The Canadian militia; a history of the origin and development of the force

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Enterid according to Act ol Ihe Parliamp.nt of Canada, in
the year Nineteen Hundred and Seven, at ihe Depart-
ment of Ai/riculture. by Louis M. Fresco

The Honourable Sir F. W. Borden, K.C.M.G., M.D., M.P.
Minister of Militia since July 13th, 1896.

The Canadian Militia

A HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE FORCE

by

Captain Ernest J. Chambers

(Corps of Guides)

Author of tile liistories of The 1st Prince of Wales' Regiment; The 3rd (Montreal) Field Battery; The 2nd Queen's Own Rifles; The Montreal

Highland Cadet Battalion; The Governor General's Body Guards; The lOlh Royal Grenadiers; 1 he 43rd Duke of Cornwall's

Own Rifles; The 5th Royal Highlanders of Canada; "Le 65me Carabiniers Mont Royal"; The Royal Norlh-

Wesl Mounted Police; The 90lh Winnipeg Rifles, Etc. Etc.

L.M. FRESCO. - MONTREAL
PublUker

THE MORTIMER PRESS, OTTAWA-MONTREAL

• • • •

• ■ • • •

• • • • •

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
PREFACE. 7

CHAPTER I. — The Canadian Militia of the French Regime 9

CHAPTER II. — The Change of Flags and Transfer of Allegiance. — Military Rule in Canada. —

The First British Canadian Militia 15

CHAPTER III. — Sir Guy Carleton's Militia and Volunteers 20

CHAPTER IV. — The Upper Canada Militia. — ^The Original Organization under Governor Simcoe.—

The War of 1812 and The Rebellion of 1837-38 33

CHAPTER V. — The Militia of Lower Canada. — The Principles of the French Militia System
Retained. — The Royal Canadian Volunteers. — Lower Canadian Militia and Volunteer Corps
of 1812-14 and 1837.— The Militia a Butt of Political Discord 44

CHAPTER VI.— The Militia of United Canada.— The Mother Country While Conceding Self
Government to Canada Expects Her to do More in Her Own Defence. — The Trent Aflfair and
Fenian Raids. — The Militia Becomes a National Defensive Force Instead of a Mere Auxiliary to
the Regular Army 61

CHAPTER VII.— The Maritime Province Militia 76

CHAPTER VIII. — Militia of the Dominion. — The First Dominion Militia Act and Amending
Legislation.— The Fenian Raids of 1870 and 1871.— The Red River Expeditions. The North-
west Rebellion and The South African War. — Canada's Defensive Force Emerges From The
Experimental Stage 87

CHAPTER IX. — Recent Developments. — The Canadian Militia Becomes an Effective Army With
Its Own Staff and Departmental Organizations And Arsenals. — Canada Assumes The Whole
Responsibility of Keeping the L^nion Jack Flying in North America. — Departure of the Last
British Regulars 104

m2^o:k)9

PREFACE

THE remarkable progress made by Canada during the past eight or ten years
in the development of her natural resources, in the extension of her domestic
industries and in the expansion of her internal and foreign commerce, has
been accompanied by a development of wholesome national military spii;it and by
an expansion of the defensive force of the Dominion just as noteworthy and
unquestionably just as essential to the continued prosperity and happiness of
the inhabitants of the Dominion as a people.

T[The sound, sober military spirit which permeates the loyal and patriotic popula-
tion of Canada is unquestionably one of the most valuable assets of this great
country. History proves beyond all cavil that the continued possession of a ster-
ling military spirit is absolutely essential to-llie preservation of the liberty, the
material prosperity, the higher standards of moral and religious life, and the true
happiness of nations. Ancient empires like Assyria, Babylonia, Egypt, Phoenicia
and Lydia, only succumbed when the virile military spirit which had established
their prosperity and glory was extinguished. When the Lydians, during a momen-
tary revival of national military spirit, endeavored to throw off the Persian yoke,
Cyrus (559-531 B.C.) decided that the subjugation of the proud race should be
crushing and final. He did not lay the rebellious country waste nor put its people
to the sword. The Lydians were fabulously rich, so much so that the name of their
king Croesus to this day stands as a synonym for vast wealth. Cyrus, who com-
bined the wisdom of a philosopher with the skill and courage of a mighty con-
queror, decided that the national wealth of the Lydians coupled with the oblitera-
tion of the military spirit prevailiiig among them should be made to work the
nation's death. They were deprived of their arms and all trophies and monuments
recalling past military glories. They were forbidden to practice military evolutions
or anything resembling them, and were actually compelled to live in the idle enjoy-
ment of the wealth they possessed, in order that the race might become demora-
lized and effeminate. This policy soon accomplished its purpose.

IThanks to the oft-recurring outbreaks of unfriendliness among sections of the
people of the neighbouring but not always neighbourly repul)lic, and to the deep-
rooted determination of the Canadian people, begotten of their royalist stock, to
preserve inviolate at all costs the territory of Canada as the home of British par-
liamentary institutions and the ark of true freedom in North America, there has
always been more or less military spirit in this country, and the existence of
the Canadian Militia, even during the periods of most pronounced neglect, has
done not a little to foster and nourish it.

IThe South African War stimulated the military spirit in Canada as it had not
been for years; and in demonstrating the mighty scope which existed for co-
operation between the Mother Country and her daughter nations in defence of
the Empire, at once raised the Canadian Militia from the level of a mere auxiliary
of the regular army, liable to be called upon to furnish men, and perhaps a few
selected officers, in cases of local emergency, to the status of a powerful and
necessary unit of the Imperial defensive force.

IfThe Canadian people and the Canadian Militia have manfully assumed the
increased responsibility, and the intervening few years have seen an incompletely
organized, a poorly supported, and an oft-neglected militia transformed into an
effective army with a carefully selected and trained staff, with modern armaments
and equipment, and with its own arsenals, magazines and departments.

PREFACE— Cmitinued

^And Canada, possessing, as her oft-tried loyalty well warrants, the absolute con-
fidence of the Mother Country, has dutifully and proudly assumed the full respon-
sibility of keeping the flag of the Empire flying in the northern half of this continent.
The last soldier on the pay rolls of His Majesty's regular army has left Canadian
soil.

^A new epoch in the history of the Canadian forces has been reached, and the time
seems opportune for taking a glance backward and for reviewing the various stages of
the development of the Canadian Militia. It might now, more correctly, be styled
the Canadian Army.

1[For many years the writer has had in contemplation the production of a volume
or series of volumes giving, in comprehensive detail, a record of the origin, develop-
ment and services of the Canadian Militia, and he hopes yet to carry out that idea.
When he was first approached by the publishers of this book and invited to under-
take the writing of it, he hesitated somewhat, as the time and space placed at his
disposal were limited; but realizing that the volume proposed could hardly fail
to be of immediate practical use to his comrades of the militia and others in-
terested, for a book of the kind has been long needed, he agreed to do the work.

TJThe Minister of Militia, Sir Frederick Borden, had been already interviewed by
the publishers and kindly expressed his approval. He also most courteously
promised the writer that any departmental information he required should be
placed at his disposal.

fOn account of the lack of space at his command the author found that it was
impossible in this volume to give more than a passing notice to the campaigns of
the Militia, deeming it of more practical importance to trace the development
of the force and to record the successive changes which have taken place in its
organization and internal administration.

^Thanks have to be accorded to Doctors De Celles and Griffin, Librarians of Parlia-
ment, and to their staff of the Parliamentary Library, Ottawa, more particularly
to Lieut. -Colonel A. H. Todd and Messrs. Sylvain and MacCormac; to Dr. Arthur
Doughty, CM. G., Dominion Archivist; to Colonel F. L. Lessard, Adjutant-General
of Militia; to Colonel D. A. MacDonald, Quartermaster-General; to J.W.Borden,
Accountant and Paymaster-General; to Major R. J. Wicksteed, author of a most
interesting pamphlet on the militia (1875); to Mr. Lane, Librarian of the Militia
Department; to Major Irving, of the Canadian Military Institute, Toronto, and
to a large number of military and literary friends who have placed material
and pictures at the author's disposition.

^There is in the Dominion Archives a veritable mine of invaluable information
with reference to the infancy of the Canadian defensive force, and it must be a
subject for congratulation to all interested in the force to know that this material
is being so skilfully and carefully arranged that it will be directly and usefully avail-
able to them. In the preparation of the following pages the Archives have been
largely drawn upon and so have the annual reports of the Militia Department,
parliamentary papers and the Hansards of the Senate and House of Commons.

ERNEST J. CHAMBERS.
325 Daly Ave., Ottawa, July 1, 1907.

CHAPTER I

THE CANADIAN MILITIA OF THE FRENCH REGIME

ALTHOUGH as it at present exists, the Canadian
Militia* system bears the impress of the
influences of the old miUtia organizations of
England rather than that of those of New France,
there are many points of connection entitling the
present Militia of the Dominion of Canada to
claim some sort of relationship to the gallant
Canadian Militia of the French Regime. The
Act of Capitulation of Montreal, cancelling the
authority of the King of France in Canada, of
course voided, or to be more accurate, for the capitu-
lation, was subject to subsequent treaty, suspended
that sovereign's commissions in the colony, including
those of the officers of Militia. But the ink upon the
document in question was scarcely dry before the
British authorities provided for the recommissioning
of such of the militia officers as would take the oath
of allegiance. True, the object of the British wa.s to
obtain the services of the officers of the old Canadian
Militia in their civil rather than in their military
capacities. But it was the old militia organization
which was temporarily revived under British auth-
ority, nevertheless. After the formal cession by treaty
of Canada to Britain the French commissions were
cancelled by ordinance, but the authorities appear to
have availed themselves of the good offices of the
militia captains, and it was they who were relied upon
to raise and command the first British Canadian

armed force raised in Montreal, Quebec and Three
Rivers in 1764 for use in the operations against the
western Indians. Similarly it was the officers of the
old French militia who raised and officered the most
of the volunteer corps which served, not only in re-
pelling the American invasion of 1775-76, but rendered
good service with the Loyalist armies during the
revolutionary campaigns in what is now the United
States. And when the first colonial acts respecting
the organization of a militia under the British rule
were drafted the militia laws and practices of tlie old
regime were taken into consideration and had a
marked effect on the legislation in question. As to
the personnel of the first Canadian militia under
British rule, the muster rolls of that period could be
easily mistaken for those of the splendid but poorly
appreciated militia that rendered such fine service
under Montcalm and de Levis, so many of the officers
who hat! fought so valiantly to uphold the fleurs-de-
lys, accepting similar appointments under the Union
Jack. To all effects and purposes the first Canadian
militia organized under the British regime was the
same body as had served the Bourbons so well before
the Capitulation of Montreal.

Few people realize what a powerful force the militia
of the old French colony was. The year of the first
battle of the Plains of Abraham, 1759, Montreal con-
tained 4,000 inhabitants, and yet the militia organiza-

*The word "militia" (from the Latin miles, a soldier) is generally con-
sidered by encyclopedists and historians as meaning that portion of the
military strength of a nation enrollpd for discipline and instruction, hut
local in its orsanization, and enffaiied in active service only in case of emer-
gency, the organized national reserve in fact. Clearly, from the derivation
of the word, this present acknowledi^ed m'-anin^ was not its oriKtnal one,
and we know'*from parliamentary history that old English representatives

in the House of Commons, realizing the national dreatl of military dictator-
ship, objected to the application of the term "militia" to the constitutional
and popular branch of the defensive forces of the country. In the generally
accepted sense referred to the term is now a misnomer applied to the
defensive force of Canada, for what we call the ' 'Active Militia" is the Domin-
ion's first line of defence, and includes a force (small it is true), of perman-
ently embodied troops — regulars — with a complete permanent staff.

9

tion of the province was so perfect, that Montreal
alone had a militia force of about 1,000 men on service
in the field. This enrollment of such a large pro-
portion of the population was accomplished by the
aid of the Feudal law of Fiefs.

Under the French Militia Ordinances, based upon
this law, every man in the colony, the clergy and
noblesse excepted, was required to enroll himself
in the militia. The military administrative organiza-
tion in each district, outside of Quebec, where the
colonial administration was located, consisted of a
Governor, a Lieutenant du Roi and a Town Major,
all under salary. In every parish there was a Captain
of Militia, responsible for the drill and good order of
his men, while the seigneurs were generally commis-
sioned as colonels. The Governors, in cases of
emergency, decided what quotas were required from
each seigniory and town and forwarded a requisition
therefor to the Town Majors and Seigneurs. These
officials in turn decided upon the strength of the
quotas of the various parishes, and requisitioned
the Captains of Militia therefor, the Captains raising
the men by a draft, and marching them under escort
into the nearest town where the Town Major fur-
nished each militiaman with arms and clothing.

Many duties of a civil nature in connection with
the administration of the law, the regulation of statute
labour, and the making and maintenance of roads,
bridges and other public utilities were imposed upon
the Captains of Militia, these useful officials being
compensated for their services in time of peace by
grants of powder and ball. At least from the year
1754 until the Capitulation of Montreal every parish
was a garrison, commanded by a Captain of Militia,
whose authority was not only acknowledged but
rigidly enforced. From the date first mentioned
until the appearance of Saunders' fleet in the St. Law-
rence, the militia of Quebec, Montreal and Three
Rivers was frequently exercised, the Quebec militia
including a carefully trained artillery company which
performed good service during the siege.

The clothing supplied the militiaman can scarcely
be described as a uniform. At the embodiment of the
levies the Town Mayor furnished each militiaman
with a gun, a capote, a Canadian cloak, a breech
clout, a cotton shirt, a cap, a pair of leggings,
a pair of Indian shoes and a blanket. The old
Canadian militiaman during the French regime
must certainly have looked more serviceable than
soldierly, particularly to the critical eyes of those
used to the prim, tight-laced soldiers of those days.
But he showed in the field and forest that he could
do the work required of him.

10

After receiving their equipments, the militiamen
were marched to the garrison for which they were
destined. The French authorities do not appear to
have made any serious attempt, apart from the case
of the Quebec artillery company, to make trained line
soldiers or artillerymen out of the militia. They pre-
ferred to rely upon the smart professional soldiers
of the Carignan, Languedoc, Bearne, Guienne
La Sarre, Berry and Royal Roussillon regiments
and the Troupes de la " Marine" for the line of battle,
leaving to the militia the just as dangerous, and con-
sidering the country, just as important, functions of
partisans and bushrangers. As the country was not
suitable for cavalry, the commanders depended largely
upon the militia for the important duties of the scouting
and intelligence service. Consequently, while clothing
the peasant soldiery in a fashion as much unlike the
military uniform of the day as anything well could be,
the French officers made no attempt to instill into the
ranks of the militia any idea of drill and discipline
beyond such as was necessary to secure a fair show of
order while on the march. The employment as scouts
and skirmishers was congenial to the warlike race,
and they readily came forward whenever the war drum
sounded.

Sometimes the old French Canadian militia dressed
exactly like their Indian allies. Some of the Canadian
prisoners captured in affairs of outposts during Wolfe's
siege of Quebec were naked, with their bodies daubed
with red and blue paint, and with bunches of painted
feathers in their hair. According to Parkman, they
were said to use the scalping knife as freely as the
Indians, in which respect they resembled the New
England Rangers.

The old French militia was, according to War-
burton, generally reviewed once or twice a year for
the inspection of their arms; that of Quebec was
frequently exercised, and the artillery company at-
tached thereto was very efficient.

During the Anglo-Indian French war, says Rogers
in his "Rise of Canada," in 1754 to be exact, when
the English American colonists had determined upon
the four expeditions against Crown Point, Niagara
and the French fortresses in Nova Scotia and on the
Ohio, the Marquis du Quesne, then Governor of
Canada, organized the militia of Quebec and Montreal;
minutely inspected and disciplined the militia of the
seigniories, and atctahed considerable bodies of regular
artillery to every garrison. When the Marquis de
Vaudreuil de Cavagnac arrived in 1775 to succeed
du Quesne, he found all Canada in arms.

The French governors undoubtedly appreciated

the value of the force, and when the last decisive
struggle was impending, at the close of the year 1758,
the Marquis de Vaudreuil issued a proclamation to the
officers of the Canadian militia to excite their zeal
and quicken their activity in preparations for resist-
ance. "Notwithstanding our glorious successes," said
he, " the state of the colony is perilous. No time must
be lost m organizing our defence." He then directed
that all the male inhabitants of the province, from
sixteen to sixty years of age, should be enrolled in the
militia, and should remain in readiness to march at a
moment's notice. The Captains of militia faithfully
endeavoured to comply with these orders, but the
habitants showed some disinclination to leave their
farms. In many cases the levies, under the law of
universal conscription, were carried out to the letter,
sections of the country remained waste, and eventually
the country was involved in a state of absolute famine.
On the occasion of this last appeal of the French
governor there was really a magnificent response, for,
at the time of the conquest, according to British
official returns, the effective militiamen of the colony
numbered 20,433 men, divided among the military
districts as follows: — Quebec, 64 companies or 7,976
men; Three Rivers, 19 companies, 1,115 men; Mont-
real, 87 companies, 7,331 men.

The "Troupes de la Marine," which formed the
permanent military establishment of Canada, might
be described as forming a part temporarily of the French
Colonial militia. Francis Parkman, in his pre-eminently
interesting and accurate volumes "Montcalm and
Wolfe," speaking of this force says :—" Though at-
tached to the naval department they served on land,
and were employed as a police within the limits of
the colony, or as garrisons of the outlying forts, where
their officers busied themselves more with fur trading
than with their military duties. Thus they had
become ill-disciplined and inefficient, till the hard
hand of du Quesne restored them to order. They
originally consisted of twenty-eight independent com-
panies, increased in 1750 to thirty companies, at first
of fifty, and afterwards of sixty-five men each, form-
ing a total of 1,950 rank and file. In March 1757, ten
more companies were added. They wore white uni-
forms of similar pattern to the line regiments, but with
black facings."

The colonies, in fact, were administered by the French
Department of Marine, which maintained an army of its
own, distinct from the Royal Army, for colonial service.
The officers of this service while on duty in Canada
signed themselves "Captain" or "Lieutenant," as
the case may be, "of a company of the troops detached
from the Marine, in Canada."

And, now, as to the origin of the French Militia in
Canada. Practically all of the first settlers, except
the priests, were soldiers, and equipped to do duty as
such.

Courage and self-sacrifice were required on behalf of
all concerned to maintain the little colony. Pestilence
and famine, the prowling savage, and the treacherous
courtier, combined to endanger the very existence of
the settlements; but the brave colonists, undaunted,
worked out the salvation of themselves and of New
France. The annals of this heroic period of Canadian
history have a peculiar fascination for the reader.

The population of the colony did not extend very
rapidly during its earliest years, but the geographical
bounds of its commercial activity increased tre-
mendously. Although the population of New France,
as compared with that of the English, Dutch and
Spanish colonies along the Atlantic seaboard, was
insignificant, the hardy pioneers of the colony on the
banks of the St. Lawrence pursued their explorations
completely around, and well beyond the spheres of in-
fluence of all rival colonies. New France had the
great advantage which Canada has to-day, of the
greatest inland waterway in the world, and so it came
that the Mississippi, the western prairies, and the
distant Rocky Mountains were discovered and first
explored by parties from this colony.

With the extension of the colony a purely commercial
element sprang up and developed, with other matters
to engage their attention than defence. The import-
ance of that question could not be overlooked by the
authorities, and we find as early as 1627 the first legal
enactment imposing military responsibility on the
population at large. On the date mentioned an order
was issued that all the male inhabitants of Port Royal
(now Annapolis, N.S.) were required to assist the
soldiers in garrison duty if needed. In 1648 mention
is made of the organization of some of the inhabitants
in Acadia and along the St. Lawrence into companies.

In 1649 the first call upon the inhabitants for actual
militia service appears to have been made. The whole
male population of the colony did not exceed 1,000
men, yet fifty men were called out and placed under
arms to assist in repelling one of the ever-recurring
Iroquois attacks. That same year 100 volunteers were
called out as a "camp volant" to patrol the country
between Montreal and Three Rivers, and this service
appears to have been maintained continuously until
1651. In 1653 was organized a sort of volunteer corps
of 63 men, known as the "Fraternity de la Tres Sainte
Vierge." In 1664 the whole male population of Mont-
real able to bear arms was enrolled as volunteers as a
precaution on account of threatened Indian troubles.

11

And similar precautions were doubtless taken in the
other settlements.

A strong military element was about this time
bodily incorporated in the population of Canada.
When the Marquis de Tracy arrived to take over the
duties of Viceroy in 1664, he brought with him as
settlers the then newly disbanded regiment of Carignan-
Sallieres, which had returned to France after fighting
the Turks in Hungary. These men, who had aided
in setting bounds to Mahomedan encroachment, were
admirably adapted for settlement in a country in which
constant fighting was going on with the Iroquois and
the English colonists, and when the regiment returned
to France in 1669 many of its officers and men remained
in Canada, and their descendants are here to this
day.

Much of the glory of the first campaigns against
the Iroquois belonged to the Canadian levies.

April 3rd, 1669, the King of France wrote M. De
Courcelles, Governor of New France, to organize all
the male inhabitants of Canada into companies in
order to teach them the use of arms. (Canadian
Archives.)

Between 1674 and 1676 Frontenac, the iron governor
of New France, thoroughly reorganized the militia,
giving that body the form it retained up to 1759-60, the
able-bodied men of each parish or c6t6, forming a com-
pany of militia, " milices," to be brigaded in time of
war only.

May 16, 1677, an Edict was issued creating the
office of "Pr6v6t" in Canada, and providing for six
"officiers d'archers," to execute its ordinances and
decrees.

Although the internal organization was progressing,
the colonial officials felt the need of regular troops.

In 1679, M. de Frontenac, the Governor-General,
on account of trouble with the Iroquois and English,
wrote to the French government demanding re-inforce-
ments of troops.

In 1682, M. De La Barre, the then governor, again
appealed to the King for military aid to protect the
colony against the Iroquois. The same year M. de
Meules, intendant, writing on the state of the colony
to the minister, complained that there were no guard
houses for the troops in Montreal and Three Rivers.
The following year de La Barre wrote another letter
to the King renewing his request for troops to make
war upon the Iroquois, and petitioned His Majesty
to award a commission in the navy to a son of M. de
Saurel, recently deceased. In those early days the
ambition of young Canadians to serve in the regular
armed forces of the Crown was very marked, and
many of them served in the French army and navy

with distinction. November 12, 1707, M. de
Ramezay, Governor of Montreal, wrote the minister
thanking him for having appointed his son to a com-
mission in the Marine Guards. November 1st, 1711,
de Ramezay wrote to Governor Vaudreuil requesting
a commission for his second son, his first having been
killed the year before in an expedition to Brazil.

April 10, 1684, the King wrote M. de La Barre that
200 soldiers had been sent from France to assist the
colony. The Governor had, meantime, made pre-
liminary arrangements for a punitive expedition
against the Iroquois, causing a number of friendly
Indians to assemble at Fort Frontenac (now King-
ston), and reviewing them April 17th. June 5th, the
reinforcements from over the ocean not having arrived,
the Governor wrote to the minister praying that the
reinforcements asked for be sent or that he may be
permitted to resign and return to France. Meantime
de La Barre proceeded with his preparations for the
expedition, and assembled a force of Canadians and
Indians at Fort Frontenac and reviewed them there
Augu&t 14, 1684.

From this time forward drafts of the Canadian
militia were on almost constant service, and, according
to the reports of the commanding officers, acquitted
themselves with distinction.

In 1684, a company of Canadian militia from Cap
Rouge, commanded by Captain Denis Joseph Juch-
ereau de La Ferte, served in de La Barre's expedition
against the Iroquois, and this same militia officer
serving with d' Iberville in the Hudson Bay in 1689,
at the head of a party of Canadian militia, captured
near Fort Nelson, the English governor of New Severn.

During this period there was almost constant trouble
with the Iroquois, and the governors and other officials
were firmly convinced that the Indians were instigated
by the English colonists. The Chevalier de Callieres,
Governor of the Island of Montreal, was so firmly
convinced of this that he submitted a scheme to the
minister for the capture of New York, volunteering
to carry the scheme into execution himself chiefly with
militia. The proposition was favourably entertained
at Court, and instructions as to its execution issued to
Count de Frontenac, who had returned to Quebec as
Governor-General .

In his reports to the minister on the successful
repulse at Quebec of the British Colonial fleet under
Admiral Phipps in 1690, de Frontenac gave great
credit to the Canadians, and suggested that as a reply
to Phipps' expedition Boston be captured.

The drafting of so many of the inhabitants for
militia service caused considerable trouble in the
colony, shortages of crops often resulting. To obviate

12

this danger constant demands were made for regular
troops.

In 1691, de Frontenac wrote the Kmg asking for
fresh regular troops, and September 15th, 1692, a
memorial was despatched to the minister by de Fron-
tenac, and M. de Champigny, the Intendant, setting
forward the urgent need for a thousand soldiers.
Similar requests were made in 1693, and in October of
the last-named year, some reinforcements were re-
ceived.

In a letter dated November 10, 1695, to the minister,
de Champigny and de Frontenac spoke of having
despatched 700 men to Fort Frontenac, and highly
praised the Canadians operating with the Royal
troops. The following year the old governor left
Montreal on his chief punitive expedition at the head
of 2,200 men, a large proportion of them militia.

The war party sent to the Boston country under
command of d'Eschaillons and de Rouville in 1708
was composed principally of Canadians.

October 18, 1708, M. Randot, Intendant, wrote to
the Minister with reference to salaries for Councillors,
Militia Captains, etc., the duties of the latter having
extended so considerably as to call for regular official
recognition. September 20, 1714, M. de Vaudreuil,
governor general, reported to the minister upon the
reorganization of the troops and militia.

In 1714, Governor de Vaudreuil forwarded a mem-
orandum to the Council of Marine on the danger to
Canada in the event of war with England, in view of
the small number of inhabitants able to bear arms.
The same year he forwarded another memorandum
on the same subject to the Duke of Orleans, Regent
of the kingdom. He contrasted the small number
of the inhabitants of Canada fit to bear arms with
the large proportion of English colonists. He asked
that regulars be sent out, and steps 'taken to settle
and fortify the colony in every way.

It was fully realized by the officials of the colony
that each succeeding year placed New France at an
increased military disadvantage compared with the
New England colonies, and every precaution was taken
to make the most of what military resources the colony
possessed.

Governor de Vaudreuil, May 22, 1725, wrote the
minister of Marine recommending that soldiers marry-
ing in Canada and settling here be allowed to retain
their muskets. This suggestion was apparently ad-
opted, and in September 28, 1726, M. De Beauharnois,
de Vaudreuil's successor, recommended that muskets
be also given to old soldiers who had previously
married and settled in the colony. In a letter dated
Quebec, October 17, 1830, Hocquart, the Intendant,

wrote acknowledging the receipt of permission to
distribute muskets to discharged soldiers remaining
in the colony. October 20th, 1727, M. Dupuy, In-
tendant, wrote to the Minister of Marine that an in-
creased public expenditure had been caused by the
assembling of militia to be sent to Choueguen.

In Quebec, the corps of militia artillery maintained
to assist the regular troops in the manipulation of the
big guns in that fortress, attained considerable dis-
tinction for its efficiency, and an official statement
dated Quebec, October 1, 1728, contains the names
of the burgesses and citizens of Quebec who presented
themselves in order to learn the gim drill during the
years 1725, 1726 and 1727.

About this time the French Government impressed
with the comparatively rapid development of the
military resources of the English colonies, and pro-
bably anxious to avoid the constant demands of the
Canadian governors for regular troops, drew the
attention of the officials in the colonies to the desir-
ability of husbanding the local resources. How well
the situation was appreciated in France is shown by
a document among the Dominion Archives. On the
24th of May, 1728, De Maurepas, Minister of Marine,
writing to M. Dupuis, then Intendant of Canada,
wrote: — "The policy of the people of New England
being to labour at the thorough cultivation of their
farms and to push on their settlements little by little,
when it comes to a question of removing to a distance
they will not consent to do so, because the expense

woidd fall upon themselves The settlers of

New France are of a different mind. They always
want to push on, without troubling themselves about
the settlement of the interior, because they earn more
and are more independent when they are further away.
The result of this difference in the mode of proceeding
is, that their colonies are more densely peopled and
better established than ours."

The exigencies of military service, however, made it
necessary to use the Canadian settlers on far distant
fields on militia service. When Celeron de Bienville,
June 15th, 1749, left Lachine on his celebrated ex-
pedition to the Valley of the Ohio, he had no less than
180 Canadian Militia with him, the rest of his force,
exclusive of Indians, being 14 officers and cadets and
20 soldiers. This was about the ordinary proportion
of regulars and militia of the numerous hard-fighting
war parties of those years, for after the departure of
the Carignan regiment the regular garrisons did not
exceed in the aggregate 300 men, and they were com-
manded by a Captain of Infantry. Six or seven extra
companies were sent to the colony, however, at
different times between 1684 and 1713-7.

The militia system in New France appears to have

13

been in many respects in advance of that of the Mother
Country. "Les Milices Provinciales " of Old France
were auxiliary troops recruited upon emergency.
They comprised in principle all able-bodied men
between the ages of sixteen and forty, but exclusive
of the two first orders, the clergy and the nobility.
The lists', very arbitrary in practice, were drawn up
by the intendants. The King fixed by an ordinance
the number of men to be called out, and this number
was, in council, divided among the provinces. In each
province the intendant determined what contingent
was to be furnished by each community, and those
enrolled determined by lot who were to go with the
draft. The militia on being drawn were given three
francs, uniform and underclothing, the King charging
himself with the arms and equipment. The men so
drawn and equipped were eligible for service for ten
years, but they were not called out except in case of
war. During peace the regimental staffs (cadres)
only were maintained. This institution had its origin
in the militia of the Communes, and was first put into

effect by Louis XIV between 1688 and 1697, when a
temporary militia force of 25,000 men was maintained
in France. It became permanent in 1726 under the
administration of the Duke of Bourbon; but the first
drawing in Paris did not take place until March, 1743.
The militia of France in 1749 formed 40 regiments of two
battalions each, 13 of one, and 29 separate battalions.
The political government of Canada before the
conquest was very simple, if arbitrary, all power
practically residing in the Governor and Intendant,
the Council having little real power. Office, rank and
authority were divided among the gentry with due
degrees of subordination, the gentry being drawn into
still closer attachment to the governments of their
posts by commissions in the Provincial (Les Troupes
de la Marine) and Royal troops. As a matter of fact
the seigneurs owed their titles and estates to past
military services, and their capacity for rendering
valuable aid in the defence of the colony. This is
clearly shown by the instruments creating the various
seignories.

14

CHAPTER II

THE CHANGE OF FLAGS

Military Rule in Canada. — The First British Canadian Militia.

LOUISBURG,C.B., capitulated to General Amherst
July 26th, 1758 ; Fort Niagara was captured
by the British force under Brigadier General
Frideaux and Sir Wm. Johnson, July 25, 1759 ; the
first Battle of the Flains of Abraham was fought
September 13, the last named year, and Quebec
capitulated September 18.

The change of flags in Canada dates from the capitu-
lation of Montreal, SeptembeT 8, 1760, when the
Marquis de Vaudreuil and General de Levis, submit-
ting to the inexorable logic of a vastly superior force,
surrendered the French armies and the whole of New
France to General Amherst.

When quitting Canada, de Vaudreuil paid this
homage to the Canadian people in a letter to the French
ministry: — "With these beautiful and vast countries
France loses 70,000 inhabitants of a rare quality; a
race of people unequalled for their docility, bravery
and loyalty."

That this tribute was richly deserved one has but to
study the history of the Old Regime to realize.

The militiamen of Montreal must have felt keen
pangs of regret when the Union Jack replaced the
Fleurs de Lys on the little citadel near the site of the
present Place Viger Station, the morning after the sign-
ing of the capitulation. But they had been for years
growing disgusted at the rapacity and rascality of many
of the French colonial officials and at the slights put
upon them by some of the regular officers.

The ordinary people, too, had suffered con-
siderably in many cases from the overbearing

conduct of the seigneurs, and consoled themselves
in the hour of the triumph of their hereditary
enemies by the hope that it might deliver them from
aspeciesof petty tyranny which they knew did not exist
in the English colonies. There was a feeling, too, in the
colony that New France had been to a considerable ex-
tent left to its fate by the Mother Country. And
above all, to the war-scarred veterans of the militia
the proud consciousness of having, during many
years of most exacting service, done their whole duty,
robbed defeat of its bitterest sting. Though the
fortimes of war had been against them and Britain
had won their country, they had gained, at least, as
much honour out of the prolonged contest as their
conquerors' many armies of conceited and quarrelsome
colonials, and of contract-raised, and poorly handled
" regular " regiments that had often suffered defeat at the
hands of the Canadian militia, and the white-coated colon-
ial troops and regulars of France before this day of final
defeat. To the rich harvest of imperishable glory
reaped by the devoted supporters of the cause of the
Bourbons during this, to them, disastrous campaign,
the gallantry, the amazing hardihood and the pathetic
devotion of the Canadian militia fairly contributed
the lion's share. There was no disgrace for such men
as these in the final defeat of the cause for which they
had so heroically and, for long, so successfully, fought.
When General Murray, in the spring of 1760 ascended
the St. Lawrence from Quebec, with his army, to par-
ticipate in the operations against Montreal, he received
the submission of the various parishes on his way,

15

the rural militiamen considering the comitry lost,
depositing their arms. No less than 1,400 men of
the seigniory of Boucherville alone took the oath of
neutrality. Murray issued a proclamation that all
Canadians found in corps serving with the French
would be transported to France with the regular
troops.

A detachment of the British army entered Montreal
to take formal possession the day after the signing of
the capitulation, and at Place D'Armes the regular
regiments of the garrison were drawn up and surren-
dered their arms. The British force at once mounted
guards and posted sentries, and that night, for the first
time, English drums beat the sunset tattoo in the streets
of Montreal. The French regulars and officials were
without any unnecessary delay shipped home to J>ance.
The English colonial troops with Amherst's armies
were also returned to their homes.

September 19th General Amherst instructed Colonel
Haldimand to assemble the militia of Montreal who

0

had served under the French regime, at once, and order
them to give up their arms. That done, provided
they would take the oath of allegiance to the British
Crown, the arms would either be returned to them or
placed in an armory as might be determhied. From
subsequent proceedings it appeared that the British
army authorities, who thus found themselves respon-
sible for the government of the newly acquired
colony, were anxious to acquauit themselves with
the personnel and spirit of the militia for the
purpose of enlisting their assistance in the civil
administration of the country. The admuiistration
of justice and of public and communal affairs^
generally, including such public works as roads,
bridges, etc. had under the old regime been in the hands
of the militia officers, and as these matters had to
be attended to by somebody, it was thought that, to
some extent, the old officials might safely be entrusted
with these duties, if they evinced any willingness to
act. On this point the British army officers appear
to have been perfectly satisfied, for when General
Amherst established his military governments in the
colony he made provision for several courts of justice
composed of militia officers, who decided cases brought
before them in a summary way, with an appeal to a
court composed chiefly of officers of His Majesty's
Army.

The military government established by Amherst
divided the country into three districts — Quebec,
Montreal and Three Rivers. Over the first was placed
General James Murray, who was also to act as Com-
mander in Chief. General Thomas Gage was the first
military governor of Montreal, and Colonel Ralph
Burton of Three Rivers.

The three governors seem to have been left pretty
much to their own discretion in carrying out the details
of their systems of administrations, but the various
governments were all of a military pattern, and to
some extent the services of the officers of the old
French militia were called into requisition to assist
in their accustomed capacities as the local admin-
istrators of the laws of the country, which, of course
remained in force pending the final disposition of
Canada by treaty.

In the government of Montreal the militia officers
found themselves re-instated in practically all their
former functions, if in fact their authority was not
increased; but in Quebec, whether on account of that
district being the seat of the chief administration, or
that the population was not so well disposed towards
the new rulers, the militia appears to have been only
called upon to assist in the regulation of the statuory,
labour, the repairs of roads and bridges, etc.

Murray constituted a military council for his district
(Quebec) composed of seven army officers, as judges
of the more important civil and criminal pleas. This
council held bi-weekly sederunts. Murray reserved
to himself the jurisdiction, without power of appeal,
over other cases; or left them to the care of military
subalterns in the country parts. Two prominent
French Canadians were appointed public procurators
and legal commissaries before the military tribunal
of Quebec City: one being Jacques Belcourt de La-
fontaine, ex-member of the sovereign coimcil, for the
country on the right bank of the St. Lawrence; the
other, Joseph Etienne Cugnet, seigneur of St. Etienne,
for that on the left side of the river.

At Three Rivers, almost the same arrangement was
made.

General Gage, in his district, (Montreal) authorized
the parochial militia captains to settle any differences
amongst the people according to their own discretion,
but dissatisfied clients had a power of appeal to the
nearest British commandant or to himself.

An ordinance dated at Montreal, October 13, 1761,
set forth that "His Excellency Thos. Gage, Governor
of Montreal and its dependencies, &c., &c., taking hito
account the administration of justice of his govern-
ment, and being desirous of rendering it moi-e prompt
and less expensive to those obliged to resort thereto,
had seen fit to prepare the present ordinance and release
for the courts of justice of the government of Montreal."

The government was divided for the administration
of justice into 5 districts. In each one there was to
assemble a court (Un corps d'Officiers de Milice) on the
first and fifteenth of each month. These courts of
militia officers, were to be composed of not more than
seven, or less than five members, of which one should

16

hold the rank of captain, the senior to act as president.
The officers of militia of each district were summoned
to meet in their parishes on the 24th October, to make
arrangements for the whole of these courts, and to
prepare rosters of officers for duty therein. The town
of Montreal was set apart as a judicial district of its
own with a local Board of Officers o administrate the
laws. From these courts appeal was to be allowed
to three Boards of Officers of His Majesty's Troops,
one to meet at Montreal the other at Verennes, and the
third at St. Sulpice, these Courts of Appeal to sit on
the 20th of eacli month. From these courts a further
appeal to the Governor in person was provided for.

In the event of capital crimes, officers of militia
were authorized to arrest the criminals and their
accomplices, and to conduct them imder guard to
Montreal, the militia officers to furnish with each
prisoner an account of the crime and a list of witnesses.
In civil cases involving small amounts, not exceeding
20 livres, all the officers of the militia were individually
granted authority to adjudicate with an appeal to,
and no further, than the militia courts of the district.
Provision was made for the payment of the militia officers,
for all of these duties by a scale of fees, a treasurer to
be appointed for each court. The officers of militia
were specially enjouied to mamtain peace and order
within their respective districts.

October 17, 1761, the "ConseUdes Capitaines de
Milice de Montreal" presented a memorial to the
Governor, in which they expressed their willingness
to administer justice gratuitously, as they had done
in the past, but requested, as a favor from His Excel-
lency, that they be exempted from the obligation to
billet troops in their domiciles. They requested that
six cords of wood be purchased to heat the chamber
in which their sittings were held, and that Mr. Panet,
their clerk, be compensated for his services at the rate
of 30 " sols " for each sentence. Two militia sergeants
had been appointed to act as bailiffs and criers of the
court and a tariff of fees was asked for to provide for
their pay. These sergeants, it was also explained,
were not only made use of in the admhiistration of
justice, but also for the district, for the supervision of
the statutory labour or "corvee." This memorial,
which was signed R. Decouagne, was approved by the
Governor.

The placing of the administration of the law to such
an extent in the hands of the officers of the old French
militia was clearly an honest attempt to place the
administration of the French laws, the temporary
continuance of which had been promised to the Cana-
dian people at the capitulation of Montreal, in the
hands of those considered to be the best versed in
them. The commissions in the militia were generally

held by the seigneurs and the other notabilities of their
respective districts, and these persons were not merely
the best educated but, often the most highly esteemed
men in the country, and they had shown themselves to
be good soldiers. The victorious officers,with that strong
professional regard which engenders a species of deep-
seated comradeship even between members of hostile
armies, naturally felt inclined to rely upon the honour
of brother soldiers, though late enemies, rather than
upon that of civilians.

And it is gratifying to relate that this reliance upon
the honor of the officers of the Canadian militia at
this trying period of the national history was not
misplaced, although from this period doubtless dates
back the intimacy between the old noblesse and the
British officials which resulted in the former class
exerting a preponderating, and not always just and
enlightened, influence upon the early years of British
civil government in Canada.

It is satisfactory to note that on retiring from the
governorship of Montreal, Gage forwarded a letter
to " Messieurs, les Capitaines de la Chambe de Milice de
Montreal," dated Montreal, October 1763, in which he
wrote " I cannot help expressing the satisfaction that
I have always derived from your conduct, durhig the
time I have had the honour to be your chief; and it
becomes my duty before leaving your country to tes-
tify as to my lively recognition of the services which
you have rendered to your king and country. Con-
tinue to do your duty in advancing the public welfare,
and not only increase the good reputation you have
already acquired among your fellow countrymen,
but earn what you will certainly not fail to receive,
the gratitude and protection of the king."

The Treaty of Versailles ceding Canada to Britain
was signed in February, 1763, but not proclaimed in
Canada until the following May. October 7, the
same year, a Royal Proclamation was issued providing
for the government of the new colony somewhat along
the lines of the prevailing system, but only so far as it
did not conflict with the laws of Great Britain.

Three veiy different opinions were entertained as
to the effect of the Royal Proclamation of October 7,
1763. There were those who argued that the proc-
lamation repealed all the existing laws and established
English laws in their places; others were of the opinion
that the Canadian laws remained unrepealed. They
argued that according to the spirit of English law,
upon the conquest of a civilized country, the laws
remain in force till the conquerors shall have expressly
ordained to the contrary. Others again thought that
the effect of the proclamation and the resultant Acts
was to introduce the criminal laws of England and to
confirm the Civil Law of Canada.

17

Brigadier General Burton, removed from Three
Rivers to replace General Gage as Governor at Montreal,
upon assuming his new government, issued a proc-
lamation announcing that all the orders for the regu-
lation, good order and police service in the government
would be maintained exactly as they had been institut-
ed under the administration of Major General Gage.
Special mention was made of the fact that " civil justice
would be administered by the militia and military
courts," with the appeal as heretofore to the Governor.

When British civil government was proclaimed in
Canada, notice was given of the cancellation of the
existing French laws. For the time being, however,
failing the proclamation of new laws, many of the old
French ones were continued in force in accordance
with the maxim already referred to.

So, many of the features of the military administration
continued for some time subsequently to the pro-
clamation of civil government. New laws to meet
all the existing local conditions could hardly be ex-
pected to be produced at once. The old population
of the colony, but more particularly the seigneurs
and gentry, who were in closest touch with the British
colonial officials, rather favored a continuation of the
military rule. Being a brave and military people,
immured to war and military discipline, they had
taken kindly to military rule as administered in
Canada by the British, but the gradually growing
British civilian population did not like it, and one
of the objects of the proclamation of 1763 was to
encourage a larger British immigration into the
province.

The proclamation may be said, broadly, to have es-
tablished in Canada the English criminal law, but to have
recognized the "ancient customs" and civil laws of
New France. For the interpretation of these the
administration continued to avail themselves of the
services of some of the tribunals composed of militia
officers. At this time there was considerable un-
certainty as to the limitations of the two systems of
judicature, and there was much overlapping of systems
and many disputes as to procedure, etc. Friction
arose, and more or less local ill-feelling was gradually
consolidated into a wave of national discontent. The
authorities found themselves too much occupied other-
wise to find time to draft a new militia law.

Not only were the militia officers and non-com-
missioned officers used for mere court duties at this
time, as some have assumed. The captains of militia
were looked to as responsible for the statute labour,
bridges, roads, etc., as in the days of the old regime.
This is clearly proved by many existing placards of
the time, one, for instance, issued by Governor Burton,
May 9, 1764, drawing attention to the necessity for

the improvement of the roads and maintenance and
construction of bridges, etc. The principal clause of
the proclamation read as follows: —

"We expressly inform all the captains and officers
of the militia within the boundaries of this government
to take steps immediately on the posting of the present
placard, to see that the roads and bridges are repaired
and that the ditches are cleared out. Each officer of
militia in his district or parish will attend to this in the
customary manner, under penalty of arbitrary measures
being taken dgainst the captains or other officers of
the parish militia who neglect to have the roads and
bridges in their district placed in a satisfactory order
by the time the inspection will be made, one month
after the issue of the present proclamation."

To strengthen the hands of the militia officers a
certain number of arms were issued them for free
public distribution, on loan, during good behaviour,
in order that the recipients might hunt and "keep
their hands in," in case of emergency. It was doubt-
less felt that this would help to maintain the au-
thority of the militia officers who had been friendly
enough to the new authorities to take the Oath of
Allegiance. In one case the recipients of these arms
refused, insolently, to perform public service in con-
nection with the military transport service, and ah
order from the new governor of Three Rivers, Colonel
Fred. Haldimand, was issued to the militia captain
concerned to call in the arms.

The governors were not slow to avail themselves
of the advice of the militia officers. March 26th, 1764,
the captains of the Montreal militia drew the governor's
attention to an interference which had been made with
customary practice, in a formal document.

Burton promptly accepted the explanation, and
ordered the obstacle complained of removed.

And now Britain was about to call upon her new
subjects in Canada for actual military service. The
mighty uprising of the western Indians, known as
Pontiac's conspiracy, had broken out, and armaments
were preparing to suppress the uprising and relieve
the few English posts that still held out.

The British authorities recalled the splendid service
the Canadians had rendered the French armies as
bush fighters and voyageurs, and determined to avail
themselves of the service of a Canadian detachment.

March 5, General James Murray, Governor of Quebec
and Commander-in-Chief, wrote to Lord Halifax that
he had made a requisition for 300 Canadians to serve
in the approaching campaign. He was strongly of
opinion that the whole number should and could be
raised by voluntarily enlistment, and hoped to be
able to prevent his neighbors, the Lieut.-Governors of
Montreal and Three Rivers, from puttmg the draft

18

into force. He had prepared proclamations setting
forth the terms of service, and he wished that all the
men should be raised according to them. One of
these proclamations as issued by Governor Haldimand
at Three Rivers, and addressed to "All the Captains
of Militia," read as follows: —
"Sir:—

"Although I have already verbally informed you
of the desire with which His Majesty is possessed of
ensuring the happiness of his subjects, and of the firm
resolution which he has taken to bring back to reason
some of the Indian Nations, whose evil spirit has
revealed itself through treason and violence, and to
compel them to ensure the return of a paying trade
and peace so necessary to his peoples, I have deemed
it advisable to inform you that for this purpose the
Government has resolved upon adding five companies
of Canadians to the troops to be engaged in this service.
These companies will comprise 60 men each. Two
will be raised in the Government of Quebec, two in
that of Montreal and one in that of Three Rivers and
will be under the command of Canadian officers. Only
those who, of their own free will, are determined to
become subject of His Majesty will be enrolled in
these companies. In recognition of, and as a reward
for the good will of those who enroll themselves, there
will be given twelve dollars in money to each volunteer,
there will be distributed to them one coat, two pairs of
Indian mocassins and a pair of mitts; they will be
furnished with arms, munitions and supplies during
the whole time of the campaign. The pay for each
man will be six English pence per day, and they will be
accompanied by a priest to discharge the duties of his
ministry. The service of these volunteers will end
with the campaign, and after that each of them will
be at liberty to return home. Such a step indicates
in the Government confidence in the subjects of His
Majesty. We are in the right in expecting that they
will not only enroll readily, but will show great faith-
fulness to fulfill their engagements wherever they
may be placed by circumstances and for the good of
the service. They should act as much through honour
and duty as through gratitude and through zeal in
their own interest. Pending the time when you may
be at liberty to publish this ordinance at the church
door next Sunday, you will do all you can to render
it public, more especially among the young men, so
that they may be informed of all the conditions which
are offered them."

"Made and delivered at Three Rivers, under the
seal of our arms, on the 12th of March, 1764.

(Signed) " Fred. Haldimand."

April 18, 1764, Haldimand wrote that he had raised
the sixty men required as the quota from his govern-
ment for the Canadian corps. He met with a difficulty
in regard to volunteering, as the Canadians, accustomed
to be ordered out or drafted, feared that by volun-
teering and accepting the bounty, they would be
enlisted for life. They were at last convinced, and
all the men required, volunteered.

In a letter from General Murray to Lord Halifax, April
24, 1764, the Governor reported with apparent gratifica-
tion that the Canadian Corps had been raised and equip-
ped in fourteen days, and left Montreal for Oswego on the
sixth of that month.

This pioneer militia corps of the British regime
in Canada was placed under the command of one
of the most capable officers of the old French
service, Jean Baptiste Marie des Bergeres de Rigau-
ville, who was temporarily commissioned as Major.
This gentleman was born at Berthier-en-bas, Octo-
ber 28, 1726, and for distinguished service in the
Militia was rewarded with a commission in the
Troupes de la Marine. As one of the senior officers
of that hard fighting body of men, he participated
with marked distinction in the battle of Ste. Foye,
often spoken of as the second battle of the Plains of
Abraham, in the spring of 1760. He was especially
thanked for his services in connection with the sup-
pression of the Pontiac uprising, and was called to the
Legislative Council in 1775. The same year he formed
part of the heroic garrison of St. Johns, being wounded
and taken prisoner of war. While in prison at Bristol,
Penn., he succumbed to his wounds and exposure,
October 30, 1776, and was buried at Philadelphia.

The other officers of this corps were all men
who had distinguished themselves in the militia of the
French regime, such men as Antoine Jucherean Du-
chesnay. Saint Ange de Bellerive, Godefroy Baby
and many others whose names are familiar to the
readers of Canadian history. The service they per-
formed in connection with the expedition against
Pontiac and his Indians was of the most useful and
gallant kind, gaining the unstinted praise of the
commanding officers, and winning the confidence and
esteem of their British comrades.

19

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CHAPTER III

SIR GUY CARLETON'S MILITIA AND VOLUNTEERS

THE year 1766 saw a change in the administration
of the old province of Quebec, General Murray,
the first Governor General, retiring in June and
being replaced by General Sir Guy Carleton, another
of Wolfe's officers, in September the same year. The
name of Carleton (later Lord Dorchester) is intimately
bound up with the history of the Canadian militia.

When the new governor arrived he found affairs in
a decidedly critical state. The vmcertainty as to the
exact application of the Royal Proclamation of 1764
and the subsequent ordinances had caused much
confusion in the administration of justice, and bitter
disputes between the English and French speaking
people. Local agitations and ill-feeling were prevalent;
trouble between Great Britain and her older American
colonies was rapidly developing into revolution, and
while the agitators in New England were anxious to
induce the French Canadians to participate in their
movement, emissaries of the French government were
also attempting to turn the Canadian people from
their newly sealed allegiance to Britain.

At this juncture the fair and honourable treatment
of the Canadian people by the British during the first
few months of the new regime was repaid and with
interest, although a few months later it looked for a
time as though the generosity of the British had been
forgotten. It is interesting at this point to recall that
immediately after the conquest the distress to which
the French Canadian inhabitants had been reduced
was such as to render relief necessary, and in 1761 the
sum of 600 pounds sterling was raised by subscription
among the merchants and others, and each soldier
in the regular army gave one day's provisions monthly

to relieve the immediate distress. Supplies were also
sent out from England for free distribution. Much of
the distress had arisen from the non-payment of the
obligations incurred by the French Government,
settled for in paper money, of which large amounts
were outstanding at the cession, and which remained
unpaid for several years. The British authorities not
only made efforts to obtain payment for the new
subjects from the Court of France, but also took steps
to warn the Canadians from disposing of their paper
money at a sacrifice to jobbers and speculators.

The honourable attitude of the first military authori-
ties towards the Canadians is well illustrated in a letter
written to General Amherst by General Gage from
Montreal, in 1762, in which the writer explained:
" I feel the highest satisfaction that I am able to inform
you that during my command in this government I
have made it my constant care and attention that the
Canadians should be treated agreeable to His Majesty's
kind and humane intentions. No invasion on their
properties or insult to their persons has gone unpun-
ished. All reproaches on their subjection by the fate
of arms, revilings on their customs or country, and
all reflections on their religion have been discounten-
anced and forbid. No distinction has been made be-
tween the Briton and Canadian, but they have been
equally regarded as subjects of the same Prince.
The soldiers live peaceably with the inhabitants, and
they reciprocally acquire an affection for each other.
I have, notwithstanding, made known His Majesty's
pleasure on these particulars to the several commanders
of corps, that every individual may be acquainted
therewith, which will, no doubt, add the greatest

20

weight to the orders and directions which have been
already given. And you may be assured that the troops,
who have ever shown the most ardent desire to advance
the interests of their Sovereign, and paid the most
exact obedience to his commands, will vie with each
other in brotherly love and affection to the Canadians
over whom His Majesty has extended his royal favor
and protection." — (Report on Canadian Archives for
1790, p. xi.)

The correspondence of all the governors at this time,
no less than their actions, indicated the honest desire
to deal justly by the French Canadians. And so
much was this appreciated that some Canadians
of good family who had gone to France after the cession
returned to Canada, preferring to submit to the
British rule as administered in Canada than to remain
content with the unfulfilled promises of the French
Government.

There is no doubt that there were those in authority
in France who from the beginning looked forward to
the future reconquest of Canada, and the Canadian
military officers who returned to France were continued
on the pay-rolls at increased rates of pay for some years,
the only apparent object being to retain their services
for use in future operations in Canada.

Being a thorough .soldier, one of the first things that
impressed Carleton after his arrival was the defenceless
and dangerous condition of the colony, and before he
had been manj' months in Canada he addressed a
communication to Lord Shelburne, of the British
Government, dated Quebec, 25th Nov., 1767 —
(Dominion Archives Series Q, vol. 5 — 1, p. 260), in
which he clearly and in complete detail set forth the
actual position. After showing the poor state of
repair of the defences of Montreal and Quebec, Sir
Guy proceeded to detail the force available for the
colony's defence, writing as follows: — "The King's
' forces in this Province, supposing them complete to
the allowance, and all in perfect health, rank and file,
would amount to sixteen hundred and twenty-seven
men, the king's old subjects (of British or British
Colonial birth), supposing them all willing, might fur-
nish about five hundred men able to carry arms,
exclusive of his troops, that is supposing all the king's
troops and old subjects collected in Quebec, with two
months hard labor, they might put the works in a
tolerable state of repair, and would amount to about
one-third of the forces necessary for its defence.

"The new subjects could send into the field about
eighteen thousand men, well able to carry arms; of
which number, above one-half have already served,
with as much valour, with more zeal, and more military
knowledge for America than the regular troops of
France, that were joined with them.

