Canon Pietro Casola's Pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the year 1494

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PUBLICATIONS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER.

HISTORICAL SERIES—No. V.

Canon Pietro Casolas Pilerimage to

Jerusalem.

Suerratr & Hucues
Publishers to the Victoria University of Manchester
Manchester : 34 Cross Street
London: 60, Chandos Street W.C.

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2008 with funding from
Microsoft Corporation

http://www.archive.org/details/canonpietrocasol00casouoft

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rom the Book of Prayers and Gospels :
published under the direction of Pietro Casola. H
ture is on the right-hand side. See Introduction, page 19.

Manon Fieiro Casolas

Pilgrimage to Jerusalem

ittae Year 1494

BY
Me MARGARET NE WEG SBA

Formerly Jones Fellow in History

MANCHESTER
AT THE UNIVERSITY PREss
1907

University oF MANCHESTER PUBLICATIONS
i No. XXVI.

PREFACE.

I nore the following itinerary may prove nearly as in-
teresting and attractive in the English Version as it is
in the quaint medieval Italian, in which Canon Pietro
Casola recorded the events of his momentous voyage,
for the amusement and instruction of his Milanese friends,
more than four hundred years ago.

Those who desire to know more about the writer and
the friends with whom the chances of the journey brought
him in contact, will find, in the Introduction and the
Notes, what the dusty shelves of the Archives could furnish
concerning them.

For those who care to learn more than Casola tells
about the conditions in which medieval pilgrims carried
out their pious purpose, I have traced, as far as possible,
the legislation of the Venetian Republic with regard to
the pilgrim traffic, from early times to the last law on
the Statute Book. It has been a labour of love and yet
disappointing. So few documents, comparatively speak-
ing, have survived the destructive influences of time and
the many great fires which devastated the Venetian State
Records. Enough remains, however, to enable us to form
a clear idea of the intentions of the legislators, and of
the ceaseless war they had to wage, against the egoistical
tendencies of human nature, in the effort to carry them
into effect.

It only remains for me to thank heartily my many
kind friends in the Record Offices and Libraries of Venice
and Milan, and especially at the Archives of Venice, and

Vi. PREFACE

at the Trivulzian Library and the Cathedral at Milan,
for the help so willingly given me in the difficult work of
translation and research. Also to express my thanks to Prof.
T. F. Tout for the interest he has taken in and the time
he has bestowed upon a publication which, unfortunately,
involved a great deal of trouble owing to the distance
which separates me from England; and to gratefully
acknowledge the kindness of Mr. W. EH. Rhodes, for his

share in the work of proof-correcting.

M. MARGARET NEWETT.

Venice, April, 1907.

CONTENTS

Fac-simile page from the Book of Prayers and Gospels for the

@rmduvan Witenes, 3.15. kao) ssol wer ase sack «esi «oe. PrOntssmece
RG fas eBhecn ie cas) eee. 205) wae ace tea a cae seep AL Lend of Introduction
PAGE

EVOLACO Menten Seam eee aen ett eee) Me Ra eae eee eh ie San AR Vv
Historical Introduction EE tte see air, ahha Sear as obs ate ees 1

Chapter I. Casola determines to undertake a pilgrimage to Jeru-
salem, and after receiving the archiepiscopal benediction, leaves

Milan on May 15th, arriving at Venice on May 20th... ... ... 115
Chapter II. Description of Venice. He meets Fra Francesco
PTV ZIOR Ree Bia, Beene RAD ect Voce ace Cae! Leemr ie auememerer Gusuens ese PLA

Chapter IIT. Visits to various monasteries and churches at Venice.
The Arsenal. Glass Industry. Venetian Men and Women... 134

Chapter IV. Festival of the Corpus Domini. Preparations for

LeaivAN CMEVENICE ssa ost fscey Ween Noten) cee Gesell vene caces, creas “osc, (Cwecae 46
Chapter V. Casola embarks. Description of the galley, the Con-

tarina. Voyage from Venice to Zara ... ... ... .. .0 . 155
Chapter VI. Voyage from Zara to Ragusa ... ... ... ... ... 168
Chapter VIT. From Ragusa to Modone... ... ... 22. s+ o. a. 81
Chapters Villies rom) Modone itor Rhodesi2sayi-5 225) sues) cee Loo
Chapter -DX;. Hrom Rhodes. to Jaffa © 2. cs. tes) coe seh cen wees DUD
Chapter X. The galley anchors at Jaffa. Casola lands after con-

siderable delays caused by the Governor of Gaza ... ... ... 221
Chapter XI. Journey from Jaffa to Jerusalem... ... . iat face) 1230
Chapter XII. Visits to the ee Places at Jerusalem, Bethlehem,

GiMOs” Vicsd. Latses tone «sooo EHS: cOoomesntnee onde ansow soto. EeoGe ont. Yoses ssc ee A)
Chapter XIII. Visit to the River Jordan and Jericho. Description

of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Visit to Bethany... ... 266
Chapter XIV. Return to Jaffa. Departure for the West after

renewed difficulties with the Governor of Gaza ... ... ... ... 281
Chapter XV. Return voyage to Rhodes... ... .. ... ... ... ... 292
Chapter XVI. From Rhodes to Modone ... ... .. ... .. _... 3809
Chapter VEL. -Hrony Modone to Parenzo .2;. 0... i242 si. aa san B2I
Chapter XVIII. Return of galley to Venice. Festival on All

Saints’ Day. Casola arrives back at Milan... ... ... .. ... 836
Notes ‘sel aloe DERE eek AU CCE Se cece Ae eS Ra I ee ON eee Be .. 849
PAP DONGIR Hee sash cease acm isask) Boas ost sete caser Meese Gent cade Nee, linen (408

Index She 2 BES: SSG coh CaN ORRIN Coane RAT aren Pee ry ese aia. ee . 413

INTRODUCTION

Amonest the subjects which have attracted the attention
of historical students during the last half century, not the
least interesting is the story of the pilgrimages directed
unceasingly to Palestine from the early centuries of the
christian era—a story told in many cases by the pilgrims
themselves who found their way by different routes to the
common goal from all parts of christendom.

An immense impulse was given to the study of the
pilgrim voyages by the publication, in 1868, of the
Bibliographia Geographica Palaestinae, compiled by the
late Professor Titus Tobler. This useful work was after-
wards so enlarged and supplemented by his disciple,
Professor Reinhold Réhricht, that the new edition, pub-
lished in 1890, gives an almost exhaustive list of the
pilgrimages—from the earliest down to modern times—
undertaken by pilgrims who have left some account of
their voyages; together with full details as to where those
relations are to be found—and whether in manuscript or
in print—or both.

Meanwhile Professor Réhricht, in collaboration with
Dr. H. Meissner, was preparing the first edition of the
Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem Heiligen Lande, which
saw the light in 1880; a second, and enlarged edition, was
published by Professor Réhricht alone in 1900. The
bibliography of the German pilgrim voyages there com-
pleted, closes with a notice of the Pilgrimage of Heinrich
Wilhelm Ludolph, who went to the Holy Land wd
Constantinople, in 1699, and returned by way of Leghorn.
Rohricht notes that in 1494 Ludwig Freiherr von Greiffen-

B

2 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

stein, Reinhard von Bemmelberg, and Konrad von Parsberg
went to Jerusalem.! They were fellow pilgrims with
Casola, and left descriptions of their voyage, still pre-
served, which I have unfortunately not been able to con-
sult. Judging, however, from the summaries given by
Rohricht, the German pilgrims confirm the account given
by Casola.

Much valuable work has been done in France by the
Société de VOrient Latin, especially by means of the
Society’s journal, to which M. N. Jorga contributed the
Notes et extraits pour servir a UVhistoire des Croisades au
XVe Siécle—largely drawn from the Archives of Venice,
and carried down to the fall of Constantinople in 1453.
The geographical series published by the Society—the
Itinera Latina, the [tinéraires Frangais, and the /tinéraires
Russes en Orient,—the latter translated by Madame B. de
Chitrow,—are of very high interest; and the publication of
the Russian voyages is a testimony to the work done by the
Russian Palestine Society. Two volumes of the Receuzl
de voyages et de documents pour servir a UVhistoire de la
Géographie depuis le xitie jusqu a la fin du avie Srécle,
published under the direction of M.M. Charles Schefer and
Henri Cordier, have been specially useful to me in illus-
trating the general history of the pilgrim voyages, namely,
Le voyage de la Saincte Cyté de Hierusalem avec la
description des leur, portz, villes, citez, et aultres
passaiges, fait Van mil quatre cens, quatre vingtz,
étant le siege du Grant Ture a@ Rhodes, et regnant
en France Loys unziesme de ce nom, and Le voyage de la
Terre Sainte composé par Maitre Denis Possot, et achevé
par Messire Charles Philippe Seigneur de Champarmoy et
de Grand Champ, 1532. The first of these was probably

1. Reinhold Rohricht, Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem Heiligen Lande, Innsbruck,
1890, p. 183.

INTRODUCTION 3

written by a French clerk, whose name is unknown; it is
of importance in relation to Casola’s voyage, because the
pugrims of 1480 were conducted to Jerusalem and back
by Agostino Contarini, who commanded the pilgrim
galley also in 1494.

In England nearly three centuries ago, ‘ Purchas’s
Pilgrims, and ‘ Hakluyt’s Voyages and Discoveries,’
stimulated popular interest in pilgrimages and voyages of
discovery and commerce, etc. Amongst other accounts
Hakluyt includes the Latin text and the English translation
of the description of his voyage left by Odorico of
Pordenone, in Friuli, who went to Palestine in the
beginning of the fourteenth century. In recent years
important contributions have been made to the subject
by the Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society, created for the
translation and publication of historical and geographical
works relating to the Holy Land. I believe that collection
was closed with the publication of the Life of Saladin,
translated by Lieutenant Colonel Conder.

In Italy, in 1882, Count Pietro Amat di San Filippo
published under the auspices of the Italian Geographical
Society, biographical sketches of Italian voyagers to
Palestine, somewhat on the lines of Tobler’s and
Rohricht’s books,—to which the Count added an appendix
in 1884. The enterprise of societies or of private
individuals has also led to the publication of the text of
many Italian voyages, such, for example, as // Viaggio in
Terra Santa fatto e descritto per Roberto da Sanseverino,
included in the series of literary curiosities from the
XIiIth to the XVIIth centuries, published in Bologna
under the direction of the poet Giosue Carducci; and
the invaluable 7rattato di Terra Santa e dell’ Oriente of
the Franciscan friar, Francesco Suriano, edited in 1900 by
P. Girolamo Golubovich, a member of the same order.

4 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

All these and numberless other publications have
revealed the pilgrim stream flowing in all ages steadily
in the direction of the Eastern Mediterranean; at first
by various channels, then concentrating its chief force
on Italy, and finally choosing Venice almost exclusively
as the common outlet—the port, that is, of embarcation—
as long as she maintained her pre-eminent position on the
sea.

Long before 1000 a.p. the busy little Italian Republics
had acquired supreme commercial and maritime import-
ance; and Venice, Amalfi, Pisa and Genoa, had concen-
trated in their own hands the world’s commerce, which
then and for long after had its centre in the Mediterranean.

As far back as the seventh century Amalfi, the first
Italian city which is certainly known to have traded with
the Levant, offered a formidable resistance to the advance
of the Saracens; and the Tari of Amalfi was universally
accepted as current coin in the Kast, as later the Golden
Ducat or Zecchino of Venice. The vessels of Amalfi went
regularly to the ports of Beyrout and Alexandria with
pilgrims and merchants. But the victories of the
Normans and the hostility of Pisa were fatal to the
enterprising little city, which was reduced to impotence
at the beginning of the twelfth century.

Pisa had a powerful fleet, and was one of the chief
commercial cities of Italy, between the tenth and the
thirteen centuries. It had its share of Eastern commerce,
and of the pilgrim transport, and the record of the Pisan
establishments in Jerusalem was still preserved at the time
of Casola’s visit, in the ‘ Pisan Castle” outside the city
gate to which he several times refers. Pisa after complet-
ing the ruin of Amalfi fell in turn before the maritime
power of its Genoese rival at the rock of Meloria in 1284,

INTRODUCTION 5

and the field was left clear for the duel between Genoa and
Venice, for commercial supremacy and the control of the
carrying trade in the Eastern Mediterranean.

The facilities given by the Venetian Republic to the
Crusaders of 1201-4, and the establishment of the Latin
Empire in Constantinople, resulted in converging the
pilgrim stream more than ever on Venice; and this not
only because of the size of her naval and mercantile fleet,
but also on account of the guarantees she was able to offer
to travellers for a safe and successful journey, owing to
the chain of ports on the mainland and in the islands,
which fell to her share when the spoil of the Byzantine
Empire was divided. Genoa struggled hard, but in spite
of the advantages she secured in the Black Sea over
Venice, when the Greek Empire was re-established, her
good fortune was shortlived, and after the great defeat at
Chioggia in 1380, she ceased to be dangerous to her great
rival of the Adriatic, and Venice was indeed mistress of
the seas. From the second half of the fourteenth
century, and especially after 1380—save for isolated cases
of pilgrims who embarked for special reasons at Genoa,
Gaeta, Naples, Brindisi, Ancona, ete.—the overwhelming
majority went for two centuries on the sea voyage to Syria
from Venice; and the pilgrim traffic gave rise there to a
voluminous and special legislation, continued down to the
middle of the sixteenth century—to the time, that is, when
the sun of Venetian commercial and maritime importance
was slowly and surely setting, and when she therefore
ceased to be able to offer the special advantages which had
drawn pilgrims from all parts of Europe to her port for
so many centuries.

Among the Italian pilgrimages to Jerusalem there is a
record of one completed in 570 by Saint Antonino of

6 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Piacenza, whose account, De Locis sanctis que perambu-
lavit Antoninus Martyr, is mentioned by Tobler.!

Between 1062 and 1066 Pantaleone, a rich citizen of
Amalfi, accompanied by Bishop Alfano of Salerno and
Bernardo of Praeneste, went to Constantinople, and thence
to the Holy Land, where, through the generosity of his
father Mauro, a hostel was established in Jerusalem for
the citizens of Amalfi.

A century and a half later, in 1219, Saint Francis of
Assisi with a company of courageous missionaries, landed
at Acre and visited the holy places. On his return by way
of Damietta he entered the camp of the Saracens, who,
astonished at his boldness, and probably not understanding
what he said, let him preach the Gospel and condemn the
Koran?

The voyages of Italian pilgrims increased enormously
in the fourteenth century, and the accounts which have
come down to us include, in addition to the lists of the
places visited and the enumeration of religious ceremonies
and of the devout practices and beliefs of the pilgrims,
some notices of Oriental manners and customs, fauna and
flora, geography, commerce and industry. The chief are

those written by three Tuscans—a friar, a noble and a

merchant. The two latter were the Florentines, Leonardo
Frescobaldi and Simone Sigoli, who went to Jerusalem in
1584-5.

The most interesting accounts, however, belong to the
fifteenth century, and those written by Roberto da
Sanseverino, the great Condottiere, whose father was a
Neapolitan, and whose mother was a sister of Francesco
Sforza; by Santo Brasea, a Milanese; by Gabriele

1. See Preface to Biegrafia di Viaggiatori Italiani, &c., by P. Amat di S. Filippo
Rome, 1882 ; and the Bibl. Geog. Palaes., by Titus 'Tobler.

beng” See preface to Biografia di Viaggiatori Italiani, by P. Amat diSan Filippo. Rome,

3 Idem,

INTRODUCTION 7

Capodilista, a noble Paduan; by Francesco Suriano, a
Venetian; and by Girolamo Castiglione, Bernardino di
Nali, and Pietro Casola, all three natives of Milan, stand
out pre-eminently.

The number of Milanese pilgrims in preceding years
might well make Casola feel disappointed that he was
destined, in spite of all his efforts to the contrary, to go
on his voyage alone in 1494. Nevertheless he could at
least profit by the experiences of fellow countrymen who
had undertaken the pilgrimage in previous years.

Roberto da Sanseverino, who settled definitely in
Lombardy, when his uncle became duke of Milan, went
on his pilgrimage in 1458. He was accompanied by
several friends, one of whom, “The Magnificent Giovane
Mateo Butigella, ducal courtier,” wrote on his return a
History of the Holy Land. Another passenger on board
the same pilgrim galley with Sanseverino and his com-
panions was “John, Earl of Exeter, a great lord and a
relative of the King of England.” Sanseverino’s own
description of the journey includes an acount of his visit
to Mount Sinai, and his return to Jerusalem by way of
Cairo. He was killed in 1487, while waging a frontier
war for the Venetians against Sigismund, Count of Tyrol.
Whether Casola ever met the great Condottiere we do not
know; but he could certainly read his Voyage to the Holy
Land,} of which copies were in circulation in Milan.
There is one at the present time in the Trivulzian Library.

In 1486, Fra Girolamo Castiglione (or de Castellione) a
native of Milan, travelled through Palestine, Arabia and
Egypt. In his Treatise on the Country beyond the Seas
that is the Holy Land, he says little about the countries
he visited; but gives elaborate details with regard to the

1. Viaggio in Terra Santa fatto e descritto per Roberto da Sanseverino, published with
preface and notes by Romagnoli dall’ Acqua, Bologna, 1889.

8 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

pious beliefs of the pilgrims, and the devotions they
usually performed.!

A Milanese merchant named Bernadino di Nali (or di
Noli) went as a pilgrim to the Holy Land in 1492, and
wrote a short account of his experiences, a copy of which
is preserved in the National Library of Lucca. It com-
mences, “In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit,
here begins the pilgrimage to Jerusalem made by me,
Bernardino di Nali, Milanese merchant in Venice, in the
year of the human salvation, 1492, on the Jaffa Galley.’

Casola must, however, have received more valuable help
still from the written and verbal instructions of two fellow
townsmen, both living in 1494—the Lord Guidantonio
Arcimboldi, Archbishop of Milan, and the Cavalier Santo
Brasca, who was twice questor of his city, and who was
also ducal Chancellor under Lodovico Sforza.

Guidantonio Arcimboldi was a son of Nicolo Arcimboldi,
president of the Senate, and of Ursina Countess of
Canossa. He succeeded his brother Giovanni, as Arch-
bishop of Milan, in 1488. But, before taking orders, he
had been Senator and president of the Senate, like his
father. Because of his culture, his oratorical gifts, his
knowledge of law, and his remarkable prudence, he was
frequently employed as Ducal Ambassador and plenipo-
tentiary.? In this capacity Sanuto mentions his arrival
in Venice, in April, 1496, adding that he had already been
as ambassador to Spain. Later on Sanuto remarks that
the Milanese Archbishop in “leaving and coming to the
audiences observes the order of the hours given him by
the duke according to astrology, which the duke follows
greatly.”4 The Archbishop left Venice on the 14th of

1. P. Amat diSan Filippo, Biografia di Viaggiatori Italiani, &c., p. 170; and Rohricht,
Bibl. Geog. Palaes., p. 139.
Idem, See Amat di San Filippo, p. 199, and Rohricht, p, 143.
Argelati, Bibliotheca Scriptorum ‘Mediolan., vol. i. part ii. cap. cxix.
Diarii di Marino Sanuto, vol. i. pp. 116, 120.

we coho

INTRODUCTION 9

June, 1496, and returned to Milan, where he died in
October, 1497.

As far back as 1476, Arcimboldi had gone with the
celebrated Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, another condottiere,
and Count Galeotto da Belgioioso on a pilgrimage to
Jerusalem. Unfortunately all we know of their voyage
is contained in the few letters sent home by the travellers
themselves, and in the despatches of Leonardo Botta,
Milanese Ambassador in Venice at that time, who men-
tions their arrival there on the outward and homeward
voyages. On the 14th of October, 1476, Botta wrote that
Trivulzio had arrived that day in Venice “all shaken to
pieces by the sea,” after a disastrous voyage. He had
separated from Arcimboldi at Jaffa, where the latter went
on board the pilgrim galley because he could not endure
the rolling of the sailing ship on which they had gone
out from Venice. His vivid recollection of the sufferings
and hardships endured on this pilgrimage no doubt

‘

accounts for the “no ordinary tears” with which the
Archbishop bestowed his benediction on Casola on the eve
of his departure, and the joy with which he welcomed
him on his return.

The Cavalier Santo Brasca went to the Holy Sepulchre
in 1480, on board the pilgrim galley, owned and com-
manded by the “magnificent miser, Augustino Contarini,
a Venetian patrician, and a very upright man of good
fame.” Among Brasca’s fellow pilgrims were the author
of the Voyage de la Saincte Cyté de Hierusalem ... .
fait Van mil quatre cens quatre vingtz, already cited;
and the celebrated Felix Faber, author of the Hvaga-
torium, who went on a second pilgrimage in 1483.

Brasca’s description of his journey was deservedly
popular at Milan, where it was printed for the first time

1. Gian Giacomo Trivulzio in Terra Santa, by Emilio Motta in the Archivio Storico
Lombardo, Anno xiii., 1886, pp. 866—878.

10 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

in 1481, and republished in 1497. He carefully mentions
the hymns, chants and prayers said and sung by the
pilgrims on various occasions, and in all the sacred places,
and enumerates the indulgences to be procured in the
places they visited. This probably accounts for the fact
that Casola, though a priest, gives little information on
these points. He clearly saw no purpose in repeating
what others in Milan—such as Castiglione and Santo
Brasca—had recently written so fully. In conclusion,
Brasca devotes a chapter to practical instructions for
intending pilgrims, of which the following is a transla-
tion :—

“The instructions promised above to anyone who desires
to undertake this most Holy Voyage are the following, to
wit:—In the first place, a man should undertake this
voyage solely with the intention of visiting, contemplating
and adoring the most Holy Mysteries, with great effusion
of tears, in order that Jesus may graciously pardon his
sins; and not with the intention of seeing the world, or
from ambition, or to be able to boast ‘I have been there,’
or ‘I have seen that,’ in order to be exalted by his fellow-
men, as perhaps some do, who in this case from now have
received their reward. Similarly, he should prepare him-
self to pardon the injuries done him; to restore every-
thing belonging to others; and to live according to the
law, because without this first and necessary disposition
every hope and every fatigue is in vain.

“Secondly, he should put his affairs in order and make
his will, so that whatever God wills to happen to him his
heirs may not find themselves in difficulties.

“Thirdly, he should carry with him two bags—one right
full of patience, the other containing two hundred Vene-
tian ducats, or at least one hundred and fifty—namely,
one hundred which each person needs for the voyage, and

INTRODUCTION 11

then nothing will be lacking to the man who loves his life
and is accustomed to live delicately at home; the other
fifty for illness or any other circumstances that may arise.

“Fourthly, let him take with him a warm long upper
garment ! to wear on the return journey, when it is cold;
a good many shirts, so as to avoid lice and other unclean
things as much as possible; and also tablecloths, towels,
sheets, pillow cases and such like.

“Then he should go to Venice, because from there he
can take his passage more conveniently than from any
other city in the world. Every year one galley is deputed
solely for this service; and although he may find it
cheaper to go on a sailing ship,? he should on no account
abandon the galley. He should make an agreement with
the captain,? who usually requires from fifty to sixty
ducats. For this price he is obliged to provide the passage
there and back, supply all food (except on land); pay for
the riding animals in the Holy Land, and also pay all
duties and tribute.

“Next he should cause to be made an overcoat* reaching
down to the ground to wear when sleeping in the open air,
and buy a thin mattress ® instead of a bed, a long chest,
two barrels—to wit, one for water, the other for wine—
and a night-stool © or covered pail.

“Further, let him take a supply of good Lombard cheese,
and sausages and other salt meats of every sort, white
biscuits, some loaves of sugar, and several kinds of
preserved sweetmeats, but not a great quantity of these
last because they soon go bad. Above all he should have
with him a great deal of fruit syrup, because that is what

Veste.
. Nave=one of the largest Venetian sailing ships—which made no use whatever of

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Patrono=Captain—Captain-owner or owner.
Gabano=a long mantle of coarse cloth with sleeves,
. Strapontino.

Zangola,

OP go

12 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

keeps a man alive in the great heat; and also syrup of
ginger to settle his stomach if it should be upset by exces-
sive vomiting, but the ginger should be used sparingly,
because it is very heating. Likewise he should take some
quince without spice, some aromatics flavoured with rose
and carnation and some good milk products.

“He should take care to arrange in good time—especially
if given to suffering from the head on account of the
movement of the sea—to have his lodging in the middle
of the galley and near the middle door in order to have
a little air.

“When he goes ashore in any place, he should furnish
himself with eggs, fowls, bread, sweetmeats and fruit,
and not count what he has paid the captain, because this
is a voyage on which the purse must not be kept shut.

“On landing at Jaffa he should be humble in his
behaviour and in his dress. At this place the chief officer !
of the galley, the supercargo,? the pilot, the trumpeters,
the drummers, the chief rowers,*? the crossbow men, the
stewards, the cooks and others all come forward, each with
a cup in his hand, and it is advisable to give something to
each of them. In the Holy Land carry a cushion, and
never leave the caravan of the pilgrims, and do not venture
to argue about the faith with those Saracens, because it is
a waste of time and productive of trouble.

“As I do not desire to discourage poor men—whose
substance is not sufficient to allow them to put together
so much money—from undertaking this voyage, I can
assure them for their consolation that, when a captain
knows that certain pilgrims are poor he is ready to agree
for thirty or thirty-two ducats, and for this sum to give
them their passage, and pay for the riding animals, the

1. Comito.
2. Scrivano,
3. Proveri.

INTRODUCTION 13

duties and the tribute; while they themselves can provide
their own food out of their own purses a little more
economically than those who have large means; and such
pilgrims are allowed access to the kitchen to cook their
victuals like the others.

“ Finally, it is necessary that the gold and silver money
taken should be fresh from the Venetian mint, otherwise
the Moors will not accept the coins, even if they were ten
grains overweight; and the captain must be paid in the
same money because he is obliged to pay the same to the
Moors.”

Santo. Brasca died in the beginning of the sixteenth
century, and was buried in the Church of Santa Eufemia.!

It is clear from what he tells us that Casola had
carefully read and profited by Brasca’s suggestions. To
the two bags of money and patience he added, however,
on his own account a bag of faith—an article of which
a renaissance prelate who had spent much of his life in
Rome, probably stood more in need than the average
layman.

The nobility of the Casola family is proved by the
simple fact that one of its members was canon of the
Metropolitan Church in the fifteenth century, when
only nobles were admitted. Moreover, a list of noble
Milanese families, drawn up as early as 1277, includes the
name of “ Cazolis,” or “‘ Casola” as it came to be written
later.2, The author of this book, Pietro Casola, was born
in 1427, and died on Saturday, the 6th of November, 1507,
aged eighty, as is proved by the following extract from the
series of Registri Mortuarij, preserved in the State
Archives at Milan :—“ In the year 1507, on Saturday, the

1. Argelati, Bibl. Scriptorum Mediolanen., vol. i. part ii. p. 226.

Giulini, Memorie Spettanti alla storia, &c., di Milano nei Secoli bassi, part viii.
pp. 309, 681.

14 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

6th of November, in the district of Porta Ticinese, and in
the Parish of St. Victor of the Well—the Reverend Lord,
the priest, Pietro Casola, aged eighty, of a suffocating
catarrh,. The malady was not suspicious in the opinion of
Master Ambrogio Varese da Rosate.” }

The suffocating catarrh which proved fatal to Casola was
probably acute bronchitis, and the note that the malady
was not suspicious indicates that there was no suspicion of
the plague, that terrible epidemic disease which from time
to time decimated medizval cities, and was the terror of
municipal governments. The Physician who attended
Pietro Casola in his last illness, and granted the death
certificate was a famous professor and astrologer and a
celebrated Court physician. He died on 27th October,
1522. ?

