D.S.O. and Bar 

24th Battalion 

**For most conspicuous bravery, initiative, and skil- 
ful leading [at Arras] on the 27th and 28th of Au- 
gust, 1918, when in command of his battalion. 

*'0n the 27th, he led his battalion mth great brav- 
ery and skill from Crow and Aigrette Trenches in 
front of Wancourt to the attack on the Fresnes- 
Rouvroy Line. From the outset the brigade, of 
which the 24th Battalion was a central unit, came un- 
der very heavy shell and machine-gun fire, suffering 
many casualties, especially among the leaders. Units 
became partially disorganized and the advance was 
checked. Appreciating the vital importance to the 
brigade front of a lead by the centre, and undisma^^ed 
by annihihiting fire, Lieut.-Colonel Clark-Kennedy, 
by sheer personality and initiative, inspired his men 
and led them forward. On several occasions he set an 
outstanding example by leading parties straight at 
the machine-gun nests which were holding up the 
advance and overcame these obstacles. By controlling 
the direction of neighbouring units and collecting men 
who had lost their leaders, he rendered valuable serv- 
ices in strengthening the line, and enabled the whole 
brigade front to move forward. By the afternoon, very 
largely due to the determined leadership of this offi- 
cer, and disregard for his own life, his battalion, de- 
spite heavy losses, had made good the maze of 
trenches west of Cherisy and Cherisy village, had 
crossed the Sensee river bed, and had occupied Occi- 
dent Trench in front of the heavy wire of the Fresnes- 
Rouvroy Line ; under continuous fire he then went up 
and down his line until far into the night, improving 

» See Vol. Ill, p. 112. 


the position, giving wonderful encouragement to his 
men, and sent back very clear reports. 

"On the next day he again showed valorous leader- 
ship in the attack on the Fresnes-Rouvroy Line and 
Upton Wood. Though severely wounded soon after 
the start, he refused aid, and dragged himself to a 
shell hole, from which he could observe. Realizing 
that his exhausted troops could advance no further, 
he established a strong line of defence and thereby 
prevented the loss of most important ground. De- 
spite intense pain and serious loss of blood, he re- 
fused to be evacuated for over five hours, by which 
time he had established the line in a position from 
which it was possible for the relieving troops to con- 
tinue the advance. 

"It is impossible to overestimate the results 
achieved by the valour and leadership of this officer. ' ' 

Lieutenant Robert Grierson Combe, V.C. 
Late 27th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and example. 

"He steadied his company under intense fire [May 
3rd, 1917, south of Acheville], and led them through 
the enemy barrage, reaching the objective with only 
five men. With great coolness and courage, Lieuten- 
ant Combe proceeded to bomb the enemy, and inflicted 
heavy casualties. He collected small groups of men 
and succeeded in capturing the company's objective, 
together with eighty prisoners. He repeatedly 
charged the enemy, driving them before him, and, 
whilst personally leading his bombers, was killed by 
an enemy sniper. His conduct inspired all ranks, and 
it was entirely due to his magnificent courage that the 
position was carried, secured, and held." 


Corporal Frederick George Coppins, V.C. 

8th Battalion 

"For conspicuous bravery and devotion to duty 
when, during an attack [August 9th, 1918, at Beaufort 
Wood], his platoon came unexpectedly under fire of 
numerous machine guns. It was not possible to ad- 
vance or to retire, and no cover was available. It be- 
came apparent that the platoon would be annihilated 
unless the enemy machine guns were silenced im- 
mediately. Corporal Coppins, without hesitation and 
on his own initiative, called on four men to follow 
him and leaped forward in the face of intense machine- 
gun fire. With his comrades he rushed straight for 
the machine guns. The four men with him were 
killed, and Corporal Coppins wounded. Despite his 
wound, he reached the hostile machine guns alone, 
killed the operator of the first gun and three of the 
crew, and made prisoner four others who surrendered. 
Corporal Coppins, by this act of outstanding valour, 
was the means of saving many lives of the men of his 
platoon and enabled the advance to be continued. De- 
spite his wound, this gallant N.C.O. continued with his 
platoon to the final objective, and only left the line 
when it had been made secure and when ordered to 
do so.'* 

Private John Bernard Croak, V.O. 

Late 13th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery in attack [August 
8th, 1918, near Amiens], when, having become sep- 
arated from his section, he encountered a machine- 
gun nest, which he bombed and silenced, capturing 
the gun and taking the crew prisoner. Shortly after- 
wards he was severely wounded, but refused to de- 
sist. Ha\nng rejoined his platoon, a very strong 
point, containing several machine guns, was encoun- 


tered. Private Croak, however, seeing an opportu- 
nity, dashed forward alone and was almost immedi- 
ately followed by the remainder of the platoon in a 
brilliant charge. He was the first to arrive at the 
trench line, into which he led his men, capturing three 
machine guns and bayoneting or capturing the entire 
garrison. The perseverance and valour of this gal- 
lant soldier, who was again severely wounded and 
died of his wounds, were an inspiring example to all. ' ' 

Private Thomas Dinesen, V.C. 

42nd Battalion 

''For most conspicuous and continuous bravery 
displayed during ten hours of hand-to-hand fight- 
ing [August 12th, 1918, at Parvillers], which re- 
sulted in the capture of over a mile of strongly garri- 
soned and stubbornly defended enemy trenches. Five 
times in succession he rushed forward alone, and 
single-handed put hostile machine guns out of action, 
accounting for twelve of the enemy with bomb and 
bayonet. His sustained valour and resourcefulness 
inspired his comrades at a very critical stage of the 
action and were an example to all." 

Lance-Corporal Frederick Fisher, V.C. 

Late 13th Battalion 

"On the 23rd of April, 1915, in the neighbourhood 
of St. Julien, he went forward with the machine gun 
of which he was in charge, under heavy fire, and most 
gallantly assisted in covering the retreat of a battery, 
losing four men of his gun team. Later, after ob- 
taining four more men, he went forward again to the 
firing line and was himself killed while bringing his 
machine gun into action, under very heavy fire, in 
order to cover the advance of supports." 


Lieutenant Gordon Muriel Flowerdew, V.C. 
Late Lord Strathcona's Horse 

''For most conspicuous bravery and dash when in 
command of a squadron detailed for Special Service 
of a very important nature [March 30th, 1918, north- 
east of Bois de Moreuil]. On reaching the first ob- 
jective, Lieutenant Flowerdew saw two lines of the 
enemy, each about sixty strong, with machine guns in 
the centre and flanks, one line being about two hun- 
dred yards behind the other.. Realizing the critical 
nature of the operation and how much depended 
upon it. Lieutenant Flowerdew ordered a troop under 
Lieutenant Harvey, V.C, to dismount and carry out 
a special movement, while he led the remaining three 
troops to the charge. The squadron, less one troop, 
passed over both lines, killing many of the enemy with 
the sword; and wheeling about, galloped at them 
again. Although the squadron had then lost about 
seventy per cent, of its numbers killed and wounded, 
from rifle and machine-gun fire directed on it from 
the front and both flanks, the enemy broke and re- 
tired. The survivors of the squadron then established 
themselves in a position where they were joined, after 
much hand-to-hand fighting, by Lieutenant Harvey's 

"Lieutenant Flowerdew was dangerously wounded 
through both thighs, during the operation, but con- 
tinued to cheer on his men. There can be no doubt 
til at this officer's great valour was the prime factor 
m the capture of the positions." 

Corporal (afterwards Sergeant) 
Herman James Good, V.C. 

13th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and leading when, 
in attack [August 8th, 1918, at Hangard Wood], his 


Killed in action 



company was held up by heavy fire from three ma- 
chine guns, which were seriously delaying the ad- 
vance. Realizing the gravity of the situation, this 
N.C.O. dashed forward alone, killing several of the 
garrison and capturing the remainder. Later Cor- 
poral Good, while alone, encountered a battery of 
5.9-inch guns, which were in action at the time. Col- 
lecting three men of his section, he charged the bat- 
tery under point-blank fire and captured the entire 
crews of three guns." 

Lieutenant Milton Fowlek Gregg, V.C, 
M.C. and Bar 

Royal Canadian Regiment 

''For most conspicuous bravery and initiative dur- 
ing operations near Cambrai, 27th of September to 
1st of October, 1918. 

"On the 28th of September, when the advance of 
the brigade was held up by fire from both flanks and 
by thick uncut wire, he crawled forward alone and 
explored the wire until he found a small gap, through 
which he subsequently led his men, and forced an 
entry into the enemy trench. The enemy counter- 
attacked in force, and, through lack of bombs, the 
situation became critical. Although wounded, Lieu- 
tenant Gregg returned alone under terrific fire and 
collected a further supply. Then, rejoining his party, 
which by this time was much reduced in numbers, and 
in spite of a second wound, he reorganized his men 
and led them with the greatest determination against 
the enemy trenches, which he finally cleared. He 
personally killed or wounded eleven of the enemy and 
took twenty-five prisoners in addition to twelve ma- 
chine guns captured in this trench. Remaining with 
his company in spite of wounds, he again, on the 30th 
of September, led his men in attack until severely 


wounded. The outstanding valour of this officer saved 
many casualties and enabled the advance to con- 

Company-Seegeant-Major Frederick William 
Hall, V.C. 

Late 8th Battalion 

**0n the 24th of April, 1915, in the neighbourhood 
of Ypres, when a wounded man, who was lying some 
fifteen yards from the trench; called for help, Com- 
pany-Sergeant-Major Hall endeavoured to reach him 
in the face of a very heavy enfilade fire which was 
being poured in by the enemy. The first attempt 
failed, and a non-commissioned officer and private 
soldier, who were attempting to give assistance, were 
both wounded. Company-Sergeant-Major Hall then 
made a second most gallant attempt; and was in the 
act of lifting up the wounded man to bring him in, 
when he fell mortally wounded in the head." 

Company-Sergeant-Major (afterwards Lieutenant) 
Robert Hanna, V.C. 

29th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery in attack [August 
21st, 1917, at Lens], when his company met with most 
severe resistance and all the company officers became 
casualties. A strong point, heavily protected by wire, 
was held by a machine gun and had beaten off three 
assaults of the company with heavy casualties. This 
warrant officer, under heavy machine-gun and rifle 
fire, coolly collected a party of men, and, leading them 
against this strong point, rushed through the wire and 
personally bayoneted three of the enemy and brained 
the fourth, capturing the position and silencing the 
machine gun. 


"This most courageous officer displayed courage 
and personal bravery of the highest order at this 
most critical moment of the attack and was responsi- 
ble for the capture of a most important tactical point ; 
but for his daring action and determined handling of 
a desperate situation, the attack would not have suc- 
ceeded. C.S.M. Hanna's outstanding gallantry, per- 
sonal courage, and determined leading of his company 
is deserving of the highest possible reward." 

Lieutenant Frederick Maurice Watson Haevey, 
V.C., M.C., Croix de Guerre 

Lord Strathcona's Horse 

**For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 

''During an attack [March 27th, 1917] by his regi- 
ment on a village [Guyencourt], a party of the enemy 
ran forward to a wired trench just in front of the vil- 
lage and opened rapid rifle and machine-gun fire at a 
very close range, causing heavy casualties in the lead- 
ing troop. At this critical moment, when the enemy 
showed no intention whatever of retiring and fire was 
still intense. Lieutenant Harvey, who was in command 
of the leading troop, ran forward well ahead of his 
men and dashed at the trench, still fully manned, 
jumped the wire, shot the machine gunner and cap- 
tured the gun. His most courageous act had a de- 
cisive effect on the success of the operation." 

Sergeant Frederick Hobson, V.C. 

Late 20th Battalion 

"During a strong enemy counter-attack [August 
15th, 1917, north-west of Lens], a Lewis gun, in a for- 
ward post in a communication trench leading to the 
enemy's lines, was buried by a shell, and the crew, 


with the exception of one man, killed. Sergeant Hob- 
son, though not a gunner, grasped the great impor- 
tance of the post, rushed from the trench, dug out the 
gun, and got it into action against the enemy, who 
were now advancing down the trench and across the 
open. A jam caused the gun to stop firing. Though 
wounded he left the gunner to correct the stoppage, 
rushed forward at the advancing enemy, and, with 
bayonet and clubbed rifle, single-handed, held them 
back until he himself was killed by a rifle shot. By 
this time, however, the Lewis gun was again in action, 
and, reinforcements shortly afterwards arriving, the 
enemy were beaten off. The valour and devotion to 
duty displayed by this non-commissioned officer gave 
the gunner the time required to again get the gun in 
action and saved a most serious situation." 

Private (afterwards Sergeant) Thomas William 
Holmes, V.C. 

4th Canadian Mounted Rifles 

"For most conspicuous bravery and resource when 
the right flank of our attack w^as held up by heavy 
machine-gun and rifle fire, from a 'pill-box' strong 
point [October 26th, 1917, near Passchendaele]. 
Hea\'7 casualties were producing a critical situation 
when Private Holmes, on his own initiative and single- 
handed, ran forward and threw two bombs, killing 
and wounding the crews of two machine guns. He then 
returned to his comrades, secured another bomb, and 
again rushed forward alone, under heavy fire, and 
threw the bomb into the entrance of the * pill-box,' 
causing the nineteen occupants to surrender. By this 
act of valour at a very critical moment. Private 
TTolmos undoubtedly cleared the way for the advance 
of our troops and saved the lives of many of his 






Lieutenant Samuel Lewis Honey, V.C, D.C.M., M.M. 
Late 78th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery during the Bourlon 
Wood operations, 27th of September to the 2nd of 
October, 1918. 

' ' On the 27th of September, when his company com- 
mander and all other officers of his company had be- 
come casualties, Lieutenant Honey took command and 
skilfully reorganized under very severe fire. He con- 
tinued the advance with great dash and gained the 
objective. Then, finding that his company was suf- 
fering casualties from enfilade machine-gun fire, he 
located the machine-gun nest and rushed it single- 
handed, capturing the guns and ten prisoners. Sub- 
sequently he repelled four enemy counter-attacks and, 
after dark, again went out alone, and, having located 
an enemy post, led a party which captured the post 
and three guns. On the 29th of September he led his 
company against a strong enemy position with great 
skill and daring and continued in the succeeding days 
of the battle to display the same high example of 
valour and self-sacrifice. He died of wounds received 
during the last day of the attack by his battalion." 

Captain Bellenden Seymour Hutcheson, V.C, M.C. 

C.A.M.C. att. 75th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty on September 2nd, 1918, when, under most in- 
tense shell, machine-gun, and rifle fire, he went 
through the Queant-Drocourt Support Line with the 
battalion. Without hesitation and with utter dis- 
regard of personal safety he remained on the field 
until every wounded man had been attended to. He 
dressed the wounds of a seriously wounded officer un- 
der terrific machine-gun and shell fire, and, with the 


assistance of prisoners and of his own men, succeeded 
in evacuating him to safety, despite the fact that the 
bearer party suffered heavy casualties. Immediately 
afterwards he rushed forward, in full view^ of the 
enemy, under very heavy machine-gun and rifle fire, 
to tend a wounded sergeant, and, having placed him 
in a shell hole, dressed his wounds. Captain Hutche- 
son performed many similar gallant acts, and, by his 
coolness and devotion to duty, many lives were 

Corporal, Joseph Kaeble, V.C, M.M. 
Late 22nd Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery and extraordinary 
devotion to duty w^hen in charge of a Lewis gun sec- 
tion in the front-line trenches [June 8th and 9th, 1918, 
at Neuville Vitasse], on which a strong enemy raid 
was attempted. 

"During an intense bombardment Corporal Kaeble 
remained at the parapet with his Lewis gun shoul- 
dered ready for action, the field of fire being very 
short. As soon as the barrage lifted from the front 
line, about fifty of the enemy advanced towards his 
post. By this time, the whole of his section except 
one had become casualties. Corporal Kaeble jumped 
over the parapet and, holding his Lewis gun at the 
hip, emptied one magazine after another into the 
advancing enemy, and, although wounded several 
times by fragments of shells and bombs, he continued 
to fire and entirely blocked the enemy by his de- 
termined stand. Finally, firing all the time, he fell 
backwards into the trench, mortally wounded. While 
lying on his back in the trench, he fired his last car- 
tridges over the parapet at the retreating Germans, 
and, before losing consciousness, shouted to the 
wounded about him: 'Keep it lip, boys; do not let 
them get through. We must stop them.' The com- 


plete repulse of the enemy attack at this point was 
due to the remarkable personal bravery and self- 
sacrifice of this gallant non-commissioned officer, who 
died of his wounds shortly afterwards. ' ' 

Lieutenant George Feaser Kerr, V.C, M.C, M.M. 

3rd Battalion 

* * For most conspicuous bravery and leadership dur- 
ing the Bourlon Wood operations on the 27th of Sep- 
tember, 1918, when in command of the left support 
company in attack. 

*^He handled his company with great skill, and gave 
timely support by outflanking a machine gun which 
was impeding the advance. Later, near the Arras- 
Oambrai road, the advance was held up by a strong 
point. Lieutenant Kerr, far in advance of his com- 
pany, rushed this strong point single-handed and cap- 
tured four machine guns and thirty-one prisoners. 
His valour throughout this engagement was an in- 
spiring example to all." 

Private John Chipman Kerr, V.C. 
49th Battalion 

**For most conspicuous bravery. During a bomb- 
ing attack [September 16th 1916, at Courcelette], he 
was acting as bayonet man, and knowing that bombs 
were running short, he ran along the parados under 
very heavy fire until he was in close contact with the 
enemy, when he opened fire on them at point-blank 
range and inflicted heavy loss. The enemy, thinking 
they were surrounded, surrendered, sixty-two prison- 
ers were taken, and two hundred and fifty yards of 
enemy trench captured. 

''Before carrying out this very plucky act, one of 


Private Kerr's fingers had been blown off by a 
bomb. Later, with two other men, he escorted back 
the prisoners under fire, and then returned to report 
himself for duty before having his wound dressed." 

Private Cecil John Kinross, V.C. 

49th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery in action during 
prolonged and severe operations [November 10th and 
11th, 1917, at Passchendaele Ridge]. 

"Shortly after the attack was launched, the com- 
pany to which he belonged came under intense artil- 
lery fire, and further advance was held up by a very 
severe fire from an enemy machine gun. Private 
Kinross, making a careful survey of the situation, 
deliberately divested himself of all his equipment save 
his rifle and bandolier, and, regardless of his personal 
safety, advanced alone over the open ground in 
broad daylight, charged the enemy machine gun, kill- 
ing the crew of six, and seized and destroyed the gun. 
His superb, example and courage instilled the great- 
est confidence in his company and enabled a further 
advance of three hundred yards to be made and a 
highly important position to be established. Through- 
out the (lay, he showed marvellous coolness and cour- 
age, figliting with the utmost aggressiveness against 
heavy odds until seriously wounded." 

Sergeant Arthur George Knight, V.C, 
Croix de Guerre 

Late 10th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous braverj', initiative, and de- 
votion to duty, when, after an unsuccessful attack 
[September 2nd, 1918, at Villers-les-Cagnicourt] , 


Sergeant Knight led a bombing section forward, un- 
der very heavy fire of all descriptions, and engaged 
the enemy at close quarters. Seeing that his party 
continued to be held up, he dashed forward alone, 
bayoneting several of the enemy machine gunners and 
trench-mortar crews, and forcing the remainder to 
retire in confusion. He then brought forward a Lewis 
gun and directed his fire on the retreating enemy, in- 
flicting many casualties. In the subsequent advance 
of his platoon in pursuit. Sergeant Knight saw a 
party of about thirty of the enemy go into a deep 
tunnel which led off the trench. He again dashed 
forward alone, and, having killed one officer and two 
N.C.O.'s, captured twenty other ranks. Subsequently 
he routed, single-handed, another enemy party which 
was opposing the advance of his platoon. On each 
occasion he displayed the greatest valour under fire 
at very close range, and by his example of courage, 
gallantry, and initiative was a wonderful inspiration 
to all. This very gallant N.C.O. was subsequently 
fatally wounded." 

Private (Acting-Corporal) Filip Konowai,, V.C. 

47th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and leadership 
when in charge of a section in attack [August 22nd- 
24th, 1917, at Lens]. His section had the difiicult task 
of mopping up cellars, craters, and machine-gun em- 
placements. Under his able direction, all resistance 
was overcome successfully, and heavy casualties in- 
flicted on the enemy. In one cellar he himself bay- 
oneted three enemy, and attacked single-handed seven 
others in a crater, killing them all. On reaching the 
objective, a machine gun was holding up the right 
flank, causing many casualties. Corporal Konowai 
rushed forward and entered the emplacement, killed 


the crew, and brought the gun back to our lines. The 
next day he again attacked, single-handed, another 
machine-gun emplacement, killed three of the crew 
and destroyed the gun and emplacement with ex- 
plosives. This non-commissioned officer alone killed 
at least sixteen of the enemy, and during the two 
days' actual fighting carried on continuously his good 
work until severely wounded." 

Captain (Acting-Major) O'Kill Massey Learmonth, 

V.C, M.C. 

Late 2nd Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and exceptional de- 
votion to duty. 

"During a determined counter-attack on our new 
positions [August 18th, 1917, east of Loos], this 
officer, when his company was momentarily surprised, 
instantly charged and personally disposed of the at- 
tackers. Later, he carried on a tremendous fight with 
the advancing enemy. Although under intense bar- 
rage fire and mortally wounded, he stood on the 
parapet of the trench, bombed the enemy continuously, 
and directed the defence in such a manner as to in- 
fuse a spirit of utmost resistance into his men. ' ' 

Lieutenant Graham Thompson Lyall, V.C. 
102nd Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and skilful leading 
during the operations north of Cambrai. 

"On September 27th, 1918, whilst leading his pla- 
toon against Bourlon Wood, he rendered invaluable 
support to the leading company, which was held up 
by a strong point, which he captured by a flank move- 
ment, together with thirteen prisoners, one field gun, 


D.S.O., M.C. 



and four machine guns. Later, his platoon, now much 
weakened by casualties, was held up by machine guns 
at the southern end of Bourlon Wood. Collecting 
any men available, he led them towards the strong 
point, and, springing forward alone, rushed the po- 
sition single-handed and killed the officer in charge, 
subsequently capturing at this point forty-five pris- 
oners and five machine guns. Having made good his 
final objective, with a further capture of forty-seven 
prisoners, he consolidated his position and thus pro- 
tected the remainder of the company. On October 1st, 
in the neighbourhood of Blecourt, when in command 
of a weak company, by skilful dispositions he cap- 
tured a strongly defended position, which yielded 
eighty prisoners and seventeen machine guns. Dur- 
ing two days of operations Lieutenant Lyall captured 
in all three officers, 182 other ranks, twenty-six ma- 
chine guns, and one field gun, exclusive of heavy 
casualties inflicted. He showed throughout the utmost 
valour and high powers of command." 

Captain (afterwards Major) Thain Wendell 
MacDowell, V.C, D.S.O. 

38th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery and indomitable 
resolution in face of heavy machine-gun and shell fire 
[April 9th-13th, 1917, at Vimy Ridge]. 

"By his initiative and courage, this officer, with the 
assistance of two runners, was enable'^, in the face of 
great difficulties, to capture two machine guns, besides 
two officers and seventy-five men. Although wounded 
in the hand, he continued for five days to hold the 
position gained, in spite of heavy shell fire, until 
eventually relieved by his battalion. By his bravery 
and prompt action he undoubtedly succeeded in 
rounding up a very strong enemy machine-gun post." 


Captain John MacGregor, V.C, M.C, D.C.M. 
2nd Canadian Mounted Rifles 

''For most conspicuous bravery, leadership, and 
self-sacrificing devotion to duty near Cambrai from 
the 29th of September to the 3rd of October, 1918. 

''He led his company under intense fire, and when 
the advance was checked by machine guns, although 
wounded, pushed on and located the enemy guns. He 
then ran forward in broad daylight, in face of heavy 
fire from all directions, and, ^vith rifle and bayonet, 
single-handed, put the enemy crews out of action, 
killing four and taking eight prisoners. His prompt 
action saved many casualties and enabled the ad- 
vance to continue. After reorganizing his command 
under heavy fire, he rendered most useful support to 
neighbouring troops. Wlien the enemy were showing 
stubborn resistance, he went along the line regardless 
of danger, organized the platoons, took command of 
the leading waves, and continued the advance. Later, 
after a personal daylight reconnaissance under hea\^ 
fire, he established his company in Neuville St. Remy, 
thereby greatly assisting the advance into Tilloy. 
Throughout the operations. Captain MacGregor dis- 
played magnificent bravery and heroic leadership." 

Lieutenant George Burton McKean, V.C, M.M. 
14th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty during a raid on the enemy's trenches [April 
27th-28th, 1918, in the Gavrelle sector]. 

"Lieuteiiant McKean 's party, which was operating 
on the right flank, was held up at a block in the com- 
munication trench by most intense fire from hand- 
grenades and machine guns. This block, which was 
too close to our trenches to have been engaged by the 


preliminary bombardment, was well protected by wire 
and covered by a well protected machine gun thirty 
yards behind it. Realizing that if this block were not 
destroyed, the success of the whole operation might 
be marred, he ran into the open to the right flank of 
the block, and, with utter disregard of danger, leaped 
over the block, head first, on top of the enemy. 
fWhilst lying on the ground on top of one of the enemy 
another rushed at him with fixed bayonet. Lieutenant 
McKean shot him through the body and then shot the 
enemy underneath him, who was struggling violently. 
This very gallant action enabled this position to be 
captured. Lieutenant McKean 's supply of bombs ran 
out at this time, and he sent back to our front lines 
for a fresh supply. Whilst waiting for them, he en- 
gaged the enemy single-handed. When the bombs 
arrived, he fearlessly rushed the second block, killed 
two of the enemy, captured four others, and drove 
the remaining garrison, including a hostile machine- 
gun section, into a dug-out. The dug-out, with its 
occupants and machine gun, was destroyed. 

''This officer's splendid bravery and dash undoubt- 
edly saved many lives, for, had not this position been 
captured, the whole of the raiding party would have 
been exposed to dangerous enfilading fire during the 
withdrawal. His leadership at all times has been 
beyond praise." 

Lieutenant Hugh McKenzie, V.C, D.C.M. 
Late 7th Canadian Machine-Gun Company 

"For most conspicuous bravery and leading when 
in charge of a section of four machine guns accom- 
panying the infantry in an attack [October 30th, 1917, 
at Meetcheele Spur near Passchendaele]. 

''Seeing that all the officers and most of the non- 
commissioned officers of an infantry company had be- 


come casualties, and that the men were hesitating be- 
fore a nest of enemy machine guns, which were on 
commanding ground and causing them severe casual- 
ties, he handed over command of his guns to an 
N.C.O., rallied the infantry, organized an attack, and 
captured the strong point. Finding that the position 
was swept by machine-gun fire from a 'pill-box' which 
dominated all the ground over which the troops were 
advancing, Lieutenant McKenzie made a reconnais- 
sance and detailed flanking and frontal attacking 
parties which captured the ' pill-box, ' he himself being 
killed while leading the frontal attack. 

''By his valour and leadership, this gallant officer 
ensured the capture of these strong points and so 
saved the lives of many men and enabled the objective 
to be obtained." 

2nd Lieutenant Alan Arnett McLeod, V.C. 
Late Royal Air Force 

"Whilst flying with his observer (Lieutenant A. W. 
Hammond, M.C.), attacking hostile formations by 
bombs and machine-gun fire, he was assailed at a 
height of 5,000 feet by eight enemy triplanes which 
dived at him from all directions, firing from their 
front guns. By skilful manoeuvring he enabled his 
observer to fire bursts at each machine in turn, shoot- 
ing three of them down out of control. By this time 
Lieutenant McLeod had received five wounds, and 
whilst continuing the engagement a bullet penetrated 
his petrol tank and set the machine on fire. He then 
climbed out on to the left bottom plane, controlling his 
machine, from the side of the fuselage, and by side- 
slipping steeply kept the flames to one side, thus 
enabling the observer to continue firing until the 
ground was reached. 