" As the common people are greatly to be influenced
by their Seigneurs, I annex a return of the Noblesse of
Canada, showing with tolerable exactness, their age,
rank, and present place of abode, together with such
natives of France, as served in the colony troops so
early in life as to give them a knowledge of the country,
an acquaintance and influence over the people, equal
to natives of the same rank; from whence it appears
that there are in France, and in the French service,
about one hundred officers, all ready to be sent back,
in case of a war, to a country they are intimately
acquainted with, and with the assistance of some
troops, to stir up a people accustomed to pay them
implicit obedience. It further shows there remain
in Canada not many more than seventy of those, who
ever had been in the French service, not one of them
in the King's service nor one who, from any motive
whatever, is indviced to support his Government and
Dominion, gentlemen, who have lost their employ-
ments, at least, by becoming his subjects, and as they
are not bound by any offices of trust or profit, we
should only deceive ourselves by supposing, they would
be active in the defence of a people, that has deprived
them of their honours, privileges, profits and laws,
and in their stead, have introduced much expense,
chicannery, and confusion, with a deluge of new laws
unknown and unpublished. Therefore all circum-
stances considered, while matters continue in their
present state, the most we may hope for from the
gentlemen who remain in the province, is a passive
neutrality on all occasions, with a respectful sub-
mission to Government, and deference for the King's
Commission in whatever hand it may be lodged; this
they almost to a man have persevered in, since my
arrival, notwithstanding much pains have been taken,
to engage them in parties, by a few, whose duty, and
whose office should have taught them better. This
disposition the French minister seems to have foreseen,
as appears by orders calculated to draw them from
Canada into France, well knowing that such as re-
mained, were bound by duty and honour to do nothing
against their allegiance to the king, under whose
Government they live, whereas those who go to France,
are to all intents and purposes officers in the French
service, and liable to be sent on any service.

"For these reasons, I imagine, an edict was pub-
lished in 1762 declaring, that notwithstanding the low-
state of the king's finances, the salary of the captains of
the colony troops of Canada should be raised from four
himdred and fifty livres, the establishment at which
their pay was fixed at first, to six hundred livres a
year, to be paid quarterly, upon the footing of officers
in full pay, by the treasurer of the colonies, at the
quarters assigned them by his majesty in Touraine,

21

and that such of them, as did not repair thither,
should be struck off, the king's intention being, that
the said officers should remain in that province, until
further orders, and not depart from thence without a
written leave from the Secretary of State for the
Marine Department.

" A few of these officers have been sent to the other
colonies, but the greater part still remain in Touraine,
and the arrears due to those who have remained any
time in this country, are punctually discharged, upon
their emigration from hence, and obedience to the
above mentioned injunction.

" By the Secretary of State's letter, a certain quantity
of wine, duty free, is admitted to enter the towns,
where these Canadian officers quarter, for their use,
according to their several ranks."

The summaries of the lists sent with this letter are
as follows : — '

" Names of the roots of noble families in Canada
the titles of which are unquestionable, and whose
children and descendants have remained in the pro-
vince since the conquest, viz.: — •

" Families whose titles of nobility are enregistered : —
Baron de Longueuil, title granted in 1700; Hertel,
Boucher, Louis Couillard De Beaumont, Aubert De La
Chesnay, Juchereau Duchesnay, ennobled in Canada.

"Families whose ancestors received the title of
esquire, in their commissions as officers: — Xavier De
Lanaudiere, De Langy, De Normanville, Duverger,
Denoyelle, Sabrevois De Bleury, Denys De la Ronde,
De Richarville, De Montigny, came out in the regi-
ment of Carignan, the first that arrived in Canada,
about the year 1652 or 1653.

"Officers who were all necessarily gentlemen by
birth: — Daillebout, De La Corne, De Beaujeu, St. Ours
De Dechallion, De Varennes, Chabert de Jonquieres,
Desbergers De Rigauville, De La Valtrie, De Ganne,
Picote De Belestre, officers in the colonial corps.

Chaussegros De Lery, engineer in the colonial corps;
De Bonne, officer in the colonial service; De Vassal'
officer in the Queen's regiment; De Salaberry, captain
in the Royal Navy.

"Families whose ancestors were councillors in the
superior council established in 1663, by act of the
Parliament of Paris, the provisions of which are en-
registered: — Damour Duchaufour, in 1663, first coun-
cillor; Villeray, Lepinay, La Durantaye, in 1670;
Chartier De Lotbiniere, 1680, first councillor; Hazeur
Delorme, 1700; Guillemin, 1715; De la Fontaine, 1730;
Taschereau, 1732.

"Godefroi De Tonnancour held the title of esquire,
by the king's commission of lieutenant-general of the
district of Three Rivers."

" French Noblesse in the Province of Quebec, Novem-
ber, 1767: — Captains having the Order of St. Louis, 9;
captain named in the Order but not invested, 1;
captains who have not the Order, 4; lieuts. having the
Order, 1; lieuts., 16; Ens., 20; officiers de r&erve, 2;
cadets, 23; have never been in the service, 44; in the
upper country who have never been in the service, 6;
total, 126.

"French Canadian Noblesse in France, 1767: —
Grand Croix, 1; governors, lieut.-governors, majors,
aide majors, captains and lieut. of ships of war having
the Order of St. Louis, 26; aide major and captains
not having the Order, 6; lieutenants, 12; ensigns, 19;
Canadian officers in actual service whose parents have
remained in Canada, 15; total, 79.

"Natives of France, who came over to Canada as
cadets, served and were preferred in the colony troops,
and are treated in France as Canadian officers: —
Captains not having the Croix of St. Louis, 7; had the
rank of captain in 1760, raised to that of lieut.-colonel
in France K. of St. Louis, 1; lieutenants, 7; was captain
in the colony troops at Mississippi, came to Canada in
1760, and is raised to the rank of colonel in the Spanish
service at Mississippi Kt. of St. Louis, 1; having had
civil employments, 5; officers of the port, 2.

(Canadian Archives, Series Q, Vol. 5-1, p. 269.)

It appears that Carleton had already advised that
some steps be taken to give military employment to
the French Canadian gentry, as a measure of relief,
as a means of securing their interest in the new regime,
and for the purpose of securing a valuable addition to
the forces of the crown. The raising of a regiment
officered by French Canadians had been proposed,
and it had been also suggested that commissions in
the army might be given. But Carleton was met
with the reply that under the old laws upholding
Roman Catholic disability, the French Canadians,
being Roman Catholics, could not hold commissions
in the army.

However, Carleton persevered in his idea, and we
find in a letter to Lord Hillsborough, preserved in the
Dominion Archives, (Series Q, Vol. 5-2, p. 890), which
he wrote November 21st, 1768, in reply to some queries
regarding some treasonable correspondence supposed
to have been received in Canada, the following obser-
vations on this same subject: —

"My Lord, — Since my arrival in this province, I
have not been able to make any discovery that induces
me to give credit to the paper of intelligence inclosed
in your Lordship's letter of the 14th of May last; nor
do I think it probable the chiefs of their own free
notion in time of peace, dare assemble in numbers,
consult, and resolve on a revolt; or that an assembly
of military men should be so ignorant, as to fancy

22

they could defend themselves by a few fireships only,
against any future attack from Great Britain, after
their experience in fifty nine.

"Notwithstanding this, and their decent and respect-
ful obedience to the king's government hitherto, I
have not the least doubt of their secret attachments
to France, and think this will continue as long as they
are excluded from all employments under the British
government, and are certain of being reinstated, at
least in their former commissions, under that of France,
by which chiefly they supported themselves and families.

" When I reflect that France naturally has the affec-
tions of all the people; that, to make no mention of
fees of office and the vexations of the law, we have
done nothing to gain one man in the province by
making it his private interest to remain the king's
subject; and that the interests of many would be greatly
promoted by a revolution, I own my not having
discovered a treasonable correspondence. Never was
proof sufficient to convince me it did not exist in some
degree, but I am inclined to think, if such a message
has been sent, very few were entrusted with the secret.
Perhaps the Court of France, informed a year past by
Mons. de Chatelet, that the king proposed raising a
regiment of his new subjects, caused this piece of
intelligence to be communicated, to create a jealousy
of the Canadians, and prevent a measure that might
fix their attachments to the British Government, and
probably, of those savages who have always acted
with them. However that be, on receiving this news
from France last spring, most of the Gentlemen in the
province applied to me, and begged to be admitted into
the king's service, assuring me they would take every
opportunity to testify their zeal and gratitude for
so great a mark of favour and tenderness, extended,
not only to them, but to their posterity.

"When I consider further, that the king's dominion
here is maintained but by a few troops, necessarily
disp>ersed, without a place of security for their maga-
zines, for their arms or for themselves; amidst a numer-
ous military people, (the Gentlemen, all officers of exper-
ience, poor, without hopes, that they or their descen-
dants will be admitted into the service of their present
sovereign),! can have no doubt that France, as soon
as determined to begin a war will attempt to regain
Canada, should it be intended only to make a diversion,
while it may reasonably be undertaken with little
hazard, should it fail, and where so much may be
gained should it succeed. But should France begin
a war in hopes the Briti-sh Colonies will push matters
to extremities, and she adopts the project of supporting
them in their independent notions, Canada probably
will then become the principal scene, where the fate
of America may be determined. Affairs in this

situation, Canada in the hands of France would no
longer present itself as an enemy to the British colonies,
but as an ally, a friend and a protector of their indepen-
dency.

" Your lordship must immediately perceive the many
disadvantages Great Britain would labour under in a
war of this nature; and on the other hand, how greatly
Canada might forever support the British interests
on this continent — for it is not united in any common
principle, interest or wish with the other provinces
in opposition to the supreme seat of government — was
the king's dominion over it only strengthened by a
citadel, which a few national troops might secure,
and the natives attached, by making it their interest,
to remain His subjects.

" My letters to the Earl of Shelburne, Nos. 20, 23, 24,
25 and 26 contain more fully my humble opinion of
the measures necessary to obtain this desirable end,
convinced, that the affections of the Canadians, or
a great force, is necessary to secure this province in
time of war, or, at least till the marine of France is
thoroughly subdued. To those letters I refer your Lord-
ship for further particulars, and am, with great regard
and esteem,

"Your Lordship's

" most obedient
" and most humble servant,

" GUY CARLETON.

" To the Earl of Hillsborough. "

The reply to this communication is interesting as
expressing the views held at court on the subject under
discussion : —

Whitehall, Jan. 4, 1769.

"Sir: — I have received and laid before the king your
secret despatch of the 21st of November.

"The remarks you make upon the state and temper
of His Majesty's new subjects will be of great utility
in the consideration of the measures now under deliber-
ation, and do evince both the propriety and
necessity of extending to that brave and faithful people
a reasonable participation in those establishments
which are to form the basis of the future government
of the colony of Quebec, but I fear that from the spirit
of the laws of this kingdom, as well as from the general
prejudices of mankind, and the dispositions that appear
in all parties and factions to make every measure,
however well-considered and intended, the foundation
of clamour and opposition, it will hardly be practicable
to extend such participation to the military line,
although, for my part, I clearly see and agree in opinion
with you that great advanatges might be deduced

23

both to the colony and to the Mother Country, from
an establishment of that sort, under proper regulations.

" I am, &c.,

"HILLSBOROUGH."

Carleton was anxious to properly organize the
sedentary militia, but found the law on this, as on
other subjects, confusing.

In December, 1767, some progress had been made in
preparing a summary of the laws of Canada as they
existed under the French regime and previous to the
establishment of civil government in Canada, and
Carleton wrote to the colonial authorities in London
calling attention to the confusion which existed in
administering the laws since the Ordinance of 1764,
and recommending the repeal of that ordinance, leaving
the old Canadian laws almost entire. — (Dom. Archives
Report for 1890, p. xiii).

January 20, 1768, Carleton wrote to Lord Shel-
burne urging various means for impressing the new
subjects with attachment and zeal for the king's
government, suggesting among other things that a
Canadian corps be raised and that offices in the king's
service be bestowed upon them.

September 4, 1774, Governor Gage of Massachu-
setts, from Boston, forwarded to Quebec, for Carleton,
a suggestion that two regiments of Canadians be
raised for service in Massachusetts in view of the
unruly disposition of the people there. Carleton of
course could not comply.

February 4, 1775, Carleton, at Quebec, wrote to
General Gage at Boston stating that the French
Canadians generally seemed pleased at the passage
of the Quebec Act. The gentry were well disposed to
serve in regular corps but did "not relish commanding
a bare militia." The sudden dismissal of the Canadian
regiment raised in 1764, at the time of Pontiac's con-
spiracy, without gratuity or recompense to officers,
was still uppermost in their thoughts. As for the
peasantry, government had retained so little power,
that it would require time and discreet management
to recall them to habits of obedience. To embody
them suddenly as militia and march them off to war,
" would give color to the language of the sons of sedition,
'that it was the intention to rule over them with the
former despotism.'" He recommended raising a batta-
lion or two of Canadians, which would find employment
for and attach the gentry, giving them an influence
over the lower classes and securing the Indians.

Meantime some of the newly arrived English settlers,
most of them from the older American colonies, and
some of the civil officials, a number of whom were
French Protestants or "Swiss," and naturally not

favourably regarded by the inhabitants, were acting
in such an arbitrary or a greedy way as to cause dis-
affection among the high-spirited French population.
And the refractory and democratic spirit, which from
the date of the landing of the first settlers had existed
and been fostered by gross misgovernment, was
rapidly drifting on towards rebellion in New England
and the southern colonies. The whole patchwork
fabric of British Colonies in North America, with the
exception of Nova Scotia and the Hudson Bay terri-
tory, appeared about ready to fall to pieces. All sorts
of tardy conciliatory measures, most o!" them most
absurdly devised, were taken by the home authorities.

In the hope of conciliating the French Canadians the
British Parliament in 1774 passed "the Quebec Act"
which extended the boundaries of the Province of
Quebec from Labrador to the Mississippi, and from the
Ohio to the watershed of Hudson Bay, abolished
Roman Catholic disability, confirmed the tithes to the
Catholic clergy, but exempted Protestants from pay-
ment, re-established the French civil code and the
seignorial tenure, confirmed the English criminal code,
and vested authority in a governor and an appointed
council. This act, whUe received with gratification by
the French Canadian seigneurs and clergy, greatly dis-
pleased the mass of the French-Canadian people, the
English-speaking colonists in Canada, and the people
of the older English colonies. This act made no re-
ference to the militia.

The measure was founded on petitions and repre-
sentations of the French noblesse; every clause of it
showed that the wishes of the British colonists in
Canada especially had been unjustly and contemp-
tuously rejected. Nor did the Bill recognise the
wishes of the mass of the French Canadian people.

The French noblesse, of whom many, under the
Quebec Act, were received into the Coimcil or ap-
pointed to executive offices and the Roman Catholic
clergy, who were restored to the possession of their
estates and their tithes, acquiesced in the new form of
government, but by a large part of the British residents
it was detested, as at war with English liberties, and
subjecting them to arbitrary power.

The Act was unquestionably an honest attempt to
satisfy the French Canadians, but the mistake was
made of accepting altogether the representations of
the seigneurs and clergy, more particularly those of
the seigneurs. The latter class, by reason of their
superior social positions, not always an indication of
sound judgment, of unselfish patriotism, of familiarity
with popular views or of knowledge of national require-
ments, were naturally thrown into closer contact with the
first British colonial officials than their fellow country-
men of less pretentious social status, but who were

24

better able to give expression to sound popular views
on public questions. The seigneurs appeared to have
succeeded in keeping from the ears of the British
administrators the truth as to the ill-feeling which had
been produced throughout the mass of the French
Canadians by the arbitrary, greedy, and often corrupt
conduct of many of the old seigneurs during the
French regime, for if the peasant of New France had
owed compulsory military service to the king, he also
had owed to the seignior crushing feudal obligation,
and this obligation was but too often most cruelly
exacted. Even Carleton, whose advice had been
sought in framing the Quebec Act, sagacious though
he was, and public spirited, failed to receive with due
discrimination the representations of the self-seeking
seigneurs, and in a letter written by Chief Justice Hay
to the Lord Chancellor in 1775, he pointed out that
Carleton had acted very injudiciously in depending
so much upon the seigneiu's, whose elation at the
supposed restoration of their old privileges had given
offence to their own people and to the English mer-
chants.

On the 1st of June, 1775, Congress passed a resolu-
tion setting forth "That, as this Congress has nothing
more in view than the defence of these colonies, no
expedition or incursion ought to be undertaken or
made by any colony, or body of colonists, against or
into Canada.'

The resolution was translated into French, and
distributed throughout Canada. In the light o^. the
subsequent action of Congress, this resolution must
be regarded as an attempt to cheat either the Govern-
ment or people of Canada into a sense of security, the
better to overrun and overwhelm them. For, on the
27th of June, Congress passed another resolution, in-
structing General Schuyler to proceed without delay
to Ticonderoga, and, if ho found it practicable, "im-
mediately to take possession of St. John's and Mont-
real, and pursue any other measure in Cnaada which
might have a tendency to promote the peace and
security of these colonies."

The.se things did not escape the notice of Governor
Carleton one of the most praiseworthy military men
that ever governed a British dependency; the man who
preserved Canada to the Empire. Carleton, on the
9th June, 1775, proclaimed that he had put the pro-
vince under martial law; at the same time he called
out its militia, depending chiefly upon the seigneurs
for the enrollment.

The malign influence of the Quebec Act, now that
the fate of Canada was about to be placed in the balance
of war, was everywhere felt in disastrous disappoint-
ment.

The peasants believed that the Quebec Act revived

those powers of Crown and noble which had been their
scourge and their horror in the French period. An
opinion prevailed in the province, that the seigneurs,
by the tenure of their lands, owed military service to
the King of England. Further, that it was part of the
same tenure, that they should engage for the personal
service of all their vassals. It was also believed that,
as the Quebec Act revived the laws and customs of
Canada, the seigneurs had a legal right, whenever the
king or his representative called on them, to command
the personal service of all their tenants.

The seigneur of Terrebonne, M. La Corne, was de-
puted by General Carleton to enrol his tenants. La
Corne took high ground with the peasants. He told
ihem that, by the tenure of their lands, he had a right
to command their military services. Their answer
was the most pregnant commentary on the conquest:
"They were now become subjects of England, and did
not look on them.sclves as Frenchmen in any respect
whatever." Then followed uproar.

M. la Corne struck some of those who spoke loudest;
this maddened the people. He was forced to fly to
Montreal, threatening to bring back two hundred
soldiers. The people armed them.selves for resistance,
determined to die rather than submit to the seigneur.
But the prudence of Carleton soothed them. He
would not give La Corne soldiers; but .sent with him an
{'English officer, a Capt. Hamilton. In reply to Hamil-
ton the people said: If Gen. Carleton requires our
services, let him give us English officers to command us;
or if not, common soldiers, rather than those people"
(the seigneurs). The peasants only dispersed when
Hamilton promised that La Corne should come no
more among them.

A Mr. Deschambaud, son of a .seigneur, went to his
father's estate on the River Richelieu, to raise the
tenants. He harangued them in an arbitrary strain.
They replied defiantly. He then drew his sword;
whereupon the people surrounded him, and beat him
severely. The result of this incident might have been
fraught with the very worst consequences, had it not
been for the admirable tact of Carleton.

The peasants, fearing that it might go ill with them,
as.sembled to the number of three thousand at Fort
Chambly, and began to march to Fort St. John's
to face two regiments of regulars there, whom they
suspected the governor would use against them.
Carleton promised to forgive them if they dispersed;
they did so, and he kept his word.

Mr. Cuthbert, a former officer in the British regular army,
seigneur of Berthier, made a peremptory demand on the
militaryserviceofhistenants. They toldhimnota man of
them would follow him; and made an oath on the public
cross, at the place of meeting, that they would never

25

take up arms against the Americans; that if any one
of them offered to join the government, they would
burn his house and barn, and destroy his cattle; and
that, if Carleton attempted to compel them into the
service, they would repel force by force. M. Lanaudiere,
seigneur of St. Anne's went to Berthier to make the
attempt in which Cuthbert failed. The people seized
him, with seventeen of his companions, and held
warm debases as to whether they should send him to
the American camp at St. John's. Finally, on his pro-
mise to obtain for them the governor's pardon, and
never again to come amongst them on a like errand,
he and his. friends were set at liberty.

The main reason why the peasants — when aroused,
a determined and warlike race — refused to do military
service was, not that they disliked their new rulers,
but that they detested the new Bill. The men of
Berthier declared that if Governor Carleton would
promise, and affix the promise to the church door,
that he would do his best for the repeal of the Quebec
Bill, they were ready to defend the Province. They
said "that on a sudden, without any provocation on
their part, they had been reduced to their former state
of slavery. They were told to regard the invaders
as enemies. But then the invaders said that they
were not enemies but their best friends. The invaders
were now in arms for the defence of the peasants
from their oppressors; and made the repeal of the
Quebec Bill one of the conditions for laying down
their arms. (Maseres papers).

The conduct of the peasants drew out hints from
the government, that their refusal to obey the seigneurs
had justified the forfeiture of their lands, and that
suits at law would be taken to dispossess them. The
peasants admitted that they had incurred forfeiture,
but were determined to hold possession of their lands
by force. Happily for Canada and Great Britain, the
soldier-statesman who governed the Province did not
allow any actions for forfeiture to be taken.

But it was not the peasants only to whom the
Quebec Act was a menace and a grievance. The men
of the towns held the measure in detestation. In
Montreal, the captain of the French Canadian militia
declared to Carleton "that his compatriots would not
take arms as a militia unless His Excellency would
assure them, on his honour, that he would use his
utmost endeavours to get the Quebec Bill repealed."
The governor thereupon gave the promise.

The government of Canada felt that it had, in all
justice and generosity, an irresistible claim on the
Roman Catholic Church in the Province. It invoked
the aid of the church to influence the peasants. But
the children closed their ears against the advice of

their mother, and steeled their hearts against her
entreaties. (Maseres) .

After the conquest, the grand vicar and clergy of
Quebec, the see being vacant by the death of its former
occupant, Mgr. Pontbriant, applied to the Captain
General, Murray, asking that their right to elect should
be recognized. The governor transmitted the matter
to the home authorities, and recommended the granting
of the demand. In 1763 the law officers of the Crown
decided that the Penal Laws against the Roman
Catholics in the British Islands did not extend to the
colonies. Accordingly, the Chapter of Quebec elected
as their bishop, M. de Montgolfier, Superior of the
Seminary of St. Sulpice, Montreal, a native of France
who had held himself aloof from the British. The
governor took exception to the nomination, and
M. Briand, a Breton by birth, one of the canons and
Grand Vicar of Quebec, was designated for the vacant
Episcopate. M. Briand was chosen. In the same
year, 1764, he visited London, and received, with the
consent of the King, his bulls on investiture from
Pope Clement XIII; and then repairing to Paris, was
there consecrated. To the Province of Quebec, which
had been without a bishop from 1760 to 1766, Mgr.
Briand returned in the latter year, a stipendiary of
the King of England to the extent of £200 sterling
annually. His acceptance of the yearly pension, and
his subsequent administration, contributed to his
unpopularity and lessened his influence. It seemed,
on his return to Canada, that he would exercise only
the milder and more beneficent duties of his high
office. In his reply to those who welcomed his arrival
he deprecated pomp and ceremony. He told them that
" he did not come into the province to be a bishop on
the same high footing as his predecessors in the time
of the French Government; that he was 'un simple
faiseur de prStres' — a mere ordainer of priests."

Mgr. Briand, in 1775, at the instance of the Govern-
ment issued an encyclical letter to the French Canadian
people. In this epistle the bishop exhorted them to
take up arms for the Crown against the American
invaders. To those who obeyed, he promised indul-
gences. Over the heads of those who should refuse,
he suspended the thunders of excommunication. The
reception accorded to the letter was another instance
of a phenomenon sometimes witnessed in history —
that when the political passions of men begin to boil,
the elements of religious kinship and obligation begin
to evaporate. The very quarrel then in progress
between Great Britain and her colonies was proof to
the point.

The people not only turned deaf ears to the in unctions
of the bishop, but expressed the opinion that his

action in the dispute was quite unsuitable to the
character of a Christian prelate, who ought to have
no concern in anything that involved the shedding
of blood. They even went further than this. They
assumed that Bishop Briand's conduct had been
influenced by the pension of £200 a year he received
from the King of England, and by the expectation
he had formed of a larger gratuity. The French
Canadians not only disobeyed their bishop, but went so
far as to lampoon him in more than thirty songs, which
were circulated during the summer of 1775. (Maseres).

The situation Carleton had to face was certainly a
perilous one. The army of occupation in Canada,
owing to the exactions of the wars in Europe, had been
reduced to an insignificant force. And according to
Allison (History of Europe, chap, xci), the whole military
force of the empire did not amount to 20,000 men.
The whole population of Canada consisted of 90,000
souls, of whom perhaps 1,000 were English speaking.
The population of the English colonies in revolt was
3,000,000.

The governor, realizing that it would be absolutely
impossible to raise a force under the old militia laws,
or under any sort of compulsion, decided to do the
best he could with the few men — principally of the
seigneur class and retired British soldiers — who offered
their services as volunteers.

Here, perhaps, it might be explained, that although
the French Canadian peasants refused in so many
notable cases to serve in the militia, they showed
less practical sympathy with the Continentals than
did their neighbors of English speech, the larger pro-
portion of whom had drifted into Canada from the
older English colonies.

In an official list Carleton forwarded to England
of "the principal persons settled in the province who
very zealously served the rebels in the winter of 1775
and 1776, and fled upon their leaving it" there does
not appear one French Canadian name. The list in-
cluded 29 of Scottish, 21 of American, five of English
and one of French (old France) birth.

Blood was shed at Lexington and Concord in April,
1775, and a few days afterwards. Colonel Warner,
with a view, even at that early stage of affairs, of
preparing for an expedition into Canada, obtained the
mastery of Lake Champlain without any loss of men.
The first invasion of Canada after its passing under
British rule speedily followed. A detachment of
revolutionary troops under Benedict Arnold was
despatched down that old route of invasion — the
Richelieu River, and St. Johns, garrisoned by a ser-
geant and ten men, fell an easy prize about the end of
May.

A few days afterwards, June 10, this important

fortress was retaken by M. de Belestre at the head of

eighty Canadian volunteer militiamen raised in Mon-
treal and vicinity. The victory is one of great his-
torical interest as the first recorded feat of arms of a
force of Canadian militia fighting alone under the flag
of England.

De Belestre's detachment included a goodly repre-
sentation of the blue-blood of New France, and several
old officers of the former French militia, as attested
by such names as the Chevalier de Belestre, de Lon-
gueuil, de Lotbiniere, de Rouville, de Boucherville,
de la Come, de Labrui^re, de St. Ours, Perthuis, Her-
vieux, Gamelin, de Montigny, d 'Eschambault and
others.

For this service. General Carleton publicly thanked
them. In September of the same year, this party,
with the assistance of a number of Quebec and Three
Rivers volunteers, viz : Messrs. de Montesson, Duches-
nay, de Rigouvill, de Salaberry, de Tonancour,
Beaubien, Demusseau, Moquin, Lamarque, Faucher
and others, started for St. Johns to relieve a detach-
ment of the 7th and 26th regiments, then in charge of
the fort, and who expected a siege, but after being
beleaguered, the fort surrendered on the 2nd of Novem-
ber to General Montgomery. The Canadians and
soldiers were carried away prisoners of war. Congress
refusing to exchange the Canadians, "they being too
much attached to the English government and too
influential in their own country." Two, Messrs.
de Montesson and de Rigouville, died prisoners of
war; de la Corne, Perthuis and Beaubien had been
killed during the siege; de Lotbiniere had an arm shot
off; de Salaberry was twice wounded. The garrison
under Preston made a gallant defense, successfully
withstanding a fierce assault delivered during a severe
storm.

June 26, Carleton wrote to Lord Dartmouth from
Montreal that with his best efforts he had only been
able to assemble 500 men at Chambly and St. Johns,
artillery included.

July 1st, Lord Dartmouth wrote from Whitehall,
authorizing Carleton to raise 3,000 men, either to act
separately, or in conjunction with the regular troops,
as should be deemed most expedient. The arms and
clothing had been ordered, and the same pay would
be given to officers and men as to the British regular
troops. July 24th, in consequence of despatches
received from Gage, Dartmouth again wrote ordering
Carleton to raise 6,000, instead of 3,000 men.

Carleton did everything he could to raise men, but
apart from the corps organized in the leading centres
of population, the number of militia recruits offering
was very small. The governor offered tempting
conditions. For men who would volunteer for the war

27

for each unmarried private he offered grants of 200
acres of land, married ones 250 acres, besides 50 more
for each of the children ; the land to be held free of all
imposts for 20 years. Yet these offers attracted few-
recruits.

Carleton desired to succor St. Johns by means of the
armed rural populations of the Montreal and Three
Rivers districts, but nearly the whole militia of the
district of Three Rivers refused to march at the com-
mand of the governor. Some few hundreds of rural
royalists, responding to the call to arms, assembled at
Montreal; but, perceiving that Carleton was dubious
of their fidelity, most of them returned to their homes.
The Chambly people joined a Continental detachment,
and actually assisted in the capture of the fort at that
place, but Carleton did not abandon hope of relieving
the besieged garrison of St. Johns. The fort there
was only a poor affair, planking being the only shelter
afforded from the beseiger's fire, although the fort was
the key of the frontier line of defence. Colonel Mac-
lean the commandant at Quebec led 300 of his
militiamen as far as St. Denis, where he expected to
be joined by Carleton with the Montreal militia, but
the govenror got no further than Longucuil, fearing
to disembark, as he learned that some of his men
contemplated joining the enemy. Maclean returned
to Sorel, where nearly all of his men, being gained over
by emissaries from the Chambly sympathisers, deserted
to the enemy. This desertion, coupled with the
inability of Carleton to rely upon his corps of 800
militia raised in the Montreal district, left Maclean
with no alternative but to retreat to Quebec, and after
a siege of 45 days. Fort St. Johns, with its garrison of
500 men, .surrendered.

September 25, an attempt was made to take Montreal
by surprise by Colonel Ethan Allen and Major Brown.
Allen with 110 men crossed to the Island of Montreal,
and was assured of assistance from sympathisers in
the city, but was encountered and captured near
Longue Pointe by a force of 60 regulars and 300 of
the town militia commanded by Major Carden, who
was mortally wounded in the fight which took place
before the invaders surrendered.

At this time Montreal was a small place of 7,000 or
8,000 population and defended by a feeble and decided-
ly dilapidated wall. At one place a pile of rubbish
was lying against the outside of the wall and reached
almost to the top of it. In another place some of
the citizens, in a delightful spirit of independence,
had broken down a section of the wall to make a con-
venient entrance for the teams drawing wood into the
city, thus saving a considerable detour to the nearest
gate. Military defences had not been allowed to stand
in\he way of business convenience. There were rusty

guns mounted in the little citadel, but their carriages
were rotting away, and there were but few gunners to
man them. The governor had barely enough regular
soldiers for the guard, and only a portion of the militia
could be depended upon. The English-speaking mer-
chants were generally dissatisfied, especially some of
the leading ones, who had come from the older English
colonies, and the people of the suburbs were practically
friendly to the Continentals. This had been shown by
the refusal of the suburbanites to deliver up their
ladders to the garrison, the governor having deemed it a
wise precaution, in view of the possibility of an attempt
l)y escalade, to have all ladders placed in the citadel.

November 12, 1775,' when Montgomery's army
crossed the St. Lawrence to the Island of Montreal,
the energetic Carleton, made his escape by night in a
boat from the lower part of the town. Montgomery
simply had to march his men into the city to take
possession. The Continental general explained to the
inhabitants that being defenceless they could not
stipulate terms, but he promised to respect their
personal rights on condition that the keys of the public
stores were turned over to him.

The possession of the public stores was no insig-
nificant matter, for Montgomery found himself badly
supplied with clothing, food and ammunition. As
he advanced further from his base the wants of his
army naturally became more acute. The campaigning
about Lake Champlain and the Richelieu had been
very rough and trying on equipment, and the Con-
tinental soldiers had been very glad to appropriate
and don the reserve uniforms of British troops they had
found in the military stores of St. Johns and Chambly.
And so it happened that when Montgomery and his
army entered Montreal by the Recollet Gate on
November 13th, quite a number of the Continentals
wore scarlet coats.

The story of the siege of Quebec by the Continentals
imder Arnold and Montgomery belongs rather to the
pages of national history than to this volume.
On December the 22nd, Carleton ordered all who
would not join in the defence of the city to leave it
within four days. After their departure he found
himself supported by 300 regulars, 330 Anglo-Canadian
militia, 543 French Canadians, 485 seamen and ma-
rines, and 120 artificers capable of bearing arms. In
all 1,778 men.

A very important part was played in the repulse
of the combined assault on Quebec by the Canadian
militia. It was Captain Chabot, a militia officer,
who gave the command to fire which swept the head
of Montgomery's assaulting column away and laid
the general himself low. A handful of Canadians
opposed Arnold's column, holding their ground foot

28

by foot with great obstinacy. When the Continentals
planted their scaling ladders against the inner bar-
ricade on St. James Street, a town militiaman named
Charland, an intrepid and robust man, advanced
amidst a shower o balls, seized the ladders and drew
them inside the barricade. This post was held by
Captain Dumas' militia company, and its relief was
finally effected by Captain Marcoux's company rein-
forced by a few regulars. The elder Papineau (Joseph),
served as a volunteer in Captain Marcoux's company.

About the middle of May, part of Arnold's army,
which had retreated from before Quebec on the 6th,
arrived in Montreal. Reinforcements were coming
to the Continentals via the Richelieu, but so were
British reinforcements, via the Atlantic. In June,
Arnold and the remnant of his and Montgomery's
armies reached Montreal, Arnold establishing his
headquarters at the Chateau de Ramezay. He found
that but few Canadian sympathizers remained, for the
failures of the Continentals and the energy of the
British had a depressing effect upon the disloyal, and
encouraged the French Canadian clergy and gentry to
make redoubled efforts to wean the mass of the people
from their temporary lapse of indifference.

The merchants of Montreal, and the Canadian
"habitants" as well, soon ceased to be indifferent.
They found the ill-provided, half-starved, and generally
mutinous Continentals very different from the well-
found and thoroughly disciplined troops of the British.
The Continentals, for want of money, seized goods
on promises to pay, and the promises were never
redeemed. The British paid for all the goods the
merchants could spare, and for all the produce the far-
mers could supply, in good yellow gold. The Con-
tinental soldiers performed all kinds of arbitrary
and illegal acts, and their officers would not or dare
not bring them to book; while British soldiers charged
with offences against even the local French colonial
ordinances, the habitants remembered, had been
promptly arrested, and even handed over to courts
of which French Canadian militia officers officiated
as judges, for trial.

French Canadians, in several districts, took the
field against the Continentals.

Ogdensburg was still a British post, and fairly
strongly held, and Arnold feared that the commander
of the place might try a sudden dash upon Montreal
via the St. Lawrence. To guard against such a con-
tingency he posted a considerable force at the Cedar
Rapids, where any force descending the St. Lawrence
would have to make a portage. Considerable con-
sternation and alarm was caused in the Montreal
garrison when it became known that this party had
Ijeen attacked and captured by a party of French

Canadian militia, for the French Canadians all through
the country were becoming more and more unfriendly
and aggressively hostile.

A retirement of the Continental garrison of Montreal
was ordered without delay, and by June 16th the last
Continental soldier had crossed the river. The ad-
vance guard of a British force from Quebec marched
into the little citadel, the Union Jack was once more
raised over Montreal, and there it has remained ever
since.

Once the Continental troops evacuated Canada
there was no grave danger again during the war,
owing to the arrival of strong reinforcements from
England.

Between 1776 and 1783, Governor Carleton main-
tained three companies of Canadian militia, raised by
voluntary enlistment, on a war footing, and he de-
tailed a certain number of non-commissioned officers
from these companies as well as from the regular
regiments, to act as instructors of the sedentary
militia, who had been enrolled after the old French
method.

As soon as the invaders had been expelled, Carleton
set himself to work to endeavor to place the militia
on a sound footing, but his time for some months was
largely taken up providing for the large force of re-
gular and Hessian troops sent to Canada to operate
against the revolting colonies by way of Lake Cham-
plain and Lake George. He realized that the first
thing to do was to prepare and have passed a militia
ordinance clearly defining the authority of the govern-
ment and the duties to be imposed upon the people.

For various reasons he was led to favour the old
French laws and customs as the basis of the new
ordinance rather than the English militia law. Militia
laws framed after the English model had been for
years in existence in most of the New England and
southern colonies and had proved most defective,
the generals commanding in the old French wars
being never able to depend upon obtaining the levies
ordered from the various colonies. Moreover, such
levies as did reach the camps of mobilization were
often insubordinate and mutinous, and seldom amen-
able to ordinary discipline.

On the other hand, the French militia laws and
usages had put practically the whole male population
in the field upon emergency, and kept them on service
in a useful state.

Carleton would naturally suppose, too, that the
Canadians would prefer an ordinance similar to those
to which they had been accustomed, and of course the
seignorial influence about him would encourage him in
that view.

So it came to pass that at the historical session of

29

the Legislative Council held at Quebec in 1777, among
the sixteen ordinances passed was one providing for
the regulation of the militia, based largely upon the
laws and practices which prevailed, or were supposed
to have prevailed, during the French regime. Critics
of the measure declared that the council was misled
by the over-zealous seigneurs who had seats at their
board, and charged that the new militia ordinance
established for a common rule, obligations which were
in New France never imposed on the militiamen, ex-
cepting under extraordinary circumstances, as when
public spirit and popular readiness with regard to
the defence of the colony exceeded the demands of
the government. As a matter of fact the new ordin-
ance subjected the inhabitants to rigorous military
service, such as to bear arms beyond Canada for an
indefinite time, to do vicariously, agricultural labour
for absentees serving in the army, etc.; all to be
gratuitously performed, under heavy penalties for
refusal or neglect. Provision was made for calling out
the militia for corvee or statute labour, a very im-
portant duty, particularly with the need of making
and keeping in repair the roads from Montreal to the
scene of active operations on Lakes Champlain and
George and the Upper Hudson.

In a letter of Sir Guy Carleton to Lord George
Germaine, dated Quebec, 20th May, 1777, he wrote —
"Three hundred Canadian militia are also to make
the campaign (Burgoyne's via Lake George and the
Hudson), to be disposed of by Lieut.-General Bur-
goyne, the same I had ordered while I flattered myself
I should have the conduct of the war on the frontiers
of this province, which Canadians, with those necessary
for scouring the woods towards the New England
provinces, and a great number which must be em-
ployed for the forwarding all things for those two
expeditions, is, I think, in the first dawning of good
order and obedience, as much as ought, in prudence,
to be demanded from this unfortunate province."

July 10, Carleton wrote Lord Germaine that the
number of militia called out being insufficient, en-
couragement was given to volunteers. St. Luc La
Come, Lanaudiere and others assembled about 170
and joined the Western Indians under Campbell ;
those from the interior of the province were led by
Fraser. A corvee of 500 men forBurgoyne had gone off
with a better grace than was expected. So soon as
the transport was finished the number should be in-
creased. He would do everything possible to assist
Burgoyne. These services were a burden on the people ;
and there were difficulties in the way of restoring the
old usages, especially as he had been deprived of sup-
port by the appointment of an inferior officer (Bur-
goyne) to the command of this army. There had been

desertions among the armed militia force, but two men
for each deserter had been ordered from the respective
parishes. He enclosed the opinion of the new Attorney
General as to the legal proceedings in such cases. In
1775, he asked for no lawyer's opinion, but, having
full confidence in the judgment of the ministers then,
he took the steps that were necessary without waiting
for orders.

After the war the Canadian people appear to have
devoted some attention to the question of defence.
Considerable agitation arose against the militia laws
on account of the provisions imposing statute labour
upon the people, English and French being associated
in the agitation.

In the celebrated "Appeal" of Pierre du Calvet,
whose name figures so prominently in the history of
Montreal and the province of that time, published in
1784, was a suggestion that a permanent regiment
of two battalions be established hi the province, with
the ultimate object of expanding this force to provide
for small detachments in each parish, to serve as an
example and point d'appui for the sedentary militia.
Du Calvet suggested that the chief officers should be
British, and discouraged the idea of recruiting from
the militia, as the Canadians were required for the
cultivation of the soil. Apparently his idea was that
the subalterns and non-commissioned officers should
be Canadians, the superior officers and privates,
British, the latter, probably, discharged men from the
army.

June 13th, 1787, Lord Dorchester (formerly Guy
Carleton) wrote to Lord Sydney announcing the pass-
ing by the Council of " An Act to Regulate the Militia."
The ordinance provided for detachments being em-
bodied for two years; Dorchester would have preferred
three. He expressed the hope that the ordinance
"would have the effect of curing the dangerous
supineness produced by the disuse of all militia service
to train up youth in discipline and obedience, and to
teach the people that the defence of the country is
their own immediate concern; and would provide for
many natives and residents of distinction."

The governor proceeded to explain that the corps
to be raised under this ordinance may be increased
as exigencies require, and always preserved complete.
He asked leave to embody three battalions, two of
Canadians and one of British or loyalists, on the
same plan as those existing in England, except that
the colonel should have neither pay nor emolument.
The governor, in concluding his communication to
the minister, wrote: — "If this measure cannot be
carried out in peace there is little hope of drawing
out the strength of the country in case of invasion."
September 14th, the same year, Lord Sydney wrote

30

Dorchester that the proposal for the establishment
of a Canadian militia was approved of, and that cloth-
ing for the proposed battalions would be sent out
early in the spring.

Sir Guy Carleton later added two battalions raised in
Canada to the 60th Royal Americans, now the 60th
Royal Rifles. The two new battalions, according to
Mr. Suite, were placed under the command of Colonel
Louis Joseph Fleury d'Eschambault, an officer in
H. M. 109th Regiment, whose father had been the
richest and one of the most patrioic men in New
France before the change of flags. The two bat-
talions so raised served not only in Canada, but in
the Antilles, Jersey, Guernsey and elsewhere, but
being annoyed at being considered, for purpo-^es of
promotion, etc., without the pale of the regular army,
the officers asked for disbandment, which was ac-
corded.

Early in 1788, Dorchester issued circulars to the
lieut. -governors, the object being to show the people
the necessity for standing forward in their own de-
fence. On the 9th of January he wrote Lord Sydney,
drawing attention to the want of small arms, and
recommending that 30,000 be sent, namely, 20,000 for
Quebec (old province, which practically included the
present province of Ontario), and 5,000 each for Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick. He also urged the
despatch to Canada of strong reinforcements of re-
gulars.

September 25th, 1790, Lord Dorcheste • wrote from
Quebec to Mr. Grenvi le that the prospect of a war
with Spain seemed a proper occasion to call on each
of the Provinces for its own defence, so that the
troops might be united for general defence. General
orders respecting the militia had been ordered for
this province, and copies sent to Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick for consideration. The governor
pointed out that corps formed from the militia were
the only reinforcements that could be had on a sudden
emergency. If a certain number of militia were
kept always embodied, one-half or one-third to be
discharged annually and replaced from the mass, it
would be the means of restoring habits of mi itary
service, and revive a spirit of national defence. It
was the wisest course to rely on the people for their
own defence.

In 1791, the Constitutional Act was passed dividing
the old colony of Quebec into two provhices. Upper
and Lower Canada; from which time, until the pass-
age of the Act of Union in 1842, the militias of Upper
and Lower Canada were distinct forces under separate
staffs and separate laws.

While the Constitutional Act was under discussion.
Lord Dorchester, the governor, urged upon the British

government the importance of establishing "a res-
pectable militia." He wrote: — "To effect this in
Canada a law was passed in 1787, enabling the governor
to embody draughts to serve for two years in rotation,
under a permanent corps of officers. This measure
has not yet been carried into execution. It should
be extended to all the king's colonies. Without it
the dominion of Great Britain on the continent of
America will always be precarious. A quantity, of
small arms should also be deposited in the king's
colonies for use of the militia in general in case of
emergency."

To this Lord Grenville replied: — "It is conceived
that Lord Dorchester might be instructed to propose
a new law to the Legislature for embodying two or
three battalions of militia, stating the time of service
to be for two or three years, and then to have fresh
ballots, and so to proceed as often as the militia is
called out at the end of every two or three years. This
would be an Act for a regular permanent militia. But
Query? Whether it would be necessary to keep the
same embodied more than a month or six weeks, in
every year, during which time only the men and officers
are to be paid.

"The expense otherwise would be considerable.

"The other particulars mentioned by Lord Dor-
chester seem proper.

"It appears by the 5th suggestion that no steps
were taken to carry into execution the Militia Act
passed in Canada in 1787, and I am of opinion that
it might now be a proper measure to propose a per-
manent Militia Act, which as far as local circum-
stances will admit of, should be in the general out-
lines of its formation in a great measure similar to our
own.

"The time of service I apprehend should not be
less than three nor more than five years, and then
each corps to be renewed by fresh ballots. But
neither the men nor officers should receive any pay
except during the time they remain embodied, such

time not to be less than in every year and only

one-half of the militia to be called out. At the same
time there should be a provision to enable the governor,
at his discretion, to call the whole out at any time,

but not to keep them embodied longer than weeks

without the consent of the Legislature of the pro-
vince .

" I will only add that the Act for so important a
measure as the constituting of a permanent militia
should either be transmitted home for His Majesty's
assent or rather a copy of the Bill before its passage
thro' the Provincial Legislature.

" It will be certainly necessary to deposit a pro-
portionable quantity of small arms within the pro-

31

vince, and it will be equally so that some coercive
mode should be adopted for their preservation, and
their regular and freciucnt production."

The arrival of H. II. H. the Duke of Kent, father
of her late Majesty Queen Victoria, at Quebec in 1791,
as Colonel of the 7th Royal Fusiliers, (City of London
Regiment), is an event of some interest to the Canadian
militia. During his sojourn in Quebec the Duke made
himself very agreeable with leading French Canadian
families, and was instrumental in securing commis-

sions in the regular army for some dozen j'oung French
Canadians, several of whom have left their mark
on the militia force and on national history. Among
these proteges of the Duke were four of the de Sala-
berry family, two of that of Juchereau-Duchesnay,
and two of that of Des Rivieres.

Meantime France had been passing through the
revolutionary period, and the long-threatened war
between the two mother countries of the Canadian
people had broken out.

An example of Popular Interest in the South African Contingent.s.
Crowds at Quebec watching the Departure of the " Sardinian," October 30th, 1899.

32

CHAPTER IV

THE UPPER CANADA MILITIA

The Original Organization under Governor Simcoe. — The British Model of the New Force. —

The War of 1812 and the Rebellion of 1837-38.

BY the Constitutional Act two provinces, " Lower
Canada" and "Upper Canada," were created
out of what was left of the original Province
of Quebec after the treaty of peace with the United States.
To each province was left the regulation of its militia.

At the time of the cession the territory comprised
within the Province of Ujjper Canada was virtually a
wilderness. There were trading posts at a few places
and a respectal^le frontier military post — or rather
its ruins — at Frontenac, now Kingston. Practically
there was no settlement and no militia.

Immediately succeeding the conquest there was a
small influx of immigration into the Upper Canadian
wilderness but it remained for the great upheaval
of the American Revolution to furnish the province
with her first settlement of any great account. The
story of the United Empire Loyalists, of their pathetic
and noble loyalty, of their sacrifices, their hardships,
and their settlement in what is now the Province of
Ontario, in the Eastern Townships of Quebec, and in New
Brunswick, isapartofthenational history of this country
and a part whicli will never be forgotten by the people
of Canada.

By 1791, thanks largely to the settlemen; of the
United Empire Loyalists, the population of Upper
Canada had attained such dimensions as to give weight
to the expres.sed wish of the inhabitants, to whom the
French laws and usages of the old the Province of Quebec

were irksome, that they be accorded a separate govern-
ment, hence the Constitutional Act. In the light
of present development, the population of Upper
Canada at that time does not seem very considerable,
being only about twenty-five thousand, but it was a
population strongly imbued with pure patriotic prin-
ciples and high military spirit.

We are able to form some idea of the feelings of the
men of Upper Canada of that time from the knowledge
that the first business of the second session of the first
parliament of Upper Canada, March 31st, 1793, was
the passage of a Militia Act (33 George III. Chap. 1).

Up to this time, according to section xxxiii of the
Constitutional Act (31st George III. Chap, xxxi) all
laws, statutes and ordinances which had been in force
in the original Province of Quebec continued to be
of the same force, authority and effect in the province
as if the Act in question had not been passed.

The original Upper Canada Militia Act was drafted
by Governor Simcoe himself and provided for the
organization of the proNdncial militia on a system
very closely indeed approximating to that then existing
in England. This English militia system had been the
development of many centuries of experience and
legislation, and a brief review of that development
is essential to a clear appreciation of the principles
which guided the original organizer of the provincial
militia of Upper Canada in his work.

33

The actual origin of the English militia is lost in
antiquity. The Roman invasion was stoutly resisted
by armed tribes resembling a militia and possessing
both organization and military ability.

Under the Anglo-Saxon kings of England, when the
question of defencs against the Scots, the Welsh, and
particularly the Danes and other over-sea raiders,
was a very live one in England, all men were required
to bear arms as a sort of body-rent for the land they
held, but there was no special organization until
King Alfred's reign. That wise sovereign about the
year 880, organized the militia or fyrd, making land
the basis of numbers, but the family system that of
discipline. So many families were a tything, ten
tythings a hundred, and hundreds were united into
county powers, each under its heretoga, leader, dux
or duke. Each section of the community had not
only to furnish its quota in time of war, but also to
provide arms, keep them in repair, and train its men
or "general levy" for so many days every year.

Britain was not by any means, as often stated, the
home of the militia system. The most ancient national
military organization of which we have any authentic
record is the great military caste of Egypt, really a
national militia. The defensive force of Egypt at the
command of the Pharoahs of the Old Testament,
eighteen centuries before the Christian era, consisted
of the soldier-farmer caste, the men of which were
agriculturists in peace time; soldiers in time of war.

The occupancy and tillage o' the soil imposed upon
them the obligation to military service, and each man
provided himself with his own arms and had to be in
readiness to serve when called upon. The old Egyptian
armies chiefly depended upon the number and skill
of their archers, who fought either on foot or in chariots.
Scarcely any repre.sentations of Egyp ian cavalry are
found on the monuments, but frequent mention is
made in Holy writ of the horsemen of Egypt, as
accompanying Joseph, as pursuing the Israelites, and
as being thrown in the Red Sea. .

But to return to the militia force in Britain. After
the Norman conquest, A.U. 1066, the baronial troops
introduced with the continental feudal system, rendered
the militia largely unnecessary, but it never ceased
wholly to exist, and when the period of contention
between the Crown and the barons began, the kings
found their most powerful instrument in the Saxon
militia.

It is after the Norman conquest that we first hear of
the "feudal levy" in addition to the "general levy"
of Saxon days, the distinction between these forces
being that while obligation to serve in the latter rested
upon being a male, within certain limits of age, service in
the "feudal levy" depended upon tenure of land under

the king, as feudal lord. The general levy probably
constituted the larger part of the infantry, while the
feudal levy consisted of knights, who, with their re-
tainers, mounted and a"med, were bound to attend
the king at their own expense.

Henry II established in 1181 "an assize of arms,"
at which every holder of land was bound to produce
one or more men fully equipped and capable of fighting
in the national defence. An Act passed in the reign
o" Edward I. (13 Edward I., cap. 16) decreed that
every, freedman between the age of fifteen and sixty
was to be available to preserve peace within his county
or shire, and liable to serve elsewhere "upon the
coming of strange enemies into the realm." During
the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, the statutes bearing
upon the military obligations of subjects wei'e con-
solidated, and the Lieutenants of Counties were con-
stituted as the agents of the Crown for the purpose
of effecting levies for the internal defence of the
country.

In 1604, four years before Champlain founded
Quebec, James I. abolished the old Saxon "fyrd,"
and substituted "trained bands," a force being estab-
lished numbering 160,000 men, partaking of the nature
both of volunteers and militia, but deficient in dis-
cipline and drill.

During the reign of Charles I. (1625 to 1648), fre-
quent disputes arose between the King and the Parlia-
ment as to the command of the "trained bands,"
and during a Parliamentary debate on this subject the
name militia appears to have been first given to the
trained bands. A Parliamentarian of the day, White-
locke, piously expressed his regret "that this great
word, this new word, 'the militia,' this harsh word,"
had ever been introduced in the House.

One of the first acts after the restoration, was one
to establish the militia on a constitutional basis,
owners of property, by the Act of 1662, being obliged
to furnish horses, horsemen, foot soldiers, and arms
in proportion to their property. The similarity of
this system and that of feudal days, when the nobility
were called upon to supply their quota of retainers,
must strike any one. In 1757, the English militia,
having been several times called out in the meantime
on active service, a re-organization took place, and
the obligation to supply the men, horses, etc., was
transferred from the owners of property to the counties
and parishes, which had to provide fixed quotas.
Obligatory service by ballot was also introduced.
The period of service was for three years, the age
limits being 18 to 50, with certain exemptions. An
Act passed in 1758 was the first to officially recognize
volunteers as counting toward the quota.

It was in 1794, a year later than the passage of

34

Goveriior Simcoe's Militia Act, that Mr. Pitt passed
his bill " for the encouragement and discipline " of
the British volunteers, and made his historical appeal
to the "gentlemen and yeomanry" in each county,
and as a result of which the Fencible or Militia Cavalry
began to be called "Volunteer Yeomanry Cavalry."

Ireland and Scotland did not furnish any regular
militia until 1715 and 1797 respectively, although in
Scotland, militia existed long before 1797, namely, in
Perthshire, in 1684. The Irish militia when first
raised, in 1715, was restricted to Protestants between
the ages of 16 and 60.

In accordance with his wish to follow, as far as
possible, the English militia system, Simcoe intro-
duced by his first Militia Act into Upper Canada the
office of Lieutenants of Counties, an office held in
England by gentlemen or noblemen of loyalty and
distinction, as military deputies for the king, for the
government of the militia in their respective counties.

On the division of the counties or ridings, Simcoe
appointed a lieutenant in each whose duty was the
delimitation of the militia districts, with a general
oversight and power or recommendation of officers
to the command of the militia force. Simcoe's views
on this subject are found in a letter he wrote to Col.
Alex. McKee on his appointment to the office of
Lieutenant of E.ssex County, as follows: —

"It may not be improper to observe that this high
office, under the constitution of Britain, is generally
conferred upon the persons who seem most respectable
to His Majesty's Government, for theirproperty, loyalty,
abilities, and discretion in their several counties, and
from a combination of such possessions and qualities,
acquire that weight, respect, and public confidence
which render them the natural support of constitutional
authority. If on the one hand this office has been at
all times bestowed by the Sovereign with the circum-
sjjection and caution due to the important trusts which
it involves, on the other it has been a principal object
of honourable ambition, which the British Constitution
approves, in the first men of the state, making a due
provision of power for that local aristocracy which
the experience of ages has approved necessary to the
balance and permanency of her inestimable form of
government."

The office of Lieutenant of Counties does not seem to
have suited the conditions of the new country, and it
did not last long. The granting of commissions in
the militia was preferred to be vested directly in the
Crown, without the intermediation of the Lieutenants
of Counties. In this only did Simcoe s plan fail of
success.

The governing principle of this first mUitia law,
and the principle has been retained ever since, was

practically universal liability to service. With certain
very natural limitations, the whole male population
between the ages of 16 and 50, composed the militia.
Every lad on attaining the age of sixteen was obliged
to enroll himself with the militia officer in charge of
the district under penalty, for neglect, of a fine of four
dollars. This first militia of Upper Canada was some-
thing more than a sedentary militia; though not much
more perhaps. The force was divided into regiments
and companies, and every company had to be paraded
and inspected by its captain at least twice a year, a
serious enough obligation in those days, with the
difficult means of communication taken into considera-
tion. Though there was no provision for pay for these
parades, the officer who absented himself was liable
to a fine of eight dollars, and the private to one of
two dollars for each offence.