The most careful search has so far yielded only a very
small harvest of documents relating to the author of this
Voyage to Jerusalem, but the few which have been brought
to light are certainly interesting; they will be found
in extenso in the Appendix.

The first is a ducal rescript dated August 13th, 1467,
from which it appears that Pietro Casola, then aged forty,
had been nominated by the Papal See to the benefice of
St. Victor at Corbetta, in the diocese of Milan, and that
he had petitioned for a confirmation of this appointment
from the Duchess Bianca. The latter gave him full
authority to exercise his rights, and ordered all “ our
officers and subjects concerned ” to give due and legitimate
aid to the “‘ aforesaid priest Pietro or his procurator.’’%

There is another petition—undated—addressed by
Casola to the “Lords of Milan.” The internal evidence

3 Emilio Motta’ Mont in Ailano dat 1452—1562, in the Archivio Storico Lombardo,

1891, p. 254.
3. Appendix, Document A.

INTRODUCTION 15

shows that it belongs to the period between the death of
Galeazzo Sforza in 1476, and the domination of his
brother Lodovico il Moro. Probably it was written shortly
after the death of Galeazzo, because in the beginning
Casola states that a few months earlier, he and other priests
and clerks had been required to take the oath of allegiance
to the Lords of Milan and their state—that is, to the
Regents, Bona and Lodovico, who governed on behalf of
the young duke Gian Galeazzo.

The petition in question was probably written by Casola
himself: certainly the caligraphy resembles that of the
manuscript of his journey in the Trivulzian Library,
which Count Giulio Porro considered autograph. In it
the petitioner styles himself ‘The Orator before God” for
the ‘“ Illustrious Princes and most excellent Lords” of
Milan; their “most faithful servant” and “ Ordinary
Canon of the Cathedral of Milan.” He then entreats
permission to establish and exercise his rights in the
Canonries of St. Stephen, at Milan, and St. Victor, at
Corbetta; which had been usurped by others. He sup-
ports his petition by three arguments:—firstly, that
princes who intend to administer justice impartially,
especially in ecclesiastical matters, need never be afraid
of the consequences; because God will surely protect and
perpetually preserve them, and “thus the said orator will
ever pray that he may do in the masses which he says
continually.”

In the second place, he points out, with the spark of
humour which enlivens his itinerary every now and then,
that each of the two usurpers of the Canonries in question,
is disqualified for holding such posts—that of Saint
Stephen on account of his youth, because he is a boy, and
“whoever is appointed to the said Canonry of St. Stephen’s
must be a priest’’-—and the occupant of the Canonry of

16 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Corbetta, because “he is fit for everything else except
being a priest’--and the duty of their Excellencies is
to see that suitable persons are appointed to Church bene-
fices.

Thirdly, Casola lays stresson his own personal merits and
services, reminding the illustrious princes that “for six-
teen years he has been at the Court of Rome in the service
of this State,’ and that therefore it seems to him that
when he asks for justice from his liege Lords, he should
not be denied.!

There is no positive evidence as to the result of this
petition; but the absence of any similar document in after
years would seem to point to the fact that it had been
favourably received. Indeed, the comfortable pecuniary
circumstances—to which Casola himself alludes—enjoyed
in the later years of his life, may be explained by the
emoluments of a benefice and three Canonries, in addition
to his income as secretary attached for many years to the
Milanese Embassy at Rome, not to speak of any private
means he may have had.

In many parts of his voyage Casola displays a close
acquaintance with Rome and the neighbourhood. He
draws comparisons between the Roman palaces and
churches, and those seen elsewhere; he specially mentions
the “Wood of Baccano,” outside Rome, in connection
with the decoration of Saint Mark’s place for the festival
of the Corpus Domini; and he refers to years spent in the
Papal City. In the Petition he is more precise, and says
definitely that at the time of writing—probably 1477—he
had been already sixteen years at the Court of Rome. In
a letter from the Milanese Ambassador there, dated
August 14th, 1477, Casola is mentioned as being then in
the service of the Embassy. In his letter the Ambassador

1. Appendix, Document B,

INTRODUCTION 17

relates that he has sent “ Priest Pietro Casola” to warn
and reprove a certain Giovanni Maria de la Mayrola, who
had tried to obtain from the papal see the appointment to
a certain Milanese benefice, without first seeking license
from his own princes.!

In 1478, Casola was included among the ordinary
Canons of the Metropolitan Church at Milan.? It is very
likely that this marks the time when he returned from
Rome, to settle in his native city. In the year 1502 he
appears as the senior of the cardinal deacons of the
Duomo.? Several times between 1481 and the year of his
death, his name appears in official documents, with those
of other Canons who were concerned with the execution of
work of various kinds in connection with the Duomo. *

Two other documents relating to Casola belong to the
years 1478 and 1479. From them we gather that a contest
had arisen between “ Pietro Casola” on the one part, and
“Girolamo Casanigo and Ambrogio de Cepis” on the
other, with regard to the possession of the Chapel of Santa
Maria de Cepis. On August 3rd, 1478, the venerable
doctor, Don Andrea de Fagnano, Canon of the Duomo,
was ordered by the Regents to hear and settle the question.
This injunction was repeated with emphasis on the 17th of
February, 1479.5

Casola enjoyed a great reputation at Milan for works—
requiring a large culture and much study—relating to the
Ambrosian ritual, which were either compiled by him or
printed under his direction—sometimes at his expense.

In 1490 he published the Offictum Ambrosianum or the
Ambrosian breviary in large quarto, an important and
now rare book, dedicated to Guidantonio Arcimboldi,

1. Appendix, Document C.
2. MS. Catalogue in the Chapter Library, Milan Cathedral.

mh 3. Document, dated 3rd March, 1502, in the Archives of the Archiepiscopal Court,
ilan.

4. Appendix, Documents E.
5, Appendix, Document D.

€

18 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Archbishop of Milan. In 1492 Casola published the
Breviary in octavo for the use of priests in travelling. The
print is clear and beautiful. Only two examples are known
to exist, and both are now in the Ambrosian Library.

In 1494, Casola published, at his own expense, the
Librum Triduanarum Rogationum, that is, the Book of
the Triduan Litanies which belong exclusively to the
Milanese Church. The Rubrics are given in Italian, and
in the order in which they were observed in that age by
the Ambrosian clergy.

The Lationale Ceremoniarum Missae Ambrosianae,
compiled by Casola, was printed in 1499. In it he
describes and explains the ceremonies then in use, and this
is the more interesting now for the Milanese Church,
because many of them have been abandoned or reformed
at various times since, especially by St. Charles Borromeo.
The book is the fruit of long, patient and careful study,
and also of Casola’s pilgrimage, for he notes the ceremonies
which concord with the Greek rites from which the
Ambrosian took their origin, and which he had ample
opportunity for observing in different places on the voyage,
especially in Candia and at the Holy Sepulchre itself.

Both in the Breviaries and in the fationale there are
readings which differ from those in earlier and later
missals, and this has given rise to controversy from time
to time. For example, as the Confiteor of the Ambrosian
Mass in the Fatzonale is more prolix than that used at
present, Muratori inferred that a great change had taken
place in this respect in the Liturgy. But in the Milanese
Missals of 1492 and 1499 the Confiteor is almost identical!
with that now used. The fact is that up to the time of
St. Charles Borromeo, a very large discretion was left to
individual priests in the matter of rites and ceremonies,
and this is attested by Cardinal Federico in the preface

INTRODUCTION 19

to the Breviary of 1625.1 The Liturgical works published
by Casola, while of great interest and authority for the
story of the Ambrosian ritual, must always therefore
be accepted with reserve, and carefully compared with
similar books of his own time, and also of the centuries
which preceded and followed. A very fine copy of the
Rationale in parchment, gilded and painted in miniature,
and bearing the arms of the author, is preserved in the
Library of the Lateran Canons of Santa Maria della
Passione.?

In the Sacristy of the Milan Cathedral there are two
volumes in parchment beautifully illustrated—two of the
volumes published under the supervision of Casola. One
contains the prayers and gospels chanted on the first day
of the Triduan Litanies. The book has forty leaves in
all, measuring 36 x 26 centimetres. The character is large
Gothic in black and red, and the first page, painted in
miniature, contains at the right side a small medallion
portrait of Casola, with the letters “ P.P.C.,” 7.e., Presbyter
Petrus Casola, and at the bottom the arms of the Casola
family. This is the page chosen to illustrate the voyage,
and from which Casola’s likeness has been photographed
separately.

The other volume contains the gospels used in the Masses
chanted by the Archbishop. It was prepared by order of
Canon Pietro Casola, and presented by him to the Sacristy
of the Cathedral. It is also in parchment, and consists of
23 leaves, measuring 41x34 centimetres, in addition to
two fly-leaves at the beginning and two at the end. There
is an index and notes by Francesco Castelli, another
ordinary of the Cathedral frequently mentioned in
contemporary documents. Fourteen of the leaves are
PERE et ea core Poneroidiroviaui ex suvial aullseutenuin 1aure aiveltyBl

impressum sivi manuscriptum arbitratu suo divulgare.”
2. Argelati. Bibl. Scriptoruwm Mediolanen.

20 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

painted in miniature, with rich borders, and each of the
initial letters has figures relating to the mystery of the
festival of the day. At the foot of each miniatured page
are Casola’s arms, surrounded on the first page by the
legend in gold: “ PRESBITER PETRUS DE CASOLIS,
ORDINARIUS.”

On his return from the Holy Land in 1494, Casola gave
to his friends, though only in manuscript, his interesting
description of what he had seen and heard—one of the
most acute and comprehensive, one of the most modern-
spirited and unprejudiced of the many itineraries written
by pilgrims during the Middle Ages. The author, a keen
observer, was not only a priest, but also a man of the
world, widely read and largely travelled, with much
experience of men and things, and possessed of a practical
philosophy of life, and a saving sense of humour which
carried him successfully through all difficulties.

Not the least interesting part of the narrative is that
devoted to a description of the city of Venice, whose out-
ward aspect at the close of the quattrocento is so graphic-
ally represented also in the Plan of Albert Diirer belonging
to the year 1500, and in the wonderful pictures of
Carpaccio, and Gentile Bellini. In 1494, the sun of the
powerful and dreaded Republic was slowly but surely
setting; though the artistic beauty of the unique metro-
polis, the splendour of its state pageants, the size and
importance of its naval and mercantile fleet, and the
activity on ’Change,—at the Rialto, that is,—and in the
port, concealed the fact from observers as acute and
practised as Pietro Casola and Philippe de Comines, the
then French envoy to Venice, whom Casola met on his
return at the house of the Milanese Ambassador. They
had time to compare their impressions, and Casola tells
us the effect on Comines of certain manifestations of

INTRODUCTION 21

Venetian luxury and magnificence. The fact that they
expressed themselves afterwards on the subject, quite
independently, in almost the same written words in their
memoirs, seems to demonstrate that they agreed in their
judgment with regard to the religious attitude of Vene-
tian statesmen,

The only copy of Casola’s MS. known to exist, is that
in the Trivulzian Library at Milan. It was no doubt
carefully preserved there, because it contains the only
authentic account of the last days of a distinguished
member of the Trivulzio family—Fra Francesco Trivulzio
—who was buried at Rhodes on the homeward voyage.
In the eighteenth century, the learned Carlo Trivulzio,
who died in 1789, at the age of seventy-four, gave himself
up with enthusiasm to archeological studies, and formed
an interesting and valuable museum in the family palace.
His attention was attracted by Casola’s manuscript, which
he annotated here and there, and in which he inserted
a life of his ancestor, Fra Francesco, written on loose
sheets of paper. In later times Casola’s voyage had been
completely forgotten; it was saved from oblivion by Count
Giulio Porro, who had it transcribed, and then printed a
hundred copies, with a short preface and notes, on the
occasion of the marriage of Donna Evelina dei Marchesi
Trivulzio with Count Antonio de Lumiarez, in the year
1855. Naturally, the printed edition is rare now. There
are two copies in the Trivulzian Library at Milan, and one
in the Correr Museum in Venice. I was fortunate enough
to be able to procure a copy through the courtesy of a
friend, who found it for sale in Milan. Suspecting the
existence of some inadvertent errors of transcription in
the printed Voyage—a suspicion which proved to be well
founded—I went to Milan to consult the original, and
received courteous permission from Prince Trivulzio to

22 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

make the necessary corrections, so that the translation
should be made from the original text—considered by
Count Giulio Porro to be an autograph of Casola. This
is very possible, though not absolutely certain: the cor-
rections and changes of word or phrase are in the same
handwriting as the body of the document, which renders
it very probable that they were made by the author him-
self; and, as has been said, the caligraphy of the MS. of
the Voyage, closely resembles, if it is not identical with,
that of Casola’s petition with reference to the Canonries
of St. Stephen’s and St. Victor’s.

The first leaf of the manuscript—conceivably contain-
ing a preface, in which Casola probably determined the
year of his Voyage—is unfortunately missing; and the
missing sheet corresponds with another in the body of
the MS., on which Casola completed his description of
Candia; now left incomplete. In the text, however, as
Porro observes, Casola “gives such indications as suffice
for arriving at the precise date of his Voyage, which was
the year 1494. He says he left Milan on Wednesday, the
14th of May, the third day of the Triduan Rogations.
Now, these being six weeks after Easter, that solemnity
must have fallen on the 30th of March; and Kaster day in
1494 occurred exactly on March the 30th. If this proof
were not sufficient, there is another in the expedition of
Charles VIII. to Italy, which took place in 1494, about
which Casola says he heard from a friar belonging to the
Zorzi family, and also later from Bernardino Contarini,
who came aboard the pilgrim galley at Modone to return
to Venice.”

In the account of his journey, Casola shows how certain
Venetians, under government supervision and control,
undertook what may be described as the work of a modern
Cook’s Agency, and conducted tours to the one special

INTRODUCTION 23

place beyond the seas which was still sought—though
from very mixed motives—by pilgrims from all parts of
Christendom. As has been said, the importance of the
pilgrim traffic gave rise to an extensive special legislation
in Venice, whose development will now be traced.

During the early middle ages those who were concerned
in maritime enterprises in the Mediterranean used to watch
personally over their own interests, and the shipowner and
captain were confounded in one single person, the
Patronus. The patronus shared in the venture with the
merchants who owned the cargo, and who often accom-
panied their goods on the sea voyage.) In Casola’s
manuscript it is to be noted that the title invariably given
to Agostino Contarini is that of “ Patrono.” Except in
one instance I have translated this by the word “ Captain,”
but captain must always be understood to mean captain-
owner or captain-part-owner.

For several centuries legislation on maritime subjects
seems to have been lacking in Venice, though its place was
to some extent supplied by the contracts which preserve
the usages of the time. But the increasing development
of sea traffic, especially at the time of the Crusades,
necessitated the transformation of immemorial custom
into more formal law. The first Venetian maritime
statutes belong to the first half of the thirteenth century,
and legislated for the pilgrims who crowded year by year
to Venice as well as for all others who under the protecting
shadow of the Republic, went down to the sea in ships,
and did their business in great waters.

The first of these statutes issued under the Doge Pietro
Ziani, 1227, dealt exclusively with the disposition of the
ballast and cargo, and ordered that no ship was to be

1. Preface to Statuti Maritimi Veneziani, edited by R. Predelli and A. Sacerdoti.
Venice, 1903.

24 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

loaded more than two feet above the cross, that is, above a
conventional sign on the side of a ship which indicated the
limit of submersion.t In this way the old Venetians
provided for the general safety at sea, and anticipated by
many centuries the Plimsoll Mark.

This statute was followed two years later by the more
comprehensive measure of the Doge Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229.”
This provided for the caulking, painting and decorating
of ships, for the storing of ballast and the due packing
away of the cargo. Ships in general were not to be loaded
more than two feet above the cross, and when they were
over six years old, only a foot and a half above that mark.
If any ship was hired to pilgrims, either in Venice or
elsewhere, the captain-owner must come to terms with the
pilgrims in question as to the amount of cargo to be taken
on board. Ships of 200 mégliaia? were to carry
20 mariners, not counting amongst these knights, pilgrims
or cooks; and each mariner was to be armed with a helmet,
shield and jacket, a sword and three lances. For every
increase of 50 mzgliaia in a ship’s tonnage, five mariners,
equipped as above, were to be added. Every ship was to
be duly furnished with ropes, anchors and other necessary
tackle. The captain-owner of each ship was required to
carry a scribe, whose duty was to write down in his book
all details about the passengers and cargo, and give
duplicates to the persons interested, report to the proper
authorities if the ship was overloaded, ete.

Kach merchant, mariner, knight or priest might have
one chest on board in which to carry what he pleased—a
privilege expressly withheld from servants. Each
passenger and each sailor might have a mattress weighing

1. Liber Plegiorum, P. 105, Archives of Venice, printed in Romanin, Storia Documen-
tata di Venezia, vol. ii. p, 4

2. Statuti Marittimi Veneziani, edited by R. Predelliand A. Sacerdoti, Venezia, 1903.

3. A Migliaio or Milliario= 1000 lbs, = 476°998720 kilos,

INTRODUCTION 25

not more than 1031bs. No merchant or sailor might
bring on board more wood than was necessary for the
voyage ; any left over was to be the property of the captain-
owner. Each person who went as far as Barbary might
carry one barrel of wine and one of water; for longer
voyages a double quantity of wine and water was allowed.

If an owner hired his ship to other persons, any damage
done during the voyage to masts, anchors, sails, etc., was
to be made good or paid for by the hirers, save in the
case of pilgrims, who were not held responsible for
damages.

The statute closed with the Capituluwm Peregrinorum,
which laid down that ships which took pilgrims on what
was called the “ Easter voyage” to Syria, that is, during
the spring, were to sail for home by the 8th of May; and

‘

those which went on the “ winter voyage,” that is, in the
autumn, were to leave Syria by the 8th of October, unless
there was just cause for delay. The captain-owners were
to present themselves to the Bailo of Acre or other
Venetian representative there, and swear to conduct the
pilgrims where they wanted to go, according to their
agreements with them, and to safeguard their persons and
goods. If a ship touched at any place in Greece or else-
where and three-fourths of the pilgrims wished to land,
while one-fourth desired to remain on board, the captain
was obliged to continue his voyage with the remnant
according to his contract; and if less than a fourth of the
pilgrims remained, the captain was obliged nevertheless to
take them to the port named in the agreement, or give
back all the passage money he had received from them.
Disobedient captains were liable to a heavy fine.

All contracts made between captain-owners, and mer-
chants, the crews, passengers of all kinds, &c., were to be

26 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

faithfully observed, and judges were appointed to settle
disputes arising out of any particular voyage.

In 1255, the Maritime Statutes of the Doge Rainiero
Zeno! repeated what had been enacted by his predecessors,
but in fuller detail, and added some new provisions.

The first twenty-nine clauses refer to the caulking and
decorating of ships and their equipment with anchors,
sails, masts, ropes, and all necessary tackle; the disposition
and quality of the ballast; the position of the quarters of
the Patrono, and the number of sailors to be carried,
which, as before, was in proportion to the tonnage.

Ships of 400 mélliarij and over, that went beyond the
Adriatic Sea were now to carry two trumpeters, who were
to count among the sailors. Every sailor must be at least
eighteen years of age; and, as before, no knight, pilgrim,
or servant could count as a mariner. Each sailor was to
be armed with a leather cap, or a helmet of leather or
iron—a shield—a leather jerkin—a knife—a sword—and
three lances. Those who received over forty pounds for
their pay were to have a breast plate in addition. Before
starting on any voyage, the sailors were required to take
an oath to take care of the ship and its tackle; not to steal
more than the value of five small soldi; and to remain
for fifteen days to help in recovering ships and cargo in
case of shipwreck.

Ships of 200 mzllzarzj7 or more were to carry two scribes,
and these were to take an oath to do their duty faithfully
and act as a check on each other.

To prevent overloading, the Consuls of the Merchants in
Venice, and the Governors of Venetian possessions else-
where, were to examine each vessel just before its
departure, and fine the Patronz, in case the law had

1. Statuti Marittimi Veneziani, edited by R. Predelli and A. Sacerdoti. Venice, 1903.

INTRODUCTION 27

been violated. And captain-owners were to swear not to
allow anything to be placed over the cross, so as to prevent
the right measuring of a ship. For five years from the
first day they set sail, ships of 200 mélliarij and more
might be loaded two and a quarter feet above the cross;
from five years to seven years, two feet above the cross;
and when they had been at sea over seven years, one and
a half feet above the cross.

Any ship hired to pilgrims was to carry the amount of
cargo agreed upon between the captain-owner and the
pilgrims. If the captain violated his agreement he was
liable to lose the extra cargo, and pay a penalty.

The provisions as to compensation due from the hirers
of a ship, for damages done to the tackle, &c., were the
same as those of the Tiepolo Statute; and, as before,
pilgrims were not held liable.

The clauses with regard to chests, mattresses, wood,
wine and water were unchanged. It was now added,
however, that each person going to sea might carry 2}
staria! of flour and biscuits, for the outward, and the
same for the homeward, voyage.

As before, the last clause was the “capitulum super
peregrinis ’—which provided that ships which went to
Syria with pilgrims must leave there at the time men-
tioned in the contracts made with the pilgrims before
starting, unless there was just cause for further delay.
This was a modification of the corresponding clause of the
Tiepolo Statute requiring ships carrying pilgrims to leave
Syria by a given day; and which had probably been found
impracticable for obvious reasons. The rest of the clause
relating to pilgrims in the Zeno Statute merely repeated
the provisions already given of the Tiepolo Statute.

1. The Staio=83°'317200 litres or over 2 bushels.

28 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

In this way, in early times, the State sought to safe-
guard the lives and interests of the pilgrims, in common
with those of all others who went to sea under the banner
of St. Mark, by ordering, and trying to ensure that ships
should be properly equipped; that they should not be
overloaded, so as to run the risk of foundering, or of
depriving pilgrims and other passengers of the space duly
allotted to them; and that all contracts should be properly
drawn up and observed.

Fifty years after the proclamation of the Zeno Maritime
Statute in 1255, the Great Council decreed in 1303! that
all laws and provisions relating to maritime affairs, &c.,
should be collected into one book, of which two copies were
to be made and kept—one in the Ducal Chancery, and the
other in the office of the Provvisori at the Rialto.
Every new law passed, and every provision made was to be
added to this book, and cancelled when, and if, revoked.
Unfortunately, neither these books, nor later copies of
them, are known to exist in the Archives; and we do not
even know whether they were ever carefully kept. The
discovery of such a collection of statutes would immensely
facilitate research on maritime questions subsequent to
1255. Lacking such help careful investigation has not
brought to light any special legislation for the pilgrim
traffic until the beginning of the fourteenth century.
The notices then are at first scanty; but, afterwards, for
nearly a hundred years, almost overwhelming in number,
and of the highest interest.

The sketch which follows of the legislation of the
Republic on the pilgrim passenger transport, which was
of immense importance to its interests materially, morally,
and politically, throws much light on the conditions under

1. Maggior Consig. Delib., Reg. Magnus, p. 40, 19th Jan., 1303 (modern style) 19th
bn tee, according to old Venetian reckoning—by which the year began with the lst day
of March.

INTRODUCTION 29

which medieval pilgrims performed their pilgrimages,
and will enable us to put the Voyage of Casola in its
right place,—midway between the high fever of pilgrim
enthusiasm which marked the end of the fourteenth cen-
tury, and its total decline towards the end of the sixteenth
century.

In 1305, a decree of the Doge Pietro Gradenigo ordered
all naval commanders, and all governors of Venetian
possessions to permit any male and female pilgrims who
desired to come to the abode of the blessed St. Mark, the
approaching Ascension-tide, to do so freely.! This calls
attention to the fact that the favourite time for under-
taking pious pilgrimages was the spring, when land
travelling was pleasantest—for the excessive cold of the
winter was over and the roads were in the best condition;
and when there was the hope of returning from the Holy
Land before the storms of the late autumn added to the
discomforts and the perils of the sea voyage. Although,
in these early times, pilgrims went to Palestine at various
times of the year, the greatest crowd always assembled
in Venice between Easter and Ascension-tide, and the
ships generally set sail after the festival of the Corpus
Domini.

For the next fifty years the only notice relating to a
pilgrimage which I came across in the Venetian registers
belongs to the year 1337, when the Senate gave permission
to the noble Andrea Mocenigo to undertake a voyage for
the good of his soul, to the Holy Sepulchre as he had
arranged.” During this half century it is to be assumed
that the transport of pilgrims was regulated by the existing
laws, and no doubt interrupted occasionally by difficulties
with the Saracens, as happened between 1360 and 1368.

1. Maggior Consig. Delib., Reg. xv. Magnus and Capricornus, p. 93b. The decree is
not dated, but follows one issued Aug. 26th, 1305.
2. Senato, Miste., Regis. xvii., p. 76, 2nd June, 1337.

30 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

At this time Pope Urban Y. had formed the design of a
new Crusade against the infidels, which was favourably
received by the King of France, the Emperor, and others,
including King Peter of Lusignan, King of Cyprus, then
on very good terms with Venice, which also gave a certain
amount of support to the project. The Christians as usual
lacked the union necessary for a great common effort, but
isolated attacks were made on the Turks and Saracens.
The King of Cyprus, for example, sacked Alexandria,
though he was immediately obliged to retire; and Venice,
as his friend and ally, was immediately involved in
difficulties with the Saracens. Venetian merchants in
Alexandria were imprisoned and their goods sequestered.
After representing the exigencies of the position to the
Pope, Venice succeeded in coming to terms with the
Sultan of Egypt;! but before matters were settled the
Great Council had declared (May Ist, 15367) that no
pilgrims or other passengers could go from Venice to
Cyprus or Rhodes.?

Next year a number of persons arrived in Venice who
desired to go to these places. They were :—‘‘ Two Friars
Preachers to whom the province of Cyprus has been
entrusted by their superior. A servant whom Ser Federico
Corner wants to send to his brother in Cyprus. A servant
whom the Prior of St. John of the Temple wants to send
to the Grand Master of Rhodes. A Tuscan merchant.
A native of Cyprus, who lately married a wife in Venice,
and wishes to return home. <A lame brother belonging to
the Order of St. John, who wants to go to Rhodes. A
young man who came from Cyprus to these parts to seek
his brother whom he has not found; and a certain
Jacobinus de Magagnis of Cremona (accompanied by his

1. Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia. vol. iii. pp. 213, &e., and 233,
2. Maggior Consig. Delib., Regis. ‘‘ Novella,” p. 114.

INTRODUCTION 31

son), who came from Rhodes on the galley of Ser
Francischini Corner, and now wishes to return.” !

It was doubtful whether, in view of the Act of May Ist,
1367, these persons could be allowed to embark; but the
Maggior Consiglio decided by a majority to grant the
permission, as they were neither pilgrims nor passengers
in the sense of the Act; they were returning, that is, to
their homes or official duties, and not merely stopping
temporarily at Rhodes or Cyprus on their way to other
places.

During the next few years a number of distinguished
pilgrims sought the aid of the Republic in order to
accomplish the voyage to the Holy Land.

In 1375 the Senate declared that as “the Illustrious
Lords Otto and Stephen junior, Dukes of Bavaria, our
intimate friends, have sent an ambassador to us asking in
a friendly way that we would be pleased to allow the said
Lord Duke Stephen—who wishes, out of reverence to God,
to visit the Holy Sepulchre and the Holy Land—to equip
a galley in Venice at his own expense. . . . We are very
happy to oblige him by the loan of one of the galleys of
our Commune furnished with arms, tackle and everything
necessary, which he can equip in Venice at his good
pleasure.” The only condition made was that, according
to ancient custom in such cases and for the honour and
greater security of the said Lord Duke, a Venetian
patrician was to be appointed to the command of the galley
and its crew.? Similar favours were granted to the
“Magnificent Lord Stephen, Count of Veglia® our dear
friend and citizen,’ and to another noble described as
“Dominus Duyni.’* The first was allowed to choose

Maggior Consiglio Reg. Novella, p. 114, 14th March, 1368.