**The observer had been wounded six times when 


M.C., M.M. 



the machine crashed in 'No Man's Land' and 2nd 
Lieutenant McLeod, notwithstanding his own wounds, 
dragged him away from the burning wreckage at 
great personal risk from heavy machine-gun fire from 
the enemy's lines. This very gallant pilot was again 
wounded by a bomb whilst engaged in this act of 
rescue, but he persevered until he had placed Lieuten- 
ant Hammond in comparative safety, before falling 
himself from exhaustion and loss of blood." 

Sergeant William Merrifield, V.C. 
4th Battalion 

*'For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty during the attack near Abancourt on the 1st of 
October, 1918. When his men were held up by an 
intense fire from two machine-gun emplacements, he 
attacked them both single-handed. Dashing from 
shell hole to shell hole, he killed the occupants of the 
first post, and, although wounded, continued to attack 
the second post, and with a bomb killed the occupants. 
He refused to be evacuated and led his platoon until 
again severely wounded. 

*' Sergeant Merrifield served with exceptional dis- 
tinction on many former occasions, and throughout 
the action on the 1st of October showed the highest 
qualities of valour and leadership." 

Lance-Corporal William Henry Metcalf, V.C, M.M. 

16th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery, initiative, and de- 
votion to duty in attack [September 4th, 1918, at 
Arras], when, the right flank of his battalion being 
held up, he realized the situation and rushed forward 
under intense machine-gun fire to a passing tank on 


the left. With his signal flag he walked in front of 
the tank, directing it along the trench in a perfect 
hail of bullets and bombs. The machine-gun strong 
points were overcome, very heavy casualties were in- 
flicted on the enemy, and a very critical situation was 
relieved. Later, although wounded, he continued to 
advance until ordered to get into a shell hole and have 
his wounds dressed. His valour throughout was of 
the highest standard.'^ 

Private William Johnstone Milne, V.C. 
Late 16th Battalion 

**For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty in attack [April 9th, 1917, near Thelus]. 

''On approaching the first objective. Private Milne 
observed an enemy machine gun firing on our ad- 
vancing troops. Crawling on hands and knees, he 
succeeded in reaching the gun, killing the crew with 
bombs and capturing the gun. On the line reforming, 
he again located a machine gun in the support line, 
and, stalking this second gun as he had done the first, 
he succeeded in putting the crew out of action and 
capturing the gun. His wonderful bravery and re- 
source on these two occasions undoubtedly saved the 
lives of many of his comrades. Private Milne was 
killed shortly after capturing the second gun." 

Corporal Harry Garnet Bedford Miner, V.C. 

58th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty in attack [August 8th, 1918, at Demuin], when, 
despite severe wounds, he refused to withdraw. He 
rushed an enemy machine-gim post single-handed, 
killed the entire crew, and turned the gun on the 


enemy. Later, with two others, he attacked another 
enemy machine-gun post, and succeeded in putting the 
gun out of action. Corporal Miner then rushed, 
single-handed, an enemy bombing post, bayoneting 
two of the garrison and putting the remainder to 
flight. He was mortally wounded in the performance 
of this gallant deed." 

Captain Coulson Norman Mitchell, V.C, M.C. 
4th Battalion Canadian Engineers 

''For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty on the night of 8th-9th October, 1918, at the 
Canal de I'Escaut, north-east of Cambrai. 

"He led a small party ahead of the first wave of 
infantry in order to examine the various bridges on 
the line of approach, and, if possible, to prevent their 
demolition. On reaching the canal he found the 
bridge already blown up. Under a heavy barrage, he 
crossed to the next bridge, where he cut a number 
of 'lead' wires. Then, in total darkness and unaware 
of the position or strength of the enemy at the bridge- 
head, he dashed across the main bridge over the canal. 
This bridge was found to be heavily charged for dem- 
olition, and w^iilst Captain Mitchell, assisted by his 
N.C.O., was cutting the wires, the enemy attempted 
to rush the bridge in order to blow the charges, where- 
upon he at once dashed to the assistance of his sentry, 
who had been wounded, killed three of the enemy, cap- 
tured twelve, and maintained the bridge-head until 
reinforced. Then, under heavy fire, he continued his 
task of cutting wires and removing charges, which 
he well knew might at any moment have been fired by 
the enemy. It was entirely due to his valour and 
decisive action that this important bridge across the 
canal was saved from destruction." 


Sergeant George Harry Mullin, V.C, M.M. 
Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry 

''For most conspicuous bravery in attack [October 
Both, 1917, at Passcliendaele] , when, single-handed, 
he captured a commanding 'pill-box,' which had with- 
stood the hea\y bombardment and was causing heavy 
casualties to our forces and holding up the attack. 
He rushed a sniper's post in front, destroyed the gar- 
rison with bombs, and, crawling on to the top of the 
'pill-box,' he shot the two machine gunners with his 
revolver. Sergeant Mullin then rushed to another 
entrance and compelled the garrison of ten to sur- 

"His gallantry and fearlessness were witnessed by 
many and, although rapid fire was directed upon him, 
and his clothes were riddled by bullets, he never 
faltered in his purpose and not only helped to save 
the situation, but also indirectly saved many lives." 

Private Claude Joseph Patrick Nunney, V.C, 
D.C.M., M.M. 

Late 38th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery during the opera- 
tions against the Drocourt-Queant Line on the 1st and 
2nd of September, 1918. 

"On the 1st of September, when his battalion was 
in the vicinity of Vis-en-Artois, preparatory to the 
advance, the enemy laid down a heavy barrage and 
counter-attacked. Private Nunney, who was at this 
time at Company Headquarters, immediately, on his 
own initiative, proceeded through the barrage to the 
company outpost lines, going from post to post and 
encouraging the men by his own fearless example. 
The enemy were repulsed and a critical situation was 
saved. During the attack on the 2nd of September 
his dash continually placed him in advance of his 


companions and his fearless example undoubtedly 
helped greatly to carry the company forward to its 
objectives. He displayed throughout the highest de- 
gree of valour until severely wounded. [Private 
Nunney died of his wounds in a clearing station on 
September 18th.]" 

Captain Christopher Patrick John 'Kelly, 
V.C, M.C. 

52nd Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery in an action [Octo- 
ber 26th, 1917, south-west of Passchendaele] in which 
he led his company with extraordinary skill and de- 

"After the original attack had failed and two com- 
panies of his unit had launched a new attack, Captain 
'Kelly advanced his command over one thousand 
yards under heavy fire without any artillery barrage, 
took the enemy positions on the crest of the hill by 
storm, and then personally organized and led a series 
of attacks against 'pill-boxes,' his company alone cap- 
turing six of them, with one hundred prisoners and 
ten machine guns. Later on in the afternoon, under 
the leadership of this gallant officer, his company re- 
pelled a strong counter-attack, taking more prisoners, 
and subsequently, during the night, captured a hostile 
raiding party consisting of one officer, ten men, and a 
machine gun. The whole of these achievements were 
chiefly due to the magnificent courage, daring, and 
ability of Captain 'Kelly." 

Private Michael James O'Roubke, V.C. 

7th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty during prolonged operations. 
"For three days and nights [August 15th-17th, 1917, 


at Hill 60, near Lens] Private O'Rourke, who is a 
stretcher-bearer, worked unceasingly in bringing the 
wounded into safety, dressing them and getting them 
food and water. During the whole period the area 
in which he worked was subjected to very severe 
shelling and swept by heavy machine-gun and rifle 
fire. On several occasions he was knocked down and 
partially buried by enemy shells. Seeing a comrade 
who had been blinded stumbling around ahead of our 
trench, in full view of the enemy, who were sniping 
him, Private O'Rourke jumped out of his trench and 
brought the man back, being himself heavily sniped 
while doing so. Again he went forward about fifty 
yards in front of our barrage under very heavy and 
accurate fire from enemy machine guns and snipers, 
and brought in a comrade. On a subsequent occasion, 
when the line of advanced posts was retired to the 
line to be consolidated, he went forward under very 
heavy enemy fire of every description and brought 
back a wounded man who had been left behind. He 
showed throughout an absolute disregard for his own 
safety, going wherever there were wounded to suc- 
cour, and his magnificent courage and devotion in 
continuing his rescue work, in spite of exhaustion and 
the incessant heavy enemy fire of every description, ■ 
inspired all ranks and undoubtedly saved many lives. ' ' 

Private John George Pattison, V.C. 
50th Battalion 

**For most conspicuous bravery in attack. 

''When the advance of our troops [April lOth, 1917, 
at Vimy Ridge] was held up by an enemy machine 
gun, which was inflicting severe casualties. Private 
Pattison, with utter disregard of his own safety, 
sprang forward and, jumping from shell hole to shell 
hole, reached cover within thirty yards of the enemy 


gun. From this point, in face of heavy fire, he hurled 
bombs, killing and wounding some of the crew, then 
rushed forward, overcoming and bayoneting the sur- 
viving five gunners. His valour and initiative un- 
doubtedly saved the situation, and made possible the 
further advance to the objective." 

Major (afterwards Lieut.-Colonel) George Randolph 
Pearkes, V.C, D.S.O., M.C. 

5th Canadian Mounted Rifles 

''For most conspicuous bravery and skilful hand- 
ling of the troops under his command during the cap- 
ture and consolidation of considerably more than the 
objectives allotted to him, in an attack [October 30th- 
31st, 1917, near Passchendaele]. 

"Just prior to the advance Major Pearkes was 
wounded in the left thigh. Regardless of his wound, 
he continued to lead his men with the utmost gal- 
lantry, despite many obstacles. At a particular stage 
of the attack, his further advance was threatened by 
a strong point, which was an objective of the battalion 
on his left, but which they had not succeeded in cap- 
turing. Quickly appreciating the situation, he cap- 
tured and held this point, thus enabling his further 
advance to be successfully pushed forward. It was 
entirely due to his determination and fearless per- 
sonality that he was able to maintain his objective 
with the small number of men at his command against 
repeated enemy counter-attacks, both his flanks being 
unprotected for a considerable depth meanwhile. His 
appreciation of the situation throughout and the re- 
port rendered by him were invaluable to his com- 
manding officer in making dispositions of troops to 
hold the position captured. He showed throughout 
a supreme contempt of danger and wonderful powers 
of control and leading." 



V.C, D.S.O., M.P. 

16th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and skilful leading 
when in attack under intense fire [September 2nd, 
1918, at Cagnicourt]. 

"His command quickly captured the first objective, 
but progress to the further objective was held up by 
enemy machine-gun fire on his right flank. The situ- 
ation being critical in the extreme. Colonel Peck 
rushed forward and made a personal reconnaissance 
under heavy machine-gun and sniping fire, across a 
stretch of ground which was heavily swept by fire. 
Having reconnoitred the position, he returned, re- 
organized his battalion, and, acting upon the knowl- 
edge personally gained, pushed them forward and 
arranged to protect his flanks. He then went out 
under the most intense artillery and machine-gun fire, 
intercepted the tanks, gave them the necessary direc- 
tions, pointing out where they were to make for, and 
thus pave the way for a Canadian infantry battalion 
to push forward. To this battalion he subsequently 
gave requisite support. His magnificent display of 
courage and fine qualities of leadership enabled the 
advance to be continued, although always under heavy 
artillery fire, and contributed largely to the success 
of the brigade attack." 

Private Walter Leigh Rayfield, V.C. 
7th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery, devotion to duty, 
and initiative during the operations east of Arras, 
from the 2nd to the 4th of September, 1918. 

"Ahead of his company, he rushed a trench occu- 
pied by a large party of the enemy, personally bay- 
oneting two and taking ten prisoner. Later he located 


and engaged with great skill, under constant rifle fire, 
an enemy sniper who was causing many casualties. 
He then rushed the section of trench from which the 
sniper had been operating, and so demoralized the 
enemy by his coolness and daring that thirty others 
surrendered to him. Again, regardless of his per- 
sonal safety, he left cover under heavy machine-gun 
fire and carried in a badly wounded comrade. His 
indomitable courage, cool foresight, and daring recon- 
naissance were invaluable to his company commander 
and an inspiration to all ranks." 

Private (Piper) James Eichardson, V.C. 

Late 16th Battalion 

"For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty when, prior to attack [October 8th, 1916, at 
Eegina Trench], he obtained permission from his 
commanding officer to play his company 'over the 
top.' As the company reached the objective, it was 
held up by very strong wire, and came under in- 
tense fire, which caused heavy casualties and demoral- 
ized the formation for the moment. Realizing the 
situation. Piper Richardson strode up and down out- 
side the wire, playing his pipes with the greatest cool- 
ness. The effect was instantaneous. Inspired by his 
splendid example, the company rushed the wire with 
such fury and determination that the obstacle was 
overcome and the position captured. Later, after 
participating in bombing operations, he was detailed 
to take back a wounded comrade and prisoners. After 
proceeding about two hundred yards. Piper Richard- 
son remembered that he had left his pipes behind. 
Although strongly urged not to do so, he insisted on 
returning to recover his pipes. He has never been 
seen since, and death has been presumed accordingly, 
owing to lapse of time." 


Private James Peter Robertson, V.C. 

Late 27th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery and outstanding de- 
votion to duty in attack [November 6tb, 1917, at 
Passchendaele] . When bis platoon was beld up by 
uncut wire and a machine gun causing many casual- 
ties, Private Robertson dashed to an opening on the 
flank, rushed the machine gun and, after a desperate 
struggle mth the crew, killed four and then turned 
the gun on the remainder, who, overcome by the fierce- 
ness of his onslaught, were running towards their 
own lines. His gallant work enabled the platoon to 
advance. He inflicted many more casualties among 
the enemy, and then, carrying the captured machine 
gun, he led his platoon to the final objective. He 
there selected an excellent position and got the gun 
into action, firing on the retreating enemy, who by 
this time were quite demoralized by the fire brought 
to bear on them. During the consolidation. Private 
Robertson's most determined use of the machine gun 
kept down the fire of the enemy snipers; his courage 
and his coolness cheered his comrades and inspired 
them to the finest efforts. Later, when two of our 
snipers were badly wounded in front of our trench, 
he went out and carried one of them in under very 
severe fire. He was killed just as he returned with 
the second man." 

Lieutenant Charles Smith Rutherford, 
V.C, M.C., M.M. 

5th Canadian Mounted Rifles 

''For most conspicuous bravery, initiative, and de- 
votion to duty. When in command of an assaulting 
party [August 2r)th, 1918, at Monchy-le-Preux], 
Lieutenant Rutherford found himself a considerable 


distance ahead of his men, and at the same moment 
observed a fully armed strong enemy party outside a 
* pill-box' ahead of him. He beckoned to them with his 
revolver to come to him ; in return they waved to him to 
come to them. This he boldly did, and informed them 
that they were prisoners. This fact an enemy officer 
disputed and invited Lieutenant Rutherford to enter 
the 'pill-box,' an invitation he discreetly declined. By 
masterly bluff, however, he persuaded the enemy that 
they were surrounded, and the whole party of forty- 
five, including two officers and three machine guns, 
surrendered to him. Subsequently he induced the 
enemy officer to stop the fire of an enemy machine 
gun close by, and Lieutenant Rutherford took ad- 
vantage of the opportunity to hasten the advance of 
his men to his support. Lieutenant Rutherford then 
observed that the right assaulting party was held up 
by heavy machine-gun fire from another * pill-box.' 
Indicating an objective to the remainder of his party, 
he attacked the 'pill-box' with a Lewis gun section 
and captured a further thirty-five prisoners with 
machine guns, thus enabling the party to continue 
their advance. The bold and gallant action of this 
officer contributed very materially to the capture of 
the main objective and was a wonderful inspiration 
to all ranks in pressing home the attack on a very 
strong position." 

Captain (afterwards Lieut.-Colonel) Francis Alex. 
Caron Scrimger, V.C. 

Medical Officer 14th Battalion 

*'0n the afternoon of the 25th of April, 1915, in the 
neighbourhood of Ypres, when in charge of an ad- 
vanced dressing station in some farm buildings which 
were being heavily shelled by the enemy, he directed, 
under heavy fire, the removal of the wounded, and he 


himself carried a severely wounded officer out of a 
stable in search of a place of greater safety. When 
he was unable alone to carry this officer further, he 
remained with him under fire till help could be ob- 
tained. Captain Scrimger, during the very heavy 
fighting between the 22nd and 25th of April, displayed 
continuously, day and night, the greatest devotion to 
his duty among the wounded at the front." 

Lieutenant (afterwards Captain) Robert 
Shankland, V.C, D.C.M. 

43rd Battalion 

**For most conspicuous bravery and resource in 
action [October 26th, 1917, at Passchendaele] under 
critical and adverse conditions. 

'* Having gained a position, he rallied the remnant 
of his own platoon and men of other companies, dis- 
posed of them to command the ground in front, and 
inflicted heavy casualties upon the retreating enemy. 
Later he dispersed a counter-attack, thus enabling 
supporting troops to come up unmolested. He then 
personally communicated to Battalion Headquarters 
an accurate and valuable report as to the position of 
the brigade frontage, and, after doing so, rejoined his 
command and carried on until relieved. His courage 
and splendid example inspired all ranks and coupled 
with his great gallantry and skill undoubtedly saved a 
very critical situation." 

Lance-Sergeant Ellis Welwood Sifton, V.C. 

Late 18th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 

"During the attack on enemy trenches [April 9th, 


1917, at Neuville St. Vaast], Sergeant Sif ton's com- 
pany was held up by machine-gun fire, which inflicted 
many casualties. Having located the gun, he charged 
it single-handed, killing all the crew. A small enemy 
party advanced down the trench, but he succeeded in 
keeping these off till our men had gained the position. 
In carrying out this gallant act, he was killed, but his 
conspicuous valour undoubtedly saved many lives, 
and contributed largely to the success of the opera- 
tion. ' ' 

Sekgeant Robert Spall, V.C. 

Late Princess Patricia's Canadian Light Infantry 

*'For most conspicuous bravery and self-sacrifice 
when, during an enemy counter-attack [August 12th- 
13th, 1918, near Parvillers], his platoon was isolated. 
Thereupon Sergeant Spall took a Lewis gun and, 
standing on the parapet, fired upon the advancing 
enemy, inflicting very severe casualties. He then 
came down the trench directing the men into a sap 
seventy-five yards from the enemy. Picking up an- 
other Lewis gun, this gallant N.C.O. again climbed 
the parapet, and by his fire held up the enemy. It 
was while holding up the enemy at this point that 
he was killed. Sergeant Spall deliberately gave his 
life in order to extricate his platoon from a most 
difficult situation, and it was owing to his bravery 
that the platoon was saved." 

Lieutenant (afterwards Major) Harcus Strachan, 

V.C, M.C. 

Fort Garry Horse 

"For most conspicuous bravery and leadership dur- 
ing operations [November 20th, 1917, at Masnieres]. 
' ' He took command of the squadron of his regiment 


when the squadron leader, approaching the enemy 
front line at a gallop, was killed. Lieutenant Strachan 
led the squadron through the enemy line of machine- 
gun posts, and then, with the surviving men, led the 
charge on the enemy battery, killing seven of the 
gunners with his sword. All the gunners having been 
killed and the battery silenced, he rallied his men and 
fought his way back at night through the enemy's 
line, bringing all unwounded men safely in, together 
with fifteen prisoners. The operation, which resulted 
in the silencing of an enemy battery, the killing of the 
whole battery personnel and many infantry, and the 
cutting of three main lines of telephone communica- 
tion two miles in rear of the enemy's front line, was 
only rendered possible by the outstanding gallantry 
and fearless leading of this officer." 

Lieutenant James Edwaed Tait, V.C, M.C. 

Late 78th Battalion 

*'For most conspicuous bravery and initiative in 
attack [August 8th-llth, 1918, near Amiens]. The 
advance having been checked by intense machine-gun 
fire, Lieutenant Tait rallied his company and led it- 
forward with consummate skill and dash under a hail 
of bullets. A concealed machine gun, however, con- 
tinued to cause many casualties. Taking a rifle and 
bayonet. Lieutenant Tait dashed forward alone and 
killed the enemy gunner. Inspired by his example, 
his men rushed the position, capturing twelve machine 
guns and twenty prisoners. His valorous action 
cleared the way for his battalion to advance. Later, 
when the enemy counter-attacked our positions under 
intense artillery bombardment, this gallant officer 
displayed outstanding courage and leadership and, 
though mortally wounded by a shell, continued to 
direct and aid his men until his death." 


Killed in action 


Killed in action 



Private John Francis Young, V.C. 
87th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty in attack at Dury-Arras sector on the 2nd of 
September, 1918, when acting as stretcher-bearer at- 
tached to D Company of the 87th Battalion, Quebec 

"This company, in the advance over the ridge, suf-. 
fered heavy casualties from shell and machine-gun 
fire. Private Young, in spite of the complete absence 
of cover, without the least hesitation, went out, and in 
the open fire-swept ground dressed the wounded. 
Having exhausted his stock of dressings, on more 
than one occasion he returned, under intense fire, to 
his company headquarters for a further supply. This 
work he continued for over an hour, displaying 
throughout the most absolute fearlessness. To his 
courageous conduct must be ascribed the saving of 
the lives of many of his comrades. Later, when the 
fire had somewhat slackened, he organized and led 
stretcher parties to bring in the wounded whom he 
had dressed. All through the operations of the 2nd, 
3rd, and 4th of September, Private Young continued 
to show the greatest valour and devotion to duty." 

Sergeant Raphael Lewis Zengel, V.C, M.M. 

5th Battalion 

''For most conspicuous bravery and devotion to 
duty when protecting the battalion right flank [Au- 
gust 9th, 1918, east of Warvillers]. He was leading 
his platoon gallantly forward to the attack, but had 
not gone far when he realized that a gap had oc- 
curred on his flank, and that an enemy machine gun 
was firing at close range into the advancing line. 
Grasping the situation, he rushed forward some two 


hundred yards ahead of the platoon, tackled the ma- 
chine-gun emplacement, killed the officer and operator 
of the gun and dispersed the crew. By his boldness 
and prompt action, he undoubtedly saved the lives of 
many of his comrades. Later, when the battalion was 
held up by very hea\y machine-gun fire, he displayed 
much tactical skill and directed his fire with destruc- 
tive results. Shortly afterwards he was rendered 
unconscious for a few minutes by an enemy shell, but 
on recovering consciousness he at once continued to 
direct harassing fire on the enemy. Sergeant Zengel's 
work throughout the attack was excellent and his 
utter disregard for personal safety, and the confi- 
dence he inspired in all ranks, greatly assisted in 
bringing the attack to a successful end." 



Headquarters, France 

APPOINTED retired 

Headquarters Canadian Army Corps 

Lt.-Gen. Sir E. A. H. Alderson, K.C.B. Sept. 13, '15 May 28, '16 
Lt.-Gen. Hon. Sir J. H. G. Byng, 

K.C.B., K.C.M.G., M.V.O May 28, '16 June 8, '17 

Lt.-Gen. Sir A. W. Currie, G.C.M.G., 
K.C.B June 9, '17 Demob. 

Headquarters 1st Division 

Lt.-Gen. E. A. H. Alderson, C.B Sept. 22, '14 Sept. 13, '15 

Maj.-Gen. Sir A. W. Currie, K.C.M.G., 

C.B Sept.l3,'15 June 9, '17 

Maj.-Gen. Sir A. C. Macdonell, K.C.B., 
C.M.G., D.S.O June 9, '17 Demob. 

Headquarters 2nd Division 

Maj.-Gen. Sir S. B. Steele, K.C.M.G., 

C.B., M.V.O May 25, '15 June 6, '15 

Maj.-Gen. Sir R. E. W. Turner, V.C, 

K.C.M.G., C.B., D.S.O Aug. 17, '15 Dec. 15, '16 

Maj-Gen. Sir H. E. Burstall, K.C.B., 

K.C.M.G., A.D.C Dec. 15, '16 Demob. 

Headquarters Srd Division 

Maj.-Gen. M. S. Mercer, C.B Nov. 20, '15 June 3, '16 

Maj.-Gen. L. J. Lipsett, C.B., C.M.G. June 16, '16 Sept. 13, '18 
Maj.-Gen. Sir F. O. W. Loomis, 
K.C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O Sept. 13, '18 Demob. 

Headquarters Uth Division 

Brig.-Gen. Lord Brooke, C.M.G., 

M.V.O Nov. 19, '15 May 11, '16 

Maj.-Gen. Sir D. Watson, K.C.B., 

C.M.G May 11, '16 Demob. 

Headquarters 5th Division (disbanded 
Feb. 28, '18) 
Maj.-Gen. G. B. Hughes, C.B., C.M.G., 
D.S.O Jan. 22, '17 Feb. 28, '18 



G.O.C.'s Headquarters, England 

Headquarters O. M. F. C. appointed RETIRED 

Lt.-Gen. Sir R. E. W. Turner, V.C., 
K.C.B., K.C.M.G., D.S.O Dec. 5, '16 May 18, '18 

Chief of General Staff 

Lt.-Gen. Sir R. E. W. Turner, V.C, 
K.C.B., K.C.M.G., D.S.O. May 18, '18 Nov. 22, '19 

Canadian Training Division, Shomcliffe 

Maj.-Gen. J. C. MacDougall, C.M.G... Sept. 1, '15 Nov. 7, '16 

Brig.-Gen. E. C. Ashton Nov. 7, '16 Apr. 1, '17 

Col. F. St. D. Skinner Apr. 1, '17 Apr. 18, '17 

Brig.-Gen. C. A. Smart, C.M.G Apr. 18, '17 Dec. 15, '18 

Canadian Training Division, Bramshott 

(closed and moved to Ripon, Jan. 

27 '19) 

Brig.-Gen. F. S. Meighen Aug. 10, '16 June 19, '18 

Col. J. G. Rattray, C.M.G., D.S.O June 19, '18 June 27, '18 

Brig.-Gen. J. H. Elmsley, C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O June 27, '18 Aug. 7, '18 

Col. J. G. Rattray, C.M.G., D.S.O.... Aug. 7, '18 Sept. 18, '18 
Brig.-Gen. R. Rennie, C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O Sept.18, '18 Feb. 21, '19 

Canadian Concentration Camps, Witley 
and Bramshott 
Brig.-Gen. A. H. Bell, C.M.G., D.S.O. Apr. 1,'19 Demob. 

Canadian Training Division, Ripon 

Lt.-Col. Homer Dixon, D.S.O Jan. 23, '19 Jan. 30, '19 

Brig.-Gen. R. Rennie, C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O Jan. 30, '19 Feb. 21, '19 

Brig.-Gen. D. M. Ormond, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Feb. 21, '19 Demob. 

Headquarters, Brighton (closed Jan. 
2, '17) 
Maj.-Gen. J. C. MacDougall, C.M.G. Nov. 7, '16 Dec. 21, '16 
Brig.-Gen. J. P. Landry Dec. 21, '16 Jan. 2, '17 

Headquarters, Witley 

Brig.-Gen. R. G. E. Leckie, C.M.G.. . . Dec. 16, '16 Feb. 13, '17 
Maj.-Gen. G. B. Hughes, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Feb. 13, '17 July 22, '18 

Col. C. H. L. Sharman, C.B.E July 22, '18 July 26, '18 

Brig.-Gen. F. W. Hill, C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O July 27, '18 Mar. 31, '19 

Headquarters, Seaford 

Lt.-Col. S. D. Gardner, M.C Oct. 21, '16 Aug. 22, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. H. Rogers Aug. 22, '17 Sept. 22, '17 

Lt.-Col. S. D. Gardner, M.C Sept. 22, '17 June 13, '18 

Lt.-Col. F. V. Anderson, D.S.O June 13, '18 June 26. '18 

Lt.-Col. S. D. Gardner, C.M.G., M.C; June 28, '18 July 18, '18 

Canadian Official Photofiraph 

MAJ.-GEN. SIR F. O. W. LOOMIS, K.C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O. 