There was no provision in this Act for the training
of the officers and non-commissioned officers, a most
obvious shortcoming for any practical militia enact-
ment, but it must be remembered that a goodly pro-
portion of the most influential settlers of Upper Canada,
from whom officers and non-commissioned officers
would naturally be drawn, were men who had served
their king and country long and faithfully in the ranks of
regular or colonial regiments. The country at this
particular time had in fact all the trained officers it
was likely to require, and it must not be forgotten that
many of the more ordinary pioneer settlers of those
days, the men who would compose the rank and
file of the infant militia force, were al.so men who had
seen military service. In fact the whole male popula-
tion of those days, whetherof any previous military exper-
ience or not, were well qualified by the very nature of their
pioneer existence to play the part of soldiers, upon
emergency, well and usefully. So the brave old Sim-
coe's militia Act was well devised for the particular
occasion upon which it was required, although under
existing conditions it would have been absolutely
worthless. In fact it was not long before the rapidly
changing conditions of the country, and the equally
rapid changes in the character of the population, made
radical amendments absolutely necessary.

The first enrollment under this Act produced a force
of 4,213. The result appears to have fallen short of
expectations, and in the following year (1794) the
Militia Act of Upper Canada was amended so as to
make men up to sixty years of age eligible for the militia,
and the scope of the force was at the same time ex-
tended, the militiamen becoming liable for service
on the war vessels on the lakes.

This was a stirring time for Europe, and also for
Canada. The French revolution, with its excesses
and upheavals, affected the whole world. Continental

35

Europe stood aghast; England girded up her loins
for the inevitable conflict.

In 1793, Genest, the Ambassador of the French
Directory in the United States, began to fit out private-
ers against British commerce. The anti-federalists
(or Democrats) encouraged him, and when France
declared war upon Britain they urged that the United
States should enter into alliance with the new French
republic in return for the assistance France had given
during the Revolutionary War. George Washington, at
this time in his second term as ' President of the United
States, requested the French Government to recall
Genest, and the request was complied with. The war
fever he was fostering subsided considerably upon the
recall of the French agitator, but while it lasted it
caused considerable excitement in Canada, particularly
in the infant Province of Upper Canada, which con-
sidered itself, as it were, between two fires — the zealous
hatred of the tyrannical democracy of the United States
on the one hand, and the, to them, questionable fidelity
of the French-Canadians of Lower Canada on the other.

And there remained after the recall of Genest other
causes for threatening agitations and war talk in the
United States. The western Indians were firm in
their demands that the United States withdraw from
the country north of the Ohio, and, of course, the
United States would do nothing of the kind. It was
claimed that the obstinacy of the Indians was due to
British interference, based upon a desire to keep the
Indian country under the British flag. The retention
of Detroit and the western posts was pointed to as
proof of Britain's determination to keep the United
States hemmed in to the westward. Britain had no
such designs, for she repeatedly called upon the
government of the United States to do its part towards
fulfilling the articles of the treaty of peace of 1783
with respect to the confiscated property of the expelled
loyalists and the debts due them, promising that as
soon as that was done the British troops would be
withdrawn from the western posts. The out-aud-out
democrats agitated, "talked war" and urged the
conquest of Canada. Probably only the great
personal influence of George Washington preserved
peace at this juncture. Jefferson, Madison, and the
whole of their party were wholly in sympathy with
the French revolution, and adopted even the extra-
vagant dress and symbols of the Sans-Culottes of Paris.

The anxiety naturally created in the minds of the
Upper Canadians by this agitation for war in the
United States was increased by a scheme for the
invasion of Canada from Louisiana by French,
Spanish and Indian forces via the Mississippi and
Michigan. The project never materialized, as President
Washington, much to the indignation of Jefferson,

Madison and the Democrats, refused to allow a Franco-
Spanish army to traverse United States territory to
attack the colony of a friendly power.

It was under these circumstances that the Militia
Act of 1794 was passed with a view to making the
Upper Canada militia more efficient. Heretofore the
militiamen had been expected to provide their own
arms.

During this year there was a considerable distribu-
tion of arms throughout the province at the public
expense. A general Indian war had been in progress
in the western part of the United States, and General
Wayne, after defeating the Shawnees with great
slaughter, declared his intention to attack Detroit
and the other British posts in the west. It was as
much as Washington and his government could do
to persuade the general from carrying out his threat.

Governor Simcoe, while this invasion was threaten-
ing, acting on instructions from Lord Dorchester, the
Governor-General, quietly called out 600 of the new
Upper Canadian militia for active service. Two
hundred of these men were placed in garrison at
Detroit, still held by Britain, the remaining four hun-
dred being disposed along the Niagara frontier.

This force remained on duty until the signing of the
treaty concluded by John Jay, Washington's special
ambassador, and Lord Grenville, in 1794.

This same year of anxiety and threatened invasions
(1794) also saw the organization of the Royal Canadian
Volunteer Regiment, the first battalion of which was
recruited exclusively in Lower Canada; the second
battalion of nhie companies drawing some of its officers
and recruits from Lower Canada, and the rest from
the Upper Province, chiefly from among the LTnited
Empire Loyalists of Glengarry. This regiment proved
the training school for many of the best militia officers
of 1812.

After the American Revolution, the district which
now forms the Counties of Stormont, Dundas and
Glengarry, was set aside as one of the places of settle-
ment for the United Empire Loyalists, expelled from
their homes in the United States. A large majority
of the United Empire Loyalists who went to the
district were Scottish Highlanders, descendants of
men who, after Culloden had been transported to the
southern plantations in the Carolinas and Georgias.
During the brief peace of 1802, among other veteran
regiments which had fought against the F ench,
disbanded, was the 'Glengarry Regiment" of Roman
Catholic Highlanders, raised by the Rev. Father
Alexander McDonnell, of Glen Urquhart, who, as the
regiment's chaplain, accompanied it on its campaigns.
On its disbandment he obtained aid from the British
Government to transport the men to Canada, and he

36

accompanied them, joining the Highlander loyalists
frona the Southern States in the Glengarry District.
The brave chaplain to the Glengarry Regiment rose
to the Episcopate and died, universally beloved,
Bishop of Kingston.

Under Governor Simcoe's militia laws, each county
has its own militia regiment looking formidable enough
on paper by reason of the lists of full complements of
officers, but the ranks cannot have been very full,
for there were not at this time more than 12,000 white
people, men, women and children, in the whole of
Upper Canada.

In 1801 the Militia Act was amended to a trifling
extent, but the change was not productive of much
good.

By 1805, with Britain, fighting on in her old grim way
in Europe, almost isolated, with Canada practically
denuded of regular troops, and with the spirit of
hostility developing apace in the United States, the
question of national defence had again assumed serious
importance. The militia were especially warned to
hold themselves in readiness, arid some 4,000 stands
of arms were distributed among them. A return of
the militia showed that there were 652 officers and
7,947 non-commissioned officers and men enrolled,
but also revealed the disquieting fact that of the whole
number only 200 had received any training for several
years.

During 1807 one fifth of the whole militia of the
sLster Province of Lower Canada was called out em-
bodied, and trained. November 26, the same year,
Governor Gore of Upper Canada issued a circular to
Lieutenants of Counties directing them to cal out the
militia, and by volunteers or by ballot, to form de-
tachments of one-quarter of the whole, which after
being hispected and dismissed, were to be held in
readiness to assemble at an hour's notice.

In 1808, at the fourth .session of the fourth Parlia-
ment of Upper Canada, all of the existing Acts, relative
to the militia were repealed their provisions, with some
vitally important amendments, being consolidated into
one comprehensive Act (Chap. 48, George III), which
received the assent of Lieutenant-Governor Gore,
March 16th, 1808.

The new Act provided for much more organization
within the militia, and enabled the Governor to march
the militia out of the province to the assistance of
Lower Canada when invaded or in a state of insurrec-
tion, or in pursuit of an enemy "who may have invaded
this Province, and also for the destruction of any vessels
built or building, or any depot or magazine formed
or forming, or for the attack of an enemy who may be
embodying or marching for the purpose of invading
this province, or for the attack of any fortification now

erected or which may be hereafter erected to cover
the invasion thereof."

Among the provisions of this important Act were the
following: — Officers in the regular army were given
precedence over militia officers. Each district was to
have its regiment, and each company its own limits.
The limits of age were fixed at 16 to 60, those between
50 and 60 being exempted, except in case of emergency.
There was an annual muster day, a mere formal, per-
sonal enrollment, and the man absenting himself was
liable to a penalty of a fine of two dollars. The Act
still adhered to the original Saxon militia rule as to
armament, providing as follows: — "Each militiaman,
after enrollment, shall within six months after such
enrollment provide himself with a good and efficient
musket, fusil, rifle or gun, with at least such six rounds
of powder and ball." For failure to comply with
this law he was liable to a fine of five shillings in
peace time, and a larger one in war time, unless excused
by his commanding officer.

Training was aimed at, but in a very modest and
imperfect manner. The law obliged captains to call
out their companies not less than twice nor oftener
than four times each year for arm inspection and
training.

One clause of the Act, the 31st, authorized the
formation of troops of cavalry in the various regimen-
tal districts, and it was under this clause that fourteen
years later the original troop of the present Governor-
General's Body Guard, Toronto, was first raised.

On the whole, this Act imposed serious obligations
upon the male population of Upper Canada, and in
view of the readiness with which they submitted to
so many exacting terms of service it is difficult to
understand how the United States politicians succeeded
in inducing themselves to believe that they had but to
"send a flag and a proclamation" to Canada to capture
the country. They found their mistake in due course
of time.

At the session of 1811 a bill was passed providing for
the raising and training of the Upper Canada militia,
and on the 30th of September of the same year Lieu-
tenant-Governor Francis Gore resigned the government
of Upper Canada into the hands of Major General
Isaac Brock, formerly commandant of the garrison of
Quebec, and of the British troops in Canada.

The parliament of Upper Canada in 1812 voted
5,000 pounds sterling for the training of the provincial
militia. The population of the province was small
compared with the older province, and its revenue
comparatively insignificant. At the close of the war
the whole population of Upper Canada did not quite
number 84,000 souls. This makes the successful
defence of the country, considering the small number

37

of regular troops in the province, all the more remark-
able.

On the breaking out of hostilities with the United
States in 1812 the regular force in Upper Canada
amounted to barely 1,500 men, including seamen, as
under:— 41st Regiment, 900; 10th Veterans, 250;
Newfoundland Regiment, 250; Royal Artillery, 50;
Provincial Seamen, 50; total, 1,500.

This force had to occupy the forts St. Joseph, Am-
herstburg, and Chippawa, Fort Erie and Fort George,
— and York and Kingston — to maintain the superiority
on the lakes; to preserve the communication and
escort convoys between Coteau du Lac and Kingston;
and to de'end an assailable frontier of nearly 800 miles,
reckoning from the confines of Lower Canada to
Amherstburg.

At this critical juncture in its history, Upper Canada
had a tower of strength in its active and clever governor.
General Isaac Brock. While in command for several
years of the garrison in Quebec Brock had evinced an
intelligent interest in the defence of the Upper Province.

As commander of the troops in Canada at the time,
on October 6 1807, Colonel Brock was written to at
Quebec by Lieutenant Governor Sir Francis Gore
as follows:—

" I must again beg leave to direct your attention to
the present situation of our militia, being almost
without arms, and I consider it to be my duty to call
upon you for a further supply, and that this supply
may be forwarded to Upper Canada in the most
expeditious manner. If the militia were properly
armed, I then might be enabled to assist the Lower
Province."

A marginal note in pencil showed that Brock had 4,000
stand of arms forwarded at once to York.

February 12th, 1807, Colonel Brock wrote from
Quebec to the Right Hon. W. Windham of the British
government, as follows: —

Quebec, February 12, 1807.

I have the honour to transmit for your consideration
a proposal of Lieut.-Colonel John M'Donald, late of
the Royal Canadian Volunteers, for raising a corps
among the Scotch settlers in the county of Glengarry,
Upper Canada.

When it is considered that both the Canadas furnish
only two hundred militia who are trained to arms, the
advantages to be derived from such an establishment
must appear very evident.

The military force in this country is very small, and
were it possible to collect it in time to oppose any
serious attempt upon Quebec, the only tenable post,
the number would of itself be insufficient to ensure a
vigorous defence.

This corps, being stationed on the confines of the

Lower Province, would be always immediately and
essentially useful in checking any seditious disposition
which the wavering sentiments of a large population
in the Montreal district might at any time manifest.
In the event of invasion, or other emergency, this
force could be easily and expeditiously transported by
water to Quebec.

The extent of the country which these settlers occupy
would make the permanent establishment of the staff
and one sergeant in each company very advisable.
I shall not presume to say how far the claims of the
field officers to the same indulgence are reasonable
and expedient.

In regard to the Rev. Alexander M'Donald, * I beg
leave to observe, that the men being all Catholics, it
may be deemed a prudent measure to appoint him
chaplain. His zeal and attachment to government
were strongly evinced whilst filling the office of chap-
lain to the Glengarry Fencibles, during the rebellion
in Ireland, and were graciously acknowledged by His
Royal Highness the commander-in-chief.

His influence over the men is deservedly great, and
I have every reason to believe that the corps, by his
exertions, would be soon completed, and hereafter
become a nursery, from which the army might draw a
number of hardy recruits.

The original proposal was not entertained, but
November 21, 1811, Colonel Baynes writing to Major
General Brock at York, from Quebec, stated: — "Gover-
nor Gore has revived the formation of the Glengarry
Fencibles, and I have shown Sir George Prevost what
passed on a former occasion. I hope the latter will
be able to provide for his school-fellow, Major General
Sheaffe, and he expresses himself very anxious to do so.

December 12, the same year Colonel Baynes wrote to
« Major-General Brock, from Quebec, as follows: —
(Official)

"I am directed to transmit herewith a copy of
proposals for raising a corps of Glengarry Fencibles.
The commander of the forces has selected an officer
of the king's regiment, a Captain George M'Donnell,
an avowed Catholic, and a relation of the Glengarry
priest of that name, to attempt the formation of a
small battalion, to be in the first instance under his
command with the rank of major; and in case a more
respectable body can be collected, a lieutenant colonel
commandant will be appointed. Captain M'Donnell
will leave this in a few days, and he will be directed to
take an early opportunity of communicating with you
as soon as he has felt his ground a little in Glengarry,
and is able to form a correct idea of the prospect and
extent of success that is likely to attend his exertions.

*Afterwards R.C. Bishop of Regiopolis, in Upper Canada.

38

" I shall have the honor of sending you by the next
post a regulation for the payment of clergymen per-
forming religious duties for the troops at the different
stations in Canada. The officiating clergyman at York
will receive the garrison allowance of a captain, together
with a salary of 70 pounds army sterling per annum.
(Private)

" Sir George will fill up the new Glengarry corps with
as many officers as he can from the line, with permanent
rank, and I have availed myself of the opportimity to
propose one, in whose advancement I know you feel
an interest. He has allowed me to note Lieutenant
Shaw, of the 49th, for a company ; and you are at liberty
to inform his father, the general, of Sir George's
favourable intentions towards his son."

Brock wrote from York, U.C, January 2, 1812, as
follows : —
Sir,—

I have the honor to acknowledge Your Excellency's
letter (duplicate) of the 13th ulto., stating that Cap-
tain Macdonnell of the King's Regiment has been
directed to proceed to Glengarry for the purpose of
ascertaining the disposition of those people to form
a Fencible corps. The favourable terms which Your
Excellency has authorized Captain Macdonnell to
offer cannot fail of success, and I beg leave to assure
Yoiu" Excellency that I shall gladly lend my best efforts
in aid of so desirable an object.

I have the honor to be. Sir,

Your Excellency's most obedient
and very humble servant,

ISAAC BROCK, M.-Gen'l.
To His Excellency, Lt.-Gen'l Sir Geo. Prevost, &c., &c.,

It will be observed that Brock's original plan had
been considerably altered, the new plan providing for
a regularly embodied corps.

Brock, from York, Feb. 6, 1812, wrote Sir George
Prevost, as follows: —

"I am happy to inform Your Excellency that the
House of Assembly which met last Monday appears
disposed to meet my wishes in every particular. The
Militia Act is to undergo a revision much for the better,
and I am not without the hope of being able to get
the House to consent to allow the field officers of the
line to command all denominations in the militia."

The gallant general was doomed to disappointment,
and February 25th he wrote Sir George Prevost as
follows: — ■

" I had every reason to expect the almost unanimous
support of the two branches of the legislature to every
means government thought necessary to recommend,
but after a short trial found myself egregiously mistaken
in my calculation.

"The many doubtful characters in the militia made

me very anxious to introduce the oath of abjiu-ation
into the bill. There were twenty members in the
House when this highly important measure was lost
by the casting vote of the Chairman. The great
influence which the vast number of settlers from the
United States possess over the decisions of the Lower
House is truly alarming, and ought by every practical
means to be diminished. To give encouragement to
real subjects to settle in this province can alone re-
move the evil. The consideration of the fees ought
not to stand in the way of such a politic arrangement,
and should your Excellency ultimately determine
to promise some of the vast lands of the Crown to such
Scotch emigrants as enlist in the Glengarry Regiment,
I haive no hesitation in recommending in the strongest
manner the raising of a Canadian corps upon similar
terms, to be hereafter disbanded and distributed
among their countrymen in the vicinity of Amherstburg.

At the session of the legislature of 1812, at Brock's
request, militia laws were passed which enabled him
to organize the flank companies of the militia, unac-
companied, however, by the desired oath of abjuration
so as to exclude settlers from the United States and
persons of doubtful loyalty.

Brock, on April 22, wrote Sir Geo. Prevost that he
had by partial and gentle means, already commenced
to give the new law operation, and he had not the least
doubt that a sufficient number would be found ready
to volunteer to complete the flank companies. He
added: — "I here beg leave to call Your Excellency's
attention to the clause which authorizes the training
of the flank companies six times in each month; but
as no provision is made for remunerating the men, I
presume to submit for Your Excellency's indulgent
consideration, that the commissaries be instructed
to issue rations for the number actually present at
exercise. These companies, I expect, will be composed
of the best description of inhabitants, who in most
cases will have to go a great distance to attend parade;
and, unless this liberal pfovision be allowed, will be
liable to heavy expense, or be subject to considerable
privations. According to my present arrangements
the number embodied will not exceed 700, and when the
companies are completed throughout the province,
they must be calculated at 1,800; and, as during harvest
and the winter months few or no parades will take place,
the total expense attending the measure can be of no
material consequence in a pecuniary point of view,
and may in a political light be productive, at this
juncture, of considerable benefit."

The.se flank companies were the back bone of the
Upper Canada militia during the war.

The battalion of incorporated militia, which is spoken
of so frequently in histories of the war, and which

39

lost so heavily at Lundy's Lane, was a Canadian
regular regiment recruited in 1813, almost exclusively
from among the men of these flank companies. The
flank companies were really regarded as the active
part or first line of the militia; the bulk of each regi-
ment, formed when an emergency called for its em-
bodiment into companies, called the service companies,
being considered as a reserve, only called out when
absolutely necessary.

Brock thus practically divided the militia into two
distinct classes, first, a voluntarily enrolled, organized,
trained, available body — an active force; and, secondly,
the rest of the militia liable by law for service, but not

the "local militia" being organized into regiments,
the men, from 18 to 30, serving for four years.

Brock's system of extracting from the Canadian
general militia a select or active force by the organ-
ization of fiank or service companies, was early justified
by the excellent work of the militia at the capture of
Detroit and the battle of Queenston Heights. The
flank companies which took part in the capture of
Detroit were probably the first Canadian militia to be
fully uniformed, Brock, at the suggestion of Major Evans
of the 8th Regiment, having clothed them in the
reserve clothing (red coats) of the 41st Regiment.

In 1814 a general order was issued prescribing the

The Chateau de Hamezay, Montreal, Official Residence of the (iovernor during the French
Regime. Occupied by the Continentals in 1775, now occupied as a Museum.

embodied or trained. The creation of this distinction,
which continues, theoretically, to the present, was in
line with the development of the parent service in
the Mother Country.

In 1806 a "Training Act" was passed in England,
which provided for the raising by ballot of a force
of 200,000 men to be trained for a whole year every
third year. Any man Ijalloted had the option of serving
as an efficient in a volunteer corps. In 1808 a force of
"local militia" was established in England and Scot-
land by Lord Castlereagh in addition to the "general
militia" which became a sort of sedentary militia.

uniform of the Canadian Militia to be similar to those
of H.M. Army, scarlet with blue facings.

July 12, 1812, Major-General Brock wrote to Sir
George Prevost, from Fort GeorgCj as follows: —

"The militia which assembled here immediately
on the account being received of war being declared
by the United States, have been improving daily in
discipline; but the men evince a degree of impatience
under their present restraint that is far from inspiring
confidence. So great was the clamour to return and
attend to their farms, that I found myself in some
measure compelled to sanction the departure of a

40

large proportion; and I am not without my apprehen-
sions that the remainder will, in defiance of the law,
which can only impose a fine of £20, leave the service
the moment the harvest commences. There can be
no doubt that a large portion of the population in this
neighbourhood are sincere in their professions to defend
the country ; but it appears likewise evident to me that
the greater part are either indifferent to what is
passing, or so completely American as to rejoice in
the prospect of a change of government. Many, who
now consider our means inadequate, would readily
take an active part were the regular troops increased.
These cool calculators are numerous in all societies."

Although the "service companies" of militia did
good service whenever urgently required, the efforts
of the army officers during the war, as regards the
militia, were largely devoted to perfect the incorporated
militia of permanently embodied corps, and the various
"provincial corps".

The positions of lieutenant-governor and military
commander being combined in one man the militia
during the war, as regards organization and main-
tenance, were brought directly under the army author-
ities. All departmental duties were performed by
the regular army. Rations, supplies, arms and equip-
ment were provided from the army stores, and nearly all
staff duties in the field were performed by regular officers.

Bounties were given by the army authorities for
recruits for the embodied militia. Major-General
R. H. Sheaflfe, the Major-General commanding in
Upper Canada in 1813, on March 15, wrote to Sir
George Prevost as follows: —

"The importance of having without delay an
efficient force from the militia, and of giving effect,
at its first publication, to the new plan adopted for
that purpo.se, struck me so forcibly that I determined
to offer in the instructions I had prepared an additional
ten dollars to each volunteer for the incorporated militia.
I hope the critical situation in which this province is
placed will justify me for having adopted the mea-
sure without waiting for Your Excellency's answer
to my application on the subject." The sviggestion
was approved of.

The Incorporated Militia, while permanently em-
bodied and paid by the army authorities, was raised
under and subject to the mQitia laws of the province,
but several Canadian corps on service during the war,
as for instance the Provincial Light Dragoons, the
Artillery Drivers, the Canadian Light Dragoons, etc.,
were regularly enlisted and attested, and were under
Martial Law, subject to the rules and regulations of
the army and to serve under any officer in His Majes-
ty's service. These were known as "Provincial
Corps," in contradistinction to militia.

The Treaty of Ghent, which closed the war, was
signed December 24, 1814, and soon after, steps were
taken for reducing the Incorporated Militia.

At the session of the legislature of 1815 an act
(55 George III. Chap, xiii) was passed "granting to
His Majesty a certain sum of money for the uses of
the .Incorporated Militia of this province and other
purposes therein mentioned. £5,883 6s. 8d. to be
applied as follows: —

To the officers, non-commissioned officers and privates
of the Incorporated Militia, six months pay £4,594
15s. 2d. To the officers and non-commissioned
officers of the line attached to the Incorporated Militia,
the net pay of their respective ranks in the said corps
£1,000, To the officers and non-commissioned officers
and privates of the Incorporated Militia Artillery, six
months pay £288 1 Is. 6d. To the Speaker of the House
of Assembly to purchase a sword to be presented to Col.
Robinson, late of the Incorporated Militia, 100 guineas."

During the peace which succeeded the battle of
Waterloo (1815), the whole English speaking popu-
lation of the world seemed to be carried away with
the idea that the millennium had arrived and that the
time had at last come for turning the swords into
ploughshares, and the spears into pruning-hooks.
At any rate, in the Mother Country, the armed forces
of the empire were allowed to fall into neglect, and it
is not surprising that in Canada, where there were so
many calls upon public attention and national energy,
in the development of the young country's virgin
resources, that little or no attention was for many years
given to the question of the maintenance of the militia.

In 1816 an act (56 George III, Chap, vii) was passed
granting 165 pounds additional salary to the Adjutant-
General of Upper Canada militia.

At the same session of the assembly an act (56
George III, Chap, xxxi) was passed, entitled " An Act
to amend 48 Geo. Ill, entitled "An Act to explain,
amend, and reduce to one Act of Parliament the several
laws now in being for the raising and training of
the militia of this province."

Section 1 of this Bill provided that only British
subjects were compelled to enroll in the militia. Section
2 authorized the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor or
per.son administering the government of this province
to issue two warrants in favour of the Adjutant-General
of militia of this province, and cause him to be paid all
such expenses as he shall incur for the postage of letters,
stationary and other contingent expenses of his office."

At the session of 1819 an act (59 George III., Chap.
xii) was passed, amending 48 George III. This act
contained the following provisions: — •

"Whereas there is now no provision by law for
assembling a Court Martial unless when the militia

41

of this province shall be called out on actual service,
by reason whereof it may happen that persons against
whom charges may have been preferred before a Court
of Enquiry, may have no opportunity of making their
defence against such charges, before a Court competent
to receive such evidence upon oath, in their behalf,
for remedy whereof be it enacted by the King's Most
Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent
of the Legislative Council and Assembly of the Province
of Upper Canada, constituted and assembled by virtue
of and under the authority of an act passed in the
Parliament of Great Britain, entitled "An act etc.,
etc.," and by authority of the same that the 25th clause
of an act passed in the 48th year ***** shall be
and the same is hereby repealed.

" In all cases where a General Court Martial shall be
prayed for by any officer against whom any charges
have been made or may be preferred when any part
of the militia may be called out on actual service,
the governor or person administering government
may direct a General Court Martial to be held, to be
assembled in same manner and under same provisions
as provided by law in time of actual service. Provided
that such General Court Martial in peace time in the
event of convictions may inflict such penalty propor-
tioned to the offence as the Court shall judge proper,
either by censure or suspension, or depriving him of
his commission, and degrading him from his rank,
and no other."

In 1829 an important step was taken providing for

the division of the militia in peace time into active

and reserve forces. The method of accomplishing

this is set forth in the following interesting order : —

Militia General Order,

York, Upper Canada, 16th May, 1829,

No. 1. His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor has
been pleased to direct that in future the several regi-
ments of Militia in this province shall consist of two
battalions each, the first battalion to be composed of
men not exceeding forty years of age; the second or
reserve battalion of such men as may be within the
limits of the Corps, from that age to the period establish-
ed by law.

No. 2. The attendance of the reserve battalion
may be dispensed with on next day of assembling.

No. 3. The establishment of the first battaliozi
will be eight companies of light infantry (when they
can be formed of thirty men each). These will be
divided into a right and left wing.

No. 4. One company in each wing will be armed
with rifles.

No. 5. Young men under the age of eighteen en-
rolled for the militia will not be assembled with the
battalion, but commanding officers will make arrange-

ments for their being instructed in small divisions in
their own homes.

No. 6. It is recommended that the militia fines,
which are placed at the disposal of colonels of regiments
for the incidental expenses of the corps may be ex-
pended in remunerating one sergeant in each company
to be employed in drilling the young men who are not
called out with the battalion.

"No. 7. Colonels will be responsible that the fines
are demanded from every individual who may be absent
on the days appointed by law for the assembling of
the militia.

Colonel James Fitz Gibbon, whose name had become
so conspicuous during the war of 1812, who was
gazetted Colonel of the West York Regiment in 1826,
and who at this period held a position in the Adjutant-
General's office, subsequently becoming Deputy Ad-
jutant-General, under the auspices of Sir John Colborne,
formed a drill corps during the year 1835, for such young
men of Toronto as desired military instruction. A hand-
ful of well-connected young men availed themselves
of the opportunity. In 1836 Colonel Fitz Gibbon
devoted himself with redoubled ardor to preparations
for the insurrection which he declared would break
forth before the next winter. He got together a
rifle corps to the number of seventy, and drilled them
twice a week with tireless enthusiasm, declaring that
when the hour of trial should come he and "his boys"
would be found in their places, however the rest of the
community might see fit to demean themselves.
("Dent's Story of the Upper Canada Rebellion.")

As the time of the actual outbreak approached,
the government continued to rest in undisturbed
confidence. All through the autumn the Governor
and his advisers received regular intelligence of secret
drillings, of the manufacture of pikes, and of other
seditious proceedings, but all to no purpose. It
appeared as though they persisted in regarding all
the preparations as being merely for effect and to
intimidate the government. The Governor sent all
the regular troops to the Lower Province, not even
as much as a company being kept as a garrison in Tor-
onto, which was the seat of the provincial government.
The last detachment to be sent out of the province to
Lower Canada consisted of a subaltern and thirty men,
withdrawn from Penetanguishene in November.
When this little party was on its way to Toronto,
Colonel Fitz Gibbon urged the Lieutenant-Governor
to keep them in the city, in order that their presence
might have an effect upon the local militia. "No,
not a man," answered His Excellency, "The doing so
would destroy the whole morale of my policy. If the
militia cannot defend the province, the sooner it is lost
the better." " Then, sir," entreated the hero of Beaver

42

Dams and many another hard fight, "let us be armed,
and ready to defend ourselves." "No," responded
Sir Francis, " I do not apprehend a rebellion in Upper
Canada." (Dent.)

The only preparation the Governor had consented
to make was to permit of 4,000 stands of arms being
brought from Montreal, but even then, he had neglected
to have them properly guarded. As a matter of fact,
they were handed over to the municipal authorities,
who placed them in the old City Hall, with a couple of
constables to keep watch over them at night. Fitz
Gibbon, who appears to have been the only military
official on the alert, was afraid that the rebels would
some night overpower the two constables and gain
possession of the arms. To guard against such a
contingency, he induced his rifle corps, whom he
continued to drill with vigilant regularity, to volunteer
a nightl}^ guard of fifteen to twenty men to watch
the City Hall, and to furnish two sentries to guard the
approaches to Government House. The Governor
refused, however, to have this arrangement carried
out, remarking: "But that I do not like to undo what
I have already done, I would have those arms brought
from the City Hall and placed here in the Government
House, under the care and keeping of my domestics."

This was only a day or two before the Governor
and the City of Toronto received that rude midnight
awakening to learn that the rebels had fired the first
shots of the rebellion at Montgomery's Tavern.

In his despatch. No. 132, dated Toronto, Dec. 19,
1837, Sir F. B. Head wrote: — "I might also have most
advantageously availed myself in the field of the
military services of Colonel Foster, the commander of
the forces in Upper Canada, of Captain Baddeley of
the corps of Royal Engineers, and of a detachment
of eight artillerymen, who form the only regular force
in this province; but having deliberately determined
that the important contest in which I was about to

be engaged should be decided solely by the Upper
Canada militia, or in other words, by the free inhabi-
tants of this noble province, etc."

The Governor reported that bands of militiamen
from all directions poured in upon him. According
to the best reports he could collect, from 10,000 to
12,000 men simultaneously marched towards the
capital to support him in maintaining for the people
of Upper Canada, the British Constitution. (Despat-
ches in S. F. B. Head's " Narrative.")

After the first alarm the established militia organ-
izations were used to raise an effective force, no less
than five battalions of incorporated militia, organized
and imiformed like troops of the line, being raised,
some of which were not finally disbanded until 1843.
Besides there were twelve battalions of provincial
militia on duty for various periods, and thirty-one
corps of artillery, cavalry and rifles.

According to MacMullin's History, militia lists
for Upper Canada at the end of the rebellion showed
an establishment of 106 complete regiments. "There
were four battalions of incorporated militia, organized
and clothed like troops of the line; twelve battalions
of provincial militia on duty for a stated period; thirty
one corps of artillery, cavalry and riflemen, while
most of the militia corps (infantry regiments?) had
a troop of cavalry attached to them."

While the excitement produced by the rebellion
was still maintained, in 1839, an important Militia
Act (2nd Victoria Chapter ix) was passed, which
provided for the establishment of mounted corps,
artillery, light infantry, rifle and marine corps as
separate units, quite distinct from the territorial
militia regiments.

The Act of Union passed by the British Parliament
in 1840 came into effect by royal proclamation February
10, 1841, and since that date the militia of UpperCanada
has formed part of a Canadian national force.

43

Wrhl^-) *5);ti^s 'CA)^i^h %>),Hl<'iS V>))e^h ^Wi^h ^),

CHAPTER V

THE MILITIA OF LOWER CANADA

The Principles of the French Militia System Retained. — The Royal Canadian Volunteers —
Lower Canadian Militia and Volunteer Corps of 1812-14 and 1837. — The Militia a Butt of
Political Discord.

ACCORDING to the Constitutional Act (31 George
III, Chap.xxxi) section 31, all laws, statutes and
ordinances which were in force on the day fixed
for the commencement of the act within the new provin-
ces, or either of them, or in any part thereof, respectively
remained and continued to be of the same force,
authority and effect in each of the said provinces, as,
if the Act in question had not been made, and as if
the said Province of Quebec had not been divided,
except in so far as the same were expressly repealed or
varied by the Act.

In the preceding chapter it has been explained how
the first assembly of Upper Canada at its second
session passed a Militia Act based upon the English
system, completely replacing the old act, based upon
the French system, which had existed in the old Pro-
vince of Quebec But in Lower Canada the old militia
system, with a few amendments, was continued, as best
suited to the habits of the population and the needs
of the province. At the time the Constitutional Act
was passed there was much uncertainty as to some
of the details of the militia system. There were
various overlapping acts and ordinances, some of
which had really lapsed naturally, having been merely
temporary, but which continued in practice. Again,
new acts and ordinances had been enacted regulating
certain points, without the legislation they were in-
tended to replace, being specifically repealed. Most

details of militia administration were regulated by
orders. But the main principles of militia organiza-
tion were understood. Every male of age was a
militiaman, and liable, not alone for military duty,
as in Upper Canada, but for the "corvee," or statute
labour. Various civil duties, generally cherished as
perquisites, fell to the lot of the militia officers.

During the first sitting of the new assembly of the
Province of Lower Canada, April 25, 1793, a message
was received from the governor informing the house
that "the persons exercising the supreme authority in
France had declared war against His Majesty." In
answering this message the assembly stated that they
would immediately proceed to a revision of the militia
laws. The subject was taken up and discussed, but
as no alterations were made in the militia ordinance
then in force, it is to be inferred that such were deemed
unnecessary by the assembly.

In his speech dismissing the house at the close of the

■ session, the governor, however, asked the members

during recess to reflect upon "such further regulations

as may appear necessary for the better organizing

and more effectually calling forth the militia."

November 26, 1793, the Governor-General, Lord
Dorchester, issued a proclamation drawing attention
to the fact that alien enemies from France and else-
where were in the province busying themselves in
propagating revolutionary principles, and requiring

44

"all magistrates, captains of militia, peace officers,
and others of His Majesty's good subjects, to be
vigilant," etc.

Two acts affecting the militia were passed at the
session of the assembly this year. The first, a sort of
consolidation of the main militia laws, but intro-
ducing no material change, (34 George III, Chap, iv),
was entitled: — "An act to provide for the greater
security of this province by the better regulation of
the militia thereof, and for repealing certain acts or
ordinances relating to the same." This act was to
be in force until July 1, 1796, "or until the end of the
war."

The other act (34 George III, Chap, vi) conferred
the power to act as coroners upon militia officers.
The full title of this act was : An act for the division
of the Province of Lower Canada, for amending the
judications thereof, and for repealing certahi laws
therein mentioned," and section 36 read as follows: —
"And whereas the great extent of this province may
render it often impracticable for the coroner of the
district to give his attendance at the different places
where it might be necessary; be it further enacted
by the authority aforesaid, that the captains or senior
officers of militia shall be, and hereby are empowered,
in their respective parishes, when any marks of violence
appear on any dead body, to summon together six
reputable householders of his parish to inspect the
same, and he shall, according to their opinion, report
the manner and cause of such death, in writing, to the
nearest justice of the peace, that a further examination
may be made therein, if necessary."

In 1796, another act (36 George III, Chap, ix) was
passed affecting the special civil functions of militia
officers. The act was entitled: "An act for making,
repairing and altering the highways and bridges
within this province, and for other purposes," and
sections 26, 28, 29 and 78 read :— " XXVI— And be it
enacted by the authoritj^ aforesaid that the grand
voyer or his deputy shall and may divide every parish,
seigniory or township of his district into such number
of divisions, being not more than nine, as he shall
judge proper and necessary, and to each of which
divisions there shall be allotted by him an overseer
of the highways and bridges, who shall be chosen in
manner following, that is to say: the grand voyer or
his deputy shall in the month of August next, and in
the month of August every second year thereafter
issue an order to the eldest captain or senior officer
of militia in each parish, seigniory or township, for
the purpose of electing overseers of the highways and
bridges, who is hereby required upon receipt of such
order, to fix; and publish or cause to be fixed and pub-
lished at the church door or place of divine worship

of the parish, seigniory or township after mornmg
service, .... a day on which the householders
thereof shall meet for the purpose of such election,
which day shall be a Sunday or a holy day between
the first day of September and the fifteenth day of
October, .... at which meeting the said eldest
captain or senior officer of militia shall preside, and
the same shall be held in the public room of the parson-
age house of the parish, seigniory or township, or
where there shall be no such public room, then at
such other place as shall be appointed by the said
captain or senior officer of militia; and then and there
the said householders, or the majority of them so
assembled, shall choose a fit and proper person from
among the householders of the parish, seigniory or
township for each of the said divisions thereof ... to
serve the office of overseer of highways and bridges;
.... and each of which overseers shall enter upon
the execution of his office on the first day of January
following, and shall serve for two years; and any person
so chosen and nominated to serve, who shall refuse or
neglect to signify to the said captain or senior officer
of militia his consent to enter upon such service, for
the space of eight days after such nomination, shall
forfeit and pay the sum of five pounds current money
of this province for such refusal or neglect, or who
consenting to accept such office shall refuse or neglect
to obey the lawful orders of the grand voyer or his
deputy, or to oversee and perform any of the duties
required of him by this Act, shall for every such refusal
or neglect, forfeit and pay the sum of twenty shillings;
and it shall be the duty of every officer of militia who
shall have presided as aforesaid at any such meeting,
openly to declare to the persons so assembled, the
names of the parties then and there chosen as over-
seers, and to make a return of such nomination and
choice to the grand voyer or his deputy within ten
days after such meeting; and every such officer of
militia who shall refuse or neglect to call such meeting
or to preside therein, or to make such return, shall
forfeit and pay the sum of five pounds for every such
refusal or neglect."

XXVIII. Provided also, and be it further enacted,
that clergymen, captains of militia, licensed school
masters, and one miller to each mill, and persons
upward of sixty years of age, shall be exempted from
being chosen or appointed surveyors or overseers of
highways and bridges,"

" XXIX. And be it further enacted that the officers
of militia shall continue to do the duty of overseers
until the first day of January next, provided that no
officer of militia, who shall have so served as overseer,
shall be liable to be rechosen to serve eiter as sur-
veyor or overseer under this act within eight years

45

from the first day of January next, unless he shall con-
sent thereto."

"LXXVIII.Andbe it further enacted by the authority
aforesaid, that the deputy of each grand voyer, the
surveyors and the overseers of the highways for the
time being shall and hereby are exempted from trans-
porting effects belonging to Government, and from
being called out to serve in the militia, excepting
in the case of invasion of the province, or of insur-
rection in the county where they are respectively
serving the said officers.','

The same year an act (36 George III. Chapter xi)
was passed continuing 34 George III. Chap, iv.)

In the summer of 1796, Carleton returned to England
after completing arrangements for the carrying out
of his long cherished scheme of founding a permanently
embodied establishment of Canadian troops. The
result was the raising of " The Royal Canadian Volun-
teer Regiment."

At this time Napoleon was just attaining the zenith
of his power, the interest of the world in 1796 being
concentrated upon his brilliant campaign in Italy
and the Tyrol. For years, emissaries of the French
government had beefn busy in Canada attempting to
stir up the French Canadians against Great Britain,
and others at Washington were trying to embroil the
United States government with Britain. The Cana-
dians, however, were not to be so easily won
from their British allegiance, and gave but a deaf
ear to their hindred from across the sea. The
clergy, particularly, and the gentry, threw the
great weight of their influence in the balance against
the foreign agitators, holding up to the Canadian people
the horrors of the French Revolution and the failure
of the invasion of the province by the American Re-
publicans in 1775-1776 as arguments against any
suggestion to unite Canada politically once more with
old France.

The Royal Canadian Volunteers consisted of two
battalions, the first composed of French Canadians,
raised and equipped in Quebec, the second battalion
composed largely of English speaking men, and raised
and equipped iii Montreal. Each battalion consisted
of eight companies, including a grenadier and a light
infantry company. The strength of each com-
pany was seventy men, and there appears to have
been no difficulty in securing officers or recruiting the
men. The regiment was raised, equipped and admin-
istered as a regular regiment, the officers and men being
obtained in Canada and their terms of enlisting calling
upon them for military service anywhere in the colony.
The uniform was of the regular infantry cut, with
scarlet coat and blue facings. The men wore grey
cloth breeches, the officers white, with long black

gaiters buttoned to above the knee. The head dress
was a three-cornered hat with black cockade (tassels
for the officers) except the grenadier company, the men
of which wore the usual talf, conical cap. The men
were armed with the old flint lock and bayonet. The
regimental motto, duly emblazoned on the colours, was
"Try Us." During 1796, 1797 and part of 1798 the
1st battalion was stationed at Quebec, the 2nd battalion
at Montreal. The 1st battalion went under canvas
for some months during the summer of 1797, and
while the headquarters of the 2nd battalion were at
Montreal, detachments or perhaps the whole bat-
talion was stationed for periods at Laprairie, St. Johns
and Sorel. In the spring of 1798 the battalions ex-
changed garrisons. In 1799 pressure was brought
upon the officers to consent to be placed on the same
footing as other fencibles for service abroad, but the
proposal did not meet with favour.

However, the signing of the Treaty of Amiens,
October 1st, 1801, restored peace, and steps were taken,
in time, to disband the various colonial corps. The
Royal Canadian Volunteers were disbanded in August
and September, 1802. At the time the battalions were
read out of the service, the First Battalion had five
companies and headquarters in Montreal with detach-
ments therefrom at Three Rivers, Sorel, and St. Johns,
and three companies at Quebec. The second battalion
upon disbandment had only one company in Lower
Canada, the others being distributed throughout Upper
Canada as follows: York, 2 companies; Fort George,
(Niagara) 3 companies; Kingston, one company; Fort
Erie, a half company; Chippewa, a half company.
(Surgeon-Major Neilson, R.C. A., in V. R. I. Magazine).

In the Quebec almanac for 1797, the officers of the
Royal Canadian Volunteers appear as follows: —

First battalion Royal Canadian Volunteers.

Lieut.-Col. J. DeLongueuil;Major Louis De Salaberry.

Captains, Francis Dambourges, Desaulnier, Beaubien,
Francig Piedmont, Pierre Marcoux, C. S. De Bleury,
Louvigny de Montigny, Francois Vassal, J. Bte. Des-
timeauville.

Lieutenants, Daniel Dupre, Peter Duchoquet, A. J.
Duchesnay, Joseph de Beaujeu, C. S. Lanaudiere,
Hipolite Hertelle, Pierre Bazin, Henry Hay, Joseph
Bouchette, Benjamin Jobert.

Ensigns, J. B. J. Duchesnay, Ant. Petrimoulx, Louis
Montizambert, Honore Bailie, Antoine Lanaudiere,
Stephen La Morandiere, Richard Hay, Francois
Boucher, Robert Anderson, Francois Duval.

Chaplain, Salter Mountain ; Adjutant, Robert Ander-
son; Quarter-Master, Louis Feromenteau; Surgeon,
James Davidson; Mate, J. B. L. Menard.

2nd Battalion Royal Canadian Volunteers.

Lieut.-Col. John M'Donnell, Major Hazelton Spencer.

46

Captains — Peter Drummond, Hector McLean, Hugh
McDonnell, Niel M'Lean, Miles M'Donell, Richard
Willkinson, Alexander McMillan.

Lieutenants — Richard Ferguson, Wm. Fraser, Wm.
Crawford, Chichester M'Donell, Thomas Fraser,
Donald M'Donell, Wm. Johnson, Angus M'Donell,
— Taschereau, Pierre Ignace Major.

Ensigns — Pierre Boucherville, Wm. Deace, Peter
Grant, George Ermatinger, Charles Lanniere, Joseph
Boardwine, Robert Wolsey.

Chaplain — Father Duval; Adjutant — John Cromp-
ton; Quarter-Master — Andrew Cameron; Surgeon —
James Davidson; Mate — Cyrus Anderson.

It will be remarked that while there are but three
names which are not distinctively French Canadian,
among those of the officers of the 1st Battallion, that
there were five French Canadian officers in the second
battalion. While the 1st Battalion had 34 officers,
the second, of the same nominal establishment, had 31.
Evidently, the military spirit was, at least, as strong
among the French Canadians as among their neighbors
of British origin.

The peace of Amiens did not last very long, and few
expected it would, apparently. The great Napoleon
had not attained the summit of his ambition in 1801,
and until he had, there was to be no lasting peace, at
least so long as he held the supreme power in
France.

Within a few months of the signing of the treaty,
the British government and Napoleon were embroiled
in dispute as to the execution of the terms of the treaty,
England refusing to evacuate Malta, the Cape of Good
Hope and Alexandria so long as Napoleon failed to
restore his continental conquests to the powers con-
cerned and continued to increase his armaments at
strategical points threatening Great Britain. Napo-
leon was then Vice Consul, and French royalists who
had taken refuge in the Channel Islands and London,
in the public press and pamphlets, were engaged in
sarcastic and bitter attacks on him and his government.
The French papers retorted and attacked England, and
the English papers retaliated. Napoleon demanded
that the British government muzzle the press and
banish the French royalists refugees to Canada. The
British government, of course, explained that it could
not interfere with those very British institutions, the
liberty of the press and the right of refuge. After
menaces had been made on both sides, the British
government in March, 1803, ordered 10,000 additional
men enrolled for the navy, and the British Militia was
called out. Napoleon ordered large additions of troops
to the camps which had been forming at the ports
along the English Channel. Finally, April 29, 1803,
England declared war on Napoleon.

Both Britain and France entered into the contest
with zest, each nation being aroused to the highest
pitch of enthusiasm, the English people being spurred
to make great exertions by Napoleon's taunt that
England would not and could not stand alone against
France. As to the progress of the several campaigns
which followed, of Napoleon's triumphal campaigns of
Jena, Auerbad, Eylau, Spain, etc., and of the British
victories at sea first and afterwards in the Peninsula,
the Pyrenees and the South of France, it is necessary
to refer here; but the student of Canadian history
has to have some knowledge of the war in Europe
to appreciate the events preceding and during the
war of 1812-14.

The authorities of Lower Canada were at this im-
portant juncture anxious to do more to bring the
national defensive force into line with military jequire-
ments and more in touch with the population.

Lieut. -Governor Robei't Shore Milnes in a letter to
the Minister on the real situation in Canada, Nov-
ember 1st, 1800, speaking of the social conditions pre-
vailing, remarked " The counties are divided into
parishes, the principal person in each of which is the
priest, and the next the Captain of Militia." He
went on to show that the influence of the government
might be extended by the co-operation of the clergy,
and next through the militia. The bishop and priests,
he pointed out, could be depended upon to use their
influence " to encourage a spirit of loyalty in opposition
to the spirit of democracy, which has fortimately not
made much progress in Canada." The Governor
proceeded : — " The population is computed to be about
160,000, nine-tenths of whom reside in the parishes,
the militia 37,904, with 292 captains and 16 of a staff,
the latter chiefly seigneurs. The powers of the Cap-
tains imder the French rule were great, the feeling of
which remains, though the power is withdrawn. But
they are stiU employed in performing services for the
Government, for which the only remuneration is the
sense of the honour of being so employed, but this is by
no means equivalent to the expenditure of the time
and trouble." The Governor proceeded to suggest
that by some honorary and pecuniary reward, or by
some other plan, the militia officers might be brought
to consider themselves as, and to be actually made,
officers of the Crown. In this way a spirit of loyalty
would be diffused through the whole province, "a
spirit which is natural to the Canadians. " His Honor
was pleased to add — "I would like to call attention ,
to the relative expenditure for civil and military pur-
poses, the latter out of proportion to the latter, whilst,
by a proper system, not only would the military ex-
penses be greatly lessened, and the country secured
from internal commotion, but the co-operation of the

47

inhabitants could be secured for the defence of the
country. " (Dom. Archives.)

During 1802, as a result of the warlike outlook in
Europe, there was, a mild outbreak of military excite-
ment in Montreal, and the local militia voluntarily
assembled for drill, muskets being lent them for the
purpose from the regular army stores. Governor
Milnes, on November 29th, 1802, made a requisition
upon Lieut. -General Hunter, the commander-in-chief,
in the following terms: — "The officers of the British
and Canadian militia at Montreal having represented
to me that at the time Your Excellency was so good
as to order muskets to be delivered to them for the
purpose of enabling the militia of Montreal to practise
the use of firearms, they omitted to ask also for belts
and pouches which are essentially necessary to their
attaining any degree of perfection in their exercise;
I shall be much obliged to Your Excellency to give
directions for belts and pouches being delivered to
them in proportion to the number of muskets, as I
have the satisfaction to find they mean to continue
practicing during the ensuing winter, and their ex-
ample may be of considerable service in the province."

At the first session of the parliament of Lower
Canada in the year 1803, the militia laws were re-
newed, on the advice of the governor, by a new act (43
George III, Chap. i). The second session took place
in August on the resumption of hostilities between
Great Britain and France. The Alien Act, and that
for the preservation of His Majesty's government
had been allowed to expire at the time of the peace,
but the return of war rendered their revival necessary,
and they were revived. Upon the recurrence of war,
there was a strong manifestation of loyal feeling uni-
versally throughout the province. The lieutenant-
governor sent down, late in the session, a message to
the assembly stating that he had "the satisfaction to
acquaint them that a considerable number of His
Majesty's subjects in this province, actuated by a
spirit of loyalty and zeal for the interests and honour
of his crown, had offered to form themselves into
volunteer companies for the defence of the province
at the present moment, and to serve under such
officers as His Majesty's representative should appoint
to command them." He recommended the subject
accordingly to the consideration of the House.

A bill was introduced, passed, and sent up to the
Legislative Council relative to it, but too late, the
prorogation taking place the next day. No incon-
venience, however, was felt from the circumstance,
the Militia Act of the earlier session being in force,
and sufficient for every practical purpose at the time.

The act in question authorized the governor to
spend 2,500 poimds sterling annually, as he should

judge expedient, towards the formation of an efficient
militia. He was authorized to embody annually,, for
28 days annual drill, a force of 1,200 men. The act
was limited to four years' duration. It provided for
pensions for disabled militiamen.

Governor Milnes lost no time proceeding to put the
new Militia Act into effect, and the requisition he made
on Lieut. -General Hunter for arms and equipment
gives us at once an idea of the scope of the bill and
of the absolute dependance of the militia of those
days on the regular army for equipment. In this
document, which is dated Quebec, 28th April, 1803,
the governor wrote : —

" In consequence of new regulations which have
passed the legislature respecting the militia in this
province, a power is vested in the Executive Govern-
ment to embody for twenty-eight days annually
twelve hundred men. I have, therefore, to request
Your Excellency will give the necessary orders to for-
ward a measure so important to His Majesty's service,
that six hundred stand of arms may be delivered
upon my requisition, which, whenever this measure
shall be adopted, will, with the six hundred you have
already had the goodness to order to be at my dis-
posal at Montreal, complete the complement.

" It is probably known to you, that Lord Dorchester,
in the year 1796, received from England clothing and
accoutrements for the number of men now fixed by the
legislature to be called out. I have the honour to in-
close a statement of the articles intended for the use of
the militia, and which, being in the military store, I
shall further request Your Excellency to give directions
that these, or any part of them, may be delivered to
me when required."

The return mentioned in the preceding included,
among other details, the following: —

Privates. — Cloth, brown, 4,179^ yards; mixt, 1,910J;
yellow, 152 J. Hats and cockades, 1,100.

Sergeants. — Cloth, brown, 104f yards; mixt, 57^
yards; yellow, 18^ yards. Hats and cockades, 80.

Drummers. — Cloth, yellow, 40} yards. Hats, 16.

Besides, there were buttons by hundreds of gross,
braids, looping, sixty pounds of thread, two thousand
needles, a hundred and twenty tailors' thimbles, forty
epaulets, linen, linings, etc., etc.

The following extract from a letter by Governor
Robt. S. Milnes to His Excellency Lieut .-General
Hunter, Quebec, Nov. 11, 1803, is interesting in the
same connection : —

"I have the honor to enclose Your Excellency an
extract of a dispatch which I have this day received
from Lord Hobart, authorizing me to 'receive from
His Majesty's magazines at Quebec such arms as
may be necessary for the use of the militia,' and I

48

shall be obliged to Your Excellency to receive the
amount of 1,200 stand of arms with proportionate
accoutrements, at such times and in such proportions
as may be requisite for this branch of His Majesty's
service."

This letter received a reply from Lt.-General Hunter,
dated York, December 9, 1803, reading in part as
follows : — ■

" I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
Your Excellency's letter of the 11th November, with
an extract from Lord Hobart's letter to you of the
9th September, authorizing you to receive from His
Majesty's magazine at Quebec such arms as may be

March 29th, 1804, Major-General Mann, in command
at Quebec, wrote Lieut. -Col. Green, military secretary,
as follows: —

" Lieut.-Governor Milnes has acquainted me with his
intention of giving a proportion of arms to the militia
of the City of Quebec only, to the amount of two
hundred stand for the Canadian and one hundred
stand for the British Militia, who have been training
as far as they could do without arms all the winter.
The arms are to be deposited at the Chateau, and
delivered out only at such times as they may be
wanted for exercise. I shall accordingly, when re-
quired by Sir Robert Milnes, order the issue of the

His Majesty, King Edward VII, presenting His Colours ^ the Strathcona Horse on their return to London

after the South African Campaign.

necessary for the use of the militia, and requesting to
the amount of twelve hundred stand of arms, with
proportionate accoutrements, at such times, and in
such proportions as may be requisite for this branch
of His Majesty's service.

"I have by this opportunity given Colonel Mann
the nece,s.sary directions to order the ordinance store-
keepers to issue to such persons as Your Excellency
may authorize to receive them to the amount of six
hundred stand of arms, which, with the six hundred
stand of arms formerly issued to you for this service,
make up the number required."

above quantity of arms, conformably to Lieut.-General
Hunter's orders signified in your letter to me of the
8th December last."

Some trouble appears to have arisen as to the further
issue and also the care of these arms, and July 25, 1805,
we find Lieut.-Governor Sir Robert Shore Milnes
writing to the commander-in-chief as follows: —

" I have had the honor of receiving Your Excellency's
letter of the 24th inst., respecting the arms issued from
the ordinance stores by Your Excellency's order in
consequence of Lord Hobart's despatch to me, dated
9th of September, 1803, by which I was authorized to

49

receive from His Majesty's magazines at Quebec such
arms as may be necessary for the use of the militia
of this province.