. Senato Miste, Reg. xxxiv. p. 1606, 13th Feb., 1375 (Mod. style—1374 more Veneto)
. Island of Veglia in the Gulf of Fiume.

. Senato Miste, Reg. xxxv., 17th and 27th April, 1375, p. 17d.

He OD BO

32 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

between a galley and a bucentauro;' to the second a
galley, the size of a bucentauro, was conceded.

In 1376 Stephen, Voyvode of Transylvania asked for
a galley on which to make the voyage to the Holy
Sepulchre and back, with about fourteen persons of his
suite. As the Voyvode wished to visit the shrine of Saint
Catherine on Mount Sinai, it was arranged that he and his
companions should go on one of the galleys of the Beyrout
fleet, commanded by Ser Andrea Dandolo, who had orders
to land them at Jaffa if the Voyvode so desired; and they
sailed for the East on September 7th, 1376. One of the
galleys of the naval fleet of the Adriatic was ordered to go
to Beyrout and bring the distinguished pilgrims home, as
they would be too late to return with the Beyrout
merchant fleet. The Senate decreed special honours to the
Voyvode in Venice, and ordered the governors of all
Venetian possessions at which the ship touched to receive
him well.?

In 1382 the Bishop of Agram requested permission to
equip a galley at his own expense to go to the Holy
Sepulchre. The Senate granted the request, with the
proviso that if instead, the Bishop preferred to take his
passage on one of the unarmed sailing ships going to the
East, instructions would be given to the Beyrout and
Alexandria trading fleets—which always left Venice about
August and returned towards Christmas—to bring him
and his servants back to Sclavonia free of charge. In
1384 the Bishop made the same request, and the Senate
replied in the same terms The first voyage may have
been deferred, or he may have made a second pilgrimage
after two years.

1. The name Bucentoro is generally connected with the Doge’s state barge ; but in
Venetian documents of the 14th century it is a general name for a very strong seagoing
vessel with sails. See also Venezia e le sue Lagune, vol. i. p. 201, part ii.

2. Senato Miste, Reg. xxxv., pp. 122, 1306, 132), 133.

3. Idem, Reg. xxxvii., p. 67 6, 10th April, 1382.

4, Idem, Reg. xxxviii., p, 111}, lst April, 1384.

INTRODUCTION 33

It may be noted here that the Voyvode of Transylvania,
the Bishop of Agram and the Count of Veglia were actively
engaged in the negotiations between Venice and Sigismund,
son of Charles IV., and brother of the Emperor Wenceslas,
at the time of Sigismund’s accession to the Crown of
Hungary.!

Amongst the pilgrims of 1392 the chief were a group of
six French nobles, including Rudolph de Montfort, the
Viscount of Dinan, Jean d’Estouteville, Philippe Berot and
about eighty companions whom the Senate ordered to be
transported across the seas on the galley Arduina; the
famous Condottiere Jacopo del Verme; and Henry, Earl
of Derby afterwards Henry IV.”

Jacopo del Verme was appointed in 13888 Captain
General of the troops of the League formed by Venice
and the Viscontis against the Carraras of Padua. As a
recompense for his services he was inscribed amongst the
Venetian patricians, and received the palace at San Polo,
which formerly belonged to Francesca da Carrara.

When the Beyrout galleys were auctioned in 1392, it
was provided that one of the four should be set apart to
conduct the pilgrims to Jaffa. As there was cargo on
board the galley would naturally go first to Beyrout to
unload, and afterwards to Jaffa to land the pilgrims.
Jacopo del Verme, described by the Senate as “Our devoted
and dear friend,” begged as a favour that the galley in
question should first carry him and the other pilgrims to
Jaffa, and go afterwards to Beyrout to discharge the cargo.
The Senate consented, and ordered that when the ships
arrived near Cyprus, one of the two galleys owned and
commanded respectively by Ser Niccolo Soranzo and Ser
Antonio Bragadin, should be chosen by agreement or by

1. Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia, vol. iii. pp. 311-14
2. See for Derby’s pilgrimage, Lucy Toulmin Smith’s Expedition of Henry, Earl of
Derby, 1390-1, 1392-3, Camden Society, 1894.

D

34 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

lot and take the said Lord Jacopo and the other pilgrims—
who up to that moment were distributed over all the four
galleys—directly to Jaffa, remain there two days only. and
then proceed to Beyrout. The cargo carried from Venice
by the galley selected was to be transferred to the other
galleys when they separated off Cyprus.}

Later in the year 1392, on the 18th of November, the
“Magnificent Lord Henry of Lancaster, Earl of Derby,
Hereford and Northampton, Lord of Brabant and eldest
son of the Duke of Aquitaine and Lancaster, through
his noble ambassadors and knights, and also the Lord
Duke of Austria on his behalf, through his letters,” begged
the Venetian Senate “to be pleased to grant him a galley,
furnished with the necessary tackle, which he wishes to
equip at his own expense in order to go and visit the Holy
Land.” 2

Derby arrived in Venice on December the Ist, nearly a
fortnight after his envoys had presented his request to the
senate.? When he reached Venice he found everything
in train for his departure. The Senate affirming ingenu-
ously that it had always been the policy of the Republic to
secure the favour of the great ones of the earth, had voted
that the eanest for the galley should be immediately
granted, ‘“‘considering especially the advantages and
favours which Venetian subjects, trading with or tem-
porarily resident in England, would obtain and enjoy in
the present and in the future.’ In communicating the
acquiescence of the Senate to the Karl, no mention was to
be made of the expenses incurred by the Venetian Govern-
ment in fitting out the galley; though, in order that he
might know the full extent of his indebtedness, the
English Embassy was to be informed of the precise sum
spent; and also that the Signoria did not wish it to be

1. Senato Miste, Reg, xiii, p. 750, 24th August, 1398.

2. Idem, p. 8, 18th Nov.,

$: Rawdon Brown, eb ieiey “ai Venezia con riguardo alla Storia Inglese, p. 173 &e.
Cf however, Expeditions of Henry, Earl of Derby, pp. Ix, and 211,

INTRODUCTION 35

refunded. Afterwards, according to the usual custom,
the Great Council voted three hundred ducats to be spent
in suitable presents.

Bolingbroke’s sojourn at the Holy Sepulchre was brief,
and on March the 20th, 1393, he was back in Venice,
where another one hundred golden ducats were voted to
honour him at the moment of his return.

The courtesy of the Republic was recompensed. Among
the documents preserved in the Commemoriali there is
a letter despatched by Henry IV. to the Doge Venier on
the 6th October, 1399—four days after the deposition of
Richard II.—announcing his accession to the throne;
and in which he promises to treat all Venetians who
should come to any part of his dominions with the same
favour as his own proper subjects.!

In 1399, Henry of Derby’s famous rival, Thomas
Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, desiring also to visit the Holy
Sepulchre, sought and obtained the loan of a galley for
the purpose from the Signoria.? He brought a letter
from Richard II., which he presented in February, 1399.
In the register of the Senate he is referred to as the
“Magnificent Lord the Duke of Gilforth.” Although it
is not clear why he took this title, or how long he bore it,
Mr. Rawdon Brown considered that there could be no
reasonable doubt as to the identity of the Duke of Norfolk
with the so-called Duke of Guildford. In two later
Venetian documents belonging to 1403 and 1404, pub-
lished by Sir Henry Ellis, he is called Duke of Norfolk.
The documents contain the petitions of two nobles, a
Zane and a Bembo, for the payment of a debt contracted
by the Duke in 1399 to cover the expenses of his pil-
grimage. He soon died in Venice, and more than a

1. Rawdon Brown, Archivio di Venezia, p. 180.
2. Senato Miste, Reg. xliv., p. 88, 18th eb 1399 (1398 more Veneto).

36 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

century later Marino Sanuto mentions a request made by
Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk—uncle of Queen Anne
Boleyn—that the bones of his ancestor should be trans-
ferred to England, to be buried amongst the Mowbrays
and the Howards.1

Meanwhile the Venetian registers give some idea of the
crowd of humbler pilgrims who took their passage from
Venice, especially between 1380 and 1390.

After difficulties with the Sultan of Egypt which are
alluded to but not explained in a decree of January 21st,
1382, permission was given to a number of ships to
navigate to Alexandria and other parts subject to the
Sultan.”

In March of this year the Venetian Senate licensed
Zanino Tirapelle to carry forty or fifty German and
Hungarian pilgrims—men and women—on his ship to
visit the Holy Sepulchre. In April, Ser Francesco de
Canal was authorised to take on his galley 25 foreign
pilgrims who wanted to go to Alexandria, Mount Sinai and
other parts of Egypt. The same day the Senate ordered
that about 100 pilgrims, men and women, going to the
Holy Sepulchre should be taken on the unarmed galley
belonging to Ser Andrea Morosini.® In May, six French
nobles and about 80 companions went on the. galley
Arduina.® In June it was arranged for 25 pilgrims to be
conducted as far as Zante on the galley belonging to Ser
Marino Malipiero.” In July Ser Zanino de Cha de Zara
was licensed to carry on his ship about 10 pilgrims going
to the Sepulchre. At the same time permission was given
Senato Mists, xixvit,p. 48, 2160 Jan., 1382 (more Veneto 1881).

Idem, p. 62, Vith March, 1382,
Idem, b. 68 b, b, 18th April, 1382.
Idem, p. 81b, 17th May, 1382.

Idem, p. 845, Sth June, 1382.
Idem, p. 97 b, 2 22 July, 1382.

dr AN lt It It as

INTRODUCTION 37

to the Noble Ser Giovanni Barbarigo, who was appointed
Venetian Consul in Damascus, to go for fifteen days or so
to Jerusalem. A few days later Ser Zanino de Cha de
Zara was empowered to take on board about 25 additional
pilgrims;! while in August, 17 pilgrims were to have
passages as far as Candia on the ship belonging to
Guglielmo Bono.” Over 300 pilgrims therefore sailed
from Venice in 1382; and in July of that year, on account
of news received there about certain Provencal galleys,
probably belonging to pirates, special measures were taken
to protect all Venetian ships in the Eastern Mediterranean.

In 1383, the Senate decreed that 96 pilgrims were to be
taken to Jaffa on the unarmed galley belonging to Pietro
Fino;* 60 pilgrims to the same place on the large galley
belonging to the Noble Ser Filippo Pisani; * 27 pilgrims
were to be conducted to Syria on their way to Jerusalem
on the large galley owned by Paulo de la Colla;* 60
pilgrims to Syria on the galley of the Noble Francesco
Delfino;’ 70 pilgrims on the galley of Lorenzo Dono;8
finally Zanino de Zara was to take about 20 persons on his
nave to Syria.° In all 330 pilgrims.

In 1384 the Senate permitted 90 pilgrims to be
conducted to Jaffa on the galley of Ser Bernardo Nadal;?°
70 or 71, between men and women, on Ser Dardi Morosini’s
galley; about 80 on the large galley owned by Virgilio
Rizo ;1? about 100, men and women, on the galley belong-
ing to Ser Francesco Michael; and 64 pilgrims, between
Senato Miste, R. xxxvii., p. 98b, 28th July, 1382.

Idem, p. 1026, 5th August, 1382.

Idem, p. 99, July 25th, 1382.

Senato Miste, Reg. xxxviii. p. 176, 2nd April, 1383.
Idem, p. 266, 5th May, 1383.

Idem, p. 27, 12th May, 1383.

. IRmdem, p. 27, 12th May, 1383.

Idem, p. 48 b, 21st June, 1383.

. Idem, p. 55b, 12th July, 1383.

10. Idem, p. 102, 26th Feb., 1384 (more Veneto 1383).
11. Idem, p. 111}, 14th April, 1384,

12, Idem, p. 119 b, 12th May, 1384.
13. Idem, p. 120, 12th May, 1384.

O00 SUR oo bo

38 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

men and women, on Ser Andrea Morosini’s galley. 4
Further, in June, Raphaeletto de Stella, the Patrono
of an unarmed galley, was authorised to take on board
about 100 Sclavonian pilgrims, men and women, and carry
them beyond the seas to go to the Sepulchre.? Shortly
after, Francesco Bachino, a Venetian citizen, received
permission to pick up on the shore at Pesaro, and take to

Jaffa and back, 20 men and 10 women from Urbino—and
three Jews with their wives and two children—and to take
also about 20 persons from Venice.? Finally, Nicoletto
Bono was authorised to carry 70 pilgrims to Candia? on
board his Cocha® ‘In this way the tale for the year 1384
rose to over 600.

In 1385 only three ships seem to have been licensed for
the pilgrim voyage to Syria, but each carried over 100
pilgrims. Ser Francesco de Canal was authorised to take
110 pilgrims or other passengers;® Zanino Nicolai 120
pilgrims ;’ and Ser Francesco Michael 150 pilgrims or
thereabouts ;° in all 380 persons.

A new law at the beginning of the next year again
forbad the overloading of ships. No cargo was to be
placed above the prescribed sign, and the latter was to be
renewed if necessary. ®

In 1386 Pietro de Creta, described as “ Our faithful
subject, and Patrono of a nave about to go to Jaffa,”

ras licensed to take 120 pilgrims to the Sepulchre;
Nicoletto Duracino, 100; and the Noble Ser Francesco
Michael, 120;!2 in all, 340.

1. Senato Miste, xxxviii. p. 134, 14th June, 1384.

2. Idem, p. 136, 20th June, 1384.

3. Idem, p, 140, 5th July, 1384.

4. Idem, p. 155 b, 14th August, 1384.

5. A Cocca or Cocha—one of the largest and strongest kind of sailing ships or Navi

rotonde which made no use of oars.

6. Senato Miste, Reg. xxxix. p. 63, 18th April, 1385.

7. Idem, p. 65b, 27th April, 13865.

8. Idem, p. 80b, 25th May, 1385.

9. Senato Miste, Reg. xl. p. 12, Jan. 11th, 1386 (more Veneto 1385).
10. Idem, p. 22, 13th March, 1386.
11. Idem, p. 26, 1st May, 1386,

12. Idem, p. 29, 22nd May, 1386.

INTRODUCTION 39

In 1387 the Senate gave permission to Lorenzo Dono
to carry 100 pilgrims to Syria; to Marco de Roma to
carry 123 pilgrims to Jaffa;” and to Martino Cortese to
carry 100 more to the same place.*

In 1388 Ser Guglielmo Bono received permission from
the Senate to take about 80 pilgrims;+ Jacobello Buatello
to take 150, ° and Nicoletto Duracino to carry 160 &—
all going to Jaffa for the Holy Sepulchre.

In 1389 Antonio de Elia was empowered to take on
board his galley 150 pilgrims bound for Jaffa;* and other
pilgrims, whose number is not specified, went to Syria
in the autumn on the Beyrout galleys. Each of the
four galleys of the fleet had its own Patrono, while
the direction of the entire convoy was given to a com-
modore nominated by the Venetian Government. When
he arrived near Beyrout, if he saw he could do so with
safety, the commodore had orders to detach one galley
—to carry pilgrims to Jaffa—which was to start back to
rejoin the others after landing the pilgrims. This implies
that the galley must either have returned to Jaffa after a
suitable interval, or that the pilgrims must have rejoined
it at Acre or Beyrout.®

The result of this great concourse of pilgrims is to be
traced in two important provisions; one tending to protect
the interests of the pilgrims during the time they spent
in Venice; the other to ensure their safe transport across
the seas.

The first, dated March 22nd, 1387, was the new oath
required from the Piazza Guides, or Tholomariu, who were
Senato Miste, R. xl. p. 60, 10th Feb., 1387 (more Veneto 1386).

Tien p. 6, 29th May, 1387,

Idem, p. 113, ith ApHL, 138
. Idem, p. 112d, 26th April, 1388.

. Idem, p. 167), 20th April, 1389.

. Senato Miste, xli. p. 30b, 21st August, 1389. See also Senato Miste, Reg. xlii.
p. 716, 4th August, 1392.

QOS ove 99 bo

40 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

licensed by the magistrates, called the Cattavert, to con-
duct pilgrims about the city, find them lodgings, aid them
in changing their money and making their purchases,
introduce them to the shipowners with whom they made
their agreements for the return voyage, and, in fact,
help them in every possible way during the time they were
obliged to spend in Venice. They met the pilgrims on
their arrival at the Rialto or in the Piazza.

Each guide or tholomarius was required to swear not to
accompany any merchant to make his purchase; but only
to go about with pilgrims, priests or knights and advise
them honestly, and see that they bought what they needed
in the best market—accepting from them in payment for
the services rendered, what they gave of their own free
will and no more. Any stranger found buying with the
evident intention of selling again, was to be sent to the
Missetae—the agents or brokers, who had a legal claim
to a percentage on every contract. The guide pledged
himself not to enter the Fondaco dei Tedeschi! save with
pilgrims for the purpose of sealing their goods; and as
soon as this was done he was to retire. And he swore not
to take a gratuity from any money changer for conducting
pilgrims, priests, or knights to his shop; but to see that
they received good money of the right Venetian stamp
and weight in exchange for their own.

In order to supervise the guides better, their number
was at this time limited to eight, nominated by the
Consuls of the Merchants, and subject to the authority of
the Cattaveri; and rules were laid down for the just
division of their gains among the whole body, in order to
obviate the quarrels and disputes so common in the past.
These continued, however, in the future, and gave rise,
as will be seen, to many other provisions.

1, i.e., The German Warehouse.

INTRODUCTION 41

Finally, as differences frequently sprang up between the
guides and shipowners as to the emoluments due to the
former, it was now laid down that for each pilgrim who
took his passage, through one of the guides, the latter
was entitled to receive from the shipowner two-thirds of a
ducat if the passage money paid amounted to over ten
ducats; and half a ducat if below that sum.!

The second statute was more important still, and took
the form of a decree of the Great Council passed in June,
1392. This stated that many Venetian shipowners were
guilty of extortions at the expense of the pilgrims and de-
frauded them by showing them rotten old ships, freshly
painted and decorated, which they passed off on them as
new; and, further, that the said owners did not fulfil the
terms of the agreements made with the pilgrims. As these
enormities gave just cause for complaint, and might lead
to reprisals on Venetian subjects trading in foreign coun-
tries, the Maggior Consiglio enacted :—

First, that anyone who wanted a licence to carry
pilgrims was to write his name down in the office of the
Cattaveri; and these three magistrates were to send three
experts, accompanied by one of their number, to
examine the ship or ships in question, and declare on
oath whether it was, or they were seaworthy. If the
verdict was in the affirmative then, and then only, the
owners were empowered to make agreements with pilgrims.

Second, the scribes of the said ships were required
to write down in the ships’ books the details of
every contract made with pilgrims, and give a copy
to the Judges of the Foreigners, under penalty of a fine.
Amongst other clauses, the date fixed for the depar-
was instituted in 1280 to provide for the preservation and the recovery of the “Avert” or

property of the Commune; later on, the supervision of the Pilots, of the Pilgrim traffic,
and of the Jews, &c., was entrusted tothem. Mutinelli, Lessico Veneto, p. 98.

42 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

ture of a ship was to be expressly specified in the
contract; and a ship was to depart on that day, under a
penalty of fifty ducats, saving just impediment. This was
to ensure that the pilgrims non stent ad consumendum
suum in hospicijs, that is, should not be kept lingering
in Venice indefinitely, until they had spent all they
possessed in the inns.

Third, as many unscrupulous Patroni had _ been
in the habit of compelling pilgrims to make new pacts to
their detriment after leaving Venice, it was decreed that
all captain-owners were to conduct pilgrims from Venice
and back again according to the terms of the agreements
made in Venice, unless any pilgrims desired to make
changes for their own convenience. In this case it was to
be quite clear that the pilgrims had altered the original
clauses of their own free will, and that the changes had
not been imposed on them.

Fourth. Ships were not to stop at any place on the
outward or homeward voyage to take cargo or for any
other reason, more than six days.

The governors of the chief Venetian possessions in the
Mediterranean—Candia, Modone, Corone, Corfu—and the
admiral of the fleet in those waters, were to receive a copy
of the decree and see that it was faithfully executed.
Wherever he touched, or if he met the fleet at sea, a
captain-owner was under obligation to show the contracts
with the pilgrims made by him to the respective governors,
or the admiral, in order that they might assure themselves
that he was doing his duty, and that the pilgrims might
have an opportunity of ventilating their grievances if
they were dissatisfied with their treatment.

Fifth, to prevent the pilgrims being cheated by the
Missetae or agents, who were employed in the drawing

Wee nh ee,

INTRODUCTION 43

up and signing of the agreements, it was ordered that for
the future all persons desiring to exercise this business
must be registered in the office of the Cattaveri after
being approved by a majority of the Council of the
Quarantia;! and these registered pilgrim agents were
forbidden to accept anything from Patroni, pilgrims or
other persons save what was legally due to them for their
services. Any unlicensed person who acted as agent was
liable to a fine of fifty lire for each offence, and the
contracts they had drawn up were null and void.”

From this time there is no further mention in the
Registers of the Great Council and the Senate of the
swarm of private individuals who, especially between
1380 and 1390, engaged in the transport of pilgrims.
Probably the increased surveillance of the State rendered
the business much less profitable than heretofore. In
addition, as for some years the government still allowed
pilgrims to be taken to Syria in autumn, by the Beyrout
fleet, the number who chose to take their passage on one
of those galleys, where they felt safer in every way, was
on the increase. Unfortunately the books of the Cattaverv
which registered the licenses granted to shipowners in
accordance with the above decree—and also the “ Pilgrims’
Books” or Registers, kept in the same office and contain-
ing the contracts made between pilgrims and Patronz have
all been lost.

In 1893 one of the four galleys which went to Beyrout
was deputed to carry pilgrims to Jaffa, and ordered to
wait for them there or at Acre, “as seemed best for the

1. This was the highest Court of Appeal for all matters not within the jurisdiction
of the Council of Ten.

2, Delib. Maggior Consiglio, Reg. Leona, p. 56, June 4th, 1392; Libro D’Uro del
Maggior Consiglio, part v. p. 2006; Cattaveri, Reg. iv. pp. 85-88.

44 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

safety of the ship, for ten days, not including the day of
arrival and departure? ”

In 1394 the concourse of pilgrims was so great, many
of them being also “ notable persons,” that the commodore
of the Beyrout fleet was ordered to choose two galleys, by
agreement or by lot, to convey them to Jaffa.?

In 1395, the Senate provided that all pilgrims who had
taken their passage by the Beyrout fleet should be concen-
trated on two only of the five galleys that went that year.
Up to this time they had been distributed over all the
four or five galleys forming the fleet until these were not
far from the Syrian coast, and had then been transferred
to the one or two galleys deputed to land them at Jaffa or
Acre as the case might be. The fleet was on the point of
sailing, and the books of the Cattavert already registered
contracts made for the voyage with 208 pilgrims, many of
them “ persons of consequence,’ when news came of the
imminent arrival in Venice of a large number of other
pilgrims. In consequence the Senate prorogued the day
of departure and ordered that if two galleys proved
insufficient to carry the pilgrims to Jaffa or Acre, a third
should be deputed to the same service.

In 1396 and again in 1397 the Senate decreed—having
regard to the interests of both merchants and pilgrims,
“and in order to avoid scandal,”’—that “all forergn
pilgrims, except Italian pilgrims,’ * about to go with the
Beyrout fleet were to be carried on two only of the
galleys, chosen, as usual, by agreement or by lot. When
the commodore thought that a suitable place had been
reached, all the pilgrims were to be concentrated on the
two galleys in question, or on one only if one proved suffi-

1. Senato Miste, Reg, xlii. p. 114, 29th May, 1393, ant p 120 b, 5th August, 1393.
2. Senato Miste, Reg. xliii. p. 27, 29th August, 139:
3. Idem, p. 63 B, 27th May, 1395; p. 706, 18th July, 5395 ; and p. 79, 20th Aug., 1395.
= .. Italians, belonging to cities not subject to the Republic, were ‘ “foreigners ” ‘to the
enetians,

INTRODUCTION 45

cient for the purpose, and landed at Jaffa. In 1396 it
was provided that the galleys, or galley, were to wait for
the pilgrims at Jaffa or Acre for ten days; but, in 1397,
the Senate provided that “Since Jaffa, as is well known,
is a bad place for the purpose, and not adapted for galleys
or other vessels, which are in great peril as long as they
remain there, the said two galleys, or one of them, if only
one goes there, must go to Acre as soon as the pilgrims
have landed, after informing them that they or it will
wait for them at Acre twelve days, not including the day
of arrival and the day of departure.’ As happened fre-
quently, a special license was given to Ser Vito de
Canal—one of the captain-owners, appointed by lot to
take the pilgrims to Jaffa—to go also to the Holy Sepul-
chre, leaving a noble deputy, approved by the commodore,
in command of his galley during his absence.!

The transport of large numbers of pilgrims on the
trading galleys produced such complications that it was
prohibited in 1398 in the case of foreign pilgrims. The
pious travellers took up the space really required for
merchants and cargo, and the numerous disputes and
difficulties due to the crowding together of persons of
different and often hostile nationalities, seem to have
often seriously interfered with business—which was the
raison d’étre of the Beyrout and similar fleets.

The preamble of the Senatorial decree of 1398 states
that—‘‘as is well known, many scandalous errors have
occurred in recent years on board the galleys whose
destination is Beyrout and Alexandria, on account of the
pugrims who go by them to the Holy Sepulchre —because
the suid pilgrims are of diverse tongues’’—“and that
unless a remedy is provided greater scandals may occur

1. Senato Miste, Reg. xliii. p. 1296, 25th May, 1396; p. 135, 8th June, 1396; and
Senato Miste, Reg. xliv. p, 5, 14th June, 1397; p. 12, 5th July, 1397.

46 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

in the future.” It then enacts that for the future no
pilgrims belonging to any nation or country may be taken
to the Holy Sepulchre on board the Beyrout or Alexandria
galleys, unless Venetian pilgrims or other subjects of the
Republic. For each pilgrim carried in contravention of
the law, a captain-owner was liable to a fine of 100 ducats,
and six months imprisonment in one of the lower prisons.!

An attempt made in the Maggior Consiglio to repeal
this statute in 1400 failed.2 Nevertheless, by a special
vote of the Senate, exceptions were made from time to
time in favour of some great prince, as the following
examples show. Indeed, when the galleys of the Beyrout
fleet were put up to auction that very same year 1398, it
was stipulated that the Magnificent Lord of Mantua and
thirty-five persons of his suite should be conducted to
Jaffa free of charge, on whichever galley of the five he
was pleased to select.*

In 1406 the privileged pilgrim was the son of the King
of Portugal, who was already at Treviso on his way to the
Holy Sepulchre, when his ambassadors arrived at Venice.
In his name they requested the Senate to allow the Prince
and his suite of about twenty-five persons to be conveyed
on one of the Beyrout galleys. The Senate immediately
granted the request, and the galley Capella was placed at
the disposal of the Royal visitor. Special instructions
were given to Ser Andrea Capello, the captain-owner, and
also to the commodore of the whole fleet. When the
latter was above Cyprus, all Venetian subjects on other
galleys who wished to go to the Holy Sepulchre were to
be transferred to the Capella, which was then to go to
Jatia; while the other galleys, as usual, went to Beyrout.
As soon as the Prince and the other pilgrims had landed

1 Senato Miste, Reg. xliv. p. 37b, 14th April, 1398.
2, Delib. Mag. Consig., Leona, p. 106 b, 22nd July, 1400.
3. Senato Miste, Reg. xliv. p. 47, 22nd June, 1398.

a lt a A RR NY CR

INTRODUCTION 47

and the cargo for Jaffa had been unloaded, Ser Andrea
had orders to go and wait ten or twelve days “in the
place which seemed to him most suitable for ensuring
the safety of the galley entrusted to him”—and which, it
must be remembered was State property, though Ser
Andrea had hired it for that voyage. After the expiry
of the ten or twelve days, he was to go to Jaffa, embark
the pilgrims, and then rejoin the other galleys at Beyrout.1

The voyage was evidently very successful. For in 1410
a bishop was sent to Venice by King John to ask leave on
his behalf to invest in some of the Venetian State loans.
In granting the request the Council noted with evident
satisfaction the friendly feeling of the Portugese King
towards the Republic—“ which was due to the great honour
we did to his son, the illustrious Lord Anfosio” [27.e.,
Alphonso] “when he came to Venice.” ?