Lt.-Col. P. J. Daly, C.M.G., D.S.O... July 18, '18 July 27, '18 

Lt.-Col. S. D. Gardner, C.M.G., M.C. July 27, '18 Sept. 12, '18 

Brig.-Gen. H. M. Dyer, C.M.G., D.S.O. Sept. 12, '18 Mar. 25, '19 

Col. J. G. Rattray, C.M.G., D.S.O... . Mar. 25, '19 Aug. 3, '19 

Headquarters, Crowborough (disbanded) 

Col. C. A. Smart Oct. 31, '16 Apr. 16, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. T. Hughes, C.M.G Apr. 16, '17 Apr. 22, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. L. H. Bogart Apr. 23, '17 May 1, '17 

Brig.-Gen. W. St. P. Hughes, D.S.O. May 1, '17 July 31, '17 

Headquarters, Hastings 

Col. H. H. Matthews, D.S.O Nov. 22, '16 Sept. 6, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. C. Critchley, D.S.O Sept. 6, '17 Sept. 16, '17 

Headquarters, Bordon (disbanded) 
Brig.-Gen. C. H. MacLaren, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Nov. 4, '18 Jan. 31, '19 

Headquarters, Shoreham (disbanded) 

Brig.-Gen. J. P. Landry, C.M.G Oct. 30, '16 Jan. 2, '17 

Infantry Brigades 

1st Infantry Brigade 

Brig.-Gen. M. S. Mercer, C.B Sept. 22, '14 Nov. 20, '15 

Brig.-Gen. G. B. Hughes, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Nov. 25, '15 Feb. 13, '17 

Brig.-Gen. W. A. Griesbach, C.B., 

C.M.G., D.S.O Feb. 14, '17 Feb. 15, '19 

Brig.-Gen. G. E. McCuaig, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Feb. 27, '19 Demob. 

2nd Infantry Brigade 

Brig.-Gen. A. W. Currie, C.B Sept. 22, '14 Sept. 13, '15 

Brig.-Gen. L. J. Lipsett, C.M.G Sept. 13, '15 June 16, '16 

Brig.-Gen. F. O. W. Loomis, C.M.G., 

D.S.O July 2, '16 Dec. 27, '17 

Brig.-Gen. J. F. L. Embury, C.M.G. Jan. 1, '18 Mar. 16, '18 
Brig.-Gen. F. O. W. Loomis, C.B., 

C.M.G., D.S.O Mar. 18, '18 Sept. 13, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. F. Gilson, D.S.O Sept. 13, '18 Oct. 6, '18 

Brig.-Gen. R. P. Clark, C.M.G., D.S.O., 

M.C Oct. 6, '18 Demob. 

3rd Infantry Brigade 

Brig.-Gen. R. E. W. Turner, V.C., 

C.B., D.S.O Sept.22,'14 Aug. 12, '15 

Brig.-Gen. R. G. E. Leckie, C.M.G.. . . Aug. 12, '15 Feb. 18, '16 
Brig.-Gen. F. O. W. Loomis, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Mar. 9, '16 Mar. 12, '16 

Brig.-Gen, G. S. Tuxford,C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O Mar. 12, '16 Demob. 



Col. S. J. A. Dennison May 15, '16 June 25, '15 

Brig.-Gen. Lord Brooke, C.M.G., 

M.V.O June 25, '15 Nov. 10, '15 

Brig.-Gen. R. Rennie, C.B., C.M.G., 

M.V.O., D.S.O Nov. 10, '15 Sept. 12, '18 

Brig.-Gen. G. E. McCuaig, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Sept.l4, '18 Feb. 27, '19 

Brig.-Gen. R. Rennie, C.B., C.M.G., 

M.V.O., D.S.O Feb. 27, '19 Demob. 

5th Infantry Brigade 

Col. J. P. Landry May 20, '15 Aug. 30, '15 

Brig.-Gen. D. Watson, C.B Aug. 30, '15 Apr. 22, '16 

Brig.-Gen. A. H. Macdonell, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Apr. 24, '16 July 23, '17 

Brig.-Gen. J. M. Ross, C.M.G., D.S.O. July 23, '17 Aug. 9, '18 
Brig.-Gen. T. L. Tremblay, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Aug. 10, '18 Demob. 

6th Infantry Brigade 

Brig.-Gen. H. D. B. Ketchen, C.M.G. May 29, '15 Apr. 20, '18 

Brig.-Gen. A. H. Bell, C.M.G., D.S.O. Apr. 23, '18 Oct. 2, '18 

Brig.-Gen. A. Ross, C.M.G., D.S.O... Oct. 2, '18 Demob. 

7th Infantry Brigade 

Brig.-Gen. A. C. Macdonell, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Dec. 23, '15 Feb. 20, '16 

Brig.-Gen. G. S. Tuxford, C.M.G.... Mar. 11, '16 Mar. 12, '16 
Brig.-Gen. F. O. W. Loomis, D.S.O... Mar. 14, '16 May 6, '16 
Brig.-Gen. A. C. Macdonell, C.B., 

C.M.G., D.S.O May 6, '16 June 9, '17 

Brig.-Gen. H. M, Dyer, C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O June 9, '17 Sept.l2,'18 

Brig.-Gen. J. A. Clark, C.M.G., D.S.O. Sept. 12, '18 Demob. 

8th Infantry Brigade 

Brig.-Gen. V. A. S. Williams Dec. 23, '15 June 3, '16 

Brig.-Gen. J. H. Elmsley, C.M.G., 

D.S.O June 15, '16 May 25, '18 

Brig.-Gen. D. C. Draper, C.M.G., 

D.S.O May 25, '18 Demob. 

9th Infantry Brigade 

Brig.-Gen. F. W. Hill, C.M.G., D.S.O. Jan. 9, '16 July 21, '18 
Brig.-Gen. D. M. Ormond, C.M.G., 

D.S.O July 21, '18 Feb. 21, '19 

Lt.-Col. W. W. Foster, D.S.O Feb. 21, '19 Demob. 

10th Infantry Brigade 

Col. G. S. Tuxford, C.M.G Jan. 11, '16 Mar. 9, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. Snell Mar. 9, '16 Apr. 14, '16 

Col. F. S. Meighen Apr. 14, '16 July 16, '16 

Brig.-Gen. W. St. P. Hughes, D.S.O. July 16, '16 Jan. 18, '17 

Brig.-Gen. E. Hilliam, C.M.G., D.S.O. Jan. 18, '17 Nov. 12, '17 

Canadian Official Photograph 





Brig.-Gen. R. J. F. Hayter, C.B., 

C.M.G., D.S.O Dec. 4, '17 Oct. 28, '18 

Brig.-Gen. J. M. Ross, C.M.G., D.S.O. Oct. 28, '18 Demob. 

11th Infantry Brigade 

Col. C. A. Smart Jan. 9, '16 Feb. 6, '16 

Brig.-Gen. F. O. W. Loomis, D.S.O... May 16, '16 July 2. '16 
Brig.-Gen. V. W. Odium, C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O July 10, '16 Demob. 

12th Infantry Brigade 

Col. F. O. W. Loomis, D.S.O Jan. 5, '16 Mar. 9, '16 

Brig.-Gen. Lord Brooke, C.M.G., 

M.V.O May 11, '16 Sept.ll,'16 

Brig.-Gen. J. H. MacBrien, C.B., 

C.M.G., D.S.O Sept. 13, '16 Dec. 13, '18 

Brig.-Gen. J. Kirkcaldy, C.M.G., D.S.O. Dec. 13, '18 Demob. 

13th Infantry Brigade (disbanded) 

Brig.-Gen. J. F. L. Embury, C.M.G... Nov. 1, '16 Mar. 11, '18 

IJfth Infantry Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. J. E. Leckie, D.S.O Nov. 29, '16 Jan. 3, '17 

Brig.-Gen. A. E. Swift, D.S.O Jan. 22, '17 Mar. 11, '18 

15th Infantry Brigade (disbanded) 

Brig.-Gen. E. C. Ashton Apr. 2, '17 Nov. 6, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Ings Nov. 5, '17 Nov. 17, '17 

Lt.-Col. D. M. Sutherland Nov. 19, '17 Mar. 11, '18 

Training Brigades 

1st Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Col. S. M. Rogers Sept.l5, '15 Feb. 6, '16 

Col. C. A. Smart Feb. 6, '16 Oct. 31, '16 

Lt.-Col. F. W. Fisher Oct. 31, '16 Jan. 3, '17 

2nd Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Brig.-Gen. J. P. Landry Sept. 15, '15 Oct. 31, '16 

Lt.-Col. F. C. McCordick Oct. 31, '16 Jan. 3, '17 

Srd Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Col. E. C. Ashton Sept.l5, '15 Oct. 28, '16 

Lt.-Col. E. E. W. Moore Oct. 28, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

J^th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Col. J. H. Cowen Sept.l5, '15 Jan. 4, '17 

5th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Col. S. M. Rogers May 6, '16 May 10, '16 

Lt.-Col. F. B. Black May 10, '16 Oct. 7, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Carpenter Oct. 7, '16 Jan. 2, '17 



6th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-CoL E. E. W. Moore May 9, '16 Oct. 25, '16 

7th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. J. W. H. McKinnery Aug. 14, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

8th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. W. O. H. Dodds, C.M.G Sept. 20, '16 Oct. 2, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. H. Borden Oct. 2, '16 Oct. 28, '16 

Lt.-Col. M. A. Colquhoun, D.S.O Oct. 28, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

9th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. H. Snell Aug. 29, '16 Nov. 3, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. G. Rattray, D.S.O Nov. 3, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

10th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. J. G. Rattray, D.S.O Sept. 10, '16 Nov. 1, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. F. L. Embury Nov. 1, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

11th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. E. F. Mackie, D.S.O Oct. 4, '16 Nov. 3, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Swift Nov. 3, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

12th Training Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. J. Stanfield Oct. 22, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

Bramshott Training Brigade (absorbed 
in C.T.D.) 
Col. F. S. Meighen July 16, '16 Aug. 10, '16 

Reserve Brigades 

1st Reserve Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. E. E. W. Moore Jan. 2, '17 Apr. 6, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. S. Buell Apr. 6, '17 Apr. 20, '17 

Col. M. A. Colquhoun, D.S.O Apr. 20, '17 Apr. 15, '18 

2nd Reserve Brigade (disbanded) 

Col. J. E. Leckie, C.M.G., D.S.O Jan. 2, '17 Apr. 15, '18 

Srd Reserve Brigade 

Col. S. D. Gardner, M.C Jan. 2, '17 Aug. 22, '17 

(See Headquarters, Seaford, for continuation.) 

Jtth Reserve Brigade 

Brig.-Gen. J. P. Landry, C.M.G Jan. 2, '17 

5th Reserve Brigade (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Gunn, D.S.O Jan. 2, '17 Feb. 21, '18 

Lt.-Col. H. S. Tobin Feb. 21, '18 Apr. 15, '18 

6th Reserve Brigade (disbanded) 

Col. J. G. Rattray, D.S.O Jan. 2, '17 Apr. 15, '18 


Infantry Battalions 


Lt.-Col. F. D. Farquhar, D.S.O... 

Lt.-Col. H. C. Buller 

Lt.-Col. R. T. Pelly, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. H. C. Buller, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. A. A. M. Adamson, D.S.O. 

Lt.-Col. R. T. Pelly, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. A. A. M. Adamson, D.S.O. 
Lt.-Col. C. J. T. Stewart, D.S.O.. . . 

Capt. J. Edgar, M.C 

Capt. G. W. Little 

Lt.-Col. A. G. Pearson, D.C.M 

Royal Canadian Regiment 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Carpenter 

Lt.-Col. A. H. Macdonell, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. C. H. Hill, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. C. R. E. Wallets, D.S.O. 

Lt.-Col. C. H. Hill. D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. C. R. E. Willets, D.S.O. 

Lt.-Col. G. W. McLeod, D.S.O.. 

1st Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. F. W. Hill, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. F. A. Creighton 

Lt.-Col. G. C. Hodson, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. A. W. Sparling, D.S.O.. 













22, '14 
21, '15 

15, '15 
7, '15 

17, '16 

3, '16 

31, '16 

27, '18 

28, '18 

29, '18 

16, '18 

2nd Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. D. Watson 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Swift, D.S.O , 

Major W. M. Yates , 

Lt.-Col. R. P. Clark, M.C 

Lt.-Col. L. T. McLaughlin, D.S.O... 

Major R. Vanderwater, D.S.O , 

Lt.-Col. L. T. McLaughlin 

Srd Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. R. Rennie, M.V.O 

Lt.-Col. W. D. Allan, D.S.O 

Lt-Col. J. B. Rogers, C.M.G., D.S.O. 

Aug. 26, '15 
Nov. 26, '15 
Apr. 20, '16 
Oct. 20, '16 
Apr. 7, '18 
July 4, '18 
Oct. 14, '18 

Sept. 22, '14 
Jan. 24, '16 
June 27, '16 
Aug. 17, '17 

Sept. 22, '14 
Aug. 26, '15 
Oct. 26, '16 
Jan. 10, '17 
May 12, '17 
Aug. 30, '18 
Oct. 10, '18 

Sept. 22, '14 
Nov. 10, '15 


Mar. 21, '15 
May 5, '15 
Dec. 7, '15 
June 17, '16 
Aug. 3, '16 
Oct. 31, '16 
Mar. 27, '18 
Sept. 28, '18 
Sept. 29, '18 
Oct. 16, '18 

Nov. 26, '15 
Apr. 20, '16 
Oct. 20. '16 
Apr. 7, '18 
July 4, '18 
Oct. 14, '18 

Jan. 17, '16 
June 16, '16 
Aug. 17, '17 

Aug. 26, '15 
Oct. 26, '16 
Dec. 20, '16 
May 12, '17 
Aug. 30, '18 
Oct. 10, '18 

Nov. 10, '15 
Sept. 5, '16 

Oct. 1, '16 Demob. 

4th Infantry 
Lt.-Col. R. 
Lt.-Col. A. 
Lt.-Col. J. 
Lt.-Col. R. 
Lt.-Col. M. 
Lt.-Col. W. 
Lt.-Col. A. 
Lt.-Col. L. 
Maj. G. G. 
Lt.-Col. L. 


H. Labatt 

B. Birchall 

B. Rogers 

H. Labatt 

A. Colquhoun, D.S.O 

Rae, D.S.O 

T. Thomson, D.S.O., M.C. 
H. Nelles, D.S.O., M.C... 


H. Nelles, D.S.O., M.C... 

Sept. 22, '14 
Feb. 26, '15 
Apr. 29, '15 
May 14, '15 
June 7, '15 
June 25, '16 
June 2, '17 
Nov. 20, '17 
Aug. 10, '18 
Sept. 4, '18 

Feb. 26, '15 
Apr. 24, '15 
May 14, '15 
June 7, '15 
June 3, '16 
June 2, '17 
Nov. 19, '17 
Aug. 9, '18 
Sept. 4, '18 




5th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. G. S. Tuxford Sept. 22, '15 Jan. 11, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. M. Dyer, D.S.O Jan. 11, '16 June 29, '17 

Lt.-Col. L. P. O. Tudor, D.S.O June 29, '17 Mar. 8, '18 

Lt.-Col. L. L. Crawford, D.S.O Mar. 8, '18 Apr. 4, 'IS 

Lt.-Col. L. P. O. Tudor, D.S.O Apr. 4, '18 Demob. 

6th Infantry Battalion (See Fort Garry 

7th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. Hart McHarg Sept. 22, '14 Apr. 29, '15 

Lt.-Col. V. W. Odium, D.S.O Apr. 29, '15 July 10, '16 

Lt.-Col. S. D. Gardner July 20, '16 Oct. 9, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. F. Gilson, D.S.O Oct. 9, '16 Demob. 

8th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. L. J. Lipsett, C.M.G Sept.22, '14 Sept.13, '15 

Lt.-Col. H. H. Matthews, D.S.O Sept. 28, '15 June 18, '16 

Lt.-Col. K. C. Bedson July 14, '16 Aug. 3, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. M. Prower, D.S.O Aug. 3, '16 Apr. 20, '18 

Lt.-Col. T. H. Raddall, D.S.O, Apr. 20, '18 Aug. 9, '18 

Lt.-Col. A. L. Saunders, D.S.O., M.C. Aug. 13, '18 Demob. 

9th Infantry Battalion (Reserves) 

Lt.-Col. S. M. Rogers Sept.22, '14 May 4, '15 

Lt.-Col. E. E. W. Moore May 8, '15 Apr. 25, '16 

Lt.-Col. E. B. Clegg Apr. 25, '16 Jan. 2, '17 

(See Reserve Battalions for continuation.) 

10th Infantry Brigade 

Lt.-Col. R. L. Boyle Sept.22, '14 Apr. 25, '15 

Lt.-Col. J. G. Rattray, D.S.O June 1, '15 Sept. 10, '16 

Lt.-Col. D. M. Ormond, D.S.O Sept. 25, '16 May 24, '18 

Lt.-Col. E. W. McDonald, D.S.O., M.C. May 24, '18 Demob. 

11th Infantry Battalion (Reserves) 

Lt.-Col. R. Burritt Sept.22, '14 Aug. 23, '15 

Lt.-Col. A. Dulmage Aug. 23, '15 Sept. 15, '15 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Carpenter Nov. 26, '15 Apr. 27, '16 

Lt.-Col. P. Walker May 8, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

(See Reserve Battalions for continuation.) 

12th Infantry Battalion (Reserves) 

Lt.-Col. H. F. McLeod Sept.22, '14 Feb. 2, '15 

Lt.-Col. F. A. Howard June 2, '15 Sept. 15, '15 

Lt.-Col. H. F. McLeod Sept. 15, '15 July 6, '16 

Lt.-Col. R. Pellatt Sept. 19, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

(See Reserve Battalions for continuation.) 

ISth Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. F. 0. W. Loomis, D.S.O Sept.22, '14 Jan. 5, '16 

Lt.-Col. V. C. Buchanan, D.S.O Jan. 5, '16 Sept. 26, '16 





Lt.-Col. G. E. McCuaig, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. K. M. Perry, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. C. E. McCuaig, C.M.G., D.S.O. 
Maj. J. M. R. Sinclair, D.S.O., M.C.. . . 

Lt.-Col. K. M. Perry, D.S.O 

Maj. J. M. R. Sinclair, D.S.O., M.C, . . . 

H Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. F. S. Meighen 

Lt.-Col. W. W. Burland, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. F. W. Fisher 

Lt.-Col. R. P. Clark, M.C ; . . . . 

Lt.-Col. Gault McCombe, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. D. Warrall, D.S.O., M.C 

15th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Currie 

Lt.-Col. W. B. Marshall, D.S.O. 
Lt.-Col. C. E. Bent, D.S.O. . . . 
Lt.-Col. J. W. Forbes, D.S.O. . . 
Lt.-Col. C. E. Bent, C.M.G., D.S.O 
Lt.-Col. J. P. Girvan, D.S.O., M.C. 
Lt.-Col. C. E. Bent, C.M.G., D.S.O 

16th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. R. G. E. Leckie, C.M.G. 
Lt.-Col. J. E. Leckie, D.S.O. . . . 
Lt.-Col. C. W. Peck, V.C, D.S.O. 

Maj. J. Hope, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Scroggie, M.C. 


Sept. 27, '16 
Dec. 20, '17 
Apr. 1,'18 
Sept. 14, '18 
Oct. 14 ,'18 
Feb. 28, '19 

Sept. 22, '14 
June 19, '15 
July 29, '15 
Mar. 19, '16 
Jan. 15, '17 
Apr. 19, '18 

Sept. 22, '14 
June 28, '15 
May 20, '16 
Dec. 29, '17 
Apr. 15, '18 
Aug. 10, '18 
Oct. 3, '18 

Sept. 22, '14 
Aug. 12, '15 
Nov. 13, '16 
Jan. 3, '19 
Mar. 28, '19 

17th Infantry Battalion (Reserves) 

Lt.-Col. S. G. Robertson Sept. 22, '14 

Lt.-Col. E. B. Worthington Jan. 30, '15 

Lt.-Col. D. D. Cameron Sept. 1, '15 

(See Reserve Battalions for continuation.) 

18th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. E. W. S. Wigle Apr. 18, '15 

Lt.-Col. H. L. Milligan, D.S.O July 8, '16 

Lt.-Col. G. F. Morrison, D.S.O Oct. 9, '16 

Lt.-Col. L. E. Jones, C.M.G., D.S.O.. . Apr. 19, '17 

19th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. L McLaren May 22, '15 

Lt.-Col. W. R. Turnbull July 18, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. H. Millen Dec. 30, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. C. Hatch, D.S.O Feb. 15, '18 

Lt.-Col. L. H. Millen, D.S.O June 22, '18 

20th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. A. W. Allan May 24, '15 

Lt.-Col. C. H. Rogers Aug. 21, '15 

Lt.-Col. H. V. Rorke, D.S.O Dec. 4, '16 

Lt.-Col. B. 0. Hooper, D.S.O., M.C. . July 26, '18 


Dec. 6, '17 
Apr. 1,'18 
Sept. 14, '18 
Oct. 14, '18 
Feb. 28, '19 

June 19, '15 
July 29, '15 
Mar. 18, '16 
Jan. 15, '17 
Apr. 19, '18 

June 28, '15 
May 19, '16 
Dec. 29, '17 
Apr. 15, '18 
Aug. 10, '18 
Oct. 3, '18 

Aug. 12, '15 
Nov. 13, '16 
Jan. 3, '19 
Mar. 28, '19 

Jan. 30, '15 
Sept. 1, '15 
Jan. 4, '17 

July 8, '16 
Oct. 9, '16 
Apr. 19, '17 

July 18, '16 
Dec. 30, '16 
Feb. 15, '18 
June 22, '18 

Aug. 21, '15 
Nov. 20, '16 
June 27, '18 


21st Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. St. P. Hughes May 6, '15 

Lt.-Col. E. W. Jones, D.S.O July 18, '16 

Lt.-Col. T. F. Elmitt Jan. 7, '17 

Lt.-Col. E. W. Jones, D.S.O July 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. E. Pense, D.S.O., M.C. . . . Aug. 8, '18 

22nd Infantry Battalion 

Col. F. M. Gaudet May 20, '15 

Lt.-Col. T. L. Tremblay, D.S.O Jan. 25, '15 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Dubuc, D.S.O Oct. 24, '16 

Lt.-Col. T. L. Tremblay, C.M.G., D.S.O. Feb. 15, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Dubuc, D.S.O Aug. 9, '18 

Maj. G. P. Vanier, M.C Aug. 27, '18 

Maj. G. E. A. Dupuis, M.C Aug. 28, '18 

Lt.-Col. M. J. R. H. DesRosiers Sept. 10, '18 

2Srd Infantry Battalion (Reserves) 

Lt.-Col. F. W. Fisher Mar. 8, '15 

Lt.-Col. F. C. Bowen July 4, '15 

Maj. D. A. McKay Apr. 22, '16 

Lt.-Col. C. F. Bick July 12, '16 

(See Reserve Battalions for continuation.) 

2ith Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Gunn, D.S.O May 11, '15 

Lt.-Col. R. O. Alexander, D.S.O Nov. 1, '16 

Lt.-Col. C. F. Ritchie Dec. 7, '16 

Lt.-Col. R. O. Alexander, D.S.O Apr. 14, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. F. Ritchie, M.C Aug. 4, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. H. Clark-Kennedy, V.C, 

C.M.G., D.S.O Jan. 22, '18 

Lt.-Col. C. F. Ritchie, D.S.O., M.C... Sept. 5, '18 

25th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. G. A. LeCain 

Lt.-Col. E. Hilliam 

Maj. J. A. De Lancy, M.C. . 
Lt.-Col. D. S. Bauld, D.S.O 
Lt.-Col. A. S. Blois, D.S.O. 
Lt.-Col. J. W. Wise, D.S.O., M.C 

Lt.-Col. F. P. Day 

Lt.-Col. C. J. Mersereau, D.S.O. 









20, '15 
26, '15 

18, '17 
4, '17 
9, '17 

19, '18 
9, '18 

13, '18 

26th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. L. McAvity June 15, '15 

Lt.-Col. A. E. G. McKenzie, D.S.O May 29, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. R. Brown, D.S.O July 2, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. E. G. McKenzie, D.S.O Oct. 4, '17 

Maj. C. 'G. Porter, D.S.O Aug. 28, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. R. Brown, D.S.O Sept. 5, '18 

27th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. R. Snider May 17, '15 

Lt.-Col. G. J. Daly, C.M.G., D.S.O.. . . Apr. 15, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. J. Riley, D.S.O Apr. 4, '18 


July 18, '16 
Jan. 7, '17 
July 1, '17 
Aug. 8, '18 

Jan. 25, '16 
Sept. 25, '16 
Feb. 5, '17 
Aug. 8, '18 
Aug. 27, '18 
Aug. 28, '18 
Sept. 10, '18 

July 4, '15 
Apr. 22, '16 
July 12, '16 
Sept. 6, '16 

Oct. 31, '16 
Dec. 7, '16 
Apr. 14, '17 
Aug. 4, '17 
Jan. 22, '18 

Aug. 28, '18 

Oct. 26,'15' 
Jan. 18, '17 
Apr. 4, '17 
July 9, '17 
Apr. 19, '18 
Aug. 8, '18 
Oct. 13, '18 

May 29, '16 
July 2, '17 
Oct. 4, '17 
Sept. 29, '18 
Sept. 5, '18 

Apr. 15, '16 
Apr. 4, '18 





28th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. F. L. Embury, C.M.G May 29, '15 Sept. 17, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. Ross, D.S.O Sept. 17, '16 Oct. 1, '18 

Maj. G. F. D. Bond, M.C Oct. 2, '18 Nov. 6, '18 

Maj. A. F. Simpson. D.S.O Nov. 6, '18 Dec. 16, '18 

Lt.-Col. D. E. Maclntyre, D.S.O., M.C. Dec. 16, '18 Demob. 

29th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. H. S. Tobin May 20, '15 July 20, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. S. Tait Aug. 20, '16 Sept. 10, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. M. Ross Sept. 10, '16 Dec. 16, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. S. Tait Dec. 16, '16 Jan. 22, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. M. Ross, D.S.O Jan. 22, '17 July 23, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. S. Latta, D.S.O July 23, '17 Aug. 16, '18 

Maj. L. A. Wilmott, M.C Aug. 16, '18 Sept. 5, '18 

Lt.-Col. H. S. Tobin, D.S.O Sept. 5, '18 Demob. 

SOth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 1st 
Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Hall Feb. 26, '15 June 9, '15 

Lt.-Col. C. F. De Sails June 10, '15 Nov. 6, '15 

Lt.-Col. S. Booth Nov. 7, '15 Jan. 2, '17 

Slst Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. A. H. Bell, D.S.O May 29, '15 Apr. 23, '18 

Lt.-Col. E. S. Doughty, D.S.O Apr. 23, '18 Oct. 6, '18 

Lt.-Col. N. Spencer, D.S.O Oct. 6, '18 Demob. 

S2nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. H. J. Cowan Mar. 7, '15 Sept. 15, '15 

Lt.-Col. C. D. Macpherson Sept. 15, '15 Aug. 1, '16 

Lt.-Col. F. J. Clarke Aug. 2, '16 Jan. 2, '17 

SSrd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
S6th Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. A, Wilson Mar. 17, '16 June 2, '16 

Maj. A. E. Bywater June 2, '16 Aug, 2, '16 

SJfth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
S6th Battalion) 
Lt-Col. A. J. Oliver Oct. 23, '15 July 6, '16 

SSth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
j^th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. F. C. McCordick Oct. 16, '15 Oct. 24, '16 

Maj. F. C. Dunham Oct. 24, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

SSth Infantry Battalion (disbanded on 

Lt.-Col. E. C. Ashton Aug. 16, '15 Sept. 15, '15 

Maj. A. N. Ashton Sept. 15, '15 Apr. 24, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. S. Buell Apr. 24, '16 Jan. 2, '17 

37th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
39th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. C. F. Bick Nov. 28, '15 July 6, '16 


S8th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. C. M. Edwards, D.S.O 
Maj. R. F. Parkinson, D.S.O. . 
Lt.-Col. C. M. Edwards, D.S.O, 

Maj. S. English 

Maj. R. F. Parkinson, D.S.O. . 
Col. H. C. Sparling, D.S.O.... 
Lt.-Col. C. M. Edwards, D.S.O, 
Lt.-Col. S. D. Gardner, C.M.G., M.C 
Lt.-Col. A. D. Cameron, M.C 

S9th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. A. V. Preston 

AOth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
17th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. G. Vincent 


May 30, 16 
Apr. 23, '17 
June 1, '17 
Jan. 8, '18 
Mar. 17, '18 
June 17, '18 
July 17, '18 
Sept. 10, '18 
Sept. 29, '18 


Apr. 9, '17 
June 1,'17 
Jan. 8, '18 
Mar. 16, '18 
June 17, '18 
July 17, '18 
Sept. 10, '18 
Sept. 28, '18 

June 24, '15 Jan. 4, '17 

Oct 18, '15 Jan. 4,17 

Ulst Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
10th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. L. H. Archambeault Oct. 18, '15 Apr. 4, '16 

Jf2nd Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. G. S. Cantlie June 10, '15 Dec. 24, '16 

Maj. R. L. H. Ewing Dec. 24, '16 Jan. 2, '17 

Maj. S. C. Norsworthy Jan. 2, '17 Apr. 6, '17 

Lt.-Col. B. McLennan, D.S.O Apr. 6, '17 Aug. 3, '18 

Lt.-Col. R. L. H. Ewing, D.S.O., M.C. Aug. 3, '18 Demob. 