" I shall take the earliest occasion to lay before His
Majesty's Secretary of State the subject matter of your
letter, in the expectation that His Lordship will send
out to the person administering the government during
my absence such further instructions with respect to
the arms in question as he may judge proper, till when
I shall consider myself as responsible for the safety
of those arms to His Majesty's minister only.

" In consequence of the information Your Excellency
has honored me with, respecting a musket with the
Tower mark, which was exposed for sale at McCary's,
the auctioneer, on the 20th of this month, I shall take
every possible step to ascertain whether or not it
belongs to the present militia; but I am inclined to
think it may possibly be one of those muskets that were
placed in the hands of the militia by Lord Dorchester
in the year 1787, and were never afterwards withdrawn,
and which from the lapse of time, it is not improbable,
may, in this instance, have been erroneously considered
as private property." (Dominion Archives.)

May 22, 1806, we find the following request addressed
by the Hon. Thomas Dunn to Colonel Barnes, command-
ing His Majesty's forces: —

" I have to request you will be so good as give direc-
tions that forty-six carbines, complete, may be delivered
from the ordinance stores to the order of Colonel
Hale for the use of his battalion of militia, for which
an equal number of muskets complete will be given
up in exchange."

The 27th of the same month the following requisition
was made: — •

"I have to request that you will give directions
that two field pieces (six pounders) complete may be
delivered to the order of Lieut. -Colonel Panet for the
use of the battalion of Quebec militia under his com-
mand."

During the year 1807, Mr. James Cuthbert, Seigneur
of Berthier, son of the first Seigneur of the name,
who was a retired army officer, organized the
pioneer volunteer corps in the country districts. The
following letter from Colonel Brock, then in command
at Quebec, to Mr. Cuthbert shows the importance
attached by the authorities to the organization of
-the Berthier company: —

"Quebec, October 12, 1807.

" You may well suppose that the principal subject of
conversation at headquarters is the military state of
this country. I have been careful, in justice to you,
to mention to Sir James Craig the public spirit you
have manifested in forming a company from among
the inhabitants of youi seigneurie without the least

pecuniary aid, or any other assistance from govern-
ment.

"His Excellency is exceedingly pleased to find a
principle in some measure established by your in-
dividual exertions, the basis of which he means to
pursue in forming an extensive, and, he trusts, an
efficient system of defence; and he requests you to
state the nature of the engagements under which the
men assemble for exercise, and the degree of service
they are under promise to perform.

"You must be aware that in any future general
arrangement it will become an essential object with
government to secure a more substantial hold on the
services of the men than their mere promise; and as
it is intended to give every possible latitude to their
prejudices, and to study in everything their con-
venience, it is thought no regulation to that effect can
operate to diminish the number of voluntary offers.

"As you have been the first to set such a laudable
example, Sir James thinks it but just that Berthier
should take the lead in any new project he may adopt,
and he desires me to ask your opinion in regard to the
following points: —

"Government will undertake either to provide or
give an allowance for clothing.

"Arms and accoutrements must, for obvious reasons,
^ be provided as far as practicable by the individuals
themselves.

"One shilling will be allowed every time the volun-
teer assembles for exercise, not to exceed thirty days
during the year.

"The men to be bound to attend drill whenever
ordered, and to be in constant readiness to march to
any part of the province in case of emergency, at the
discretion of the governor-general. From the time
they receive the order to march, to be placed pre-
cisely upon the same footing with His Majesty's
regular troops in regard to pay and allowance.

"Such are the chief conditions which I miderstood
Sir James to say he wished might be adopted. He,
however, will be always ready to attend to any sug-
gestion that tends to improve, and give spirit to, the
object in view.

"A proportionate number of non-commissioned
officers will unquestionably be allowed.

" I can say nothing in regard to the officers — they,
of course, will not be forgotten in the arrangement,
but they cannot expect to be exalted to such a height
as to interfere with the just pretensions of the regulars.

"Being in some measure pledged for the success
of the experiment, I shall be under considerable
anxiety until I hear your sentiments.

"Every consideration of policy ought to make the
proposal to appear to come from yourself; therefore,

50

when you consult those around you, it will be un-
necessary to state your having received a communica-
tion on the subject."

Mr. Cuthbert wrote in reply, and Brock, on Dec.
13, wrote again, forwarding a copy of a note received
from Sir James Craig, to whom he had submitted
Cuthbert's letter. This note was to the effect that
some legal difficulties had arisen over the carrying
out of Cuthbert's project, but which he trusted would
be got over immediately. Arms, such accoutrements
as were in store, and a supply of ammunition were
in readiness, and His Excellency promised should be
forwarded "as soon as the business is brought to a
conclusion."

Apparently the legal difficulties proved insur-
mountable, for on July 7, 1808, Brock wrote to Cuth-
bert that the general had very substantial reasons
for objecting to any issue of arms at that time. He
added: — "Were your corps the sole consideration,
be satisfied he would not hesitate a moment; but he
cannot show you such marked preference without
exciting a degree of jealousy and outcry which might
occasion unpleasant discussions."

As the war between Britain and France developed,
and with it the ambition of the ruling faction in the
United States to secure possession of Canada, the war
party in the republic industriously circulated the
report that the Canadians only awaited the unfurling
of the stars and stripes in Canada to rise in a body
against British rule. In refutation of this libel on
the loyalty of the French Canadians, the acting
governor (President of the Council), Mr. Dunn, made
arrangements for a grand military demonstration to
be made during the summer of 1808. One fifth of
the militia of the province were called out for training.
The ballotting for men was carried out with the greatest
spirit, giving the lie to the doubts which had been cast
upon the loyalty of the people. At the ballotting,
young bachelors competed with one another to pro-
cure the service tickets of married men who drew
them. Some men, who were not drawn, purchased
tickets from others who were, but not a few married
men refused to sell out. After the men required had
been selected by ballot, and everything prepared for
their mobilization. Sir James Craig, the new governor,
arrived at Queljec, and he thought it best not to pro-
ceed any further. Consequently an order was issued
excusing the drafted force from service, but in a
general order issued November 24, 1808, the governor
lauded the Canadians for the loyal and heroic spirit
they had manifested.

In 1809, Sir James Craig, then governor, and who
had commanded Carleton's advance guard at the
expulsion of the Continental troops in 1776, dismissed

from the Quebec militia five officers, on the ground
that the step was necessary for His Majesty's service.
The cause assigned for this action was that the gover-
nor could place no confidence in the services of persons
whom he had good groimds to consider to be pro-
prietors of a seditious and libellous publication (Le
Canadien). They were Col. Panet, Capts. B6dard
and Taschereau, Lieut. Borgia and Surgeon Blanchet.

In 1808 a new Militia Act (48 George III, Chap, i),
was passed, entitled: — "An act to explain, amend and
reduce to one act of parliament the several laws now in
being for the raising and training of the militia of the
province. "

The session of parliament of Lower Canada in 1812
ojiened on the 21st of February and passed a bill (52
George III, Chap, ii) authorizing the governor. Sir
George Prevost, to embody 2000 young immarried
men for three months in the year, who, in case of in-
vasion, were to be retained in service for a whole year,
when half of the embodied would be relieved by fresh
drafts. In the event of imminent danger, he was em-
powered to embody the entire militia force of the pro-
vince, but no militiaman was to be drafted into the
regular forces. For drilling, training and other pur-
poses of the militia service, £12,000 was voted, and a
further sum of £30,000 was placed at the disposal of
the governor, to be used in the event of a war arising
between Great Britain and the United States.

Sir George Prevost, who had shortly before arrived to
succeed Craig, had reported to the Home Government
that he proposed to carry out a levy of the militia for
drill and for the purpose of executing some necessary
military works; but the suggestion was overruled
by the British Government who, at this period, still
persisted in exercising direct control over military
matters in the colonies. This point is clearly exposed
in a letter addressed to Sir George Prevost, on this par-
ticular occasion, and preserved in the Dominion Ar-
chives. It reads as follows: —

"Horse Guards, 30th May, 1812.
"Lieut.-General

Sir George Prevost, Bart,
&c., &c., &c.,

"Sir, — Having had the honour to receive and lay be-
fore the Commander-in-Chief your letter of the 4th of
March, I am commanded to acquaint you, that upon
the receipt of your original dispatch on the same sub-
jecf,, dated the 4th of December last, a reference was
made to His Majesty's Government as to the expe-
diency of carrying the levy therein proposed into
effect, and it is only lately that an answer was received,
intimating the view which had been taken of the inex-
pediency of this measure, as communicated to you in
the Secretary of State's dispatch of the 31st of March.

51

" I am also to observe, that His Royal Highness is
of opinion that no arrangements of this kind should
be put in a course of execution, without a previous
authority; and that it is usual for the Commander-in-
Chief to communicate with the Government upon all
military formations whatever. His Royal Highness is,
however, fully sensible of the very zealous and proper
motives by which you were actuated upon this occasion.
"I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your obedient, humble servant,

J. P. TORRENS."

But this letter fortunately reached Canada too late,
for May 28, 1812, 21 days before the United States
Congress passed the bill empowering the President to
declare war against Great Britain, Sir George Prevost
raised four battalions of embodied militia in Lower
Canada; and a regiment of " voltigeurs, " a sort of
"corps d'dlite," was raised, the latter being placed imder
the command of Major de Salaberry.

Companies of "voltigeurs" were first raised in the
French army during the rule of the Great Napoleon,
the idea being to secure the services of men of the small-
est stature in the army. The decree of March 3, 1804,
provided for the raising of a company of voltigeurs
as a "Compagnie d'elite", for each battalion of light
infantry, and a decree dated Sept. 21, of the same year,
introduced voltigeurs into the infantry of the line,
one company for each battalion. These men were in-
tended to be transported about the theatre of opera-
tions, rapidly, being intended to accompany mounted
forces in swift attacks, etc., the voltigeurs being ex-
ercised at riding on the pommels of the cavalrymen's
saddles. The maximum standard of height for the
French voltigeurs was four feet eleven inches, and the
smaller they were the better. They were armed with
light guns, and at first with sabres, but a decree of
October 7th, 1807, provided for the retirement of the
latter arm. The voltigeurs, unlike other French
troops at that time, had no drums, their instrument of
music being a " cornet, " a sort of small hunting horn
which was later replaced by an instrument much
resembling the modern trumpet.

The voltigeurs made such an impression by their
useful services that two regiments of conscripts raised
as chasseurs to form part of the Young Guard, peti-
tioned in 1810 to be allowed the designation of
voltigeurs. Under the second empire the voltigeurs
were accorded the same pay as grenadiers, and shared
with that branch of the service the charge of the colours.
The voltigeur companies occupied the left of each
battalion. Besides the company of voltigeurs, which
existed in each battalion of infantry of the line, there
were in the Guard four regiments of voltigeurs.

The Canadian Voltigeurs, who were light infantry

or riflemen, were raised without any delay, in fact
the strength being reported complete in forty-eight
hours. This historical regiment was composed ex-
clusively of French Canadians. It was to de Salaberry
and the voltigeurs that the French Canadians owe the
proudest laurels of the chaplet of glory they so gallantly
earned during this war.

The "Canadian Fencible Infantry Regiment" (10
companies), already serving in the province and carried
on the establishment of the regular army, was largely
recruited among the French Canadians, its officers
being taken almost exclusively from the regular army.

The complete list of officers of the Canadian Fencible
Infantry in 1812 was as follows: —

Colonel — Major-General Thomas Peter (1); Lieut-
Col., — Major-General David Shank, George Robertson;
Major — Francis Cockburn (1). Captains — James
Eccles (2), William De Haren, Thomas Hay (2), Ed-
ward Cartwright (2), Dugald Campbell, George R.
Ferguson (2), Ewan McMillan, Alex. McQueen, James
Pentz. Lieutenants — John Reid (2), William Marshall,
Ronald M'Donell, Wm. Radenhurst, Henry Weather-
ston, John Johnston, Daniel Dupre(2),Archid. K.John-
son, Alexander Grant, R. M. Cochrane, Edward
Dewar (staff). Ensigns — Alex. McMillan, Charles Pin-
guet, Thomas F. Gunter, Benjamin Delisle, Ulysses
Fitzmorris. Paymaster — Lieut. Wm. Marshall; Ad-
jutant— Lieut. R. M. Cochrane; Quartermaster —
Alex. Fraser; Surgeon — Michael Mabey; Asst.-Sur-
geon — Alex. Cunningham.

The list of officers published in 1813 showed a few
changes. Captain De Haren had been promoted
major, and Lieut. Patrick Nowlan had been brought
in to replace Lieutenant Cochrane, detailed to other
duty, as Adjutant. The company officers in (1813)
stood as follows : —

Captains — Thomas Hay (2), Edward Cartwright
(2), George R. Ferguson (2), Alex. McQueen, James
Pentz, John Hall, G. S. Peach, W. H. HaUes, Wm.
Marshall, Josias Taylor.

Lieutenant — Wm. Radenhurst, Henry Weatherston,
John Johnston, Alex. Grant, Chas. Pinguet, Noah
Freer, Benjamin Delisle, Ulysses Fitzmorris, Pierre
Gamelin.

Ensigns — G. De Hertel, B. Gugy, E. W. Antrobus,
G. C. Peach, Walter Davidson, Louis Dufresne, Robert
Tagart, Wm. Taylor.

During the years immediately preceding the
war much progress had been made in the organization
of the militia, and by the year 1812 the militia force of
Lower Canada had undergone considerable change and
had developed greatly. At its head was the following
imposing staff:

(1) Absent. (2) Temporary Rank

S2

Adjutant-General — Lt.-Col. FraiiQois Vassal de Mon-
viel.

Deputy Adj.-General — Lt.-Col. Xav. de Lanaudiere.

Assistant Adj.-General — Major Charles Fremont.

Orderly Clerk to the Adj.-General — Charles Simon
Turcot, Orderly Sergeant.

Adjutant of Provincial Militia — Lt.-Col. A. L. Ju-
chereau Duchesnay.

Provincial Aides-de-Camp — Lieut.-Col. P. de Bou-
cherville, Lieut.-Col. M. H. Percival.

Adjutants for the Town of Quebec — Capt. J. Bte.
Destimauville, Capt. Louis de Montizambert, Lieut.
Joseph Gary.

Adjutants for the Town of Montreal — Capt. R.
Griflfin, 1st Bat.; Capt. J. G. Delisle, 2nd Bat.; Lieut.
Ls. Charland, 3rd Bat.

Adjutant for the four divisions south of the St.
Lawrence, District of Montreal — Capt. L. R. C. Delery.

Adjutant for the District of Trois Rivieres — Capt.
F. Boucher, for the north, Lieut. M. J. de Tonnancourt,
for the south.

Adjutants for the Eastern Townships — Captain Jacob
Glen, Captain Philip Byrne.

Adjutant for the Chambly Division de — Captain
D. Lukin.

Adjutant for the Gaspe District — Lieut. H. O'Hara.

The district of Quebec comprised 8 regimental divi-
sions, that of Montreal, 13; Three Rivers, 2; Eastern
Townships, 6; Gaspe, 1.

As soon as war was declared the regular troops were
moved to Montreal, and Quebec was garrisoned by
the militia. At Montreal, the militia also turned out
for garrison duty. On the 6th of August the whole
militia were commanded to hold themselves in readi-
ness for embodiment. A military 'epidemic seized
young and old; but there was an exception to the rule
of martial enthusiasm. In the Parish of Pointe Claire,
on Lake St. Louis, some young men, who had been
drafted into the embodied militia, refused to join their
battalions. Of these, four were apprehended; but
one was rescued, and it was determined by his neigh-
bours to organize a party to liberate such others of their
friends as had already joined the depot of the embodied
militia of the district at Laprairie. Accordingly, on
the following day, some three or four hundred persons
assembled at Lachine for this purpose; but it soon
appeared that the trouble was due to a misunderstand-
ing. The habitants refused to believe the assurances
of the magistrates that the militia law was simply
being enforced. They shouted "Vive le Roi" and
announced their readiness to serve in the field provided
they were regularly called out by the governor, but
held that the embodiment had been done without
authority. As the rioters refused to budge, two pieces

of artillery and a company of the 49th Regiment,
which had arrived from Montreal, confronted the
crowd. The Riot Act, after great provocation, was
read, and after the troops and rioters had fired several
volleys over each others' heads, the soldiers were
ordered to shoot into the mob, and one man was killed
and another dangerously wounded. The mutineers
then dispersed, leaving some of the most daring among
them to keep up a straggling fire from the bushes.
The military made thirteen prisoners, and as night was
setting in, left for Montreal. Next day, four hundred
and fifty of the Montreal Militia marched to Pointe
Claire, and from thence to St. Laurent, where they
captured twenty-four of the mutineers and took them
to Montreal. But the Pointe Claire habitants bitterly
repented the resistance which they had made to the
militia law, and many of them craved forgiveness,
which was readily given.

One of the first measures decided upon by Congress
was the capture of Montreal. Strategy proper, and
political strategy alike justified the attempt, and a
powerful and well equipped army of 10,000 men was
concentrated around Champlain, N.Y., and placed
under the command of General Dearborn. De Sala-
berry was entrusted with the command of a line of
outposts established along this side of the line. An
advance base was established at Lacadie. The force
at this point consisted of the flank companies of the
8th, 100th, and 103rd Regiments of Foot, the Canadian
Fencibles, the flank companies of the embodied militia,
and a six-gun battery of artillery.

During the night of November 20th, a column of
some 1,200 Americans made a reconnaissance in force
into Canadian territory, and came to grief at Lacolle,
where they found their progress opposed by a picquet
of some 500 militia and Indians. Through their faulty
dispositions for the attack, the invaders fired into
their own men, the result being an immediate retreat.

The provincial militia organization during the war
included a recognized establishment of volunteers,
several companies in Quebec and four in Montreal,
the latter attached to the First Battalion of Montreal
militia. The officers of the volunteer companies,
which were organized "to perform garrison duties
voluntarily, or to take the field if necessary," were
regularly gazetted, and the companies in Montreal
were brigaded, with a commandant and adjutant of
their own, but they were attached to their territorial
militia regiments.

The battalions of embodied militia raised at various
times in the province during the war were recruited by
districts, under militia officers, but equipped from the
magazines of the regular army, and subsisted from
the regular commissariat. Minor details of organization

53

were referred to the regular staff in the province.
These battalions were of considerable strength and
well equipped. From requisitions, parade states, etc.,
in the Dominion Archives, it appears, for instance,
that the 3rd battalion of embodied militia, Lieut. -
Col. James Cuthbert, raised in the Three Rivers
district, consisted of 880 rank and file. The imiform
consisted of green jackets, blue trousers, caps (decorated
with feathers, rosettes and bugle badges), and moc-
casins. The sergeants carried pikes and wore sashes
like those of regular regiments.

Occasionally the embodied militia were hard put to
it for uniform. Lieut. -Colonel Voyer, commanding
the 4th battalion "Select and Embodied Militia,"
writing from his regimental headquarters at Chateau-
guay to the military secretary of His Excellency,
September 26, 1814, complained that upwards of 500
men of his battalion had not been supplied with any
clothing or shoes since June, 1813, and a great many
of the men had no other but linen trousers.

Several levies of the sedentary militia were made,
not merely in Cases of invasion, but to carry out
military works at Isle aux Noix and other points
along the exposed frontier. August 16, 1813, Major-
General Sheaffe was informed from headquarters that
no more corv6e or levying of the militia for manual
labour alone was to be required.

The Lower Canadian militia, and more particularly
"provincial corps", raised in the Lower Province, took
a much more important part than they usually get
credit for in the campaigns in Upper Canada. The
organized Corps of Voyageurs was not sufficiently
numerous to do all of the water transportation work
between Montreal and Kingston, and parties of men
were drafted from the various battalions of embodied
militia to do this work. And these parties frequently
took part in the skirmishing which took place along
the line of communications between the head of Lake
St. Francis and Kingston. Detachments of the
Voltigeurs were present at the battle of Chrysler's
Farm, and rendered valuable service.

Two provincial corps were raised in Montreal early in
1813, " His Majesty's Canadian Light Dragoons," Captain
Thomas Coleman commanding, and a provincial field
artillery corps. Captain John S. Sinclair commanding.
These corps went through the very thick of the fight-
ing in the Upper Province, but writers generally have
lost sight of their identity, confusing them with the
regular and Upper Canadian corps.

Documents in the Dominion Archives give par-
ticulars of the raising and services of these corps.

December 22nd, 1812, Captain Noah Freer, military
secretary to the governor, wrote to General de Rotten-

burg at Montreal that the officer commanding the
Royal Artillery desired the formation in the Montreal
district of a corps of drivers for the artillery, more
efficient than the existing establishment.

In those days the drivers of the field guns, with
their horses, formed a corps distinct from the artillery.
Now, they form part of the artillery corps as much as
do the gunners.

General de Rottenburg, December 26th, 1812, re-
plied to the letter, mentioning that it was his decided
opinion that the most eligible mode to raise the corps
"will be to recruit the men amongst the Canadians, for
the space of eighteen months, or during the war with
the United States, and to grant them a bounty of five
pounds currency, which should cover the reward given
to the bringer, and supply them with certain articles
of necessaries.

" About eighty would be wanted, and I should think
that men of the description required might be readily
got, from the general predilection that the Canadians
have to be about horses; and another strong induce-
ment will be the superior rate of pay of the corps.

"Should, on trial, the recruiting fail, the expedient
of taking, from the sedentary militia, eligible men and
such as should prefer to join one of the incorporated
battalions, may be resorted to.

"As for procuring volunteers from the embodied
militia, as stated in your letter to complete the number
of gunner drivers, appears to me to militate against
the Law, Vide 52, George 3rd, Section 60, where it is
said: —

"Every militiaman ordered out or ballotted, who,
being in actual service, shall enroll himself in a corps
of troops or embodied militia, shall be confined in
prison, without bail, during a space of time not exceed-
ing one month, and his enlistment shall be null, &c. "

Captain Sinclair reported his corps as raised to the
full strength March 30th, and soon after, it was sent to
the front. Captain Sinclair, in the correspondence,
sometimes calls the corps "The Royal Montreal Driv-
ers," and at others "The Troop Provincial R. C. Ar-
tillery Drivers." Gunners appear to have been
included in the establishment, for September 13, 1813,
Sinclair wrote Captain Freer, the military secretary,
Quebec, as follows: —

"I enclose for the authority of His Excellency a
request for clothing for 22 additional gimners who are
entering on their second year of service, 12 of them
are now at Kingston. May I trouble you to present it."

Captain Thomas Coleman raised his troop, "H.M.
Canadian Light Dragoons," in Montreal about the
same time. April 15, 1813, the strength of the troop
was 1 captain, (Coleman); 1 lieutenant, (Benjamin
Holmes); 1 cornet, (Pierre Lefevre); 2 sergeants, 4

54

corporals, 2 trumpeters, 43 privates and 51 horses.
The strength appears to have been increased consider-
ably before being despatched to Upper Canada. Cap-
tain Coleman having asked Sir George Prevost to
advise a uniform, he recommended the following: —
blue jacket with red cuffs and collar, white buttons; felt
helmet with bearskin trimming; grey overalls strapped
with leather; Canadian beef half-boots, to lace in front.

The troop not merely served on the lines of com-
munication between Montreal and the Niagara frontier,
but participated in some of the hardest fighting and
other military operations, including Proctor's move-
ments, the affairs at Forty-Mile Creek, Beaver Dams,
St. Davids, the Cross Roads, Sandwich, etc. The
troop baggage upon one occasion was lost, and several
of the troop were taken by the enemy and held prison-
ers for a considerable time.

January 22, Lieutenant-General Sir Gordon Drum-
mond at Kingston recommended the .augmentation of
Captain Coleman's troop by a cornet and ten men,
adding that from the report of Major-General Vincent
and other officers at the front he was perfectly satisfied
of the utility of the corps' services.

Captain Coleman, in an official report of March 27,
1815, remarked of his men, "They have conducted
themselves generally in a soldierlike manner, and I have
never had to use corporal punishment. The troop was
disbanded at Montreal May, 12, 1815, the officers and
men receiving pay up to the 24th.

One of the most important permanent organizations
of the war carried upon the militia establishment of
Lower Canada was the Corps of Voyageurs, a corps of
Canadian boatmen for the transportation of troops
and supplies up and down the St. Lawrence, particularly
between Montreal and Kingston.

The officers of this corps, many of them North- West
traders, were in 1813 as follows: —

Wm. McGillivray, Lieut. -Col. Commandant; Angus
Shaw, 1st Major; Archibald N. McLeod, 2nd Major.

Captains — Alexander McKenzie, William McKay,
John McDonell, Pierre de Rocheblave, James Hughes,
Kenneth McKenzie.

Lieutenants — James Goddard, Joseph McGillivray,
Joseph McKenzie, William Hall, Peter Grant.

Ensigns — Pierre Perras, James Maxwell, John Mc-
Gillivray, Andr6 Baron, Louis Joseph Gauthier,
Pierre Rototte, fils. Aeneas Cameron, Paymaster;
Cartwright, Adjutant; James Campbell, Quartermas-
ter, Henry Monro, Surgeon.

During this campaign, steamboats were used for the
transportation of troops and military stores between
Quebec and Montreal, among the vessels so employed
being the "Accomodation," the pioneer St. Lawrence
steamer, which was launched at Montreal in 1809, by

Mr. John Molson. Was this the first occasion on which
steam power was put to use in military operations?

There was considerable legislation affecting the
militia during the war. By the preamble of 52 George
III, Chap. 2, it appeared that that act was only to apply
to the then present year. The act, 53 George III,
Chap. 2, made an appropriation for certain expenses
of the embodied militia during the war. The act, 55
George III, Chap. 1 (May 8, 1815), revived and amended
43 George "ill. Chap. 1 and 52 George III, Chap. 1,
and continued them as amended until May 1, 1816,
and to the end of the war. An act (55 George III,
Chap. 10, made permanent the 31st section of 43 George
III, Chap. 1, granting pensions to certain classes of
wounded Militiamen, and to the widows of those
killed on service.

After the conclusion of peace, with the exception of a
volunteer troop of cavalry or a company of rifles here and
there, not amounting in both provinces to 300or400 men,
there was no armed force in the country exclusive of
ihe regulars. The few isolated cavalry and rifle corps
were of an independent character, officers and men
uniforming and maintaining the corps at their own
expense, and even purchasing the arms privately. Of
course they received no pay or allowances, and were
not subjected to any systematic oversight.

The members of the legislature of Lower Canada
found something else to interest them besides military
matters — The country — and this is equally true of
both provinces of Canada — was about entering upon
the hardest and most bitter phase of the long struggle
between the popular representatives and the bureau-
cracy, for responsible government. Issues affecting
finances, administration, representation and the con-
stitution itself were of paramount importance. The
militia languished, and practically ceased to exist
except upon paper. The long lists of the officers of
the sedentary militia made a brave show, and the form
of holding the annual muster on June 29th each year
was kept up.

The militia law in force at the termination of the
war of 1812-14 was a temporary one, requiring renewal
every few years, and lapsed for want of re-enacting in
1820. At the request of the governor-in-chief, the
Earl of Dalhousie, who remarked that the constitutional
provision for the defence of the country had been
shown by the late war to be peculiarly well suited to
Lower Canada, the legislature, by passing 59 George
III, Chap. 3 re-enacted the law for another two years.
By the acts 1 George IV, Chap. 4 and 22 (1821),
3rd, George IV, Chap. 28, and 5th George IV, Chap. 21,
the act was further continued. The period of the last ex-
tension terminated at a most awkward time for the admin-
istration. The struggle between the legislative assembly

55

of Lower Canada on one side, and the governor-in-
chief on the other, regarding the forms and accounts in
connection with the votes for the expenses of the
civil government, reached a climax in 1827, and the
differences on this one question were so acute that
they caused the rejection by the legislature of every
measure which the government presented, including
the bill to renew the Militia Act. The administration
claimed that by the expiry of the Militia Act, two old
militia ordinances of the legislative council of the
old Province of Quebecof 1787 and 1789, were automatic-
ally revived, they never having been absolutely
repealed. This of course was disputed by the opposi-
tion, and the militia became a source of discord and
agitation. The governor promptly ordered the formal
musters of the militia to be made under the old ordinances,
and some militia officers, who protested publicly that the
proceeding was illegal and tried to dissuade the militia-
men from attending muster, had their commissions
cancelled. This action was held up as a further
arbitrary abuse of the executive powers.

The militiamen's duty was exceedingly light, in
fact only nominal, under either the temporary lapsed
acts or the old re-instated ordinances. The militiamen
had to meet after divine service on a Sunday, or other
holiday, once a year, and answer to the call of their
names, as an acknowledgment of obedience to the
laws, and their duty was done.

While the affairs of the provincial militia were in
this unsatisfactory condition. Lord Dalhousie under-
took to effect an important reform in the system under
which the militia in the City of Quebec were divided
into " British " and " Canadian " battalions, a system
which tended to keep alive an inexpedient and im-
politic distinction. Consequently a militia general
order was issued under date April 28, 1828, reading
as follows: —

"His excellency the governor-general and com-
mander-in-chief, being desirous to do away with the
distinction which has always been supposed to exist
in the militia of Quebec as forming one English and
two Canadian battalions, has thought proper to
order that to each battalion be allotted a certain
portion of the city, in which all householders or lodgers
shall be enrolled, whether British or Canadian born,
that no distinction of religion shall be considered —
and that arrangements shall be made gradually, to
appoint to each battalion those captains and officers
and non-commissioned officers, who, as householders,
are resident within the limits of the battalion. The
governor-in-chief is sensible that this may create at
first some trouble and inconvenience, but the object
is too important to admit of any consideration of such
a difficulty, etc., etc."

This system was in 1847 reversed, and the old order
of things restored, by Lord Cathcart. The unwise
change was attributed to the advice given His Excel-
lency by Lieut.-Col. Tache, then adjutant-general
of the militia in Lower Canada. — (Christie.)

During the session of 1829, while Sir James Kempt
was acting as administrator, much time was occupied
discussing a new militia bill. The assembly passed
the bill with a clause declaring that the removals
and appointments of officers that had been made since
May 1st, 1827, when the militia ordinances of 1787 and
1789 came into force again in consequence of the lapsing
of the temporary acts, were illegal and null. The
legislative council considered that this entrenched
upon the prerogative of the executive, amended the
bill accordingly, and sent it back to the assembly for
concurrence. The assembly refused to accept the
amendments, and the bill fell through.

At the following session, the question of the militia
was again revived, at first apparently with the object
rather of impeaching the former governor than with
that of placing militia matters in the province on a
more satisfactory basis. The result of the first dis-
cussion of militia matters during the session was the
adoption of a petition to the King by " the Commons
of Lower Canada, in Provincial Parliament assembled,"
which is interesting as giving a review of the militia
legislation of the province since the conquest.

According to the terms of the petition: —

"Certain ordinances for the better regulation of the
militia of the then Province of Quebec, were made
and passed by the governor and legislative council
of the said province in the years of 1787 and 1789,
which ordinances were inadequate, arbitrary and
vexatious in their provisions, unnecessarily bother-
some to the subject, subversive of personal freedom
and the right of property, and subjected all the male
inhabitants of the said province, between sixteen
and sixty years of age, to an exercise of martial law
in time of peace.

"That by an act passed in the second session of
the first Provincial Parliament of Lower Canada,
in the 34th year of the reign of your Majesty'& royal
father of revered memory, (George III), it was declared
and enacted that from and after the passing of the said
act, the said ordinances shall be, and they are hereby
repealed, and certain temporary provisions were
substituted in lieu thereof.

"That the said provisions and other temporary
provisions for regulating the militia were continued or
enacted by various other acts of the provincial parlia-
ment, and continued from time to time, till the first day
of May in the year 1816, when they expired in con-
sequence of a premature dissolution of the house of

56

assembly, and were revived by another temporary act
of the provhicial parliament, passed on the twenty-
second day of March in the following year.

"That during the interval between the first day
of May in the year 1816 and the said 22nd of March,
1817, the aforesaid ordinances, nor any other law
for regulating the militia were enforced or pretended to
be inforced, or known to be in existence by the body of
the inhabitants of the said province fit for militia
duty.

The Rt. Hon. Lord Strathcona and Mount Royal, P.O., G.C.M.G.,

Honorary Colonel, the 3rdjVictoria Rifles. Commanded a

militia company at Wiimipeg during the Fenian Raid of

1871. Raised Strathcona's Horse during the South

African War at his own expense.

"That all the provisions for regulating the militia
of this province revived, continued or enacted by the
provincial parliament, at or subsequently to the said
22nd day of March, in the year 1817, expired on the first
day of May, 1827, after a sudden prorogation of the

provincial parliament, which was followed by a pre-
mature dissolution of the assembly.

" That the aforesaid ordinances of the governor and
legislative council, for regulating the militia of the late
Province of Quebec, were pretended to be revived, and
were enforced by the late governor of this province,
soon after the said prorogation, whereby he assumed a
legislative authority over your Majesty's subjects in
this province, and attempted to establish arbitrary
power over their persons and property, under colour of

law."

Among the British' names appearing in the divi-
sion list as supporting this petitioit were those of
Messrs. Leslie, Brookes, Child, Scott, Peck, Cannon,
Neilson and Knowlton.

On receiving the petition, his excellency stated
that he would not fail to transmit it to the King,
but added: — "I must, however, observe on the
present occasion that His Majesty's courts of justice
in this province, having determined that the ord-
inances in question are laws in force, my duty neces-
sarily requires me to be governed by such judicial
decision initil a new act shall be passed by the pro-
vincial parliament for the regulation of the militia,
a measure which I sincerely hope will be effected
in the course of the present session.

It is understood that the Home Government took
no notice of this petition.

Later in the session a militia bill (10 and 11
George IV, Chap. 3) was passed, putting at rest the
difficulty that had arisen between the executive and
the assembly, relative to the old ordinances of 1787
and 1789. This bill enabled the governor to call the
legislature together in time of war, etc., exacted a
property qualification in persons commissioned to
the militia, and residence within their respective
territorial divisions.

Before the departure of Sir James Kempt,
(October 30, 1830) he made a beginning with the
reorganization of the militia, reinstating several, if
not all, of those deprived of their commissions, leav-
ing the consummation of the work of conciliation
and reform to his successor, Lord Aylmer, who
arrived at Quebec, to assume the reins of govern-
ment, in H.M.S. Herald, October 13, 1830. Hence
the earliest association of the Aylmer family with the
national defensive force of Canada.

In opening the session of the legislature in 1834, the
governor in his speech remarked: — "Amongst the acts
which are about to expire, I think it necessary to draw
your particular attention to the act 10 and 11 George
IV., Chap. 3, intituled An act to provide for the better
defence of the province, and to regulate the militia

S7

thereof, coutinued by 2nd William IV., Cap. 55.
Should it be judged e.xpedient further to continue that
act, I would recommend to you to consider the expe-
diency of embodying in it the provisions of the act 2nd
William IV., Cap. 42, intituled 'An act to authorize
the appointment of courts of enquiry, for investigating
the qualifications of militia officers in certain cases,'
which act is also about to expire. "

In proroguing parliament the governor thanked the
legislature for having passed the militia bill as recom-
mended.

At this period there was some small effort within
the militia of Lower Canada to maintain what may be
called an active force of drilled vokmteers, several
volunteer companies being organized at Montreal and
Quebec. At first they appear to have been uniformed
and equipped at the pVivate expense of the members,
and there was, oi course, no idea of obtaining pay for
drill; but for a short time some of these volunteer
corps connected with militia organizations had the
distinction of obtaining official recognition and of even
being armed, and to a very sligljt extent, equipped,
at the public expense.

In the Dominion Archives, at Ottawa, is a return
dated October 16, 1824, of "Arnis, accoutrements,
ammunition, etc., issued to different regiments of
militia in the Montreal District from March Quarter,
1823 to September Quarter, 1824. "

This return shows that there were issued to the Fifth
Battalion Township Militia in March Quarter, 1823,
under authority of an order dated February 21st, 1823,
sixty swords of scimitar pattern and fourteen belts
for same, the whole of a value of sixty one pounds,
eleven shillings and eight pence.

To the "Montreal Militia" there were issued in the
June Quarter, under authority dated June 5, 1823,
fifty muskets complete and 150 musket ball cartridges,
the whole of a value of one hundred pounds, nine
shillings.

To the " Royal Montreal Cavalry, " in the December
Quarter, on authority dated November 29, 1823, there
were issued 40 saddles and bridles, 60 swords ("Scy-
mitar") with scabbards, 60 cavalry pistols and 160
buff leather slings and infantry pouches.

To the last mentioned corps a further issue was
made during March Quarter, 1824, on authority dated
January 24, 1824, of 50 saddles and bridles, 40 swords
and scabbards, 40 saddle bags and 180 buff slings and
pouches, the whole issue to the corps being valued at
£573, 3s., 4d.

To the Montreal Rifle Corps in June Quarter, 1824,
under authority dated May 28, 1824, there were issued
900 ball cartridges described as "French musquets,"

and fourteen and a half pounds of fine grain powder,
the whole of a value of £3, Is, Id.

To the Beauharnois Militia in the June Quarter, on
authority dated March 10, 1824, there were issued 100
musquets, 100 sets of accoutrements complete and 1,000
ball cartridges.

The value of the whole issue was £993, 15s., Id., as
certified by F. Sisson, the storekeeper at Montreal.

The apparent triumph of these enthusiastic volun-
teers was not to be of long duration, thanks to a com-
bination of red-tape and political exigency.

December 27, 1824, the secretary of the Ordnance
Department wrote to the Colonial Office in London,
transmitting a detailed account for these arms and
accoutrements and asking on behalf of the Board of
Ordnance that the Earl of Bathurst, the colonial
secretary, be asked to order payment of the amount of
£993, 14s., Id., to the Treasurer of the Ordnance.

February 11, 1825, the Colonial Department on be-
half of Lord Bathurst transmitted the correspondence
from the Board of Ordnance to the Earl of Dalhousie^
the governor-in-chief, then in England, with the re-
quest that the governor would report "for His Lord-
ship's (Bathurst's) information the fund from which
the payments referred to can be made. "

The governor-in-chief replied on the 17th of the
same month, and his letter was answered by one
which is very interesting as indicating the attitude of
the Imperial Government, at that date, towards the
local forces of the colonies. The colonial secretary's
letter to the Earl of Dalhousie was as follows : —

Downing Street,

5th March, 1828.
My Lord: —

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your
despatch of the 17th February.

I approve of the issues which have been made,
under your directions, of ordinance stores to certain
corps of militia in the district of Montreal, and I have
to convey to you my authority for the payment of
their value, £993 18s. Id from the military chest at
Quebec to be charged upon the army extraordinaries.
I must, however, apprize you that although free grants
of arms are allowed by His Majesty's Government to
colonial militias on their first establishment, with a
view to encourage the formation of such corps, yet
this encouragement is given in the confident anticipa-
tion that the colonies, when the militias are so formed,
will maintain them properly accoutred and armed,
without further assistance from His Majesty's Govern-
ment other than the advantage of receiving from time
to time the necessary supplies from the ordinance

58

stores on payment of the price at which they were
originally contracted for in this country. You will
therefore consider that the province under your govern-
ment must provide for all future supplies of this nature,
unless they are for the purpose of facilitating the
formation of a new corps, or under some special cir-
cumstances, on which you will enable me to take His
Majesty's pleasure.

It appears, moreover, by representations which have
been made by the Master-General and Board of Ordi-
nance that in all cases of supplies furnished to the
colonial militias, whether gratuitously or otherwise,
it is necessary that an application should be previously
transmitted to me, and after communication with the
ordinance, having been approved by this office, direc-
tions will be given for such a delivery being made as
shall be then authorized, and upon notice of their
having been so delivered, the agents of the respective
provinces must be duly authorized, by the proper
authorities, to pay the Ordinance for them at the rate
at which the Ordinance may have contracted for them.

I have the honour to be
my lord,

Your lordship's obedient

humble servant,

BATHURST.

Further correspondence ensued between the officials
in Canada, which shows that during 1824 certain arms
and accoutrements had also been issued to various
Quebec militia corps, including"The Artillery Volunteers"
" Grenadier and Light Companies of the 1st Battalion,"
" Light Company, 2nd Battalion," "Quebec Volunteer
Cavalry," "Quebec Volunteer Rifle Company," "Volun-
teer Militia Companies in the Township of Hull."

In a letter of October 28, 1825, addressed to Major
General Darling by Ralph Gore, ordinance storekeeper
at Quebec and Capt. G. Coffin, commanding the
Royal Artillery, to whom the matter had been referred,
the following was stated : — " All the arms and accoutre-
ments which were issued were articles which had been
used and repaired, and the arms in particular, although
called serviceable, were only fit for the exercise or train-
ing of troops and were not fit for actual service. A
great proportion of the articles issued to the militia
in the Montreal district were supplied from the stores
at Quebec."

The two officers declined to place any value on the
articles in question for this reason.

This was the exact period when the acrimonious
discussion over the financial system of the government
was at its very height, the governor-in-chief being

accused of making use of the public monies illegally,
without the previous authority of the legislature,
Particularly had he been censured by Papineau and
others for certain advances made from the military
chest to the receiver-general. As the army authorities
would assume no responsibility, even so far as to place
the actual value on the arms and accoutrements,
Lord Dalhousie appears to have ordered all the goods
issued to be returned into stores, and August 2, 1826,
Lord Bathurst wrote him approving "of the measure
you have adopted for causing the arms and accoutre-
ments issued to be returned into ordinance stores."
In the same letter Bathurst expressed the opinion that
arms might be sold to men of good character who
formed themselves into military corps, but held sub-
ject to recall.

During the period immediately preceding the out-
break of the rebellion in 1837 the militia of Lower
Canada had little encouragement, and the few
volunteer corps less. If volunteer corps were main-
tained in the cities of Montreal and Quebec at all,
it was due rather to the military spirit of the
officers and men and to the popular apprehension that
the perpetual political agitation would eventually
result in rebellion, than to any encouragement received
from the authorities.

When the rebellion actually broke out in the autumn
of 1837, Montreal, and in fact the whole of Canada,
had very little in the way of military protection. The
position was very critical indeed. There were only four
or five regiments in Canada, the First Royals, 15th,
24th, 32nd, and 66th.

The sedentary militia battalions were in a hopeless
state of disorganization, and the only volunteer corps
in the Montreal district which was chiefly affected,
were a troop of cavalry at Lachine, a troop in Mont-
real, and a rifle company in Montreal.

When the authorities realized that they had a rebel-
lion on hand they at once authorized the enrollment
of volunteer corps. The loyal male population of the
City of Montreal which was not enrolled in volunteer
corps was formed into "Ward Drill Associations" or
"Home Guards".

These corps and drill associations were soon up to
full strength, and the whole British population, and
many loyal French, went in for soldiering with enthu-
siasm. All the available halls and warehouses in
Montreal were pressed into service as drill
halls, and the volunteers drilled night and
day. Each corps had a sergeant from one
of the regular regiments attached as drill instructor,
and a few weeks of such hard work as they put in
speedily got the various miits into very good shape
indeed.

59

The Governmetit furnished these corps with flint-
locks and accoutrements. They were not served
with uniforms the first year, but supplied with military
overcoats and immense fur caps.

After the rebellion, there ensued another period of
depression in military affairs in Lower Canada. It
was, so far as military matters were concerned, the
time of the most inactive part of the era of torpor in
England, which intervened between the battle of Water-
loo and the Crimean war. In 1840 the Royal Cana-
dian Rifle Regiment was organized in Canada. The
regiment was in no way connected with the militia,
being an Imperial corps raised for garrison purposes
in Canada and recruited among veterans who had
not served less than seven years in line regiments.
As might be supposed the men were a remarkably
sturdy and generally fine lot. The Regiment per-

formed garrison duty until 1871, when it was dis-
banded. This corps did its part in keeping up some
military spirit in Canada previous to 1855 and,
moreover, in the year last mentioned did good service
for the newly organized active militia regiments by
providing them with very efficient instructors. But
this is anticipating.

The Act of Union was drafted by Lord Sydenham
and passed by the British parliament in 1840, the
object being to obviate difficulties which had arisen
between the sister provinces. Before the drafting of
this act, the special council of Lower Canada had
agreed to the union and to the assumption by the
United Provinces of the large debt of Upper Canada,
and a month after this agreement had been reached,
namely, in December, 1839, the legislative of Upper
Canada had also agreed to the union.

60

i

^

m

CHAPTER VI

THE MILITIA OF UNITED CANADA

The Mothkr Country, While Conceding Self-Government to Canada, Expects Her to Do More in
Her Own Defence. — The Trent Affair and Fenian Raids. — The Militia Becomes a National
Defensive Force.

AT the time of the Union, the muster rolls of
the sedentary militia in Upper Canada, known
as "Canada West" in the Union, showed
248 battalions with 117,000 men, while in Lower
Canada, ("Canada East") there were 178 battalions
with 118,000 men.

It will have been observed by the reading of the
preceding chapters that, although the systems on
which the militia of the two provinces of
"United Canada" were organized were of completely
different origins, they were both based upon the under-
lying principle of universal liability to military service
of the adult male populations, with a few natural
exceptions. Conscription was the theory of both,
the ballot being available to raise any force for active
service in case an insufficient number of volunteers
offered, and there was a provision in both provinces
for the acceptance of volunteers towards the quota.
There were some clearly defined points of difference
in the militia systems of the two provinces somewhat
to be wondered at, in view of the continual interchange
of civil and military administrators between the sister
provinces.

In Upper Canada the militia was composed of all the
male inhabitants between the ages of 18 and 60, and
they had, as a matter of duty, to muster once only each
year, and merely for enrollment. Colonels, however,
had the optional right to assemble their commands

one day in each month for drill and inspection, but
they seldom, if ever, did it. In Lower Canada the
service age was from 16 to 60, and there were three
co;npulsory muster days each year, namely, in June,
July and August. The object of these musters was
not merely enrollment, but "to review arms, to fire
at marks, and for instruction in the exercise." In
Lower Canada, moreover, in line with the practices
of the old French regime, the militia officers and
even non-commissioned officers continued to exercise
important functions in connection with the civil
administration, the maintenance of highways and
bridges, the enforcement of the statute labour laws,
the holding of coroner's inquests, etc.

At the time of the Union the question of Canadian
defence was under serious consideration in England,
reports on the subject having been prepared by army
officers then serving in Canada. The British govern-
ment urged that as Canada was being accorded more
fully the right to govern herself, and was also being
given direct control of her national assets and revenues,
she should assume her own share of responsibility
in connection with the defence of her frontier. In
fact, British statesmen began to think that it was
time for Canada to do something more than supply
the men for an auxiliary force to the British army
in the case of war or invasion. One of the most im-
portant communications ever received from England,

61

upon the subject of Canadian defence, bears date as
far back as 1841, and was contained in a despatch
from Lord John Russell, then colonial secretary, to
Lord Sydenham, governor-general, which read as
follows :—

"Downing Street, 3rd May, 1841.
" My Lord,

" The despatches which I have received from you on
the general state of the Province of Canada, the re-
ports with which you have furnished me on several
important subjects, and the approaching meeting of
the council and assembly of the United Province have
induced me to explain to you, at this time, the views
which Her Majesty's government entertain on the
topics most interesting to the welfare of Canada.

"In any measure that may be adopted, it must be
taken for granted, that Her Majesty persists in the
determination to maintain, at all hazards. Her Royal
authority in Canada. Neither the honour of Her
Majesty's crown, nor the support due to Her Royal
subjects in British North America, nor the provident
care of the interests of the empire at large, would
permit any deviation from this fixed principle of
British policy.

"At the same time. Her Majesty's advisers are not
insensible to the difficulties imposed upon them in
carrying into execution the purpose of the crown.

"A province bordered by an open frontier of more
than a thousand miles, approached with ease at all
times by the citizens of a neighboring and powerful
state, separated from England, not only by the ocean,
but by the rigours of climate and season, must be
maintained by a judicious preparation for defence
in time of peace, and vigourous exertion of the re-
sources of the empire in time of war; or not at all. To
trifle with the fortunes of men, whose lives and pro-
perties are freely devoted to the service of England,
or to encourage foreign aggression by neglect or apathy,
would be far worse than the spontaneous surrender
of these important possessions of the crown.

"The Canadians might, in such a case, incur the
risk; no blood need be shed, and the treasures of no
empire might be spared. The other course would be
cruel to a brave people, and unbecoming the character
of the country.

"But, as I have already said, we have no alternative.
We have only to consider the means of binding Canada
more firmly to this country — of developing her re-
sources— of strengthening her British population — of
defending her territory, and of supporting and en-
couraging the loyal spirit of the people.

" In this spirit, then, I shall touch upon the prin-
cipal topics connected with these views.

"I have perused with great interest the enclosures

in your despatch of 24th December, 1840, containing
reports from Lieut-General Sir Richard Jackson, and
Col. Oldfield, the commanding othccr of engineers,
on this subject.

"The question is one of so much importance, that I
was not satisfied with referrhig your despatch to the
Master-General and Board of Ordnance, but I also
asked the opinion of the commander-in-chief, and
requested him to consult the Duke of Wellington,
whose high authority on every military subject, is,
in this instance, of peculiar weight, from the attention
he has for many years given to this matter, both on
political and on military grounds."

" Their opinions are transmitted with this despatch.

"Her Majesty's Government agree in opinion with
Lord Hill and Sir Richard Jackson, that no dependence
upon the decided superiority of our troops and arrange-
ments made for defence, connected with them, should
lead us to neglect the construction, and completion of
permanent works calculated for the protection of the
points of most importance to us.

"They likewise concur in His Lordship's opinion
that, in the event of the construction of these or any
other works, a large effective regular force, and a militia,
registered and enrolled, but not called from their
districts, except in case of invasion, will be indispen-
sable.

"But it cannot be reasonably expected that works
on a large scale should be undertaken without reference
to the great expense to be incurred.

" I have therefore to inform you that the Government
are prepared to state their opinion that beyond the
ordinary estimates of the year, £100,000 should yearly
be applied for the defence of Canada. At present this
sum is nearly absorbed in the maintenance of the militia
and volunteers, but by a more economical plan this
expense might be greatly diminished, and a great
portion of the sum of £100,000 left for the improvement
of military communications, and the erection and repair
of fortifications.

" You wiU hear further from me on this point when
I have more fully considered the various plans pro-
posed.

(Signed) J. RUSSELL."

According to the Act of Union, the old laws of each
province were to remain in force therein until replaced
by legislation enacted by the parliament of Canada.
Consequently the old militia laws remained in force for
some time.

The first act of the parliament of United Canada
affecting the militia (4 and 5 Victoria, Chapter II),
" An act to amend the Militia Law of that part of this
province formerly constituting the Province of Upper

62

Canada") merely provided for the amendment of two
clauses of the old act, that affecting Quakers and others
have conscientious scruples against military service,
and that relating to the collection of fines, in default
of militia service, from Aliens.

With this exception the old laws of the two formerly
distinct provinces continued to remain in force until
1864.

This was the time of the outbreak of anti-British
feeling and war talk in the United States over the
Oregon Boundary dispute, when the slogan of the
agitators was the historic formula " Fifty-four-Forty
or-Fight. " Naturally the unsatisfactory state of the
militia laws, with one code in force in one part of the
united provhice and a different one in the other, was
realized, and June 9, 1846, assent was given to a com-
prehensive and elaborate Militia Act (9 Victoria,
Chapter 28).

This act was supposed to be a consolidation of the
militia laws of the two former provinces ; but the
influence of the old Upper Canada laws predominated,
and a large proportion of the clauses of the new statute
were adopted in their entirety from the laws in question.
The militia were relieved of the various civil duties
which had been a feature of the Lower Canada laws
and the service age limit was fixed at from 18 to 60,
divided into two classes, 18 to 40, first class; 40 to 60,
second. An enrollment period for men of both classes,
extending from the first to the 20th of June, was pro-
vided for. An active quota, ordinarily not to exceed
30,000 men, was provided for. Enrollment for this
quota was to be voluntary, except in case the quota
was not filled, when the ballot could be resorted to.
In case of invasion or war the governor could call out
the whole militia. In the event of actual service, one
half the men of the active quota, to be determined by
lot, might be permitted to return home, the other half
to serve the full term. Militiamen drawn by ballot for
active service and not wishing to serve were allowed to
provide substitutes, but the whole of the first class in
peace time were to assemble "for muster and dis-
cipline" one day each year, namely on June 29. The
governor was authorized to form volunteer regiments
of infantry or other corps of militia — dragoons, ar-
tillery, rifles or light infantry.

This bill was brought in during the Draper adminis-
tration, and the opposition of the day, headed by Mr.
Lafontaine and Sir Etienne Tache, came forward to
support the government in carrying this measure.

This Act has been described as the first stepping
stone between the old purely sedentary militia system,
and the present one. It was a temporary Act, ter-
minable in three years, but subject to re-enactment.

like the old English Army and Militia Acts, a reminder
of the national dread of military domination.

This act was in due course continued by the Act
13 and 14 Victoria, Chapter 11.

In 1846 the Montreal Fire Brigade, then a volunteer
organization, was formed into a battalion of militia
under command of the then mayor, the Hon. James
Ferrier, Mr. John Fletcher, afterwards Lieut. -Col.
Fletcher, C.M.G., being appointed adjutant. This
battalion drilled, but without arms, in the market hall,
during the winter months, for several years, and made
good progress. The duties of the battalion as a fire
brigade, and the musters at fires and company parades,
served to maintain it in its strength as a volunteer
militia corps long after the excitement of the Oregon
incident had died away.

On the breaking out of the Crimean war in 1854
Captain Fletcher, with authority, offered the services
of one hmidred men of the Montreal Fire Battalion
to the Imperial government as volunteers, for the war,
and received the thanks of the Secretary of State for
War therefor.

In August, 1854, there was organized in Montreal,
a volunteer corps under the name of "The Montreal
Rifle Rangers", which after a continuous existence
of over half a (;cntury, is now Number One Company
of the First Prince of Wales Fusiliers. The company
originally numbered sixty-four rank and file.

While the excitement aroused by the Crimean war
was at its height, the Canadian government, after
considerable correspondence with the Imperial govern-
ment, agreed to enroll and maintain a small active
force for internal purposes, and to act as auxiliaries
to the British regular troops in the event of foreign
war or invasion. This force was to be composed of
men engaged in the ordinary avocations of civil life,
but held equipped, officered, and fairly well drilled in
the elements of military work, and available for service
at short notice. By the terms of the agreement between
the home and colonial governments all the works and
lands in Canada held by the Imperial government, were
to be transferred to the government of Canada, except
at five posts, namely, Quebec, Montreal, Kingston,
Niagara and Sorel, which were to be retained by the
home government so long as regular troops remained
in garrison at these points. At this time the Imperial
authorities announced it to be their intention, eventually,
to remove all the regular troops in Canada, except the
garrisons of Halifax, and a naval base in British
Columbia.

The Canadian government agreed to assume the
responsibility, and the bargain so far as the Mother
Country was concerned was in course of time com-

63

pleted by the transfer of many millions of dollars worth
of military property to the Canadian government.

With British and French troops fighting bravely
side by side in the Crimea, there was a keen military
spirit at this period throughout the length and
breadth of Canada, and several small volunteer
organizations sprang into existence. Owing to the
drain upon the military resources of Great Britain,
Canada was practically denuded of regular troops.

The Canadian people felt that the time had come to
assume more direct responsibility than they had
hitherto done for the defence of the country, and this
feeling found expression in a very important statute.