The next royal pilgrim in whose favour an exception
was made is vaguely described as “that English noble, a
relative of the Lord the King, with his company.’ The
year was 1408, and the Senate decreed that the Englishmen
were to be taken to Jaffa on board one of the Beyrout
galleys on which no merchant was to have a passage either
going or returning. The amount of the passage money
was to be agreed on between the Patrono and the heads
of the Quarantia and the Savij. The space to be allotted
to the distinguished pilgrims on the galley was expressly
specified in the decree. *

In 1414 Nicolaus de Birsa, brother of the Burgomaster
of Bruges, with four friends and thirteen servants, asked
permission to go to the Sepulchre on board the merchant
galleys—permission which the Senate promptly granted :

1. Senato Miste, xlvii. p, 75, 6th August, 1406; p. 65, 26th August, 1406; and p. 74,
6th August, 1406.

2. Delib. Maggior Consiglio, Leona, Reg. xxviii. p. 197b, 5th October, 1410. :

3. Senato Miste, Reg. xlviii. p. 27, 4th August, 1408—“‘ Et deputentur pro statio suo
scandolarium pupis et barcha, et etiam armarolus Comiti quia est contentus,”

48 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

“As it is greatly to the interest of our Government and
of our merchants to oblige the said nobles.”! In acceding
to a similar request made in 1423 by a “ Great Lord of
Flanders,” who, with eight friends, had come to Venice
with the intention of sailing thence to the Holy Sepulchre,
the Senate declared that it was very advisable to favour
Lords of such great power and reputation, “ especially
considering how much they can injure or aid those of our
merchants and citizens who pass through their countries.” 2

The Decree of 1398 was also suspended in 1415 on behalf
of the “Lord Ugolino de Pijs,’ Vicar of the Lord
Pandolfo*® and in 1425 in favour of four noble pilgrims,
two of whom, strongly recommended to the Venetian
Government by the Duke of Savoy, were taken to the
Holy Sepulchre on the Beyrout galleys with their friends
and servants. The Lord Ugolino was carried free of
charge. Similar concessions were also made in later years.

Meanwhile, in 1395, all questions and disputes which
should arise between pilgrims to the Holy Land, Rome or
elsewhere, and the captain-owners, or between these and
the missete or others, had been placed under the juris-
diction of the magistrates of the Cattaveri, who were
empowered to make provisions on all matters relating to
the pilgrims whenever they thought necessary. They had
also authority to appoint, suspend, dismiss and generally
supervise the conduct of these agents. The measure was
provoked, as the decree says, “ pro multis novitatibus que
quotidie fiunt dictis peregrinis.” °

In consequence, in February, 1396, the three magistrates
of the Cattaveri—Marcello Marcello, Lorenzo Bembo and
: Sonato Miste, Reg. liv. p. 140, 28th August, 1433,

. Senato Miste, Reg. li. p. 29, 3rd June, 1415.

. Senato Miste, Reg. lv. p. 157, 28rd August, 1425 ; p. 1576, 29th August, 1425.
. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 88, 18th March, 1395.

or OO pO

INTRODUCTION 49

Pietro Civrano, appointed by name ten agents, who were
to give in the office of the Cattaverz all contracts made
with pilgrims within four days after they were signed.*

Two days later the same magistrates ordered the scribes
of four ships carrying pilgrims and all other scribes, in
the future, to give in, in writing, to the clerks of the
Cattaveri within four days after they were signed, all
agreements made between pilgrims and the captain-owners
or Patroni of their respective ships.”

These two provisions of 1396 were designed to give the
Cattaveri a double check on the contracts named, and
enable them to protect the interests of the pilgrims. The
Venetian Government realised very clearly that if these
were unjustly treated, reprisals might follow at the expense
of the persons and goods of Venetian subjects abroad,
and diplomatic difficulties might be created which would
involve the State in serious complications. The whole
matter was the more delicate and hedged with dangers,
because many noble pilgrims, in sign of humility, or to
fulfil a vow, or to protect themselves from Saracen extor-
tion and even imprisonment, travelled in disguise, and
their identity was not always revealed to the officers of the
Serenissima before their departure from Venice. Lack of
good faith in drawing up and carrying out an agreement,
made with the humble-looking wearer of a pilgrim’s cloak
and scallop shell, might easily, shortly after he returned
home, raise a hornet’s nest for the Venetian Government,
or cause the representatives of a great Venetian mercantile
house in a foreign country to lose immense profits and
have their business hampered for an indefinite period.

Patroni, agents and guides, however, careless of
political and other consequences, and intent only on
enriching themselves at the expense of the numerous

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 88, 21st February, 1396 (more Veneto 1395).
2. Idem, p. 88 b, 23rd February, 1396 (more Veneto 1395).

E

50 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

strangers who passed through Venice on their pious
errand, sought constantly to evade the law. Their at-
tempts provoked fresh legislation, which, in 1401,
attacked the shipowners who carried pilgrims without
having a license to do so, reformed the Piazza guides, and
dealt again with the contracts.

In May, 1401, “on account of great abuses,” as the
preamble declared, a decree of the Senate forbad any un-
licensed ship to carry pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre,
under a penalty of 100 lire for each pilgrim taken in
defiance of the law. The Cattaveri were, as usual, em-
powered to watch over the execution of the decree and
levy the fines on the transgressors.!

Later in the same year, these magistrates once more
dealt with the question of the Piazza guides. These latter
were now twelve in number, divided into six couples, and
each couple was obliged to remain for a week, in turn, in
the Piazza, &c., from early morning until sunset every
day, at the disposal of any pilgrims who might arrive.
The profits were divided into two parts: half belonged
to the guide or guides who had rendered a particular
service, and the other half went to a general fund. All
sums were to be given in as soon as received, and the gains
were to be divided among the whole body of the guides
every month. Many had, however, neglected to take their
turn in the Piazza, and even absented themselves from the
city without leave—evidently counting on their share of
the monthly division of profits even if they failed to do
their duty. Others had not given a faithful account of
what they had received or handed in the money at the
right time. The Cattaveri were naturally besieged with
complaints of guides against guides, and of Patroni
and pilgrims against the guides.

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 89, 20th May, 1401, (‘‘In Consilio Rogatorum ").

INTRODUCTION 51

In September, 1401, therefore, the magistrates of the
Cattaveri ordered :—First, that everything the guides re-
ceived from anyone for their services was to be paid into
their office within three days. Second, that if any guide
wished to absent himself from the city he must first obtain
a license from the Cattavert. Third, that each tholomarius
must take his weekly turn in the Piazza, and anyone who
failed to do so was to be reported to the office of the
Cattavert, where he would have a bad mark, and for every
such mark be fined twenty small soldi. A guide who
reported a companion was to inform the latter within
eight days. This was, no doubt, in order to give the
accused a fair chance of defending himself, and prevent
unjust or underhand dealing.}

In spite of the provisions of 1396, it appears that the
pilgrims’ contracts had not been always given in to the
Cattaveri by the time the law required, and captains did
not in consequence depart on the day fixed—to the great
loss of the pilgrims, who were obliged to spend their
money in maintaining themselves in Venice. Further,
the office of the Cattaveri was daily annoyed and over-
burdened by complaints of the J/issete or agents, who
declared that the Patronz did not pay them their due.
It was therefore enacted in December, 1401 :—

First, that Patroni, scribes and agents were to
give in to the office of the Cattaveri all contracts, made in
writing with pilgrims, within three days after they had
been signed; and, second, that all captain-owners and
their partners were to pay in to the same office, three days
before the departure of their ships taking pilgrims, every-
thing owing to the agents, who were to divide the amount
amongst them. ”

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 99, 25th September, 1401,
2. Cattaveri, Reg. iv, p. 89, 10th December, 1401.

52 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Continuing on these lines, the magistrates of the
Cattaveri laid down, in January, 1402, that all contracts
made with pilgrims should be null and void unless they
were drawn up and signed in the presence of the captain-
owners, pilgrims and agents concerned, and registered in
the pilgrims’ books, kept in the office of the Cattaverz. As
usual, the law was evidently broken or evaded by certain
individuals, and had to be repeated in 1422.1

At the beginning of the fifteenth century the inn-
keepers, tempted by their opportunities and by a desire to
increase their gains, sometimes usurped the functions of
the missete or agents; while these latter found it to their
interest to arrange passages for pilgrims on foreign vessels
when there were Venetian ships ready. On account of
these “cnconvenientias, que sequebantur et quottidie
multiplicabant,’ as they said, the magistrates of the
Cattaveri enacted in March, 1407 :—That no innkeeper or
other person should dare for the future to take the place
of the agents in making arrangements between pilgrims
and shipowners, under a penalty of 25 lire and a month
in prison. They also forbad Andrea Ongaro (Andrew the
Hungarian, who seems to have been the chief offender),
and other M/issete to engage foreign vessels until all
Venetian vessels in port were full.

The foreign vessels referred to were evidently those
belonging to other Italian States, engaged chiefly, if not
exclusively, in the Adriatic coasting trade, which carried
pilgrims to Ancona and other ports on their way to Rome
or to famous shrines at Loreto or elsewhere. The provision
forbidding passages to be taken for pilgrims on foreign
vessels as long as Venetian ones were available was re-
enacted in 1423. At the same time, clauses were added

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv., p. 89, 21st January, 1402 (more Veneto 1401); and p. 933,

27th February, 1422 (more Veneto 1421).
2. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 91b, 5th March, 1407.

op Bade agp tore Bon ae

INTRODUCTION 53

to protect pilgrims against unscrupulous agents and
captains who, taking advantage of their ignorance, made
them believe they were to be landed at one port, and took
them instead to another. Patroni and missete who
deceived pilgrims in this respect were punished by a fine.?

In 1403 the voyages of Venetian ships to Syria were
temporarily stopped by the Venetian Government owing
to the threatening movements of the Genoese in the
Eastern Mediterranean? But in the summer, among
other pilgrims awaiting a passage from Venice, there were
the Duke of Burgundy, and many other knights and nobles
of France and other countries, strongly recommended by
the Kings and Lords whose subjects they were. These
distinguished guests besieged the Government with
requests to be allowed to go on their way to the Holy
Land; and pointed out the pecuniary and moral damage
they would suffer if they had to return home without
attaining their object.

When the embargo was laid on the Eastern voyages, the
intention of the Government was, if possible, to avoid a
casus belli with Genoa, and in any case to prevent Venetian
merchants and rich cargoes from falling into Genoese
hands. It may be noted here that the effort to avoid a
war failed; and on October 9th, 1403, the Genoese were
defeated near Modone by Carlo Zeno. Peace was made
between the two Republics in March, 1404.

Meanwhile, pressed by the foreign pilgrims, the Senate,
on the 25th of August, 1403, gave authority to Venetian
ships to take pilgrims to Syria on condition that they did
not go beyond Jaffa and Acre, and that they did not carry
any merchandise whatsoever or any merchants or other
ordinary passengers save Venetian subjects returning home

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv., p. 93, 18th May, 1423.
2. Senato Miste, Reg. "xIvi. p. 836, 15th May, 1403; p. 92, 20th July, 1403.

54 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

from these two Syrian ports. No ship was to sail without
at least 25 pilgrims, and the names of the latter were to be
given in by the Patronz to the office of the Cattaveri.!
A month later the enactment was modified. Permission
was given to carry other passengers than pilgrims from
Venice to Syria, but no merchandise; and on the return
the pilgrim ships might take merchandise and ordinary
passengers aboard at Jaffa, Acre, Rhodes, and even
Beyrout, if there was a possibility of going to the latter
place in reasonable security.2, When hostilities broke out
the Genoese had seized the goods belonging to their
Venetian rivals in Cyprus, Rhodes, and Beyrout, and
threatened the shipping in the Levant.

In February, 1405, there were a number of pilgrims
assembled in Venice who desired to go from there to the
Holy Land if they could find a ship; but who were deter-
mined to sail from Ancona if they could not get a passage
from Venice, as they seem to have found some difficulty
in doing—perhaps because it was early in the season.
The Senate felt that in the interest of the shipowners and
for the honour of the city, steps must be taken to provide
the pilgrims with what they needed, and gave them
license to engage a sailing ship or galley of 300
botte® or less for the voyage, with the proviso that no
merchandise of any kind was to be carried either going or
returning from Syria.t| The pilgrims, however, could not
find any vessel of the tonnage prescribed, and appealed
again to the Senate, which empowered them to hire any
sailing ship over six years old. It is to be presumed that
they found what they wanted this time ®

We now reach one of the epoch-making statutes in the

Cattaveri, Register iv. p. 90, 25th August, 1403, ‘‘in Rogatis.”

Senato Miste, Register xlvi. p. 103b, 25th September, 1403.

About 150 tons burden.

. Senato Miste, Reg. xlvi, p. 167, 27th February, 1405 (more Veneto 1404).
Senato Miste, Reg. xlvii. p. 1, 24th March, 1405,

OU CO DO

INTRODUCTION 5D

pilgrim legislation. Since the thirteenth century and the
General Maritime Statutes of the doges Tiepolo and Zeno
there is no mention in the many laws relating to pilgrim
ships of the arms to be carried for the protection of a
vessel and its passengers.

But, in 1408, Ser Andrea Quirini’s galley, returning to
Venice with pilgrims from the Holy Sepulchre, was
attacked in the Gulf of Satalia, on the south of Asia
Minor, by a Turkish ship. In the combat there were many
killed and wounded on board the Quirina. The Senate
declared that this deplorable occurrence was due to the
fact that the patroni of the pilgrim ships did not take
care to carry the cross-bows and other arms necessary for
defence, and that if it had not been for the foreign
pilgrims aboard the Quirina, who made a courageous
defence, the galley would certainly have fallen into the
hands of the Turks. In consequence the patroni of the
said pilgrim galleys were ordered to carry a fixed number
of crossbows, arrows, lances and other arms, and eight
crossbow men.!

Another important statute was that of December 30th,
1410, which offers the first example of a proposal to put
up a State galley to auction for the pilgrim traffic. This
was due to the fact that the Beyrout galleys had been
unable to bring back in the autumn all the cargo waiting
in that port, and an extra ship had to be sent for the
purpose. The proposal was rejected, and other arrange-
ments made for the transport of the spices and other
merchandise left behind at Beyrout.?

1, The Patroni were ordered to have :—‘‘Corratias lxxx. cum suis brazalibus et
todidem bazinetos, triginta lanceas longas, ballistas xx. cum suis manetis et crochis, et
arma pro sua persona, Item capsas veretonorum xv. a ducentis veretonis pro capsa, et
clipearia lx. Et ultra hoc Nauclerij et Scribani, Marangoni et Calefati Galee predictarum
teneantur portare arma et ballistas suas sicut tenentur. Teneantur insuper quilibet
dictorum patronorum, conducere secum ballistarios octo qui accipiantur per solutores
armamenti secundum accipiuntur alii ballistarij Galearum nostrarum a mercato.”—Catta-
veri. Reg. iv. p. 92. 28th September, 1408, and Senato Miste, Reg. xlviii. p. 33 b.

2. Senato Miste, Reg. xviii. p. 199 b, 30th December, 1410, and p. 203, 20th January,
1411 (more Veneto 1410).

56 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

When the Beyrout galleys (four in number) were put
up to auction in 1413, it was provided that the cargo they
were obliged to leave behind for want of space, was to be
warehoused and sealed; and as occasion presented itself
the Consul at Damascus and the Council of twelve
merchants there were to send the goods so stored to Venice
by any ship they thought fit, including the pilgrim galleys.
Goods carried by the latter paid three-fourths of the usual
charges for freight... It was soon thought necessary to
take additional precautions to ensure the safety of the
merchandise carried by these pilgrim galleys—merchandise
often of great value: Quia pro maiori parte rata galearum
Baruti conducitur cum ipsis Venetis. And the Senate
decreed, on the Ist of March, 1414, that each pilgrim galley
was to be equipped with two rowers or Galeotti to each
bench, and carry twenty crossbow men, including among
the latter two Venetian Patricians.?

It is to be noted that the Venetian galleys were described
as Biremi or Trirem2, according to the number of men—
each with an oar—rowing at each bench, and all on the
same level. The above-mentioned statute would therefore
imply that the galleys which carried pilgrims were Biremt.
There are reasons, however, for believing that the pilgrim
galleys, at least in the second half of the fifteenth century,
and including that of Agostino Contarini, were Triremes,
and would in other circumstances have been equipped with
three oarsmen to each bench.

In 1417 Ser Zaccaria da Ponte and Ser Donato Erizzo
earried pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre on board their
galley the Hrizza, and on the return voyage brought spices
and other merchandise from Beyrout.4| When the Hrizza

1, Senato Miste, Reg, 1. p. 4b, 7th July, 1

2, Idem, p. 80b, 1st March, 1414, and p. iGO. “4th September, 1414.
Ou, lie Fincati, Le Triremi, p. 6, &e,

4. Senato Miste, Reg. lii. p. 43, 23rd August, 1417.

INTRODUCTION 57

reached Venice strong complaints were made of the way
in which these joint Patroni had treated the pilgrims.
One specific charge was that the latter had been half-
starved, and another that cargo had been placed in the
space allotted to them by contract. Many “ Great Lords ”
had in consequence refused to continue the voyage, and
remained behind at Beyrout, Rhodes and other ports. A
certain number had taken passages on Genoese ships,
threatening to take revenge later for the extortions,
innovations and injuries of which they had been the
victims. Many of those who came back on the Erizza to
Venice departed immediately in a very hostile frame of
mind, and with the intention of indemnifying themselves
for all they had suffered.

The Government was alarmed, especially—as the decree
dealing with the matter declared—‘ Considering that the
said pilgrims who remained behind in Beyrout, Rhodes
and other places, are great Lords, and could greatly injure
our merchants and citizens, since, as is well known, most
of our relations and trade are with the countries of the
West.” In consequence the Senate ordered the galley to
be sequestered, and also all the money received either from
the pilgrims or for freight; and out of the latter just and
reasonable compensation to be given to the pilgrims.
Further, for the honour of the Republic, the advocates of
the Commune were ordered to initiate proceedings against
Ser Zaccaria da Ponte and Ser Donato Erizzo.1 These
proceedings, however, seem to have been quashed next
year, though no reason is given for this.

In February, 1418, however, the Senate, in order to
prevent the pilgrims from being crowded out of the very
limited space allotted to them, voted a decree which forbad
the Patroni of the pilgrim galleys, under a penalty

1. Senato Miste, Reg. lii. p. 61, 6th December, 1417.

58 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

of 500 ducats and perpetual exclusion from this traffic,
to carry for the future any merchandise whatever abroad

except havere capselle.

A few months later people interested, complained to the
Government that whereas the pilgrim galleys carrying
havere capse and letters from merchants in Venice to
others in Syria, used to go first to Beyrout; they now
went straight to land the pilgrims at Jaffa. In the
interests of trade the Senate ordered that these galleys—if
they had such letters or merchandise aboard—were to go
first to Beyrout, and then to Jaffa, and that the pilgrims
before signing the agreements, were to be fully informed
of the order in which these ports would be touched at.?

The officers, galeott?,3 and other sailors on board
Venetian galleys and other vessels, had the right of
carrying merchandise on their own account in their sea-
chests; and added to their salaries by doing a little private
trading in the places visited. A doubt was raised as to
whether—in spite of the clause in the Act of February,
1418, which expressly permitted havere capselle to be
carried on board the pilgrim galleys—the officers and
men of those galleys could carry merchandise in their
chests; and it was represented to the Government that
“with the pay they had they could not maintain them-
selves and their families otherwise.” The Senate declared
by a large majority that the officers and men of the
pilgrim galleys were to have the same privileges in this
respect as those of the merchant galleys.4 Casola
frequently speaks of them trading at the ports.

: 1. Senato Miste, Reg. lii. p. 776, 16th February, 1418 (more Veneto 1417). The
“‘havere capsella” or ‘‘havere capse” appears to have been merchandise in boxes or
cases.

2, Senato Miste, Reg, lii. p. 110 b, 16th July, 1418.

3. Galeotti=oarsmen. See Note 43.

4, Senato Miste, Reg. lii. p. 866, 7th April, 1418,

INTRODUCTION 59

In June of this year, 1418, the Senate licensed
Francesco Cavallo to go on his voyage with his galley,
and the pilgrims who had taken their passage by it.!
In November the pilgrims who returned to Venice on
board the Priola, had each brought a certain quantity of
sugar which was seized at the Custom House. The Senate,
however, ordered it to be restored to the owners free of
duty.”

Every year a certain number of galleys were equipped in
the Venetian arsenal for the merchant service. Divided
into squadrons—usually of three, four or five ships—they
were put up to auction for the voyage to Beyrout,
Alexandria, the Black Sea, Barbary or Flanders, on certain
conditions and knocked down to the highest bidders.
These latter then set up benches—with banners bearing
their arms at the side—in the Piazzo San Marco, and
there enrolled the crew and did other business. But before
being authorised to set up these benches or ponere bancum,
as it was called, these Patroni, who were always
patricians, were required to present themselves before the
Senate or the Maggior Consiglio, and be approved by a
majority of votes. This rule had not been strictly observed
in the case of the Patrona of the pilgrim and other
galleys not forming part of the merchant fleets named. In
September, 1423, therefore the Senate decreed: ‘“ That all
Patroni of galleys going to Jaffa for the Holy Sepulchre
or elsewhere must be at least 30 years of age, and be
approved by the Senate before setting up their benches in
the Piazza.”3 Another statute of 1428 laid down that
each Patrono was to furnish clear proofs that he had
attained the required age of 30.4

a ee

3. Senato Miste, Reg. liv, p, 145, 4th September. 1423.
4, Senato Miste, Reg. lvi. p. 162, 19th February, 1428 (more Veneto 1427).

60 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Between 1422 and 1426 there was danger of war breaking
out between Venice and the Turks, who besieged Constanti-
nople in 1422 for the fourth time. This explains why, in
July, 1424, the Senate decreed that an additional large
galley, subsidised with 1,000 ducats by the State, should
be deputed to protect the Beyrout and Alexandria fleets.
This galley was put up to auction and knocked down to
Ser Andrea Mudacio, who was authorised to carry pilgrims,
but not either merchants or merchandise.

In 1425, owing to outrages inflicted on Venetian
merchants in Egypt and Syria, the Patroni of all ships
going to Jaffa and other ports belonging to the Sultan
of Egypt, were forbidden to carry any kind of merchandise.”
During the war with the Turks, marked,in February, 1430,
by the Turkish siege and capture of Salonicco—which was
defended by Lorenzo Contarini, the Venetian Governor—
and closed by the Treaty of Adrianople, September, 1430,
the Patroni of galleys gomg to the Holy Sepulchre
were forbidden to carry any kind of merchandise for the
whole of that year.’

New difficulties with the Tholomary or Piazza Guides
provoked new measures on the part of the Cattaveri in
1428 and 1429. There were quarrels amongst the guides
about the division of profits and work. One of their
number, Andrew the Hungarian, claimed that he alone
was entitled to act as guide for the Hungarian pilgrims,
and not John Sartor, from Bohemia. After due considera-
tion and in the interests of peace the Cattaveri ordered : —

(1) That within fifteen days the Tholomarij were to have
a box made with two keys—one to be kept by their
representative or Gastaldo, and the other by one of the
notaries of the office of the Cattavert. The box was to be

1. Senato Miste, Reg. lv. p. 46, 28th July, 1424,
2. Idem, p. 816, 22nd January, 1425 (more Veneto 1424), and p. 1126, 11th May, 1425.
8. Senato Miste, Reg. lvii. p. 207, 4th April, 1430,

INTRODUCTION 61

placed in the office of the latter, and the gains of each
week—after being registered by one of the clerks of the
Cattaveri—were to be placed in it. Any money earned by
guides out of their turn was to be handed to those whose
turn it was.

(2) That each two of the guides were to attend in the
Piazza for a week at a time, and no one was to usurp the
turn of another.

Further, John of Bohemia was recognised as an
authorised guide.!

A very few months later, in March, 1429, the Lords of
the Cattavert were called upon to deal with the same
questions, and others in addition, which they did in a very
comprehensive measure. Amongst other things complaints
had been made that the two guides whose turn it was to wait
in the Piazza sometimes only knew one language, while
the pilgrims who arrived belonged to different countries,
and spoke various languages; and that pilgrims who
wanted to go to Rome were often deceived by the owners
of the small coasting vessels, who agreed to take them
to Rimini, and instead landed them at other places more
convenient to themselves. Further, some Patronz
agreed to take pilgrims for a certain price, and then, when
they arrived at the places named in the contracts, they
found pretexts for exacting much larger sums. And all
this in spite of numerous laws checking such abuses.

The magistrates of the Cattaveri therefore enacted :—

(1) That the twelve Tholomarii should meet together
under the presidency of their Gastaldo and form them-
selves into six couples, each couple speaking at least two
different languages.

(2) Each couple, in turn, was to remain daily during a
whole week in St. Mark’s Place, and honestly serve the

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 930, 16th December, 1428.

62 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

pilgrims. When one guide went to dinner, the other was
to wait in the Piazza till his companion returned; then,
having also dined himself, they were both to remain until
the usual hour. If a guide failed to appear, or to do his
duty, he was (save for illness or other just cause) to lose his
share of the monthly profits; and for a third offence be
suspended for two years.

(3) The other Tholomartii were forbidden to interfere
with the two on duty, or to accept any money, or arrange
any contracts.

(4) The two guides whose weekly turn it was were to
give in all money received, to the office of the Cattavert,
where it was to be registered and placed in the proper
box; the whole sum being divided at the end of each
month.

(5) The Tholomarw were to find passages for pilgrims
going to Rome and elsewhere with Venetian Patron,
and, failing these, with honest persons who would not
deceive them. At the time of signing the agreements the
Tholomarii were to tell the pilgrims the whole amount
of their passage money.

(6) Patroni of coasting vessels who failed to land
pilgrims where they had promised, were liable to a fine
of fifty small lire and a month’s imprisonment in one of
the lower prisons.!

Next year, however, the Cattaveri were obliged to order
the guides once more, to remain two and two in the Piazza
for a week in turn, under a penalty of losing all share in
the profits and being dismissed, if they failed to do
their duty; and to carry all the money received from
pilgrims and others, immediately to their office, on pain
of a fine in case of disobedience.”

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 94, 9th March, 1429.
2. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 97b. 26 July, 1430.

INTRODUCTION 63

At the end of 1430 hostilities broke out with Filippo
Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, and continued until 1433.
Genoa was at that time under the domination of the
Visconti; and the Venetian Republic had, therefore, to
protect its commerce from the attacks of the Genoese
fleet in the Mediterranean, as well as wage war against the
Milanese and their allies on the mainland. In the spring
of the next year, it was felt to be unsafe for the two
galleys, the Canala and the Vallaressa, then preparing to
go with pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre, to undertake the
voyage separately; and so, while each galley had its own
captain-owner as usual, the Senate appointed Ser Giorgio
Malipiero to the supreme command.’