USrd Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. R. McD. Thomson June 1, '15 Oct. 8, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. Grassie, D.S.O Oct. 9, '16 Nov. 4, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. K. Chandler Nov. 4, '17 Dec. 23, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. M. Urquhart, D.S.O., M.C. Dec. 23, '17 Aug. 16, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. K. Chandler, D.S.O Aug. 16, '18 Demob. 

IfJtth Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. E. R. Wayland Oct. 22, '15 Dec. 11, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. H. Sills Dec. 27, '15 Jan. 16, '17 

Lt.-Col. R. D. Davies, D.S.O Jan. 22, '17 Demob. 

USth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. F. J. Clarke Mar. 17, '16 July 13, '16 

46th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. H. Snell Oct. 22, '15 Aug. 29, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. J. Dawson, C.M.G., D.S.O. Aug. 29, '16 Demob. 

J^7th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. N. Winsby Nov. 13, '15 Apr. 24, '17 

Lt.-Col. M. J. Francis Apr. 24, '17 Dec. 14, '17 

Lt.-Col. R. H. Webb, M.C Dec. 14, '17 Apr. 24, '18 

Lt.-Col. H. L. Keegan, D.S.O Apr. 24, '18 Demob. 





iSth Infantry Battalion (See 3rd Pio- 
neer Battalion) 

i9th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. A. Griesbach, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. R. H. Palmer, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. C. Y. Weaver, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col, R. H. Palmer, D.S.O 


June 4, '15 
Feb. 14, '17 
July 1, '18 
Oct. 2, '18 

50th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. E. G. Mason Oct. 27, '15 

Maj. R. B. Eaton Nov. 11, '16 

Maj. C. B. Worsnop, D.S.O Jan. 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. L. F. Page, D.S.O Mar. 11, '17 

51st Infantry Battalion (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. R. de L. Harwood Apr. 19, '16 

Maj. W. J. Shortreed July 10, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. T. Stewart Sept. 20, '16 

52nd Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. A. W. Hay 

Lt.-Col. D. M. Sutherland .. 
Lt.-Col. W. B. Evans, D.S.O. 

Maj. E. A. C. Wilcox 

Lt.-Col. W. W. Foster, D.S.O. 
Lt.-Col. D. M. Sutherland, D.S.O. 
Lt.-Col. W. W. Foster, D.S.O. . . 

Nov. 23, '15 
July 27, '16 
Sept. 25, '16 
July 11, '17 
Aug. 4, '17 
Sept. 24, '18 
Oct. 9, '18 


Feb. 11, '17 
July 1, '18 
Oct. 1, '18 

Nov. 11, '16 
Jan. 1, '17 
Mar. 11, '17 

July 10, '16 
Sept. 20, '16 

June 3, '16 
Sept. 25, '16 
July 11, '17 
Aug. 4, '17 
Sept. 24, '18 
Oct. 9, '18 

53rd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. M. Dennistoun Apr. 1, '16 Aug. 1, '16 

5Uth Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. A. G. H. Kemball,C.B., D.S.O. Nov. 22, '15 Mar. 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. V. V. Harvey, D.S.O Mar. 2, '17 Aug. 24, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. B. Carey, C.M.G., D.S.O. Aug. 24, '17 Demob. 

55th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
JfOth Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. J. R. Kirkpatrick Oct. 30, '15 May 5, '16 

Maj. H. I. Jones May 5, '16 May 13, '16 

56th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
9th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. C. G. Armstrong Apr. 1, '16 July 6, '16 

57th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
10th Reserve Battalion) 
Reinforcements only under Maj. A. L. 
H.Renaud. Left Canada, June 2, '16 

58th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. H. A. Genet, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. R. A. McFarlane, D.S.O. 

Nov. 22, '15 Jan. 11, '18 
Jan. 12, '18 Demob. 



59th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
S9th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. J. Dawson Apr. 1, '16 Aug. 11, '16 

60th Infantry Battalion (withdrawn 
from France) 
Lt.-Col. F. A. de L. Gascoigne . . Nov. 6, '15 June 6, '17 

6l8t Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. F. J. Murray Apr. 1, '16 July 6, '17 

62nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
30th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. H. D. Hulme Apr. 1, '16 July 6, '16 

63rd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
9th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. G. B. McLeod Apr. 25, '16 July 6, '16 

6Uth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
JtOth Battalion) 
Lt.-Gol. H. M. Campbell Apr. 1, '16 July 6, '16 

65th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
51st Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. N. Lang June 20, '16 Sept. 25, '16 

66th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
9th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. W. H. McKinery May 1, '16 Aug. 14, '16 

67th Infantry Battalion (See J^th Pio- 
neer Battalion) 

68th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
32nd Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. T. E. Perrett May 1, '16 July 6, '16 

69th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
10th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. A. Dansereau Apr. 19, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

70th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
39th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. I. Towers Apr. 25, '16 July 6, '16 

71st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
51st Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. EV. M. Sutherland Apr. 1, '16 June 4, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. J. McCausland June 4, '16 July 19, '16 

Maj. J. C. Massie July 19, '16 Sept. 1, '16 

Maj. J. A. C. Makins Sept. 1, '16 Sept. 28, '16 

72nd Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Clark, D.S.O Apr. 25, '16 Sept. 12, '18 

Lt.-Col. G. H. Kirkpatrick, D.S.O.... Sept. 12, '18 Demob. 



7Srd Infantry Battalion (withdrawn 
from. France) 

Lt.-Col. P. Davidson Apr. 1, '16 Dec. 12, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. C. Sparling, D.S.O Dec. 12, '16 Apr. 19, '17 

7J! Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
51st Battalion) 

Lt.-Coi. A. J. McCausland Mar. 27, '16 June 4, '16 

Lt.-Col. D. M. Sutherland June 4, '16 July 18, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. J. McCausland July 19, '16 Sept. 25, '16 

75th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. S. G. Beckett Apr. 1, '16 Mar. 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. B. Worsnop, D.S.O Mar. 11, '17 Apr. 16, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. C. Harbottle, D.S.O Apr. 16, '17 Demob. 

76th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
S6th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. Ballantine, D.S.O Apr. 25, '16 July 9, '16 

77th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
51st Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. R. Street June 19, '16 Sept. 13, '16 

78th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. Kirkcaldy, D.S.O May 22, '16 Nov. 15, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. N. Semmens Nov. 16, '17 Mar. 19, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. Kirkcaldy, C.M.G., D.S.O. Mar. 19, '18 Demob. 

79th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
17th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. G. Clingan Apr. 25, '16 July 1?, '16 

80th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
51st Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. G. Ketcheson May 22, '16 Sept. 25, '16 

81st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
35th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. B. H. Belson May 1, '16 July 5, '16 

82nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
9th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. A. Lowry May 5, '16 July 18, '16 

8Srd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. Pellatt May 1, '16 Aug. 17, '16 

8Uth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
51st Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. T. Stewart June 20, '16 Sept.20,'16 

85th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. A. H. Borden Oct. 12, '16 July 6, '17 

Maj. J. L. Ralston, D.S.O July 31, '17 Sept. 11, '17 



Lt.-Col. A. H. Borden Sept. 11, '17 Apr. 26, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. L. Ralston, C.M.G., D.S.O. Apr. 26, '18 Oct. 23, '18 

Maj. J. M. Miller, D.S.O., M.C Oct. 23, '18 Nov. 19, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. L. Ralston, C.M.G., D.S.O. Nov. 19, '18 Demob. 

86th Infantry Battalion (Machine Gun 
Lt.-Col. W. W. Stewart. See M. G. Depot. 

87th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. P. Rexford Apr. 25, '16 July 22, '16 

Lt.-Col. R. W. Frost, D.S.O July 27, '16 Mar. 24, '17 

Maj. H. LeR. Shaw Mar. 24, '17 May 8, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. V. P. O'Donahoe, D.S.O. . . May 8, '17 Apr. 4, '18 

Maj. J. S. Ralston, M.C Apr. 5, '18 May 5, '18 

Lt.-Col. K. M. Perry, D.S.O May 5, '18 Oct. 14, '18 

Lt.-Col. F. S. Meighen, C.M.G Oct. 14, '18 May 7, '19 

Lt.-Col. R. Bickerdike, D.S.O May 7, '19 Demob. 

88th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. J. R. Cullin June 2, '16 July 18, '16 

89th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
9th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. W. Nasmyth June 2, '16 Aug. 1, '16 

90th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. A. Munro June 2, '16 July 19, '16 

91st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. J. Green June 28, '16 July 15, '16 

92nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
5th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. G. T. Chisholm May 20, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

9Srd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
S9th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. T. J. Johnston Sept. 19, '16 Oct. 6, '16 

9Uth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
S2nd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. A. C. Machin June 28, '16 July 18, '16 

95th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
5th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. K. Barker June 2. '16 Dec. 22, '16 

96th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
92nd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. Glenn Oct. 6, '16 Oct. 8, '16 



97th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. L. Jolly Sept. 18, '16 Dec. 24, '16 

98th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. A. Rose July 8, '16 Oct. 6, '16 

99th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
4th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. T. B. Welch June 2, '16 July 5, '16 

100th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. B. Mitchell Sept. 18, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

101st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
17th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. McLean June 28, '16 Aug. 21, '16 

102nd Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. W. Warden, D.S.O June 18, '16 Jan. 11, '18 

Lt.-Col. F. Lister, C.M.G.,D.S.O.,M.C. Jan. 11, '18 Sept. 27, '18 

Lt.-Col. E. J. W. Ryan, D.S.O Sept. 28, '18 Nov. 19, '18 

Lt.-Col. F. Lister, C.M.G.,D.S.O.,M.C. Nov. 19, '18 Demob. 

103rd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
16th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. E. C. J. Henniker July 23, '16 Nov. 7, '16 

104th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
13th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. G. W. Fowler June 28, '16 Jan. 22, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Ings Jan. 22, '17 Mar. 2, '18 

105th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
104th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. E. Ings July 15, '16 Jan. 22, '17 

106th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
40th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. Innes July 15, '16 Oct. 5, '16 

107th Infantry Battalion (See 107th 
Pioneer Battalion) 

108th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
14th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. G. H. Bradbury Sept. 18, '16 Dec. 15, '16 

109th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. J. J. H. Fee July 23, '16 Nov. 15, '16 

Lt.-Col. J, Ballantine, D.S.O Nov. 15. '16 



110th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. L. Youngs Oct. 31, '16 Jan. 2, '17 

111th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
S5th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. D. Clarke Oct. 6, '16 Oct. 13, '16 

112th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
26th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. B. Tremaine July 23, '16 Dec. 4, '16 

llSth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
17th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. W. Pryce Jones Oct. 6, '16 Oct. 8, '16 

llUth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
36th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. T. Thompson Oct. 31, '16 Nov. 11, '16 

115th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
13th and 17th Reserve Battalions) 
Lt.-Col. F. V. Wedderburn July 23, '16 

116th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. S. S. Sharpe July 23, '16 Dec. 28, '17 

Lt.-Col. G. R. Pearkes, V.C, M.C. .. Dee. 28, '17 Sept. 17, '18 

Lt.-Col. D. Carmichael, D.S.O., M.C. Sept. 18, '18 Nov. 25, '18 
Lt.-Col. G. R. Pearkes, V.C, D.S.O., 

M.C Nov. 25, '18 Demob. 

117th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
2Srd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. L. J. Gilbert Aug. 14, '16 Jan. 6, '17 

118th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
23rd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. M. O. Lochead Jan. 23, '17 

119th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. T. P. T. Rowland Aug. 8, '16 Mar. 1, '18 

120th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
2nd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. G. Fearman Aug. 14, '16 Jan. 22, '17 

121st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
16th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. a: W. McLelan Aug. 14, '16 Jan. 10, '17 

12Srd Infantry Battalion (see 12Srd 
Pioneer Battalion) 

12Uth Infantry Battalion (see 12Uth 
Pioneer Battalion) 


*<9«i. r r ^ r» XX 7. X t ^ ^ , APPOINTED RETIRED 

126th infantry Battahon (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. M. E. B. CutclifFe Aug. 6, '16 Apr. 16, '18 

126th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. F. J. Hamilton Aug. 14, '16 

127th Infantry Battalion (renamed 2nd 
Battalion Railway Troops) 

128th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. F. Pawlett Aug. 15, '16 May 27, '17 

129th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. E. S. Knowles Aug. 23, '16 Dec. 24, '16 

130th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. E. de Hertel Oct 6, '16 Oct. 6, '16 

131st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
30th Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. D. Taylor Oct. 31, '16 Jan. 5, '17 

lS2nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
13th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. G. W. Mersereau Oct. 26, '16 Jan. 20, '17 

ISSrd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
Srd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. C. Pratt Oct. 30, '16 Nov. 11, '16 

ISUth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. A. Miller Aug. 8, '16 Feb. 28, '16 

135th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. B. Robson Aug. 23, '16 Dec. 24, '16 

136th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. W. Smart Oct. 6, '16 Oct. 6, '16 

lS7th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. G. W. Morfitt Aug. 23, '16 Jan. 10, '17 

138th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by ' 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. Belcher Aug. 23, '16 



139th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
3rd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. H. Floyd Oct. 6, '16 Oct. 6, '16 

lUOth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
13th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. L. H. Beer Oct. 6, '16 Nov. 2, '16 

lUlst Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
18th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. C. McKenzie Apr. 29, '17 

H2nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
23rd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. C. M. R. Graham Nov. 11, '16 Nov. 11, '16 

HSrd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by . 
1st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. B. Powley Feb. 17, '17 

mth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
18th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. W. Morley Sept. 18, '16 Jan. 12, '17 

lUSth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. E. Forbes Oct. 1, '16 Oct. 26, '16 

lU6th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. C. A. Low Sept. 25, '16 Oct. 6, '16 

147th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. G. F. McFarland Nov. 13, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

H.8th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
20th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. A. Magee Oct. 6, '16 Jan. 8, '17 

149th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
Uth Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. W. MacVicar Mar. 28, '17 

150th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
10th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. Barre Oct. 6, '16 Feb. 28, '18 

ISlst Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th and 21st Reserve Battalions) 
Lt.-Col. J. W. Arnott Oct. 3, '16 Oct. 26, '16 

152nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. S. B. Nelles Oct. 3, '16 Oct. 21, '16 



ISSrd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
4th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. T. Pritchard Mar. 29, '17 

ISUth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. G. F. MacDonald Oct. 25, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

155th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. M. K. Adams Oct. 17, '16 Jan. 17, '17 

156th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. T. C. D. Bedell Oct. 17, '16 Mar. 14, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. M. R. Graham Mar. 14, '17 Feb. 27, '18 

157th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. H. MacLaren Oct. 17, '16 Dec. 24, '16 

158th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
1st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. C. Milne Nov. 13, '16 Jan. 7, '17 

159th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. E. F. Armstrong Oct. 31, '16 Jan. 7, '17 

160th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
4-th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. A. Weir Oct. 17, '16 May 6, '17 

Lt.-Col. D. M. Sutherland May 6, '17 Dec. 1, '17 

Maj. A. M. Moffatt Dec. 1, '17 Feb. 23, '18 

16l8t Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
Jfth Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. H. B. Combe Oct. 30, '16 May 16, '17 

Lt.-Col. R. Murdie, D.S.O June 28, '17 Feb. 23, '18 

162nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
SUth and Jfth Battalions) 
Lt.-Col. J. M. Arthurs Oct. 31, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

163rd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
10th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. DesRosiers Nov. 27, '16 Jan. 2, '17 

161fth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. P. Domville Apr. 22, '17 June 19, '17 

Lt.-Col. B. M. Green June 19, '17 Apr. 16, '18 

165th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
Canadian Forestry Corps) 
Lt.-Col. L. C. D'Aigle Mar. 28, '17 



166th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. G. Mitchell Oct. 12, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

168th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
4th and 6th Reserve Battalions) 
Lt.-Col. W. K. McMullen Oct. 30, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

169th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
5th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt-Col. J. C. Wright Oct. 17, '16 Jan. 7, '17 

170th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. Le Grand Reed Oct. 25, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

17l8t Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
20th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. Sir Wm. Price Nov. 23, '16 Jan. 7, '17 

172nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
2Uth Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. R. Vicars Oct. 25, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

17Srd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
2nd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. H. Bruce Nov. 13, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

17Uth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. F. Osier Apr. 29, '17 

175th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. N. Spencer Oct. 4, '17 

176th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. Sharpe Apr. 29, '17 

178th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
10th Reserve Battalion) 
Drafts only 

179th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
lUth Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. Y. Reid Oct. 3, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

180th Infantty Battalion (absorbed by 
Srd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. H. Greer Nov. 13, '16 Jan. 6, '17 

181st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
18th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. W. Beaubier Apr. 18, '17 


SEATED : MAJOR R. O. G. BELL-IRVING, D.S.O., M.C. (Killed in ac- 




18Srd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
Manitoba Regiment) 
Lt.-Col. W. T. Edgecombe Oct. 3, '16 

ISJfth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. H. Sharpe Oct. 31, 16 Nov. 12, '16 

185th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
17th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. F. P. Day Oct. 12, '16 Feb. 23, '18 

186th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. Smith Neil Mar. 28, '17 

187th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. C. W. Robinson Dec. 16, '16 Jan. 22, '17 

188th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. S. J. Donaldson Oct. 12, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

189th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
10th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. P. A. Puize Oct. 6, '16 Oct. 6, '16 

191st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Drafts only 

192nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. E. Lyon Nov. 1, '16 Nov. 11, '16 

193rd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
17th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. J. S. Langford Oct. 12, '16 Jan. 19, '17 

19Uth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. C. Craig Nov. 13, '16 

195th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
32nd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. C. Garner Oct. 31, '16 Dec. 22, '16 

196th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
19th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. S. MacKay Nov. 11, '16 Dec. 31, '16 

197th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Reserve Battalion) 
Drafts only. 



198th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
3rd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. A. Cooper Mar. 28, '17 Feb. 28, '18 

199th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
23rd Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. H. J. Trihey Dec. 26, '16 Jan. 10, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. V. O'Donahoe Jan. 10, '17 Apr. 11, '17 

200th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. L. Bonnycastle Apr. 3, '17 

202nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
9th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. P. E. Bowen Nov. 23, '16 Apr. 27, '17 

203rd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
18th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. E. Hansford Oct. 26, '16 Jan. 12, '17 

20Uth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. H. Price Mar. 28, '17 

205th Infantry Battalion 
Drafts only. 

206th Infantry Battalion 
Drafts only. 

207th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. C. W. McLean June 2, '17 

208th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
2nd and 8th Reserve Battalions) 

Lt.-Col. T. H. Lennox Apr. 3, '17 June 20, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. P. Malone June 20, '17 Jan. 11 ,'18 

209th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
21st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. O. Smyth Oct. 31, '16 Dec. 5, '16 

210th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
5th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. E. Seaborn Apr. 11, '17 

211th Infantry Battalion (part of 8th 
Brigade Troops, March 15, '17) 

213th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
Ipth Reserve Battalion) 
Drafts only. 



21Uth Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. H. Hearn Apr. 18, '17 

215th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
8th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. E. Snider Apr. 29, '17 

216th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
Srd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. F. L. Burton Apr. 18, '17 

217th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. B. Gillis June 2, '17 

218th Infantry Battalion (See 8th Bri- 
gade Battery Troops) 
Lt.-Col, J. K. Cornwall Feb. 17, '17 Feb. 27, '17 

219th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
17th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. H. Muirhead Oct. 12, '16 Jan. 23, '17 

220th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
Srd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. B. H. Brown Jan. 26, '17 

221st Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. V. A. V. McMeans Apr. 18, '17 

222nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
19th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. Lightfoot Nov. 13, '16 Dec. 31, '16 

22Srd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
11th Reserve Battalion) 
Maj, H. M. Hannesson May 3, '17 

22Itth Infantry Battalion (Forestry) 

225th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
1st Reserve Battalion) 
Drafts only. 

226th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
llfth Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. R. A. Gillespie Dec. 26, '16 Jan. 4, '17 

228th Infantry Battalion (renamed 6th 
Battalion Railway Troops) 

229th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. H. D. Pickett Apr. 4, '17 



230th Infantry Battalion (Forestry) 

Lt.-Col. R. De Salaberry Jan. 23, '17 

2Slst Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
1st Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. F. E. Leach Apr. 11, '17 

234th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. O. Morris Apr. 18, '17 

235th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
3rd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. S. B. Scobell May 3, '17 

236th Infantry Battalion 

Lt.-Col. P. A. Guthrie ,. May 13, '16 Feb. 28, '18 

238th Infantry Battalion (Forestry) 

Lt.-Col. W. R. Smyth Sept. 13, '16 

239th Infantry Battalion (Renamed 3rd 
Battalion Railway Troops) 

2i0th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. E. J. Watt May 3, '17 

2ji^lst Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. W. L. McGregor Apr. 29, '17 

2U2nd Infantry Battalion (Forestry) 

Lt.-Col. J. B. White Nov. 23, '16 

2U3rd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
15th Reserve Battalion) 
Maj. G. G. Smith June 2, '17 

245th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
23rd Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. C. C. Ballantyne May 3, '17 

246th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
17th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. N. H. Parsons June 2, '17 

248th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
7th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. J. H. Rorke June 2, '17 

252nd Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Maj. G. J. Thomson June 2, '17 

254th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
6th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. A. P. Allan June 2, '17 


Killed in action 




255th Infantry Battalion (absorbed by 
12th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. G. C. Royce June 6,17 

256th Infantry Battalion (renamed 10th 
Battalion Railway Troops) 

257th Infantry Battalion (renamed 7th 
Battalion Railway Troops) 

Reserve Battalions 

Ist Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. H. D. Hulme Jan. 2, '17 May 21, '17 

Lt.-Col. G. S. Pragnell May 21, '17 July 6, '17 

Maj. J. L. R. DeMorinni July 6, '17 July 31, '17 

Lt.-Col. G. S. Pragnell July 31, '17 Feb. 23, '18 

Lt.-Col. C. B. Worsnop, D.S.O Feb. 23, '18 Demob. 

2nd Canadian Reserve Battalion (ab- 
sorbed by 8th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. W. H. Bruce Jan. 2, '17 June 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. C. Towers June 1, '17 Feb. 15, '18 

Srd Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. S. Buell Jan. 2, '17 Demob. 

ith Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. F. C. McCordick Jan. 2, '17 Jan. 22, '18 

Lt.-Col. H. A. Genet, D.S.O Jan. 23, '18 Apr. 24, '18 

Maj. L. B. Unwin Apr. 24, '18 May 17, '18 

Lt.-Col. C. H. Rogers May 17, '18 Demob. 

5th Canadian Reserve Battalion (ab- 
sorbed by 12th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. G. T. Chisholm Jan. 2, '17 June 8, '17 

Lt.-CoL J. D. McCrimmon June 8, '17 Feb. 16, '18 

6th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. M. A. Colquhoun, D.S.O Jan. 2, '17 Apr. 24, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. C, Pratt Apr. 24, '17 June 5, '17 

Maj. C. R. Cameron June 5, '17 

7th Canadian Reserve Battalion (ab- 
sorbed by 6th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Carpenter Jan. 1, '17 June 4, '17 

Maj. D. A. Clarke, M.C June 4, '17 Feb. 15, '18 

8th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. G. F. McFarland Jan. 2, '17 June 12, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. D. L. Gordon, D.S.O June 12, '17 July 22, '17 

Maj. G. D. Fleming July 22, '17 Sept. 12, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. D. L. Gordon, D.S.O Sept. 12, '17 



$th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. C. D. Armstrong Jan. 2, '17 

10th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. H. DesRosiers Jan. 2 

11th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. P. Walker Jan. 2 

Lt.-Col. P. G. Daly, C.M.G., D.S.O... May 7 

12th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. G. Mitchell Jan. 2 

Lt.-Col. B. O. Hooper, M.C June 2 

Lt.-Col. L. Ross May 2 

ISth Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. G. W. Fowler Jan. 2 

Maj. A. Sterling July 7 

nth Canadian Reserve Battalion (ab- 
sorbed by 11th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. I. R. Snider Jan. 2 

15th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. F. J. Clark July 14 

Lt.-Col. A. Dulmage Jan. 2 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Cross May 28 

16th Canadian Reserve Battalion (ab- 
sorbed by 1st Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. E. C. J. L. Hanniker Jan. 2 

Lt.-Col. J. C. L. Bott May 3 

17th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. D. D. Cameron Jan. 2 

Lt.-Col. W. H. Muirhead Feb. 12 

18th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. K. C. Bedson Jan. 9 

Lt.-Col. W. A. Dyer Feb. 10 

19th Canadian Reserve Battalion (ab- 
sorbed by 15th Reserve Battalion) 
Lt.-Col. D. S. MacKay Tan. 2 

20th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. A. A. Magee Jan, 2 

Lt.-Col. G. S. Cantlie, D.S.O May 27 

21st Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. D. R. Stewart Jan. 2 

Lt.-Col. W. H. Hewgill May 28 

22nd Canadian Reserve Battalion (ab- 
sorbed by 23rd Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. W. W. Burland, D.S.O Jan. 3 

Maj. R. E. Popham Apr. 2 


'17 May 7, '18 

'17 June 2, '17 
'17 May 2, '18 

'17 July 9, '17 

'17 Oct. 15, '17* 

'16 Jan. 2, '17 
'17 May 28, '17 

'17 May 3, '17 
'17 Feb. 15, '18 

'17 Feb. 12, '17 

'17 Feb. 10, '17 


'17 Oct. 15, '17 

'17 May 27, '17 

'17 May 27, '17 

'17 Apr. 2, '17 
'17 May 9, '17 




SSrd Canadian Reserve Battalion 
Lt.-Col. F. C. Bowen 

Maj. D. P. McKay Apr. 1, '16 

Lt.-Col. F. W. Fisher Jan. 2, '17 

24th Canadian Reserve Battalion 

Lt.-Col. G. H. Kirkpatrick Jan. 2, '17 Apr. 21, '17 

Lt.-Col. G. S. Pragnell, D.S.O Apr. 21, '17 May 20, '17 

25th Canadian Reserve Battalion, Pio- 
neer (absorbed by Uth Reserve Bat- 

Lt.-Col. N. C. Hoyles Jan. 4, '17 July 10, 17 

Maj. H. D. Meredith Jones July 10, '17 Oct. 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. N. C. Hoyles Oct. 1, '17 Feb. 15, '18 

26th Canadian Reserve Battalion (ab- 
sorbed by 17th Reserve Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. A. G. Vincent Jan. 2, '17 May 19, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. W. P. Weston May 19, '17 Oct. 15, '19 

Mounted Infantry 

1st Brigade Canadian Mounted Rifles 
(disbanded on reorganization) 
Lt.-Col. F. O. Sissons June 12, '15 Dec. 17, '15 

2nd Brigade Canadian Mounted Rifles 
(disbanded on reorganization) 
Col. C. A. Smart July 18, '15 Jan. 9, '16 

1st Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalian. 