The Militia Act of 1855 (18 Victoria, Chapter 77)
marks a notable step in the development of the active
militia of Canada as we have it to-day. The few
volunteer corps which had sprung up in Canada,
and very few of which had been maintained
for any time, had been tolerated rather than encour-
aged by the authorities. The militia systems hitherto
in force, since the cession, had been good for little else
than to provide for the occasional mustering of the
territorial militiamen in peace time and to furnish
as simple and economical a system as possible for the
mobilization of the men to form an active force to act as
auxiliaries to the regular army in case of emergency.
The act of 1855 recognized the old, territorial, sedentary
militia system as the back bone of the national defen-
sive force, but, and herein lies its historical importance
sanctioned the raising and maintenance of a perman-
ently organized active force to act as the nucleus of
a national Canadian army.

This Act (18 Victoria, Chapter 77), which was based
upon the report of a Royal Commission, provided
that the governor should be ex-officio commander-
in-chief of the provincial militia.

The whole country was divided into a certain num-
ber of districts for military purposes, and these were
again divided into regimental districts. Two divisions
of the militia," sedentary " and "Active," were provided
for.

The sedentary militia was to consist of all male
inhabitants, with a few exceptions, between the ages
of 18 and 60. In time of peace no actual service or
drill was required of the sedentary militia. This
militia was divided into two classes, " service men"
and "reserve men," the service men class again being
sub-divided into "1st class service men" and "2nd
class service men." All the service men (from 18 to
40 years of age) required to attend one muster a year,
the Queen's Birthday in Upper Canada; June 29 in
Lower Canada. The reserve men were exempted
from attending muster. The Lst class service men
included unmarried men and widowers without children,

the 2nd class service men included married men and
widowers with children. In the event of the sedentary
militia being called out for service, volunteers from
the service men were first to be taken, then the 1st
class service men drafted, followed, if necessary, by
the 2nd class service men, and finally, the reserve men.
Arms for the sedentary militia were to be kept in
armories in various centres. There was no provision
for training the sedentary militia.

The "Active or Volunteer Militia" force was not to
exceed 16 troops of cavalry, 7 field batteries, 5 foot
companies of artillery, and 50 companies of riflemen,
or 5,000 oflficers and men altogether. The organization
of engineer and marine companies was also auth-
orized.

"Arms and accoutrements, such as the commander-
in-chief may direct" were to be i-ssued at the expense
of the province. Field batteries were to perform an
annual training of twenty days, 10 of which were to be
continuous. Ten days annual training was exacted
of other volunteer militia units, and a fairly liberal
scale of pay was provided.

Section XXXVIII of this Act contained for the first
time a provision for the volunteer militia being called
out in aid of the civil power.

Section XL provided that members of the volunteer
militia should be exempt from serving as jurors and
"constables, seven years service entitling volunteer
militiamen to such exemption in perpetuity.

Under this Act, each of the former provinces of
Upper and Lower Canada was divided into 9 military
districts. Colonel de Rottenburg was, on the 9th
July, 1855, appointed Adjutant-General for Canada.
Lieutenant-Colonel Melchior Alphonse De Salaberry,
Deputy Adj.-Gen. for Lower Canada, and Lieut.-Col.
Donald Macdonald, for Upper Canada.

The first companies of volunteers enrolled under
this Act were two rifle companies, one at Quebec,
the other (the Montreal Rifle Rangers) at Montreal,
the formation of which was regularly authorized by-
general order, 31st August, 1855.

New organizations were raised in all the chief centres
of population, and early in 1856 the full number of
corps authorized had been organized, and in several,
equipped, at the expense of the officers and men them-
selves.

Considerable impetus was at the start given to the
little active force in Canada by the indignation aroused
in Canada over the atrocities of the Indian mutiny
and the authorization given by the Imperial Govern-
ment in 1858 to the governor, Sir Edmund Head, to
accept the offer of a regular regiment made by the
people of Canada. This was the origin of the 100th
Leinster Regiment (Royal Canadians).

64

In 1856 an amendment (19 Victoria, Chapter 44)
was made to the Militia Act, which emphasized the
development of the voluntary idea in the Canadian
militia. By this Act the muster day of the sedentary
militia was discontinued.

In 1856 the enrollments under the provisions of the
Act of 1855 amounted to four thousand nine hundred
and ninety-nine men. That Act marked a consider-
able step in advance in the development of the organiza-
tion of the Canadian militia, but after all, up to the
time of the Trent excitement in 1861, little more than
the mere laying of the foundation, on which the present
organization exists, can have been said to have been
accomplished.

In 1859 there was another important development
of the vokmteer system,, a new Act (22 Victoria,
Chapter 18) being passed providing (Section 15) that
where possible the independent companies should be
grouped together and organized into regiments or
battalions, of not less than six, nor more than ten
companies. The nine companies in Montreal were
brigaded mider the title "The First Battalion Volun-
teer Militia Rifles of Canada," by a militia general
order dated Quebec, 17 November, 1859. This corps
still exists as the First Prince of Wales Fusiliers.

By order, dated Quebec, April 26th, 1860, the four
rifle companies in Toronto, with the Barrie Rifle Com-
pany and the Highland Rifle Company of Whitby,
were constituted into a battalion styled the "Second
Battalion Volunteer Militia Rifles of Canada." It is
scarcely necessary to add that, as the 2nd Queen's Own
Rifles of Canada, one of the most efficient and most
historic corps of the service, this regiment still exists.

The Act XVIII Victoria, Chapter 77, which was
officially designated "An Act to Amend and make
Permanent the Laws Relating to the Militia of this
Province," did something more than provide for the
regimental organization of the volunteer militia and
the permanency of the militia laws. Provision (Sec-
tion 12) was made for uniformity in clothing, it being
laid down that there should be a service iniiform for
each service, similar in colour, pattern and design, to
be approved by the commander-in-chief. •

This act placed certain restrictions upon the strength
and drill periods which were much resented in the
service at the time, but which were considered neces-
sary owing to the rapid increase of the force, volunteer
companies springing into existence everywhere, and
exhausting the militia appropriations. The period
of drill for field batteries was reduced to twelve days a
year, six of which had to be consecutive. Other
volunteer corps had to drill for six consecutive days
each year. The paid establishments were reduced to
30 men per company, but captains were given the

option to raise 20 additional men and distribute the
pay among the full company. It was provided that
the arms were to be kept in armouries where such
existed, otherwise they were left in charge of the
captains, to whom an allowance was made. "The
schedule for pay, rising from one dollar a day for
non-commissioned officers and men, as fixed by the
former act, remained the same.

The "Trent" excitement in the years 1861 and 1862
had an important and beneficial effect upon the active
militia, the menaces of invasion arousing the military
spirit of the whole Canadian people and stimulating
the energies of the newly organized defensive force.
Many of the existing organizations of the active
militia trace their existence back to those stirring
months. Voluntary drills went on morning, noon and
night, and while the infant Canadian defensive force
was trying to get itself into serviceable shape, the
Mother Country poured regular troops into Canada.

Towards the end of January, 1862, with a view of
more effectively organizing the militia, the governor
general issued a commission on which, were
placed Colonel Daniel Lysons, C.B., of H.M. Army,
Colonel the Hon. Sir Allan N. MacNab, Bart., Colonel
the Hon. Sir E. P. Tache, C.B., Colonel Campbell, C.B.,
of St. Hilaire, and Colonel Cameron of Kingston. The
regular service was represented on the commission by
Colonel Lysons, sent out specially on this service by
the Imperial government, as having large experience
with English volunteers; and each one of the four
colonels appointed to the commission command-
ed militia districts in various sections of the
province. Two of them had been members of a
former militia commission. Lieut. -Colonel Wily, of
the 1st Battalion, who had had much experience with
volunteers in Canada, was secretary of the commission.
The formation of any more new corjjs was suspended
until a new law could be brought into force.

The commission recommended that an active force
of 50,000 men should be raised, the usual period of
training to be 28 days. A vitally important recom-
mendation was that a qualification of military efficiency
should be exacted from militia officers. Upon this
recommendatipn the Cartier-Macdonald administration
introduced a bill providing for an aimual expenditure
of $1,000,000.

Upon introducing this bill into parliament the Hon.
J. A. Macdonald (later Sir J. A. Macdonald) explained
its provisions at length.

A military authority of great value — Sir John
Burgoyne — had given it as his opinion that to hold
the country in the face of a foreign foe, 100,000 militia-
men would be required to assist the British arm of the
service.

G5

An interesting statement was laid before the com-
mission by Colonel Lysons, showing the distribution
that would be actually requisite for making at least
a show of defence of this country with 50,000 men,
and an examination of the map would show that to
make anything like a show of defence, 50,000 men
would be the smallest force available for that purpose.
The commission reported therefore that a force of
50,000 men would be required for the defence of this
coimtry, in addition to the reserve. And the plan, as
pointed out by the commission in the report, was
simply this : that a force of 50,000 men should be
organized, and that they should be trained for a period
of three years, as regards the rural population of the
country, and for five years as regards the population
of the cities and towns. The report recommended that
the country should be divided into a certain number of
military districts. The number under the existing
system was 19. It was not proposed by the report
that that number should be altered. But it was pro-
posed that each military district should be divided
into a certain number of regimental divisions. It
was considered of great importance that in forming
regimental divisions, the 'county divisions should be pre-
served as much as possible. It was thought of great im-
portance, for keeping up the esprit du corps, that each
countyin this country, as in England, should have its own
militia, in order that there might be that wholesome com-
petition which was exemplified both in Upper and Lower
Canada, when there were the Glengarry militia, and
several other county corps.

It was proposed by the commission that in each
regimental division there should be a central rallying
point, where the arms and the clothing for the regimen-
tal division should be kept. Each regimental division,
it was proposed, should be divided into so many bat-
talions of sedentary militia. There might be eight or
nine battalions in a regiment, and each battalion would
furnish a company for active service. Those active
service men would form what is called an active bat-
talion. This active battalion would be enrolled for
three years.

It was proposed that from each regimental division
a regular active battalion shall be formed, commanded
by officers who should have passed such an examination as
to show they could be entrusted with the command of
a battalion. The men were to be enrolled
for three years. They were to meet annually
at their central point, and then they were to be drilled
for such a period, annually, as parliament might fix.
While the report stated that the drill should be for not
more than 28 days, it recommended that it should not
be for less than 14 days. It would be for parliament
to say how many men should be taken out for drill.

and for how many days' drill an appropriation should be
made. In the opinion of the commissioners, to obtain
full efficiency in the force, it was necessary that the
men be drilled for 28 days in the year.

Supposing there should be an alarm of war, the opera-
tion of the system, as proposed, would be this, on an alarm
of war being given, the active militia would assemble at
their central point, their armory. It was proposed
that at each armory there shall be a staff officer, an
adjutant, who shall be a fully trained officer, obtained
from the regular service. He would be the inspector
in drill of the active battalion, and the executive
officer. He would be there on the spot, and on the
active battalion, in the event of an alarm of war,
meeting at the central point, he marched with it to
the frontier, or wherever it might be ordered.

At the end of three years, having received during
that period an annual drill of from 14 to 28 days, as
might be ordered, the regular or active battalion would
fall into the reserve. It became a reserve battalion
for three years more. And during the three years
that the men were in reserve, their acquaintance with
the drill they acquired while in the active force, would
be kept up by a drill of six days, annually. Suppose
the report of the commissioners carried out to the
fullest extent there would be a force of 50,000 men for
three years, those 50,000 men would become reserve,
and other 50,000 men would assume the position of
being the active force. Thus the military spirit, which
is so essential in every country, would grow up, and
would extend every year after the first three years, so
that, ere long, of all the men in the country capable of
bearing arms, a large proportion would know how to
use those arms, and to use them efficiently.

It was not proposed to ignore the volunteer system.
But the Commission and the Government felt that
the system of drill must vary in the rural and in
the urban districts. In the towns and cities, where
a number of people were collected together, they could
be easily assembled for the purpose of drill. But
that system was not practicable in the country, where
the inhabitants lived apart from each other, it may be
in districts' that are not thickly settled. It would be
necessary that the volunteers in the country parts
should be assembled for stated periods and receive
their drill for a number of consecutive days, and not,
as in the cities, for a few hours each day; for that in
the country would be out of the question. With
regard to the volunteer principle, it would be the same
in the country as in the towns. Volunteers would be
called for in the first instance, and it was only in the
case of volunteers not being procured, that there would
be any necessity for the ballot. With regard to cities,
the bill provided that each city specified

in it should form a military district in itself,
and such a volunteer system would be adopted as
would not re<iuirc the force; to drill for a numl)or of
consecutive days; but the men would drill as theycould,
consistently -with their engagement, and as the volun-
teers had previously been doing. It was provided,
however, that if the volunteer organization failed or
broke down in the cities or towns, the population
would not escape from their duty as militiamen, but
would be liable, like the population in the country
parts, to organization under the regular or sedentary
system provided by the bill. It was provided in the
bill that all those volunteer corps, which did not exist
in the cities, but in the rural districts, might be main-
tained and kept up, and that others might be formed on
the same conditions as volunteer corps then in the
cities, this is to saj', they might procure arms, if parlia-
ment should see fit to supply them, but no pay. When
the bill went to committee of the whole, he proposed to
move a clause in extension of the principle, for the pur-
pose of giving encouragement to the volunteers of
towns and villages, in the same manner as they were
encouraged in the cities, under the bill. This was
done to enable the volunteer corps that might be formed
out of the cities to become useful, available and sub-
servient to the defence of the country, and at the same
time not destroy the regular militia force in the country
— that is, the regular as distinct from the volunteer
force. And in this way, every town and village would
be within the bounds of some regidar regimental
division ; and where a volunteer company was formed in
a village within a regimental division, that corps
would form a portion of the regular battalion raised
within the division.

It seemed desirable that every battalion of volun-
teers should, in addition to its own officers, have the
assistance of two officers of the service, one, a field-
officer, and one. an adjutant, to assist in the instruction
and dicipline of the corps. These officers would be
considered as belonging to the army, and in every
respect enjoy their rank, pay and other advantages,
as if they were actually serving in the army. The
expense of this arrangement would be considerable;
but from the great superiority which a battalion, with the
benefit of such officers, would have over one trained under
their own officers, without such assistance, though with
the utmost zeal and diligence, the expense would be
abundantly compensated by the perfection which the
corps would attain.

Instead, however, of having a field-officer and ad-
jutant in every battalion, it was proposed that there
should be an officer in every battalion who could
discharge the duties of adjutant, and a sergeant. The
measure provided that the commander-in-chief might

call out a battalion every year from every regimental
division ; but it also provided that he might dispense, at
his discretion, with a portion of the numl)er of days'
drill, thus reducing, if it be thought advisable, the
annual expense.

Mr. Macdonald proceeded to point out that the bill
was an enabling bill. The report recommended cer-
tain things. The bill did not say such and such
things should be done, but it enabled the commander-
in-chief to carry out the system as approved of by
the military authorities and by parliament. It was
an enabling bill, like the Mutiny Act hi England,
which parliament passed annually. The militia, in
England, was not an annual, but a permanent force,
while, on the other hand, parliament voted every year
upon the army, so that should there be danger from
it to the popular liberties, the parliament of the
country could readily deal with it. In this bill there was
no provision for the perpetual organization of the
militia, but the annual vote would be such as parlia-
ment in its wisdom saw fit.

Hon. Mr. Sicotte objected to the discussion pro-
ceeding xmtil some estimate of the cost of the proposed
system was presented to the house.

Hon. Mr. Macdonald explained that if 50,000 men
were raised and drilled for 28 days, the expense would
approach £250,000 a year, and it might exceed that.
As regards the cost of the armories it would vary.
In the country parts they would not be expensive.
The estimate was that they would cost £750 a piece,
and there would be about sixty of them.

The following would be the maximum cost, if the
full provisions of the bill were carried out: — 56 ad-
jutants, $51,000; 60 sergeant-majors, $18,000; 10
field batteries of artillery, $26,180; 27 troops of
cavalry, $61,236; 10 battalions volunteer militia,
$129,164; 49 battalions regular militia, $600,916;
clothing allowance of volunteers, $27,879; cost of
clothing for militia, $122,253; annual cost of ammuni-
tion for practice, $73,556; making a total of $1,110,-
204. He added that there was no estimate of the cost
of the arms, for it was the ambition of the government
to ask the Imperial Government to supply them. The
probable cost of the arms would be about £4 a
set. There was no item for marine or engineer corps,
as these would not be raised except in case of war.
The expense stated, contemplated the cost of the whole
50,000 men if they were drilled 28 days in the year.
If only 20,000 men were called out and only drilled
for 14 days, the expense would be proportionately so
much less.

Hon. Mr. Drummond enlarged upon an admission
by the Hon. Mr. Macdonald that it was not as yet
known if the Imperial Government would give the

67

arms which should be necessary to equip the 50,000
men. Now, he (Mr. Drummond) thought the govern-
ment had been extremely neglectful of their duty in
not ascertaining this point before they brought in the
bill. The fact was that the whole proceeding was a
mere partizan proceeding from first to last, and un-
worthy of the parties who had managed it. The true
question to be answered was what was the policy of
England towards us? and as this had not been ascer-
tained it was then his duty to exhibit the extraordinary
neglect that had been exhibited.

Colonel Rankin rose to ask whether the government
had decided what the numerical force of the militia
would be? Did they desire to conceal tneir intentions
until they had ascertained those of the house? After
the eloquent way in which the necessity of the measure
had been presented, he thought the government should
say that they really did propose to do. He could not
fail, however, to remark what a most extraordinary
selection had been made to advise the Crown on this
subject. With the solitary exception of Col. Lysons,
there was not a person on the commission, who had the
slightest fitness for the duty they had assumed. He
would have liked on this occasion, though an uncom-
promising opponent of the ministry, to have given this
his countenance and support, but they had shown
themselves so wholly unprepared to meet the house,
after all the time they had had to consider the measure,
that he felt obliged to oppose them. They had not
had the courage to come down and say what they
wanted, and why had they not? Just because they
were afraid of losing their offices. They could not say
whether 50,000 would be wanted or 20,000 men; but
if the opposition limited them to 2,000 or 500, or even
to a solitary company, they would take the number,
whatever it might be, for they were evidently prepared
to submit to any degree of humiliation.

Hon. Mr. Loranger said he had expected that when
the government came forward with such a measure
they would be prepared to say why, when the country
had hitherto only paid $40,000 per annum for militia
purposes, it was at once to devote $2,335,304 for the
first year and 1,110,304 for every succeeding year.
The country was less able than it had for many years
been to bear such expense, for it was well known that
there was great commercial depression, and that, in
fact, the country was in a pecuniary sense, in extremely
low circumstances.

Hon. J. H. Cameron said he wished the Attorney
General West (Hon. Mr. Macdonald) would come down
boldly with a demand for a definite number of men,
and he believed the house would cordially support
him. The ways and means for meeting the expense
should also be stated, and if the government could

not carry their point they should leave it to the opposi-
tion to do so.

Hon. J. Sandfield Macdonald said if there ever was a
measure which required to be well defined and" clearly
stated, it was that measure before the house. He was sorry
to say that the government had failed to tell the house
what they really proposed to do. If they had asked
a million of money, and then said what they were
going to do with it, the house would have known how
to act. But no, they brought in the measure in an
indefinite manner, for the express purpose of finding
out the opinion of the house, as to the number of men
it would consent to provide for. In fact, instead of
coming to advise the house, they came to the house
to be advised — in other words, they were putting the
cart before the horse.

During the debate the Hon. A. T. Gait, who was
speaking (May 6) on behalf of the government, was
asked who was to supplj^ the arms. Mr. Gait explained
that the province already owned 7,000 Enfield rifles,
which were purchased under the existing militia act.
At the period of the Trent difficulty, those were the
only arms belonging to the province. The necessities
of the country were represented to the Imperial
Government; which sent out immediately 30,000 stand
of rifles, which were then at Halifax awaiting trans-
portation to Canada. These arms, it was understood,
would, on the recommendation of the military authori-
ties, be placed at the disposal of the provincial govern-
ment. The arms were a most expensive part of the
equipment, and if the government of this country were
called upon to provide rifles for 50,000 or 100,000 men,
a very large expenditure would be required. He sp»oke
of 100,000 men, thinking it desirable to refer to the
arming of the sedentary as well as the regular militia,
because if circumstances were to arise, requiring the
services of 50,000 men, the same necessity would calf
for the placing of the reserve of 50,000 in a position
to take their places, or to serve with the 50,000 of
regular militia. Such a cost as that which the pur-
chase of 100,000 rifles would entail would be too great
for the provinces, and must devolve on the Imperial
Government. This was only reasonable. If difficulty
arose with the United States so as to imperii the safety
of Canada, it must arise as a consequence of imperial
policy as distinguished from colonial policy. And
under such circumstances, coupled with the examples
already possessed of the liberal behaviour of the
Imperial Government, there was no reason to doubt
that the application for arms would be readily res-
ponded . to. The Canadian Government had good
reason to expect that arms would be given either to
the militia of Canada by the Imperial Government,
or placed at their disposal for service, but still re-

maiiiing the property of the Imperial authorities.
The only specific information the government pos-
sessed was that Great Britain had already sent out
arms to be used by the Canadians, in the manner
already described. It might be said it was only a pre-
sumption that the Imperial Government would supply
arms. If it was nothing more tlian a presumption, it
was a presumption based on the fact that when diffi-
culty arose and arms were required, arms were sent out,
accompanied by the assurance that a large number
would be forwarded as soon as possible. Before the
navigation of the St. Lawrence closed the previous
autumn, the government of this province, — although
they did not doubt the good-will towards Canada of
the people of the United States — thought it would be
incurring some risk if they did not represent to the
Imperial Government the absence of arms from this
country. That representation was made, accompanied
by a suggestion that the arms Great Britain might be
disposed to send to Canada could be placed in store,
to be used in case of need, the necessity for calling out
the militia for training not having at that time pre-
sented itself. The Trent difficulty occurred shortly
afterwards, and Hon. Mr. Vankoughnet, who was in
England when the news of that difficulty reached
Great Britain, immediately applied to the Home
Government, and urged the importance of the request
of the Canadian Government being complied with
without delay. The result was seen in the shipment a
few days afterward of 30,000 stand of arms, an hitima-
tion being given at the same time that if more were re-
quired they would be dispatched. Happily, the cloud
of war blew over, and with it the necessity ceased for
a supply of arms. But looking at the pledge England
had given over and over again, that the whole force
of the empire would be exercised in Canada's favor
in the event of her being involved in war in consequence
of imperial policy, Canadians had every reason to
suppose that she would treat them, in such circum-
stances, in the fairest and most liberal spirit. If the
country was to be made a battle ground it would, as a
matter of course, be solely as the result of imperial
policy; but he did not see that there was any founda-
tion on which to ground a belief that the whole force
of the empire would not be placed at our disposal
in case of danger.

A great deal had been said about the doctrines urged
by certain parties in the British House of Commons,
but Canadians should bear in mind that those perssons,
who thus mistook the position of Canada, and based
their theory upon it, were not the men who held the
destinies of the empire in their hands. As forming
part of the empire we should be prepared to share in
her difficulties as well as her prosperity. If the mother

country were assailed, Canadians should not, and would
not, stand by with folded arms. But, on the other
hand, they were entitled to expect in the hour of
danger, from the mother country, that support and
assistance to which they were entitled and which they
had always received. Those who said, in the House
of Commons, that Canada would receive no assistance
were also those who maintained that England should
have no colonies. Their doctrine relative to Canada
was therefore part of their system and policy.

Altogether this proved to be one of the most im-
portant and interesting militia debates which has ever
taken place in a Canadian parliament.

Opposition to the bill rapidly developed. It was
urged, among other things, that the withdrawal of
so large a body as 50,000 men from industrial pursuits,
though only for a short time, might cause incon-
venience, and, which was represented as much more
important, that the constant recurring service for five
years would worry, and, aimoy the men, be much more
expensive, and leave them, after all, far less efficiently
disciplined than an equal, or even shorter, period of
continuous instruction.

At the time, the government happened to be weak
politically, and in view of the objections raised to the l)ill
it was deemed a useful instrument to effect the defeat
of the administration, and when on May 20, 1862,
the motion for the second reading of the bill was made,
the vote was taken without any further speaking, and
the government defeated by a vote of 54 to 61. The
government the next day resigned, and the Hon. J.
Sandfield Macdonald was called upon to form a new
government.

May 23rd, Mr. Wallbridge, on behalf of the new
administration, read to parliament a memorandum of
the government's policy, which stated that the
ministers proposed to bring in an amendment to the
militia law so as to secure a proper enrollment of the
available force of the province under efficient officers.
The promised bill was brought in by Colonel Haultain,
June 5th, 1862, the honourable gentleman explaining
that the government desired to leave the law as it
then stood, as far as was compatible with the ex-
tension of the volunteer system. The financial cir-
cumstances of the country were such, as, in their opinion,
prevented any large sum being appropriated to militia
purposes. As an old military man, it could be easily
conceived that he would rather see a vote of $1,000,000
for this purpose than $250,000, but the funds of the
country precluded the hope of that desire being ful-
filled. Such being the case, they must make the best
of their limited resources. It must also be borne in
mind that the government had not at their disposal
all the information desirable to be possessed with a

69

view to their framing a more complete measure. And
in preparing the bill riow before the house, they were
guided by the state of the finances and by the belief
that they should ask for powers to act in accordance
with the information at their disposal. The chief
feature of the bill was at once apparent. It was to
give, as far as practicable, full scope to the volunteer
movement. He believed the feeling in the country
was general, that that system shctidd be extended.
Hitherto there had been many hindrances to the move-
ment spreading, foremost amongst which were the cost
of the clothing and the limited number of men who
were entitled to pay whilst being organized and drilled.
To a great degree, this bill would remove such draw-
backs, by providing clothing and payment for drill for
a greater number of men. Another important feature
of the bill was the means of instruction it furnished
to volunteer companies. He held that the basis of
all efficiency among military bodies was the ability
of those who were appointed to instruct and command,
and that a system established on any other foundation
must certainly fail to accomplish the end in view.
(Hear, hear.) All the country could hope to do at the
time was to furnish that basis to the extent of its
means. The bill enabled the commander-in-chief
to employ, from time to time, as many drill instructors
as were necessary, such drill instructors to be paid by
the province. With these facilities afforded, it was
hoped that there was to be found in the country
patriotism to induce men of various ranks in society
to enroll themselves for the defence, if need be, of their
country. It was as yet a matter of experiment
whether the volunteer system would succeed. On
that subject there were differences of opinion. Some
were persuaded that compulsion must be resorted to,
whilst others were equally persuaded that the feeling
existing among the people would induce them to come
forward readily when the hindrances of which he
had spoken were removed. For the reason he
had stated, the absence of precise information, the
government had thought it advisable to make the
amendments to the existing act as fair and simple
as possible, and the new arrangements to be affected
would be of a provisional character, and be subject to
such future changes as experience might teach to be
necessary to be carried into effect.

With a few amendments, this bill was passed and
became the Act 25 Victoria, Chapter 1, "An Act to
amend the Act respecting the Militia," assented to
June 9, 1862. Among its provisions were the follow-
ing:—

Section 1 — The following paragraph shall be added to
the twentieth section of " An Act respecting the Militia,
Chapter thirty-five of the Consolidated Statutes of Canada.

"The commander-in-chief may, whenever he deems
it necessary, order that a corrected roll of every
company of the sedentary militia, be made out; and it
shall be the duty of every officer commanding a com-
pany, within ten days after such order has been re-
ceived, to make out such corrected roll, etc., etc.

"22. — The active militia of the province in time of
peace shall consist of volunteer troops of cavalry,
military train, field batteries of artillery, gari^ison
batteries of artillery, companies of engineers and
companies of infantry, and marine and naval com-
panies, to be armed and equipped according to their
respective services and to be formed at such places
and in such manner as may from time to time be
designated or ordered by the commander-in-chief; but
except as hereinafter provided, the total strength of
such volunteer corps shall not exceed ten thousand
officers and men in Class A."

"3. — Each volunteer militiaman shall, in the discre-
tion of the commander-in-chief, be supplied with uni-
form clothing, while on drill or service, or receive such
sum not exceeding six dollars per annum in lieu thereof,
as may be directed by the commander-in-chief."

"5. — The commander-in-chief may appoint brigade
majors, not exceeding one for each military district.
.... Each of the brigade majors shall be paid by
the province at a rate not exceeding $600 per annum
and travelling expenses."

"40. — The non-commissioned officers and men of
the active militia (Class A) shall be paid for each day
of actual and bona-fide drill not exceeding twelve in
number, the sum of fifty cents per diem, and a further
sum of one dollar per diem for each horse actually
and necessarily present, belonging to and used for
such drill by such non-commissioned officers and men.
Such days of drill need not be consecutive unless so
ordered by the commander-in-chief, who may also
determine the manner in which such number of days
of drill shall be computed."

Section 43 provided that sergeants-major of field
batteries be paid $200 per armum, and musketry and
drill instructors, a dollar and fifty cents a day. In time
of active service in the field, officers and men were to
have same pay and allowances as the regular army.

Provision was made for the raising, in the event of
war, in addition to the active and sedentary militia,
of regiments of militia by voluntary enlistment for
general service. The organization of associations
for drill, and of independent companies of infantry in
universities, schools and other institutions, but without
pay or allowances for clothing, was also authorized.

The rejection of the Militia Bill of the Cartier-
Macdonald government drew from the English press,
and from not a few English statesmen, the most em-

70

phatic declarations — many times repeated — that Eng-
land could not and would not undertake the defence
of Canada, unless Canada was prepared to contribute,
and that in no slight measure, towards her own pro-
tection.

At the second session of parliament in 1863, the John
Sandfield Macdonald administration submitted a com-
prehensive new "Militia Bill" and also a separate
"Volunteer Bill," both of which received the support
of parliament and were assented to October 15, 1863.
The "Militia Act" (27 Victoria, Chapter 2) divided the
militia into three classes: 1st class service men, 2nd
class service men, and reserve; and provided that the
service militia might be called out for six days drill
each year, the men to receive pay at the rate of fifty
cents a day. Further provisions of this Act included
the establishment of a militia department under a
responsible minister, the establishment of military
schools in connection with the British regular regiments
then in Canada, for the training of officers, the laying
down of the rule that officers must have qualifying
certificates to secure promotion, the authorization
of drill associations or cadet corps in universities and
schools. Officers of the regular army were to outrank
militia officers, and when called out on actual service,
the militia were to be given the same rates of pay as
corresponding ranks in the regular army.

The second act (27 Victoria, Chapter 3, "An Act
Respecting the Volunteer Militia Force") indicated a
desire to keep the volunteer service quite distinct from
the militia, as in Britain, where there had been a
marvellous revival of the old volunteer movement in
1859 and 1860 as a result of the menaces of French
invasion at the time of the excitement over the Orsini
conspiracy, the volunteer force in a few months ex-
panding from 70,000 to 180,000 men.

This Canadian "volunteer" Act provided for a force
of 35,000 men, exclusive of commissioned officers.
Uniforms and arms were supplied by the country, and
the arms were to be kept in armouries or in the per-
sonal charge of commanding officers. Section 34 pro-
vided that "volunteers shall always be considered
senior to officers of militia of the same rank." Volun-
teer officers were required to qualify for their com-
missions before a board of examiners separate from
the militia boards. When called out for actual service
volunteers were to receive pay at the same rate as the
British army, and they were liable to be called out in
aid of the civil power. There was no provision for
drill pay as in the militia, but an appropriation of
$2,000 per annum was made for prizes, to be competed
for by corps, for proficiency in drill, discipline and
target practice. A further allowance was also made
of not less than $50, nor more than $400 per battalion.

as an efficiency grant, the aggregate sum, however,
not to exceed $5,000.

The success of the system inaugurated by these bills
depended almost entirely on the establishment of a
couple of military schools, to be attached to imperial
regiments serving in Canada, in which the militia
officers were to be trained for some two months, if
they chose to attend.

The first big rifle meeting participated in by marks-
men from all parts of Canada was held in Montreal in
1863, and continuing twelve days. It was under the
nominal patronage of Lord Monck, the prizes being
furnished by a fund contributed by the Corporation
of the City of Montreal, the baiiks, merchants and
others. General Sir Fenwick Williams of Kars fired
the first shot, and all matches were open to the British
regulars as well as to the militia. The Guards and
other regiments forming the strong garrison of Montreal
at that time furnished complimentary guards of fifty
men every day of the meeting.

Up to the autumn of 1864 not one single company
of militia had been organized, or received even the
six days' drill which was the maximum permitted,
not enjoined, by the new bill.

At this period a statesman who had even then at-
tained a national reputation (Sir Richard Cart-
wright) , advocated strongly in parliament and pamphlet
a scheme which comprised these propositions: —

1. — A distinct understanding, convention or treaty
with the imperial government in which Canada's con-
tribution, as a province of the empire, towards her own
defence, be defined.

2. — The volunteers to be regarded purely as an
auxiliary body; chief expenditure to be devoted to
disciplining a certain proportion of the "regular" 1st
class militia, the number to be fixed by convention as
above stated, but supposed likely to range from
50,000 to 100,000 men.

3. — These to be trained in annual instalments of
so many thousand a year, each detachment to serve
for, say six months, in the open field.

4. — These trained men to be thenceforward free
from all further duty in time of peace, but liable for
actual service for 10 years, and thereafter to be formed
into a reserve, not to be called out except in extreme
emergency.

In the autumn (September and October), 1864, the
London Times and other English papers had much to
say about Canada's unpreparedness for war and her
responsibility in that regard. "Take care of your-
selves, for we can do nothing for you," was, according
to one shrewd pamphleteer of the day (''Backwoodsman"
of Templeton, Que.), the plain English of all the Times'
writings of that time about Canadian defence.

71

" Backwoodsman " in a foot note to one of his pam-
phlets wrote : — " The last Times received here contains,
in an article on the above subject, these pregnant
sentences: — 'The question (of defence) is momentous
for Mexico and for Canada, and we have endeavoured
to discharge our duty by pointing out the necessity of
defence, and endeavouring to arouse our own colony
to a sense of its danger. The language we have held
has been plain and uniform, and yet, though plain, not
such as could give reasonable offence to any com-
munity which feels a respect for itself, and estimates
properly its duties and its responsibilities. We have
stated that Canada leans on a broken reed if she
supposes that, in case of an invasion from America,
any considerable portion of the burden of her defence
can be borne by this country.' "

What is known as the St. Albans Raid in 1864
threatened serious complications with the United States.
The United States held the authorities on this side of
the line to be responsible, and prompt measures were
taken in this country to prevent a repetition of the
raid. Provisional battalions were organized from the
volunteers for special service in November. The
special order issued by the commander-in-chief pointed
out that the militia were not to be employed for the
purpose of warfare "but with the object of aiding the
civil power in its efforts to prevent aggression on the
territories of a friendly state, on the part of persons
enjoying the right of asylum in Her Majesty's do-
minions; and to maintain, as regards Canada, complete
neutrality with respect to the war existing in the
United States, which Her Majesty has enjoined on all
subjects."

The organization of the militia at this time made
considerable progress, and so did the erection of drill
sheds. By the end of 1864 there was an imposing
array (on paper) of drill sheds in Canada.

One of the first steps taken towards the successful
carrying out of the new legislation was the securing
of a capable imperial officer to assume the duties of
adjutant-general. The choice fell upon Colonel Patrick
L. Macdougall, of whose selection Lord Wolseley, in
his book "The Story of a Soldier's Life," wrote: —

"The 'Trent Affair' had caused all Canadians to
study seriously how defenceless would be their pro-
vince should we be forced into war with the United
States. Hitherto the people of Canada had been too
prone to rely upon England for protection.
The first step towards the reorganization of the Cana-
dian militia was to obtain the services of a thoroughly
able soldier to organize and command it. His Royal
Highness the Duke of Cambridge wisely selected
General Patrick MacDougall for this duty, and no
better selection could have been made. He was very

able, highly educated as a soldier in his profession,
and was gifted with the most charming, the most
fascinating manner towards all men — by no means a
poor recommendation for any one who has to get on
well with politicians. He had also the great advantage
of knowing Canada and its good people thoroughly,
from having formerly served there many years.
No man knew better than General MacDougall
the difference there is between the educated
officer and the ordinary amateur in uniform, and
the best of the Canadian militia soon came to
recognize their new commandant's military worth,
and the value of the new system he introduced.
It was, however, very uphill work, for he never could
induce Canadian ministers to supply him with the
funds required to start schools of instruction upon an
adequate scale. There is no idle or 'leisured' class in
any part of Canada. Every one has to work there,
and it is not easy for the hard-toiling man in any office
to spare even a few hours per week for the study and
practice of the military arts and science. Colonel
MacDougall began the heavy task before him by the
creation of an efficient militia staff, and of military
schools at every station where we had regular troops.
At these schools militia officers were to be taught,
and young Canadian gentlemen rendered fit for the
position of officers. After these schools had been a
season at work, he collected those who had qualified
at them in a camp he formed at the old disused barrack
of Laprairie, which is south of the St. Lawrence river,
near Montreal. He asked me to be its commandant,
and, always anxious for any interesting emploj^ment,
I gladly accepted the offer. These cadets were formed
into two battalions, one of Upper, the other of Lower
Canadians, and two excellent officers of the Canadian
militia were selected to command them. The mcjre
drill they were given the more they enjoyed their
camp life. 1 may say, that it was at the Laprairie
camp nearly all the best militia officers of that genera-
tion were drilled and given some practical knowledge

of military duties I liked all those men I met

at this camp, and thoroughly enjoyed my life there.
General the Hon. James Lindsay — a first-rate soldier
and a most charming man — who was then command-
ing our troops in the Quebec province, helped me much,
and took a deep interest in my work. He marched the
Montreal garrison of infantry and field artillery to
Laprairie, and with my two battalions of cadets we had
an instructive field day, which my embryo warriors
thoroughly enjoyed. I refer thus to this Laprairie
camp, because it was the birthplace of the very fine
Canadian militia force with which I was subsequently
intimately associated, and because it was, I think,
the first practical effort made to convert the excellent

72

military material Canada possesses so abundantly,
into useful soldiers. A considerable number of those
trained at Laprairie subsequently accompanied me
in the expedition I led in 1870 from Lake Superior
to the Red River, and no commander could wish to
have better soldiers than those of the two Canadian
militia battalions who constituted the bulk of the
brigade I then had with me."

The excitement of the Fenian Raids of 1866 gave a
great impetus to the volunteer force, which, by its
ready response to the call to actual service, and by its
really good work in the field, asserted its claim to be
considered the first line of defence of the country.

The first call upon the national defensive force was
made November 15th, 1865, when a militia general
order was issued calling out one volunteer company for
active service in each of the following places: — Quebec,
Montreal, Ottawa, Morrisburg, Toronto, Port Hope,
Hamilton, Woodstock and London. The order ex-
plained that "His Excellency, having had under con-
sideration the possibility of raids or predatory in-
vasions on the frontier of Canada during the winter,
and being impressed with the importance of aiding
Her Majesty's troops and repelling such attempts,"
had decided to place a portion of the volunteer force
on active service.

Several calls for service detachments were made
during the year 1866, to furnish guards for armouries,
to hold strategical points along the frontier, etc.

The expectation of trouble from the Fenians this
year had good effect upon the militia force, and during
the three months of March, April, and May the nominal
strength of the active militia increased from 19,597
to 33,754. Meantime the Fenian leaders had not been
inactive, and four simultaneous descents upon Canada
had been planned, one from Chicago, the second from
Buffalo and Rochester, the third from Ogdensburg,
and the fourth from New York, Troy, and Albany.
May 29th, telegraphic advices to the public press re-
ported parties of men on the move northward from
points even as far south as Tennessee. Subsequent
reports showed that the movement had become general,
and the government's private reports confirmed them.
During the evening of the 31st, orders were issued at
Ottawa for the calling out of four hundred of the
Toronto militia, and their despatch to Port Colborne
on Lake Erie. The following morning news of the
crossing of O'Neil's force of Fenians to Fort Erie was
received, and orders were at once issued for the des-
patch of all available troops to the Niagara frontier
to protect the Welland Canal, and expel the invaders
from Canadian soil if po.ssible. The Queen's Own
Rifles, the 13th Battalion, the York and Caledonian
Companies and the Welland Canal Field Battery,

armed as riflemen, formed a force of about nine
hundred strong at Port Colborne at the head of the
canal, the point of that work nearest to Fort Erie,
the Fenian base. The senior officer was Lieutenant-
Colonel Booker of the 13th. At Chipewa was assembled
on the morning of June 2nd a force composed as fol-
lows:—Field Battery Royal Artillery, 200 of H.M.
16th Regiment, 350 of H.M. 47th Regiment, the 10th
Royals and the 19th Battalion of St. Catherines; all
told about sixteen hundred men, of whom six hundred
were regulars. Having secured the head of the canal
and the bridges over Chipewa Creek or Welland River,
Colonel Peacocke, commanding H.M. 16th Regiment,
and the senior officer at the front, issued orders for
the junction of the two forces at Stevensville. This
movement resulted in the action of Lime Ridge or
Ridgeway, and the fighting at Fort Erie which fol-
lowed.

By the Third none of the Fenian force remained
on Canadian soil except as prisoners. A few days
later a couple of incipient raids were made across the
Vermont frontier of Canada East, upon the last occasion
a minor skirmish taking place near Pigeon Hill, between
the raiders and a force consisting of the Fourth Bat-
talion, 60th Rifles and a Montreal volunteer cavalry
corp)s, the Royal Guides.

The Sandfield Macdonald Government had been de-
feated March, 1864, and the Tache-John A. Macdonald
Government was formed on the 30th of that month.
July the third, 1866, the new government through
the Hon. J. A. Macdonald, Attorney General, presented
a bill to amend the Militia Act, which passed, and was
assented to as 29 and 30 Victoria Chapter XII "An
Act to Amend an Act respecting the Volunteer Militia
Force."

This Act repealed the restriction that the volunteer
force should not exceed 25,000, the niunber being left
to the discretion of the government, and gave to the
Commander-in-Chief more extended authority to call
out the volunteer force, he having no right under the
Act, as it stood, to call out the force except "in case
of war, invasion, or insurrection." The organization
of mounted infantry, mounted rifles, military train,
commissariat, staff, hospital and ambulance corps, and
also naval companies, was provided for. In cities, no
infantry units smaller than a battalion were to be
accepted or gazetted as "Volunteer Militia," and the
establishment of troops of cavalry, batteries of garrison
artillery and companies of infantry was fixed at one
captain, two lieutenants, 3 sergeants, 3 corporals and
48 privates. An important provision, and one much
objected to in parliament was that municipalities
might spend their funds in support and encourage-
ment of the Volunteer Force, for the building of armor-

73

ies, the care of the families of volunteers on service,
etc., etc. Municipal by-laws for raising and expending
such monies were subject to disallowance by the
Minister of Militia. Section 8 provided that the Volun-
teer Force should be subject to the Queen's Regula-
tions and Orders for the Army, and while on Active
Service to the Rules and Articles of War and to all
other laws applicable to Her Majesty's troops except
that no man should be subject to any corporal punish-
ment except death or imprisonment.

During the same session that this Act was passed
the sum of $134,060 was voted for the purchase and
maintenance of the gunboats it had been found neces-
sary to place upon the St. Lawrence and the great
lakes, at the time of the Fenian Raids. An -item of
$250,000 to purchase improved fire arms for the volun-
teers was also passed, and one of $36,880 for depart-
mental salaries. The staff provided for was an Ad-
jutant General, two Deputy Adjutant Generals, four
Assistant Adjutant Generals, a Superintendent of
Military Schools, a Military Surveyor, Provincial
Aide-de-Camp, etc. The opposition having objected
to the large increase of the staff, a letter from Colonel
MacDougall, the Adjutant-General, was read in which
he asserted "it is utterly impossible to work advan-
tageously in time of pressure, with departments sud-
denly created for the emergency, and without ex-
perience. If departments are expected to work well in
time of war they must be created and gain experience
of routine duties, and have at their command all the
knowledge and appliances in times of peace, which
they would have to bring to bear in time of war. "

For some time after the withdrawal of the militia
from the frontier, Fenian agitators continued to dis-
play considerable activity in the border cities of the
United States and, as a matter of precaution, the
military authorities decided to form, on August 14th,
a camp of observation under the command of Colonel
Wolseley, now Field Marshal Lord Wolseley, at
Thorold, on the Welland Canal. The force in this
camp consisted of the Governor-General's Body Guard
of Toronto, one wing of H.M. 16th, Regiment, Lieuten-
ant Colonel Hoste's Field Battery, Royal Artillery,
thi'ee or four battalions of militia infantry, and a troop
of cavalry. The infantry battalions were relieved
every ten days, the time in camp being used to put in
the customary annual drills. The men received a
dollar a day pay, and free rations.

Between the spring of 1866 and the end of the year
the volunteer force of Ontario and Quebec increased
from 348 companies, with a nominal strength of
19,597 men, to 569 companies with a nominal strength
of 33,754 men.

Great inconvenience was experienced during this
year from the fact that the force consisted for the
most part of isolated companies; the volunteers of the
principal cities having been alone formed in battalions.
Thus, when in the spring a sudden call was made for
the service of the whole force, it became necessary to
form the isolated companies into provisional battalions,
and to appoint a provisional' staff to each battalion
in a hurry, and at an obvious disadvantage. The
adjutant-general therefore obtained the authority of
the commander-in-chief to form the isolated companies
into permanent battalions with permanent command-
ing and staff officers. This was effected, wherever
possible, by forming the isolated companies into bat-
talions by counties.

The force w;is, in the autunui of 1866, told off into
field brigades and garrisons of posts, and an arrange-
ment for combining in the most viseful manner the
action of the force with the regular troops was made
by the lieutenant-general commanding. This arrange-
ment, originally suggested by Lieutenant-Colonel Earle,
was as follows: —

The nucleus of each field brigade consists of one
regular regiment, and its composition was as follows :—
Regular infantry, 1 battalion; volunteer infantry, 3
battalions; artillery, 1 field battery (regular or volun-
teer); cavalry, 1 troop (volunteer).

The staff of each brigade was as follows :^Commandant,
brigade major, commissariat, engineer officer, surgeon
in charge, regular officers; mounted provost, a regular
sergeant; assistant brigade major, volunteer officer;
assistant commissary, with as many aids as may be
necessary, volunteer officers or N.C. officers.

Of these brigades three were formed in Western
Canada, four in Eastern Canada. The component
corps and brigade staff were detailed, and the points
of assembly fixed. The staff officers were provided
with a list of the stores which were required to enable
each brigade to take the field, and would draw then
from the storekeepers who had orders to issue them
on the shortest notice. Similarlv the commissariat
officer of each brigade was prepared to provide the
necessary transport to enable it to move at the shortest
notice. Those volunteer corps which did not form
part of the above moveable columns were formed into
brigades by districts, of which each had its volunteer
commandant and brigade major.

These corps were to be employed in garrison duty, in
guarding frontier towns and villages, and important
points on the lines of canal or railroad communication.
The duties of the commandant and brigade major were
to organize a system of lookout parties and patrols
suited to the localities; and to visit constantly all the
posts within their respective brigade districts.

74

During the period of active service by the vokinteer
force in the summer of 1866, much inconvenience was
occasioned by the inexperience of the officers and men
generallj', and by the absence of specific instructions
for their guidance, and by His Excellency's command
the adjutant-general prepared and circulated a code
of regulations for the volunteer militia.

In his annual report at the end of this year the
adjutant-general drew attention to the disadvantage
each militia unit was under owing to the absence of a
properly paid battalion staff. In order that a bat-
talion should be efficient, he considered it indispensable
that it should be provided with an adjutant and
sergeant-major, who should give up their whole time
to their military duties.

The apprehension of further hostile intentions by the
Fenians, which existed generally along the frontier of
Canada during the spring of 1867, led to the adoption
of measures of precaution. Three thousand Pea body
breech-loading rifles were purchased by the govern-
ment; and these, together with four thousand five
hundred Spencer repeating rifles which were at the
disposition of the government, were distributed to the
vokmteer corps in the localities most exposed to attack;
that is to say, generally along the frontier from Lake
Memphremagog, on the east, to London on the west.
In addition, the whole of the Montreal brigade
was supplied with the Westley-Richards breech-
loading rifle from the imperial stores. The
corps which were supplied with these new weapons
were ordered to drill twice every week to accustom
the volunteers to their use, which they did accordingly
between the 20th March and the 30th June, 1867.
These were later exchanged for the Snider rifle, and
the adjutant-general had the satisfaction to report
at the end of the first year of Confederation that 30,000
of these rifles were then in the hands of the volunteers
of Ontario and Quebec.

The adjutant-general this year recommended that
the garrison artillery should receive sj^ecial instruction,
and that at least two eighteen-pounder guns should
be supplied to each garrison artillery corps. In order
to ensure the efficiency of this most important arm,
it was, in the opinion of the adjutant-general, indis-
pensable that one deputy and one assistant adjutant-
general of artillerj' should be appointed to superintend
the organization of the artillery force of the Dominion,
who should have obtained the rank of lieut. -colonel
in the Royal Artillery, and would thereby bring to the
service of the country that knowledge of all the details
of artillery science which none but an educated artillery
officer could possess.

The schools of military instruction, established in
connection with the service militia of the Province of
Canada, and in operation at Confederation, were four
in number, established respectively in the cities of
Quebec and Montreal, in the Province of Quebec; and
Kingston and Toronto, in the Province of Ontario;
and the adjutant-general in his annual report ex-
pressed his high sense of the efficient manner in which
the duties of histruction had continued to be per-
formed by the respective commandants and staff.

In addition to these schools, two schools of gunnery,
one at Montreal and the other at Toronto, as also a
cavalry school in the latter city, had been temporarily
formed, and were in operation, affording every facility
to officers and non-commissioned officers of militia,
and candidates for commissions therein, to acquire a
knowledge of the duties connected with those arms
of the service. The adjutant-general recorded his
acknowledgements to Colonel Anderson and to Lieut. -
Colonel Pipon, of the Royal Artillery, and to Colonel
Jenyns, of the 13th Hussars, for the able, indefatigable,
and kindly manner in which they had carried out the
instruction of the graduates in the schools committed
to their superintendence.

75

CHAPTER VII

THE MARITIME PROVINCE MILITIA

CONFEDERATION brought the miUtia forces of
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick into the militia
of the new Dominion of Canada.

The French attempted to occupy Nova Scotia in
1598, and again the following year. In 1605, a French
colony was established there, and was the first actual
settlement by Europeans within the boundaries of the
Dominion of Canada. In 1621, Nova Scotia was
annexed to Scotland and named Nova Scotia by James
I, and in 1625 the Scottish Order of Baronets was
founded. Nova Scotia was ceded to P^rance by
Charles I, whereupon Richelieu formed a colonization
company to colonize the country. It was conquered
by Lord Protector Cromwell. Again ceded to France,
it remained really, or nominally, under France till
ceded to Great Britain by the Treaty of Utrecht, in
1713.

Halifax was founded in 1749, at the expense of the
Imperial Government, under the direction of the
Lords of Trade and Plantations, and. was named in
compliment to George Montague, Earl of Halifax,
under whose immediate auspices the settlement was
undertaken. The scheme for a settlement on the
shores of Chebucto Bay is said to have originated with
the people of Massachusetts, who, in calling the atten-
tion of the British Government to the claims of the
French on the territory of Acadia, suggested the
necessity of, as well as the great commercial advantage,
to be derived from such an undertaking. A plan was
.submitted to government in the autumn of 1748, and
was warmly supported by Lord Halifax. Parliament
voted £40,000, and supplied 13 transports and a sloop
of war, by which Colonel the Hon. Edward Cornwallis,
designated Captain-General and Governor of Nova

Scotia, his suite, and 2,576 settlers, were conveyed to
the bay.

The Halifax coloni.sts were largely of a military class,
and the colony was really established as a military
post, so that from the first British occupation there
may be said to have been a British militia organization
in the province. The French maintained a militia
organization among the Acadians, particularly in
Cape Breton, until the capture of Louisburg, and
their desperate services on behalf of the Bourbon
cause are recorded in history.

Nova Scotia militiamen served under Monckton and
Winslow in 1755, when they captured the French fort
Beausejour, some Halifax companies serving in this
expedition claiming to have been in existence since
1749 or 1750.

It is interesting to observe that according to Dr.
James Johnson (Alphabet of First Things in Canada)
the first suggestion of Confederation as applicable
to British North America as at present founded, is to
be found in a report made by Colonel Robert Morse,
R.E., who was .sent in 1783, at the instance of Sir Guy
Carleton (then commander of His Majesty's forces in
North America), to report on the military defences
required for Nova Scotia. In his report (1784)
Colonel Morse says: " In the course of this examination
my mind has been strongly impressed with the idea
of uniting these provinces of Canada to the advantage
of both, since by establishing the same laws and
inducing a constant intercourse and a mutual interest,
a great country may yet be raised up in North Am-
erica."

The first attempt to form a regular force in what
is now Canada was in 1792, when the King authorized

"ti

the raising of a regiment in each of the provinces, and
permitted them to take the title of " Royal." The
raising of the Royal Canadian Volunteers has already
been referred to. The first of these regiments to be
raised, however, was the Roj'al Nova Scotian Regi-
ment, which, by June, 1793, was complete. Its officers
were men of considerable means, and they served
without pay. They led the way in obtaining the
desired distinctive " Royal, " title as is seen in the
fact that Sir John Wentworth, in December, 1793,
returned thanks for the permission to use the word
"Royal." About the same time a Royal New Bruns-
wick and a Royal Newfoundland Regiment were
raised.

In a letter dated Halifax, October 12, 1799, the
Duke of Kent wrote to his friend. Major Louis de Sala-
berry: "His Majesty has thought proper to make it
known that he would be pleased if all the provincial
regiments would offer to serve in all the American
colonies, in place of being confined to the one whose
name they bear. In consequence of accepting this
offer they would be placed on the establishment as the
Fencibles are in England and as is the Newfoundland —
that is to say the officers would rank through all North
America the same as they do at present in their res-
pective provinces, and the adjutants and quarter-
masters would be sure of half pay in case of reduction,
and the regiments would be commanded by officers
taken from the line who would be proprietors. 1
believe it is the intention of forming a brigade of
Canadians after the manner of the 60th, of which the
commander-in-chief of the troops in North America
would be colonel, as the Duke of York is of the 60th.
The proposition has been made already to the Nova
Scotian and New Brunswick Regiments, and both have
expressed in the most loyal manner their willingness
to serve wherever His Majesty may think projjer."

In August and September of 1802, the several pro-
vincial regiments were disbanded, Governor Went-
worth, of Nova Scotia, writing on 11th October that
the disljanded men of the Royal Newfoundland and
Royal Nova Scotian Regiments were all quietly dis-
persed through the province. The Royal New Bruns-
wick Regiment later became the 104th Regiment.

During the long war with France the Nova Scotia
militia were embodied, armed and drilled and used
for garrison duties.

Lieut. -Governor Wentworth wrote to H. E. Major-
General Clarke, 8th May, 1793:— "Brig'r-General
Ogilvie has, no doubt, reported to your excellency the
reduced state of this garrison. The harbor is also
without a ship of war. In the town I have 700 good
militia, who may be depended upon. One company,
about 60 freeholders, are formed into artillery, and are

now practising with great assiduity, under the in-
structions of the detachment of Royal Artillery in this
garrison. It will be necessary to furnish the militia
with arms from the King's stores, as there are not
any to be had in the province. I have another select
regiment of 1,000 men, commanded by half-pay
officers, and composed of privates, most of whom
served under these officers during the late war. They
have two companies of artillery and one troop of
horse, and can be assembled at Halifax in six day's
notice — part of them sooner. The King's Nova Scotia
Regiment, raising under my command, exceed 100 men,
now in garrison."