In the Commission given to the commodore, he was
ordered to govern both galleys and administer justice in
civil and criminal matters to those on board. He was
not to land during the voyage save at places belonging to
Venice. He was to see that each galley had its full
complement of two oarsmen to each bench, and twenty
crossbow men, including two patricians. He was not to
allow merchants or merchandise (not even havere
capse) to be carried. The captain-owners were to pay
him 150 ducats for the whole voyage, out of which sum
he was to pay two servants; while he was to have two
trumpeters at the expense of the two galleys.”

A similar arrangement was made in April, 1432, when
the supreme command of the same two pilgrim galleys
was given by the Senate to Ser Nicolo Arimondo.*? The
Vallaressa had on board certain Savoyard nobles, who had
taken their passage for Cyprus; while on the Canala there
were some nobles from Burgundy, recommended to the

1, Senato Miste, Reg. viii. p. 486, 13th April, 1431, p. 49 b, 17th April, 1431.
2. Idem, p, 50b, 23rd April, 1431.
3. Idem, p. 110}, 26th April, 1432, and p. 1136, 9th May, 1432.

64 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

courtesy of the Signoria by their Duke. It was to be
decided by agreement or by lot, which of the two galleys
was to carry the commodore; and that galley had orders
to sail on the Sunday following, May the 9th; its com-
panion was to follow next day, Monday. Special per-
mission was given to Ser Giovanni Cornaro to send 2,500
ducats by these pilgrim galleys to his business at
Episcopia, in Cyprus.1 Casola gives interesting details
about his visit to these famous sugar plantations belong-
ing to the Cornaro family.

The instructions given to Ser Nicolo in his Commission
resembled those given to his predecessor, save that he
was to see that each galley carried twenty-five, instead
of 20 crossbow men; and he was not to allow any ordinary
passenger or servant to be written down either as an
oarsman or as a crossbow man. He was expressly for-
bidden to trade on his own account, even in pearls or
jewels, under a penalty of 1,000 ducats. On the outward
voyage he was to stay only two days at Cyprus, and on the
homeward voyage he was not to touch at Rhodes, and he
was to remain the shortest time possible in any port of
Cyprus. Pilgrims and other passengers taken on board
at other ports than Venice were to be charged in propor-
tion to the length of their voyage.’

In engaging the crews for the galleys, &c., the old
custom was to engage and pay them by the month. But
not long before the year 1434, the Patronz of ships
going to the Sepulchre began to make their bargains with
the men for the voyage, which naturally led to discontent
when, for any reason, this was prolonged beyond the time
anticipated. In March, 1434, therefore, when Ser
Giralamo de Canali, Knight, was approved in the Senate

1. Senato Miste, Reg. lviii. p. 114, 9th May, 1432, and p, 1146 11th May, 1482.
2. Idem, p. 114.

INTRODUCTION 65

as Patrono of a galley going to the Holy Sepulchre,
he was empowered to ponere banchum and engage as
many men as necessary to equip the galley, with the
proviso that he and all other Patronz in the future,
were to pay the crew by the month, and for two months
in advance. A disobedient Patrono was liable to a
fine of 500 golden ducats.1

In the autumn of 1437, as there was more merchandise
at Beyrout than could be brought to Venice by the regular
fleet, the law of February, 1418, was suspended, and the
pilgrim galley was licensed to take on board the surplus
at Beyrout and also at Rhodes; but was forbidden to take
any other merchandise, or give a passage to any mer-
chant.?

The next year the question of the pilgrim traffic
seriously occupied the Senate, which was betrayed into a
piece of hasty legislation, soon repealed.

On the 11th of March, three Senators proposed that
permission should be given to Ser Lorenzo Tiepolo, Ser
Nicolo Grimani, Ser Stefano Trevisano and Ser Lorenzo
Loredano (son of Ser Bartolomeo) to build and equip a
galley each in Venice for carrying pilgrims to the Sepul-
chre; and that Ser Marino Contarini should have license
to adapt his galley for the same purpose. Further, that
each Patrono should be approved, not only before
departure, but also within fifteen days after his return,
so that the Government might know how the pilgrims
had been treated.

But the Government had evidently been much harassed
by complaints of the conduct of the Patroni, and the
proposal found few supporters. Instead, when one of the
Councillors, Ser Luca Trono, invited the Senate to pro-

1, Senato Miste, Reg. lix. p. 37, 13th March, 1434.

2. Senato Miste, Reg. Ix. p. 35 b, 13th September, 1437.

F

66 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

hibit the building and equipment of any pilgrim galley
for the next five years, he carried the whole body with
him. He justified his drastic measure by saying: “That
everyone knew that the pilgrim galleys had given great
worry and annoyance to the Government, and had caused
great harm to our citizens on account of the abominable
way in which princes, counts and other foreign noblemen
who went disguised as pilgrims, to the Holy Sepulchre,
on board our galleys, had been and were actually
treated.” 1

A few days later, when the Senators had had time to
consider the effect of this decree, which punished the
innocent as well as the guilty, and put an end, at least
for five years, to a lucrative branch of trade, it was re-
pealed as “useless.” At the same time the Senate voted
that several galleys in the Arsenal, which were not needed,
should be sold the next Saturday by auction to private
persons, and that if any purchaser wished to equip any
one of these galleys for going with pilgrims, he was at
liberty to do so, provided that the Patrono had attained
the age of thirty, and was approved by the Senate.?

This year, because of attacks made by the Sultan of
Egypt on Venetian merchants in his dominions, the
pilgrim galleys were forbidden to load havere capselle
or any other merchandise for or in those parts.? But in
the autumn Ser Lorenzo Loredano, son of the late Ser
Bartolomeo, was preparing to start for the Holy Sepul-
chre, and having only twenty pilgrims, he sought license
to carry some cargo as well. The pilgrims themselves
went more than once to the Senate to support the request,
representing that they were so few that the cargo would

2) Idem 6Sh, San March see

3. Senato Miste, Registro lx. p. 78b, 8th May, 1438, and Cattaveri, Reg. iv, p. 27 b,
and Senato Miste, Reg. lx, p. 83 b, 20th May, 1438.

INTRODUCTION 67

not interfere with their comfort; and that if permission
were refused, the galley could not depart with only
twenty passengers. In consequence, and “as a concession
to the pilgrims,” Ser Lorenzo was authorised to take certain
goods on board in ports which were specified... He went
again with pilgrims next year, and was allowed to carry
a certain quantity of copper from Modone to Syria on his
galley, the Loredana; the rest was loaded on another
galley called the Gritta.2 Soon after, the decree of May
8th, 1438, forbidding the pilgrim galleys to carry any
merchandise to and from Syria was repealed; so that they
were henceforth subject to the laws passed previously.?

In 1439, the noble Antonio Loredano, son of Ser
Daniele, and the noble Stefano Trevisano, were em-
powered by the Senate to build and equip two galleys for
the transport of pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre*. In
October, 1439, however, about sixteen noble foreigners,
who came to Venice on their way there, could not find a
pilgrim galley willing to sail with such a small number;
and the Senate was obliged to permit them to take their
passages by the Beyrout trading fleet.®

In the spring of 1440, Ser Andrea Gritti (son of the
late Ser Marino), Ser Lorenzo Loredano (son of the late
Ser Bartolomeo), and Ser Antonio Loredano (son of Ser
Daniele), were approved in the Senate as Patroni of
three pilgrim galleys.° The month after, several foreign
pilgrims of “notable condition,’ who had taken their
passage with Ser Antonio Loredano, went to the Senate
and, representing that they were few, asked that their
Patrono might have license to carry certain mer-

1. Senato Miste, Reg. lx. pp. 1056 and 106, 14th October, 1438; p. 1066, 16th Oct.,
1438, and 20th October, 1438 ; pp. 107 and 108, 23rd and 30th October, 1438.
Idem, p, 133, 23rd March, 1439; p. 1436, 9th May, 1439.
3. Idem, p. 146, 9th May 1439.
4. Idem, p. 150, 8th June, 1439; p. 1546, 25th June, 1439.
5. Idem, p. 174, 17th October, 1439.
6. Idem, p. 208}, 12th April, 1440.

68 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

chandise prohibited by the laws in force. The request
was granted after much discussion, on condition that Ser
Antonio did not take any cheese on board, and that he
gave to the State the fourth part of the money received for
the freight. The money was to be handed to the heads
of the Arsenal. The Senate also stipulated that certain
parts of the galley were to be give up entirely to the
pilgrims, so that their comfort should not be interfered
with.

In June, 1440, license was given by the Senate to the
noble Francesco Venier (son of the late Ser Santo, Knight)
to build a galley for conducting pilgrims to the Sepulchre
on the usual conditions.; 2 and, in August, Ser Lorenzo
Loredano (son of the late Ser Bartolomeo) was approved
as Patrono of a pilgrim galley. As he had previously
been approved in April, this is rather curious, and seems
to indicate that he had either made an unusually rapid
and successful Easter voyage, and was preparing to go
again, or that he had deferred the spring voyage for lack
of sufficient passengers.*

Another member of the Loredano family desired to
engage in the transport of pilgrims, and, in April, 1441,
the Senate authorised Ser Pietro Loredano, brother of Ser
Lorenzo, who had been occupied with this branch of the
passenger trade for several years, to build in Venice, but
outside the Arsenal, a galley designed for the pilgrim
voyages. 4

As has been seen, in more than one case, pilgrims
anxious to hasten their departure from Venice, had
begged the authorities to suspend the law dealing with
seh ithe a tae

Idem. p. 223, 14th June, 1440.

3. Idem, p. 242, 19th August, 1440.
4. Senato Mar., Reg. i. p. 31, 22nd April, 1441.

INTRODUCTION 69

the transport of merchandise on pilgrim vessels, in favour
of their Patroni, and permit the latter to take a general
cargo. But the Government was not satisfied with the
results of these temporary returns to the old system.
There was, no doubt, always the temptation and the
tendency to let the cargo encroach on the space assigned
to the passengers; and the loading and unloading kept
the galleys in various ports beyond the specified time.
Consequently, in October, 1440, the statutes already men-
tioned, of February, 1418, and May 8th, 1438, were re-
enacted. The pilgrim ships were not to become merchant
galleys, and might not carry anything save what was
permitted by the laws named. A disobedient Patrono
was liable to a fine of 1,000 ducats, and lost what he had
carried in contravention of the statutes.1 From this time
the merchandise on board a pilgrim galley was practically
limited to what officers and men might take on their
own account for private trading.

At this time the pilgrim transport trade was so lucra-
tive, that the Government determined to claim a share
in the profits and assume the direct control as far as the
galleys were concerned—leaving the sailing ships still
free, subject only to the supervision and license of the
Cattavert. On the 19th of May, 1441, therefore, the
Senate voted the first Zncantus Galearum Peregrinorum—
that is, an auction of licenses for galleys destined for the
pilgrim service—and thus initiated a change of policy,
which lasted ten years; after which the pilgrim traffic was
again thrown open freely to private enterprise.

The decree enacted that licenses to carry pilgrims in
galleys to the Holy Sepulchre for the next five years—
(a) on the Easter voyage, and (b) on the August voyage—

1. Senato Mar., Reg. i. p. 5, 29th October, 1440. See also Senato Mar., iii. p. 21b, 19th

June, 1447, when, owing to difficulties with the Sultan of Egypt, even the officers and
crew of the Jaffa Galley that year were forbidden to carry any merchandise to the Levant.

70 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

were to be sold by public auction to the highest bidders
on certain conditions, of which the following is a sum-
mary :—

(1) The Patroni who received the licenses were to
sail at the time fixed, on the prescribed voyage to Jatta,
with the pilgrims who had taken passages on their res-
pective galleys; and were liable to a fine of 1,000 ducats
if they did not do so.

(2) The Patroni were not to receive from any pil-
erim for passage money and other expenses, more than
fifty ducats. (This is the first definite limitation of the
expenses met with in the documents; former provisions
on the matter are vague.) .

(3) The Patrona were to equip their galleys in ac-
cordance with the requirements of the statutes relating
to the pilgrim galleys.

(4) Before setting sail each year, the Patronz were
to pay a fifth part of the whole sum they had offered at
the auction.

(5) The Patroni must be approved each year by the
Senate before setting up their benches in the Piazza. If
rejected on any of these occasions, a Patrono might
nominate a substitute, who must, however, be approved
in his turn by the same Council.

(6) All previous legislation with reference to pilgrim
ships which had not been repealed was now confirmed.

(7) In order that Patroni who bought these licenses
might be sure of not being exposed to competition, it was
provided that no other galley might be built or equipped
for the purpose, or carry pilgrims during the five years
for which the concession lasted. The Government, how-
ever, reserved to itself the right to concede a State or
other galley to “any magnificent lord” who should ask
for one, as such requests on the part of “friends and

4

INTRODUCTION 71

potentates could not well be denied.’’ In such a case,
however, the Patrono of a pilgrim galley was not
obliged to pay the quota due of his auction money, or
go on that voyage if he did not wish to do so; but, if he
went, he was to pay a fifth of the money as usual.

(9) The Easter voyage was to be understood to mean
from the first of January to the last of June; and the
August voyage was to be understood to mean from the
first of July to the 3lst of December.

(10) As at the time there were three pilgrim galleys
belonging to Venetian citizens, who had received license
to build them for this trade, it was enacted that the
Patront who now purchased the monopoly for five
years should, if the owners desired to sell, be obliged to
buy the three galleys in question, with their tackle, at
a price fixed by the estimate of friends of both parties to
the bargain.

(11) The money paid for the new licenses was to be
given to the Arsenal, and used for buying wood with
which to build some new large galleys. The licenses
were to be auctioned the next day at Vespers, and they
were to date from the Ist of January, 1442,1 modern style.

The licenses were duly auctioned on May 20th, 1441,
with the result that the monopoly for what was now
described as the March voyage was granted to Ser
Lorenzo Mauro, son of the late Ser Antonio, for 802 lire,
16 soldi; and that for the August voyage to Ser Zaccaria
Contarini, son of the late Ser Hector, for 150 lire. The
immense difference between these two amounts shows
clearly that the majority of pilgrims chose to go to the
Holy Sepulchre in the spring and return in the autumn.?
In July, 1441, the license for the autumn voyage was

1, Senato Mar., Reg. i. p. 35b. Incantus Galearum Peregrinorum, May 19th, 1441,
2. Senato Mar., Reg. i. p, 36, 20th May, 1441.

72 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

again put up to auction at the expense of Ser Zaccaria
Contarini, the first purchaser, and knocked down to Ser
Antonio Loredano, son of Ser Daniele, for 64 lire, 13
soldi. }

The statute embodying the conditions of the monopoly,
obliged the Patroni to depart on the date fixed, irres-
pective of the number of pilgrims on board. This clause
was soon modified, and the Senate decreed that if a
Patrono had thirty-five pilgirms or more he must set
sail, under a penalty of 1,000 ducats; but, if he had not
as many as thirty-five, he need not undertake that voyage,
though he must pay the quota due of the auction money
all the same.?

About this time it appears that unauthorised persons
had been taking on themselves to go about to the hostels
and taverns and treat directly with the pilgrims about
their passages. The guides and agents were thus de-
frauded of their profits, and Government supervision
being evaded, the interests of the pilgrims could not be
safeguarded.

The Senate dealt with the abuse in January, 1443, and
forbad and Patrono of a barque, any sailor, or any other
persons save the licensed 7'holomarit to treat with pilgrims
to Rome or elsewhere about passages; and once more
ordered the Tholomarii to arrange passages for their
clients with Patroni belonging to Venice and living
there, or, if there were not any such available, with the
best foreign Patroni to be found.

Some other provisions relating to the Tholomarii passed
within a few years may be noted here. As much trouble
had arisen because they would not obey their head or
Gastaldo, in 1447 the magistrates of the Cattaveri

1. Senato Mar., Reg. i., p. 36, 11th July, 1441.
2. Idem, p. 42b, 19th June, 1441.
3. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 100, 22nd January, 1443 (more Veneto 1442), ‘‘In Rogatis.”

INTRODUCTION 73

inflicted a bad mark on any guide who refused to obey an
order given by the gastaldo. The first such mark carried
with it a fine of six grossi ad auwrum; the second, of eight
grossi ad aurum; the third, twelve grossi ad aurum; for
the fourth offence a guide was to be dismissed.! As they
still quarrelled about the division of profits and worried
the Cattaveri with their disputes, these magistrates laid
down once more and with greater emphasis, in 1448, that
all such profits were to be divided equally.2, Not many
years later, as the guides failed to observe certain regu-
lations relating to the pilgrims, the then magistrates of
the Cattaveri enacted, in January, 1455:—First, that the
Tholomarii were to obey all existing orders relating to
them. Second, that two guides, chosen by lot, were to
be on duty every week, at St. Mark’s Quay, in St. Mark’s
Place, and at the Rialto, each morning up to the dinner
hour, and afterwards from the ninth to the twenty-fourth
hour, under an additional penalty of 25 lire, besides those
prescribed in former ordinances. Third, that under the
same penalty, the guides were to hand in every Saturday
to their gastaldo everything they had earned during the
week. The gastaldo, either that day or the following
Monday, was to carry the money to the office of the
Cattaveri and place it in the box kept for the purpose;
and every month the money was to be divided according
to the orders previously issued.*

In consequence of news received in Venice in the spring
of 1444, to the effect that the Sultan of Egypt was pre-
paring an armada against the Knights of Rhodes, the
Senate issued an order to the armed pilgrim galley—then
on the point of starting—not to touch at Rhodes, unless

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 100, 13th November, 1447.
2. Idem, p. 1006, 28th June, 1448.
3. Idem, p. 101, &c., 14th January, 1455 (more Veneto 1454).

74 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

at Crete it was found that the armada had not set out,
or that hostilities had been abandoned.!

In August, 1445, six or eight pilgrims, who came to
Venice “from various and distant parts,’ to go to the
Sepulchre, found that the noble Bernardo Contarini,
Patrono of the galley due to go there on that voyage,
refused to depart with such a small number. They there-
fore begged the Senate to let them go by the Beyrout
fleet, and their request was granted, with the consent of
Ser Bernardo, who was, however, required to pay the
usual fifth part of the auction money, although he did not
go on the voyage.”

Many noble pilgrims of notable condition arrived in
Venice in April, 1446, with letters from the Duke of
Burgundy strongly recommending them to the good offices
of the Venetian Government for help in carrying out their
purpose. It will be remembered that the Senate, in
granting the monopolies in 1441, had reserved to itself
the right of dealing with special cases, concerning persons
of importance. On this occasion the Senate desired to
give the preference to the monopolists, and authorised the
two Patront in question to take these distinguished
pilgrims on their galleys, at a price for passage money
and all expenses not exceeding fifty ducats. Each Patrono
before setting sail was to pay 600 ducats to the Government
to be given to the Arsenal. The Patrono or Patroni who
accepted these conditions must be ready to depart on the
6th of June. A clause was expressly added to the effect
that the foregoing did not revoke any arrangements made
for passages on board navi (or sailing ships); but that all

pilgrims and sailing ships were in the enjoyment of the

1, Senato Mar., i. p. 229, 8th April, 1444,
2, Senato Mar., Reg. ii. p. 106, 31st August, 1445.

INTRODUCTION 75

usual liberty.!. This last provision clearly meant that all
pilgrims were perfectly free to choose between taking
their passage on the monopolists’ galleys or on any sailing
ship which was licensed by the Cattaveri for the voyage
to the Holy Sepulchre. The monopoly granted in 1441
prevented any other galleys from competing for the
transport of pilgrims, but did not interfere with any
sailing ships which might engage in the trade. The
relative advantages and disadvantages of the two kinds of
vessels were explained by the Senate in June, 1441, to the
Count of Nassau, who was sent by the Duke of Burgundy
to help the knights of Rhodes, and who asked advice as
to the advisability of also going to the Holy Sepulchre.
The Count was told that he would go more safely and
more quickly in a galley, but that it would cost him more
than if he went on a nave.”

As the five years’ monopoly would expire in January,
1447, there was a new /ncantus Galearum Peregrinorum
in the previous September. The conditions were in
general those of the former auction, so that the modifica-
tions only will be noticed. For example, one galley
having gone with pilgrims to Jaffa, it was provided that
when it came back—if the Patrono wished to sell it—it
must be bought by the new monopolists. A second galley,
one of the three then engaged on a voyage to Greece, was
to be sold to them by the heads of the Arsenal. An
amicable agreement or the chance of the lot was to decide
which of these two galleys was to be assigned to each of
the new Patroni3

The monopoly for the Easter voyage was granted to

2, ceuq imeeeiicareladne sacl aecaHey ee cltfna dani una galea quam cum una

navj._ Sed ibit cum multo maiori expensa quam iret cum nayj.”—Senato Mar., i. p. 43 b,
19th June, 1441.

3. Senato Mar., Reg. ii, p. 175, 12th September, 1446. ‘‘ Incantus Galearum Peregrin-
orum.”

76 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Ser Domenico Trevisano, son of the late Ser Zaccaria,
for 510 lire and 2 ducats. Next day the same patrician
bought the monopoly for the August voyage also.?
Experience had evidently proved that it was more profit-
able for both to be in the hands of one shipowner, who
might or might not command one of the galleys himself,
but who could easily find captains for them.

In June, 1448, as many important persons were awaiting
the departure of the pilgrim galley, the Senate issued an
order that the Patrono of the Jaffa galley was to set sail
the following Sunday, as he had promised the pilgrims to
do, and if he was not ready he would be fined 200 golden
ducats. ?

Owing to complications with the Sultan of Egypt in
1449, the Patrono of the pilgrim galley was forbidden to
go on the spring or autumn voyage to the Sepulchre, and
he was exempted from the payment of the quota due of
the auction money. At the same time he was informed
that at the end of the five years—if he wished—the
monopoly would be extended to him for two extra voyages. *
In May, however, as there were a good many pilgrims
already gathered in Venice, the Senate modified its
decision and licensed Ser Antonio Loredano to treat with
the pilgrims then in Venice, on the understanding that,
if on the return of the Venetian Ambassadors to the
Sultan, matters had been satisfactorily arranged, then the
pilgrim galley might go on its voyage.

The mission of the Ambassadors Lorenzo Tiepolo and
Marino Priuli was successful, and the Sultan Melech-el-
Daher addressed a letter to the Doge in which he declared
that he had given orders for the removal of the abuses

. Senato Mar., Reg, ii., p. 176, 15th and 16th September, 1446.
Senato Mar,, Reg. iii. p. 66, 7th June, 1448.

Idem, p. 108, 28th March, 1449.

. Idem, p. 118, 16th May, 1449.

INTRODUCTION 77

complained of by the Venetians.1 These orders were
really issued.

Meanwhile many intending pilgrims, tired of waiting
for the pilgrim galley, had taken their passages on various
sailing ships as far as Cyprus, where they hoped to find
vessels ready and willing to undertake the short voyage
thence to Beyrout or Jaffa. In the circumstances the
Senate removed the embargo on the departure of the
galley, and, while still forbidding the Patrono (Ser
Antonio Loredano) to go to Syria under a heavy penalty,
authorised him also to carry pilgrims as far as Rhodes or
Cyprus.’

Eight pilgrims from Burgundy, who brought letters of
recommendation from their Duke, came to Venice in
October, 1449. As they were unable, owing to the small-
ness of their number, to find a passage either on a galley
or sailing ship of those which usually went to Jaffa, they
asked and obtained permission from the Senate to go by
the Beyrout fleet, and two were assigned to each of the
four galleys put up to auction and sold that year.

During the disturbances which followed the death of
Filippo Maria Visconti, Alfonso of Naples declared war
against Venice in 1449, and began to harass the shipping
of the Republic. Peace was made in July, 1450, and
Venice and Naples were allies in the war ended by the
peace of Lodi. But when the Duke of Cleves, nephew of
the Duke of Burgundy, came to Venice in May, 1450, and
asked for permission to go to the Holy Sepulchre on a
Venetian galley, the Senate, while assuring him of its
desire to satisfy him in every way, pointed out that, owing
to the war with the King of Naples and the presence of a

1. Commemoriali, Libro 14, p. 83, 21st May, 1449; pp. 87 and 83, see Regesti, by
R. Predelli.

2. Senato Mar., Reg. iii. p. 1206, 1st June, 1449.

3. Idem, p. 147, 10th October, 1449.

78 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

hostile fleet at sea, it was not advisable that any Venetian
ship should set sail, and begged the Duke to have
patience.!

As he insisted, however, the Senate gave way. At the
same time the Government wrote to the Duke of Burgundy
explaining the circumstances, and declining all responsi-
bility.2, Instead of making arrangements with a galley,
it seems that the Duke, who had brought a suite of twenty
persons, took his passage on the nave Mantella, and it was
reported to the Senate that he wanted to conduct with
him on board the said ship sixty persons who, for the
most part, had already made their agreements with the
pilgrim galley. The Senate therefore interfered, and
enacted that the Duke might take with him on board the
Mantella forty pilgrims and two friars, paying 100 ducats
as compensation, to the Patrono of the pilgrim galley.

In September, 1450, a French noble, subject of King
René, who had arrived in Venice with eight or ten
companions, ten days after the pilgrim galley sailed, and
who had vainly waited several months in the hope of
finding a passage on another ship, asked permission to go
on board the Beyrout galleys. The request was granted
then, and also the similar one made next autumn (1451)
by several notable Ultramontanes.® This probably marks
the time when the voyage to the Holy Land at this season,
having proved unprofitable, owing to the small number of
pilgrims who gathered in Venice in the autumn, was
abandoned by the pilgrim galley or galleys. For the
future one or two galleys, according to circumstances,
went just after the Feast of the Corpus Domini only,
to Jaffa, as was the case in the time of Casola.

Senato Mar., iii. p. 185 b, 16th May, 1450.

Idem, pp. 186 and 187 b, sth May, 1450

Idem; p. 1866, 22nd May, 1450, and p. 187, 25th May, 1450.
Senato Mar., iv. p. 3b, 21st September, 1450.

Idem, p. 84, ’31st August, 1451.

OV Oo tO

INTRODUCTION 79

When the period of the five years’ monopoly again ex-
pired a new statute, passed by the Senate in May, 1552,
threw the pilgrim traffic open to galleys as well as sailing
ships; and it remained so for over half a century. It
was now enacted :—

(1) That all Venetian nobles who desired to do so,
might build large galleys outside the Arsenal at their
own expense for conducting pilgrims to the Holy Sepul-
chre; but that before equipping them or setting up their
benches in the Piazza, they must prove that they had
reached the age of thirty, and be approved by the Senate.

(2) That on every voyage the Patroni were to carry
the number of rowers (galeotti) and crossbow men (bales-
trier) prescribed by the law, including among the bales-
trierz two patricians.

(3) The said galleys were not to carry merchants,
money, or merchandise of any sort.

(4) That in order to prevent disputes between the
Patroni and the pilgrims, the former were to hand in
to the office of the Cattaveri the agreements made for the
passage money and all other expenses, in the presence of
the pilgrims concerned, to whom the contracts were to be
read by the clerks of the office. If this were not done, or
if any Patrono failed to register contracts made with
pilgrims at the office of the Cattavert, and any question
arose between him and them, the simple word of the
pilgrims would be accepted.

(5) That once an agreement was signed and registered
in the office of the Cattaverx—having been duly read in
the presence of both parties—the Patrono and pilgrim
or pilgrims concerned were required to undertake the
voyage under penalty of paying compensation for
damages, unless prevented from going by sickness, death,
or any other valid reason.