Lt.-Col. H. I. Stephenson June 12, '15 Jan. 12, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Shaw Jan. 12, '16 June 3, '16 

Lt.-Col. R. C. Andros June 3, '16 Apr. 24, '18 

Lt.-Col. B. Laws Apr. 24, '18 Demob. 

2nd Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. C. L. Bott June 12, '15 Nov. 27, '16 

Lt.-Col. G. C. Johnston, D.S.O., M.C. Nov. 27, '18 Demob. 

3rd Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
(disbanded on reorganization) 
Lt.-Col. L. J. Whittaker June 12, '15 Jan. 13, '16 Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 

Lt.-Col. S. F. Smith July 18, '15 Mar. 6, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. F. H. Ussher Mar. 6, '16 June 3, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. D. L. Gordon, D.S.O June 7, '16 May 27, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. R. Patterson, D.S.O May 28, '17 Demob. 

5th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 

Lt.-Col. G. H. Baker July 18, '15 June 3, '16 

Lt.-Col. D. C. Draper, D.S.O June 3, '16 May 25, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. Rhoades, D.S.O., M.C. . . May 25, '18 Demob. 



6th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
(disbanded on reorganization) 

Lt.-Col. R. H. Ryan July 18, '15 Oct. 1, '15 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Shaw Oct. 1, '15 Jan. 1, '16 

7th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
(" C " Squadron only) 
Maj. E. L. McColl Feb. 23, '15 Mar. 5, '15 

8th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
Lt.-Col. J. R. Munro Oct. 13, '15 Mar. 2, '16 

9 th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
Lt.-Col. G. C. Hodson Dec. 2, '15 Feb. 8, '16. 

10th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
Drafts only. 

11th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
Lt.-Col. G. H. Kirkpatrick July 8, '16 Jan. 1, '17 

12th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
Lt.-Col. G. Macdonald Oct. 13, '15 Feb. 8, '16 

13th Canadian Mounted Rifle Battalion 
Lt.-Col. V. H. Holmes June 28, '16 July 19, '16 


Headquarters Canadian Cavalry Brigade 
Brig.-Gen. the Rt. Hon. J. E. B. Seely, 

C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O Jan, 28, '15 May 20, '18 

Brig.-Gen. R. W. Paterson, C.M.G., 

D.S.O May 20, '18 Demob. 

Lord Strathcona's Horse (" Royal Ca^ 
nadians ") 

Lt.-Col. A. C. Macdonell, D.S.O Sept. 17, '15 Dec. 23, '15 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Hesketh, D.S.O Dec. 23, '15 Sept. 28, '17 

Lt.-Col. M. Doherty, D.S.O Sept. 28, '17 Dec. 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. D.G. MacDonald, D.S.O., M.C. Dec. 1, '17 Apr. 3, '18 

Lt.-Col. C. Goodday Apr. 3, '18 June 14, '18 

Lt.-Col. D. G. MacDonald, D.S.O., M.C. June 14, '18 Nov. 28, '18 

Lt.-Col. C. Goodday Nov. 28, '18 Demob. 

Royal Canadian Dragoons 

Lt.-Col. C. M. Nelles, C.M.G Sept. 22, '14 Mar. 13, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. T. van Straubenzee Mar. 13, '17 Oct. 10, '18 

Lt.-Col. T. Newcomen, M.C Oct. 10, '18 Apr. 3, '19 

Lt,-Col. W. H. Bell Apr. 3, '19 Demob. 


Fort Garry Horse 

Lt.-Col. R. W. Paterson, D.S.O. 

Maj. R. F. Bingham 

Lt.-Col. R. W. Paterson, D.S.O. . . . 
Lt.-Col. H. I. Stevenson, D.S.O. . . . 

Canadian Light Horse — formerly Ca 
nadian Corps Cavalry Regiment 
Lt.-Col. J. H. Elmsley, D.S.O. 

Lt.-Col. E. I. Leonard 

Lt.-Col. C. T. van Straubenzee 
Lt.-Col. E. I. Leonard, D.S.O. 
Lt.-CoL S. F. Smith, D.S.O. . . 

1st Divisional Cavalry Squadron — 19th 
Alberta Dragoons (absorbed in Ca- 
nadian Corps Cavalry Regiment) 
Lt.-Col. F. C. Jamieson 

2nd Divisional Cavalry Squadron (ab- 
sorbed in Canadian Corps Cavalry 
Lt.-Col. E. I. Leonard 

3rd Divisional Cavalry Squadron (ab- 
sorbed in Canadian Corps Cavalry 
Maj. T. W. Wright 

Jtth Divisional Cavalry Squadron (ab- 
sorbed in Canadian Cavalry Depot) 
Lt.-Col. R. A. Carman 


Sept. 23, '14 
Feb. 17, '18 
Mar. 27, '18 
May 20, '18 

May 12, '16 
June 19, '16 
June 27, '16 
Mar. 15, '17 
Nov. 6, '18 


Feb. 17, '18 
Mar. 27, '18 
May 20, '18 

June 19, '16 
June 27, '16 
Mar. 13, '17 
Nov. 6, '18 

Sept. 22, '14 May 12, '16 

June 8, '15 May 12, '16 

Jan. 22, '16 May 12, '16 

May 1, '16 May 12, '16 

Royal Canadian Horse Artillery 

Lt.-Col. H. A. Panet, D.S.O Sept. 22, '14 Dec. 17, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. H. P. Elkins, D.S.O Dec. 17, '16 Demob. 

Cavalry Reserve Regiment — formerly 
Canadian Cavalry Depot 

Lt.-Col. R. W. Paterson Sept. 22, '14 Jan. 17, '16 

Lt.-Col. D. D. Young Jan. 28, '16 Apr. 4, '17 

Col. C. M. Nelles, C.M.G Apr. 4, '17 Apr. 2, '19 

Maj. M. V. Allen, D.S.O Apr. 2, '19 Demob. 

Cyclist Company 

Canadian Corps Cyclist Battalion 

Maj. A. McMillan, D.S.O May 12, '16 Dec. 11, '16 

Capt. R. S. Robinson Dec. 11, '16 Jan. 25, '17 

Maj. A. E. Humphrey, D.S.O Jan. 25, '17 Dec. 22, '18 

Capt. F. J. G. Chadwick, M.C Dec. 22, '18 Demob, 

1st Divisional Cyclist Company (ab- 
sorbed by Corps Cyclist Battalion) 

Capt. R. S. Robinson Sept. 22, '14 May 12, '16 




2nd Divisional Cyclist Company (ab- 
sorbed by Corps Cyclist Battalion) 

Lt.-Col. G. T. Denison May 16, '15 Sept. 11, '15 

Maj. T. L. Kennedy Sept. 11, '15 Apr. 24, 'IG 

Capt. A. E. Humphrey Apr. 24, '16 May 12, '16 

Srd Divisional Cyclist Company (ab- 
sorbed by Corps Cyclist Battalion) 
Capt. L. P. O. Picard Feb. 25, '16 May 12, '16 

4th Divisional Cyclist Company (dis- 

Capt. G. L. Berkeley Apr. 28, '16 May 18, '16 

Capt. G. B. Schwartz May 18, '16 May 24, '16 

Canadian Reserve Cyclist Company 

Capt. F. B. Goodwillie Apr. 3, '15 Aug. 3, '15 

Capt. L. P. O. Picard Aug. 3, '15 Feb. 25, '16 

Capt. G. B. Schwartz Feb. 25, '16 May 18, '16 

Capt. G. L. Berkeley May 18, '16 Aug. 1, '16 

Capt. F. B. Goodwillie Aug. 1, '16 Jan. 25, '18 

Maj. C. E. Bush Jan. 25, '18 Demob. 


G.O.C., R.A. Corps 

Brig.-Gen. H. E. Burstall, C.B Sept. 3, '15 Dec. 14, '16 

Maj.-Gen. Sir E. W. B. Morrison, 
K.C.M.G., C.B., D.S.O Dec. 14, '16 Demob. 

1st Divisional Artillery 

Brig.-Gen. H. E. Burstall, C.B Sept. 22, '14 Sept. 13, '15 

Brig.-Gen. E. W. B. Morrison, D.S.O. Sept. 13, '15 Sept. 27, '15 
Brig.-Gen. H. C. Thacker, C.B., 

C.M.G., D.S.O Sept. 27, '15 Demob. 

2nd Divisional Artillery 

Brig.-Gen. H. C. Thacker, C.M.G. . . . June 7, '15 June 25, '15 

Brig.-Gen. E. W. B. Morrison, D.S.O. June 25, '15 Sept. 13, '15 

Lt.-Col. W. 0. H. Dodds, C.M.G Sept. 28, '15 Oct. 2, '15 

Brig.-Gen. E. W. B. Morrison, D.S.O. Oct. 2, '15 Dec. 14, '16 
Brig.-Gen. H. A. Panet, C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O Dec. 14, '16 Demob. 

Srd Divisional Artillery 

Lt.-Col. W. O. H. Dodds, C.M.G Mar. 11, '16 Mar. 13, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. Eaton Mar. 13, '16 June 20, '16 

Brig.-Gen J. H. Mitchell, D.S.O June 20, '16 Dec. 9, '17 

Brig.-Gen. J. S. Stewart, C.M.G., 

D.S.O Dec. 9, '17 Demob. 

j^th Divisional Artillery 

Brig.-Gen. C. H. MacLaren, D.S.O... June 20, '17 Nov. 3, '17 
Brig.-Gen. W. B. M. King, C.M.G., 
D.S.O Nov. 27, '17 Demob. 


M.M. Killed in action, August 26th, 1918 






May 26, '17 
July 2, '17 

Jan. 9, '19 

Aug. 19, '17 
Nov. 25, '17 
Sept. 2, '18 
Feb. 14, '19 

Aug. 28, '15 
June 20, '17 
Nov. 18, '18 

5th Divisional Artillery 

Brig.-Gen. W. O. H. Dodds, C.M.G.. . Oct. 2, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. T. Ogilvie May 26, '17 

Brig.-Gen. W. O. H. Dodds, C.M.G., 

D.S.O July 2, '17 

Brig.-Gen. C. H. Ralston, D.S.O Jan. 9, '19 

Headquarters Reserve Artillery 

Lt.-Col. J. E. Mills, D.S.O Feb. 18, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. B. M. King, D.S.O Aug. 20, '17 

Col. C. H. L. Sharman Nov. 26, '17 

Brig.-Gen. C. H. McLaren, D.S.O. . . Sept. 2, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. F. McParland Feb. 14, '19 

1st Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. E. W. B. Morrison, D.S.O. .. Sept. 22, '14 

Lt.-Col. C. H. McLaren, D.S.O Aug. 28, '15 

Lt.-Col. J. G. Piercey, D.S.O June 23, '17 

Lt.-Col. L. V. M. Cosgrave, D.S.O. . . Nov. 19, '18 

2nd Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. J. J. Creelman, D.S.O Sept. 22, '14 Feb. 26, '17 

Maj. J. A. McDonald, D.S.O Feb. 26, '17 Mar. 23, '17 

Lt.-Col. S. B. Anderson, D.S.O Mar. 23, '17 Demob. 

3rd Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. J. H. Mitchell Sept. 22, '14 

Lt.-Col. S. B. Anderson June 9, '16 

Lt.-Col. E. W. Leonard, D.S.O June 21, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. D. J. Crerar Apr. 10, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. A. McDonald, D.S.O May 2, '17 

ith Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. W. J. Brown May 20, '15 

Lt.-Col. G. A. Carruthers July 19, '16 

Lt.-Col. C. H. L. Sharman July 25, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. S. Stewart, D.S.O Mar. 19, '17 

Lt.-Col. M. N. Ross, D.S.O Dec. 29, '17 

5th Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. W. O. H. Dodds, C.M.G Sept. 6, '15 

Lt.-Col. G. A. Carruthers Mar. 11, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. O. H. Dodds, C.M.G May 21, '16 

Lt.-Col. R. H. Britton, D.S.O Sept. 20, '16 

Lt.-Col. C. F. Constantine, D.S.O. .. May 3, '17 

6th Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. E. W. Rathbun Mar. 1, '15 

Lt.-Col. W. B. M. King, D.S.O Sept. 17, '15 

Lt.-Col. J. K. McKay, D.S.O Aug. 19, '17 

Maj. E. Flexman, D.S.O May 8, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. F. McParland Aug. 6, '18 

7th Brigade C.F.A. (disbanded on re- 

OT O (tTlZZCtt'lOTl ) 

Lt.-Col. J. S. Stewart, D.S.O Aug. 10, '15 Oct. 31, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. K. McKay, D.S.O Nov. 1, '16 Jan. 19, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. S. Stewart, D.S.O Jan. 27, '17 Mar. 19. '17 

June 9, '16 
June 21, '16 
Jan. 1, '17 
May 1,'17 

July 19, '16 
July 25, '16 
Mar. 19, '17 
Dec. 29, '17 

Sept. 28, '15 
May 21, '16 
Sept. 20, '16 
May 2, '17 

Sept. 17, '15 
Aug. 19, '17 
May 8, '18 
Aug. 6, '18 


8th Brigade C.F.A. (disbanded on re- 

Maj. A. B. Gillies 

Lt.-Col. V. Eaton 

Maj. F. T. Coghlan, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. J. S. Stewart 



Feb. 5,16 Mar. 9, '16 

Mar. 9, '16 Apr. 11, '17 

May 5, '17 July 3, '17 

July 3, '17 July 8, '17 

9th Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. H. G. Carscallen, D.S.O. 
Lt.-Col. F. T. Coghlan, D.S.O. . 

Mar. 11, '16 Mar. 3, '18 
Mar. 13, '18 Demob. 

10th Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. G. H. Ralston, D.S.O. 
Maj. A. A. Durkee 

11th Brigade C.F.A. (disbanded on re- 

Lt.-Col. A. G. L. McNaughton 

Lt.-Col. F. T. Coghlan, D.S.O 

Mar. 25, '16 Jan. 9, '19 
Jan. 9, '19 Demob. 

Mar. 11, '16 Jan. 27, '17 
Jan. 27, '17 May 5, '17 

12th Brigade C.F.A. (disbanded on re- 
Lt.-Col. S. B. Anderson 

June 21, '16 Mar. 20, '17 

13th Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. Count H. R. V. de Bury de 

Bocarme Sept. 18, '16 Jan. 23, '17 

Lt.-Col. E. G. Hanson, D.S.O Jan. 23, '17 Dec. 19, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. V. Plummer, D.S.O Dec. 19, '18 Apr. 15, '19 

Lt.-Col. C. V. Stockwell, D.S.O Apr. 15, '19 Demob. 

lUth Brigade C.F.A. 

Lt.-Col. J. L. MacKinnon . . . 
Lt.-Col. A. T. Ogilvie, D.S.O. 

Lt.-Col. S. C. Oland 

Lt.-Col. E. R. Greene, D.S.O. 
Lt.-Col. A. T. Ogilvie, D.S.O. 

ISth Brigade C.F.A. (disbanded on re- 
Lt.-Col. A. T. Ogilvie 

16th Brigade C.F.A. (arrived from Can- 
ada as 12th Brigade C.F.A.) ^ 

Lt.-Col. E. G. Hanson 

Col. C. H. L. Sharman, C.M.G., C.B.E. 

Sept. 11, '16 Dec. 31, '17 

Dec. 31, '17 Nov. 1, '18 

Nov. 1, '18 Dec. 20, '18 

Dec. 20, '18 Mar. 16, '19 

Mar. 16, '19 Demob. 

Sept. 11, '16 Dec. 31, '17 

Sept. 11, '16 
Aug. 22, '18 

Dec. 31, '17 

Reserve C.F.A. 
Lt.-Col. E. W. Rathbun . 
Lt.-Col. J. E. Mills, D.S.O. 
Lt.-Col. W. Simpson 

Feb. 18, '15 Feb. 18, '16 
Feb. 18, '16 Aug. 19, '17 
Aug. 19, '17 

^ Disbanded Dec. 31, '17, and reorganized for Siberia on Aug. 22, '18. 


Headquarters Canadian Corps, Heavy 


Brig.-Gen. A. C. Currie, C.M.G 

Brig.-Gen. R. H. Massie, C.M.G 

Brig.-Gen. A. G. L. McNaughton, 

C.M.G., D.S.O 

1st Brigade Canadian Garrison Artil- 
lery — formerly 1st Heavy Artillery 

Lt.-Col. F. M. Cole 

Lt.-Col. W. B. Prowse, D.S.O 

2nd Brigade Canadian Garrison Artil- 
lery — formerly 1st Heavy Artillery 
Lt.-Col. F. C. Magee, D.S.O 

Srd Brigade Canadian Garrison Artil- 
lery — formerly 1st Heavy Battery 
Lt.-Col. W. G. Beeman, D.S.O 


Aug. 12, '16 
Jan. 25, '17 


Jan. 25, '17 
Nov. 10, '18 

Nov. 10, '18 Demob. 

Jan. 8, '16 
Feb. 23, '18 

1st Heavy Battery 

Maj. F. C. Magee, D.S.O Sept. 22, '14 

Capt. G. F. Inches June 22, '16 

Maj. F. C. Magee, D.S.O Oct. 3, '16 

Maj. G. F. Inches, M.C Feb. 10, '17 

2nd Heavy Battery 

Lt.-Col. J. W. Odell June 13, '15 

Maj. W. G. Scully Sept. 7, '15 

Maj. J. W. Stanley Sept.25, '16 

Maj. R. J. Leach Aug. 27, '17 

Maj. H. P. McKeen Sept. 18, '17 

Maj. S. T. Layton Nov. 24, '19 

1st Siege Battery — formerly 97th 
Siege Battery 

Maj. F. M. Cole Nov. 22, '15 

Maj. W. G. Beeman, D.S.O Jan. 8, '16 

Maj. W. H. Dobbie, D.S.O Sept. 20, '17 

2nd Siege Battery — formerly 98th 
Siege Battery 

Maj. A. G. Peake Nov. 28, '15 

Maj. W. B. Prowse, D.S.O Feb. 23, '16 

Capt. S. T. Layton Feb. 7, '18 

Maj. H. R. N. Corbett Feb. 28, '18 

Maj. L. C. Ord Nov. 28, '18 

Srd Siege Battery — formerly lOT'th 
Siege Battery 

Maj. E. G. M. Cape, D.S.O Dec. 27, '15 

Maj. W. Le^^'at, M.C May 30, '17 

Maj. E. R. W. Hebden, M.C Sept. 9, '18 

Feb. 23, '18 

Feb. 10, '17 Demob. 
Jan. 22, '18 Demob. 

June 22, '16 
Oct. 3, '16 
Feb. 10, '17 

Sept. 7, '15 
Sept.25, '16 
Aug. 20, '17 
Sept. 18, '17 
Nov. 24, '19 

Jan. 8, '16 
Aug. 12, '17 

Feb. 2, '16 
Feb. 7, '18 
Feb. 28, '18 
Nov. 28, '18 

May 28, '17 
Sept. 9, '18 



Jtth Siege Battery — formerly 131st 
Siege Battery 
Maj. L. W. Barker, D.S.O Apr. 2, '16 Demob. 

5th Siege Battery — formerly 165th 

Siege Battery ^ .^ 

Maj. G. H. Maxwell May 18, '16 Nov. 28, '16 

Lieut. D. J. Maxwell Nov. 28, '16 Feb. 18, '17 

Maj. T. W. F. Macdonald Feb. 18, '17 Mar. 29, '18 

Maj. N. P. McLeod, M.C Mar. 29, '18 Demob. 

6th Siege Battery — formerly 176th 

Siege Battery ^ .. „„ 

Maj. L. T. Allen June 2, '16 Sept. 11, 17 

Maj. T. E. Ryder, M.C Oct. 4, '17 Feb. 27, '18 

Maj. C. J. McMillan Feb. 27, '18 Demob. 

7th Siege Battery — formerly 271st 
Siege Battery 

Maj. W. D. Tait Sept.18, '16 Feb. 27, '18 

Maj. T. E. Ryder, M.C Feb. 27, '18 Demob. 

8th Siege Battery — formerly 272nd 
(arrived from Canada as 5th Siege 

Maj. A. G. Peake Oct. 6, '16 June 16, '17 

Maj. R. A. Ring June 16, '17 Nov. 19, '17 

Maj. W. G. Scully Nov. 24, '17 Feb. 7, '18 

Maj. R. A. Ring Feb. 7, '18 Demob. 

9th Siege Battery — formerly 273rd 
(arrived from Canada as 8th Siege 

Maj. S. A. Reward Oct. 6, '16 Apr. 30, '18 

Capt. J. E. Lean Apr. 30, '18 May 30, '18 

Capt. A. T. Seaman May 30, '18 July 13, '18 

Maj. W. G. Scully July 13, '18 Demob. 

10th Siege Battery 

Maj. H. F. Geary Aug. 20, '17 Oct. 15, '17 

Mai. L. C. Ord Oct. 15, '17 Nov. 28, '18 

Lieut. R. Cruit Nov. 28, '18 Jan. 20, '19 

Capt. D. V. White, M.C Jan. 20, '19 Demob. 

11th Siege Battery 

Maj. A. G. Peake Nov. 7, '17 Jan. 24, '18 

Capt. J. P. Hooper, M.C Jan. 24. '18 Apr. 30, '18 

Maj. S. A. Heward Apr. 30, '18 

Maj. W. G. Scully July 13, '18 

Maj. J. P. Hooper, M.C July 13, '18 Demob. 

12th Siege Battery 

Maj. F. A. Robertson Feb. 1, '18 

Maj. C. MacKay, M.C Demob. 


Ammunition Columns 


1st Divisional Ammunition Colum.n 
Lt.-Col. J. J. Penhale, D.S.O 

£nd Divisional Ammunition Column 
Lt.-Col. W. H. Harrison, D.S.O 

Srd Divisional Ammunition Column 
Lt.-Col. W. G. Hurdman, D.S.O 

Jtth Divisional Ammunition Column 
Lt.-Col. E. T, B. Gillmore, D.S.O. . . . 

5th Divisional Column (arrived from 
Canada as Ath Div. Amm. Col.) 
Lt.-Col. R. Costigan, D.S.O 


Sept. 22, '14 Demob. 

May 10, '15 Demob. 

Mar. 11, '16 Demob. 

June 19, '17 Demob. 

Mar. 18, '16 Demob. 

Canadian Machine Gun Corps 

Machine Gun Officer Canadian Corps 

Lt.-Col. R. Brutinel, D.S.O Oct. 28, '16 Mar. 26, '18 

Machine Gun Corps 

Brig.-Gen. R. Brutinel, C.B., C.M.G., 

D.S.O Mar. 26, '18 Demob. 

1st Motor Machine Gun Brigade 

Lt.-Col. R. Brutinel, D.S.O Sept. 22, '14 Oct. 28, '16 

Lt.-Col. F. A. Wilkin, M.C Oct. 28, '16 Mar. 17, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. K. Walker, D.S.O., M.C. Mar. 17, '18 Demob. 

2nd Motor Machine Gun Brigade 

Lt.-Col. H. F. V. Meurling, D.S.O., 

M.C June 7, '18 Demob. 

Borden's Motor Machine Gun Battery 

(absorbed as " C " Battery 1st 


Maj. E. J. Holland, V.C May 8, '16 Sept. 19, '16 

Capt. P. A. G. McCarthy Sept. 19, '16 May 5, '17 

Capt. W. C. Nicholson June 4, '17 Mar. 28, '18 

Capt. F. P. O'Reilly, M.C Mar. 28, '18 May 8, '18 

Capt. R. F. Inch May 8, '18 June 7, '18 

Eaton's Motor Machine Gun Battery 

(absorbed as " C " Battery 2nd 


Maj. W. J. Morrison June 4, '15 Nov. 28, '15 

Maj. E. L. Knight Jan. 18, '16 Sept. 26, '16 

Maj. H. H. Donnelly Sept. 27, '16 Feb. 4, '17 

Capt. G. T. Scroggie Feb. 4, '17 Nov. 2, '17 

Capt. R. D. Harkness, M.C Nov. 4, '17 Apr. 3, '18 

Lieut. W. J. Campbell Apr. 3, '18 June 7, '18 



Yukon Motor Machine Gun Battery 
(absorbed as " A " Battery 2nd 
Maj. H. F. V. Meurling, M.C June 14, '16 June 7, 18 

Canadian Machine Gun Depot — form- 
erly 86th Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. W. Stewart, D.S.O May 22, '16 Mar. 16, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. M. Balfour, D.S.O Mar. 16, '17 Oct. 8, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. N. Moorhouse, D.S.O. . . . Oct. 31, '18 Mar. 18, '19 

Lt.-Col. W. M. Balfour, D.S.O Mar. 18, '19 Demob. 

1st Canadian Machine Gun Battalion 

Lt.-Col. S. W. Watson, C.M.G., D.S.O. Feb. 22, '18 Jan. 22, '19 

Maj. R. Murdie, D.S.O Jan. 22, '19 Feb. 23, '19 

Lt.-Col. E. W. Sansom Feb. 23, '19 Demob. 

2nd Canadian Machine Gun Battalion 

Lt.-Col. J. G. Weir, D.S.O., M.C Feb. 22, '18 Oct. 3, '18 

Lt.-Col. E. W. Sansom Oct. 4, '18 Jan. 5, '19 

Lt.-Col. J. G. Weir, D.S.O., M.C Jan. 5, '19 Demob. 

3rd Canadian Gun Battalion 

Lt.-Col. W. N. Moorhouse, D.S.O. . . Feb. 22, '18 Oct. 8, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. M. Balfour, D.S.O Oct. 8, '18 Mar. 10, '19 

Lt.-Col. G. W. MacLeod, D.S.O Mar. 10, '19 Demob. 

ith Canadian Machine Gun Battalion 

Lt.-Col. M. A. Scott, D.S.O Feb. 22, '18 Demob. 