June 4th, Mr. Wentworth stated to Mr. Dundas that
the town militia were nearly six hundred strong, com-
pletely armed from H.M. Ordnance office. There was
also an artillery company, 56 men, chiefly merchants
and freeholders, who were daily exercised. Many of
them had served in the army.

Three distinct corps of militia were enrolled in the
western portion of the province, viz., the regiment
raised by Colonel Barclay — one under Colonel Millidge,
and a body of Acadians, commanded by Lieut. -Colonel
Taylor.

July 19. — H.M. frigate Boston appeared off Halifax
harbor to procure a pilot for the American coasts,
upon which Brigadier-General Ogilvie, then command-
ing the troops, ordered the signals of alarm to be made.
On this, the King's Nova Scotia Regiment were in a
few minutes paraded, and the first battalion of Halifax
militia assembled, completely armed, in fifteen minutes,
before Government House. This is stated b}' Governor
Wentworth, in a letter of July 23, to Mr. Dundas,
the Secretary of State. He added: "In case of any
invasion of this town, it will, in twenty minutes, put
under the command of Brigadier-General Ogilvie, 900
militia, in two hours to be reinforced with 600, being,
the second battalion, who reside a few miles round the
town, and these as fast as possible by the militia
legion of Nova Scotia, consisting of 1,000 effective
men, commanded by Colonel Barclay, anil other res-
pectable officers, upon half-pay."

Of the Halifax militia artillery, he wrote: "Among
the privates are men of from £100 to £600 per annum,
clear, estate, who, from a declared principle of
loyalty, and utter abhorrence of French democratic
tyranny, have voluntarily offered their services." He
considered the militia everywhere well disposed and
faithful. On emergency, he reckoned on 4,000 of them
to join him, and in an extreme case 2,000 more. He
estimated the whole force of the country at 9,160 men.
He requested arms for Barclay's legion. The people
of the harbours on the Atlantic coast were ready to
assist in defence.

77

October 9th, 1795, on intelligence as to the French
fleet at New York preparing and being nearly ready
for sea, and that they were supposed to be destined
for Halifax or the fisheries, the lieutenant-governor.
General Ogilvie and Commissioner Duncan united in
opinion that Halifax was in danger, and that the
country militia should be brought to town, and the
council approved of the measure. Governor Went-
worth issued orders for 1,000 men to be marched from
the regiments of Hants, King's and Annapolis counties
to Halifax, with all possible despatch. General Ogilvie
promised all the unoccupied barrack room, and the
lieut .-governor stated to Mr. Dundas, October 10, that
nearly 400 could be lodged in the place he had proposed
for the French prisoners from St. Pierre, (Melville
Island). About 105 effectives, exclusive of officers,
marched into town with all possible speed and alacrity.
Mr. Wentworth wrote: "Perhaps a finer body of
athletic, healthy young men, were never assembled
in any country, nor men more determined to do their
duty."

One company, under Captain Willet, marched from
Granville to Halifax, performing 135 miles in 35
hours. Of the French Acadians, 75 youths came near
20 miles, zealous and gratified to unite with the English
colonists. The behaviour of the militia while in
Halifax was unexceptionable. Colonel Barclay, the
adjutant-general, came with his men, and declined
any pay. The lieutenant-governor commended him.
Colonel Van Cortlandt, of King's county, and
Lieut .-Colonel Howe and Colonel Brymer, of Hants.
The militia and regulars at the capital amounted,
as it was computed, to near 4,000 men. Lieuten-
ant-Governor Wentworth, finding that the French
armament had left the American coast on
the 9 October, and were believed to be on their way
to Newfoundland, and the apprehension of their
attempts on Nova Scotia ceasing as the .season passed,
on 31st October called the council together, and stated
to them his intention to send the militia to their homes,
in which the council concurred. He accordingly, on
November 2, published his thanks to them for their
prompt obedience and good conduct, and dismissed
them after a garrison service of about four weeks.
The last division marched off on November 8.
The expense of this service was paid by the British
Government, Mr. Wentworth drawing bills on the
Lords of the Treasury for £4,597 sterling to cover
the pay, subsistence and contingencies of the militia.

July, 1799, 1,000 militia were embodied for service in
the Halifax garrison. In addition, 2,000 more select men
were under orders to come in on the shortest notice
in case of any attempt to be made by the enemy. The
Duke of Kent requested that another battalion should

be embodied and called into the garrison, but Sir John
Wentworth was unwilling to accede to it, and re-
monstrated with him by letter, shewing the ill effects
it would produce upon the people and their agriculture.
The embodied militia were discharged 24 October

In a letter to Captain Fenwick, 17th February, 1800,
the Lieutenant-Governor estimated the militia of the
province at 10,000 effective men, and said he thought,
in case of invasion, that 6,000 more would be found
able and disposed to serve.

Nova Scotia having suffered very severely in the
early part of the war from the cruisers of the enemy,
fitted out a number of privateers in order to retaliate
on, and to extort compensation from the foe. Within
four j^ears, twelve or fifteen ships of war were fitted
out by the Nova Scotians, and of this number one
half were owned by the little village of Liverpool.

Lieut .-Governor Wentworth at all times gave much
attention to the militia of the province. They were
but scantily supplied with arms. Many of his letters
remain, requesting of the generals who commanded
in the garrison supplies of muskets — 40 for one com-
pany, and 20 or 30 for another. In 1805, there were
three battahons of Halifax militia. Of these, the
companies of Captains Morris, Bremner, and Fillis
had volunteered, (the law requiring only 4 days duty
in the year). Fillis commanded 60 men, who had
begun their artillery exercise. Captain Mcintosh's
company were to do duty at York redoubt, being
fishermen, living near it. Sir John suggested their
being instructed on Sunday afternoons, as they were
generally employed in their boats in the week. There
were companies of artillery in other mihtia regiments
who had Ijeen instructed by men from the force who
had been discharged and settled in the province. One
company of 40 men, under Captain Thompson, resided
near Chester.

In 1807, every exertion was being made in Nova
Scotia by the Governor, Generals Hunter and Skerret,
Admirals Berkeley and Cochrane, in anticipation of
an American war. The 98th Regiment and the New-
foundland Fencibles were sent to Quebec by order
from England. 1,000 militia were placed in garrison
in their stead ; and in October, on the request of Major-
General Skerret, 500 more were drafted from the
country to strengthen the place. By the 26th October,
part of the reinforcements of militia had come in.-
Halifax militia were working on the fortifications.
Admiral Berkeley designed to employ 140 men,
accustomed to boats and vessels, in gun brigs, for
defence; and Mr. Monk was directed to secure the aid
of the Micmacs. Two companies of militia (150 men,
under good and well-informed officers, well clothed)
trained and skilful, were frequently exercised in the

batteries to which tiiey were attached. In the other
militia regiments there were at least 150 more good
artillery men, and a company of 50 free blacks was
also engaged.

December 26, 1808, Major-General Hunter, by
letter, requested that 1,000 militia should be im-
mediately embodied, 200 to be stationed at Annapolis,
and 800 at HaUfax, and a further 1,000 got ready to
be called into service on the shortest notice. This
(December 29), the lieutenant-governor and council
agreed to do.

These regiments of militia were in February, 1809,
embodied in Nova Scotia, and employed in actual
service. It was proposed to have one troop of light
horse, in number 35 officers and men, who should find
their own horses. The artillery (militia) could at
this time furnish 124 men, capable of assisting the
regulars either in batteries or with field pieces. The
town militia mounted guards in rotation, being only
paid when on actual duty. The whole trained force
reliable, was 1,800 men, and great harmony pre-
vailed between them and H. M. regular troops. (Sir
F. Wentworth's letter of March 26 to Lord Castle-
reagh.)

On April 18, the militia was estimated at 9,000 men,
and it was decided to call the assembly together on
May 19, to amend the militia laws. The effective
force of the militia in Nova Scotia, the Governor con-
sidered, would not exceed 3,000 men — in New Bruns-
wick, 700. Cape Breton and Prince Edward Island
together could furnish 400. The Governor wrote at
this date: — "Hitherto the male population composed
the militia. It was rather a levee en masse, of which
one-third only will be called out for training and
instruction."

The Assembly in their session this year thanked
the Imperial Government for " the supply of arms,
clothing and camp ecuiipage, so graciously granted,
for the use and acconmiodation of our militia."

Saturday, June 18, 1808, the Lieutenant Governor
informed a committee of the house that "in addition
to 2,000 stand of old arms and accoutrements now in
H.M. stores, he will order the issue of 2,000 stand of
new arms and accoutrements" just arrived, on a
pledge from the house that it would, at its next
session, make provision for the payment for such arms,
the price of new arms to be estimated at the Tower
prices, and the old at reasonable rates, also promising
to apply for as many more as might be required to
complete arming the militia on a similar pledge. The
assembly accordingly, June 20, resolved to pay for all
arms and ammunition which should be issued for the
use of the militia. Several inspecting field officers

of militia (regular officers) were employed and paid
this year.

Thursday, June 23, Sir George Prevost closed the
session, thanking the house for the militia laws they
had passed, &c., and prorogued the assembly. Although
the new militia law was a great improvement, he
considered it very defective still, which he ascribed
" to the jealously manifested against measures emanat-
ing from government, and to a tendency to democracy,
imbibed from our neighbours."

Sunday night, June 28, 1812, a messenger, with
despatches from General Hunter, who commanded in
New Brunswick, with intelligence of the declaration
of war, arrived at a late hour at Halifax. His Ex-
cellency held a council at 10 a.m. on Monday, and the
intelligence was then made pul)lic. The Lieutenant
Governor ordered the first class of the militia (able-
bodied men from 18 to 50) to be ballotted from, for
service, and a proportion in each district to be at once
embodied, to protect the most exposed parts of the
coast, as he could not spare regulars for the purpose.
He also directed a few guns to be mounted at the
entrance of some of the most exposed harbours, to be
used against the depredations of privateers; and
where there were suitable boats to carry them, he
sent small guns.

The assembly met Tuesday, July 21, (10th assembly,
2nd session.) It was convened on account of the
war, and His Excellency requested it, in his open-
ing speech, to make provision for the extra pay allowed
by the provincial statute to the militia. (Act 1808,
sec. 56, which directed the militia, when embodied,
to have same pay and allowances and the same rations
as regulars. Sec. 57 fixed the pay of sergeant, per day,
at 2s.; corporal, trumpeter, drummer or fifer. Is. 6d.;
private man, Is.) He also called for provision to be
made for such other expenses as the security of the
province demanded.

The house voted £8,000 for block-houses, temporary
work, arming boats, telegraph, &c.; £12,000 for extra
pay to militia, now to be embodied; £10,000 for a
further force embodied, if found necessary; 7s. 6d. a
day each to clerks of paymaster and adjutant-general
of militia; £150 for carriage of arms; £40 stationery
and printing, and £120 for medical attendance on
embodied militia. They also resolved to borrow
£30,000, at 6 per cent., for defences. (Burdock's
History of Nova Scotia).

Interest in the militia was kept up even after the
close of the war. A bill providing for the reduction
of the force was discussed at some length during the
session of 1819. A longer term of service seems to
have been advised by the governor. Several members
dissented.

79

Mr. Haliburton observed, that during the American
war no inconvenience was felt in the existing system,
and he thought it strange that in time of peace they
should find difficulties that did not exist then. It
appeared from the plan, that they were to take a part
of the first class and enrol them for the term of seven
years. If it was necessary to drill them so frecjuently
now, how happened it that it was not necessary
in time of war? One quarter of the militia, he be-
lieved, were labourers, and when they arrived at the
age of twenty-one they removed to different places,
and it would be found necessary to have recourse to
continual drafts to supply their places.

Mr. Mortimer doubted whether the province had
any militia at all, for all the service required of them
was to turn out three days in the year,; approved of
the plan as far as the staff officers were concerned,
but not of a reduction of the battalions proposed.

Colonel William Dickson, member for Truro, stated
that he was not able to comprehend His Excellency's
views on the subject, particularly as regards the re-
duction of the battalions. His Excellecyseemed to think
the offices of quartermaster-general and adjutant-
general of militia were not of much use towards
rendering the force more efficient, and that both
offices might be executed by one person. This amend-
ment, he thought, was a very proper one. During the
late war, he said, there were three inspecting field
officers, for the Western, Eastern and Middle districts
respectively.

Mr. Roach (of Cumberland) moved that a committee
be appointed to report what aijiendments were neces-
sary to be made to the existing militia law, which
motion was adopted and passed by the house. On this, a
committee of eleven members was named. This com-
mittee advised, next day, to alter the age of enrol-
ment, to be from 18 to 60, instead of 16 to 60; that
the first class for service be from 18 to 40; to add one
day for battalion meeting, and to provide for two
inspecting field officers in place of the adjutant-general
and quartermaster-general.

The oldest existing militia organizations in Nova
Scotia at Confederation traced their origin back to the
volunteer movement in Nova Scotia co-incident with
the big volunteer movement in England.

Meetings were held in the city of Halifax during the
autumn of 1859, and it was evident that the material
for military organization was not confined to the old
country. From the outset there was an inclination
exhibited to organize by nationalists, and in December,
1859, English, Scotch, and Irish companies were
formed, each keeping its particular national character.
This had the effect of causing a healthy rivalry, that

tended to keep up the interest and promote a pride
in each company, and an interest by citizens who
were unable to join the ranks as active members.

" Regulations and Orders " for the local forces of
Nova Scotia, 1861, shew that the utmost freedom was
allowed in the selection and appontment of com-
missioned officers, and in other matters connected
with the formation of volunteer companies. The re-
gular mode of proceeding was laid down. The com-
missioned officers were elected by the company, and
a certificate, signed by the secretary and chairman
of the meeting, that the candidate had a majority
of the votes of the company, was all that was re-
quired by the adjutant-general, to entitle the appli-
cant to a commission, provided, of course, there was
no charge of disloyalty against him.

The volunteer force not only had the privilege of
paying for their own clothing and accoutrements, but
were allowed full liberty to select such styles and
colors as the fancy of the members, or their financial
resources, would allow. The result was a great want
of uniformity, for, although the color generally selected
was gray — that being considered most suitable in
England— -the shade of colour, quality of material,
and style of facings were very different.

On the evening of April 16, 1860, a public meeting
was held in Halifax, Earl Mulgrave, the governor,
presiding. Earl Mulgrave, in his remarks, stated
that there were at that time thirty-two effective
volunteer companies in the Province, with a total
strength of two thousand three hundred and forty-one
(2341) men. In the city there were eleven (11) com-
panies with a total strength of eight hundred and
sixty-eight (868) men.

Major Egan's " History of the Halifax Volunteer
Battalion," published in 1889, gives a full account of
the development of the Nova Scotia volunteer force.

On the 24th of April the South Barrack (now the
engineer barrack) yard, was handed over by the
imperial authorities for a drill ground for the city
companies, and drill instructors from the regiments
in garrison were furnished, the companies having the
use of the ground on alternate evenings; some of the
companies also mustering on the Grand Parade for
morning drill at 6.30 a.m.

On the 14th May, 1860, a meeting of representatives
from the Volunteer Artillery, Scottish Rifles, Che-
bucto Greys, the Mayflower, Halifax, Irish and Vic-
toria Rifles and Halifax Engineers, was held in Lieut.
Halliburton's office. Col. Sinclair. Adjutant-General
Nova Scotia Militia presided, and Lieut. Halliburton
acted as secretary. On motion by Capt. Samuel
Caldwell, Halifax Engineers, seconded by Lieut. Mac-
kinlay, Scottish Rifles, it was resolved, "That the

80

Halifax Volunteer companies be formed into a bat-
talion."

During the summer of 1860, the Government having
granted an allowance of ball cartridges, the city com-
panies proceeded to Point Pleasant range to go through
their regular course of position drill and rifle practice.
The "Scottish" and the "Grej-s" encamped on the
ground, but the other companies marched down each
day. Sixty rounds per man was the allowance, and
the scores of the last twenty rounds, which were fired
under the inspection of an officer, were returned to
headquarters. For private practice the price of
ammunition was £11 7s. 3d. per thousand, caps two
shillings and eight pence half-penny per thousand.
Among the regulations issued at this time from head-
quarters,was one allowing the sum of five pounds (.$20)
per company to provide armories, and one shilling and
three pence (25 cents) per annum for the care of each
stand of arms and accoutrements, and another which
regulated the transfer of men from one company to
another.

By a general order, dated May 3rd, 1862, Major J. W.
Laurie (unattached) was appointed Inspecting Field
Officer of the Volunteers and Militia of Nova Scotia,
with the rank of colonel. The duties of inspecting
officer had up to this time been performed by Col.
Sinclair, in addition to the duties of adjutant-general.
In June the volunteer battalion made an effort to secure
the services of Capt. Milson, of the 62nd Regiment,
as adjutant, the intention being to have a paid ad-
jutant. The idea did not meet with the approval
of Earl Mulgrave, but Captain Milson was soon after
employed by the Adjutant-general, and in March,
1863, appointed as Inspecting Field Officer, with the
rank of lieut.-coloncl.

During 1862, great activity was displayed in re-
organizing and enrolling the regular militia of the
province. "The Regulations and Orders for the
General Management and Guidance of the Volunteers
and Militia" shewed that the militia of Nova Scotia,
previous to the organization of the volunteer force,
was in a very crude state, but, with the military spirit
and training introduced by the Volunteer movement,
a new state of affairs came about, and the regular
militia was now organized. Previously there was no
means of getting trained officers for that force, and
the commissions were consequently held by men who
were, from a military point of view, in many cases
totally unfit for their position. From the volunteer
companies competent men were now drawn by the
offer of commissions in the regiments of militia and
paid drill instruction being introduced, no excuse for
non-efficiency was allowed. The Halifax battalion
lost some of its best members at this time, the tempta-

tion of a commission in the militia taking many from
its ranks. At one time it was in contemplation to
form the counties into districts, and to place the
militia in each under brigadiers.

During the fall of 1864, the subject of reorganiza-
tion was taken up by the officers, the term of service
for which the men had enrolled expiring in January,
1865. Quite a number of meetings were held, and
application was made to the Commander-in-Chief to
secure a grant from the government to assist the
volunteers, the sum of five dollars per man being
suggested, that being the amount allowed the volun-
teers in England and Canada. The uniform of the
companies, which had now been in use for five years,
requiring to be renewed, a committee of officers was
appointed to consider the subject, and they recom-
mended " Rifle green " as the most suitable color.
This was adopetd by all the companies except the
Scottish, this company continuing to wear their dark
plaid clothing.

During the winter of 1866 overcoats were issued to
the battalion by the government, and the long "En-
field" rifle (muzzle loader) which the battalion had
used from its organization, was replaced by the short
rifle and sword bayonet.

In March, 1866, the first Fenian scare took place.
Rumors of an inroad by the Fenian Brotherhood from
the United States caused considerable alarm, and the
departure of an armed ship from New York, in a
mysterious manner, seemed to point to Halifax as
the scene of attack. The Halifax battalion was
called out for active service, and each company told
off to its post, the .signal of alarm being three guns
fired in succession from the citadel.

Although the fears of a Fenian invasion in March
proved groundless, the result showed that there was
some cause for alarm. In consequence of an inroad
into Canada and the withdrawal of a portion of the
garrison, the Halifax battalion was ordered out for
duty. One hundred and fifty men, with the proper
complement of officers, being detailed, in the following
proportions: — The men were required to provide
their own rations, and two men for fatigue were told
off with each guard, whose duty it was to look after
the provisions; as a rule the families of the men sent
their meals ready cooked to the guard rooms. By the
general order, dated July, 31st the battalion was
relieved from garrison duty, having served from the
6th June. By this general order the thanks of the
commander-in-chief were conveyed to the men, and
a despatch from Earl Carnarvon expressing his ap-
proval of the services of the battalion was also pub-
lished.

81

How the old Halifax battalion came to be called the
63rd in the Dominion active militia has never been
satisfactorily explained, the regiment being really
entitled to the third place in the roll of regiments of
the Active Militia of Canada, it having had an unbroken
existence since the 14th of May, 1860. The only other
battalions senior in Canada were the 1st Battalion
"Prince of Wales" Regiment, Montreal, organized
November 1st, 1859, and the 2nd Battalion "Queen's
Own," of Toronto, organized 26th April, 1860, eighteen
days before the 63rd. (Major Egan's History of the
Halifax Volunteer Battalion.)

As adjutant-general of the militia of Nova Scotia,
Colonel R. Bligh Sinclair, December 31, 1867, reported
on the provincial force, this report giving a good idea
of the organization prevailing at and immediately
prior to Confederation. The following extracts from
this report are interesting on this account: — "The
organization is the result of about six years' work,
commencing first with the military instruction of
volunteers and militia officers, the men not being
called out till the latter were fit to instruct, in 1863.
The whole available militia force has now been called
out for five days' training for five successive years,
and the result has been more favorable than antici-
pated from such a limited period of drill. By far the
most valuable effect has been on the officers of the
force, all of whom passed examinations in field
exercise before receiving commissions, and besides had
a good deal of training to qualify them.selves to com-
mand. Officers promoted also passed the higher
grades of examination. The adjutants all had to pass
the highest grade of examination, as well as the com-
manding and field officers. Of 230 officers from the
country, thoroughly trained at headquarters, during
the last two years, a considerable proportion were
adjutants of regiments.

"The Provincial Army List gives a fair idea of the
state of the organization. Officers are nominated to
serve, with acting rank, as cadets, until they pass the
required examination for commissions. Hitherto these
examinations have been limited to field exercise.
Light infantry has been as yet little practised, as,
irrespective of the body of the militia force being only
lately armed to any considerable extent, five days
only suffices for heavy drill. Light infantry was,
however, taught to the officers trained at headquarters,
and the regiments armed were trained in it to a limited
extent,- during the Fenian alarm."

"In several previous reports I have represented the
good results which would be derived from establishing
a reasonable amount of military instruction with prizes
in all schools ; far less training will have greater effect
as soon as the benefits of early training begin to operate.

The college at Windsor and the Normal School at
Truro have adopted military training.

"It is my duty to represent to your Excellency that
the annual five days' training of the whole force has now
fully attained the object originally aimed at — the com-
plete organization of the whole force of men of martial
age for administrative purposes, and giving them a
tolerable idea of parade, discipline and marching,
while the more intelligent have gained an amount of
military knowledge which would be useful if required .

"It affords me sincere pleasure to be able to report
that nothing could exceed the willing and loyal spirit of
the militia of Nova Scotia during the five years they
have been called on to render gratuitous services,
which must have been heavUy felt.

"As the final returns are not complete at the date
of commencing this report, I take the returns of 1866
as a base for remarking, that the aggregate training for
that year (45,767 men for five days) was equivalent
to 223,835 days. This is equal to training 5,720 men
for six weeks.

"From drill experience, I can safely submit, that,
with intelligent officers and men, six weeks' con-
secutive drill of five hours a day, per annum, is the
most advantageous period of training.

"By a system of service men and reserves, the
service would be relieved of much that now weighs on
individuals with inconvenience, and no advantage
to the service. For instance, during the constructive
organization of the whole force, all under forty-five,
had to be called out for drill at the same time, and
business and private convenience had to suffer in a
say that is now avoidable.

"Whatever be the periods of training hereafter,
should it not conflict with general plans, I venture to
recommend to your Excellency's consideration that
this year, subject to such further orders as may be
deemed expedient, the whole of the militia force of all
arms, excepting those between the ages of 18 and 22
(attained), be formed into reserve, for muster only
during peace.

PH" During the past season a good deal has militated
against militia training. Amongst other things, un-
avoidable political excitement — which I need not
further advert to — ^and a misconception raised in some
districts that the militia law was suspended. The
militia regiments, which from the above causes, and
the advanced season, could not be called out, will be
observed in returns.

"I have reason to notice that the amount of drill
performed by the Halifax volunteer battalion under
the militia staff, has been equal to former years.

"The volunteer artillery, and 1st, 2nd and 3rd
brigades Halifax militia artillery, being inspected by

82

Lieut .-Colonel Hardy, and the 4th brigade by Lieut. -
Colonel Sawyer, are in a good state of discipline and
training. The volunteer artillery have learned the
Armstrong gun exercise, having a battery of six of
those guns.

"I have to note for your Excellency's consideration,
Colonel Laurie's suggestion that volunteers be here-
after subsidized according to the year's work per-
formed (shown by diaries), and their consequent
efficiency."

Lieut. -Col. Laurie, Inspecting Field Officer, District
C, remarked in his report: — "I feel it my duty again
to bring to notice how desirable it would be that some
acknowledgement should be made to effective officers
of militia, who, often at considerable inconvenience,
attend their annual 28 days' training, and carry out all
the duties connected with the organization. I do not
think it would be well to reduce the number of days'
training required of them under the present system, and
would again suggest that they obtain the same exemp-
tions as effective volunteers, from whom far less duty
is required.

"The volunteer companies were this year inspected
with the regiments to which they are attached — thus
gaining some knowledge of battalion drill. A system
of classifying the volunteer companies so that their
subsidy should be proportioned to their efficiency is
most desirable; at present all, whether highly or in-
differently trained, are classed under one rate.

"I am happy to state that in each county in this
district a county rifle association has been formed, and
competitions have been held, thus carrying the interest
in rifle shooting much more home to the people."

The following figures give an idea of the efficiency
of the Nova Scotia Militia at Confederation: — In 1866
the total first class enrolled were 58,031 ; in 1867, 59,147;
increase, 1,116.

Total trained in 1866— first class, 45,767; 1867, first
class, 41,997; decrease, 3,770.

Number of officers with substantive rank in 1867 —
Lieutenant-colonels, 110; majors, 171; captains, 797;
1st lieutenants, 268; staff, 274.

New Brunswick was separated from Nova Scotia in
1784, and had a militia force of its own, but resem-
bling that of Nova Scotia.

During the war of 1812 a sort of neutrality was
observed between the people of New Brunswick and
their Maine neighbours

The Federal party, who were dominant in Massa-
chusetts and Maine at this period, were openly adverse
to the war; and the injuries done to commerce by the
embargo, non-intercourse, and final war measures of
the democratic government at Washington, were
much resented. Governor Strong, refused to place

any part of the state militia under the orders of the
officers of the general government. President MadLson
then availed himself of an act of Congress, passed in
February previous, which authorized hiiji to accept
the services of 80,000 volunteers from the different
states; and General King, of Bath, (Kennebec), a
violent democrat, was sent to Eastport to make
arrangements for raising three regiments of volun-
teers, in the district of Maine. Conventions and meet-
ings were held, and spirited resolutions passed in
opposition to the general government.

As little as possible was done by the authorities of
New Brunswick to antagonize their neighbours.

About the close of the year 1812, some field works,
block-houses and batteries were begun for the defence
of the city and river of St. John, in New Brunswick,
and a permanent pentagonal work was proposed on
the Washademoiac. Major General Smyth, who com-
manded in New Brunswick, and Sir John Sherbrooke
differed in opinion about some of these fortifications,
and Captain Nicolls, engineer, was sent to the River
St. John in consequence.

The small military force in New Brunswick does not
seem to have been reinforced from the declaration
of war. On the contrary, the 104th Regiment was
sent to Canada, while the 2nd battalion of the 8th
remained in New Brunswick. The detachments of
the 104th left St. John in February, and the people
helped them with sleighs. Apprehension of invasion
having made the people in New Brunswick uneasy. Sir
John sent on ten 24-pounders for the batteries on
Patridge Island, which commanded the entrance of the
harbor of St. John, with ammunition and other re-
quisites, and 1,000 stand of muskets, but the store ship
Diligence, in which they were laden, was lost. She was
separated from H.M.S. Rattler, her convoy, in a
snow storm. It happened that 400 of the muskets
were in the Rattler, and got safe to St. John, but the
Diligent, and what was saved of her cargo, fell into the
hands of the enemy. Sir John had no means of re-
placing these until more ordnance stores came from
England.

In New Brunswick, the militia assisted the regulars
in garrison duty, detachments from Westmoreland
going to St. John, where the local militia were also
embodied.

According to the New Brunswick revised statutes of
1854, the militia consisted of all white male inhabitants
from 16 to 60. Each county was a battalion district
and each regiment or battalion was to as.semble one
day in each year "for inspection and exercise," and to
"rendezvous two days in each year for di.scipline," &c.

In 1862 a Militia Act, 25 Victoria, Chapter 20, was
passed which divided the New Brunswick Militia into

83

«aAa^-

MINISTERS OF MILITIA, 1867 to 1880

1. Sir Georj^e E. Cartier, July ist, 1867 to May 20th, 1873
3. The Hon. Wni. B. Val, Sept. 3olh, 1874 to June 1st, 1878.
5. The Hon. L. R. F. Masson, Oct. iglh, 1878 to Jan. i6lh, 1880.

■2. The Hon. A. G. Jones, Jan. 21st, 1878 to Oct. 17th, 1878.
4. The Hon. VVm. Ross, Nov. 7th, 1873 to Sept. 3olh, 1874.
6. The Hon. Sir Alex. Campbell, Jan. i6th, 1889 to Nov. 8th,
1880.
Note. — It was impossible to secure a satisfactory portrait for reproduction of the Hon. Hu^h McDonald. Minister from July ist, 1873 to Nov. 6th, 1873,

84

two classes: — Active Militia, men from 18 to 45 years
of age, sedentary from 45 to 60. The Active Militia
was divided into Class A (volunteer cavalry, artillery
and riflemen) ; Class B (unmarried men and widowers
without children) ; Class C (married men and widowers
with children. Class A drilled for 6 days each year and was
provided with ammimition at the expense of the prov-
ince. Classes B and C were to be enrolled and muster
one day in each year. The Sedentary Militia was not
required to enroll regularly.

The following extracts from a report by Lieut. -
Colonel George J. Maunsell, Adjutant General of New
Brunswick Militia, dated January 1st, 1868, give an
idea of the organization and work of the New
Brunswick force just previous to and at Confeder-
ation : —

"The volunteers have hitherto been considered the
'advance guard' of the local forces, well drilled, as a
rule, and when drilled every man is furnished with a
uniform coat and cap by government; they attend a
number of drills annually to entitle them to a capita-
tion allowance, which is intended to provide for the
proper care of the arms and accoutrements issued to
them, Ijut unhappily, in consequence of the absence
of 'government drill sheds, this allowance is inadequate,
and has frequently to be expended in obtaining in-
sufficient accommodation for drill purposes in such
buildings as are available, and officers commanding
have had, at their own cost, to defray the other neces-
sary expenses of their corps. Hence, I would remark,
it is highly creditable that the volunteers retain the
efficiency for which they have been justly commended.
I must admit that, in some cases when volunteers
serve their time of engagement, they appear unwilling
to re-engage, and in consequence of the inability of the
officers to recruit to the strength required by law, the
service of the corps are dispensed with.

" It is not my intention to urge this as an argument
against the voluntary system. I hold the opinion
that each corps serves as a school of instruction on a
small scale in its own district. The number of well-
drilled officers the volunteers have furnished to the
militia, proves the truth of my as.sertion; and as the
services of one corps are dispensed with, another has
been speedily organized, a knowledge of drill and
military ardour being thus diffused over a large por-
tion of the Province. I grant that under the exist-
ing law, which is admitted to be defective in many
important particulars, and the consequent impossibility
of success attending the organization of a corps in any
but a thickly settled district, or town, there is a limit
to the progress of the volunteer system, and although
I can with truth state that our volunteers generally
are in a satisfactory condition, probably that limit has

been attained under the present system. I may state
that the men composing the force are, as a general
rule, taken but from one class of the community, all
are engaged in industrial pursuits, and when the
volunteers were called out on service during the past
year, the absence of the men from the usual avocations
was much felt.

" His Excellency General Doyle, being fully aware
of the comparatively small numbers of available local
forces, (1,800 volunteers, 500 home guards), of the
defective law enabling him to call out the militia but
for one day's muster, and the disadvantages under
which the volunteers served, had it in contemplation
to have a scheme for training the militia, in conjunction
with the volunteers, laid before the legislature of this
province at the last session, and which, while
strengthening the volunteers as an 'advance guard,'
was calculated to furnish a drilled 'support' of the
remaining portion of the active militia, the sedentary
to form the 'reserve.' I regret that (the union of
the provinces intervening) His Excellency was pre-
vented from carrying this scheme out."

"The militia is divided into two classes — active and
sedentary: the former of these is subdivided into three
classes, termed respectivelj' class A, B, and C. The
volunteers, or class A, of the active militia consists of
cavalry, artillery, engineers, and infantry, and num-
bers 2,079."

" I may observe that there is not a government
magazine in the province. His Excellency, Major-
General Doyle obtained authority from the Imperial
Government, to place anmiunition, purchased for the
militia, in Carleton Tower, Saint John, as a tem-
porary measure, until a magazine be erected. There
is but one militia store in the province (at Fredericton) .
Considerable sums are paid as rent for a building in
which to store arms, accoutrements, and other govern-
ment property, at Saint John."

"The furnishing of uniform, tunics and forage caps to
'effective' members of corps at government expense,
has been a large item in the annual expenditure. The
term 'effective' is, by law, applied to those who per-
form at least fifteen drills in each month. As none but
effective members are provided with government
uniform, another inducement is thus offered volunteers
to attend drill regularly. I can bear testimony to the
soldier-like appearance of the men at inspection
parades. Many obtained uniformed trowsers at their
own cost. As the supply of uniform for voluateers
is limited, so is that system regarding it at present
far from perfect."

" Scarcely a year has elapsed since the establishment
of the Provincial Rifle Association by His Excellency
Major-General Doyle, which, with the subsequent

85

formation of several county rifle matches in con-
nection with the association, has been a complete
success, and surpassed the expectations of the most
ardent."

"By the provisions of the Militia Act passed on 31st
May, 1865, classes B and C consist of all the male
inhabitants of the province, (except class A and
certain exempts) between the ages of 18 and 45;
class B being unmarried men and widowers without
children ; class C, married men, and widowers with
children."

" Your lordship being well aware that no advantage
could accrue from the one day's muster of battalions,
provided for in the existing law, was pleased to order
it to be dispensed with. However, eight battalions had
already mustered when your excellency's order was
published. It is creditable to officers and men that
the attendance at muster parades has been in any
respect satisfactory, as the difficulty, if not impos-
sibility, of enforcing obedience and collecting fines
under a defective law, is such, that in cases of men
absenting themseves from muster, and having escaped
punishment by fine, a precedent is established,
which has a tendency to increase the number of absen-
tees, to diminish the power of commanding officers, and
has an injurious effect as regards discipline. That the
important classes of which I now treat, composed
of young active men, the 'bone and sinew' of the
community, should be only called upon under such a
law, and such unsatisfactory circumstances, to con-
tribute to the military strength of this province, is
indeed to be regretted. It is true that the efforts
made to instruct militia officers, and to drill a quota
%from every battalion at an annual camp, were accom-
plished with a view to facilitate a future system of
training, and it cannot be doubted that these efforts
have been attended with excellent results."

"The principles upon which the camp of instruction
was based were in themselves admirable, and were in
general terms : —

"1. That at least fifteen companies, consisting of 3
officers and 60 rank and file each, should assemble
annually for 28 days at a specified time and place.

"2. The men to be drawn, by the voluntary system,
in equal proportions from every battalion, or in such
proportions as the commander-in-chief should deem
expedient.

"3. Any officer commanding a battalion failing to
furnish the required quota, must resort to the draft.

The practical execution of these principles has
been attended with many difficulties, amongst others
were these : —

" In consequence of the limited funds placed at the
disposal of the commander-in-chief, and the neces-
sarily large sums required for the transport of those
men who reside in distant parts of the province to and
from camp, and for the erection or hire of a building
in which to house the assembled force, either the
course of drill had to be curtailed, or a smaller number
of men called upon to attend than it was previously
considered desirable to have at Camp.

"2. Although commanding officers were requested
to select officers and men for duty at the camp who
were residents in the province, and whose services
would subsequently be available in imparting instruc-
tion to their respective companies, it was found that
this selection was in some cases impracticable, as many
men of this class failed to attend, the excuse being
that absence from their homes and ordinary occupa-
tions for a lengthened period would be with incon-
venience to themselves; and the vacancies their
absence from camp caused, had necessarily to be filled
from the so-called 'migratory class.' However, the draft
was not resorted to in any instance. And it must be
admitted that the camp of instruction has been the
means of diffusing a good practical knowledge of drill
throughout the province, and of shewing the system by
which the interior economy of a battalion is con-
ducted to those who otherwise would have no oppor-
tunity of obtaining such information."

"The only remaining class is the sedentary militia,
comprising all male inhabitants of the province, with
the same exceptions as classes B and C, between the
ages of forty-five and sixty. They are attached to the
battalions comprising the districts in which they
reside, and are not called upon to muster, but should
be carefully enrolled as Section 39 of the Act pro-
vides. A return of them has been made by the com-
manding officers of most battalions, but I cannot
vouch for the accuracy of their numbers, which, as
taken from the returns would amount only to 7,193."

The dress regulations of the New Brunswick militia,
as per order dated April 7, 1863, provided for uniforms
for the various arms similar to those of the British
army.

¥i

CHAPTER VIII

MILITIA OF THE DOMINION

The First Dominion Militia Act and Amending Legislation. — The Fenian Raids of 1870 and 1871,
The Red River Expeditions, The Northwest Rebellion, and the South African War. — Canada's
Defensive Force Emerges from the Experimental Stage.

THE Confederation of the provinces, consummated
in 1867, had, of course, a momentous effect upon
the militia. As a matter of fact, the desire to pro-
vide an adequate system of national defence was one of
the main motives which led to the adoption of the scheme
of Confederation. For instance, we find that the
Hon. John A. (later Sir John A.) Macdonald, in his
speech in the United Canada Legislative Assembly
February 6th, 1865, said: — "One of the great advant-
ages of Confederation is that we shall have a united,
a concerted and uniform system of defence. We are
at this moment with a different militia system in each
colony — ^in some of the colonies with an utter want
of any system of defence. We have a number of
staff establishments, without any arrangement between
the colonies as to the means either of defence or offence.
But under the union we will have one system of de-
fence, and one system of militia organization. We
will have one system of defence and be one people,
acting together alike in peace and war."

At the time of Confederation there were 22,390
active militia maintained in the four originally con-
federated provinces, divided as follows: — Upper Canada
12,199; Lower Canada, 7,398; New Brunswick, 1,791;
Nova Scotia, 1,002.

The "British North American Act" (30 and 31
Victoria, Chapter 3) gave the management and control
of the militia during peace to the Dominion, which

came into being on July 1st, 1867, but for some months
thereafter the old provincial militia organizations
were maintained pending the drafting and adoption
of a militia act for the entire Dominion.

The first Dominion Militia Act, (31 Victoria, Chapter
xl), entitled "An Act respecting the Militia and De-
fence of the Dominion of Canada," was assented to
May 22, 1868.

During the year 1868, this Act was carried into effect,
and the organization contemplated under its pro-
visions, assumed a practical form. By that law the
militia consisted : —

1. "Of all the male inhabitants of Canada, of the
age of eighteen year? and upwards, and under sixty —
not exempted or disqualified by law, and being British
subjects by birth or naturalization," but Her Majesty
might require all the male inhabitants of the Dominion,
capable of bearing arms, to serve in case of a levee en
masse :

The male population so liable to serve in the militia
were divided into four classes:

The first class comprised those of the age of eighteen
years and upwards, but under thirty years, who were
unmarried, or widowers without children. ;

The second class comprised those of the age of thirty
years and upwards, but under forty-five years, who
were unmarried, or widowers without children;

87

The third class comprised those of the age of thirty
years and upwards, but under forty-five years, who
were married, or widowers without children;

The fourth class comprised those of the age of forty-
five years and upwards, hut under sixty years;

And the above was the order in which the male
population could be called upon to serve.

The militia was divided into active and reserve
militia: —

The active militia consisted of the "volunteer
militia," the "regular militia," and the "marine
militia." The volunteer militia was composed of
corps raised by voluntary enlistment. The "regular
militia" was composed of men who voluntarily en-
listed to serve in the same ; or of men ballotted to serve ;
or of men who voluntary enlisted to serve with the
ballotted men, and of men l)allotted to serve. The
marine militia was composed of seamen, sailors, and
persons whose usual occupation was upon any steam
or sailing craft, navigating the waters of the Dominion.
The reserve militia consisted of the whole of the men
who were not serving in the active militia at the time
being.

The four provinces of which the Dominion was
originally composed, were divided into nine military
districts, viz.: one comprising the province of Nova
Scotia, one comprising the province of New Brunswick,
three in the Province of Quebec, and four in the
province of Ontario. These nine military districts
were divided into 22 brigade divisions, and again
subdivided into regimental divisions.

The law provided for annual paid drills for 40,000
officers and men, in addition to the officers of reserve
militia, for not less than eight nor more than sixteen
days, the number being regulated by the money vote
of Parliament each year. The men required for drill
could be comprised entirely of volunteers, or if the
required number was not furnished in that way in the
several divisions, the men could be drawn from the
reserve by ballot, subject to the exemptions, which
were reduced to the minimum.

Ballotted men could be exempted, on providing a
substitute, on payment of $30. If the substitute was
drawn his principal had to supply his place.

Section 27 provided for the calling out of the militia
in aid of the civil power.

Section 28 provided for the appointment of an
adjutant-general of militia to be "a person educated
to the military profession and who has attained the
rank of field officer in Her Majesty's regular army."
It was provided that the adjvitant-general should be
charged with the military command and discipline
of the militia.

As, prior to the date of the union, the several Pro-
vinces had military forces organized under local laws,
to bring these organizations under the direct authority
of the Dominion, section 7 of the new law provided for
their reorganization in the words following: —

"3. Every volunteer corps duly authorized pre-
viously to and existing on the day on which this Act
shall come into force, including the officers com-
missioned thereto, shall for the purposes of this Act
be held to be existing and shall be continued as such,
sul)ject to the provisions of this Act; and within three
months after the day on which this Act shall come into
force, all such corps shall be mustered by their captains
or commanding officers, the provisions of this Act
shall be explained to them, and such of the men as have
not previously given notice of their desire to be dis-
charged, shall take the oath hereinafter prescribed,
and be enrolled as volunteer militia, and each man
shall sign a muster roll; and thereafter such men of
any volunteer corps, d,s complete three years, including
any previous continuous service in the same corps
immediately before such muster, or had served three
years continuously in such corps immediately before
such muster, and are discharged after giving the
required notice, shall not be liable to be ballotted
for any period of drill or training of the active militia,
until all the other men in the first, second and third
classes of militiamen in the company division within
which they reside, have volunteered or been ballotted
to serve."

The re-enrolment of the volunteer militia and the
enrolment of the reserve militia, were carried on
simultaneously.

In the volunteer force, as it stood on the 1st October,
1868, there were many men who had completed their
periods of service, and others who did not desire to
re-enrol. These men had the benefit accorded under
the law for previous service, and the corps were per-
mitted to enrol other men as volunteers to complete
the strength in each instance to the regulated standard,
or in the event of failure to maintain such complement
of men as was considered necessary for efficiency. If
any corps became inefficient, it was intended they
should be disbanded, and others were raised in stead.
The re-enrolment of the volunteer militia was highly
satisfactory, and in addition to the old corps pre-
viously in existence, many new ones were added te
the strength in parts of the country where no local
organization had previous existence.

The Dominion Rifle Association was founded in 1868,
Col. Botsford being the first President.

The numl)er of the corps of active militia, with their

88

nominal strength as they stood at the end of the year
1868 was as follows: —

Ontario, Total of all arms 21,816

Quebec, do 12,637

New Brunswick, do 1,789

Nova Scotia, do 928

Dominion total 37,170

There appeared no doubt that the total authorized
number of active militia could be raised and main-
tained by voluntary enrolment in the several pro-
vinces, in proportion as the population of each com-
pared with the other. In Ontario the quota was
complete at the end of the year, and in the other
proxnnces the deficiences w'ere being rapidly filled.

As regards the reserve militia, the following plan was
contemplated by the law. The several regimental
divisions, which with few exceptions were identical
with the electoral divisions for representation by
members of the House of Commons, were divided into
company divisions, and the officers appointed thereto
were resident within their company limits, thus
securing to a large extent a personal knowledge of the
men enrolled, and also being a guarantee that the ballot
when called into u.se, would be conducted with fairness
and impartiality.

The drill for 1868-69 was performed in the several
provinces under orders and regulations having local
application, and being based upon the old provincial
laws. In the rural parts of Ontario and Quebec, the
several battalions performed the days of annual drill
in camp at their battalion headquarters. It was felt
that these corps made up of companies (although
within the same county), widely separated as regards
distance, could not in any other way be instructed to
act in concert. The vote of eight dollars per man was
paid to each country corps for eight days drill in camp,
the volunteers paying out of that sum the expense
of the camp, and providing rations which amounted
to from three to four dollars a man.

During the year, 2,000 circular tents complete, and
10,000 blankets were procured and added to the public
stores; the linen tents from England, and the poles,
pins, mallets and blankets manufactured in Canada.

It will be recalled that military schools for the
practical training of officers, were originally established
in the year 1864, after the apprehension of troubles
arising out of the Trent affair. These schools were
formed in connection with regiments of the regular
army, at Quebec and Toronto, and to encourage can-
didates to apply for admission to these schools, gra-
tuities of S50 were granted with both first and second-
class certificates. The call was responded to from

89

all parts, and candidates became so numerous that
in the year 1865, four more schools were established,
at Montreal Kingston, Hamilton and London. The two
schools last named, failing to draw a sufficiently numer-
ous attendance of cadets, were closed by the end of the
year. The number of cadets who had up to 1870
been granted certificates by the several commandants
(officers of the regular army), who had charge of
the schools in Ontario and Quebec, exceeded 5,000, of
whom 24 per cent, had taken first-class certificates.
The whole of these cadets were distributed throughout
the two Provinces of Quebec and Ontario, and so
continuous had been the applications from these
provinces, that the number of cadets in Quebec only
exceeds that of those from Ontario by eighty-eight.
Quebec had the advantage of first class certificates,
as during the period that gratuities were given for
first class certificates, two were taken in Queljec for
every one in Ontario.

In addition to those previously in existence, schools
of military instruction for infantry were opened during
the year 1868 at Halifax and St. John, in connection
with the regiments of the line stationed in those cities,
and separate schools for artillery and cavalry were in
successful operations in each of the cities of Montreal
and Toronto.

In his annual report for this year, Lieut.-Col. Walker
Powell, deputy-adjutant general of militia, explained:—
" As an evidence of the success which has attended the
opening of schools of military instruction, it may be
observed that some five years ago, when it was decided
to extend the operations of the volunteer system, and
largely increase the number of men which had pre-
viously been under training, the chief obstacle to the
raising of corps in the rural parts, was the difficulty
in obtaining local officers and instructors capable of
commanding and drilling the men ; to provide for this
want the schools were established, and the result has
shown that in every regimental division in Ontario
and Quebec, where corps of active militia are required,
competent officers can now be found, and the question
of instructors is no longer an impediment."

Towards the end of the first year of the existence
of the Dominion militia, those interested in militia
affairs received a pointed intimation that the system of
military schools in connection with the units of the
Imperial army stationed in Canada was only a temp-
porary expedient, and that the time was drawing near
when Canada would have to make arrangements for the
establishment of military schools of her own. Colonel
S. G. Jenyns, commanding the 13th Hussars, notified the
deputy adjutant general of fnilitia that in pursuance
of the plan of the home government to withdraw the
regular troops from Canada, his regiment was about

MINISTERS OF MILITIA, 1880 to 1896.

1. The Hon. Sir Adolphe P. Caron, Nov. 8th, 1880 to Jan. 25th, 1892. )i. The Hon. Sir Mackenzie Bowell, Jan. 25th, 1892
to Dec. sth, 1892. 3 The Hon. J. C. Patterson, Dec. sth, 1892^0 March 26th, 1895. 4. The Hon. A. R. Dickey, March 26th,
189s to Jan. 15th, 1896. o. The Hon. D. Tisdale, May 1st, i8g6 to July Sth, 1896. ti. The Hon. Alphonse Desjardins, Jan. 15th,
1896 to April 27th, 1896.

90

to return to England, and he was about to sell his
troop horses. Consequently the cavalry school main-
tained at Toronto could not be carried on. Colonel
Jenyns remarked in his communication: — "I do not
like to resign the appointment of commandant without
specially bringing to the notice of the minister of
militia the great zeal which I have found exists in all
ranks. With very few exceptions, I have found that
every officer, non-commissioned officer and private
came there to learn, and did his best to render himself
efficient, and it was quite surprising to me to find how
much very many did learn in the short time they were
under instruction, owing to their unremitting attention.
Although some could hardly sit on a horse when they
entered the school, a great many officers and non-
commissioned officers are quite capable of drilling
their respective troops, particularly as a considerable
number of men under them have passed through the
cavalry school."

During the time the militia force of the new Domin-
ion was being organized the military spirit of the country
was maintained at a high pitch as a result of the
continued threats of Fenian invasions. Meantime the
carrying into execution of the home government's policy
of withdrawing the regular garrisons was partially
suspended, or at any rate delayed.

October 9th, 1869, all officers commanding battalions
and volunteer militia in the Toronto brigade district
received warning to hold their battalions in readiness
to turn out for active service at short notice on account
of another of the periodical Fenian scares of that time.
The men of the local volunteer militia corps were
instructed to take home their rifles and accoutrements,
and the regiments were ordered alternately to mount
one sergeant and three men as a guard over the maga-
zine in the Toronto drill-shed. October 12th, in
accordance with district orders, the 10th Royals and
Queen's Own resumed evening parades as in 1866, the
order specially requesting the commanding officer
to have the regiments kept in hand without causing
alarm. These drills and guards were maintained
until January 12th, 1870.

During the year 1870 there was a considerable
stirring up of the military spirit throughout Canada
as a result of the Fenian raids across the Quebec
frontier and the Red River uprising.

At the beginning of the year 1870, Colonel P. Robert-
son Ross, adjutant-general of militia, wrote in his
annual report: — "Although as yet the military system
of Canada is in its infancy, it may be said at all events
with equal truth, that if required for the defence of
the country, the commander-in-chief has but to give
the order, and in a very few hours more than 40,000

men of the active militia, who are at least admirably
armed, would stand forth to form the first line of
defence, animated with as much courage and deter-
mination to defend their Queen and country as has
ever been exhibited by any nation, and their ranks
might be hourly swelled by men from the reserve
militia. But to enable the men of Canada to fulfil
with success the .sacred duty of defence, sufficient time
for military training ought to be afforded them. The
necessary reserve of arms and stores should be at all
times available, and an adequate and permanent
staff maintained to secure their training in time of
peace, and their guidance in time of war. The ques-
tion of the maintenance and support in a prof)er state
of efficiency' of the militia of the Dominion to under-
take the defence of the country, depends entirely upon
the liberality of Parliament."

During the year 1870, events of great importance in
connection with the development of the defensive force
of the Dominion, and involving considerable action on
the part of the militia and the department, occurred.
This resulted partly from the attempted invasion by
Fenians from the United States, in the early part of
thfe year, partly from the necessity of raising and
organizing a militia force for service in the then
Northwest Territories, and despatching them to the
Province of Manitoba, in conjunction with a portion
of Her Majesty's regular troops; but chiefly from the
labour and responsibility that devolved upon the
militia department, in taking over the entire military
charge of the country west of Quebec, consetjuent on
the withdrawal of the regular troops from all parts of
the Dominion west of that station.

Early in the month of April, apprehension being
entertained of an intended Fenian raid from the
United States on the southern frontier, the adjutant-
general, Col. Robertson Ross, was called on by Govern-
ment, to take the necessary steps to hold in readiness
such number of the active militia as might be deemed
sufficient for the emergency. Col. Robertson Ross
submitted for adoption the following measures: —

1st — That the four frontier battalions of active
militia, belonging to military district No. 5, south of the
St. Lawrence and west of Lake Memphremagog, viz.:
The 50th Battalion, headquarters at Huntingdon,
numbering 29 officers and 258 non-commissioned
officers and men; the 51st Battalion, headquarters at
Hemmingford, numbering 31 officers and 314 non-
commissioned officers and men; the 52nd Battalion,
headquarters at Knowlton, numbering 29 officers and
250 non-commissioned officers and men; and the 60th
Battalion, headquarters at Durham, numbering 21
officers and 200 non-commissioned officers and men,
should at once be called out for active service, and

91

placed upon frontier dutj' for the military protection
of that part of the country.

2nd. — That the Montreal Troop of Cavalry, number-
ing 3 officers and 30 troopers, should be directed to
proceed at once to Hemmingford, to be employed on
patrol and outpost duty along the frontier, west of the
Richelieu.

3rd. — That the Cookshire Troop of Cavalry, number-
ing 3 officers and 45 troopers should be sent by rail
(the roads at that time being in very bad condition)
via Sherbrooke, St. Lambert and Stanbridge, and
from thence march to Frelighsburg, as their head-
quarters, for outpost and patrol duty east of Lake
Champlain.

4th. — That the above force should be placed under
the immediate command of the deputy adjutant-
general commanding, military district No. 5, subject
to such orders as he might receive from time to time.

5th. — That in the event of the regular troops being
ordered from Montreal to the front, all the active
militia corps there should be held in readiness to turn
out for garrison duty in Montreal, or for such other
service as might be required.

6th. — That such portions of Col. Rodier's battalion
of active militia (the 64th) as were then equipped
and ready, having their headquarters at Beauharnois,
should, together with the St. Martine Company, be
placed on active service for the protection of the
Beauharnois Canal, acting also as supports and posts
of communication with the Huntingdon line of de-
fence.

7th. — That the militia gunboat "Rescue," then lying
at Kingston, should be manned, armed, and placed on
duty at Prescott, for patrol service on the river frontier
of military district No. 4, and that the gunboat "Prince
Alfred," then lying at Goderich, should be likewise
placed on service and ordered to Sarnia for the pro-
tection of the St. Clair frontier.

8th. — That the above force should remain on duty
until the alarm had subsided, and that to ensure
unity of command, arrangements should be made to
enable the lieut. -general commanding Her Majesty's
regular troops to assume the command in chief of the
militia so called out.

All these recommendations were duly approved of
by an Order in Council, dated 9th April, 1870, the
command in chief of the militia called out being
placed in the hands of the lieut. -general commanding
the regular troops. Lieut.-Col. Osborne Smith,
deputy adjutant-general commanding Military District
No. 5 (an officer well acquainted with the roads and
localities on the frontier of his district, the one then
most threatened), assumed the immediate command
of the force in his district, proceeding to post the

various pickets, and to make the necessary military
dispositions.

On the 12th April, for the protection of the St.
Clair frontier, a force of militia, consisting of a demi-
battery of field artillery (two guns, with 35 gunners
and drivers), two companies of the 7th battalion of
infantry (100 men), was placed on duty at Sarnia,
and the St. Thomas troop of cavalry, 40 strong, the
Windsor company of 55 strong, and the Leamington
independent company of infantry, 55 strong, posted
at Windsor; the force at Sarnia being vmder the com-
mand of Lieut.-Col. Shanly, of the London field battery,
and that at Windsor under Major Walker, of the 7th
battalion.