80 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

(6) Each Patrono, before undertaking his first voyage
with pilgrims, was required to pay 100 golden ducats to
the Government.

(7) Each Patrono on his return from every voyage
was under obligation to give 200 pounds of white wax to
the Procurators of Saint Mark’s, as in the case of the
merchant galleys.

Finally, the Senate declared that “all other orders and
decrees voted in this Council and dealing with this free
way of conducting pilgrims—which are not in opposition
to the above clauses—are to be understood to be included
in this statute.” }

In September, 1452, as there was no pilgrim galley
ready for the voyage, the Senate permitted several notable
pilgrims to go on the Beyrout galleys to Syria, and de-
clared that it was not only advisable to grant the request
of these pilgrims for this voyage only, because they were
persons of importance, but especially because the Senate
had lately made the concession that pilgrims could go to
the Sepulchre by any ship whatever.”

Casola relates that once during a great storm a collec-
tion was made and certain pilgrims volunteered to under-
take pilgrimages to certain shrines as soon as they landed
safely in Venice again. This was a very common way
at that time of seeking to propitiate the Deity, and im-
ploring the intercession of the Madonna and saints. It
appears, however, that the Patroni frequently pocketed
the money so collected instead of giving it to the pilgrims
who went to fulfil the vow. The Senate, in order to re-
move this abuse, laid down, in July, 1454, that for the
future, whenever a pilgrim was elected for this purpose on
a galley or other ship, the Patrono was to account for the

1. Senato Mar., Reg. iv. pp. 122 b, 123, 16th May, 1452.
2. Idem, p. 151 b, 26th September, 1452.

INTRODUCTION 81

money collected, within three days after his arrival in
Venice, to the Government authorities, by whom it was to
be handed to the pilgrim or pilgrims in question. A
Patrono who failed to do this was liable to a fine equal
to the sum collected, which he was also to refund.?

In June, 1455, the Senate was informed that the pil-
grim galley, the Contarina, was about to depart in-
sufficiently equipped—that is, without the full crew.
The Patrono, Ser Andrea Contarini, was immediately
forbidden to set sail “without a license from this Coun-
cil.”? Naturally, the pilgrims who had taken their
passages were disturbed by this embargo, and went to the
Signoria every day, begging insistently that the Govern-
ment would either give the galley leave to go on its way,
or order the money they had paid to be restored to them,
so that they could make other arrangements for pursuing
_their journey. Finally, the Senate ordered Ser Andrea
either to equip his galley for the voyage to Jaffa as the
law required, and be ready to sail at latest on July 6th,
or to give back their money to the pilgrims.®

Amongst those who went to the Sepulchre in the spring
of 1458 there were the celebrated Condottiere Roberto da
Sanseverino and the English John, Earl of Exeter.t They
made the voyage on the galley Loredana, and as the
Patrono, Ser Antonio Loredano, was a man of much
experience and intelligence, the Earl asked the Senate to
permit Ser Antonio to accompany him everywhere in his
visits to the Holy places. The Senate acquiesced, and in
order to free Ser Antonio from the responsibility of
command, approved as Patrono of the galley the noble
Baldesar Diedo, qui est affinis ypsius Antony Lauwredano,
ac sufficiens et practicus ad rem istam.®

1. Senato Mar., Reg. v. p. 426, 1st July, 1454.

5. Idem, p. 980, 20th June, 1435,

4. See Roberto da Sanseverino’s Voyage to the Holy Land.

5. Senato Mar., Reg. vi. p. 68, 14th May, 1458. In the decree of the Senate the Karl

of Exeter is described as * ‘quidam ‘dominus Anglicus beni status et reputationis in parti-
bus suis, qui sacrum sepulcrum dominicum visitare statuit.”

G

82 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

The Loredana went again to the Sepulchre in June,
1459, as we learn from a petition addressed to the Senate
by the magnificent orators of the Duke of Savoy, who had
taken their passages on this galley and asked to be landed
at Rhodes. At this time the galleys had orders not to
touch there. The knights were continually engaged in
hostilities with the Turks, with whom the Republic, which
had so much to lose, desired to keep on good terms. The
Patrono of the Loredana was ordered to put the Savo-
yard Ambassadors ashore at Rhodes, but not to land there
himself nor let any of his officers or crew do so.!

The son of the Duke of Savoy, who was either then in
Venice or arrived soon after, wanted to go to Rhodes on
board one of the Beyrout or Cyprus galleys. The Senate
replied that that would disorganise trade, but gave him
the choice between going on board one of those galleys
and landing at some other port than Rhodes, or equipping
two galleys at his own expense by which he could go direct
to Rhodes.?

An example of the way in which pilgrims were liable
to be delayed on their journey is afforded by a statute of
September, 1463. For some time Pope Pius the Second
had been trying to unite Christian Europe in a Crusade
against the Turks. Venice, while approving the general
scheme, had been anxious to avoid beginning the war
alone, but an accident precipitated matters, and war broke
out in the middle of this year between the Turks and the
Venetians, which lasted for sixteen years. Naturally
reinforcements were sent to Venetian possessions in the
Mediterranean, and their fortifications were strengthened.
When the Contarina and the Morosina, the two pilgrim
galleys which had made the Kaster voyage to the Holy

1. Senato Mar., Reg. vi, p. 130, 3rd June, 1459.
2. Idem, p. 133 b, 8th June, 1459.

INTRODUCTION 83

Sepulchre, reached Crete on the way home, they were
requisitioned by the Governor there to carry soldiers to
the island of Amorea (probably Amorgo, one of the
Cyclades). The Patroni, Ser Andrea Contarini and Ser
Andrea Morosini, claimed compensation, and the Senate
awarded them 15 large lire each.1

Early in 1464, Venice, already fighting the Turks, was
nearly involved in hostilities with the knights of Rhodes.
Three Venetian galleys, loaded with goods and having
several Moors as passengers on board, were compelled by
a violent storm to take refuge in the port of Rhodes, where
they were seized and plundered. As soon as the news
reached Venice the admiral Jacopo Loredano was ordered
to go to Rhodes, and his action was so energetic that the
Grand Master gave up the Moors and all the merchandise.”
While the matter was still unsettled, the Senate was
informed that Ser Andrea Morosini was preparing to go
to the Levant and loading timber, arrows and other things
for Rhodes. In view of the late incident he was forbidden
to go there or to any other place belonging to the knights
of St. John.s

In the spring of 1465, the Senate had to deal with a
serious accusation brought by Flemish and German
pilgrims against the noble Lodovico Pasqualigo, on whose
Trireme they had been to the Holy Sepulchre. They
declared that beside the sum agreed upon before starting,
he had extorted 600 ducats from them in one way or
another, and asked for the money to be returned to them.
The Senate, after premising that the dignity of the State
required that justice should be done to everyone, and
especially to these pilgrims whose countries were
frequented by Venetian citizens, merchants and triremes,

1, Senato Mar., Reg. vii. p. 131, 26th September, 1463.

2. Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia, vol. iv. pp. 321, 322.
3. Senato Mar., Reg. vii. pp. 192 b and 193, 28th September, 1464.

84 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

ordered the Savij of the Council and of the Terrafirma to
hear the complaints of the pilgrims and the defence of the
Patroni, and to pronounce judgment according to justice
and equity without delay.! Perhaps some details of the
inquiry, or at least the result, might be traced in the
account of some German pilgrim who was interested.
A short decree of May, 1466, informs us that the galley
Contarvna was destined for the Jaffa voyage that year.?
Since 1463 Venice had been at war with the Turks. In
February, 1468, news came of the death of the Albanian

hero Scanderbeg, and soon after, alarming tidings of the

g>
great armament, which was being prepared at Pera, and
which it was feared would be sent against Negropont.
The suspicion was well founded. Negropont was taken
by the Turks, July, 1476. Extraordinary eftorts were made
in Venice to raise large sums of money and build and
equip new ships.2. Amongst other expedients, in May,
1469, the Senate ordered the two Patroni of the pilgrim
galleys to raise, before leaving Venice, 5,000 ducats each
to be given to the Lord High Admiral.4

The galley which was preparing to sail to Jaffa in June,
1472, was the Contarina. As navigation in the Levant
was dangerous on account of the Turkish war, the Senate
issued a special order that the Contarina was to be
equipped in accordance with the Statute of 1414, that is,
with two rowers to each bench and 20 crossbow men,
including two patricians.°

The Patrono, Ser Andrea Contarini, appealed against
this order, and represented to the Senate that he could

1. Senato Mar., Reg. viii. p. 216, 16th April, 1465. The Statute begins: ‘‘ Compar-
verunt his diebus coram nostro dominio aliqui nobiles, et nonnulli alij peregrini qui
fuerunt cum triremi nobilis viri Lodovici Pasqualigi, graviter de eo querentes ac dicentes
eu ultra pecunias sibi datas juxta formam nabulizati sui, et mutus et aliter habuisse
ultra duc: sexcentos, supplicantes eius modi pecunias sibi restitui, &c.”

2. Senato Mar., Reg. viii. p. 75b, 16th May, 1466.

3. Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia, vol. iv. p. 350, &e.

4. Senato Mar., Reg. ix. p. 8, 16th May, 1469.

5. Idem, p. 135, lst June, 1472.

INTRODUCTION 85

not, without great loss, equip the galley in this way, as
he had only 32 pilgrims in all, who had paid some 25,
some 26, and some 30 ducats, and having put their things
on board the galley were pressing him to leave without
delay. The galley was ready, and he asked for licence to
sail with a crew of 110 all told. The pilgrims besieged
the Government with requests for permission to go on
their pilgrimage, and after several days the Senate
reluctantly voted that for this time only Ser Andrea might
leave with 110 men, including 18 crossbow men.!

The same question arose in 1473, and it looked as if Ser
Andrea had purposely delayed his departure in order to
foree the Senate to yield. On July the Ist, the noble
pilgrims who had taken their passage on the Contarina
went to the Signoria, and begged vehemently that licence
should be given to the galley to depart. As a concession
to the pilgrims the Senate consented, on condition that
Ser Andrea went himself on the voyage, that he had a
crew of 110, including the Ballistary and that he sailed
the next Monday. At the same time, the Senate declared
that no other exception whatever would be made, and that
every Venetian noble or other who went in the future as
Patrono of a pilgrim galley, must have two men to each
bench according to the requirements of the law.?

Ser Andrea Contarini and his galley, the Contarina
are first mentioned in connection with the pilgrim traffic
in 1455, and though there are lacune in the sequence
of documents, in the absence of evidence to the contrary,
it may be assumed that the galley went to Jafia every
year from that time, even if Ser Andrea sometimes pro-
posed a substitute as commander, as is implied in the
statute of 1473. After nearly twenty years’ service, the

1. Senato Mar., Reg. ix., p. 136, 12th June, 1472 ; 137 b, 17th June, 1472.
2. Idem, p. 174, 1st July, 1473.

86 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Contarina was the worse for wear, and in the spring of
1474 the Government appointed three experts from the
Arsenal to examine the vessel. Their report, presented to
the Senate, is a quaint specimen of fifteenth century
Venetian. In it they declared, that if it were a question
of changing owners, no Patrono would buy the galley,
nor could they recommend her to anyone as seaworthy.
Nevertheless, if the repairs they suggested were executed,
and the galley left at Ascension-tide and returned in
September, perhaps she might be allowed to make the
voyage. If, however, nothing more was done than was
being done at present, and the galley came back in the
winter, they thought she would run a great risk.1_ On the
strength of this report the Senate ordered that the

Contarina must not go any more *

‘on the usual voyage”’
to Jaffa either with pilgrims or with merchandise.? Ser
Andrea asked for a loan of 400 ducats to put the galley
thoroughly in order; but the Senate preferred to give
him permission to buy a certain galley made in Ancona,
and suitable for the transport of pilgrims, which was in
the Arsenal, and which did not serve the purposes of the
Government. The price was to be fixed by experts in the
presence of the heads of the Arsenal, and paid down
before the galley was handed over to the new owner.?

It seems to have taken a long time to get this galley
into sea-going trim, for a year after, a number of distin-
guished pilgrims went to the Signoria, and declaring that
they could not wait for the galley conceded to Ser Andrea
Contarini, asked permission to go to the Holy Sepulchre
on the sailing ship belonging to Pietro Franco. The
Senate granted the license requested on condition that

1. Senato Mar., Reg. x. p. 6b, 6th May, 1474.
2. Idem.
3

. Idem, p. 7b, 10th May, 1474.

INTRODUCTION 87

going and returning, the Patrono called at Modone
and placed himself at the disposition of the Lord High
Admiral of the Fleet if he happened to be there, or of the
Governor in his absence; and that he carried out such a
quantity of biscuits and ammunition as would not cause
inconvenience to the pilgrims.!_ A month later, when the
new Contarina was preparing to sail, Ser Andrea was
ordered by the Senate to present the Patrono for ap-
proval to that Council, to engage the full complement of
crossbow men and carry the noble apprentices required by
the law. In addition, under a penalty of 500 ducats in
case of refusal, he was to give a free passage to Ser
Francesco Giustiniani—who had been elected Provvisore
of Cyprus—and his company as far as Modone.?

This year, “in order to obviate difficulties which might
arise between Patroni taking pilgrims to the Holy
Land,” the Cattaver: decreed, that when any pilgrim had
been written down in the books of that office to go with
any captain to the Holy Sepulchre, he could not change
to another ship unless the compact made with the first
captain was annulled.*

In the second part of the fifteenth century these
magistrates were several times obliged to make new
provisions with regard to the guides.

In 1463, owing to frequent disputes between the
Tholomartj and the Patront of the pilgrim galleys,
caused by the fact that these latter did not always pay the
guides their commission, or did not pay at the right time,
the Cattaveri laid down that as soon as a pilgrim was
written down in the pilgrims’ book in their office, by the
Tholomarij, the Patrono concerned must pay the

1, Senato Mar., Reg. x. p. 45, 6th May, 1475.

2. Idem, p. 476, 5th June, 1475, and 7th June, 1475.
3. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 101, 9th May, 1475.

88 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

latter the commission due for each pilgrim going to the
Holy Sepulchre. 1

The Patroni now began to try to dispense with the
intervention of the guides, and often arranged contracts
with pilgrims through persons to whom they could give
what they pleased, while the Tholomarij were entitled
to a fixed sum—a percentage on the passage money paid.
The contracts irregularly drawn up and signed were
naturally not given in to the office of the Cattaveri as the
law required. The abuse had become so common that in
1476, when they were obliged to deal with the matter,
the Cattavert declared that every day Patroni of galleys
and sailing ships defrauded the Tholomarzj in this way;
therefore, after solemnly confirming previous legislation,
they unanimously decreed :—

(1) That when any Patrono wanted to register his
galley, or large sailing ship, or vessel. of any kind for
the voyage to the Holy Sepulchre, he must first give in to
the office of the Cattaveri satisfactory security to pay—
three days before leaving Venice—everything due to the
Tholomartj for each pilgrim. The Tholomarzj, on
the other hand, must do their duty faithfully and dili-
gently.

(2) That, as the Patroni had been in the habit of
coming to terms privately with the pilgrims, and conceal-
ing from the Tholomarij the real number sailing with
any given ship; if the latter could prove that any pilgrim
or pilgrims had been taken on board a ship, over and above
the number registered on the Pilgrims’ Book at the
Cattaveri, they were entitled to adequate compensation
from the sureties offered by the Patrono when his ship
was written down for the voyage to the Holy Land.’

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 1016, 14th March, 1463,
2. Idem, p. 102, 6th June, 1476.

INTRODUCTION 89

Nevertheless the law was still evaded with the aid of
the innkeepers, who, in collusion with the Patron,
prevented the Tholomarij from verifying the number of
pilgrims staying in a given inn. The pilgrims no doubt
lent themselves to irregular practices owing to ignorance
of the language and the law, or because they also found
it to their interest not to employ the licensed guides, who
from time to time are shown by the documents which
survive, in anything but a favourable light.

To protect the rights of the guides more effectively,
the magistrates of the Cattaveri, acting on an order
received from the Government in 1488, after emphatically
ratifying the provisions just noted of 1476, now enacted :

(1) That all innkeepers and others who gave hospitality
to pilgrims going to the Holy Sepulchre, must, within
three days after the arrival of a pilgrim or pilgrims at an
inn or private house, give in the name or names of their
guests to the office of the Cattaveri, under a penalty of
20 lire for each pilgrim whose name was not given in duly.

(2) That under the same penalty in case of refusal,
innkeepers and others having pilgrims staying in their
houses, must give the licensed guides free access to treat
with the said pilgrims about their passages, and must not
place any obstacle in the way of arranging the contracts
between the pilgrims and the Patroni of galleys and
sailing ships going to the Holy Sepulchre.

According to the itineraries of numerous German
pilgrims, the following were the chief clauses usually
included in the contracts:—The Patrono was to take the
pilgrims to Jaffa and back, and be ready to sail on a given
day. He was to receive the passage money agreed upon,
half in Venice and half at Jaffa. The vessel was to be
equipped with the prescribed arms and crew, and carry

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 102, 16th May, 1488.

90 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

a barber and a doctor. It was only to stop at the usual
ports, and not remain more than three days in any port of
Cyprus on account of the malaria. ach pilgrim, who
did not cater for himself, was to receive his meals and
drinking water every day, and these were to be as fresh
and good as possible. At each meal he was to have a
glass of malmsey. Wherever the ship touched, the
pilgrims were to have an opportunity of renewing their
supplies of provisions; and if that was impossible the
captain was to let them have what they needed from his
own stores. Each pilgrim was to have a place on the ship
for keeping fowls and for doing his cooking. A pilgrim
might leave the ship where he liked for any valid reason.
The Patrono bound himself to protect the pilgrims from
injustice in every possible form, to conduct them
personally about the Holy Land, and go with them as far
as the River Jordan, and pay the necessary duties and
tribute with the exception of small gratuities. Each sick
person was to have a better place assigned to him. If a
pilgrim died on the voyage the Patrono was not to seize his
property, and must give back part of the passage money.
The dead were only to be buried on the high seas if no
land was near; otherwise the Patrono must carry any
corpse to the nearest port.1

As has been said, all these contracts were signed by
the Patroni and the pilgrims, and the law required that
they should be countersigned by the appointed officers
of the Republic and duly registered in the office of the
Cattavert.

But, in spite of continuous legislation and of Govern-
ment surveillance, the law was often evaded, and the
accounts of the foreign pilgrims especially are full of com-
plaints—that ships were unseaworthy, or overloaded, or

1. Rohricht, Preface to Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem Heiligen Lande.

INTRODUCTION 91

insufficiently equipped; that they stayed too long in the
ports, and that the food was bad or insufficient or both.
Indeed, through the unaccustomed and bad nourishment
and sea-sickness the pilgrims were often very ill. In addi-
tion, the itineraries give graphic descriptions of the incon-
veniences attending the agglomeration of people of all
classes on the same small ship and the frequent friction
between the different nationalities; of how they all suffered
from excessive heat owing to the large number of passengers
crowded into a small space, and from vermin of every size
and kind.

Hans von Mergenthal, who accompanied Duke Albert of
Saxony to the Holy Land in 1476—the year that
Arcimboldi and Gian Giacomo Trivulzio went there—
recounts that the sleeping place allotted to each pilgrim
was so narrow, that the passengers almost lay one on the
other, tormented by the great heat, by swarms of insects,
and even by great rats which raced over their bodies in
the dark. If a luckless pilgrim succeeded in dozing in
spite of the general discomfort, he was soon awakened by
the stamping of the animals penned up on deck, or by the
talking, singing and shouting of his neighbours.

Most of those who fell sick died. ‘‘ God be gracious
to them!”

In the daytime the pilgrims were ruthlessly ordered to
move from their appointed places, if this was necessary
for manceuvring the sails—even though the sea was rough,
and their heads were aching and swimming.

At meals the Putrono gave them soup, salad, meat,
and greens. But nothing was good. The meat was bad,
the bread hard and full of worms, the water often stinking,
the wine hot and tasteless. They had often to eat in the
blazing sun. The crew was dishonest. Several times the

pilgrim galley was chased by Turks and pirates. On the

92 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

return journey in the autumn there was much bad
weather, and the pilgrims suffered greatly from the wet
and the cold. “In short,” the writer concludes, “ we had
little rest, and I know not what else to do on the ship than
have patience.” }

The pilgrim who wrote the voyage to the Saincte cyté
de Hvierusalem, undertaken in 1480, dwells specially on
the hardships endured in the Holy Land. He says that
on the homeward voyage, “ When we landed at Cyprus
there were several sick pilgrims on our galley. Their
illness began in the Holy Land, where the pilgrims were
badly treated, for during the time we were in the Holy
Land we had always to sleep on the hard ground and
often out of doors. And we fared badly there, for there is
no wine in the city of Jerusalem or in any other city
of those parts, for the Moors drink nothing save water.
And the bread is bad, for it is not properly baked, and is
as soft as dough. And moreover the pilgrims suffer much
in visiting the Holy Places by reason of the great heat
of the country, and because they are forced to hasten
overmuch. Now these are the causes of the maladies of
many of the pilgrims.’ ?

When Felix Faber asked the advice of Eberhard, Count
of Wiirtemburg, who had been to Jerusalem, about
undertaking his first voyage, in 1480, the Count replied
that there were three things which can neither be recom-
mended nor discouraged: marriage, war, and the voyage
to the Holy Sepulchre—“ they may begin very well and
end very badly.” ? Faber, like so many others, deter-
mined to take his chance. Afterwards he expressed him-
self thus:—‘ People without experience say that the

1. Rohricht, Deutsche Pilgerreisen, &c., preface.

2. Voyage de la Saincte Cyté de Hierusalem . . . Sait Van 1480, p. 104. Edited by
MM. Chas. Schefer and Henri Cordier, Paris, 1882.

3. Idem, preface.

INTRODUCTION 93

voyage from Venice to Jaffa is a promenade, and that he
who undertakes it runs little or no risk. Oh! heavens!
what a melancholy amusement, what a wearisome prome-
nade! With how many miseries is it not strewn! I have
seen many young men who could not endure them, and
who succumbed. I claim for the Pilgrims to the Holy
Land the sympathy and the compassion they deserve.”’ !

Casola describes the hardships endured in the Holy
Land by himself and his fellow pilgrims in much the
same way as they are summed up by the French clerk;
and he frequently mentions their sufferings at sea from
heat and cold, and the risks they ran from bad weather
and piratical attacks. As to the life on shipboard, Canon
Pietro does not disguise the fact that he was one of the
privileged passengers and fared in every way better than
most of his companions, because, as he says, he paid more
than the rest; but, no doubt, partly also because he was
an Italian, belonging to a noble family, subject of a near
neighbour of Venice, and a Church dignitary. He does
not, unfortunately, give many details as to the way in
which the other pilgrims were treated; but he relates that
the foreigners were often rightly dissatisfied with. the
food. In short, even if things had improved since the
days of Hans von Mergenthal, a sea voyage in 1494, was
still a dreary holiday for the majority.

As to the expenses incurred by the pilgrims who went
by sea from Venice to Jaffa, and thence to the Holy
Sepulchre, Santo Brasca’s “Instructions” are confirmed
and supplemented by Fra Francesco Suriano.?, Fra Fran-
cesco was a noble Venetian, who twice undertook the
voyage to the Hast, and who was Prior of the Convent
of Mount Sion? at the time of Casola’s visit. There can

1. Voyage de la Saincte Cyté, Preface, p. 33.

2. See Note 76.
3. See Note 75.

94 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

be no doubt, therefore, that he was perfectly well in-
formed.! He says :—

“Although the Venetians appoint two galleys for the
service and transport of pilgrims, they do not, however,
carry them free, nor for the love of God; but according
to the quality and condition of the persons, they make
them pay some fifty, some sixty, others forty, and others,
again, thirty ducats—some more some less, according to
the contract. The Patrono of a galley is obliged, in
addition to the simple transport, to give the pilgrims food
and drink while they are at sea, and also when they go to
places where the pilgrims cannot buy victuals. He is
also obliged to pay all the ordinary and extraordinary
taxes for them in the Holy Land.

“The ordinary expenses of pilgrims to Jerusalem are
as follows:—First, for the tribute to be paid to the
Sultan, 7 ducats and 17 grossi; for the Sultan’s inter-
preter, 1 ducat; to the custodians of the door of the Holy
Sepulchre for each pilgrim, 23} grossi; for the animals
for riding, in all, 3 ducats; for six places: Bethlehem,
Bethany, the Mountain of Judea, the Mount of Olives,
the Sepulchre of the Madonna, and the Pools, 1 grosso
for each place; for the custodians who guard the roads in
eight places, 1 grosso for each place; for the house at
Rama, 4 grossi; for the custodians at the sea, 1 grosso;
for the Governor of Rama, 3 grossi; for the Governor of
St. George, 1 grosso. In all there are 13 ducats and
a half, and this is the tariff of expenses up to the year
00:7 +

Merchants, sailors and servants paid 3} ducats each as
tribute to the Sultan. The other charges were the same
for them as for the pilgrims.

1. The text from which the extract is taken was compiled by Fra. Francesco Suriano,
first in 1485, and revised in Mount Sion in 1514.

2. Il Trattato di Terra Santa e dell’ Oriente di Frate Francesco Suriano, edited by
Padre Girolamo Golubovich. Milano, 1900.

INTRODUCTION 95

Elsewhere Suriano notes that although the friars are
poor, “all of us who go on the voyage to the Holy Land
simply from motives of devotion, are charged from 15 to 20
ducats on the pilgrim ships. But of those who are going
to one of the monasteries in the Holy Land, two are taken
free on each of the pilgrim galleys, and the others pay
10 ducats each. On the merchant galleys and sailing
ships, however, all the friars are carried for the love of
God, with all their goods.”’?

Between 1455 and 1475, one of the chief Patroniz en-
gaged in the transport of pilgrims was Ser Andrea
Contarini, whose name appears in the documents in the
Archives of Venice for the last time in 1475; and it is
probable that he retired then or soon after. A younger
member of the Contarini family, Ser Agostino, Casola’s
captain in 1494, was certainly patron of a pilgrim galley
as early as 1479.

Agostino Contarini, known as “Agostino dal Zaffo”
(Agostino of Jaffa), was son of Benedetto Contarini,
grandson of Luca Contarini, “the doctor,” and great-
grandson of Zaccaria Contarini, since whose time, at
least, this branch of the family had been established in
the parish of San Cassiano, in the Sestiere of San Polo,
on the far side of the Grand Canal.”

I have not found any record of Agostino’s birth, but
the date can be calculated very nearly. In the Register
known as the Balla d’oro,? we find that on the 29th of
November, 1447, Benedetto Contarini, son of the late
Luca, and husband of Giustiniana Giustinian, presented
his two elder sons, Girolamo and Ambrogio, to the Great
Council as having completed eighteen years of age. For

1. Il Trattato di Terra Santa di F. Suriano.

ay 2. See Marco Barbaro, Genealogie delle famiglie patrizie Venete. Venice, St. Mark’s
ibrary.

Ty :
3. Archives. Venice.

96 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the same reason, on November 19th, 1449, he presented his
younger son, Agostino, to the same Council; so that
Agostino was probably born in 1430 or 1431, and he died
either in 1500 or 1503.1

Soon after his presentation to the Council he must have
chosen the sea as his profession. In 1494 he told Casola
that he had been at sea forty-two years. In 1455 he
married the daughter of Ser Francesco Giustinian,? by
whom he had one son Luigi or Alvise, who does not appear
to have left any mark on his country’s history.