1st Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 1st Machine Gun Bat- 

Lieut. J. T. Anglin Jan. 14, '16 June 11, '16 

Capt. W. J. A. Lalor, M.C June 11, '16 Dec. 2, '16 

Maj. W. M. Pearce Dec. 2, '16 Oct. 7, '17 

Maj. W. J. A. Lalor, M.C Oct. 7, '17 Feb. 3, '18 

Capt. R. H. Matthews, M.C Feb. 3, '18 Mar. 27, '18 

2nd Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 1st Machine Gun Bat- 

Capt. T. H. Raddall Feb. 1, '16 June 22, '16 

Maj. R. M. Stewart June 22, '16 Jan. 3, '18 

Capt. G. C. Ferrie Jan. 3, '18 Mar. 13, '18 

Lieut. J. A. Dewart, M.C Mar. 13, '18 Mar. 27, '18 

Srd Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 1st Machine Gun Bat- 

Maj. E. J. Houghton, M.C Dec. 18, '15 June 5, '17 

Capt. H. Donald June 5, '17 Oct. 8, '17 

Maj. E. R. Morris Oct. 8, '17 Mar. 27, '18 



S ^ 

I— I 


I— I 







Jith Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 2nd Machine Gun Bat- 

Capt. J. M. C. Edwards Dec. 22, '15 Oct. 27, '16 

Maj. W. J. Forbes-Mitchell, D.S.O.. . Oct. 27, '16 Sept. 7, '17 
Maj. W. M. Pearce Oct. 8, '17 Mar. 21, '18 

5th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 2nd Machine Gun Bat- 

Capt. S. W. Watson Jan. 8, '16 Aug. 25, '16 

Capt. J. E. McCorkell Aug. 25, '16 Nov. 7, '16 

Maj. S. W. Watson, D.S.O Nov. 7, '16 July 27, '17 

Capt. J. E. McCorkell July 27, '17 Jan. 31, '18 

Lieut. F. L. Much Feb. 1, '18 Mar. 21, '18 

6th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 2nd Machine Gun Bat- 

Capt. T. A. H. Taylor Dec. 16, '15 Apr. 11, '16 

Capt. A. Eastham Apr. 11, '16 July 8, '16 

Capt. T. A. H. Taylor July 8, '16 Nov. 16, '16 

Maj. A. Eastham, M.C Nov. 16, '16 Sept. 4, '17 

Maj. C. V. Grantham, M.C Sept. 29, '17 Mar. 21, '18 

7th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 3rd Machine Gun Bat- 

Maj. H. T. Cock Dec. 28, '15 Aug. 28, '16 

Maj. J. W. H. T. H. Van Den Berg. . Aug. 28, '16 Mar. 23, '17 

Lieut. D. S. Forbes, M.C Mar. 23, '17 Apr. 9, '17 

Lieut. F. A. Hale Apr. 9, '17 Aug. 19, '17 

Maj. J. G. Weir, M.C Aug. 19, '17 Dec. 28, '17 

Capt. F. W. Burnham Dec. 28, '17 Mar. 23, '18 

8th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 3rd Machine Gun Bat- 

Maj. W. M. Balfour Apr. 9, '16 Dec. 21, '16 

Capt. C. W. Laubach Dec. 21, '16 Feb. 14, '17 

Maj. J. R. Coull Feb. 14, '17 July 27, '17 

Maj. A. J. R. Parks July 27, '17 Mar. 23, '18 

9 th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 3rd Machine Gun Bat- 

Capt. W. H. Bothwell Jan. 22, '16 July 9, '16 

Capt. L McKinnon July 9, '16 Oct. 8, '16 

Maj. W. McNaul Oct. 8, '16 Mar. 23, '18 

10th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 4th Machine Gun Bat- 

Lieut. C. T. Bowring May 16, '16 July 12, '16 

Maj. J. Mess July 12, '16 Feb. 4, '17 

Maj. J. C. Britten Mar. 14, '17 Mar. 29, '18 



11th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in Uth Machine Gun Bat- 
Maj. B. M. Clerk, M.C June 8, '16 Mar. 29, '18 

12th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in Ifth Machine Gun Bat- 

Capt. H. E. Hodge May 21, '16 Oct. 26, '16 

Maj. L. F. Pearce, M.C Oct. 26, '16 Mar. 29, '18 

13th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 1st Machine Gun Bat- 
Maj. J. Kay, M.C Jan. 16, '17 Mar. 27, '18 

lith Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 2nd Machine Gun Bat- 
Maj. J. Basevi Jan. 16, '17 Mar. 21, '18 

15th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 3rd Machine Gun Bat- 

Maj. W. N. Moorhouse Feb. 21, '17 July 1, '17 

Maj. J. C. Hartley, M.C, M.M July 1, '17 Mar. 23, '18 

16th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in Jfth Machine Gun Bat- 
Maj. E. W. Sansom Dec. 27, '16 Mar. 29, '18 

17th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 2nd Canadian Machine 
Gun Brigade) 

Maj. H. A. Webb May 18, '17 July 18, '17 

Capt. G. Black July 18, '17 June 7, '18 

18th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 1st Canadian Motor 
Machine Gun Brigade) 
Capt. G. W. Beresford Feb. 6, '17 June 7, '18 

19th Canadian Machine Gun Company 
(absorbed in 2nd Canadian Motor 
Machine Gun Brigade) 
Maj. J. H. :grownlee Feb. 12, '17 June 7, '18 

Machine Gun Squadron Cavalry Brigade 

Capt. W. T. Lawless Feb. 20, '16 Mar. 5, '16 

Maj. W. R. Walker, D.S.O., M.C. ... Mar. 5, '16 Mar. 16, '18 

Maj. J. H. Boulter Mar. 16, '18 Dec. 20, '18 

Maj. D. G. McNeil, M.C Dec. 20, '18 Demob. 




Chief Engineer, Canadian Corps 

Brig.-Gen. C. J. Armstrong, C.M.G... Sept. 13, '15 Mar. 7, '16 
Brig.-Gen. W. B. Lindsay, C.B., 

C.M.G., D.S.O Mar. 7, '16 Demob. 

C.R.E. Corps Troops 

Col. H, T. Hughes, C.M.G May 2, '18 June 26, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. Houliston, D.S.O June 26, '18 Demob. 

1st Divisional Engineers (reorganized as 

1st Engineer Brigade) 

Lt.-Col. C. J. Armstrong Sept. 22, '14 Sept. 13, '15 

Lt.-Col. W. B. Lindsay Sept. 17, '15 Mar. 7, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. Macphail, D.S.O Mar. 7, '16 Dec. 30, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. F. H. Hertzberg, D.S.O., 

M.C Dec. 30, '17 May 28, '18 

2nd Divisional Engineers (reorganized 
as 2nd Engineer Brigade) 

Lt.-Col. J. Houliston May 4, '15 Sept. 9, '15 

Lt.-CoL H. T. Hughes Sept. 9, '15 Dec. 22, '16 

Lt.-Col. S. H. Osier, C.M.G., D.S.O... Dec. 22, '15 June 6, '18 

Srd Divisional Engineers (reorganized 
as Srd Engineer Brigade) 

Lt.-Col. T. V. Anderson Jan. 16, '16 Apr. 8, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. Houliston Apr. 8, '17 May 26, '18 Divisional Engineers (reorganized 
as 4th Engineer Brigade) 

Lt.-Col. C. A. Inksetter May 29, '16 Oct. 15, '16 

Lt.-Col. T. C. Irving, D.S.O Oct. 15, '16 Oct. 29, '17 

Maj. W. P. Wilgar, D.S.O Oct. 29, '17 Nov. 18, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. L. Malcolm Nov. 18, '17 May 26, '18 

5th Divisional Engineers (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. W. L. Malcolm Mar. 1, '17 Nov. 8, '17 

Maj. G. H. Shaw Nov. 16, '17 Dec. 9, '17 

Lt.-CoL A. Macphail, D.S.O Jan. 5, '18 Feb. 28, '18 

Ist Engineer Brigade 

Lt.-Col. H. F. H. Hertzberg, D.S.O., 

M.C May 28, '18 June 6, '18 

Col. A. Macphail, C.M.G., D.S.O June 6, '18 Demob. 

2nd Engineer Brigade 

Col. S. H. Osier, C.M.G., DS.O June 6, '18 Demob. 

Srd Engineer Brigade 

Lt.-Col. J. Houliston May 26, '18 June 26, '18 

Col. H. F. H. Hertzberg, C.M.G., 

D.S.O., M.C July 25, '18 Demob. 


ith Engineer Brigade 

Lt.-Col. W. L. Malcolm 

Col. H. T. Hughes, C.M.G., D.S.O. 



May 26, '18 June 18, '11 
June 26, '18 Demob. 

let Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 1st Battalion C.E.) 

Maj, W. W. Melville Sept. 22, '14 

Maj. J. P. Fell Feb. 16, '16 

Maj. H. F. H. Hertzberg, M.C May 21, '16 

Maj. J. M. Rolston Jan. 1, '18 

2nd Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 2nd Battalion C.E.) 

Maj. W. B. Lindsay Sept.22, '14 

Capt. T. C. Irving Apr. 7, '15 

Maj. W. B. Lindsay May 16, '15 

Maj. T. C. Irving, D.S.O Sept. 13, '15 

Maj. H. F. H. Hertzberg, M.C June 17, '16 

Maj. T. C. Irving, D.S.O July 21, '16 

Capt. G. R. Turner, M.C, D.C.M.... Oct. 13, '16 

Maj. E. F. Lynn, D.S.O., M.C Feb. 26, '17 

Srd Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as Srd Battalion C.E.) 

Maj. G. B. Wright, D.S.O Sept.22, '14 

Maj. A. Macphail, D.S.O May 21, '15 

Maj. H. F. H. Hertzberg, M.C Mar. 7, '16 

Maj. E. Pepler, D.S.O May 21, '16 

4th Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as Jfth Battalion C.E.) 

Maj. C. H. Inksetter Apr. 28, '15 

Maj. H. D. Smith, D.S.O May 29, '16 

5ih Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 5th Battalion C.E.) 

Maj. S. H. Osier Sept. 13, '15 

Maj. A. L. Mieville, M.C Dec. 22, '16 

€th Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 6th Battalion C.E.) 

Maj. W. L. Malcolm Sept. 13, '15 

Maj. D. S. Ellis Feb. 24, '17 

Maj. E. W. Harrison Dec. 19, '17 

7th Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 7th Battalion C.E.) 

Maj. J. B. P. Dunbar Feb. 18, '16 

Maj. J. P. Fell Oct. 1, '16 

Maj. K. Stuart, M.C Feb. 26, '17 

8th Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 8th Battalion C.E.) 

Maj. E. R. Vince, M.C iFeb. 18, '16 

Maj. W. E. Manhard Sept.20, '16 

Feb. 16, '16 
May 21, '16 
Dec. 30, '17 
May 28, '18 

Apr. 7, '15 
May 16, '15 
Sept. 13, '15 
May 26, '16 
July 21, '16 
Oct. 13, '16 
Feb. 26, '17 
May 28, '18 

May 21, '15 
Mar. 7, '16 
May 21, '16 

May 28, '18 

May 29, '16 
June 4, '18 

Dec. 22, '16 
June 4, '18 

Feb. 24, '17 
Dec. 19, '17 
June 4. '18 

Oct. 1, '16 
Feb. 26, '17 
May 26, '18 

Sept.20, '16 
May 26, '18 




I — I 


§ o 

ry; H 



9th Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 9th Battalion C.E.) 
Maj. N. R. Robertson, D.S.O Feb. 18, '16 May 26, '18 

10th Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 10th Battalion C.E.) 
Maj. W. P. Wilgar, D.S.O May 12, '16 May 26, '18 

11th Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 11th Battalion C.E.) 
Maj. H. L. Trotter, D.S.O May 12, '16 May 26, '18 

12th Field Company C.E. (reorganized 
as 12th Battalion C.E.) 

Maj. P. Ward May 20, '16 July 10, '16 

Maj. C. T. Trotter, D.S.O July 19, '16 July 2, '17 

Maj. E. J. C. Schmldlin, M.C July 4, '17 May 26, '18 

13th Field Company C.E. (disbanded) 

Maj. G. H. Shaw Mar. 2, '17 Nov. 18, '17 

Maj. J. B. P. Dunbar Jan. 5, '18 Feb. 28, '18 

iJ^th Field Company C.E. (disbanded) 

Maj. F. R. Henshaw Mar. 21, '17 Feb. 28, '18 

15th Field Company (disbanded) 

Maj. E. W. Harrison Mar. 1, '17 Feb. 28, '18 

1st Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. H. C. Walkem May 28, '18 June 7, '18 

Lt.-Col. H. F. H. Hertzberg, D.S.O., 

M.C June 7, '18 July 22, '18 

Lt.-Col. C. B. Russell, D.S.O July 22, '18 Demob, 

2nd Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. J. M. Rolston, D.S.O May 31, '18 Demob. 

3rd Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. E. Pepler, D.S.O May 28, '18 Demob. 

Uh Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. H. D. S. Smith, D.S.O June i, '18 Demob. 

5th Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. C. W. Allen, D.S.O June 4, '18 Feb. 7, '19 

Maj. J. A. Morphy, D.S.O Feb. 7, '19 Demob. 

6th Battalion C.E. 

Maj. C. B. Russell, D.S.O June 4, '18 July 22, '18 

Lt.-Col. A. L. Mieville, M.C July 22, '18 Demob. 

7th Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. W. B. Kingsmill, D.S.O May 26, '18 July 30, '18 

Maj. K. Stuart, M.C July 30, '18 Aug. 23, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. L. H. Bogart Aug. 23, '18 Demob. 


8th Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. E. J. C. Schmidlin, M.C. 
Lt.-Col. W. E. Manhard, D.S.O. . 

9 th Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. N. R. Robertson, D.S.O. . 

10th Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. W. P. Wilgar, D.S.O. . . . 

11th Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. H. L. Trotter, D.S.O. . . . 

12th Battalion C.E. 

Lt.-Col. J. T. C. Thompson, D.S.O. 

Lt.-Col. G. H. Shaw 

Lt.-Col. E. J. C. Schmidlin, M.C. . 



May 26, '18 Nov. 6, '18 
Nov. 19, '18 Demob. 

May 26, '18 Demob. 
May 26, '18 Demob. 
May 26, '18 Demob. 

May 26, '18 Sept. 25, '18 
Sept. 25, '18 Nov. 3, '18 
Nov. 6, '18 Demob. 


Headquarters Canadian Corps Signal- 
ling Company 

Maj. R. H. Willan 

Maj. W. L. de M. Carey . 
Cap. P. Earnshaw, M.C. 
Maj. F. G. Mallock, M.C. 
Maj. G. A. Cline, D.S.O. 

1st Divisional Signalling Company 

Maj. F. A. Lister, D.S.O 

Maj. E. Ford, D.S.O 

Maj. G. A. Cline 

Maj. P. Earnshaw, D.S.O., M.C. 

2nd Divisional Signalling Company 

Maj. J. L. H. Bogart 

Capt. G. A. Cline 

Maj. A. A. Anderson, D.S.O. . . . 

3rd Divisional Signalling Company 

Maj. T. E. Powers 

Maj. A. Leavitt, M.C 

Maj. K. M. Campbell 

Maj. A. Leavitt, M.C 

Sept. 18, '15 
Sept. 22, '16 

Aug. 9, '16 
Jan. 23, '17 

Jan. 24, '17 July 5, '17 
July 5, '17 July 8, '18 
July 8, '18 Demob. 

4th Divisional Signalling Company 

Maj. A. G, Lawson, M.C 

Maj. M. S. Parnell-Smith 

Maj. A. G. Lawson, M.C 

Maj. F. G. Mallock, M.C 

Sept. 22, '14 
Dec. 6, '15 
Aug. 1,'17 
Feb. 1, '18 

May 15, '16 
Sept. 11, '16 
Mar. 14, '17 

May 5, '16 
Dec. 15, '16 
Aug. 10, '18 
Jan. 1, '19 

May 30, '16 
Oct. 25, '17 
Dec. 15, '17 
July 12, '18 

5th Divisional Signalling Company (dis- 
banded, except Artillery Section) 
Maj. W. M. Miller, M.C 

Dec. 6, '15 
Aug. 1, '17 
Feb. 1, '18 

Sept. 11, '16 
Mar. 5, '17 

Oct. 16, '16 
Aug. 10, '18 
Jan. 1, '19 

Oct. 23, '17 
Dec. 15, '17 
July 12, '18 

Feb. 14, '17 Feb. 28, '18 


-., TN. . . , «. „. X, APPOINTED RETIRED 

5tn Divisional Signalling Company (Ar- 
tillery Section) 

Capt. M. L. Maitland Aug. 29, '17 

Capt. F. S. McPherson Demob. 

fjavalry Brigade Signalling Company 

Capt. L. P. Haviland June 17, '15 Aug. 5, '17 

Capt. S. A. Lee Aug. 5, '17 Demob. 

Army Troops Companies Canadian Engineers 

Ist Army Troops Company C.E. 

Capt. K. Stuart Jan. 18, '16 Feb. 26, '17 

Capt. R. S. Worsley, M.C Feb. 26, '17 June 6, '18 

Capt. G. W. G. Booker June 6, '18 Demob. 

2nd Army Troops Company C.E. 

Capt. G. H. Shaw Oct. 23, '15 Feb. 26, '17 

Capt. R. L. Junkin, M.C Feb. 26, '17 July 21, '17 

Capt. H. B. Boswell July 21, '17 June 4, '18 

Capt. F. M. Brickenden June 4, '18 Demob. 

3rd Army Troops Company C.E. 

Maj. E. S. Hill June 9, '16 Jan. 26, '18 

Capt. 0. B. McCuaig, M.C Jan. 26, '18 Demob. 

Uth Army Troops Company C.E. 

Maj. C. B. Russell Oct. 31, '16 June 6, '18 

Capt. H. S. Fellowes June 6, '18 Feb. 14, '19 

Lieut. H. C. Holman Feb. 14, '19 Demob. 

5th Army Troops Company C.E. 

Maj. E. R. Vince, M.C Apr. 11, '17 June 10, '18 

Capt. J. S. Oliver June 10, '18 Nov. 30, '19 

Lieut. H. L. Bunting, M.C Nov. 30, '19 Demob. 

Tunnelling Companies 

Ist Tunnelling Company C.E. (dis- 

Maj. R. P. Rogers Jan. 1, '16 Apr. 25, '16 

Maj. C. B. North Apr. 25, '16 July 11, '18 

2nd Tunnelling Company C.E. (dis- 

Maj. R. W. Coulthard Jan. 30, '16 July 20, '16 

Maj. L. N. B. Bullock, D.S.O July 20, '16 Mar. 16, '17 

Capt. F. A. Brewster, M.C Mar. 16, '17 Nov. 1, '17 

Maj. L. N. B. Bullock, D.S.O Nov. 1, '17 Nov. 17, '17 

Maj. F. A. Brewster, M.C Nov. 17, '17 Dec. 22, '17 

Maj. A. B. Ritchie, M.C Dec. 22, '17 July 2, '18 

Capt. F. A. Brewster, M.C July 2, '18 July 7, '18 



3rd Tunnelling Company C.E. 

Maj. A. W. Davis, D.S.O Dec. 25, '15 Aug. 10, 17 

Maj. A. Hibbert, D.S.O., M.C Dec. 22, '17 Demob. 

Jfth Tunmlling Company C.E. (absorbed 
by Engineer Training Depot) 
Maj. J. R. Roaf Aug. 8, '16 

Entrenching Battalions 

Ist Entrenching Battalion (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. F. J. Dingwall July 15, '16 Oct. 3, '17 

2nd Entrenching Battalion (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. C. R. Hill July 17, '16 Oct. 1, '17 

Srd Entrenching Battalion (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. A. K. Hobbins, D.S.O June 27, '16 Oct. 6, '17 

Ath Entrenching Battalion (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. H. B. Verret, D.S.O Aug. 29, '16 Sept. 15, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. Snell Sept. 15, '17 Oct. 3, '17 

Pioneer Battalions 

1st Pioneer Battalion (renamed 9th 
Battalion Railway Troops) 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Hodgins Nov. 20, '15 Oct. 20, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Macdonell Oct. 20, '16 Jan. 8, '17 

Maj. W. H. Moodie Jan. 8, '17 Mar. 6, '17 

(See 9th Battalion Railway Troops for continuation.) 

2nd Pioneer Battalion (absorbed on re- 

Lt.-Col. W. M. Davis Dec. 6, '15 Jan. 17, '16 

Lt.-Col. G. E. Sanders, C.M.G., D.S.O. Feb. 7, '16 Aug. 7, '17 
Lt.-Col. C. W. Allen Sept. 8, '17 June 4, '18 

Srd Pioneer Battalion (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. W. J. H. Holmes, D.S.O July 1, '15 May 31, '17 

J^th Pioneer Battalion — formerly 67th 
Infantry Battalion (disbanded) 
Lt.-Col. L. Ross, D.S.O Apr. 2, '16 Apr. 30, '17 

5th Pioneer Battalion (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. P. Weatherbe Sept. 12, '16 Dec. 2, '16 

107th Pioneer Battalion (absorbed on 

reorganization) _ ^ .^ » ^ , ^ ,^„ 

Lt.-Col G. Campbell, D.S.O Sept. 18, '16 Oct. 9, 17 

Lt.-Col. H. C. Walkem Oct. 9, '17 May 28, '18 



123rd Pioneer Battalion (absorbed on 
Lt.-Col. W. B. Kingsmill Aug. 7, '16 May 24, '18 

12Uth Pioneer Battalion (absorbed on 

Lt.-Col. W. C. V. Chadwick Aug. 7, '16 Oct. 18, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. T. C. Thompson Oct. 18, '17 May 26, '18 

Labour Commandant, Canadian Corps 

Col. A. W. R. Wilby Mar. 1, '18 Demob. 

Canadian Labour Group 

Lt.-Col. J. W. H. McKinery, D.S.O... Sept. 14, '18 Demob. 

1st Infantry Works Battalion — fornix 
erly 1st Labour Battalion (absorbed 
by Canadian Labour Group on re- 

Lt.-Col. H. A. C. Machin Dec. 6, '16 June 16, '17 

Lt.-Col. R. H. Nelland, D.S.O June 16, '17 Sept. 14, '18 

2nd Infantry Works Battalion — form- 
erly Jfth Labour Battalion (absorbed 
by Canadian Labour Group on re- 
Lt.-Col. J. W. H. McKinery, D.S.O... Jan. 26, '17 Sept. 17, '18 

Labour Battalions 

1st Labour Battalion (See 1st Infantry 
Works Battalion) 

2nd Labour Battalion (See 12th Bat- 
talion Railway Troops) 

Srd Labour Battalion (See 11th Bat- 
talion Railway Troops) 

Uth Labour Battalion (See 2nd Infantry 
Works Battalion) 

Divisional Trains 

1st Divisional Train 

Lt.-Col. W. A. Simson, D.S.O Sept. 22, '14 

Lt.-Col. W. D. Greer Nov. 24, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. A. Corrigan, D.S.O Mar. 3, '18 

Lt.-Col. E. J. Cleary, D.S.O Jan. 1, '19 

2nd Divisional Train 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Massie, D.S.O Apr. 17, '15 

Maj. J. A. McLennan Jan. 11, '18 

Lt.-Col. C. M. Scott Feb. 24, '18 

Lt.-Col. H. J. Freeman Jan. 25, 19 

Nov. 24, '17 
Mar. 3, '18 
Jan. 1, '19 

Jan. 11, '18 
Feb. 24, '18 
Jan. 25, '19 




Srd Divisional Train 

Lt.-CoI. C. H. Loughead Jan. 17, '16 Jan. 28, '16 

Lt.-Col. W. H. D. A. Findlay Jan. 29, '16 Demob. 

j^th Divisional Train 

Lt.-Col. R. H. Webb, D.S.O., M.C. . . . Jan. 7, '16 July 14, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. H. Robinson July 14, '17 Mar. 20, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. D, Greer Mar. 20, '18 Demob. 

5th Divisional Train (Artillery Section) 

Maj. G. M. Cooper Aug. 17, '17 Demob. 

Supply Columns *^ 

Canadian Corps Supply Column (dis- 
banded on reorganization) 
Maj. E. M. Harris, D.S.O Feb. 1, '17 Apr. 14, '18 

Canadian Corps Troops Supply Column 

(absorbed by Corps Troops M.T. 


Maj. F. B. Eaton Sept.l4, '15 Dec. 14, '15 

Maj. H. C. Greer Dec. 14, '15 Jan. 17, '16 

Maj. A. C. Larter Jan. 17, '16 Apr. 10, '16 

Maj. J. G. Parmelee Apr, 10, '16 Apr. 14, '18 

1st Divisional Supply Column (absorbed 
by 1st Divisional M.T. Co.) 

Maj. M. Moore Apr. 8, '15 Oct. 22, '15 

Capt. G. H. Gordon Oct. 22, '15 Dec. 14, '15 

Maj. F. B. Eaton Dec. 14, '15 Dec. 24, '16 

Capt. T. J. Turpin Dec. 31, '16 Dec. 9, '17 

Lieut. E. de la Mare Dec. 9, '17 Feb. 2, '18 

Maj. H. W. Webster Feb. 2, '18 Apr. 10, '18 

Capt. E. de la Mare Apr. 10, '18 Apr. 14, '18 

2nd Divisional Supply Column (absorbed 
by 2nd Divisional M.T. Co.) 

Maj. E. M. Harris Apr. 10, '15 July 18, '15 

Maj. A. C. Larter Apr. 11, '16 Nov. 15, '16 

Capt. J. C. Ellard Nov. 15, '16 Dec. 11, '16 

Maj. F. G. Arnold Dec. 11, '16 Apr. 10, '18 

Maj. H. W. Webster Apr. 10, '18 Apr. 14, '18 

Srd Divisional Supply Column (absorbed 
by Srd Divisional M.T. Co.) 

Maj. H. O. Lawson Jan. 28, '16 July 30, '17 

Capt. J. C. Ellard July 30, '17 Apr. 14, '18 

j^th Divisional Supply Column (absorbed 
by Uth Divisional M.T. Company) 

Maj. F. T. McKean July 19, '16 Jan. 25, '17 

Capt. E. R. Birchard Feb. 8, '17 Nov. 7, '17 

Capt. C. G. MacKinnon Nov. 7, '17 Apr. 14, '18 

1 All supply columns were reorganized on April 14, '18, to Me- 
chanical Transport Companies. 



1st Canadian Cavalry Brigade Supply 
Column (changed to Canadian Sec- 
tion 5th Cavalry Division Supply 

Maj. R. F. Bingham Nov. 29, '15 Dec. 30, '16 

Lieut. A. G. Cleghorn Dec. 30, '16 Jan. 12, '17 

Capt. H. P. Blackwood Jan. 12, '17 June 6, '17 

Lieut. A. G. Cleghorn June 6, '17 Aug. 1, '17 

Capt. D. Shepherd Aug. 1, '17 Sept. 29, '17 

Capt. G. W. Chaplin Sept. 29, '17 Apr. 14, '18 

Canadian Corps Mechanical Transport 

Headquarters Canadian Corps Mechan- 
ical Transport Column 
Maj. F. T. McKean, D.S.O Apr. 15, '18 

Corps Troops Mechanical Transport 

Maj. J. G. Parmelee Apr. 15, '18 

Capt. D. Shepherd Mar. 18, '19 

1st Divisional Mechanical Transport 

Maj. N. J. Lindsay Apr. 15, '18 

Maj. G. W. Chaplin July 11, '18 

2nd Divisional Mechanical Transport 

Maj. H. W. Webster Apr. 15, '18 

Capt. J. H. McLachlin Apr. 25, '19 

3rd Divisional Mechanical Transport 
Maj. E. M. Harris Apr. 15, '18 

ith Divisional Mechanical Transport 
Maj. G. H. Gordon Apr. 15, '18 

Canadian Engineers Mechanical Trans- 
port Company 

Maj. N. J. Lindsay July 11, '18 

Capt. W. H. Munroe Jan. 3, '19 

Canadian Motor Machine Gun Mechan- 
ical Transport Company 
Maj. F. G. Arnold June 1, '18 

1st Canadian Army Auxiliary Horse 
Company — formerly No. 1 Re- 
serve Park 

Maj. C. Adams Sept.22, '14 

Maj. E. J. Cleary Nov. 10, '16 

Capt. J. R. Patterson Dec. 31, '18 


Mar. 18, '19 

July 11, 18 

Apr. 20, '19 



Jan. 3, '19 


Nov. 10, '16 
Dec. 29, '18 



2nd Canadian Army Auxiliary Horse 
Company — formerly No. 2 Re- 
serve Park 

Maj. H. A. Stewart, D.S.O May 15, '15 Feb. 18, '18 

Capt. H. Burnett Feb. 18, '18 May 24, '18 

Maj. C. Ermatinger May 24, '18 Demob. 

Ammunition Parks ^ 

Canadian Corps Ammunition Park (ab- 
sorbed by M.T. Column) 

Lt.-Col. A. de M. Bell Sept. 15, '15 Feb. 9, '17 

Maj. F. T. McKean, D.S.O Feb. 9, '17 Apr. 14, '18 

1st Divisional Ammunition Sub-Park 
(absorbed by 1st M.T. Company) 

Maj. A. de M. Bell Sept.22,'14 Sept.l5,'15 

Maj. E. C. Goldie Sept.l5, '15 Apr. 25, '16 

Maj. W. J. Morrison July 3, '16 Feb. 23, '17 

Lieut. F. E. H. Johnson Feb. 23, '17 Mar. 8, '17 

Maj. N. J. Lindsay Mar. 8, '17 Apr. 14, '18 

2nd Divisional Ammunition Sub-Park 
(absorbed by 2nd M.T. Company) 

Lt.-Col. G. F. C. Poussette May 15, '15 Sept. 11, '15 

Maj. H. W. Webster Sept. 11, '15 Nov. 17, '17 

Capt. W. S. Goodeve, M.C Nov. 17, '17 Mar. 13, '18 

Lieut. R. W. Whittome Mar. 16, '18 Apr. 14, '18 

3rd Divisional Ammunition Sub-Park 
(absorbed by 3rd M.T. Company) 

Maj. N. J. Lindsay Mar. 9, '16 Mar. 8, '17 

Capt. W. H. Munroe Mar. 8, '17 Apr. 14, '18 

Jith Divisional Ammunition Sub-Park 
(absorbed by Uth M.T. Company) 
Maj. G. H. Gordon July 19, '16 Apr. 14, '18 

1st Canadian Cavalry Brigade Ammu- 
nition Column (disbanded) 

Maj. W. J. Morrison Nov. 29, '15 July 3, '16 

Capt. H. G. Cochrane July 3, '16 July 20, '16 

Lieut. T. R. Young July 20, '16 Feb. 12, '17 

Railway Troops 

Headquarters Canadian Railway Troops 
Maj.-Gen. J. W. Stewart, C.B.,C.M.G. Mar. 2, '17 Demob. 