On the 11th of April, in consequence of additional
information received by Government, it was considered
desirable to call out an additional force of 5,000 men,
to be taken chiefly from military districts Nos. 5, 6
and 7. To this call the active militia in those districts
at once responded with promptitude and alacrity,
and within forty-eight hours after the receipt of the
order very many were assembled at, and all on their
way to, their respective posts.

The remainder of the force called out at this time
was concentrated at Montreal and Quebec, except
that a proportion of the Grand Trunk Brigade was
judiciously disposed at certain vulnerable points
along the line of the Grand Trunk Railway, by its
commandant, Lieut.-Col. C. J. Brydges. Including
the troops on the St. Clair frontier, a force in all of
6,000 men was stationed where required, in a very
short space of time. By returns received from Mont-
real, dated 20th April, upwards of 2,000 of the active
militia were held there in reserve, ready, if required,
to support those on duty on the Missisquoi, Hunt-
ingdon and Hemmingford frontiers, and at Quebec
1,637 officers and men were concentrated.

On the 21st April, it being considered by that time
unnecessary to retain the whole of the force then em-
bodied, on duty, orders were transmitted for the
release from duty of all, with the exception of the
50th, 51st, 52nd. 60th, and 64th, and the two troops
of cavalry originally placed on the southern frontier,
and who remained at their posts until the 29th April,
when they were also withdrawn. The gunboats
"Rescue" and "Prince Alfred," however, were still
kept on their respective stations.

About the middle of May rumours of Fenian invasion
from the United States again became current, and
although at first many disbelieved in the probability
of such, it soon became evident from the active mili-
tary proceedings adopted by the Fenians in con-
centrating arms and war material on the frontier
that mischief was intended. On May 24th, then being

92

celebrated as the anniversary of Her Majesty's birth-
day by the inhabitants and mihtia in the large cities
throughout the Dominion, the fact of the presence of
the invaders at different points on the frontier becom-
ing actually known, the necessary orders were issued.
A sufficient number of the active militia was called
out in the districts threatened, those in districts 5, 6
and 7 being brigaded with the regular troops under
the immediate orders of the Lieut.-General commanding
the British troops, (General Lindsay), who, by virtue
of an Order in Council, dated 24th May, again assumed
the command in chief of the militia forces so called out.

On exposed points of the frontier, where no regular
troops were at hand, the necessary protection was at
once furnished by the men of the militia. On the St.
Clair frontier, Sarnia was occupied by 322 infantry
and a demi-battery of field artillery from London;
Windsor by 234 infantry, and patrols of cavalry or
mounted riflemen established in the vicinity of each
of these places. The co-operation of the militia gun-
boat "Prince Alfred" on this line of frontier, could
not upon the occasion of this second alarm be ob-
tained, that vessel (which, during the winter months,
had been altered and converted into an effective fight-
ing craft, armed with four guns, and fitted with iron
shutters to protect the gunners from rifle fire), being
employed at the moment in connection with the Red
River expedition.

On the Niagara frontier, a force of 1,159 men, in-
cluding the Welland field battery of artillery, with four
guns, was judiciously posted by Lieutenant-Colonel
Durie, the deputy adjutant-general of militia, military
district No. 2.

The defence of the St. LawTence River frontier from
Brockville eastwards to Cornwall and Vaudreuil,
was likewise provided for by the militia alone, with
great rapidity; a force of 2,230 officers and men with
a field battery of four guns occupying Cornwall, its
line of canal, and the towns of Prescott and Brock-
ville.

As the Dominion militia gunboat "Rescue," whose
usual station was at Kingston, was also employed with
the North-West expedition, and not available to
co-operate in the defence of this portion of the river
frontier, authority was obtained to hire, at Brockville,
a small steam vessel, and after placing on board one
six-pounder gun, with a small detachment of militia
artillery, she was despatched to Prescott, and sub-
sequently to Cornwall, to be at the disposal of the
deputy adjutant-general of militia of military district
No. 4 (who was charged with the command there),
ready to intercept the landing of any hostile force;
and if such force had landed, available to act on its
line of communication and cut off its retreat.

Four hundred and .seventy officers and men were
likewise called out at Kingston.

On May 25th, at a place called Eccles Hill, hi
advance of Cook's Corners, on the Missisquoi frontier,
the first attempt during the year 1870 to invade the
territory of the Dominion was made, but the invaders
were instantly met with gallantry and repulsed with
loss, in the act of crossing the line from the State of
Vermont, by a small force of the Canadian militia,
consisting of forty men of the 60th (or Missisquoi
Battalion), and 37 farmers, resident in the neighbor-
hood, (the only officers on the ground at the moment
being Lieut. -Col. Chamberlain, M.P., who commanded
the 60th Battalion, and Captain Bockus of the same
corps). The men had been previously judiciously
posted by Lieut. -Col. Osborne Smith, deputy adjutant
general, commanding the militia, in military district
No. 5.

On the advance of the enemy, apparently about 200
in numljer, across the frontier, the leading man was
immediately shot dead, and several others wounded
(some of whom were subsequently reported dead),
and the rest speedily retired in disorder. At 6 p.m.,
on the same day, Lieut. -Col. Osborne Smith having
in the meantime arrived with reinforcements, the
invaders were driven out of certain houses on the
boundary line, in which they had taken refuge after
their repulse in the morning, and being already de-
moralized, fled in all directions, seeking shelter in the
neighboring woods, throwing away their arms and
ammunition, and having one of their leaders, called
Donnelly, and styled as general, wounded. They also
abandoned a small field gun, which they had fired
several times during the evening, and which sub-
sequently fell into the hands of the Canadians.

On the 27th May, another body from the 8tate of
New York, again crossed the border in arms, at Hol-
brook's, or Trout River, near Hinchinbrook, on the
Huntingdon frontier, but were instantly engaged and
driven back with rapidity across the lines by one
company of Her Majesty's 69th regiment, then forming
part of the Quebec garrison, and the 50th (Huntingdon)
Battalion of active militia.

Although official recognition of the services of the
rank and file who participated in the repulse of the
raiders was decidedly tardy, the service medal not
being issued until 1900, the British government did
not lose much time in marking its appreciation of the
services of the Dominion militia officers who held
responsible commands on the Quebec frontier during
the raids. October 20, 1870, a very interesting cere-
mony took place in the large reception-room of the
St. Lawrence Hall, Montreal, when an investiture of
the insignia of Companion of the Order of St. Michael

03

and St. George was held by His Excellency the Govern-
or-General, Lord Lisgar,the recipients being Lieut.-Cols.
Osbo'rne Smith, Fletcher, and McEachran. This was
the first occas.on on which the decorations of the
then new order had been offered to any in the British
colonies.

Before handing over the insignia of the Order, His
Excellency delivered a speech in which he remarked
that the Imperial government had marked the public
spirit displayed by the Canadians, and before any
communication from him could reach Her Majesty's
ministers, they had resolved to confer the order on
any Canadian militia officer who might be deserving
of it.

His Excellency's subsequent remarks are historically
interesting as indicating the routine followed in pro-
curing these honors for the gentlemen concerned, and
as specifying the exact services for which the honours
were conferred.

His Excellency said : — " I was particularly asked
whether there were any officers in command of
the colonial forces who were actually engaged in
the recent repulse of the Fenians on the frontier, whom I
would recommend on that account for the honor of a
Companionship of the Order of St. Michael and St.
George, and I stated that there were gentlemen whose
names I should be happy to have the opportunity for
submitting for consideration under the circumstances,
feeling assured as 1 did, that the conferring rewards
upon them would have an excellent effect throughout
the Dominion, animate and encourage the volunteer
militia, and be received with the utmost gratitude
in all quarters as a gracious boon on the part of Her
Majesty. Accordingly I communicated with the
lieut. -general in command, the Hon. James Lindsay,
and the Honorable the Minister of Militia, Sir George
E. Cartier, and in accordance with their views, I re-
commended for the distuiction in question the names
of the gentlemen following: — Lieut.-Col. William
Osborne Smith, deputy adjutant-general of militia, 5th
district, who commanded on the Missisquoi frontier,
arranged the defence of Eccles Hill, and provided for
the defence of that post on the 25th May; was present
there in command on the afternoon of the same day
when skirmishing took place. Lieut. -Colonel John
Fletcher, brigade major of St. John's militia brigade
district, was in command on the Huntingdon
frontier previous to the arrival of Her Majesty's
69th regiment, when Col. Bagot, the officer commanding
that regiment assumed the command of the field
force. Col. Fletcher accompanied the troops when
advancing to attack, and though not in command,
was present with the advanced guard when it drove
the Fenians across the border. Lieut.-Col. A. Mc-

Eachran, commanding 50th Huntingdon Borderers,
commanded on the Huntingdon frontier until the
arrival of Lieut.-Col. Fletcher; commanded his own
corps when it drove the Fenians across the border
at Trout River. Lieut.-Col. Brown Chamberlin, M.A.,
U.C.L., commanding 60th Missisquoi battalion of
militia, commanded at Eccles Hill, and drove the
Fenians back when they crossed the frontier, and
attacked the position named on the forenoon of the
25th of May.

"Lord Kimberly, who had in the meantime suc-
ceeded Lord Granville at the Colonial Office, acknow-
ledged the receipt of my despatch, submitting the
names of the four officers, and strongly recommending
them for the distinction named. In reply. Lord
Kimberly stated that he had much pleasure in sub-
mitting the names of the four gentlemen to the Queen
for the Royal approval, and Her Majesty was graciously
pleased to direct that the decoration should be offered
to them."

It speaks volumes for the efficiencj^ of the newly
created militia department that, while arrangements
were being made for the mobilization and equipment
of the powerful force placed in the field to resist the
Fenian raiders, plans were progressing concurrently
for the raising of a force to restore order in the new
Red River Province, or Manitoba. Of course, the
department had the great advantage of the cheerful
assistance of the staff and the departmental organiza-
tions of the British regular troops still remaining in
Canada, and the imperial magazines were drawn upon
to a considerable extent. Still the work accomplished
this year by the new militia department and staff was
extremely creditable, both in connection with the
successful resistance of the Fenian raids and with the
suppression of the half-breed uprising in the Red
River Valley.

From 1670 until 1869 the Hudson Bay Company
asserted jurisdiction over the vast region which com-
prises the provinces of Manitoba, Saskatchewan,
Alberta and the Northwest Territories. Thanks to
the intervention of the British Government, and for
certain considerations, the company, March 9, 1869,
relinquished its charter and its authority over the
whole region of Rupert's Land, or the Hudson Bay
Territory, on the understanding that the territory
was to be transferred to the Dominion. A delay in
the issue of the proclamation announcing the transfer
was productive of much trouble.

The first attempt to raise a Canadian militia force in
Manitoba was during the stirring winter of 1869-70.
Louis Riel and his followers were running things with
a high hand in Fort Garry or Wiimipeg. The Honour-
able William MacDougall, the Lieutenant-Governor

94

designate, was making his residence, for the time
being, across the international frontier at Pembina,
being forbidden by Riel's government to enter the
country. The expected proclamation by the Queen
announcing the transfer of Rupert's Land to the
Dominion of Canada had not been received, and even
loyal Canadians residing in Manitoba doubted whether
they had any legal right to offer armed assistance to
the men who had assumed the authority. As a matter
of fact the Hudson Bay Company remained the only
constituted authority in the colony. Meantime Riel
had armed his men with the weapons left in Fort
Garry by the last detachment of British troops who
had been in the countr}- (1).

On the first of December, Mr. Macdougall, with
some of those of his party, crossed the frontier and, in
British territory, issued a proclamation assuming the
duties and authority of lieutenant-governor in virtue
of a commission issued to him at Ottawa, and knowing
the first of December had originally been decided upon
as the date for the transfer of the country from the
Hudson Bay Company to the Dominion of Canada.
As a matter of fact the date for this event had been
postponed, but, being out of direct communication
with Ottawa, he could not keep himself informed of
the course of events.

The same day as he issued this proclamation, Mr.
Macdougall, in virtue of the assumed authority con-
ferred by his own commission, issued a commission to
Lieut. -Col. John Stoughton Dennis, appointing him
to be his " Lieutenant and Conservator of the Peace,
in and for the Northwest Territories." Colonel Dennis,
who had charge of one of the Dominion Government
survey parties which had started to survey the country
in anticipation of its regular transfer to the Dominion,
had been connected with the old Upper Canada militia,
and had figured prominently in the operations in the
Niagara Peninsula in connection with the Fenian
raid of 1866-67.

The commission issued to Colonel Dennis, after
setting forth the condition of affairs in the colony and
explaining his selection, proceeded: — "I do hereby
authorize and empower you as such to raise, organize,
arm, equip and provision a sufficient' force within the
said Territories and with the said force to attack,
arrest, disarm or disperse the said armed men, so
unlawfully a!5.sembled, and disturbing the public peace;
and for that purpose, and with the force aforesaid.

(I) In 1817 Lord Selkirk led a military expedition to Manitoba via the
Great Lakes, consisting of one hundred officers ami men of the De Meuroti
and Watteville rcKimeiits, two auxiliary Swiss corps (lisbanded in Canada
after the war of 1812. In 184f) a body of ;i8;i persons under command of
Colonel ,1. F. Crofton, including detachments of the Royal Engineers, Royah
Artillery anfl (ith Foot was sent from England to Fort Garry via Hudson
Bay, being relievetl in 1848 by a force of 56 men despatched by the same
route. In IS.'ST, 100 of the Royal Canadian Rifles were sent round to Fort
Garry via Hudson Bay,

to assault, fire upon, pull down or break into any
fort, house, stronghold or other place in which .said
armed men may be found; and I hereby authorize you,
as such Lieutenant and Conservator of the Peace, to
hire, purchase, impress and take all necessary clothing,
arms, ammunition and supplies, and all cattle, horses,
wagons, sleighs or other vehicles which may be re-
quired for the use of the force to be raised as aforesaid;
and I further authorize you to appoint as many officers
and deputies under you, and to give them such orders
and instructions from time to time, as may be found
necessary," etc., etc.

This was surely a comprehensive enough commission,
but unfortunately, apart altogether from its doubtful
authority, the means for giving it effect were decidedly
meagre, Riel having the chief supply of arms and
ammunition in the country under his hands.

Colonel Dennis lost no time in proceeding to give
effect to his orders. On December 1st, he was at
Winnipeg, and on the 2nd he reached the Stone Fort,
or Lower Fort Garry, a Hudson Bay post twenty
miles down the river towards Lake Winnipeg, By
eight o'clock that evening there were 70 young men
assembled in a large room in an upper part of one of
the buildings of the fort, and they were given an
hour's drill, A guard for the fort volunteered for the
night from those present, which was increased by a
reinforcement from Chief Prince's band of christianized
Indians of some 70 to 100 men. Colonel Dennis sent
all of the Indians home except the chief and 50 men,
whom he retained to serve as a permanent guard for
the fort, considering it .safer to avail himself of their
services in that way rather than to have them exposed
to any actual fighting.

Reporting that night to Mr. Macdougall, Col. Dennis
explained that he propo.sed to organize a full battalion
of infantry throughout the colony, he to have the
immediate command, with Major C, W. Boulton, a
former officer of H.M. 100th Regiment, who was one
of the staff of his surveying party, as second in com-
mand. Dennis also reported having called in Messrs.
Hart, C.E., and Webb, C.E., with their surveying
parties, to assist in organizing the forces, most of the
surveyors having been through the military schools
which had been conducted by the imperial troops,
when ([uartered in the older provinces. The
colonel expected to have a military school
man to command each one of the companies.
The other, and more subordinate oflScers, he intended
to let the men select from among them.selves.

While Colonel Dennis requisitioned and purchased
arms, supplies and ammunition, he commissioned
Major Boulton to visit the various parishes, supervise
the enrolling of the companies, appoint the officers

95

and drill them. There was a very general response
to the call.

This force had but a chequered and brief career,
the average number a days' service performed by
those enrolled being four.

The activity of Colonel Dennis, Major Boulton and
their officers caused much stir throughout the country,
and particularly in Fort Garry and Winnipeg. Dennis
was anxious to avoid a collision until he had a suffi-
ciently large and well-formed force in hand to guarantee
complete success, and meantime he urged caution upon
his subordinates. But so much drilling and organizing
in a slim community could not go on unnoticed. Riel
called in his sympathizers, and there was an unexpectedly
generous response. Nothing succeeds like success,
and, while this encouraged the French half-breeds and
other disaffected, it had an opposite effect on the
timorous and indifferent. Among the white popula-
tion were many loyal British subjects who rightly
doubted the legality of the position of either Mr.
Macdougall or Colonel Dermis. While matters were
in this condition things came to a crisis in Winnipeg.

Dr. Schultz (afterwards Sir John) was the leading
spirit in the colony in opposition to the Riel movement"
and in his warehouse was stored a large quantity of
Canadian government provisions brought from the
east to supply the various survey parties and the
workmen on the government roads. Riel had mani-
fested a disposition to take possession of these valuable
stores, while to protect them the enrolled volunteers
and others had assembled and established themselves
in the warehouse and other buildings in the vicinity.
Saturday, December 4th, Major Boulton arrived, and,
taking command, told the men off into guards, etc.
The same night orders arrived from Lieut .-Col. Dennis
to abandon the premises and stores and withdraw to
the Scotch church, where they were to serve as an
outpost and rendezvous for the loyal in case of any
demonstration being made by Riel's party on the
lower settlement. Dennis feared that the presence
of the force on Dr. Schultz's premises, in such close
proximity to Riel's headquarters, would provoke a
collision. The next day Boulton proceeded to the
Stone Fort to consult with Dennis, the latter per-
sisting in his orders for the abandonment of the posi-
tion in Winnipeg. On the evening of the 6th, Dennis
reiterated his orders to the "enrolled Canadians" in
Winnipeg to leave the town and establish themselves
at Kildonan school-house. How Dr. Schultz and his
men persisted in remaining, how they were surrounded,
surrendered and were made prisoners is a matter of
Canadian history.

Tuesday, December 7th, Colonel Dennis received
from Mr. Macdougall a proclamation directing the

former officials of the colony to continue to discharge
their several duties as previous to the 1st instant,
and by Thursday, 9th, having become convinced that
it was useless longer to entertain any expectation of
being enabled to get a reliable force with which to put
down the party in arms, Dennis issued a proclamation
which, after reciting the expressed wish of the "French
party" to confer with Mr. Macdougall, went on to
say: — "Under the belief that the French party are
sincere in their desire for peace, and feeling that to
abandon for the present the call on the loyal to arms,
would, in view of such communications, relieve the
situation from much embarrassment and so contribute
to bring about peace and save the country from what
will otherwise end in universal ruin and devastation,
I now call and order the loyal party in the Northwest
Territories to cease from further action imder the
appeal to arms made by me; and I call on the French
party to satisfy the people of their sincerity in wishing
for a peaceable ending of all these troubles by sending
a deputation to the lieutenant-governor at Pembina,
without imnccessary delay."

That was only forty-five years ago, and in these days
of direct rail, telegraphic and telephonic communica-
tion, it is almost hard to believe that it was December
18th before Mr. Macdougall's report of his doings in
the first of that month reached Ottawa. When the
report reached the capital, as may be supposed, it
created great consternation, for the transfer of authority
had been postponed until the Hudson Bay Company
was prepared to transfer not only its own rights, but
the territory itself, to Her Majesty.

December 4th, Hon. Joseph Howe, Secretary of State,
wrote Mr. Macdougall in part: — "As it would appear
from these documents that you have used the Queen's
name without her authority — attributed to Her
Majesty acts which she has not yet performed — and
organized an armed force within the territory of the
Hudson-Bay Company, without warrant or instruc-
tions, I am commanded to assure you that the grave
occurrences which you report have occasioned here
great anxiety. The exertion of military force against
the misguided people now in arms, even under the
sanction of law, was not to be hastily risked, con-
sidering the fearful consecjuences which might ensue
were the Indians, many of them but recently in con-
tact with the white inhabitants of the neighboring
states, drawn into the conflict. But as the organiza-
tion and use of such a force by you was, under the
circumstances, entirely illegal, the governor-general
and council cannot disguise from you the weight of
.responsibility you have incurred."

In short, the first militia enrolled in what is now
the Province of Manitoba, under Canadian authority,

96

\-

was raised in an absolutely irregular way and con-
trary to the laws and usages of Canada, and more than
that, raised, armed and drilled before the Canadian
government had the least authority in the colony.

There was no doubt as to the legal status or the
practical efficiency of the next Canadian militia units
seen in the Red River Valley, the two battalions of
Canadian militia which formed part of Colonel Garnet
Wolseley's historic expedition of 1870.

These two battalions were raised under the Dominion
Militia Act, 31 Vic, Chap. 40, and being "Rifles,"
wore a uniform in all essential respects similar to that of
the 60th Royal Rifles, the first battalion of which
corps formed part of the expedition.

Early in the spring of 1870, it was agreed by the
Dominion government to raise and despatch a mili-
tary contingent, in conjunction with a portion of
Her Majesty's regular troops, to the Fort Garry. In
accordance with instructions received, Colonel Robert-
son Ross, the adjutant-general of militia, submitted a
scheme of organization for the Dominion force required
(750 men), which was duly approved of by an Or-
der-in-Council, dated 16th April, 1870, and adopted.

In that report it was recommended that the Do-
minion contingent should consist of two battalions of
riflemen, to be designated respectively the 1st or
Ontario Battalion of Rifles and the 2nd or Quebec
Battalion, each corps to consist of seven companies,
and each company of fifty non-commissioned officers
and men, having one captain, one lieutenant and one
ensign to each company. The staff of each battalion
consisted of one lieut. -colonel, one major, one adjutant
with rank of captain, one paymaster, one quarter-
master-sergeant, one hospital sergeant, one surgeon,
one sergeant-major, one armoury sergeant and one
paymaster's clerk, thus making the strength of each
battalion 375, including officers, staff sergeants, non-
commissioned officers and men; and it was further
recommended that two chaplains should be appointed
to accompany this force, one from the Church of
England, the other from the Church of Rome.

It was recommended that the officers and men for
these battalions should be allowed to volunteer from
existing corps of active militia, if possible drawn in
equal proportions, according to the strength of the
active militia in the seven military districts forming
the Provinces of Quebec and Ontario; that the rate of
pay and allowances for the officers should be the same
as laid down in paragraph 286 in the "Rules and
Regulations for the Active Militia," with free rations
when on the march or encamped, and the pay of the
non-commissioned officers and men ^as follows: —
Sergeant-major, $20 per month; quartermaster-ser-
geant, $20 per month; hospital sergeant, $18 per

month; paymaster's clerk, $18 per month; armour
sergeant, $18 per month; color sergeant, $18 per month;
sergeants, $15 per month; corporals and buglers, $13
per month; privates, $12 per month. Each non-
commissioned officer and man receiving, in addition to
his pay, free rations and lodgings.

It was further recommended that the men so selected
should be between the ages of eighteen and forty-five
years, of good character, and as the service upon
which they were about to be employed required more
than ordinary strength and power of endurance, a
strict medical examination was necessary; the men
l)eing required, moreover, to sign a service roll and be
regularly attested before a magistrate to serve for one
year at least, and one more in addition if required
by government.

The force was mobilized at Toronto, and left there
May 20th, 1870, for Fort Garry, 1,280 miles distant,
via the lakes, Prince Arthur's Landing (Port Arthur),
the Kaministiqua River and the chain of rivers and
lakes so frequently used by the old fur traders.

The detail was as follows: — Seven companies of the
1st Battalion, 60th Rifles, 350 men; Royal Artillery, 20
men, 4 seven-pounders; Royal Engineers, 20; Depart-
mental Corps Details, 10; 1st Ontario Battalion
(Rifles), Active Militia, 350; 2nd Quebec Battalion
(Rifles), 350; Voyageurs, 330.

The expedition reached Fort Garry without mishap
on August 24.

October 5th, 1870, the regular troops returned from
Fort Garry, the militia battalions remaining as a
garrison until near the expiration of their term of
enlistment. A couple of small companies, one from
each battalion, were then re-enlisted for service in the
province, and left at Fort Garrj^ under command of
Major Irvine.

During 1870 an important step forward was taken in
the training of the active force, by the introduction,
for the first time, at the annual drill, of a regular
system of target practice by companies in succession,
under their own officers, on the system, as far as cir-
cumstances would admit, then observed in the regular
army, each man firing, under supervision, five rounds
at 200, five at 400, and five at 600 yards, 15 rounds
per man in all ; and with view to the encouragement of
this most important part of military training, a certain
number of prizes (to be given to those who obtained,
at the annual drill, the highest shooting figures of
merit), were given by government. The amounts of
these prizes, with other details were published in
General Orders, dated 26th August, 1870.

When the provinces of New Brunswick and Nova
Scotia became part of the Dominion Confederation,
schools of military instruction in connection with the

regular army were established at St. John, N.B., and
Hahfax, N.S., on the 20th January and 1st of February,
1869, respectively. In Nova Scotia the attendance
during the year 1870 was moderately fair, eight first,
and eighty second class certificates having been granted
by the commandant. At St. John, N.B., sixty cadets
were granted certificates, three of whom received first
class certificates, with very high recommendations from
Colonel Hawley, 4th Battalion, 60th Rifles, the com-
mandant.

During 1870 the question of uniforms for the militia
was carefully gone into, and Lieut .-Colonel Walker
Powell, then deputy adjutant-general of militia at
headquarters, was despatched to England for an ex-
amination, in all its details, of the Royal Army Clothing
Factory at Pimlico, from which depot he obtained
patterns of cloth and clothing, a list of the prices at
which materials were being supplied to the Imperial
government, and other information relating to the
several descriptions of army clothing then in use in
England, all of which proved of much value in making
decisions for the supply of articles required for Canada,
and enabled him to form an opinion for future re-
ference, as to whether cloth and clothing of the des-
criptions required for the militia could be satisfactorily
manufactured in Canada, either by contract, or
directly by material being procured and made up
under supervision of the government, and according
to the system then prevailing at Pimlico.

It may be well to state that when the description
of clothing to be worn by the active militia of Canada
was adopted, the consideration that uniformity with
that worn by regiments of Her Majesty's regular army
was imjxjrtant, in view of the fact that many of these
regiments of Her Majesty's regular army were stationed
in the country, and that they would, in cases of in-
vasion, or other necessity, act in concert with the
militia, and thus, while giving confidence to the latter,
the similarity in colour of clothing would, in cases of
attack by an enemy, prevent any undue advantage
being taken as against the militia. The colours then
adopted were scarlet, with blue facings, for infantry;
rifle green, with scarlet facings, for rifles; blue, with
scarlet facings, for artillery; and, blue with buff facings,
for cavalry, and as similar cloth and these colours
could not at the time be satisfactorily manufactured
in Canada, it was found that the manufacture of
army cloth and army clothing were special branches,
and as cloth such as that required was only made in
England, under contracts for delivery, as required
from time to time, a considerable saving was effected
by procuring the supplies for the militia from manu-
facturers who were under contract with the Imperial
government, while at the same time the government

of Canada had the advantage accruing from the ex-
perience of the Royal Army Clothing Factory in
decisions as to durability of materials taken into wear
by the army from year to year. — (Col. Powell's Report).

An amendment to the Militia Act (34 Victoria,
Chapter xvii) was passed during 1871, and received
the assent April 14. This provided that the Militia
Act should apply to Manitoba at once, and to British
Columbia whenever that colony should become part
of the Dominion of Canada. Each province was to
be created a separate military district, and the total
strength of the active militia was increased from
40,000 to 45,000 men.

At the time the Pacific Province entered Confed-
eration the militia organization of British Columbia
was very simple and crude. No. 117 of the Revised
Statutes of 1871 authorized the enrollment of
volunteer corps, the colony to make a grant of .$500
for each corps of not less than 30 members raised,
■ towards the cost of establishment, and to supply the
arms. Capitation grants of five dollars to each
effective volunteer and of ten dollais to each
"marksman" qualified in the annual class firing was
provided for.

During the year 1871, many measures were intro-
duced, calculated to increase the efficiency of the
active militia, and the military organization of the
Dominion. Among the most prominent of the
measures adopted, may be mentioned: —

1st. The inauguration of a uniform and systematic
mode of carrying out the annual drill of the active
militia in "camps of exercise," more in accordance
with the requirements of modern warfare; the great
majority of the troops assembled at these camps being
concentrated with rapidity, paid and supplied as if on
actual service, and placed in every district imder the
command of those officers appointed for the purpose.

2nd. Many batteries of garrison artillery, (hitherto
practised mostly in infantry exercises), at the time of
the annual training went through a short course of
instruction in " gun drill " at various forts and batteries,
firing creditably at target practice the annual allowance
of shot and shell. The better inspection, and instruc-
tion moreover of both field and garrison batteries,
was effected by, or imder the orders of the inspector of
artillery and warlike stores.

3rd. The establishment of two schools of artillery,
one at Kingston, the other at Quebec, under the com-
mand of specially trained officers of the Royal Artillery,
affording means for the complete training in artillery
exercises, of such officers and men of artillery corps,
as were attached thereto.

4th. The performance, by nearly the whole of the
infantry, at the annual training, of a prescribed course

of target practice, with the Snider rifle, under revised
regulations, 584 government money prizes, with appro-
priate badges, being awarded to the successful corn-
competitors.

During the year the second periodical enrolment of
the reserve militia was made, shewing a large in-
crease in the number of men available for the defence
of the country.

A military expedition to Manitoba, to assist Her
Majesty's subjects resident in that province, in re-
pelling Fenian invasion, was undertalien this year.

October 12, the adjutant-general received instruc-
tions by an Order-in-Council to organize and des-
patch to Fort Garry, via the Dawson route, a military
expedition consisting of 275 officers and men. The
200 riflemen who formed part of the expedition were
recruited half in Quebec, half in Ontario, the command
being held by Lieut.-Col. Thomas Scott. Owing to
the late season, hardships greater even than those met
by Wolseley's expedition the year previous had to be
surmounted, but November 18, three weeks from
the issuing of orders to mobilize the force, it arrived
safely at its destination.

Meanwhile the Fenians, under General O'Neil, who
had been identified with the eastern raids in 1866 and
1870, crossed the Manitoba frontier near Fort Pem-
bina and seized a Hudson Bay post. Major Irvine,
with a force of some 200 men, including the service
companies and some local militia, marched towards
the threatened point, but a force of the 20th U. S. In-
fantry, under Lt.-Col. Wheaton, followed the Fenians
across the lines, and, taking the leaders prisoners,
conveyed them back to United States territory. October
16, 1871, Manitoba was converted into military dis-
trict No. 10, and placed under command of Lieut.-Col.
W. Osborne Smith. The same date British Columbia
was constituted military district No. 11.

October 20, 1871, orders were issued providing for
the organization of "A" and "B" Batteries, the
nucleus of the present permanent force. They were
first considered rather as schools of artillery than as
service units. In November, the 1st battalion of
the 60th Royal Rifles, Lieut.-Col. Fielden, the last
Imperial regular corps in garrison at Quebec, marched
out of the'Citadel and embarked on atransport, "B" Bat-
tery taking charge of the Citadel. Apart from the gar-
rison of Halifax, no British regulars remained in Canada.

The first Canadian rifle team to participate in the
matches of the National Rifle Association went to
Wimbledon in 1872, being sent by the Militia De-
partment. The following year the D. R. A. assumed
the responsibility of selecting and despatching the
team.

In 1872, Colonel Robertson Ross made a reconnais-
sance of the great Northwest to report upon the best
means of providing for the opening up of that comitry ,
and May 3, 1873, Sir John A. Macdonald introduced
in parliament a bill which, as the Act 36 Victoria,
Chapter 35, provided for the organization of the
Royal Northwest Mounted Police. This force has
always been quite distinct from the active militia,
but its connection with the national defensive force
has been very intimate. During its first mobilization
it was placed temporarily under command of the
D.A.G. in Manitoba, but Lieut.-Col. G. A. French,
(now Major-General Sir George French, R.A.), com-
manding "A" Battery and school of artillery, was the first
permanent commissioner. In the autunm of 1873,
three troops or divisions were organized from drafts
from the east, Winnipeg being the point of mobiliza-
tion. During the summer of 1874, three new divisions
were mobilized at Toronto and despatched to Manitoba,
unarmed, via Chicago and St. Paul.

The Act, 36 Vic, Chap. 46, passed in 1873, amended
the Militia Act to provide that magistrates could call
out the militia in anticipation of riots without waiting
for rioting to occur.

November 6, 1873, the Hon. Alex. Mackenzie suc-
ceeded as Prime Minister to Sir John A. Macdonald.

May 5, 1874, the Hon. Wm. Ross, minister of militia,
introduced into the House of Commons a bill pro-
viding for the establishment of a military college
"after the model of the one at West Point in the
United States." The resolutions were adopted with-
out amendment, a bill presented and passed, and
finally assented to May 26, as the Act 37 Victoria,
Chapter 36. June, 1876, the Royal Military College
at Kingston opened with a class of eighteen cadets.

By the Act 37 Victoria, Chapter 36, passed at the
same session, the Militia Act was extended to Prince
Edward Island, then just admitted to Confederation.

Prince Edward Island has had a legally established
militia since 1780, an old colonial statute 20 George
III, Chap. 3, providing that all male persons between
16 and 60 years should bear arms. The Act 3 Wil-
liam IV, Chap. 30, divided the militia into two
classes, all above 45 years of age to form the second
class or reserve. A salaried Inspector was provided
for and regimental, battalion and company districts
created, the various units to be called out once a
year. The Act of Victoria, Chap. 6, provided for the
establishment of volunteer companies in connection
with the militia battalions to be trained 20 days
each year. An amending act, 14 Victoria, Chap. 6,
provided that the Militia would only be called out
for training or muster except in cases of emer-
gency. 24 Victoria, Chap. II, provided for the enroU-

99

GENERAL OFFICERS COMMANDING THE MILITIA OF CANADA

1. Lieut-General Sir Edward Selby-Smyth, April 20th, 1875 to May 31st, 1880. 2. Major-General Richard Georjjfe Amherst Luard, Jul}'
1st, 1880 to April 30th, 1884. 3. Lieut-General Sir Frederick D. Middleton, C.B., K.C.M.G., July 12th, 188'! to June 30th, 1890.
4. IMajor-General Ivor John Caradoc Herbert, C.B., C.M.G., November 20th, 1890. 5. Major-General William Julius Gascoig-ne,
September 19th, 1895 to June 30th, 1898. 6. Major-General E. T. H. Hutton, C.B., A. D.C., August 11th, 1898 to Feb. 11th, 1899.
7. Major-General the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Dundonald, C.V.O., C.B., July 20th, 1902 to June 15th, 1904. 8. Major-General R. H.

O'Grady Haly, C.B., D.S.O., July 19th, 19(MI to July 19, 1902,

100

ment of volunteer corps, to be mustered 16 times
each year. A new Act, 29 Victoria, Chap. 2, divided
the Island Militia into Active and Sedentary, the lat-
ter comprising the men between the years of 45 and
60. The Active Militia consisted of "Volunteer
Militia" and "Regular Militia," who were to drill
not more than 10 days a year. A grant of one
pound sterling a year was granted to each uniformed
volunteer militiaman. Under this act schools of mil-
itary instruction were established.

April 8, 1875, assent was given to the Act 38 Victoria,
Chapter 8, which provided: — "There shall be ap-
pointed to command an officer holding the rank of
colonel or superior thereto in Her Majesty's regular
army, charged with the militarj' command and dis-
cipline of the militia. He will have the rank of major-
general in the militia."

Provision was also made for an adjutant-general
at headquarters.

In accordance with this Act, Major-General Edward

Selby-Smyth, who since October 1, 1874, had held the

appointment of adjutant-general, was appointed to

the command; Colonel Walker Powell, April 21, being

' appointed adjutant-general.

April 28, 1877, the Militia Act was amended bj' 40
Victoria, Chapter 40, which more clearly defined the
responsibility of mimicipalities in regard to the pay
of troops on service in aid of the civil power.

This same year the " Provisional Force " maintained
in Manitoba ever since 1870 was disbanded. This
force which performed much hard service, on one
occasion, in 1874,. marching .333 miles across the
prairie to Fort Qu'Appelle, in 1872 consisted of a
demi-battery of artillery and a battalion of rifles
(300 officers and men). In 1873 the dismounted
force was transformed from rifles into red-coated
infantry, a concession to the respect and veneration
held by the Indians for the British troops their fore-
fathers had fought along with in the olden days.

April 29. 1880, another amendment to the Militia
Act (43 Victoria, Chap. 2) became law, providing
that the militia might be called out and paid for duty
at the opening and closing of parliament, for attend-
ance upon the governor-general, and for guarding
armouries.

Another Act (45 ^'ictoria, Chapter 10) assented to
May 17, 1882, provided that the enrollment of the
active militia should be considered as an embodiment
in the meaning of the Militia Act. The same year the
government cartridge factory was established at
Quebec.

■*In July, 1882, Sir John A. Macdonald again acceded
to power, and in 1883, the Hon. A. P. (late Sir A. P.)
Caron, the new minister of militia, introduced a new

bill consolidating all the existing Acts affecting the
militia, which (May 17) became law as 46 Victoria,
Chapter 11.

An order of August 10, 1883, provided for the estab-
lishment of "C" battery, Canadian Artillery, at Vic-
toria, B.C., but it was 1887 before the battery was
actually organized, although special courses of in-
struction at the new artillery school connected with it
were held in 1884 and 1886. In 1883, the three per-
manent batteries were brigaded to form "The Regi-
ment of Canadian Artillery under command of the
inspector of artillery.

General orders of Dec. 21, 1883, provided for the
organization of the first troop of permanent cavalry
and the first three companies of permanent infantry,
and the establishment of a military school in con-
nection with each unit. The original cavalry troop
(hussars) was raised at Quebec, and first known as
" The Cavalry School Corps," the infantry companies,
"The Infantry School Corps, "being raised as follows: —
"A" Company at Fredericton, N.B., "B"at St. John's,
Que., and "C" at Toronto.

June, 1884, the care of all military buildings and
fortifications was transferred from the public works
to the militia department, and an "Engineer Branch"
established.

During the Soudan campaign of 1884-85 the active
militia was represented in the field by Major (now
Colonel) James Frederick Wilson of "A" Battery,
R.C.A.,and Major P. O. J. Hebert, "B." Battery, at-
tached with authority to the Royal Artillery. Major
Hebert succumbed to the campaign.

The Canadian Voyageurs (378 men) raised for this
campaign by the imperial government through the
governor-general and his personal staff, was commanded
by Lieut. -Col. F. C. Denison, Governor-General's
Body Guard, the other officers all being borrowed
from the active militia as follows: — Medical Officer,
Surgeon-Major J. L. H. Neilson, "B" Battery; Quarter-
master and Paymaster, Lieut.-Col. J. H. Kennedy,
90th Winnipeg Rifles; Captains Mackay, 7th Fusiliers,
London, and F. Aumond, Governor-General's Foot
Guards, Ottawa, commanding companies.

In 1885 occurred the Northwest Rebellion, which
forever set at rest all question as to the practical
military utility of the active militia. March 27, word
was received of the action between the rebels and
Major Crozier's force of mounted police and Prince
Albert volunteers (enlisted as special constables of the
N.W.M.P.) at Duck Lake, and orders were at once
issued for the calling out of several corps of the active
militia, including "A" and "B" Batteries and "C"
Company of the Infantry School Corps. The situation
was complicated on accoiuit of the non-completion

101

of the Canadian Pacific Railway, the troops having
to march in frightfully cold weather across several un-
completed gaps through the bleak, rocky desert north
of Lake Superior. The campaign was prolific of many
long, hard marches, a great deal of exposure and some
very awkward fighting, but the militia and the Mounted
Police who were on duty with them, acquitted them-
selves well.

During the campaign 251 officers, 3,042 non-com-
missioned officers and men, 141 horses and 6 guns were
sent from Nova Scotia, Quebec and Ontario to the
Northwest. In addition, there were on active service
100 officers, 1,563 rank and file, 445 horses and 2 guns
from Manitoba and the North-West Territories, ex-
,clusive of the Mounted Police, (500 officers and men
with one gun, who were placed during the campaign
under the general officer commanding the militia,
Major-General Sir Fred.Middleton, C.B.). So that the
total force on service included 5,456 officers and men,
586 horses and 9 guns, including two machine guns
purchased during the campaign.

Notwithstanding the vastness of the field of opera-
tions, the fighting capacity of the Indians and Half-
Breeds, and the remoteness of the front from the base,
the rebellion was completely suppressed and all the
leaders killed or made prisoners by July 2.

The casualty lists of the actions in which the active
militia participated were as follows: — Fish Creek
(April 24) 10 killed, 40 wounded; Cut Knife Hill (May
2) 8 killed, 14 wounded; Batoche (May 9, 10, 11 and 12)
8 killed, 46 wounded; Frenchman's Butte (May 28), 3
wounded.

The campaign revealed many glaring defects. The
equipment was proved to be defective, and the field
organization about as bad as it could be. Three com-
plete staffs had to be extemporized in the field and a
fourth at the base. Systems of transport and supply
had to be organized and many most essential articles
of equipment purchased. The waste of time and mon-
ey was very extensive.

During the latter part of 1885, the School of Mounted
Infantry at Winnipeg, later changed to Dragoons, and
now the Royal Canadian Mounted Rifles, was organ-
ized under an order dated September 18.

During 1887-88, "D" company of the Infantry
School Corps was raised at London, Ont., and in the
latter year the new School of Infantry connected there-
with organized. The total strength of the permanent
corps was limited to 1,000 men.

In 1886, there was a consolidation of the Dominion
Statutes, and the Militia Act of 1883, with some minor
amendments incorporated, was drafted as a new Act
(49 Victoria, Chapter 41, "An Act respecting the

Militia and Defence of Canada). This Act, with a
couple of amendments (which will be presently re-
ferred to) remained in force imtil the passage of the
Act at present governing the force, 4 Edward VII,
Chapter 23.

The present government, after the defeat of the
former Conservative administration at the polls, came
into power, July 13, 1896, the Honourable Dr. F. W.
Borden, (now Sir Frederick Borden, K.C.M.G.), a
veteran officer of the Nova Scotia Militia, being awarded
the portfolio of Minister of Militia.

The question of a reorganization of the staff was
soon afterwards taken up.

In July, 1897, two old district staff officers were
transferred to the Infantry Reserve of officers, " their
services being no longer required," while three old
district officers commanding were retired with gra-
tuities. September the same year the appointments
of seven district paymasters and superintendents of
stores were cancelled, and three district staff officers
were permitted to retire retaining rank.

In December, 1897, Lieut.-Colonel D. A. Mac-
donald was appointed chief superintendent of stores,
and in January, 1898, the position of deputy-assistant
adjutant-general at headquarters was abolished.

At the session of 1898 a bill was passed, assented
to June 13, as 61 Victoria, Chapter 19, providing that
in addition to the salary of the general officer com-
manding the militia, ($4,000 per annum), there might
be paid to that officer $2,000 per annum in lieu of
allowances.

February 15, 1898, Major R. Cartwright, R.R.C.I.,
was appointed assistant adjutant-general at head-
quarters, and Surgeon Lieut. -Col. J. L. H. Neilson,
R.C.A., director-general of medical staff.

In January, 1899, the following appeared in general
orders: — "As a preliminar}' step towards the formation
of a Canadian general staff, arrangements have been
made for a course of instruction in staff duties to take
place under the direction of the commandant. Royal
Military College, Kingston, commencing 1st February
next and terminating on or about 31st May following.

General Order of 13th February, 1899, announced
that "In order to meet an urgent want and to con-
form to the requirements of the military service in the
Dominion, orders will be issued daily from head-
quarters on and after Wednesday, February, 1, 1899,
Sundays and public holidays excepted. . Copies of
the daily orders will be printed and issued bi-weekly,
as follows: — One for each regiment of cavalry and
artillery, battery of artillery, battalion of infantry,
and other independent units."

Orders of June, 1899, provided for the organization
of "The Canadian Militia Army Medical Department"

102

including Militia Army Medical Staff Service and
Regimental Medical Service. To this date there had
been no organized medical service except a provisional
one organized during the Northwest Rebellion. Each
unit was allowed a surgeon, and the larger ones assistant
surgeons, and many corps maintained bearer sections.

In 1797, a strong detachment of the active militia,
under command of Colonel Lord Aylmer, adjutant-
general, was sent to London to assist in the official
celebration of the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria.

The South African war, on account of the par-
ticipation therein of the Canadian contingents, the
military spirit aroused in the Dominion, and the
recognition of the colonial militia militias as part and
parcel of the armed forces of the empire, marks an
epoch in the history of the militia. Space forbids any
reference to the distinguished services rendered by
the Canadian militiamen during the trying cam-
paigns in the Free State and Transvaal.

The strength of the various Canadian contingents
despatched to South Africa with the dates of their sail-
ing, were as follows: — 2nd (Special Service) Battalion of
the Royal Regiment of Canadian Infantry, 1,039 officers
and men, October 30, 1899; 1st Battalion Canadian
Mounted Rifles (from August 1, 1900, designated the
Royal Canadian Dragoons), 375 officers and men,
February 21st, 1900; 2nd Battalion Canadian Mounted
Rifles (subsequently designated "The Canadian
Mounted Rifles"), 275 officers and men, January 27,
1900; Brigade Division of Royal Canadian Artillery,
539 officers and men, January and February, 1900;
draft to replace casualties in the 2nd Battalion R.R.C.I.,
103 officers and men, March 16, 1900; Strathcona's
Horse, 548 officers and men, March 16, 1900; draft to
reinforce Strathcona's Horse, 51 officers and men.
May 1, 1900; South African Constabulary, March
29, 1901, 1,200 officers and men; 2nd Regiment
Canadian Mounted Rifles, 901 officers and men, January
28th, 1902; No. 10 Field Hospital Company, 62 officers

and men, January, 1902; 3rd, 4th, 5th and 6th Regi-
ments Canadian Mounted Rifles, 539 officers and men
each, May 8th to 2.3rd, 1902. This makes a grand
total of 7,349 officers and men.

In addition, the Dominion Government raised and
equipped the 3rd (Special Service) Battalion of the
Royal Regiment of Canadian Infantry, which per-
formed garrison duty at Halifax, N.S., thus relieving
the service in the field the regular regiment at the time
in garrison.

The casualties among the Canadian contingents in
South Africa were as follows : — Killed or died of
wounds, 65; died from disease or accidentally killed,
79; wounded, 197; missing, 2. On the return of the
various contingents, no less than 310 officers and men
remained in South Africa, with permission to join vari-
ous military bodies.

In 1900, an Act of some importance affecting the
militia: — "63-64 Victoria, Chapter 18: An Act to Am-
end the Militia Act was passed.

This Act amended- Section 41 of the Act which
originally provided for deputy adjutants-general being
appointed to command districts. The amendment left
the designation or name of office of district command-
ing officers in the hands of the government.

Section 45 was also amended, providing for the
granting of the honorary rank of colonel to officers
placed upon the retired list. Previously the honorary
rank of lieutenant-colonel was the highest which could .
be granted under such circumstances.

Section 47 was also amended to provide that when
ever the militia is called out for active service in the
field, officers of rank superior to that of colonel, but not
higher in any case than that of major-general, may be
appointed.

Even before the passing of this Act, the officers
commanding districts had been designated as " Dis-
trict Officers Commanding," instead of deputy ad-
jutants-general.

103

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^""^ISi^iS^SiF^

CHAPTER IX

RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

The Canadian Militia Becomes an Effective Army, With its Own Staff, Departmental Organ-
izations AND Arsenals. — Canada Assumes the Whole Responsibility of Keeping the Union
Jack Flying in North America. — Departure of the La.st British Regulars.

THE beginning of the twentieth century found the
reorganization of the militia staff in full pro-
gress, and during the year 1901 there were
several new appointments at headquarters created.

February 6, Lieut.-Col. V. B. Rivers, R.C.A., was
appointed intelligence officer at headquarters, attached
to the quartermaster-general's department.

Colonel W. H. Foster, R.E., quartermaster-general,
having accepted employment in the intelligence depart-
ment at the War Office, vacated his appointment
April 30, and in May, Col. W. H. Cotton, A.A.G. for
artillery, was appointed to the vacancy.

The same month Lieut.-Col. R. Cartwright, A.A.G.,
was appointed inspector of musketry, with the status
of an assistant adjutant-general. A school of musketry,
imder the command of the inspector of musketry, was
established.

In July, Lieut.-Col. B. H. Vidal, D.O.C. district No. 8,
was appointed deputy adjutant-general vice Cartwright;
and Paymaster and Honorary Major J. L. Biggar, from
the 15th Regiment, was gazetted to be deputy assistant
adjutant-general for army service corps duties at head-
quarters, with the rank of major. Provision having
been in the meantime made for the organization of the
Canadian Army Service Corps, Major Biggar was, in
Noveml^er, promoted Lieut. -Colonel to command the
corps, with the appointment of assistant quartermaster-
general at headquarters.

July 1, 1901, Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel
R. W. Rutherford, R.C.G.A., was appointed assistant
adjutant-general for artillery at headquarters.

The first few months of the present century saw
arrangements made by the Militia Department for the
establishment in Canada of the first manufactory for
the production of military small arms, the works of the
Ross Rifle Company at Quebec.

In the year 1900, when the Dominion gov^ernment
wanted to purchase rifles through the imperial govern-
ment, it was impossible to secure a thousand rifles in
Great Britain during the time of the South African war,
and Sir Frederick Borden thought that it was the duty
of the government, under the circumstances, to make
as soon as possible some arrangement by which rifles
could be manufactured in Canada. The Minister of
Militia was in England in 1900, and went to the Birm-
ingham small arms people and tried to induce that
company to come to Canada. He quite recognized
the desirability of having, if possible, precisely the
same rifle in Canada as is used by the British army,
because if the militia of this country should ever be
called out for war, he realized it would be better that
they should have the same rifles as the imperial troops.

It was found impossible to prevail upon the Birming-
ham Small Arms Company, or any other small-arms
manufacturers in Engand, to come out here and start
a factory. About that time Sir Charles Ross happened

104

to be here. He had not then come to Canada for the the Army Service Corps (British) was appointed

first time, but had been hving in British Columbia, and
had spent a great deal of money there in developing
water-powers and establishing electrical works. He
was introduced to Sir Frederick liorden and brought
other letters from the most reputable men in Canada.
He explained to the minister that he had a rifle factory
in the United States, and was selling sporting rifles,
rifles similar to what are being manufactured in Quebec
now. He said that he would be willing to establish a
factory to manufacture rifles for Canada with the same
bore and to use the same cartridge as the Lee-Enfield
rifle. It seemed to Sir Frederick that it was a patriotic
thing to recommend, and on the part of the govern-
ment to accept, this opportunity to secure a factory
which would turn out rifles for Canada.

As to the rifle itself. Sir Frederick Borden appointed
a committee composed of Genercl Otter, of Toronto;
Col. Gibson, of Hamilton, for many year.s president of
the council of the D.R.A., and a crack shot; Lieut-Col.
Anderson, engineer, of the Marine Department, an
other e.xpert mark.sman ; Col. Samuel Hughes, M. P., (1)
another veteran rifle shot, and who had served with
great distinction in various responsible staff appoint-
ments during the South African war; and Major Gaudet,
superintendent of the Dominion arsenal.

This committee examined the Ross rifle, subjected
it to various tests and reported favourably upon it.
After the reception of this report the minister had no
hesitation about entering into a contract for the pur-
chase of sufficient Ro.ss rifles to re-arm the militia, the
company agreeing to make the rifles at a factory to be
erected in Canada.

And so the Ross rifle factory came to be established
at Quebec with a normal capacity of 1,000 a month, or
2,000 upon emergency.

About the same time, the capacity of the Dominion
arsenal at Quebec, the output of which was under a
million rounds of cartridges a year, was increased,
so that it has an output of 10,000.000 or 12,000,000 and
its capacity is very considerably above that quantity.

The year 1903 was a particularly important one in
the development of the headquarters staff.

In February, Major and Lieutenant-Colonel E.
Fiset, A. M.S., was appointed staff adjutant of medical
services.

By general order 61 of April, 1903, the formation
of the Corps of Guides, a unit to be specially trained
in the duties of reconnaissance, scouting, military
sketching, map reading, guiding and intelligence,
with a director of intelligence at headquarters and a
district intelligence officer for each district, was
provided for. April 22, Major W. A. C. Denny of

(1) Now Fresid^t of the Council of the Dominion Rifle Association.

director of intelligence at headcjuarters.

October 15, Lieut. -Colonel Henry Smith was ap-
pointed military secretary at headquarters.

October 23, the formation of the Ordnance Stores
Corps was provided for in orders, and the following
staff appointments gazetted: —

To be director-general of ordnance: Colonel Donald
A. Macdonald, I.S.O., from the reserve of officers. 1st
July, 1903.

To be assistant director-general of ordnance: Lieu-
tenant-Colonel J. B. Donaldson, from the unattached
list. 1st July, 1903.

To be director-general of engineer services: Lieu-
tenant-colonel P. Weatherbe, Canadian Engineer
Corps. 1st July, 1903.

To be assistant director-general of engineer services:
Major G. S. Maunsell, Canadian Engineer Corps. 1st
July, 1903.

Orders of October 24, provided for the organization
of the Signalling Corps.

With a view to placing the administration of the
Department of Militia and Defence upon a more
satisfactory and systematic basis, it was decided to
transfer the custody, care and issue of arms, clothing,
equipment and military stores of all descriptions,
from the civil to the military branch thereof, hence
the organization of the "Ordnance Stores Corps,"
which was forriied from the officers and men previously
employed in the Military Stores Branch of the Depart-
ment of Militia and Defence. Commissions in the
Ordnance Stores Corps were granted to oflicers serving
in the Military Stores Branch of the Department of
Militia and Defence, and the authorized establishment
of warrant officers, non-commissioned officers aiid men
was recruited from the former employees of that
branch, mider the same conditions as to qualifications
and length of service as applied to the other units of
the permanent force.

The organization of the military staff at head-
cjuarters up to that date was outlined in a minute of
Council dated October 29, 1903, which was promul-
gated as General Order 159. Of this order the follow-
ing is an abstract: —

" 1. The general officer commanding shall be charged
with the military command and discipline of the
militia, shall issue general orders, and hold periodical
inspections of the militia. He shall be the principal
adviser of the Minister of Militia and Defence on all
military questions, and shall be charged with the
control of the branches of the adjutant-general, the
director-general of military intelligence and military
secretary, and the general supervision of the other
military branches. He shall be charged with the

105

1. Colonel Patrick Leonard McDougall (later, General Sir P. L. McDoiigall, in command of the Imperial Forces in North America)
Adjutant-General of Canadian Militia, October ist, 1868 to May 4lh. 1869. 2. Colonel Walker Powell, Adjutant-General,
April 2ist, 1875 to January ist, 1896. 3. Major-General Rt. Hon. Lord Aylmer, Adjutant-General, January ist, 1896 to Nov. ist,
1904 ; Inspector General, Nov. 1st, 1904 to April ist. 1907. 4. Colonel B. H. Vidal, Adjutant-General, Nov. 1st, 1904 to April ist,
1907, when he was appointed Inspector-General, o. Colonel Charles Eufjene Panet, Deputy Minister of Militia, Feb. 4th, 1875 to
Nov. 22nd, 1898. 6. Colonel Louis Felix Pinault, C.M.G., Deputy Minister of Militia, Dec. 7th, 1898 to December, 1906.