In 1471 Agostino Contarini was Comito of the galley
which conducted Giosafatte Barbaro on his mission to the
East. Two years later, in September, 1473, he took
command at Cyprus of the galley of his brother Ambrogio,
who had been recalled to Venice to receive his commission
as Ambassador to the King of Persia, with whom the
Venetians desired to strengthen their relations in order
to stir up a powerful enemy in the rear of the Turks.*

When J. Tucher of Nuremberg—whose description of
his voyage was printed in 1482 at Nuremberg and
Augsburg—went to Palestine in 1479, Ser Agostino was
captain of the pilgrim galley for Jaffa. Next year, 1480,
the writer of the Voyage de la Saincte Cyté de Hierusalem
says that in that year the Patrono of the Jerusalem gal-
ley was a Venetian gentleman, named Agostin Contorin qua
avoit faict Vannée passée le voyage. This is confirmed by
Felix Faber and Santo Brasca. Indeed, Santo Brasca was
singled out from the other passengers by Contarini, who
offered to use in his favour the privilege he then had of
taking a pilgrim to lodge with him at the Monastery of
Mount Sion. With regard to this privilege, it is interest-
ing to note that on their arrival at Jerusalem Casola

1. See Barbaro, Genealogie delle famiglie patrizie Venete.

2. See Marco Barbaro, Nozze Veneziane. St. Mark's Library, Venice.
3. Le Voyage de la Saincte Cyté de Hierusalem, p. 24, Note A.

INTRODUCTION 97

wrote in his journal :—‘“‘ The Magnificent Patrono was in
the habit of lodging with two persons in Mount Sion,
which is a good way outside the city; but this Prior,
however, in order to appear wiser than his predecessors,
had taken him a house within the city.”

Casola might have criticised the Prior differently, if he
had known—as it may be assumed he did not—of the
following decree, passed by the Venetian Senate July 12th,
1493,1 and of the abuses of hospitality which had provoked
it.

The decree runs:—“ In the petition just now read to
this Council the inconveniences therein enumerated, and
principally due to the residence taken up by the Patront
of our pilgrim galleys in the venerable Monastery of
Mount Sion, in contempt of the divine worship and to the
no small detriment of that Holy Place, are of such a
nature that it is absolutely necessary that such errors and
inconveniences should be opportunely dealt with and
prevented by our most Christian Government.

“Tt is therefore enacted that henceforth, none of our
Patroni of the pilgrim galleys, for the whole time of their
sojourn, shall in any way or under any pretext reside in
the aforesaid monastery under a penalty of 200 ducats to
be paid out of their own possessions. And, further, the
galley of a disobedient captain shall never more go on
that voyage.

“And in order that from time to time it may be known
how this most pious order is observed, the Prior of the said
monastery shall be required and obliged every year, on the
departure of the said galleys, to write letters to our
Government and report therein as to the observance or
the contravention of this order. And as soon as they know
the truth the Advocates of the Commune shall be obliged,

1, Senato Mar., Reg. xiv. p. 16,

H

98 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

without waiting for another Council, to carry into
execution the provisions contained above. The half of
the said pecuniary penalty shall go to said Advocates, and
the other half to our Arsenal.”

Letters patent containing this decree were re-issued on
July 12th, 1512, 0b ammissionem allarum.

It is unfortunate that the “errors and inconveniences ”
which caused such pious horror on the part of the Govern-
ment were not enumerated in detail. Whatever they
were, there is little doubt that Agostino Contarini was one
of the chief sinners, and he was irritated when the new
law came into force in 1494. Casola reflects his feeling,
for he naturally took the captain’s point of view, and
accepted his version of the facts.

To return to 1480. One of the few documents belonging
to the last years of the 15th century, in which the pilgrim
galleys are mentioned records that in May, 1480, the
Great Council granted the request of Ser Ambrogio
Contarini, then Councillor in Cyprus, and on the ground
of ill-health gave him leave to return to Venice on board
the Jaffa galley, “‘ whose Patrono is the Noble Ser Agostino
Contarini, his brother.” }

When Felix Faber made his second pilgrimage in 1483,
he found Agostino Contarini in command of one of the
two galleys which went to Jaffa that year.

In August, 1484, Fra Francesco Suriano returned to
Venice on the pilgrim galley commanded by the same
Patrono, and his account of the terrible storms they
experienced, in which he—the Franciscan Friar—
navigated the ship, does more credit to Contarini’s
generosity of sentiment than to his seamanship. Perhaps
he was less jealous of Suriano than he would have been
of another man, not a Venetian patrician like himself;

1. Maggior Consig. Delib. Stella, p. 2b, 28rd May, 1480.

INTRODUCTION 99

Suriano was an old sailor too, and a humble follower of
St. Francis.!

Although for many years documentary evidence is
lacking, it may be safely assumed that from 1479 for
the next seventeen years Captain Contarini took his galley
the Contarini to Jafia each year, with the pilgrims who
never failed to assemble in Venice about Ascensiontide.
In 1496 Malipiero noted in his famous diary that, “On
the 21st of December the galley from Jaffa, Patrono
Agostino Contarini, reached Venice in a bad state with
all the pilgrims.”? The weather had presumably been
worse than that experienced by Casola, and the Contarina
was two years older. The “bad state” may also have
referred to the moral conditions on board, judging by a
Senatorial decree of April, 1497, which will be noted in
its place. This was Agostino Contarini’s last voyage, and
the reason for this may be divined from two decrees
passed by the Senate in 1497.

The first, dated January 14th, 1497 (M.V. 1496) ran
thus :—

“The frequent inconveniences which result from the bad
faith of the Jaffa Patroni and which give rise to outcries,
lamentations, and formal complaints on the part of the
Signori pilgrims tortured by them, compel our Government
to make due provision in this matter, not only for its own
honour, but also in order to avoid the enmity of many
provinces and places, which are stirred up against our
Government, through no fault of its own, but solely on
account of the bad behaviour of the aforesaid Patroni.

“Tt is therefore decreed that henceforth, whoever wishes
to go as Patrono of a galley or any other ship whatsoever
on the voyage to Jaffa, must, in the first place, and before
everything else, offer to our Advocates of the Commune

1. See Note 76, pp. 384-386. : ‘ a
2. Chronicle of Domenico Malipiero, part ii. p. 635. Archivio Storico Italiano, vol. vii.

100 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

four sureties in 250 ducats each (which sureties must be
ballotted for and approved in our College), for the
observation of the terms and contracts made with the
pilgrims in the office of the Cattaveri, and these shall be
guarantees that the said Patronz will not do, or cause to
be done, any injuries or acts of violence or outrage to the
said pilgrims, but that they will treat them well and take
care that they are well treated wherever they go.

“Tf, however, the said Patronz violate the said contracts,
the said Advocates must, without delay, compel the said
sureties to provide for the satisfaction of the said pilgrims,
in so far as the majority of the said Advocates are con-
vinced that the pilgrims have been defrauded, or that the
contracts made with them have not been duly observed.

“Further, the office of each of the said Advocates is
empowered to inflict a severe punishment on the said
Patront who have broken their contracts.

“And it is declared that the aforesaid persons who
desire to go as Patroni must—before they set up their
benches—be approved in this Council, as the Patroni of
the trading galleys are approved; and in the same way
they must be approved on their return. And any Patrono
who is not approved on his return shall forfeit 200 ducats,
to be given to the Advocates of the Commune, and shall
not be allowed to go any more as Patrono on the said
voyage.” 1

From a second decree, passed in the Senate on the
Ist April, 1497,? we learn that certain of the pilgrims
who went to the Sepulchre the previous year, 1496, on the
galley of the Noble Ser Agostino Contarini, had made
accusations against the said Ser Agostino to the Advocates
of the Commune as soon as they got back to Venice.

1. Senato Mar., Reg. xiv. p. 112d.
2. Idem, p. 118.

INTRODUCTION 101

Unfortunately oo clue is given to the nature of the
complaints made, though from what Casola and other
pilgrims relate, the principal ones at least may be safely
inferred. Even Casola, who always tries to make out a
good case for the Patrono, imphes that in certain res-
pects the pilgrims had reason to be dissatisfied.

Although he was not expressly named in the decrees of
January, 1497, and July, 1493, as he was in that of
April, 1497, they were all evidently directed chiefly against
Agostino Contarini, who had been oftener to Jaffa than
any other Patrono since at least 1479. The outcome of
the legal proceedings cannot be traced in the documents.
Was it unfavourable to the Patrono or did he now de-
cide that at his age—well over sixty as he was—it was wise
to retire from a business which brought much fatigue and
worry in its train? At any rate, Contarini did not go any
more to the Holy Land, and in June, 1497, Sanuto wrote:
“The Jaffa galley left this city commanded by the new
Patrono, Ser Alvise Zorzi, and went to Jaffa with the
pilgrims.” !

Before he left, however, there was a curious incident
which showed that the new Patrono, like the old, had a
keen eye to business.

In June, 1497, many noble pilgrims of various nations
appeared before the Cattavevz and complained that the
berths assigned to them by the Noble Lord Alvise Zorzi,
Patrono of the trireme on which they were to sail,
were so small that it was impossible to he in them without
extreme discomfort. Ser Alvise, on the other hand,
declared that he was prepared to give them the same
accommodation as had been given to all pilgrims in times
past. The magistrates went on board the trireme, inspected
the berths and heard the opinion of the officers and of

1. Sanuto, Diarii, vol. i, p. 645.

102 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the experts appointed to examine the pilgrim ships before
they were licensed. Then, “ in order that in the future
all should know what sized berths they were entitled to
have on the triremes going to Jerusalem, and especially
considering that notable persons and powerful lords go on
this voyage, who, although they may go incognito, deserve
to be well treated in every way,” they ordered that the
berth allotted to each pilgrim was to be precisely a foot
and a half wide and long enough for him to he at full
length; and that all the old signs of division were to be
removed from the galley, and the new signs placed there a
foot and a half apart.1

Hans von Mergenthal evidently did not exaggerate when
he complained of the heat and the crowding in 1476,
although things were better even then in this respect than
in the old Crusading days. On the vessel of Saint Louis
of France it was stipulated, for example, that two should
sleep in the place of one only, “ each with the feet towards
the head of the other.”

The voyage of the Zorza was an eventful one, and
I hope to give the details on another occasion. Suffice it
to say here, that, although Venice was at peace with the
Sultan, the galley was attacked on the outward voyage
not far from Modone, by a Turkish squadron of nine sail,
commanded by the famous Arigi or Erichi, ex-Corsair,
who, although the Patrono hoisted the banners of the
Holy Sepulchre and St. Mark, pretended not to recognise
the pilgrim ship. Aftera hot fight, in which the Zorza was
damaged and had many killed and wounded on board,

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 104, 26th June, 1497. The enactment begins: “‘Comparve-
runt coram spect, et. generos. Dominis Cathavere complures Domini peregrini diversorum
nationum profecturi ad loca sancta se condolentes, de Patrono Triremis, qui eis dare
intendit modicum quod stationis pro quolibet in qua non est possibile quem™®° posse per-
manere nisi cum maxima incomoditate.” The magistrates therefore ordered ‘‘quod omnis
statio cuiusque peregrini proficiscientis et de cetero profecturi ad viagium Hierusalem
cum Triremi, sit et intelligatur per Latitudinem pedis unius cum dimidio integre et
precise, et per Longitudinem quantum est usque stantes.... et removeri ex Galea

dimidio inter quelibet signa,”

INTRODUCTION 103

the Turkish ships were obliged to retire. Erichi tried
hard to make Alvise Zorzi take on himself the responsi-
bility of the so-called “ error,” and failing,excused himself
after a fashion!

The Duke of Pomerania, one of the pilgrims, and the
Patrono specially recommended nine of the crew to the
Senate for having bravely defended the galley at the risk
of their lives, and as a reward each of the nine received
the appointment to two posts as crossbow men, one a year,
for any voyage they chose, “in order that they may enjoy
the fruit of their good deeds,’ and “inspire others in
similar circumstances to bear themselves valorously.” ?

It is probable that Captain Zorzi undertook the voyage
to the Sepulchre next year also; for in May, 1498, Sanuto
noted that several German nobles had arrived in Venice,
amongst them a nephew of the Duke of Saxony, Lord
George “da Torre,” and other pilgrims going to Jerusalem ;
and that Alvise Zorzi, who owned the Jaffa galley, having
been appointed Governor of Gradisca, did not want to
undertake the voyage. But the pilgrims, in order to
induce him to do so, offered 70 ducats a head, while
he said he would resign his position and go if they gave
him 80 ducats each.* Sanuto promised to give the result
of the negotiations later one, but he forgot. However, as
a new Venetian representative was sent to Gradisca in
June, it may be inferred that Alvise Zorzi had come to
terms with the pilgrims, and was then on his way east-
ward,’

In 1499 war was renewed between Venice and the Turks,
and continued up to the peace of October, 1503. In 1500
the Republic lost Corone, Modone, and other important
Heated annie, iar, wal. 1. pp. 702,728, and Maliplero, Diario in the Archtoto Storiep

Senato Mar., Reg. xiv. p. 150, 31st March, 1498.

3. Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. i. p. 959, May, 1498.
4. Idem, p. 985, June, 1498.

104 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

places in the Morea. The diarist Priuli wrote at this
time: “ The City of Venice is in great trouble for fear of
losing the maritime supremacy upon which the riches and
prestige of the Venetian State depend. For its fame and
glory have been built up by the voyages and by its
reputation at sea. Therefore there can be no doubt that
if the Venetians should lose their shipping and their
maritime supremacy, they would also lose their reputation
and their glory, and little by little in a very few years
they would be consumed.” 4

On account of the disturbed state of affairs in the
Levant, there was apparently no galley for Jaffa in 1499.
Indeed the Doge advised many pilgrims to turn back on
account of the danger from the Turkish fleet. Neverthe-
less, in June, Ser Marco, the owner of the Nave Malipiera
e Giustiniana, offered four sureties who were ballotted for
and accepted by the Senate, and two days later the
Patrono Francesco Vasallo was approved in the same
Council.2 They were ready to take the risk of carrying
pilgrims to Syria.

In March, 1500, Sanuto mentions that a beautiful galley
was being built for the Jaffa voyage by Ser Bernardo
Boldt, aided by other persons, because Ser Bernardo was
poor, and he added: “ What will happen I do not know.”
In June, when some important French pilgrims arrived,
the galley was not ready, and the Senate solemnly
reproved Ser Bernardo. On account of the war between
the Republic and the Turks, the Doge advised the pilgrims
to give up their project. In August many French pilgrims
complained to the Government that Ser Bernardo Boldt
refused, either to go to Jaffa or give back the 700 ducats
they had paid him. A month later the galley was sold to

1. Homentty, Storia Documentata di Venezia, vol, v. p. 150.

2. nuto, Diarij, vol. ii. p. 688 (7th May, 1500) ; 779—81 (3rd June, 1499) ; and p. 792
(5th Saks 1499).

INTRODUCTION 105
Ser Jacopo Michiel for 1,010 ducats. Eight hundred

ducats were returned to the pilgrims, and out of the rest
the Advocates of the Commune were ordered to pay those
who had worked on the galley, and who, “ cried out every
day” for their salaries. Sanuto’s doubt as to the success
of the enterprise was justified.

Whether there was peace or war with the Turks the
danger from pirates in the Mediterranean was a constant
one. Having heard that there were Corsairs at sea, the
Venetian citizen Bernardo di Marconi and the patrician
Marcantonio Dandolo, joint owners of the galley licensed
to go to Jaffa in 1515, asked the Government in June for
the loan of two pieces of artillery, “ which throw stones,
to place at the prow .... . for the security and
ornament of the galley and for the satisfaction of the
pilgrims on board,” and offered to give security for the
value. The Senate consented, and required, in addition
to the offered security, that the partners should lend
50 ducats to the Arsenal, to be returned to them when the
pieces of artillery were given back at the end of the
voyage.”

Next year the noble Marcantonio Dandolo, “ Patrono
of the pilgrim galley,’ asked the same favour once more.
But while some Senators were willing to consent on the
same terms as before, others thought he ought to buy the
cannon outright. Ser Marco then asked the Government
to deign to sell him the two pieces of artillery for the
price of the metal, and offered 200 ducats down and the
rest on his return. The Senate thereupon ordered the
heads of the Arsenal to sell them for the price of the
metal plus the expenses of casting,and to accept 200 ducats
1500); p, 546 (26th July, 1500): p. 286 0th August, 1200); p. 700 (th September, 1500)”

2. Senato Mar., Reg. xviii. p. 70b, 22nd June, 1
3. Idem, p. 1, 7th June, 1516.

106 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

down and sureties for the payment of the remainder when
the galley came back. The money was to be used for
casting two new cannon.

From a decree of the Senate, June, 1517, we learn that
two navi were then on the point of sailing with pilgrims.
The Patront had offered to carry to Cyprus free of
charge a quantity of artillery and ammunition, and the
ships were to leave as soon as the cargo was stowed away.
For greater security the Senate ordered the navi to sail
together under the supreme command of Ser Fantin
Michiel, whom the Patroni were required to obey. But
it appears that for some reason not given the order was
revoked. ?

An important statute of 1518 marks a return to the
policy of 1441—1552. The preamble runs thus :—

“For the spiritual commodity of faithful Christians,
and for the honour and profit of our State, our forebears
have always arranged that a galley should sail from our
city every year on the pilgrim voyage. Since, therefore,
the galley engaged in the said navigation has been
dismantled it is convenient to replace it, for the honour
of our Government, and for the greater satisfaction of
Christian princes who desire that their subjects may be
able to go on their pilgrimage in all security.” It was
then enacted :—

(1) That the heads of the Arsenal were to put up to
public auction at the Rialto and sell to the highest bidder,
whether citizen or patrician, the licence to build, outside
the Arsenal, a large galley at the expense of the purchaser
of the licence, for the transport of pilgrims. The money
was to be paid in to the Arsenal within a month, and the
galley ready to sail by Ascensiontide 1519, otherwise the

1. Senato Mar., Reg. xviii., p. 111), 11th June, 1516.
2. Senato Mar., Reg. xix. p. 13, 9th June, 1517.

INTRODUCTION 107

owner would be lable to a fine of 500 ducats. The
Patrono was to present himself for approval in the first
meeting of the Senate after the auction, and also every
voyage afterwards.

(2) That until the galley to which the monopoly was
now granted had made twelve voyages, no other galley was
to be built for or engage in this trade. At the same time,
pilgrims were free to go either on the licensed galley, or
on a nave, or on any other vessel they pleased.

(3) The Patrono who bought the monopoly was to
equip his galley according to the requirements of the
existing laws, and treat the pilgrims according to the
regulations preserved in the office of the Cattaverv.

Ser Luca Trono, one of the Councillors, proposed as an
amendment that, considering the immense importance
of this measure, which needed mature consideration, a
decision had better be deferred, and the matter brought
up again in another meeting of the Senate. But the
majority of the Senators were against him, and the
proposal to renew the monopoly for twelve voyages was
approved by a large majority.!

Unfortunately I have not been able to find any
documents which record who bought the new monopoly,
or if it was bought at all. Two things are very noticeable,
however, in the decree just summarised—first, that the
monopoly was to be sold to the highest bidder, “ whether
citizen or patrician.” In the fifteenth century the Patronz
of the galleys were always Venetian patricians. The new
concession, together with the contemporary difficulty in
disposing of the merchant galleys which were often now
put up to auction several times before finding a purchaser,
whereas in earlier times they were taken as soon as offered,
is symptomatic of the change coming over the Venetian

1, Senato Mar., Reg. xix. p. 61, 13th July, 1518.

108 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

spirit. From a variety of causes—the advance of the
Turks, the loss of Venetian possessions in the Mediter-
ranean, the discovery of the sea route to India and the
transfer of the spice trade to Portuguese hands, the
acquisition of territory on the mainland, and many others
—the patricians were beginning to withdraw their energies
from trade and the sea traffic which had made their
fathers rich and glorious, and which Venetian legis-
lators, in the preambles to innumerable statutes, had
always declared to be “the chief foundation of the
greatness of their city.’ Less than fifty years before,
when Malipiero commented on the election as Doge of the
wealthy Ser Andrea Vendramin, he said: “ He was a
great merchant in his youth, and when he was in partner-
ship with Luca, they used to load a galley and a half
between them for Alexandria, and he has had many agents
who have become rich in managing his business, and,
amongst others, Giacomo Malipiero, son of the late
Tommaso of Santa Maria Formosa, and Piero Morosini, son
of the late Giovanni of San Cassiano.” ! Such notices
abound. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the
best and wisest spirits deplored the abandonment of the
old ways.

The other significant point is that in former auctions
three, or at least two, galleys were provided for the
pilgrim transport, in addition to any navi or other vessels
which were licensed by the Cattaveri. Now, however, one
galley was considered sufficient, and this shows that the
number of pilgrims who came to Venice was decreasing.
The decline was no doubt due in part to the cooling of this
particular form of religious enthusiasm, but it was also
due to the fact that Venice had begun to lose her possessions

1. Diario di Malipiero. Archivio Storico Italiano, vol. vii. part ii. p. 666, 6th March,
1476.

INTRODUCTION 109

in the Mediterranean, and her commercial and naval
supremacy there, and was continually threatened by the
advance of the Turks. The fears Priuli had expressed were
being realised.

In May, 1520, the Government needed two ships to carry
soldiers, artillery, ammunition and wood to Corfu and
Cyprus, and could not find any nave to hire for the
purpose. Some were not ready, and others were already
engaged for the pilgrim service.

At this time the Turks, who had conquered the
Mamelukes of Egypt in 1517, were preparing the great
armament which attacked and took Rhodes in 1522, and
Venice was obliged to limit her efforts to the defence
of her most important remaining possessions.

Three Patroni of pilgrim navi—Ser Marco Dandolo,
Patrono of the Coressa; Bartolomeo Boza, Patrono
of the Cornera; and Gabriel da Monte, Patrono of the
Dolfina, made an offer to the Senate in which, after
declaring that it was necessary to place public affairs
of the present importance before any others whatsoever,
they proposed that the Doge should cast lots to decide
which of the three should abandon the transport of
pilgrims to serve the State. The nave chosen—the
Dolfina—was to receive compensation from the other
two. At the same time, arrangements were made with
a certain Ser Galeazzo Simiteculo, to provide the
second nave needed for the transport of troops and mili-
tary stores. On this occasion the Senate expressly
declared that no pilgrim was to be charged over fifty
ducats for his passage, food and other expenses.’

Maitre Denis Possot, with Messire Charles Philippe,
Seigneur de Champarmoy et de Grandchamp and others,
went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1532. They

1. Senato Mar., Reg. xix. p. 128 6, Ist May, 1520.

110 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

left Venice on the 14th of May, on the Santa Maria, the
largest ship sailing under the flag of St. Mark, owned by
two patricians whose names are not given. The captain
was Paulo Bianco, and the destination Cyprus. At Cyprus
the pilgrims arranged with a certain Constantin de Fyo
to take them to Jaffa, and thence to the Holy places and
back for 45 ducats, half to be paid down immediately and
the other half on the return. When they got back to
Jaffa after visiting the Holy Sepulchre, instead of entering
the Grippo! of Constantin de Fyo, they made—for reasons
not given—a new arrangement with George of Naples,
who took them on his galley for a ducat and a half to
Candia. The writer does not mention the sum paid for
the return voyage from Candia to Venice.?

After a long interval, in which the registers are silent,
the last document I have been able to find which legislates
for pilgrim traffic is an enactment of the Cattaveri, who
had for so long been charged with the supervision of all
matters relating to the trade. It is dated June 6th, 1546.

From it we learn that for some time past many
unpleasant incidents and even disasters had happened to
pilgrims who went to Jerusalem on Venetian ships, and
notably the last year (1545) when, “determined to have
their own way,” they had hired an unsuitable ship, with
the result that on the voyage back the ship went down
and all the pilgrims were drowned. “It was therefore
necessary,’ the magistrates said, “for the honour and
glory of God, for the credit of this our city, and for the
comfort and advantage of the pilgrims themselves, to
regulate that voyage in order to encourage many more
persons to go on that holy and blessed pilgrimage.” And
so, after confirming all previous legislation, they enacted :

Bl Ee Voyage de ta Terre Batnte compos par Mathra Dewts Potsah ences par Meant

Charles Philippe seigneur de Champarmoy et de Grandchamp. Published by M. Charles
Schefer, Paris, 1890.

INTRODUCTION 111

That no pilgrim could be taken on board any Venetian
nave or navilio, in Venice or elsewhere, and passed off as
an ordinary passenger or as a merchant, and carried to
Candia, Cyprus, Jaffa or any other place. But that in
future, “at the time when pilgrims usually come to this
city, that is, about Ascensiontide,” the pilgrims,
immediately on arrival, were to give in their names at the
office of the Cattaveri. When forty names had been
received, the magistrates were to invite the Patron: of
navilit of 400 tons or more, prepared to go to Jaffa, to
send their names to the same office, and after the vessels
offered had been carefully examined, if they fulfilled the
requirements of the law, as many as necessary were to be
licensed for the voyage—one at a time. The best was to
be chosen first, and the one whose Patrono offered the
cheapest and most advantageous terms to the pilgrims.

The Patrono was then to give adequate bail for the
fulfilment of his obligations, and if he broke a contract
and the pilgrims exercised their right of complaint on
their return to Venice, the Cattaveri were to administer
summary justice and compel the sureties to compensate
the pilgrims. A Patrono who once offered to convey
pilgrims and had been accepted, must go on the voyage,
and if he refused for any reason whatever, he must com-
pensate the pilgrims for damages. Poor pilgrims were to
be charged less than the others.

No other ship could sail from Venice with pilgrims
until eight days after the departure of the first selected.
Finally, underasevere penalty, the Tholomarij or guides
and the agents or missete were forbidden to negotiate for

passages with the Patrono of any ship not entered in
the books of the Cattaverv.

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 105, 6th June, 1546.

112 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

It is clear from the above that the disasters deplored
were largely due to the fact that passages had been given
to pilgrims, not as pilgrims, but as ordinary or merchant
passengers. In this way the legislation which protected
their interests and sought to ensure their safety had been
evaded, and they had been conveyed to the Levant on
unlicensed ships. Probably on these the passage cost less,
and the pilgrims who had “‘ determined to have their own
way” thought it worth while running the risk. So far
as I know there is no record of the loss of a whole ship-
load of pilgrims before 1545.

It is noticeable that the statute does not mention galleys
or triremes, but only navi (the largest kind of sailing ship)
and navilii. In this period of declining trade with the
East, it is clear that the galleys did not compete any more
for the pilgrim transport.

In spite of this last attempt to so regulate the voyage to
the Holy Land that many persons might be induced to
undertake that blessed pilgrimage for the good of their
own souls and the pecuniary benefit of the subjects of the
Serenissima, the numbers of pious travellers so diminished,
that towards the end of the sixteenth century the annual
voyage was abandoned; no pilgrim ship sailed any more
from Venice after the Corpus Domini, and the Prior of
Mount Sion gave up going to Jaffa to meet the pilgrims
and conduct them to Jerusalem, as had been the custom
from time almost immemorial.

Friedrich Eckher and Karl von Grimming, two German
pilgrims, who arrived in Venice on the 26th of March,
1625, found that the pilgrim ships which used to sail about
the Corpus Domini, had not gone for over twenty years,
and they and three Capucin friars took their passage to the
Holy Land on a Dutch ship."

1, Rohricht, Deutsche Pilgerreisen nach dem Heiligen Lande, p. 294.

INTRODUCTION 113

Pilgrimages did not go quite out of fashion even with
the opening of the seventeenth century, but they changed
their character, and pilgrims reached the common goal by
various routes. Some went overland by way of Constanti-
nople now that the Turk had a firm footing in Europe;
and though Venice was not entirely abandoned, she had
to divide the ever decreasing profits of what had once been
such a lucrative branch of trade with many other ports in
Italy and the Western Mediterranean—Marseilles amongst
the number.