1 All Ammunition Sub-Parks were absorbed into Mechanical 
Transport Companies on April 14, '18. 



Headqiuirters Canadian Railway Troops 

Col. J. W. Stewart Oct. 7, '16 Mar. 2, 17 

Col. B. M. Humble, C.M.G., D.S.O. . . Mar. 18, '17 Demob. 

1st Battalion Railway Troops (from No. 
1 Construction Company, Feb. 5, '17) 
Lt.-Col. B. Ripley, C.B.E., D.S.O. ... Sept. 12, '16 Demob. 

2nd Battalion Railway Troops (from 
127th Infantry Battalion, Nov. 

Lt.-Col. F. F. Clarke, D.S.O Aug. 23, '16 Demob. 

Srd Battalion Railway Troops — forvi- 
erly 239th Battalion 
Lt.-Col. J. B. L. MacDcnald, D.S.O. Dec. 16, '16 Demob. 

4-th Battalion Railway Troops 

Lt.-Col. C. L. Hervey, D.S.O. Jan. 29, '17 June 15, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. B. Harstone, D.S.O June 15, '18 Demob. 

5th Battalion Railway Troops 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Griffin Feb. 5, '17 Jan. 8, '19 

Maj. L. F. Grant Jan. 8, '19 Demob. 

6th Battalion Railway Troops (from 
228th Battalion, Mar. 8, '17) 
Lt.-Col. A. Earchman, C.B.E., D.S.O. Feb. 17, '17 Demob. 

7th Battalion Railway Troops (from 
257th Battalion, Mar. 8, '17) 
Lt.-Col. L. T. Martin, D.S.O Feb. 17, '17 Demob. 

8th Battalion Railway Troops (from, 
218th Battalion, Mar. 8, '17) 
Lt.-Col. J. K. Cornwall, D.S.O Feb. 29, '17 Demob. 

9th Battalion Railway Troops (from 1st 
Pioneer Battalion, Mar. 6, '17) 
Lt.-Col. W. H. Moody, D.S.O Mar. G, '17 Demob. 

10th Battalion Railway Troops (from 
256th Battalion, Apr. 10, '17) 
Lt.-Col. W. A. MacConnell, D.S.O. . . Mar. 28, '17 Demob. 

11th Battalion Railway Troops — form- 
erly Srd Labour Battalion 
Lt.-Col. W. A. Munro, D.S.O Feb. 2, '17 Demob. 

12th Battalion Railway Troops — form- 
erly 2nd Labour Battalion 
Lt.-Col. A. C. Garner, D.S.O Feb. 8, '17 Demob. 

13th Battalion Railway Troops 

Lt.-Col. S. P. McMordie, D.S.O Mar. 13, '18 Demob. 



Canadian Overseas Railway Construc- 
tion Corps 

Lt.-Col. C. W. P. Ramsey June 10, '15 Oct. 23, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. G. Reid, D.S.O Oct. 23, '16 Demob. 

No. 1 Construction Company (See 1st 
Battalion Railway Troops) 

No. 2 Construction Company 

Maj. D. H. Sutherland Mar. 28, '17 Demob. 

Canadian Forestry Corps 

Directorate of Timber Operations 

Maj.-Gen. A. McDougall, C.B Sept.28, '16 Demob. 

Canadian Forestry Corps (France) 

Col. J. B. White, D.S.O Apr. 22, '17 Nov. 29, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. B. Donnelly (acting) Nov. 29, '18 Demob. 

Headquarters Central Group 

Lt.-Col. E. W. Rathbun Nov. 30, '16 June 15, '17 

Maj. P. Garratt June 15, '17 Aug. 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. H. L. Jones Aug. 1, '17 Sept. 1, '18 

Lt.-CoL W. F. Cooke, D.S.O Sept. 1, '18 Demob. 

Headquarters Jura Group 

Lt.-CoL G. H. Johnson, C.B.E Jan. 11, '17 Demob. 

Headquarters Bordeaux Group 

Lt.-Col. J. L. Miller, C.B.E Feb. 16, '18 Mar. 30, '19 

Lt.-Col. W. Herd Mar. 30, '19 Demob. 

Headquarters Mame Group 

Lt.-Col. P. D. L. Lyall, M.B.E July 1, '18 Demob. 

Headquarters No. 1 District 

Lt.-Col. F. J. Carew, O.B.E July 27, '17 Demob. 

Headquarters No. 2 District 

Lt.-Col. K. H. McDougall, D.S.O. ... Sept. 15, '17 Oct. 21, '18 
Lt.-Col. W. F. Cooke, D.S.O Oct. 21, '18 Demob. 

Headquarters No. U District 

Lt.-Col. J. Wilson Aug. 2, '17 Demob. 

Headquarters No. 5 District 

Lt.-Col. G. 'M. Strong Apr. 22, '18 July 28, '18 

Lt.-Col. G. B. Klock July 28, '18 Demob. 

Headquarters No. 6 District 

Maj. W. H. Milne Sept. 9, '17 Jan. 28, '18 

Lt.-Col. T. Hale Jan. 28, '18 Jan. 15, '19 

Maj. G. 0. Spence Jan. 15, '19 Demob. 



Headquarters No. 9 District 

Lt.-Col. W. F. Cooke, D.S.O May 12, '17 

Maj. A. J. Bell Aug. 27, '18 

Lt.-Col. K. H. McDougall, D.S.O. . . . Oct. 21, '18 

Maj. A. J. Bell Jan. 9, '19 

Headquarters No. 10 District 

Maj. T. Hale Nov. 2, '17 

Maj. G. B. Klock Feb. 2, '18 

Lt.-Col. G. M. Strong, D.S.O July 28, '18 

Maj. W. A. Ferguson Sept. 24, '18 

Lieut. C. Cockshutt Feb. 7, '17 


Aug. 27, '18 
Oct. 21, '18 
Jan. 9, '19 

Jan. 26, '18 
July 28, '18 
Sept. 24, '18 
Feb. 7, '19 

Headquarters No. 11 District 
Lt.-Col. W. S. Fetherstonhaugh 

Aug. 10, '18 Demob. 

Headquarters No. 12 District 

Lt.-Col. J. L. Miller Aug. 1, '17 Feb. 16, '18 

Lt.-Col. W. Herd Feb. 16, '18 Demob. 

Royal Canadian Army Medical Corps 

Director-General of Medical Services 
Maj.-Gen. G. LaF. Foster, C.B. . . 

July 16, '18 Demob. 

Director of Medical Services (London) 

Surg.-Gen. G. C. Jones, C.M.G Sept. 22, '14 Feb. 9, '17 

Surg.-Gen. G. LaF. Foster, C.B Feb. 9, '17 July 16, '18 

Director of Medical Services (France) 
Brig.-Gen. A. E. Ross, C.B., C.M.G. . 

D.D.M.S. Corps 

Col. G. LaF. Foster, C.B 

Col. A. E. Ross, C.B., C.M.G 

Col. A. E. Snell, C.M.G., D.S.O 

Col. R. M. Simpson, D.S.O 

July 16, '18 Demob. 

Sept. 13, '15 Feb. 9, '17 

Feb. 9, '17 July 16, '18 

Aug. 29, '18 Dec. 14, '18 
Dec. 14, '18 

D.D.M.S. (London) 

Col. M. MacLaren, C.M.G. 

July 16, '18 Demob. 

A.D.M.S. 1st Division 

Col. G. LaF. Foster, C.B Sept. 22, '14 

Col. A. E. Ross, C.M.G Sept. 13, '15 

Col. F. S. L. Ford, C.M.G Feb. 9, '17 

Col. R. P. Wright, C.M.G., D.S.O. . . . June 20, '17 

Col. G. J. Boyce, D.S.O Dec. 28, '18 

A.D.M.S. 2nd Division 

Col. J. T. Fotheringham, C.M.G Nov. 5, '14 

Col. H. M. Jacques, D.S.O Mar. 9, '17 

Col. R. M. Simpson Feb. 2, '18 

Col. R. H. MacDonald, M.C Dec. 14, '18 

Sept. 13, '15 
Feb. 9, '17 
June 20, '17 
Dec. 28, '18 

Mar. 9, '17 
Dec. 27, '17 
Dec. 14, '18 



AD. M.S. 3rd Division 

Col. J. W. Bridges Feb. 23, '16 June 22, '16 

Col. A. E. Snell, D.S.O June 22, '16 Aug. 29, '18 

Col. C. P. Templeton, C.B., D.S.O. . . Aug. 29, '18 Demob. 

A.D.M.S. Wi Division 

Col. H. A. Chisholm, D.S.O May 1, '16 May 14, '17 

Col. C. A. Peters May 14, '17 Jan. 18, '19 

Col. P. G. Bell Jan. 18, '19 Demob. 

No. 1 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Ross Sept. 22, '14 Sept. 12, '15 

Lt.-Col. R. P. Wright Sept. 13, '15 June 20, '17 

Lt.-Col. G. J. Boyce, D.S.O June 20, '17 Feb. 27, '19 

Lt.-Col. R. M. Filson Feb. 27, '19 Demob. 

No. 2 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. D. W. MacPherson Sept. 22, '14 Nov. 17, '15 

Lt.-Col. E. B. Hardy, D.S.O Nov. 17, '15 Nov. 25, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. J. Fraser, D.S.O Nov. 25, '16 Mar. 26, '18 

Lt.-Col. J. H. Wood, D.S.O Dec. 18, '18 Demob. 

No. 3 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. W. L. Watt Sept.22, '14 

Lt.-Col. J. A. Gunn Sept. 3, '15 

Lt.-Col. C. P. Templeton Feb. 26, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. S. Donaldson Feb. 9, '17 

No. U Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. W. Webster, D.S.O. . . . 
Lt.-Col. C. F. McGuffin, D.S.O. 
Maj. R. H. McDonald, M.C. . . . 
Maj. G. W. Treleaven, D.S.O., M.C 
Maj. T. H. Bell, M.C 

No. 5 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. G. D. Farmer 

Lt.-Col. C. F. McGuffin 

Maj. J. F. Burgess 

Lt.-Col. D. P. Kappele, D.S.O 

Maj. H. W. McGill, M.C 

Maj. G. W. Treleaven, D.S.O., M.C. . 

No. 6 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. R. P. Campbell 

Lt.-Col. T. J. R. Murphy, D.S.O 

Lt.-Col. R. H. M. Hardisty, D.S.O., 

No. 7 Ambulance (Cavalry Brigade) 

Lt.-Col. D. P. Kappele 

Maj. A. C. Rankin 

Maj. W. A. G. Bauld 

Maj. W. J. E. Mingle 

Lt.-Col. W. A. G. Bauld 

Apr. 18, '15 
May 24, '17 
Dec. 16, '17 
Jan. 18, '19 
Feb. 22, '19 

Apr. 18, '15 
Nov. 7, '16 
May 24, '17 
June 29, '17 
Oct. 13, '18 
Mar. 5, '19 

Apr. 29, '15 
Sept. 16, '16 

Sept. 3, '15 
Feb. 27, '16 
Feb. 9, '17 

May 24, '17 
Dec. 16, '17 
Jan. 18, '19 
Feb. 22, '19 

Nov. 7, '16 
May 24, '17 
June 29, '17 
Oct. 13, '18 
Mar. 3, '19 

Sept. 16, '16 
Sept. 14, '18 

Sept. 14, '18 Demob. 

Jan. 10, '15 
June 29, '17 
June 12, '18 
June 24, '18 
July 6, '18 

June 29, '17 
June 12, '18 
June 24, '18 
July 6, '18 




No. 8 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. S. W. Hewetson Apr. 1, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. N. Gunn Jan. 27, '17 

Maj. E. R. Selby Dec. 9/17 

Lt.-Col. J. N. Gunn Jan. 13, '18 

Lt.-Col. E. R. Selby Feb. 27, '18 

No. 9 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. C. A. Peters Jan. 3, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. T. Bazin, D.S.O Nov. 2, '16 

Lt.-Col. C. W. Vipond, D.S.O Nov. 18, '17 

No. 10 Field Am,bulance 

Lt.-Col. A. W. Tanner Mar. 2, '16 

Lt.-Col. G. R. Philip June 3, '16 

Lt.-Col. T. McC. Leask, D.S.O Apr. 21, '17 

No. 11 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. J. D. McQueen May 22, '16 

Lt.-Col. H. E. Moshier Sept. 22, '17 

Lt.-Col. S. Paulin, D.S.O Aug. 30, '18 

No. 12 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. H. F. Gordon June 24, '16 

Lt.-Col. P. G. Bell, D.S.O Jan. 11, '17 

Maj. G. Hall Jan. 5, '19 

Maj. F. C. Clarke, M.C Jan. 25, '19 

Lt.-Col. E. A. Neff Feb. 13, '19 

No. 13 Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. J. L. Biggar July 1, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. L. C. Gilday Jan. 29, '17 

Lt.-Col. W. H. K. Anderson, D.S.O... Apr. 23, '18 

No. lU Field Ambulance 

Lt.-Col. R. S. Pentecost May 30, '17 

Lt.-Col. G. G. Corbet May 12, '18 

No. 15 Field Ambulance 

Maj. R. M. Filson Apr. 10, '17 

Lt.-Col. E. L. Stone May 14, '17 

No. 16 Field Ambulance (disbanded) 

Lt.-Col. G. G. Corbet Apr. 10, '17 

No. 1 Canadian Clearing Station 

Lt.-Col. F. S. L. Ford Sept. 22, '14 

Lt.-Col. T. W. H. Young June 20, '16 

Lt.-Col. C. H. Dickson Mar. 18, '17 

Lt.-Col. A. E. H. Bennett Feb. 16, '18 

Maj. R. B. Robertson Feb. 28, '19 

No. 2 Canadian Clearing Station 

Col. G. S. Rennie Apr. 18, '15 

Col. W. A. Scott May 4, '15 

Lt.-Col. J. E. Davey Aug. 24, '15 

Lt.-Col. P. G. Brown Nov. 16, '17 


Jan. 27, '17 
Dec. 9, '17 
Jan. 13, '18 
Feb. 27, '18 

Nov. 2, '16 
Nov. 3, '17 

June 3, '16 
Apr. 21, '17 

Sept. 22, '17 
Aug. 30, '18 

Jan. 11, '17 
Jan. 5, '19 
Jan. 25, '19 
Feb. 13, '19 

Jan. 3, '17 
Apr. 23, '18 

Feb. 28, '18 

May 14, '17 
Feb. 28, '19 

Feb. 28, '18 

June 20, '16 

Mar. 18, '17 
Feb. 7, '18 
Feb. 28, '19 

May 4, '15 
Aug. 24, '15 
Nov. 16, '17 



No. S Canadian Clearing Station 

Lt.-Col. R. J. Blanchard July 1, '15 Nov. 14, '17 

Lt.-Col. J. L. Biggar Nov. 14, '17 June 12, '18 

Lt.-Col. F. A. Young June 22, '18 Demob. 

No. U Canadian Clearing Station 

Lt.-Col. S. W. Prowse June 19, '16 Dec. 14, '17 

Lt.-Col. S. Campbell Dec. 15, '17 Jan. 28, '19 

Maj. J. L. Cock Jan. 28, '19 Demob. 

No. 1 Stationary Hospital (changed to 
No. 13 Canadian General Hospital) 

Lt.-Col. L. Drum Sept. 22, '14 Feb. 12, '15 

Lt.-Col. S. H. McKee Feb. 12, '15 Dec. 27, '15 

Lt.-Col. E. J. Williams Dec. 27, '15 Dec. 2, '17 

No. 2 Stationary Hospital 

Lt.-Col. A. T. Shillington Sept. 22, '14 Nov. 22, '15 

Lt.-Col. J. T. Clarke Nov. 22, '15 Nov. 28, '16 

Lt.-Col. G. D. Farmer Nov. 28, '16 Dec. 8, '17 

Lt.-Col. D. Donald Dec. 9, '17 Aug. 29, '18 

Lt.-Col. G. Clingan Aug. 30, '18 Jan. 16, '19 

Lt.-Col. J. Hayes, D.S.O Jan. 17, '19 Demob. 

No. S Stationary Hospital 

Lt.-Col. H. R. Casgrain Feb. 6, '15 Aug. 29, '15 

Lt.-Col. E. G. Davis, C.M.G Aug. 29, '15 May 1, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. H. Reason, D.S.O May 1, '17 Demob. 

No. U Stationary Hospital (renamed 
No. 8 General Hospital) 
Lt.-Col. A. Mignault May 6, '15 July 8, '16 

No. 5 (Queen's University) Stationary 
Hospital (renamed No. 7 General 
Lt.-Col. F. Etherington May 6, '15 Jan. 26, '16 

No. 7 (DalhoiLsie University) Stationary 

Lt.-Col. J. Stewart Jan. 10, '16 Nov. 18, '16 

Maj. E. V. Hogan Nov. 19, '16 Dec. 12, '16 

Lt.-Col. J. Stewart Dec. 12, '16 Mar. 7, '18 

Lt.-Col. E. V. Hogan Mar. 7, '18 Demob. 

No. 8 Stationary Hospital 

Lt.-Col. H. E. Munroe May 19, '16 Demob. 

No. 9 (St. Francis Xavier College) 

Stationary Hospital (changed to 

No. 12 General Hospital) 

Lt.-Col. R. C. McLeod June 19, '15 Jan. 4, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. E. Kendall Jan. 4, '17 Mar. 8, '17 

Lt.-Col. C. H. Gilmour Mar. 8, '17 Apr. 7, '17 

Lt.-Col. H. E. Kendall Apr. 7, '17 Sept. 30, '17 



No. 9 (St. Francis Xavier College) 
Stationary Hospital (reorganized 
Nov. 22, '17) 

Lt.-Col. H. E. Kendall Nov. 22, '17 Aug. 29, '18 

Col. R. St. J. Macdonald Aug. 29, '18 Demob. 

No. 10 (Western University) Stationary 
Lt.-Col. E. Seaborn Aug. 23, '16 Demob. 

No. 1 General Hospital 

Col. M. Maclaren, C.M.G Sept. 21, '14 May 11, '16 

Col. C. F. Wilde May 11, '16 Sept.15, '17 

Col. R. M. Simpson Sept. 15, '17 Feb. 2, '18 

Col. J. A. Gunn Feb. 27, '18 Nov. 13, '18 

Col. W. H. Delaney Nov. 13, '18 Feb. 4, '19 

Lt.-Col. N. B. Gwyn Feb. 4, '19 Demob. 

No. 2 General Hospital 

Col. J. W. Bridges Apr. 10, '15 Feb. 6, '16 

Col. K. Cameron Feb. 6, '16 May 10, '17 

Col. G. S. Rennie, G.M.G May 16, '17 Demob. 

No. 3 (McGill University) General Hos- 

Col. H. S. Birkett, C.B Mar. 5, '15 Nov. 7, '17 

Col. J. M. Elder, C.M.G Nov. 7, '17 July 8, '18 

Lt.-Col. A. T. Bazin July 9, '18 Aug. 1, '18 

Col. Lome Drum Aug. 1, '18 June 10, '19 

Lt.-Col. L. H. McKim June 10, '19 Demob. 

No. U General Hospital (took over Ba- 
singstoke Military Hospital, Sept. 
20, '17) 

Col. J. A. Roberts May 15, '16 Dec. 18, '16 

Col. W. B. Hendry, D.S.O Jan. 30, '17 Demob. 

No. 5 General Hospital (took over Mili- 
tary Hospital, Kirkdale,0ct.l3,'17) 

Col. E. C. Hart, C.M.G May 15, '15 Dec. 14, '17 

Col. G. D. Farmer Dec. 14, '17 Mar. 1, '19 

Col. P. Burnett Mar. 1, '19 Demob. 

No. 6 (Laval University) General Hos- 
Col. G. E. Beauchamp Mar. 23, '16 Demob. 

No. 7 (Queen's University) General 
Hospital — formerly No. 5 Station- 
ary Hospital 
Col. F. Etherington, C.M.G Mar. 2, '16 Demob. 

No. 8 General Hospital — formerly No. 4 
Stationary Hospital 

Lt.-Col. A. Mignault July 8, '16 July 17, '16 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Le Bel July 17, '16 Nov. 6, '17 

Col. H. R. Casgrain Nov. 6, '17 Nov. 14, '18 

Lt.-Col. R. de L. Harwood Nov. 14, '18 Demob. 



No. 9 General Hospital (Canadian Mili- 
tary Hospital, Shomcliffe) 

Lt.-Col. C. A. Reason June 18, '16 May 7, '17 

Col. E. G. Davis, C.M.G May 8, '17 Apr. 29, '18 

Lt.-Col. E. J. Williams, D.S.O Apr. 29, '18 Demob. 

No. 10 General Hospital — formerly 
Kitchener War Hospital 

Lt.-Col. A. T. Shillington Mar. 14, '17 Sept. 10, '17 

Col. C. F. Wilde Sept. 16, '17 Feb. 22, '18 

Col. W. McKeown Feb. 22, '18 Demob. 

No. 11 General Hospital (Moore Bar- 
racks Hospital) 
Col. W. A. Scott, C.M.G July 9, '15 Demob. 

No. 12 General Hospital (took over . 

Bramshott Military Hospital from 

No. 9 Stationary Hospital, Sept. 

21, '17) 

Lt.-Col. H. E. Kendall Sept. 21, '17 Nov. 20, '17 

Col. W. Webster, D.S.O Nov. 20, '17 Mar. 12, '18 

Col. M. Robertson, C.B.E Mar. 12, '18 Demob. 

No. 13 General Hospital — formerly 
No. 1 Stationary Hospital 

Lt.-Col. E. J. Williams, D.S.O Oct. 2, '17 Apr. 14, '18 

Lt.-Col. H. C. S. Elliott Apr. 14, '18 Demob. 

No. IJf General Hospital — formerly 
No. 10 Stationary Hospital 

Lt.-Col. A. E. Seaborn Sept. 10, '17 Nov. 28, '17 

Lt.-Col. R. D. Panton Nov. 28, '17 Demob. 

No. 15 Hospital (from Duchess of Con- 
naught Red Cross Hospital, Dec. '17) 

Lt.-Col. F. S. L. Lord Dec. 16, '14 Feb. 2, '15 

Col. C. W. F. Gorrell Feb. 2, '15 Sept. 24, '16 

Lt.-Col. D. W. McPherson, C.M.G. .. Sept. 29, '16 Jan. 29, '17 

Col. J. A. Roberts, C.B Jan. 29, '17 Apr 4, '17 

Col. W. L. Watts, C.M.G Apr. 4, '17 Aug. 6, '18 

Col. P. G. Goldsmith Aug. 27, '18 Demob. 

No. 16 General Hospital (from Onta- 
rio Military Hospital, Orpington, 
Dec. '17) 

Lt.-Col. L H. Cameron Jan. 31, '16 Apr. 10, '16 

Lt.-Col. D. W. McPherson, C.M.G.... Apr. 10, '16 Sept. 29, '16 

Lt.-Col. G. Chambers Sept. 29, '16 Jan. 29, '17 

Col. D. W.' McPherson, C.M.G Jan. 29, '17 Demob. 



V.C 64 

K.C.B 8 

C.B 45 

G.C.M.G 1 

K.C.M.G 6 

C.M.G 172 

D.S.0 710 

Bar to D.S.0 89 

2nd Bar to D.S.0 15 

C.B.E 50 

G.B.E 259 

M.B.E 100 

M.V.0 2 

M.C 2,877 

Bar to M.C 294 

2nd Bar to M.C 16 

R.R.C 338 

Bar to R.R.C 4 

D.F.C 40 

Bar to D.F.C 6 

A.F.C 16 

D.F.M 1 

D.C.M 1,930 

Bar to D.C.M 38 

2nd Bar to D.C.M 1 

M.M 12,316 

Bar to M.M 836 

2nd Bar to M.M 38 

M.S.M 1,553 

Kin^s Police Medal » 1 

Albert Medal 1 


D.S.M 2 




Legion d'Honneur Croix de Commandeur 8 

Legion d'Honneur Croix d'Officier 18 

Legion d'Honneur Croix de Chevalier 34 

Croix de Guerre 710 

Medaille Militaire 54 

Decoration Militaire 8 

Medaille d'Honneur avec Glaives (en Vermeil) 3 

Medaille d'Honneur avec Glaives (en Argent) 11 

Medaille d'Honneur avec Glaives (en Bronze) 22 

Medaille des £;pidemies (en Argent) 4 

Medaille des Epidemies (en Vermeil) 1 

Ordre du Merite Agricole Chevalier 52 

Ordre du Merite Agricole Officier 4 

Medaille de la Reconnaissance (en Bronze) 4 

Medaille Civique (Belgium) 1 

Palmes Academie Officier de I'lnstruction Publique 1 

Ordre de Leopold Commandeur 2 

Ordre de Leopold Officier 2 

Ordre de Leopold Chevalier 6 

Ordre de la Couronne Officier 4 

Ordre de la Couronne Chevalier 1 

Medaille de la Reine Elizabeth 3 

Ordre de la Couronne Commandeur 1 

Order of St. Stanislas 31 

Order of Ste. Anne 19 

Order of St. George 103 

Medal of St. George 25 

Order of St. Vladimir 2 

Order of the Crown of Italy 5 

Order of St. Maurice and St. Lazarus 3 

Silver Medal for Military Valour 4 

Bronze Medal for Military Valour 22 

Order of the White Eagle 4 

Order of St. Sava 5 

Gold Medal for Zealous Service 1 

Order of Danilo 8 

Silver Medal for Bravery 2 

Military Ordfer of Avis 4 

Portuguese Military Medal for Good Service (Copper) 2 

Order of the Star of Roumania Chevalier 3 

Order of the Crown of Roumania Chevalier 2 

Croix de Virtute Militara 4 

Medaille Barbatie si Credinta 6 



service: order 




Order of Regina Maria 1 

Order of the White Elephant 2 

Order of the Crown of Siam 2 

Order of Wen-Hu 3 

Mentioned in Despatches 5,467 

Name brought to the Notice of the Secretary of State for 

War 100 



HE total number of men enlisted in Canada from 
the beginning of the war to November 15th, 
1918, was 595,441. 

The details are: — 

Obtained by voluntary enlistment 465,984 

Drafted or reporting voluntarily after the Military Serv- 
ice Act came into force 179,933 

Granted leave or discharged 24,933 

Overseas Service other than C.E.F. : — 

Royal Air Force 21,169 

Imperial Motor Transport 710 

Inland Water Transport 4,701 

Naval Service 2,814 

Jewish Palestine Draft 42 

The number of men of the Canadian Expeditionary 
Force who had gone overseas on November 15th, 1918, 
was 418,052. 

The movement overseas by years was as follows : — 

Before December 31st, 1914 30,999 

Calendar year 1915 84,334 

Calendar year 1916 165,553 

Calendar year 1917 63,536 

January 1st to November 15th, 1918 73,630 

The distribution of Canada's troops was as fol- 
lows : — 

C.E.F, proceeded overseas 418,052 

On September 30th, 1918, about 160,000 men were in France and 
about 116,000 men in England. 



On the stren^h of the C.E.F. in Canada and St. Lucia, 
including those under training as overseas reinforce- 
ments, Siberian Expeditionary Force, Canadian Gar- 
rison Regiment, Military Police Corps, Medical and 
Administrative Services, etc 36,533 

On harvest leave without pay 15,405 

Granted leave of absence without pay as compassionate 

and hardship cases 7,216 

Number discharged in Canada who had not proceeded 
overseas for the following among other reasons: as 
below medical standard, absentees, aliens, to accept 
commissions, deaths, on transfer to British Army and 
Royal Air Force 95,306 

The total casualties sustained by the Canadian Ex- 
peditionary Force, and reported up to January 15th, 
1919, were 218,433. The details are: — 

Killed in action 35,684 

Died of wounds 12,437 

Died of disease 4,057 

Wounded 155,839 

Prisoners of war 3,049 

Presumed dead 4,682 

Missing 398 

Deaths in Canada 2,287 

Total 218,433 

The Canadians' longest line was in front of Vimy, 
probably one tenth of the British front. 