NoTK.— Colonel P.Hrick Robertson Ross was Adjutant-General of Militia. May sth, i86<) to Aup. i6tli. 187.!. and Charles Selby-Smyth from Oct. ist, 1874
to April 19th. 1875, when he was appointed to the command. Colonel George Futvoyne was Deputy Minister, May 29th, 1868 to Jan. ist, 1875.

106

general distribution and localization of the militia,
and with the ^election and proposal to the Minister
of Militia and Defence of fit and proper persons to be
recommended for commissions hi the militia, of fit and
proper officers for promotions for staff and other
military appointments, and for military honours and
rewards. He shall be charjjed with the preparation
and maintenance of plans for defence and for the
organization and mobilization of the militia. In the
absence of the general officer commanding, the ad-
jutant-general shall act for him.

" (a) The adjutant-general shall be charged, under
the control of the general officer commanding, with
interior economy, military education and training of
officers, warrant officers, non-commissioned officers
and men of the militia, etc., etc.

"(b) There shall be a director-general of military
intelligence who shall, under the control of the general
officer commanding, be charged with the collection of
information on the military resources of Canada, the
British Empire, and foreign countries, etc., etc.

" (c) There shall be a military secretary who shall,
under the control of the general officer commanding,
besides other duties, be charged more particularly to
deal with appointments, promotions and retirements
of officers of the militia, and with military honours and
rewards, etc., etc.

"2. The quartermaster-general shall, under the
supervision of the general officer commanding, be
charged with supplying the militia with food, forage,
fuel, etc.

"3. There shall be a director-general of engineer
services who shall, under the supervision of the general
officer commanding, be charged with the selection of
sites for barracks, etc.

"4. There shall be a director-general of ordnance,
who shall, under the supervision of the general officer
commanding, be charged with supplying the militia
with warlike stores, etc.

" 5. The director-general of medical services shall,
under the supervision of the general officer command-
ing, be charged with the administration of the medical
establishments."

The principle of having the ciuartermaster-general
and other heads of what are called departments in the
imperial service, u^ider the supervision of the general
officer commanding and advising the head of the
department direct, was borrowed from the War Office,
and the organization of the militia department in
October, 1903, was similar to that of the War Office at
that date.

After the South African war, which had re-
vealed certain weaknesses in the orgaiuzation, and
more particularly the administration, of the defensive

forces of the mother country, and of the empire at
large, the ([uestion of effecting an improvement in
those respects had been a very live one in Oreat
Britain. The subject was referred to the Defence
Committee, and, in view of contemplated changes
in the Dominion Militia Act, the British government
invited the Minister of Militia to proceed to England to
discuss the question of defence with the Defence Com-
mittee, and endeavour to bring the Dominion and
British systems into uniformity. Sir Frederick Borden
consequently left for England in November, 1903, met
the Defence Committee and made a number of arrange-
ments mutually advantageous to the mother country
and tp Canada.

One immediate result was that arrangements were
made with the imperial authorities to admit a certain
number of Canadian officers, yearly, to the Staff
College. On the invitation of the imperial govern-
ment, Colonel Otter, Colonel Evans and Colonel Drury
had already attended the manoeuvres held in the
south of England in September this year.

On account of the numerous changes already made
or deemed to be necessary in the militia system, and
to bring the law more in accordance with modern
requirements in Canada and in touch with the system
either prevailing or to be introduced in England, Sir
Frederick Borden submitted, March 17, 1904, a new
Militia Bill to parliament. In introducing it, he
stated, in part: —

" Let me say, in the first place, that the existing
militia law is practically the same law which has been
on the statute-book since Confederation, and indeed
it was on the statute-book of old Canada long before
that date. Times have changed since the existing law
was enacted ; Canada has grown and the militia force
has grown, and it has been found impossible to carry
on our militia system advantageously under the
existing law. Instead of amending the present Act,
I thought it better to bring in an entirely new Bill,
which provides for the repeal of the existing law, but
which, of course, includes and retains many of its

provisions I may say that we have examined,

not only the imperial laws and the laws of other
colonies of the empire, but the laws of other countries
as well, and we have endeavoured to incorporate in
this Bill the best there is in them all.

" It will be found that in the Bill which I now intro-
duce there have been changes made in certain of the
provisions of the existing law; there have been im-
portant additions to it, and there have been important
omissions from it. Among the more important
omissions from the present law is, in the first place,
the disappearance of any reference to the naval militia.
This is due to the fact that a Bill will be introduced by

107

the Minister of Marine (Hon. Mr. Pr6fontaine) which
will meet all the requirements in this regard. I may
say that this is done at the suggestion and under the
advice of the Colonial Defence Committee and of the
Admiralty. (1).

"The next important omission from the pre.sent law
is that restriction which prevents the appointment of
a Canadian officer as commanding officer of our militia.
The existing Militia Act provides that no one but an
imperial officer, and no one below the rank of colonel
in the British army shall be appointed general officer
commanding the militia of Canada. The new Bill
omits this restriction and leaves it open to a Canadian
or to any qualified person within the British empire to
be appointed by the government as commanding officer
of the Canadian militia. The next important omission
— military men will consider it important, although in a
sense it is perhaps a matter of minor importance —
the next omission from the liill is the provision in the
present law by which an officer of the British army of
the same rank as a Canadian officer, but of junior date
of appointment, takes precedence of the Canadian
officer in the militia of Canada. This provision is not
included in the present Bill, so that in futiu'e imperial
officers who come here to serve in Canada will rank with
officers of the Canadian militia according to the date
of their appointment.

"The next important provision which is not included
in the present BUI, but which exists in the law as it
now stands, is with reference to the powers of the im-
perial officer commanding the imperial troops at Hali-
fax. Under the law as it now stands, in case of war,
the imperial officer commanding the imperial troops at
Halifax, no matter how junior he might be, would
immediately take command of the whole militia of
Canada over the head of the general officer commanding
the militia of this country. That provision has been
eliminated from the present Bill, and no allusion what-
ever is made to the general officer commanding at
Halifax. If he is a man of senior rank, he would in
time of war, by virtue of his seniority, take his position
as head of the forces in this country.

" One other omission is made. There is no reference
in the Bill I am now proposing to the King's Regula-
tions— Under the law as it now exists the King's
Regulations are made a part of the law of Canada. This
has been found to be troublesome and cumbrous, and

( ) The question of the orfcanization of a Canadian Naval Militia was
taken up energetically by the Hon. Mr. Pr(5fontaine, who prepared an
elaborate naval militia bill, and gave notice of its introduction during the
seysioii of 1905. Owing to the lateness of the session it was left over until
the following one. Alread.v the active Minister of Marine had had the
crews of the fisheries jjrotective cruisers organized and drilled on a naval
system, and as he contemplated making the crews of the departmental fleet
the regularly enrolled nucleus of the new naval militia, he. during the winter
of 1904, despatched officers and men on an instructional cruise on the
D.G. cruiser "Canada" to the West Indies. Unfortunately, while on a trip
to Europe on business connected with his <lepartment. Mr. Prt?fontaine died
suddenly at Paris, December 25, 1905. Since then the organization of the
naval militia has remained in abeyance.

to add to the difficulties of the administration of the
militia. Therefore, we shall rely in future upon the
regulations made in Canada for the administration of
the militia of Canada, except that the Army Act will
apply. It was at first thought that we might re-enact
the Army Act in this country; but it is a very long
document and is being changed from time to time; and,
after taking the best advice I could get in this country,
it was thought wiser to adopt the British Army Act
rather than to attempt to re-enact a similar Act here at
present

"Now, I will mention some alterations which have
been made in different provisions of the law. First,
it is proposed to increase the permanent force of the
militia to 2,000. The present law provides for 1,000.
In the near future the population of this country will be
double the population of the country at the time the
present provision was made. The Northwest and
British Columbia have since that time become parts
of the Dominion. Important settlements are taking
place in the Northwest, and gradually as the country
becomes settled the Northwest Mounted Police will
proceed to other spheres of usefulness, and the militia
of the country will have to take the responsibility of
maintaining order there, and depots will be required.
In fact, at the last session of parliament, I explained
that we were taking a sum of money to pay for an
addition of 500 men to the permanent force. So that
I think this increase of 1,000 will be considered to be
entirely within the present demands of the country.

"Another change which I propose refers to the pay
of the permanent force. At present it stands at forty
cents a day, with certain good-conduct pay. It is pro-
posed to adopt the rate of pay of the Northwest
Mounted Police as that of the permanent force of this
country. I need not stop here to argue the point,
because this can be better done on the second reading;
but I may say that the permanent force is the teaching
force of this country, the one upon which we must
largely depend for the training of the active militia,
and therefore it is exceedingly desirable that it should
be composed of first-class men. The pay is to begin
at fifty cents a day, and increase at the rate of five
cents each year until it reaches seventy-five cents as
the maximum.

"The next change is in the rate of pay of the active
militia. That matter has been discussed here on many
occasions. I am happy to be able to say that this
Bill provides that while the pay shall begin as it does
now at fifty cents a day, there shall be a provision by
regulation, which shall be laid on the table of the
House, allowing for an increase year by year until at
the end of three years $1 a day may be paid to men
who have shown by their good conduct and their

108

proficiency in rifle shooting that they have earned it.

" Another change which has been made is in the pro-
vision for giving aid to the civil power in time of riot.
It is proposed to amend the law as it now stands by
providing that the active militia shall only be used
in the suppression of riots or in aid of the civil power
when the permanent force is not available, or not in
sufficient number to be utilized.

" One other alteration proposes to extend the period
for annual drill from sixteen days to thirty days. It
is not compulsory, but it will be possible, if ocfcasion
requires, to make that extension of time. The present
law provides for sixteen days, but it has been the
custom to make the period twelve days. It is not
probable that that will be exceeded, but it was thought
desirable that power should be given to the govern-
ment, if at any time it might be necessary, for the drill
to be extended in certain cases to thirty days.

" I now come to the additions to the law proposed
in this Bill. I shall at first call attention to the pro-
visions in reference to cadets. We have had many
discussions in this House on this matter, and it was pro-
mised that when the new Bill was proposed, provision
would be made for the enrolment of cadets. I cannot
do better than read the clauses: —

'"73. The minister may (a) authorize boys over
12 years of age who are attending school to be formed
into school cadet corps; (b) authorize boys over 14
years of age and under 18 years of age to be formed
into senior cadet corps; (c) authorize senior cadet
corps or any portion thereof to be attached to any
portion of the active militia for the purpose of drill
and training.

'"74. All cadet corps shall be subject to the auth-
ority and imder the orders of the district officer com-
manding.

'"75. Cadet corps shall be drilled and trained as
prescribed, and may be furnished with arms, am-
munition and equipment under the conditions pre-
scribed '

"There is a provision in the Bill for the appoint-
ment of officers to rank as brigadier-generals tempor-
arily. This will be found necessary under the pro-
posed increase of the militia at times of camp. There
is a fiu^ther provision that the rank of major-general
may be conferred upon colonels on retirement, who
have held the highest executive appointments on the
headquarters staff, for distinguished service in the
country."

A protracted debate took place on this bill, indicating
the greatly increased interest taken by the country's
public men and their constituents in the once-neglected
question of national defence. While the bill was
before parliament, a lengthy, able, but somewhat

acrimonious discussion was precipitated by what is
known as the " Uundonald Incident."

The Earl of Dundonald, commanding the militia,
at a dinner tendered to him by the officers of the
Montreal division, June 4, used language reflecting
upon the conduct of a member of the government in
connection with the filling of military appointments,
charging that political intrigue rather than military
efficiency had determined the selection of some of the
officers of a newly organized cavalry regiment.

The government's attention was drawn to the
matter in parliament on June 9, and after investigation,
taking the ground that not only was there no justifica-
tion for the specific reflections made, but that the
conduct of Lord Dundonald was in direct violation
of the principles of military discipline and the rules
of the service, and subversive of the principles of con-
stitutional government, an order in coimcil was passed
dispensing with Lord Dundonald's services as general
officer commanding the militia.

This regrettable incident resulted in the discussion
on the Militia Bill being pcolonged, and for some time
speeches assumed a rather bitter tone.

While the bill was still under discussion, an entirely
new system was adopted at the War Office in London
as a result of the adoption by the government of the
report of the committee known as the Esher Com-
mittee, which was appointed by the Balfour govern-
ment for the purpose of investigating and reporting
on all matters connected with the organization of the
War Office, and making a report. This report pro-
vided for a practical reconstruction of the War Office.
The results seemed to be so far satisfactory by July,
1904, that the Hon. Sir Frederick Borden, minister of
militia, in view of the course which had been pursued
by the War Office, a course which had resulted from
difficulties which were found to exist in working out
the complicated system which had obtained in Eng-
land, and which, to some extent, had been in existence
in Canada, thought it advisable to provide, in the
new Militia Bill then before parliament, the machinery
by which the government of Canada might follow the
example of the imperial government.

July 11, Sir Frederick outlined in parliament the
principal changes he proposed to make in the bill.
He explained that the system in force since Confedera-
tion had not operated satisfactory, and continued, in
part: — "There are many difficulties which I think
act against the public interest in the endeavour to work
out this system, difficulties which will be overcome
entirely or very largely by the new system. One of
these difficulties is that there has been absolute want
of continuity under the existing system. Each new
general officer commanding who comes to this country

109

seems to be possessed with the idea that it is his duty
to overturn and change everything done by his pre-
decessor. There are no records to show m detail the
reasons for the conclusions which the different general
officers commanding have reached. Under the new-
system there will be a militia council corresponding
to what is in England called the army council. That
council will be composed of the minister of militia, as
chairman of the council, with four military men and
two additional civilians. Everything that is done at
that council will be made a matter of record, or at any
rate every conclusion of importance which is reached
by that council will be made a matter of record, so
that if there be a change of ministers or a change of
officers, the record will remain there for the guidance of
those who may come afterward.s, and when changes
are suggested, means will be found to compare new
proposals with old proposals.

"The minister for the time being will be the chairman
of the militia council; the principal military officer will
be known as the chief of the general staff. Then there
will be the adjutant-general, the quartermaster-general
and the master-general of ordnance. The two addi-
tional civilians would be the deputy minister and,
probably, the chief accountant of the department.

" I think that so far as the reconstitution of the head-
quarters is concerned the conditions are similar to
those of the war office in England, and I cannot see
any difficulty at all on that score. All my hon. friends
who have written me on the subject and some of the
most eminent military authorities agree that there
will be no difficulty whatever in applying the system
so far as the war office is concerned. When it comes
to the question of decentralization it may be that
we will not be able to go as far in this country 0,s
they have gone in England. I do not think that
policy can be carried out in coimection with the militia
force as easily as in connection with the regular army.

"Under the system there will be no general offioer
commanding. There is no commander in chief in
England to-day, and there will be no general officer
commanding here. There would be a first military
officer known as the chief of the general staff, the most
important military officer in the country, as he is
to-day the most important military officer in England,
except some of the generals commanding in chief in
some of the large districts. Under the new system
we would have more important commands than we
have to-day. The centralization would be carried
out to some extent, perhaps not to the same extent
as in England, so that officers commanding districts
would have much greater powers than they have at
the present moment, and properly so, because these
men, if they are ever to be fit to command, must have

experience in times of peace which will enable them
to perform the duties which may be required of them
in times of war." — See H. of C. Hansard, July 11 and
(3rd Reading of Bill) Aug. 2, 1904.

The bill as thus amended by the Minister of Militia
finally passed, and was assented to as Act 4, Edward
VII, Chapter 23, August 10th.

Among its most important new provisions were the
following: —

" Section 7. The Governor in Council may appoint a
militia council to advise the minister on all matters
relating to the militia, which are referred to the council
by the minister. The composition, procedure and
powers of the counci' shall be as prescribed."

"Section 30. There may be (1) appointed an officer
who shall hold rank not Ijelow that of the colonel in
the militia or in His Majesty's regular army, who may
be, subject to the regulations and under the direction
of the minister, charged with the military command of
the militia, and such oflficer shall have the rank of
major-general in the militia, and shall be paid at such
rate, not exceeding $6,000 per annum, as is prescribed.

"31. There may be appointed an officer who shall
hold rank not below that of colonel in the militia or in
His Majesty's regular army, who may be, subject to the
regulations and under the direction of the minister,
charged with the military inspection of the militia, and
such officer shall be paid at such rate, not exceeding
$6,000 per annum, as is prescribed.

" 32. The duties and authority of each of the officers
respectively referred to in the two next preceding
sections shall be defined by the Governor in Council."

"36. The Governor in Council may establish a
general staff, headquarters staff, and district staff,
and may appoint a chief of the general staff and such
officers to the respective staffs as are deemed necessary,
and shall define their duties and authority."

General Orders of June 15, 1904, provided that
Colonel the Right Honourable Matthew, Lord Aylmer,
adjutant-general, would act as officer commanding the
Canadian militia in succession to the Earl of Dun-
donald, retired. By G.O. 166, November 1, 1904,
Lord Aylmer was appointed " Inspector-General of
the Canadian Forces, " with the rank of brigadier-
general.

The same order contained the following : — Brigadier-
General P. H. N. Lake, C.B., Chief Staff officer,
Southern Command, Great Britain, is appointed
(temporarily) chief of the general staff, with rank of
brigadier-general in the Canadian forces while so em-
ployed, such rank to date from 2nd March, 1904, under

(1) Appeared as "There shall be, etc." in the bill as originally presented
to the House.

1111

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9

THE MILITIA COUNCIL (1)

1. Colonel E. Fiset, D.S.O., G.G.H.S., P.A.M.C, Deputy Minister of Militia, Vice-President. 2. Major-General P. H. N. Lake,
C.B., C.M.G., p.s.c, Eng-., Chief of the General Staff, (First Military Member). 3. Colonel F. L. Lessard, C.B., A.D.C.,
Adjutant-General (Second Military Member). 4. Colonel D. A. Macdonald, I.S.O., O.S.C Quarter master-General (Third
Military Member). 5. Colonel W. H. Cotton, Master-General of the Ordnance ( Fourth Military Member), (i. J. W. Borden, Esq.,

Accountant and Payma.ster-General (Finance Member),

(I) The Hon. Sir F, W. Borden, K.C.M.G., etc.. Minister of Mi>itia, is President of the Militia Council. See'Frontispiece.

Ill

provisions of section 47, Militia Act. 1st November,
1904.

lirigadier-General Lake had already served a term
in Canada as quartermaster-general of militia with
universal acceptance, and had temporarily acted as
general officer commanding after the departure of
Major-General Gascoigne.

In the same order Lieut. -Colonel and Brevet Colonel
B. H. Vidal was appointed adjutant-general to the
Canadian forces with the substantive rank of colonel.

General Order 167, November 15, p ovided for the
following changes in the headquarters staff: —

Colonel D. A. Macdonald, I.S.O., D.G. of O., to be
quartermaster-general. 15th November, 1904.

Colonel W. H. Cotton, Q.M.G., to be master general
of the ordnance, under the provisions of section 35 of
The Militia Act, 1904. 15th November, 1904.

G.O. 17., dated December 28, 1904, provided for the
following appointments to the headquarters staff: —

To be director-general of medical services: Colonel
E. Fiset, D.S.O. 1st December, 1904.

To be director of clothing and equipment : Lieuten-
ant-Colonel J. B. Donaldson, from assistant director-
general of ordnance, 1st December, 1904.

To be director of transport and supplies: Lieutenant-
Colonel J. L. Biggar, from assistant quartermaster
general. 1st December, 1904.

To be director of artillery: Lieutenant-Colonel R. W.
Rutherford, from assistant adjutant-general of artil-
lery. 1st December, 1904.

To be director of engineer services: Lieutenant-
Colonel P. Weatherbe, from director-general of en-
gineer services. 1st December, 1904.

During the year 1904, the whole of the regimental
establishments of active militia were revised, and
new lists providing establishments on a peace
and war footing were issued. A number of sub-target
guns were procured for the use of the militia in con-
nection with musketry instruction.

In accordance with the new Militia Act an increased
scale of pay for all ranks was authorized, and efficiency
pay for warrant officers, non-commissioned officers
and soldiers of the active militia, the permanent force
excepted, provided for, with a view to increasing the
efficiency of the several units of the militia by inducing
men to continue to serve therein.

During the year 1,770 officers, 19,10S non-com-
missioned officers and men, and 4,400 horses received
12 days training in district camps; and 979 officers,
12,997 non-commissioned officers and men, and 1,032
horses (city corps) at local headquarters.

The present order of things as regards the adminis-
tration of the force was inaugurated at the beginning
of 1905, the first general order of that year, dated

January 3rd, reading as follows: — By an Order in
Comicil, dated the 17th November, 1904, as amended
by an Order in Council dated the 7th December, 1904,
which read as follows, the organization of the Militia
Council was authorized: —

"On a report dated 15th November, jl 904, from the
Minister of Militia and Defence, submitting that, by
the Militia Act, 1904, sec. 7, it is enacted as follows: —
'The Governor in Council may appoint a Militia Council
to advise the minister on all matters relating to the
militia which are referred to the Council by the minister.
The composition, procedure and powers of the council
shall be as prescribed.'

"The minister submits that it is expedient that a
Militia Council be appointed accordingly, and re-
commends that it be constituted under the title of
'The Militia Council,' and that it be composed of the
following members: —

"President — ^The Minister of Militia and Defence.

"1st Military Member— The Chief of the General
Staff.

"2nd Military Member — The Adjutant-General.

"3rd Military Member — The Quartermaster-General.

"4th Military Member— The Master -General of
Ordnance.

" Civil Member — The Deputy Minister of Militia and
Defence.

"Finance Member — The Accountant of the Depart-
ment of Militia and Defence.

"With a secretary to be nominated by the Minister
of Militia and Defence from among the clerical staff of
the Department of Militia and Defence."

G.O. 65, dated Headquarters, Ottawa, April 4, 1905,
provided for the creation of the higher commands,
with the following officers commanding: —

Western Ontario Command — To command, (with
temporary rank of brigadier-general), in addition to
the command of No. 2 military district: Colonel W. D.
Otter, C.B., A.D.C.. 1st May, 1905.

Eastern Ontario Command. — To command, (with
substantive rank of colonel), in addition to the com-
mand of No. 3 military district: Lieutenant-Colonel
and Brevet Colonel W. D. Gordon. 1st May, 1905.

Quebec Command — To command, (with substantive
rank of colonel), in addition to the command of No. 5
military district: Lieutenant-Colonel and Brevet Col-
onel L. Buchan, C.M.G. 1st May, 1905.

Maritime Provinces Command — To command, (with
substantive rank of colonel) in addition to the command
of No. 9 military district: Lieutenant-Colonel and
Brevet Colonel C. W. Drury, C.B., R.C.A. 1st May,
1905.

The grouping of the military districts of eastern
Canada into higher units had been advocated by

11-2

successive G. O. C. for years previously. Nos.
1 and 2 military districts became the Western
Ontario Command; Nos. 3 and 4, the Eastern Ontario
Command; Nos. 5, 6 and 7, the Quebec Command,
and Nos. 8, 9 and 12, the Maritime Provinces Command.

The objects of this organization were, first, to afford
selected officers of the militia practice in the higher
duties of command and administration, by placing
them in charge of large bodies of troops approximating
to the commands which they would exercise in the
event of war; secondly, decentralization, with the
object of relieving militia headquarters of a great
mass of detail questions which could be far better
dealt with locally, and, thirdly, the introduction of a
system of administration which would be the same
both for peace and war. Incidentally the creation of
these commands opened up a far more attractive pro-
fessional career for officers of ability than it had hitherto
been possible to offer them.

The following staff officers and heads of departments
were allotted for each of these commands: — Staff
officers: — Chief staff officer, deputy-assistant-adjutant-
general.

Heads of departments: — District engineer, senior
Army Service Corps officer, principal medical officer,
senior Ordnance Stores Corps officer, senior paymaster,
principal -veterinary officer.

During 1905, the cavalry and infantry were organized
into brigades, and the Royal Canadian Field Artillery
was reorganized as Horse Artillery.

The attendance at annual drill during 1905, and
especially at the camps of instruction, was highly
satisfactory. Indeed, the total number of men trained
reached a higher figure by 4,900 than that of aiiy
previous year. This was no douijt largely attributable
to the efficiency pay introduced in 1904.

During the year, the department carried out the
project for acquiring a suitable territory for a central
training camp, land at Petawawa, Ont., l)eing secured.
The new camp ground is situated in the county of
Renfrew, near Pembroke, on the line of the Canadian
Pacific Railway, and is, roughly speaking, about eight
miles by ten. It lies upon the Ottawa river, and
affords excellent ranges for both artillery and infantry.
Steps have since been taken to prepare it for regular
occupation, and suitable buildings, ranges, etc., erected.

In .lune, 1905, the military members of the Militia
Council submitted to the minister a memorandum on
general militia policy, which was approved by him and
laid before parliament. To the carrying out of that
policy the efforts of the department have been steadily
directed with satisfactory results.

But by far the most important event in 1905, from
a military jX)int of view, was the fact that the Dominion

took over from His Majesty's regular troops the res-
ponsibility for the maintenance of the Imperial for-
tress of Halifax, N.S., the control of which is now
entirely in the hands of Canada. The Dominion
government also arranged similarly to assume control
of Esquimault. Canada thus relieved the British tax-
payer of the burden of any military expenditure what-
ever for military purposes within her borders. On her
part, the mother country treated Canada with liberality,
in handing over the fortresses free of charge, complete,
up to date, and fully equipped in every respect.

In consequence of the decision of the Dominion
government to assume the entire defence of the Do-
minion, an increase of the permanent force was au-
thorized from 2,000 to (if necessary) 5,000of all ranks,
and recruiting was actively commenced in the month
of April, 1905, for the additional force required in con-
nection with the gar ison at Halifax. The recruiting
was satisfactory in point of numbers, and the class of
recruits obtained was good, their physique being much
above the average for infantry of the line.

Owing to this large augmentation, it was necessary
to obtain, for service in the permanent force, a few
officers, non-commissioned officers and men from the
Imperial army. The Imperial government granted
the non-commissioned officers and men (ree discharges,
with permission to enlist in the permanent force, the
Dominion government undertaking to give them in the
permanent force the rank they held in the army, and
to count their army service towards pay, promotion
and pension, the portion of the pens on earned in the
army to be borne by the Imperial government.

Two additional companies were formed to replace the
two companies of the Royal Canadian Garrison Artil-
lery sent to Halifax from Quebec.

An increase in the strength of the Royal Canadian
Engineers was authorized.

Five additional companies were added to the Royal
Canadian Regiment, and were organized to reinforce
the five old companies, which were recruited as nearly
as possible to their full strength.

It was also found necessary to organize a corps of
military staff clerks as a separate unit of the permanent
force, with a strength of one warrant officer and thirty
staff-sergeants and sergeants.

May 16, the following appeared in orders: — " Brig-
adie -General (temporary) P. H. N. Lake, C.B., having
been appointed a major-general in His Majesty's re-
gular army from the 2.3rd March, 1905, is, under the
provisions of paragraph 47 of the Militia Act, granted
the rank of ma or-general (temporary) in the militia
from the above date, and is confirmed in his appoint-
ment of chief of tlie general staff."

113

October 23, 1905, Major and Brevet Lieutenant-
Colonel W. G. Gwatkin, Manchester regiment, ap-
peared in orders as being appointed "Director of
Operations and Staff Duties on the General Staff,"
with the temporary rank of Lieutenant-colonel in the
militia, taking rank and precedence in the militia
from Jan. 6, 1904, that being the date o his army
rank as lieutenant-colonel.

In connection with the transfer of the fortress of
Halifax to the Dominion government, it was found
necessary to temporarily retain the services of Major-
General Sir Charles S. B. Parsons, K.C.M.G., com-
manding, and a numbe; of his subordinate officers
after the date fixed for the withdrawal of the British
troops, and arrangements having been made with the
Imperial government, they were temporarily taken
on the st ength of the Canadian militia. (See G.O.
296, Dec. 9, 1905).

This transfer of a number of senior Imperial officers,
in their army ranks, to the Canadian militia empha-
sizes the great change in the status of the national
force from the days when the militia was a mere
auxiliary of the regular army, whose chief usefulness
in war time was the raising of recruits to form pro-
visional battalions.

The transfer, to the Dominion of Canada, of the
garrison, fortifications and military buildings of the
Imperial fortress at Halifax, N.S., which was nearing
completion at the end of 1905, was practically com-
pleted during 1906.

Similarly the coaling station at Esquimault, B.C.,
was entirely taken over from the Imperial troops during
the year.

The formal transfer of the two fortresses took place
on January 18, 1906. The command of Halifax being
assumed by Col. C. W. Drury, C.B., commanding
Maritime Provinces; that of Esquimault by Col. J. G.
Holmes, commanding M.D. No. 11.

The increase to the permanent force, required in
order to enable the infantry, artillery and engineers to
provide efficiently for the necessary garrisons of
Halifax and Esquimalt, proved difficult. Recruiting
suffered seriously from the state of the labour market
and the universal demand for labour at high wages.
To meet the resulting shortage of men, until such time
as the classes from which recruits are drawii in this
country become better aware of the advantages offered
bv military service, the experiment was tried of en-
listing volunteers from certain British regular regi-
ments, which, during the year, were in process of dis-
bandment, direct into the permanent force. The Army
Council was good enough to give its consent.

A new departure was made during the year by the
completion of arrangements for the temporary inter-

change of selected officers with the governments of
India and Australia.

Captain J. H. Elmsley, Royal Canadian Dragoons,
was attached to the Indian army for a year, while
Lieut.-Col. O. B. S. F. Shore, D.S.O., 18th 'Tiwana'
Lancers, was sent to the Canadian militia to fill his
place.

Similarly Lieutenant E. Clairmonte, Royal Canadian
Artillery, was attached to the Australian Permanent
Forces and Lieutenant P. S. Long-Innes, Royal Aus-
tralian Artillery, took his place.

It was hoped that the new scheme would afford
officers of the Dominion an opportunity of studying
the military systems of other portions of the empire
and of widening their military knowledge and ex-
perience thereby.

During this year a considerable improvement was
effected in the training system of the active militia.
Steps were taken at the camps to eliminate as far as
possible all movements not of general utility, with a
view to giving more attention to essentials, and with
good results. As city corps generally suffer from too
constant drill in drill-halls and too little work in the
field, an opportunity to remedy this defect was
offered by giving permission to city corps to form
provisional battalions for four days attendance at the
district camps.

During the year 1906, 1,950 officers, 24,112 non-
commissioned officers and men, and 6,567 horses re-
ceived 12 days training in district camps; and 912
officers, 12,330 non-commissioned officers and men,
and 284 horses similar training at local headquarters.
162 officers, 1,334 non-commissioned officers and men,
and 64 horses received less than 12 days training.

Although authority was obtained from parliament
in 1905 to raise the establishment of the permanent
force to a maximum not exceeding 5,000 men, in
order to provide for the garrisons of Halifax and
Esquimalt and other requirements, it was decided that
the increase should only proceed gradually, and as funds
were available. For the year 1906 it was determined
that the numbers should not, for financial reasons, ex-
ceed the following: — Royal Canadian Dragoons, 200
all ranks; Royal Canadian Mounted Rifles, 120; Royal
Canadian Horse Artillery, 258; Royal Canadian Garri-
son Artillery, 790; Royal Canadian Engineers, 300;
Royal Canadian Regiment, 1,067; Army Service Corps,
100; Army Medical Corps, 100; Ordnance Stores Corps,
120; total, 3,055.

The permanent force was served during the year with
the Ross rifle, Mark II, and many rifle associations
with the same rifle, Mark I.

Complaints, as to these rifles (the first of Canadian
make issued to the militia), according to the annual

114

\

report of the Militia Council, did not appear to be more
frequent than those made about other service rifles,
at their first introduction. Defects observed were
being rapidly remedied.

As this rifle aims at being a modification of all
modern patterns of small-arms, its introduction re-
vealed the weak points inherent in new models. They
are now well known, and good progress has been made
towards remedying them. A very careful and thorough
inspection is made, during manufacture, of components,
and of the finished rifle. The materials entering into
the composition of the rifle are carefully tested, and
defects, as far as possible, obviated. In addition to the
above, investigations have been made at the factory
by the inspector of small-arms on the following main
points, in the matter of which some defects have shown
themselves: — Sights, bands, butt plates, magazine feed
and extractor.

The remainder of the field batteries were completely
re-armed with 12-pr. B.L. guns during the year, and
the full complement of ammunition completed. This
distribution released from the fi^d forces the 9-pr.
R.M.L. This gun being obsolete, it is not proposed
to re-i.ssue it a.s a service weapon. As, however, the
12-pr. gun is being replaced in other armies by a more
modem quick-firing weapon, a supply of the new 18-pr.
q.f. gun adopted for the British service has been
ordered from England, the delivery of which is shortly
expected.

The expenditure on account of the militia for 1905-6
amounted to $5,594,009 or .$1,644,167 in excess of the
amount expended during 1904-5, the increase being
distributed as follows: — Permanent force, $1,014,166;
annual drill, $110,000; military stores, $100,000;
military properties, $48,600; Dominion arsenal, $64,-
500; defence, Escjuimalt, $69,263: clothing, active
militia, $80,000; allowances,$76,000; sundry, $81,638,

The increase in expenditure on the permanent force,
$1,014,166, which amount did not include contingent
expenses, such as transport, &c., was due to the
Canadian government taking over the fortresses at
at Halifax and Esquimalt, the two garrisons requiring
between them about 1.500 men and entailing the
following extra expenditure: —

(a) Additional pay funds for the permanent force
consequent upon the increase in the establishment.
In 1904-5, the average strength was about 1,200 all,
ranks. In 1905-6 the average was about 1,000 greater,
the total strength June 30, 1906, including about 70
semi-military employees at Halifax, standing at 2,448.

(b) Larger expenditure for clothing consequent upon
the augmentation of the force.

(c) .$220,000 paid to re-imburse the Imperial govern-
ment for garrisoning Halifax some six months after
July 1, 1905, the date from which Canada agreed to
assume the cost; $200,000 being taken from the vote
for "pay," and $20,000 from the vote for "supplies"
for the permanent force. This was due to the fact
that it was not possible to replace all at once the Im-
perial troops by Canadian ones; the exchange had to be
carried out gradually.

A statement given in the annual report of the Militia
Council for the year ending December 31, 1906, shows,
in detail, the expenditures on account of the militia
during the fiscal years 1896-97 to 1905-06 inclusive.
For the first, fifth and last years of this period the
expenditures were as follows: —

1896-97.

1900-01 .

1905-06.

Pa.v of headquarters an»i district staffs. .

Pay of Permanent P^orce. including
officers, n.c.o.'s and men attaclied,
l^ards of honour and military survey .

Allowances for care of arms, drill in-
struction and postage to Active Militia

.\nnual drill, including supplies and

S
41,353

265,476

63,280

430,168
67,868
39,101
73,491

S

41,093

248,639
70,882

454,357
86.495
39.203

191,858

76,104
85,171

209,657

121,790

39,824

36,035

72,520

110,783

131,551

5,411

48,046

128,140

S

143,880

1,118.836
122,897

809,924
7 2,603
50.523

254.427

132 747

Salaries and wages of civil employees . .
Military properties — maintenance .....

— construction

— rifle ranges and

Warlike and other stores

Clothing and necessaries for Permanent

50,427

232,167

115,899

43,998
39,950
59,616
58,492
745,965
5,158
45,123
45,119

174.980

429,727

463,668

84,856
45,825

Provisions and supplies for Permanent

Transport and freight, other than an-

Grants to rifle as.sociations and bands. . .

290,037
1,092,128

Miscellaneous votes

41,470
179,256

Halifax, provisional garrison

Totals

12,413,651

S2, 197,559

(1)

$5,594,009

(I) $908,682 expenses in connection with special service in South
Africa and Halifax provisional garrison not included.

ns

MARK W^ORKMAN

Manufacturer of Military Clothing

Q Uniforms of every descrip-
tion made on short notice

^ Tenders furnished on ap-
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Office: 326 Notre Dame St. W. - Factory: 337 Notre Dame St. W.

MONTREAL

A. W. ROBERTSON.

HUGH QUINLAN.

OUINLAN &
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CONTRACTORS

BLACK'S BRIDGE,

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Wharf and Bridge Builders
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Also Lightering and Towing throughout the Province.
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Room No. 10, Bedford Chambers, - HALIFAX, N. S.

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DARLING & PEARSON

Architects

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For illustrated pamphlets apply to oity office, 129 St. James Street, Montreal, or to any a^ent of the Canadian Pacific Railway or to

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Wholesale and Retail

GROCER AND BUTCHER

90 DISRAELI ST. WINNIPEG. MANITOBA
Telephone 580

R. J. INGLIS

Established 1875

BREECHES MAKER

Civil and
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487 St. Catherine St. West - MONTREAL I

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JOS. CHEVALIER

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Plasterer, Mason, Bricklayer

44 Renaud Avenue,

QUEBEC.

NAPOLEON RENAUD

CONTRACTOR

Brick, Stone and Plaster

131 Napoleon St,

QUEBEC.

p. O. Box 244.

Phone Main 1122.

Canadian General Supply Co.

Manufacturers* and Commission Agents

J. T. SPEIRS

BAKER AND CONFECTIONER

Railway, Steamship, Mill and Lumber-
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WINNIPEG,

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Grocer and Importer
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Avenue Block,

267 Portage Avenue,

WINNIPEG,

Man.

Phones Main ' 7400
I 7401

Branch ' 7+4 2"''''" '^•

BRANCH ^ p^^^g p^j.^ ^^g

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Wholesale and Retail Grocers

Agents : Wallacebuig Sugar Co., Limited

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Established 1864

"V^ Manufacturers

-° '"?&'^i Post Office
Letter Boxes

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41 Craig Street W.

Tel.
Main 860
Silver, Gold and Nickel
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MANUFACTURERS OF
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For information r eg ar ding Rates of Freig h t^ Passage^ Ftc,

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FURNES5, WITHY & CO., LTD

AGENTS - HALIFAX, NOVA SCOTIA

T. COTTER. PHONE, 520. R. COTTER.

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207 FORT ST.. - - - WINNIPEG, CANADA

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F. J.BERRY,

SANITARY
CONTRACTOR

71 VICTORIA ST. COR. LOMBARD

SBSIDKXOB

223 EUCLID AVE., TORONTO

PHONE MAIN 4 775

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JOHN MALLON & Co.

Vifhole-rale and
"Retail "Butchers

Poultry & Game in Season Phone Main 651

2 & 72 St. Lawrence Market
TORONTO, ONT.

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JAMES HUnON & CO.

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t Sovereign Bank Building,
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MANUFACTURERS'
- - AGENTS - -

Montreal, Que.

REPRESENTING:

JOSEPH RODGERS & SONS, Ltd.,

Cutlers to His Majesty ;
SfEEL, PEECH & TOZER, Ltd.,

Steel Axles, Tyres, Spring Steel, &c., &c.;

W. & S. BUTCHER,

Razors, Files, &c.

THOS. GOLDSWORTHY & SONS,

Emery, Emery Cloth, &c.

BURROUGHES & WATTS, Ctd.,

Billiard Tables, &c.

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LUMBER DEALER

=AND=

PUBLIC CONTRACTOR

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1 1 Quebec Bank
Chambers,

2 Toronto Street,

Toronto, Ont.

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' J. V. CALCUTT I

==IMPORTER 0F==

IRISH
LINENS

12 Cathcart Street,

Phillips Square.

Telephone Up 2488

Montreal

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Leaves Montreal every day 9:00 a.m.
7 hrs. 20 min. to Toronto; 13 hrs. 50
min. to Detroit. First-class coaches,
cafe, parlor and library cars and Pull-
man cars on this train.

FEATURES OF THE GRAND
TRUNK ARE:
Excellent Road>bed.
Beautiful Scenery.
Polite and Attentive Employees.
Fast Time, Punctual Trains and Best
Equipment.

W. E. DAVIS,
Passenger Traffic Manager, Montreal.

Canada's Double Track Railway

The only double track railway between Montreal, Toronto,
Niagara Falls, Detroit and Chicago. The finest and fast-
est trains in the Dominion are operated over these lines.

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THE "INTERNATIONAL LIMITED"
(The Railway Greyhound of Canada)

G. T. BELL,
General Passenger and Ticket Agent, Montreal

44-

4^^4^4:4.4c:t^4:'4^4^4^^^4^4^^4^4^4^4^^4^4^4^4^'^^^4^4^4^'1^^'4^4^4^4^^^'4^4^^4^4^4^4^4C'4^4^^4^4^4^4^4^ 4:4::|c4:o|: ^4.4.:$.;t,^4^if,^4,^ ;^:f.jf.^Jl!^if,

**************************************

Established in 1892.

CUDDY & BRODEUR CO.

Importers and Wholesale Dealers in

China, Crockery, Glassware, Lamps, Hotel

Silverware, Cutlen,', Burners, Chimneys,

Cut Glass, Electroliers, Bronzes

and Fancy Goods.

We control the sales of several makers in England and on
the continent, and we can give to our customers a very well
assorted stock to select from on account of our
TWO RETAIL STORES

533 St. Catherine St. E. 327 St. Lawrence Blvd.
MONTREAL, CANADA.

**************************************

GEO. T.

DAVIE & SONS,

LEVIS, QUE.

****»****♦******♦**************+****+*

*
*

^ *

^ Machine Shop at Cable Address: ^

at ST. JOSEPH DE LEVIS. DAVIE, LEVIS. *

Patent Slip and Docks, Twin Screw
Salvage Steamer "Lord Strathcona"

Steam Pumps and ail necessary gear
for floating and assisting Stranded
Vessels

Also Ship Builders and Ship Repairers

************************************** **************************************

Thos. Powers

Contractor

LEVIS

QUE.

*
*

Windsor & Woodley

TORONTO

*

*

*
*

*

*
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cbdb********** ************************** ' **************************************

Dominion Bridge Company,

LIMITED

MANUFACTURERS OF

BRIDGES ^ STRUCTURAL METAL WORK

Combined Railway and Highway Bridge over the Fraser River at New Westminster, British Coluinbia,
Built by Dominion Bridge Company, Limited, for the Government of British Columbia, 1905.

General Offices and Works at LACHINE LOCKS> P.O.

' ' Branches at ' '
TORONTO, ONT., and WINNIPEG, MAN.

' ' ♦

LIMITED

SPECIALTIES: SKEDDEN BRUSH Co.

Machine Brushes Moulders' Brushes
Factory Brushes jewellers' Wheel
Loom Du^ers Brushes

Household Painters' Standard

Brushes Brushes

Rifle Brushes

ESTABLISHED 1895

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HAMILTON

ONT.

<§>

D. A. BETHl'NE

PLUMBING
HEATING AND
VENTILATION

DHOMcc /residence - UP 3157

287a BLEURY STREET
MONTREAL, QUE.

^

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♦

JNO. E. RUSSELL

General Contractor

Crib and Dock
Building, Pile
Driving, Sub-
marine Work
and Heavy Con-
crete Construc-
tion : ; : :

307 LOGAN AVE. - TORONTO

PHONES M 2007 and M 4626

PHONE 2699

WILTON BROS.

Successors to G. OLAFSON & CO.

^ The Leading Produce, Flour and Feed, Grain and Hay Merchants of Winnipeg

^ All Varieties of Stock Foods

I Cor. KING and JAMES STS. WINNIPEG, MANITOBA

xiii

BANK OF MONTREAL

(established 1817.)
INCORPORATED BY ACT OF PARLIAMENT.

C^PUM. [all paid up) $14,400,000.00

REST, 11,000,000.00

UNDIVIDED PROFITS, 422,689.98

HEAD OFFICE— MONTREAL.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Rt. Hon. Lord Str.\thcona and Mou.xt Royal, G.C.M.G. , Honorary President.
Hon. Sir George .\. Drummond, K.C.M.G., President. E. S. Clouston, Esq., Vice-President.

A. T. Paterson, Esq. E. B. Greenshields, Esq. Sir William C. Macdonald.

R. B. Angus, Esq. James Ross, Esq. R. G. Reid, Esq.

Hon. Robt. Mackay.

H.

E. S. Clouston, General Manager.
A. Macnider, Chief Inspector, and Superintendent of Branches.
V. Meredith, Assistant General Manager, and Manager at Montreal.

C. Sweeny,

W. E. Stavert,

( Superintendent of Branches

\ Superintendent of Branches

\ British Columbia w . i^. ^i^ivcn.., -^ Maritime Provinces

F. J. Hunter, Inspector N. West and Br. Col Branches. E. P. Winslow, Inspector Ontario Branches.

D. R. Clarke, Inspector Maritime I^ovinces and Newfoundland Branches.

prov. of ontario.

alliston,

ALMONTE,

AURORA,

BELLEVILLE,

BOVV.MANVILLE,

BKANTFORl),

BROCKVILLE,

CHATHAM,

COLLINGVVOOD,

■' Ontario Hk Bmnch
CORNWALL,
DESERONTO,
EGLINTOiX,
FE.NELO.N FALLS,
FORT WILLIAM,
GODERICH,
GUELPH,
HAMILTON,

" Sliertnan Ave.

HOLSTEIN.
KING CITY,
KINGSTON,

" Ontario Bk. Branch
LINnS.VY,
LONDON,
MILLBROOK.
.MOUNT FOREST,

PROV. OF ONTARIO.

Continued.
NEWMARKET
OTTAWA.

Bank St.
" Ontario Bk. Branch
PARIS.
PERTH,
PETERBORO.

" Ontario Bk. Branch
PICTON.
PORT ARTHUR,
PORT HOPE,
QUEENSVILLE,
SARNIA.
STRATFORD.
ST. MARYS.
SUDBURY

TORONTO,

Yon^e St.
W'ellington St.
Queen St.
Richmond St.
Carlton St.

TRENTON,

TWEED,

WALLACEBURG,

WARSAW,

WATERFORD,

BRANCHES:

IN CANADA:

PROV, OF QUEBEC

BUCKINGHAM,
COOKSHIRE,
DANVILLE.
hRASERVILLE,
GRAND JIKRE,
LAKE MEGANTIC,
LEVIS.
MONTREAL.

" Hochelaera,

" Ontario Bank Branch

'* Papineaii Ave,

" Point St. Charles

" Seigneurs St.

'" Ste. Anne de Bellevue

■' St. Henri

" West End

" Westmount
QUEBEC.

" Upper Town,
SAWYERVlLLE,

PROV. OF NEW BRUNSWICK

AN DOVER,

BATHURST,

CHATHAM,

ICDMUNDSTON,

FREDERICTON,

PROV. OF NEW BRUNSWICK

Conlinued.
GRAND FALLS.
HARTLAND,
MONCTON,
SHEDIAC,
ST. JOHN.
WOODSTOCK.

PROV. OF NOVA SCOTIA

AMHERST,
BRIDGEWATEP,
CANSO,
GLACE BAY.
HALIFAX.

North End
LUNENBURG,
MAHONE BAY,
PORT HOOD,
SYDNEY,
WOLFVILLE,
YARMOUTH.

NORTHWEST PROVINCES

ALTONA, Man.
BRANDON, .Man.
CALGARY, Alta.
ED.MONTON, Alta.
INDIAN HEAD, Sask.

NORTHWEST PROVINCES

Contitieud.

LETHBRIDGE. Alta.

OAKVILLE, Man.

PORTAGE LA PRAIRIE, Man.

RAYMOND, Alta.

RHGINA. Sask.

ROSENFELD, Man.

SASKATOON. Sask.

WINNIPEG, Man.

" Fort Rougfe

" Logan Ave.

PROV. OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

ARMSTRONG.

CHILLIWACK,

EN DERBY,

GREENWOOD,

KELOWNA,

NELSON,

NEW DENVER,

N. WESTMINSTER

NICOLA.

ROSSLAND,

SUMMERLAND,

VANCOUVER,

" Westminster Ave.
VERNON,
VICTORIA.

IN NEWTOUNDLAKD:

ST. JOHNS Bank ok Montreal.

BIRCHY COVE, Bay of Islands Bank of Montrkal.

IN GREAT BRITAIN:
LONDON, Bank ok Montreal, 46-47 ThiL-.tdiK-etlle Street, E.C. . .

. F. W. Taylor, Manager.

IN THE UNITED STATES:

Agents, 31 Pine Street.

R. Y. Hf.bden, ^
NEW YORK, W. A. Bog, \

J. T. MOLINEUX, J

CHICAGO, Bank of Montreal, J. M. Greata, Manager.
SPOKANE, Wash., Bank ok Montreal

IN MEXICO:
MEXICO, D. F T. S. C. Saunders, Manager.

BANKERS IN GREAT BRITAIN

London, The Bank ok England. Liverpool

" The Union ok London and Smith's Bank, Ltd. ' '

" The London and Westminster Bank, Ltd. i Scotland,

" The National Provincial Bank ok Eng., Ltd. ;

The Bank ok Liverpool, Ltd.

( The British Linrn Co.mpanv Bank,

( Branches.

BANKERS IN THE UNITED STATES:

New York, The National City Bank.

" The Bank ok New York, N.B.A.

" National Bank ok Commerce in New York.

" National Park Bank.

Boston, The Merchants National Bank.

BcKFALO, The Marine Natl. Bank, Bckkalo.

San Francisco, The First National Bank.

" The Anglo-Calikornian Bank, Ltd.

Mrm

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THE MORTIMER CO.

Limited

II.I.IJSTRATORS

PHOTO-ENGRAVERS

PRINTERS

T<ITHOGRAPHERS

BOOKBINDERS

TWO PLANTS

Ottawa

Montreal

ADAMS BROS.
HARNESS MFG. CO,

LIMITED

MANUFACTURERS OF

All kinds of Harness
Saddles, Collars
Horse Clothing and
Saddlery Hardware

ALSO MANUFACTURERS OF

All kinds of Military
Saddles & Equipments

TOKONTO AND WINNIPEG

A. ZIMMERMAN & Co.,

NAVAL PATTERN CAPS,
SWORDS, SAM BROWNE BELTS,

AND ALL KINDS OF

MiLiTAiJY Equipment & Trimmings

ALWAYS ON HAND.
Price List and Estimates on Application.

High- Class Civil and Military Tailors
and Breeches Makers =^^=^^— ^=

38 James St. North, HAMILTON, Can.

THE BOILER INSPECTION AND INSURANCE COMPANY

OF CANADA

Q Issues Policies of Insurance covering All Loss of Property as well

as damage resulting from Loss of Life and Personal Injuries due

to Steam Boiler Explosions.

jis Policie-t are guaranteed by The Hartford Steam "Boiler Inspection and Insurance Co.

Combined Assets amount to $4,111,092.27 Surplus for Benefit of Policyholders $2,053,705.89

Head Office : CANADA LIFE BUILDING' TORONTO. '^"V^r^nTl'^SlTreZ'i:fJi'^i%°^?r'''

The John Whitfield Company

Tbone {Main 2099

JOHN WHITFIELD, Manager

ED'IJ filV/T L''i. PACKING HOUSE AND ABATTOIR MACHINERY

ngine builders & Machinists _ and supplies. -

Hydrants, Valves, Bridge Bolts, and every Description of Iron Work for Builders.
Fire Escapes, Malt Kiln Floors, Chains and Mining Drills. Whitfield Stump Extractor

1 76 Front Street East, TORONTO.

SPECIAL MACHINERY MADE
AND REPAIRED.

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THE MITCHELL RIFLE SIGHT

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Gives Full Satisfaction because it is true and easily set

-^^^^^

This SIGHT enjoys world-wide endorsation

A BOOKLET IS YOURS FOR THE ASKING

\

Canada Arms and Rifle Sights Limited,

It's the "Best

Confederation Life Building,

XShere is

TORONTO, Ont.

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1[The history of the adoption of the Ross Rifle as the arm of the Canadian Militia
reflects great credit on Sir Frederick Borden and his advisers.
tWhy it was adopted has been told by Sir Frederick in the House of Commons and
again at the recent Colonial Conference in London, when the subject of Imperial
defence came up for discussion. Briefly, Sir Frederick had on occasion found it
impossible to obtain a sufficient supply of Lee-Enfields from England. He did
his best to induce one of the English factories to establish a branch in Canada for
the manufacture of tiie Lee-Enfields, but failed. He then resolved to use a rifle
of Canadian make. This resolution led to the adoption of the Ross Rifle, and to
the erection of the extensive plant at Quebec for its manufacture.
^The feet that the Ross Rifle fires the same .303 ammunition as the Lee-Enfield
was no doubt an important consideration with Sir Frederick and his advisers.
Another consideration of probably greater importance was stated by him at the
conference in these words: "The maintenance of the Empire rests primarily on
supremacy atsea," and in that connection 1 would like to submit the advisability —

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the necessity perhaps — for the estabhshment in the different dominions of
factories, which shall be able to manufacture arms, etc., and which will thus
render those communities safer in the event of the sea control being temporarily
lost by England.

TfThis weighty view was approved Iw Mr. Deaken, of Australia. Moreover, it
. was in accordfuice with the opinion of the Imperial authorities who stated in a
paper on the Equipment of Colonial Forces, that it is most desirable that the area
of supply of warlike appliances should be as wide as possible, and therefore Colonial
Governments should be urged to arrange for local manufacture and provision
rather than rely on the resources of the United Kingdom.

fThe arm adopted was no untried e.xperiinent. In 1895, Sir Charles Ross commen-
ced to take out a .scries of patents throughout the world on a straight pull breech
mechanism. Later this system was adopted by the Austrian Government under
the name of the "System Maunlicher," and all the military forces of the Austrian
Empire armed with this weapon.

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1[A most exhaustive series of tests of the rifle was made by a Board convened for
that purpose by the Minister of Militia, consisting of Colonel W. I). Otter, President ;
Members, Colonel J. M. Giljson; Lieutenant-Colonel W. P. Anderson; Lieutenant-
Colonel Sam Hughes, M.P., and Major F. M. Gaudet, who reported in favour of
the Ross Rifle and suggested certain modifications which, in their opinion, were
desirable in an arm to meet the special re([uirenients of the Canadian service.
^The results of this far sighted policy are just beginning to be seen and appreciated
by the country at large who have seen the clamor of adverse criticism, always
accompanying the introduction of a new arm, subside and give way before the
growing popularity of the rifle with the militia.

^[Instructions in musketry practice are reporting hicrea.sed rate of progress towards,
efficiency by their classes resulting from the use of the new rifles. It is established
that twice as many shots may be put on a target with the straight pull Ross Rifle
as can be delivered from the rifle that preceded it, as a result of the rapidity with
which the magazine can be filled and the breech mechanism operated by the
soldier while in the firing position.

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TfBut the great increase in- military strength gained by Canada by the adoption
of this formidable weapon is of only secondary importance to the advantage
obtained by establishing within her borders a most complete and modern plant
for the production of this most important of warlike material. Situated in Quebec,
on the historic Plains of Abraham, and defended by the guns of that most impreg-
nable fortress in America a large plant has been established for the manufacture of
small arms. This establishment is complete in every respect, performing every
one of the thousand and one operations required to convert raw steel and wood
into the highest type of magazine rifle. A large factory filled with marvellous
automatic machinery and precision tools operated by a force of skilled Canadian
artizans who have been specially trained to carry on this work.

# * *

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University of California
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DEC 0 1 2003

U. C. BERKELEY

DD20 1M 3-02

M240309

A ^ 0°

THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA UBRARY