In the closing days of the war they were continually 
used as spear-head troops, leading the attack at Amiens 
on August 9th, 1918, at Arras on August 26th, and on 
the Drocourt-Queant Line (Hindenburg Line) on Sep- 
tember 24th, 1918. 


(Signed at 5 a.m. on November 11th) 
A. — Clauses relating to Western Front 

I. — Cessation of operations by land and in the air six hours 
after the signature of the Armistice [viz., at 11 a.m.]. 

II. — Immediate evacuation of invaded countries — Bel- 
gium, France, Alsace-Lorraine, Luxemburg — so ordered as 
to be completed within fourteen days from the signature of 
the Armistice. 

German troops which have not left the above-mentioned 
territories within the period fixed will become prisoners of 

Occupation by the Allied and United States Forces jointly 
will keep pace with evacuation in these areas. 

All movements of evacuation and occupation will be reg- 
ulated in accordance with a Note (Annexure 1). 

III. — Repatriation, beginning at once, to be completed 
within fourteen days, of all inhabitants of the countries above 
enumerated (including hostages, persons under trial, or con-, 

IV. — Surrender in good condition by the German Armies 
of the following equipment : — 

5,000 guns (2,500 heavy, 2,500 field). 
30,000 machine guns. 
3,000 Minenwerfer. 

2,000 aeroplanes (fighters, bombers — firstly D. 7's — and 
night bombing machines). 
The above to be delivered in situ to the Allied and United 
States troops in accordance with the detailed conditions laid 
dovm in the Note (Annexure 1). 

V. — Evacuation by the German Armies of the countries 
on the left bank of the Rhine. These countries on the left 


Longitude JJ 

Long-itude F 


bank of the Rhine shall be administered by the local authori- 
ties under the control of the Allied and United States Armies 
of occupation. 

The occupation of these territories will be carried out by- 
Allied and United States garrisons holding the principal cross- 
ings of the Rhine (Mayence, Coblenz, Cologne), together with 
bridgeheads at these points of a 30 kilometre [about 19 miles] 
radius on the right bank, and by garrisons similarly holding 
the strategic points of the regions. 

A neutral zone shall be set up on the right bank of the 
Rhine between the river and a line drawn 10 kilometres [614 
miles] distant, starting from the Dutch frontier, to the Swiss 
frontier. In the case of inhabitants, no person shall be prose- 
cuted for having taken part in any military measures previous 
to the signing of the Armistice. 

No measure of a general or official character shall be taken 
which would have, as a consequence, the depreciation of in- 
dustrial establishments or a reduction of their personnel. 

Evacuation by the enemy of the Rhinelands shall be so 
ordered as to be completed within a further period of sixteen 
days — in all thirty-one days after the signature of the Armis- 

All movements of evacuation and occupation will be reg- 
ulated according to the Note (Annexure 1). 

VI. — In all territory evacuated by the enemy there shall 
be no evacuation of inhabitants ; no damage or harm shall be 
done to the persons or property of the inhabitants. 

No destruction of any kind to be committed. 

Military establishments of all kinds shall be delivered intact, 
as well as military stores of food, munitions, equipment not 
removed during the periods fixed for evacuation. 

Stores of food of all kinds for the civil population, cattle, 
etc., shall be left in situ. 

Industrial establishments shall not be impaired in any way, 
and their personnel shall not be moved. 

VII. — Roads and means of communication of every kind, 
railroads, waterways, main roads, bridges, telegraphs, tele- 
phones shall be in no manner impaired. 

All civil and military personnel at present employed on 
them shall remain. 

5,000 locomotives, 150,000 wagons, and 5,000 motor lorries 


in good working order, with all necessary spare parts and 
fittings, shall be delivered to the Associated Powers within the 
period fixed for the evacuation of Belgium and Luxemburg. 

The railways of Alsace-Lorraine shall be handed over within 
the same period, together with all pre-war personnel and 

Further, material necessary for the working of railways in 
the country on the left bank of the Rhine shall be left in situ. 

All stores of coal and material for upkeep of permanent 
way, signals, and repair shops shall be left in situ and kept in 
an efficient state by Germany, as far as the means of communi- 
cation are concerned, during the whole period of the Armis- 

All barges taken from the Allies shall be restored to them. 
The Note appended as Annexure 2 regulates the detail of these 

VIII. — The German Command shall be responsible for 
revealing all mines or delay-action fuses disposed on territory 
evacuated by the German troops, and shall assist in their dis- 
covery and destruction. 

The German Command shall also reveal all destructive 
measures that may have been taken (such as poisoning or 
pollution of springs, wells, etc.), under penalty of reprisals. 

IX. — The right of requisition shall be exercised by the 
Allied and United States Armies in all occupied territory, 
save for settlement of accounts with authorized persons. 

The upkeep of the troops of occupation in the Rhineland 
(excluding Alsace-Lorraine) shall be charged to the German 

X. — The immediate repatriation, without reciprocity, ac- 
cording to detailed conditions which shall be fixed, of all 
Allied and United States prisoners of war ; the Allied Powers 
and the United States of America shall be able to dispose of 
these prisoners as they wish. However, the return of German 
prisoners of war interned in Holland and Switzerland shall 
continue as heretofore. The return of German prisoners of 
war shall be settled at peace preliminaries. 

XL — Sick and wounded who cannot be removed from 
evacuated territory will be cared for by German personnel, 
who will be left on the spot, ^vith the medical material re- 


B. — Clauses relating to the Eastern Frontiers 
OF Germany 

XII. — All German troops at present in any territory which 
before the war belonged to Russia, Rumania, or Turkey, shall 
withdraw within the frontiers of Germany as they existed on 
August 1st, 1914 ; and all German troops at present in terri- 
tories which before the war formed part of Russia must like- 
wise return to within the frontiers of Germany as above de- 
fined as soon as the Allies shall think the moment suitable, 
having regard to the internal situation of these territories. 

XIII. — Evacuation by German troops to begin at once; 
and all German instructors, prisoners, and civilian as well as 
military agents now on the territory of Russia (as defined on 
August 1st, 1914) to be recalled. 

XIV. German troops to cease at once all requisitions and 

seizures, and any other undertaking with a view to obtaining 
supplies intended for Germany in Rumania and Russia, as 
defined on August 1st, 1914. 

XV. — Abandonment of the Treaties of Bukarest and Brest- 
Litovsk and of the Supplementary Treaties. 

XVI. — The Allies shall have free access to the territories 
evacuated by the Germans on their Eastern frontier, either 
through Danzig or by the Vistula, in order to convey supplies 
to the populations of these territories or for the purpose of 
maintaining order. 

C. — Clause relating to East Africa 

XVII. — Unconditional evacuation of all German forces 
operating in East Africa within one month. 

J). — General Clauses 

XVIII. — Repatriation, without reciprocity, within a max- 
imum period of one month, in accordance with detailed con- 
ditions hereafter to be fixed, of all civilians interned or de- 
ported who may be citizens of other Allied or Associated 
States than those mentioned in Clause III. 

XIX. — With the reservation that any future claims and 


demands of the Allies and United States of America remain 
unaffected, the following financial conditions are required : — 

Reparation for damage done. 

While the Armistice lasts no public securities shall be re- 
moved by the enemy which can serve as a pledge to the Allies 
for the recovery or reparation for war losses. 

Immediate restitution of the cash deposit in the National 
Bank of Belgium, and, in general, immediate return of all 
documents, specie, stocks, shares, paper money, together with 
plant for the issue thereof, touching public or private interests 
in the invaded countries. 

Eestitution of the Russian and Rumanian gold yielded to 
Germany or taken by that Power. 

This gold to be delivered in trust to the Allies until the 
signature of peace. 

E. — Naval Conditions 

XX. — Immediate cessation of all hostilities at sea, and 
definite information to be given as to the location and move- 
ments of all German ships. 

Notification to be given to neutrals that freedom of navi- 
gation in all territorial waters is given to the Naval and 
Mercantile IMarines of the Allied and Associated Powers, all 
questions of neutrality being waived. 

XXI. — All Naval and Mercantile Marine prisoners of war 
of the Allied and Associated Powers in German hands to be 
returned, without reciprocity. 

XXII. — Handing over to the Allies and the United States 
of all submarines (including all submarine cruisers and mine- 
layers) which are present at the moment with full comple- 
ment in the ports specified by the Allies and the United States. 
Those that cannot put to sea to be deprived of crews and 
supplies, and shall remain under the supervision of the Allies 
and the United States. Submarines ready to put to sea shall 
be prepared to leave German ports immediately on receipt of 
wireless order to sail to the port of surrender, the remainder 
to follow as 'early as possible. The conditions of this Article 
shall be carried [out] within fourteen days after the signing 
of the Armistice. 

XXHI. — The following German surface warships, which 


shall be designated by the Allies and the United States of 
America, shall forthwith be disarmed and thereafter interned 
in neutral ports, or, failing them, Allied ports, to be desig- 
nated by the Allies and the United States of America, and 
placed under the surveillance of the Allies and the United 
States of America, only caretakers being left on board, 
namely : — 

6 Battle Cruisers. 
10 Battleships. 

8 Light Cruisers, including two minelayers. 
50 Destroyers of the most modern types. 

All other surface warships (including river craft) are to 
be concentrated in German Naval bases to be designated by 
the Allies and the United States of America, and are to be 
paid off and completely disarmed and placed under the super- 
vision of the Allies and the United States of America. All 
vessels of the auxiliary fleet (trawlers, motor-vessels, etc.) are 
to be disarmed. All vessels specified for internment shall be 
ready to leave German ports seven days after the signing of 
the Armistice. Directions of the voyage will be given by wire- 

Note. — A declaration has been signed by the Allied Dele- 
gates and handed to the German Delegates, to the effect that, 
in the event of ships not being handed over owing to the 
mutinous state of the Fleet, the Allies reserve the right to 
occupy Heligoland as an advanced base to enable them to 
enforce the terms of the Armistice. The German Delegates 
have on their part signed a Declaration that they will recom- 
mend the Chancellor to accept this. 

XXIV. — The Allies and the United States of America 
shall have the right to sweep up all minefields and obstructions 
laid by Germany outside German territorial waters, and the 
positions of these are to be indicated. 

XXV. — Freedom of access to and from the Baltic to be 
given to the Naval and Mercantile Marines of the Allied and 
Associated Powers. To secure this, the Allies and the United 
States of America shall be empowered to occupy all German 
forts, fortifications, batteries, and defence works of all kinds 
in all the entrances from the Kattegat into the Baltic, and 


to sweep up all mines and obstructions within and without 
German territorial waters without any questions of neutrality 
being raised, and the positions of all such mines and obstruc- 
tions are to be indicated. 

XXVI. — The existing blockade conditions set up by the 
Allied and Associated Powers are to remain unchanged, and 
all German merchant ships found at sea are to remain liable 
to capture. The Allies and United States contemplate the 
provisioning of Germany during the Armistice as shall be 
found necessary. 

XXVII. — All Naval aircraft are to be concentrated and 
immobilized in German bases to be specified by the Allies and 
the United States of America. 

XXVIII. — In evacuating the Belgian coasts and forts Ger- 
many shall abandon all merchant ships, tugs, lighters, cranes, 
and all other harbour materials, all materials for inland navi- 
gation, all aircraft and air materials and stores, all arms and 
armaments, and all stores and apparatus of all kinds. 

XXIX. — All Black Sea ports are to be evacuated by Ger- 
many; all Russian warships of all descriptions seized by Ger- 
many in the Black Sea are to be handed over to the Allies 
and the United States of America ; all neutral merchant ships 
seized are to be released; all warlike and other materials of 
all kinds seized in those ports are to be returned, and German 
materials as specified in Clause XXVIII are to be aban- 

XXX. — All merchant ships in German hands belonging 
to the Allied and Associated Powers are to be restored in ports 
to be specified by the Allies and the United States of America 
without reciprocity. 

XXXI. — No destruction of ships or of materials to be 
permitted before evacuation, surrender, or restoration. 

XXXII. — The German Government shall formally notify 
the neutral Governments of the world, and particularly the 
Governments of Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland, 
that all restrictions placed on the trading of their vessels with 
the Allied and Associated countries, whether by the German 
Government or by private German interests, and whether in 
return for specific concessions, such as the export of ship- 
building materials, or not, are immediately cancelled. 

XXXIII. — No transfers of German merchant shipping of 


any description to any neutral flag are to take place after 
signature of the Armistice. 

F. — Duration of Armistice 

XXXIV. — The duration of the Armistice is to be 36 days, 
with option to extend. During this period, on failure of 
execution of any of the above clauses, the Armistice may be 
denounced by one of the contracting parties on 48 hours' 
previous notice. 

G. — Time Limit foe Reply 

XXXV. — This Armistice to be accepted or refused by 
Germany within 72 hours of notification. 



Adami, Col., 79, 87, 88, 107 

Aix Noulette, 50 

Albert 53 

Algie, Lieut. W. L. A., V.C, 270 

Amiens, 22, 32, 33, 39, 59 

Amiens, Battle of, 59, 61, 69 

Amy, Mrs. L., 183 

Amyot, Col., Ill 

Anti-Aircraft Searchlight Co., 

C.E., 65, 66, 70, 71 
Aquitania, the, 240 
Archangel, 220, 221, 224, 230, 

231, 237, 238 
Argyll, Duchess of, 212 
Armentieres, 27 

Army Medical Corps, 75 et seq. 
Army Nursing Sisters, the, 81 
Army Troops Co., C.E., 54, 60, 

70, 71 
Arnoldi, Maj. F. F., 222, 235, 

Arnoldi, Lieut. Joan, 180 
Arras, 40, 41 

Arras, Battle of, 39, 56, 69 
Artillery, the Canadian, 1 et seq. 
Aubin St. Vaast, 150 


Babtie Board, Report of the, 83, 

91, 92, 96 
Baikal, lake, 238 
Barclay, Mrs. G., 185 
Barker, Lt.-Col., W. G.,V.C., 270 
Barron, Corp. C, V.C, 271 
Beaverbrook, Lady, 142 
Beaver Hut, the, 141-42 
Bell, Dr. J., 76 

Bellew, Capt. E. D., V.C, 272 
Beresnik, 225, 227, 230, 231, 236 
Bergas, Mme., 189 
Bergin, Dr. D., 75, 76 
Birks, Lt.-Col. G. W., 148, 153 
Bishop, Lt.-Col. W. A., V.C, 273 
Black, Mrs. G., 183 
Bolsheviki, the, 226 et seq. 

Borden, Sir F., 76 
Borden, Sir R., 156 
Boulter, Miss, 182 
Bourlon Wood, 45, 53 
Bourne, H. E. Cardinal, 155 
Brazeau, Mile. T., 189 
Brereton, Sergt. A., V.C, 274 
Bridges, Lt.-Col. J. W., 83 
Brillant, Lieut. J., V.C, 274 
Brown, Mrs. G., 186 
Brown, Pte. H., V.C, 275 
Brown, Lady MacLaren, 180, 

182, 207, 208, 209 
Browning, Miss E. G., 188 
Bruce, Col. H. A., Report of, 83, 

84, 90, 91, 92, 95 
Bruce, Mrs. J., 198, 200 
Bulford, 86 
Bully Grenay, 29 
Burnham, Miss, 188 
Bumham, Mrs. H., 188 

Cairns, Sergt. H., V.C, 276 

Camblain I'Abbe, 126 

Cambrai, 34 

Camouflage, 58, 59 

Campbell, Lieut. F. W.,V.C., 277 

Casualty Clearing Stations, 82, 

Canadian Daily Record, the, 143 

Canal de Conde, 41 

Canal de la Sensee, 41, 43 

Canal de I'Escaut, 41 

Canal du Nord, 35, 40, 41, 44, 45 

Chalford, Canon, 126 

Chaplain Service, the, 116 et 

Chase-Casgrain, Mme., 189 

Clark, Corp. L., V.C, 277 

Clark-Kennedy, Lt.-Col. W. H., 
V.C, 278 

Clearing Hospitals, the, 82 

Cliveden, 89 

Combe, Lieut. R. G., V.C, 279 

Connaught, H. R. H. The Duch- 
ess of, 201 




" Continuous Wave Wireless," 

the, 62 
Coppins, Corp. F. W., V.C, 280 
Corbett, Capt. D., 153 
Corps Dental Laboratory, 108 
Corps Pigeon Service, 63 
Corps R.E. Parks, 59, 60, 61 
Corps Signal Co., 64 
Corps Tramway Co's, 53 
Cotter, Miss R., 187 
Croak, Pte. J. B., V.C, 280 
Crosby, Gen., 237 
Currie, Sir Arthur, 105-06, 114- 

15, 141, 242, 243 
Czaritza, the S. S. 237 


Davies, W. H., 134 
Davignon, Miss, 189 
De Longueil, Mile., 189 
Demobilization, 240 et seq. 
Dennison, Miss J., 187 
Dental Department, 108 
Despatch Rider Letter Service, 

63, 73 
Dinesen, Pte. T., V.C, 281 
Divisional Engineers, 67 
Divisional R.E. Parks, 60 
Dobell, Mrs. W. M., 185 
Douglas, Surg.-Maj., V.C, 76 
Douglas, Mrs. W., 188 
Drew, Mrs. W., 184 
Drocourt-Queant Switch Line, 

Drummond, Lady, 179 
Duff, Lt.-Col. H. R., 82 
Duisans, 59 
Dvina, the river, 221, 223-26, 



Ellison, Miss G., 185 
Elmsley, Brig.-Gen. J. H., 238 
Emtsa, the river, 224 
Engineers, the Canadian, 37 et 

Engineers, M.T. Co., 61, 66, 69, 

70, 72 
Etaples, 150 

Ferris, Mrs. W. D., 181 
Festubert, 27 

Field Ambulances, 82 
Finn, Miss M. I., 180 
Fiset, Maj.-Gen. Sir Eugene, 78, 

Fisher, Corp. F., V.C, 281 
Fitz-Randolph, Miss H., 42, 182 
Fleet, Miss E., 189 
Fleming, Mrs. S., 180 
Fleurbaix, 24, 25 
Flowerdew, Lieut. G. M., V.C, 

Forde, Lt.-Col. E., 72 
Forgie, A. W., 137 
Fort Gassion, 89 
Foster, Miss, 189 
" Fuller Phone," the, 62 

Gatewood, Mrs., 204 

Gault, Mrs. Hamilton, 186 

Gavin, Lt.-Col., 225 

General Hospitals, 82, 85, 86, 89, 

97, 111 
George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd, 

Gillis, Capt., 231 
Godman, Mrs. F. T., 182 
Good, Sergt. H. J., V.C, 282 
Gooderham, Col., 212 
Gooderham, Mrs. A. E., 198, 199, 

209, 212, 215 
Gordon, Mrs. M. R,, 180 
Graham, C, 137 
Graham, E. E., 134 
Gregg, Lieut. M. F., V.C, 283 
Gunners' Bridge, 226 

Haig, Field Marshal Earl, 202, 

" Halifax Fund," the, 211 
Hall, Sergt.-Maj. F. W., V.C, 

Hanna, Sergt.-Maj. R., V.C, 284 
Harvey, Lieut. F. M. W., V.C, 

Hobson, Sergt. F., V.C, 285 
Hodgetts, Lt.-Col., 83 
Hodgins, Mr. Justice, 263 
Holmes, Sergt. T. W., V.C, 286 
Honey, Lieut. S. L., V.C, 287 
Home, Gen. Sir H., 116 
Hotel d'lena, the, 148, 149 
Hughes, Sir Sam, 9P 



Hutcheson, Capt. B. S., V.C., 

Hyde, Maj. W. C, 222, 234, 235 

I.O.D.E., War Work of the, 

197 et seq. 
Inglis, Capt., 44 
Ironsides, Maj.-Gen. E., 222, 237 

Jeffray, Miss M., 185 
Jocelyn, Lt.-Col., 225 
Jones, Surg.-Gen. G. Carleton, 
77, 92, 93, 96 


Kaeble, Corp. J., V.C, 288 

Keenan, Lt.-Col., 78 

Kem, 221 

Kemp, Sir Edward, 155 

Kerr, Miss E., 189 

Kerr, Lieut. G. F., V.C, 289 

Kerr, Pte. J. C, V.C, 289 

Kerr, Miss M., 189 

Kingman, A., 153 

Kinross, Pte. C J., V.C, 290 

K. of C " Catholic Army Huts," 

153 et seq. 
Knight, Sergt. A. G., V.C, 290 
Kola, 220 

Konowal, Corp. F., V.C, 291 
Kurgomen, 226, 227, 228, 230, 

231, 235 

La Bassee, 27 

La Coulotte, 51 

Langstaff, Mrs. J. M., 205 

Lavington, 86 

Learmonth, Capt. O'K. M., V.C, 

Leckie, Col., 236 
Lee, Capt, 138 
Lens, 7, 50, 52 
Le Touquet, 89 
Le Treport, 89 
Lewis, Miss W., 180, 181 
Lievin, 52, 127 
Lille, 25 

Lindsay, Maj.-Gen. W. B., 67 
Lipsett, Gen., 151 

Llandovery Castle, the, 11^ 
Lyall, Lieut. G. T., V.C, 292 
Lyall, Mrs. P., 189 


McAdams, Miss R., 184 
McCarthy, Miss L., 189 
Macdonald, Miss, 198 
MacDougald, Mrs., 204 
MacDowell, Maj. T. W., V.C, 

MacGregor, Capt. J., V.C, 294 
McGillivray, Capt., 171 
Mclntyre, Miss M., 185 
McKean, Lieut. G. B., V.C, 2S4 
McKenzie, Lieut. H., V.C, 295 
McLachlin, Miss J., 185, 188 
McLeod, Lieut. A. A., V.C, 296 
MacMahon, Mrs., 198 
McMeares, Miss L., 180 
McMillan, Mrs., 175 
McMurrich, Miss H., 185 
MacNaughton, Brig.-Gen. A. G. 

L., 20 
McTavish, Miss, 189 
Manion, Capt. R. J., 102-03 
Marquion, 44, 45, 46 
Martin, Miss L., 186 
Mathewson, Miss, 186 
Merrifield, Sergt. W., V.C, 297 
Metcalf, Corp, W. H., V.C, 297 
Mezieres, 22 
Middleton, Gen., 76 
Milne, Pte. W. J., V.C, 298 
Miner, Corp. H. G. B., V.C, 298 
Minto, Lady, 213 
Mitchell, Capt. C N., V.C, 299 
Monro, Mrs. G., 186 
Mons, 36, 40, 41, 149 
Morris, Miss E., 189 
Morrison, Maj.-Gen. Sir Ed- 
ward, 24 
Mowat, Capt., 232, 233 
Mowrer, Mrs. L. G., 187 
Mullin, Lieut. G. H., V.C, 300 
Murray, Mrs. C, 198 
Murray, Brig, Mary, 168 
Murray, Maj.-Gen., 168 


Nasmith, Lt.-Col. G. G., 83 
Neilson, Col. H., 76, 77 
Netheravon, 86 
Neuville Vitasse, 58 



Nissen huts, the, 58 
Northland, the, 263 
Nunney, Pte. C. J. P., V.C, 300 


O'Gorman, Rev. J. J., 153 
O'Kelly, Capt. C. P. J., V.C, 301 
Onega, 221 

O'Rourke, Pte. M. J., V.C, 301 
Orr, Major, 111 

Page, Miss B., 187 

Passchendaele, 7, 30, 31, 39 

Patricia, H. R. H. Princess, 214 

Pattison, Pte. J. G., V.C, 302 

Pearkes, Lt.-Col. G. R.,V.C., 303 

Pearson, Sir Arthur, 214 

Pearson, H. A., 136 

Peck, Lt.-Col. C W., V.C, 304 

Penfold, Capt., 170 

Pequegnat, A., 137 

Perley, Sir George, 155 

Perley, Lady, 180, 182 

Petrograd, 220, 221 

Piander, 233 

Pinega, the river, 221 

Pless 235 

Plum'mer, Capt. Mary, 180, 200 

Pontoon Bridging Co., C.E., 60, 

69, 70, 72 
Portal, Major, 18 


Rayfield, Pte. J. P., V.C, 304 
Red Triangle Clubs, 140 
Reid, Miss H. R. Y., 193 
Richards, Commissioner, 171 
Richardson, Pte. J., V.C, 305 
Riddett, Mrs., 184 
Ridgeway, R., 133 
Robertson, Pte. J. P., V.C, 306 
Robinson, Capt., 170 
Robinson, Mrs. C, 188 
Roddick, Dr. T., 75, 76 
Rosieres, 56 

Ross, Brig.-Gen. A. E., 104-05 
Ross, Mrs. J. F. W., 188 
Ross, Mrs. J. G., 182 
Russia, Campaign in Northern, 

219 et seq. 
Rutherford, Lieut. C.S.,V.C.,306 
Ryerson, Dr. G. A. S., 76 

Salisbury Plain, 85, 86, 89 
Salvation Army, Work of the, 

168 et seq. 
Sanctuary Wood, 28 
Sanitary Section, the, 109-11 
Scobie, Miss E., 188 
Scott, Lt.-Col. G. F., 132-33 
Scrimger, Lt.-Col. F.A.C, V.C, 

Seize, 226 

Shankland, Capt. R., V.C, 308 
Sharman, Lt.-Col. C H. L., 219, 

222-25, 233, 235 
Shenkursk, 227, 231, 233 
Shushega, 234, 235 
Sifton, Sergt. E. W., V.C, 308 
Signal Service, the, 62-65, 72-73 
Smith, Lt.-Col. Clarence F., 159 
Snyder, Miss K. J., 188 
Somme, Battle of the, 28, 29, 47 
Southall, Major, 174 
Spall, Sergt. R., V.C, 309 
Special Works Go's, R.E., 58 
Spencer, Miss S. S., 180 
Stationary Hospitals, 82, 89, 97, 

100, 111, 113 
Steele, Capt., 170, 171, 172 
Stephen, the S. S., 223 
Stitt, Capt. 0. M., 56 
Strachan, Maj. H., V.C, 309 
Strathy, Mrs. H. S., 198 
Sullivan, Dr. M., 76 

Tait, Lieut. J. E., V.C, 310 
Tate, Miss, 188 
Taylor, Miss F., 189 
Thomas, Mrs. W. R., 189 
Thompson, " Bob," 134 
Tinques, 146 
Tobin, Dr., 76 
Topsa, 226 
Tory, Dr. H. M., 151 
Tramway Go's, C.E., 70, 71, 150 
Tulgas, 225,226,228,229,234,236 
Tunnelling Go's, C.E., 50, 69, 70, 

Turner, Gen., 155 

Vaga, the river, 221, 225, 226, 
231, 233, 235, 237 



Valcartier, 82, 83, 85, 87, 137 

Valenciennes, 36, 149 

Van Koughnet, Mrs. A., 198 

Vimy Ridge, Battle of, 29, 39 

Vimy Ridge, Defences of, 47 

Vimy Ridge, University of, 152 

Vistafka, 234 

Vladivostok, 238 

Voluntary Aid Hospitals, 94-96 


Wallis, Miss K., 186 
Walton, Capt., 171 
Wancourt, 58 
Watel, Mrs. P., 189 
Watt, Mrs. A. T., 181, 182 
Webb, Miss R., 187 
Weller, Mrs. K., 185 

Whiteman, H., 136 
Whitman, Miss J., 189 
Wilken, A. G., 134 
Wilson, Lt.-Col. F. W. E., Ill 
Women, War Work of Canadian, 

176 et seq. 
Worthington, Col. A. N., 78 

Yemelskoe, the river, 224 
Young, Pte. J. F., V.C, 311 
Y.M.C.A., the, 136 et seq. 
Ypres, 25, 27 

Zengel, Sergt. R. L., V.C, 311 

Printed at the Colonial Press, Boston, Mass. 


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