A record of what had once been, was preserved to the
downfall of the Republic in the Corpus Domini procession,
when in later times, the Senators no longer paired with the
pilgrims, each walked with a poor man on his right hand
in sign of humility.

Note.—In the translation of Casola’s Voyage, the division into chapters
each preceded by a summary of the contents, has been adopted for
convenience in reading. It does not exist in Casola’s MS. which is
continuous from beginning to end.

35

40

40

35

x
x ripols
(a Syra)

6B. eyroul
0 DAIS CUS

30

CHAPTER I.

Determination to undertake a Pilgrimage to Jeru-
salem.—Casola receives the Benediction from
Archbishop Arcimboldi in the Cathedral at Milan,
May 14th, 1494.\Leaves Milan, May 15th, and
travels by Caravaggio, Calci, Brescia, Lonato,
Peschiera, Verona, Vicenza, Padua to Venice,
where he arrives May 2oth.

Many years ago, as I was invited by a citizen of Milan to
accompany him at his expense on this holy voyage, I
accepted very gladly. But afterwards the citizen named
changed his mind, and gave up the idea of accomplishing
what he had proposed; so I remained very doubtful in
my mind, as my purse could not satisfy my new-born
desire. Nevertheless a great longing always remained
with me to visit those holy places beyond the sea, although
in my youth I was unable to satisfy it, being continually
hindered by some cause or other. Since, however, the
most high God by His Grace, freed me in my old age from
every impediment and provided me with all I needed, it
seemed good to me to renew the determination to go on
this holy voyage. And in order that I should have no
opportunity of becoming lukewarm any more, I bound
myself by a vow, two years ago, to go at all costs, although
I was then between sixty and seventy years of age.

I began therefore to arrange to undertake the journey
together with certain monks and fellow countrymen, so
that I thought to have both a large and agreeable com-
pany. And as I always had fair words from them, I set
about putting my affairs in order, so that if anything hap-

116 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

pened to me, they would not be left in confusion. But as
the time of departure drew near, all my companions became
indifferent as regards our project, so that at the beginning
of this year I found that I must start alone, and I felt
troubled. Nevertheless I turned again to the Most High
God and prayed that He would not let me lose courage,
and—although I was frustrated by the company—that He
would not let me lack the company given to Tobias when
he wanted to go to Rages of the Medes.

As God sustained me in the resolution to accomplish
this journey, I spoke much every day about my departure
(although, because of my age, I was not believed); and
all this I did to stir up some company if it were possible.
But this time not a single Milanese could be found. I
was not alarmed, however, on this account, and in order
that I should be bound more straitly, and that I should
not let myself be conquered by the enemy of human
nature, not only did I preach the pilgrimage constantly
throughout the city, but on Easter Day, when the people—
given into my care for the administration of the Sacra-
ments—were gathered together to receive the Holy
Communion according to the general Commandment, I
declared publicly that, God willing, after the Feast of the
Ascension of Our Lord Jesus Christ, I intended to go to
the Holy Sepulchre. At the same time, by means of
friends in Venice, I informed myself as to the time of the
departure of the galley, which usually goes on the voyage
to the Holy Land, and prepared everything necessary for
the journey, according to the instructions given me by
those who had been there in previous years. Then, still
finding myself alone, I resolved, as is the duty of all
pilgrims, to furnish myself with spiritual weapons for my
protection on the journey by land and by sea.

On the 14th of the month of May of the present year,

THE ARCHBISHOP’S BENEDICTION 117

which was a Wednesday, and the third day of the
Rogations or Litanies, according to the Ambrosian ritual
(Note 1), when the service was ended in the Cathedral
Church of Milan (Vote 2), in the presence of the people
not a few, I went up to the high altar, where the most
Reverend Lord, Don Guidantonio Arcimboldi, the most
worthy Archbishop of Milan, stood, according to custom,
to bless the people. And I begged his most Reverend
Lordship to bless the emblems of my pilgrimage—that is,
the cross, the stick or pilgrim’s staff, and the wallet—and
to bestow his blessing on me, according to the order and
the ancient institution to be found written in the pastoral.
Notwithstanding that he was very weary, because of the
long office of the said Litanies, the said most Reverend
Lord blessed me very graciously and with great solemnity
in the sight of all the people, and gave me the emblems
of my pilgrimage.

When the benediction was over, his Lordship embraced
me with no ordinary tears, and kissing me most
affectionately, left me with the peace of God, surrounded
by a great crowd, from which I had some difficulty in
separating myself, for everyone wanted to shake hands
with me and kiss me. Nevertheless, as well as I could,
I got away from the multitude, and shut myself in the
Sacristy, where the Venerable Chapter of my Reverend
brethren the Lord Canons was gathered together, of whom
I took the most tender and loving farewell. Then I went
home as secretly as I could, for at every step I had to
stop, shake hands and kiss the company.

On Thursday, the 15th of May, after saying Mass at the
altar of St. Ambrose (Vote 3), our most glorious patron—
where lies not only his sacred body, but also the bodies
of the most glorious martyrs Protasius and Gervasius
(Note 4), I returned home, that is, to Sancto Victore al

118 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Pozzo,' and took the necessary refection with certain of my
dear friends. Then, leaving all the company, by the grace
of God I began my journey on foot as a pilgrim, and
visited on the way our principal Church.

From there I went to St. Dionysius’,2 where I found
certain friends, who, contrary to my wish, were waiting
for me. There I mounted on horseback, and thus we rode
together as far as a village called Pioltella, where the
greater number, yielding to my entreaties, saying ‘‘ God
keep you,” turned back. With the rest I went that day to
Caravaggio, a very fruitful place, though not indeed
beautiful considering the number of gentlemen who live
there, where I was lodged very honourably by the
Magnificent Don Fermo dei Sichi.?

On Friday, the 16th of May, I remained in the said
place, as I had been warned that on account of the rain
during the night, the passage of a neighbouring torrent
named the Cerro, was not safe. In the morning, I went
to the Chapel of our Lady of the Fountain, and there said
Mass in honour of the aforesaid blessed Virgin.

On Saturday, the 17th of May, I continued my journey,
and stopped to rest at a place called Calci, as I had been
invited to do by the aforesaid Magnificent Don Fermo,
who has large farms in the said place. After dinner was
over I rode into Brescia, an ancient city built near a hill.

Amongst those who have written about its origin, I find
a great variety of opinion, and therefore I leave the subject
alone. I can say, however, with reason, that it is a very
beautiful city, and strongly walled. It has a fine strong

1. M.S. Casola, ‘‘Sancto Victore al Pozo.” This was one of two churches in Milan
dedicated to St. Victor, both of which have been demolished. It stood not far from Saint
George’s Church (in via Torino), in the district of Porta Ticinese.

2. In Casola’s time the church of St. Dionysius was outside the city near Porta
Orientale. According to popular tradition it was built by St. Ambrose, on the spot where
St. Barnabas first preached Christianity to the Milanese. It has been destroyed.

3. Don Fermo dei Secchi.

4. %.e., The Serio.

BRESCIA 119

castle, situated on the summit of the said hill. In the
city there are beautiful houses for the citizens, and so
many artificers! of every kind that I almost seemed to see
Milan. There is a beautiful palace elaborately adorned,
where the Governors of the city live. It is well supplied
with munition, and especially with land weapons of every
kind; it is a thing worth seeing. The Loggia, begun in
front of the Piazza, will be a beautiful sight when it is
finished. There are many beautiful piazzas in the said
city.

I visited the Cathedral Church, which, in comparison
with the city, is not beautiful. As to the other churches,
I saw nothing worthy of notice. In this city, however, I
saw something very praiseworthy—that is, a large, long
and ample space, very clean and well ordered, where the
butchers are gathered together. The cleanliness and order
gave me great pleasure, and there is an abundance of meat
of every kind. The said place astounded me, because I
had never seen the like anywhere else. Further on I saw
a piazza full of fish of every sort. I used to think that
only in the market at Milan could fish be found in such
a great quantity.

I refrain from describing the fortifications which adorn
the said city, beecause there are too many of them. Every-
thing good can be said of the said city; and I must not pass
over in silence the many pleasant fountains there—public
ones in the piazzas and private ones in the houses. In
truth I used to think that in Italy, Viterbo had the
greatest number of fountains; now I have changed my
opinion. He who called this city “ Brixia Magnipotens”
made no mistake, because it is so opulent. It was formerly

1. Casola writes : ‘‘In la citade belle caxe per citadini, e spessa de ogni artificio, ita
che me pariva veder quasi Milano.” He may therefore have meant that the houses were
beautiful, numerous, and of every style; but I have preferred the reading given in the
text.

120 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

held, together with the surrounding country, by whoever
obtained the dominion of Milan; now it is subject to the
Signoria of Venice.

On Sunday, the 18th of May, the day of Pentecost,
called Pascha Rozata,! after hearing Mass, I took the road
again, with two good rests—first at Lonato, and then at
Peschiera. These are prosperous and beautiful places,
little less than cities. They were formerly subject to the
Lords of Gonzaga, as appears still from certain arms I
saw on a tower at the entrance to the place. Finally, in
the evening, I arrived at Verona.

To be brief, this is a large and long city, and beautiful
considering that it is ancient. There are various opinions
as to who built it, but in a few words it may be said that
it has been the delightful habitation of remarkable men,
because in it I saw many tall, beautiful and ornate palaces,
and these seemed numberless to me, for it takes such a
long time to pass through the said city that I became
confused. At the present time, in building palaces and
even ordinary houses, they delight in adding numerous
balconies to the facades—some of iron, and some with
little columns of white and delicate marble.

T also saw the Colosseum, now called the Arena, which
is built, in my opinion, in the likeness of that at Rome,
though it is in a better state of preservation. It is held
in little honour, however, to judge by the filth it is deputed
to receive.

It must be said that this has been, and now is, a
magnificent city. I went to see some of the churches.
It seems to me that, beginning with that of the mendicant
friars, they are more sumptuous than our Milanese
churches in every respect. I leave aside the one which

1. In Italy the Feast of Pentecost is also called ‘Pasqua delle rose,” or Pasqua

Rosata,” that is, ** Easter of the roses,” because the roses generally come into bloom about
that time.

VERONA—VICENZA 121

never will be finished—that is, the Cathedral—and I speak
of all the others. Another thing I must not omit to
mention is the great magnificence of their funeral

monuments—the ancient as well as the modern—so that
it seems to me there is nothing to add.

I had better say nothing about the beauty given to the
said city by the great river called the Adige, which passes
through the centre, and is crossed by so many and such
fine bridges, lest I should err in overpraising. There is a
great abundance in the said city, though less than at
Brescia. Formerly it was subject to various Lords, but
now it is ruled by Governors, sent by the Signoria of
Venice,! who have two beautiful palaces for their habita-
tion. As I did not frequent the society of the inhabitants
of Verona, I have nothing more to say. As I was there on
a holiday, I saw many beautiful women, very handsomely
dressed and adorned.

On Monday, the 19th of May, after hearing Mass at
Verona, I directed my steps towards Vicenza, and arrived
there early. According to the opinion of many people
this city was first built by the Franks.? It is very fine,
but not equal to Verona. I saw nothing very notable
there except a palace opposite the inn where I lodged,
which, however, is a fine building.

The said city has a great trade in silk. As I rode
through the country I was shown the whole process of
making the silk, which is very interesting. Very few
other trees are to be found there save mulberry trees,
which are stripped of their leaves to feed the worms that
make the silk. I saw many women looking after the said
worms, and they explained to me the great care they
needed by day and by night. It was a very pleasant

1. ie. the Government of Venice.

2. The word used in the MS. is ‘‘ Franzosi,” commonly employed in medieval docu-
ments to describe the inhabitants of France. Casola may have meant the Gauls.

122 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

thing to me to see such a great quantity and in so many
places.

On Tuesday, the 20th of May, I left Vicenza, and set
out towards Padua. The road was disagreeable on
account of heavy rain the night before; but at length
I reached Padua, a very ancient city, which, according to
the common belief, was built by the Trojan Antenor
after the destruction of Troy.

The city is not only large, it is immense. I do not know
why, but it pleased me less than the other places I had
seen. JI went about here and there to see what I could
of it; but I did not find either palaces or houses worthy of
its size or of the great reputation it has among Christian
people. It seems to me that there are three cities, and
when a man thinks he is outside, nevertheless he is then
inside, and vice versa.

I saw the Cathedral. It did not appear to me worthy of
the large income enjoyed by the Bishop and Canons of the
said church. I saw the Church of Saint Anthony. It is
a wonderful building, and very ornate, especially in the
chapel, where the body of the said saint is honoured.
There is a beautiful choir furnished with very beautiful
stalls. There is a large convent of Franciscan friars
who administer the said church. In front of the church
there is a large piazza, in which the Signoria of Venice
has placed a statue of Gattamelata of Narni on horseback
(Note 5). He was formerly a good captain for the
Venetians. I saw also the monument of the said Antenor,
the builder of Padua (Note 6). It is impossible not to
praise the said city, considering that, in the University
maintained there, so many great and good men of so many
nations have been educated. The city is abundantly
supplied with victuals, from what I could learn.

After dinner I recommended my horse to the care of

ARRIVAL IN VENICE 123

the innkeeper, as is the custom (Note 7), and entered the
boat to go to Venice, where I arrived at the twenty-third
hour.’ I was taken by a courier to the house of the
Master Courier of the Milanese merchants, and went at
once to rest, being too weary to seek the friends to whom
I had letters of introduction. In truth, I was somewhat
agitated—so much so indeed that, fearing I could not
endure the sea, and yielding to the enemy of well-doing,
I thought of turning back. Nevertheless God willed to
lend me grace to accomplish this holy voyage in spite of
my unworthiness. I was lodged very courteously by the
said master of the couriers, and well treated by him. He
understood my needs so well that in the morning I felt
quite restored.

1. The first hour of the day began an hour before sunrise. The third hour or Ora di
Terza was two hours after sunrise. This was the time when the Magistrates usually
assembled. Vespers was always two hours after midday. The twenty-fourth hour marked
the sunset and the close of the day.

124

CHAPTER 1:

May 21st, Casola Introduced to Agostino Contarini.—
Visit to the Milanese Ambassador.—Situation of
Venice.—The Ducal Palace and Plans for the
Restoration.—The Sforza Palace.—Piazzas.—Mer-
chandise and Warehouses. — Provisions.— Flour
Market and Bread Shops.—Meat.—Fowls.—Fish.—
Fruit and Vegetables.—Wine.—Drinking Water.—
Splendour of Venetian Edifices.—Casola’s Meeting
with Fra Francesco Trivulzio and his Friends.

On Wednesday, the 21st of May, I took one of the Milanese
couriers to guide me about Venice, and went to the houses
of the merchants for whom I had letters, and to each one
I gave his own. Then, as I was afraid of not finding a
place in the galley, I was immediately introduced to the
Magnificent Don Agostino Contarini,! a Venetian patrician
and captain of the Jaffa galley—thus the galley is
named which carries the pilgrims going to Jerusalem—
and he ordered my name to be written in the Pilgrims’
Book.? At this time I found that I had been in too great
a hurry to leave home, and that I must wait several days
before the departure of the said galley.

In order that the tediousness of waiting should not
make me desire to turn back and do as the children of
Israel did when they went into the Promised Land, i
determined to examine carefully the city of Venice, about
which so much has been said and written, not only by

1. See Introduction, pp. 95-101.

2. The Pilgrims’ Book was the Register of the Contracts, between Patroni and
Pilgrims, kept in the office of the Cattaveri,

VENICE 125

learned men, but also by great scholars, that it appears
to me there is nothing left to say. And I did this solely
to amuse myself during the time I had to spend in such a
great port. I wanted to see everything it was possible
for me to see; and I was aided continually by the company
given me by the Magnificent Doctor and Cavalier, the
Lord Tadiolo de Vicomercato (Note §), Ambassador to the
aforesaid Signoria of Venice for our most illustrious Lord
the Duke of Milan. I paid him a visit, as was my duty,
as soon as I arrived, and from him, although I did not
merit it, I received more than common attention.

Before going further, I must make my excuses to the
readers of this my itinerary, if it should seem to them
that I have overpraised this city of Venice. What I
write is not written to win the goodwill of the Venetians,
but to set down the truth. And I declare that it is
impossible to tell or write fully of the beauty, the
magnificence or the wealth of the city of Venice. Some-
thing indeed can be told and written to pass the time
as I do, but it will be incredible to anyone who has not
seen the city.

I do not think there is any city to which Venice, the
city founded on the sea, can be compared; nevertheless
I appeal always to the judgment of every person who has
been there some time. Although this city is built entirely
in the water and the marshes, yet it appears to me that
whoever desires to do so can go everywhere on foot, as it
is well kept and clean. Anyone, however, who does not
want to endure the fatigue can go by water, and will be
entreated to do so, and it will cost him less than he would
spend elsewhere for the hire of a horse. As to the size
of the city, I may say that it is so large, that, after being
there so many days as I was, I made but little acquaintance
with the streets. I cannot give the dimensions of this

126 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

city, for it appears to me not one city alone but several
cities placed together (Note 9).

I saw many beautiful palaces, beginning with the
Palace of St. Mark, which is always inhabited by the Doge
and his family (Note 10). The facade of the said palace
has been renovated in part with a great display of gold;
and a new flight of steps is being built there—a stupendous
and costly work—by which to ascend to the said palace
from the side of the Church of St. Mark. The lower
portico on the ground floor is so well arranged that no
more can be said; it is true, however, that it is spoiled
by the prisons, which are not well placed there (Note 17).
The portico, which goes round above, looks partly over the
piazza, partly over the Grand Canal, partly over a small
canal, and one part towards the Church of St. Mark, and
all this portico has its columns of marble and other
beautiful ornaments. In these porticos many Courts are
established with their benches, and at every bench there
are at least three assessors or hearers all together. At the
time of the hearings many cries are heard there, as also
happens at Milan at the Broletto (Note 12) at the time of
the trials. Among the said tribunals there is that of the
Lords of the Night (Note 13), who employ in their
hearings the torment, called in our tongue the Curlo.}

Besides the other notable things in the said palace, I
saw a very long hall whose walls are painted very
ornately. And there is painted the story how Frederick
Barbarossa drove away Pope Alexander the Fourth,? who
fled in disguise to Venice, and was recognised in a
monastery called the Monastery della Carita (Note 14).
The whole story is represented with such richness and
naturalness in the figures that I think little could be

1. The Curlo is the axis of a well, round which the cord is wound; on this account

the word was applied to the torture of the cord or rack.
2. Barbarossa’s opponent was Pope Alexander III.

VENICE—THE DUCAL PALACE 127

added. ‘The ceiling of the said hall is decorated with
great gilded pictures. Seats are placed round the said
hall, and in addition there are three rows of double seats,
in the body of the hall, placed back to back. There are
two magnificent gilded seats, one at each end of the said
hall; I was told they were for seating the Doge, one for
the winter, and the other for the summer. In this hall
the Great Council is held—that is, the Council of all the
gentlemen, who, it is said, are two thousand five hundred
in number.

The Council called the Council of the Pregadi (Vote 15)
is held in another hall. I will say little about it because
it is not adorned like the others. The hall where the
Doge and his Councillors hold audience constantly is not
very large, but it is magnificently decorated, with its
gilded ceiling and its painted and storied walls. The
throne on which sits the Doge, also called by the Venetians
the “Prince,” is all gilded and much higher than the
others.

With regard to the magnificence and decoration of the
habitation of the aforesaid Doge—as I have seen many
other princely palaces in this our time both in Italy and
abroad, beginning at Rome—I venture to say that it is
the most beautiful in Italy. It is so rich in carved work
and everything gilded, that it is a marvel. One of the
pages of the aforesaid Doge showed me everything,
beginning with the bed in which he sleeps, and proceeding
even to the kitchen, and in my opinion nothing could be
added. The decorations are not movable, but fixed. There
is no lack of marble and porphyry and woodwork subtly
carved, and all is of such a nature that one is never weary
of looking.

The said palace is being renovated, and in the new part
the arms of the immediate predecessors of the present

128 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

prince are to be seen. But after seeing the said palace
several times, and especially after looking at the plan for
the renovation, I hope the aforesaid Venetian gentlemen
(who want to have the reputation of never sparing expense
in carrying out their will), who have commenced the
restoration of the said palace will pardon me if I say,
that they have done ill in not enlarging it beyond the
minor canal, for they will spend a great sum and never-
theless, because it is not extended on the side I name, they
will never be able to build courtyards worthy of the said
palace. And the only reason for this is that they have not
wanted to spend enough. Several gentlemen with whom
I discussed the matter as we stood on the balcony of the
said palace agreed with me.

I will not attempt to describe the number of large and
beautiful palaces splendidly decorated and furnished,
worth, some a hundred, some fifty, some thirty thousand
ducats, and the owners of the same, because it would be
too hard an undertaking for me, and better suited to
someone who had to remain a long time in the said city
of Venice. On the Grand Canal there is the most remark-
able beginning of a palace for the Sforza family, and
for the honour of the Milanese I am very sorry it has
not been finished (Note 16). For after seeing the said
foundations, I am sure that the palace would be very
magnificent if it were completed.

The said city, although it is in the water, as I said,
has so many beautiful piazzas, beginning with that of
St. Mark, that they would suffice for any great city placed
on the mainland. It is a marvel to see how long and
spacious they are. I have observed that the said city is so
well ordered and arranged, that however much it rains,
there is never any mud.

Something may be said about the quantity of

VENICE—THE WAREHOUSES 129

merchandise in the said city (Note 17), although not
nearly the whole truth, because it is inestimable. Indeed
it seems as if all the world flocks there, and that human
beings have concentrated there all their force for trading.
I was taken to see various warehouses, beginning with that
of the Germans (Note 18 )—which it appears to me would
suffice alone to supply all Italy with the goods that come
and go—and so many others that it can be said they are
innumerable. I see that the special products for which
other cities are famous are all to be found there, and that
what is sold elsewhere by the pound and the ounce is sold
there by canthart} and sacks of a moggio? each. And
who could count the many shops so well furnished that
they also seem warehouses, with so many cloths of every
make—tapestry, brocades and hangings of every design,
carpets of every sort, camlets of every colour and texture,
silks of every kind; and so many warehouses full of spices,
groceries and drugs, and so much beautiful white wax!
These things stupefy the beholder, and cannot be fully
described to those who have not seen them. Though I
wished to see everything, I saw only a part, and even that
by forcing myself to see all I could.

As to the abundance of the victuals, I can testify that
I do not believe there is a city in Italy better supplied
than this with every kind of victuals. This time my own
city, which I used to think the most abundant, must
forgive me, and so too all the other cities in Italy and
also abroad where I have been, because, whether it is
due to the good order or other cause I do not know, but
I never saw such a quantity of provisions elsewhere.

1. The Cantariwm was a weight varying in different parts of Italy, At Naples it
re a ele

2. According to Martini (Manuele di Metrologia) the Moggio in Medieval Venice

contained 333°268 &c. litres. That is about 1! English quarters. The Milanese Moggio
contained 146°234 &c. litres or about } an English quarter.

J

130 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

I went to the place where the flour is sold wholesale ;}
the world at present does not contain such a remarkable
thing. When I saw such abundance and beauty around
me I was confused. The bakers’ shops,? which are to be
found in one place specially, namely, the piazza of
St. Mark, and also throughout the city, are countless and
of incredible beauty; there is bread the sight of which
tempts even a man who is surfeited to eat again. In my
judgment Venice has not its equal for this.

With the meat they give a great piece of bone. When
I saw the place where the meat? is sold, I thought I had
never seen such a miserable place in any city, or more
wretched meat to look at. It drives away the wish to buy.
I do not know the reason for this, unless it be that the
Venetians are so occupied with their merchandise, that,
they do not trouble much about what they eat. It is
enough to say that in that place you could not have a
good and fine-looking piece of meat whatever you were
willing to pay, or at least in the quantity to be had at
Milan.

For the time of year I was there, there seemed to be a
great abundance of fowls and other kinds of eatable birds,
though they were somewhat dear. There was a great
abundance of cheese or cavi,t and butter—more, I can
assure you, than at Milan, which ought to be the great
centre for these things, and which used to be.

It is superfluous to try and recount the daily abundance
of fish, especially in two places—at St. Mark’s and at the

1. The Fondaco della Farina or public flour warehouse was erected 1493, and restored
in 1584 and 1717. It stands close to the present steamer landing stage at Calle Vallaresso
(San Marco). In the 18th century the upper rooms were used as a picture gallery. Since
1810 the building has been the seat of the Capitaneria di Porto (Harbour Master's Office).

2. Besides the bakers’ shops distributed over the city, two places were specially set
apart for the sale of bread; one at St. Mark’s close to the Campanile, the other at the
Rialto. In the former place there were 19, in the latter 25 shops. As the bread sold here
was chiefly of the coarser kind, the rolls were large, which was what the people desired.

3. The meat market was transferred to the Rialto in 1339 and located in the Palace,
confiscated from those of the Querini family, who had taken part in the famous conspiracy
of Baiamonte Tiepolo, 1310.

4. (Cacio, which Casola writes Caxi, means cheese in Italian, from the Latin, Caseus.

VENICE—THE PROVISION MARKETS 131

Rialto, as it is commonly called. There is never a dearth
of fish, though in truth, as to the excellence of the quality,
it is not on a level with that of certain other cities. All
the time I was there I never saw a fine fish and never ate
a good one, although my hosts took great trouble to
procure good fish.

As to the fruit. During the time I was awaiting the
departure of the galley—not having anything else to
do—I went several times very early in the morning to
St. Mark’s, and also to the Rialto, to watch the unloading
of the boats which arrived from time to time. There were
so many boats full of big beans, peas and cherries—not
indeed of every kind as at Milan, but every day in such
quantity, that is seemed as if all the gardens of the world
must be there. The number was so great that I declare
that after seeing them, when I turned my back I hardly
believed my eyes. There is an abundant supply of good
vegetables of every kind—verdure, as we say—and they
are cheaper than in any place I ever visited. I heard
that they come from a distance of twenty-five miles.! I
went several times in the morning to watch the unloading
of the boats, and the vegetables looked as if just taken
from the gardens and very fresh. I know it is difficult
for anyone who has not seen these things to believe what
I say, because I have fallen into the same error myself—
that is, I used not to believe what was told me about them.

I may recount the abundance of wine of every sort—so
much malmsey, so many muscatel wines, Greek wines,
white wines of every kind and also red wines,—but it is
almost incredible. Although they are not so perfect as
ours, nevertheless they are good—I speak of the red wines
—and owing to the heavy duties they are dear. I wanted
to count the wine shops of every kind, but the more I

1. That is from Chioggia and the neighbourhood.

132 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

counted the more I became confused, for they are indeed
innumerable.

One thing only appears to me hard in this city; that is,
that although the people are placed in the water up to
the mouth they often suffer from thirst, and they have to
beg good water for drinking and for cooking, especially
in the summer time. It is true that there are many
cisterns! for collecting the rain water (ote 19), and also
water is sold in large boatloads—water from the river
called the Brenta, which flows near Padua. In this way
indeed they provide for their needs, but with difficulty
and expense, and the people cannot make such a business
of washing clothes with fresh water as is done elsewhere.

The splendour of the edifices, especially the public
buildings, may be described by one who has examined
them carefully, but it is hard of belief for anyone who
has not seen such a quantity of marble of every kind and
colour, and so well carved that it isa marvel. They carve
wood of all kinds so well and produce such natural figures,
that a man passing by without considering what they are
will mistake them for living persons.

While I was thus anxiously waiting for the time of
departure, which was put off from day to day, I heard
of the arrival, a few days before me, of the venerable
religious and most remarkable evangelist of the Word
of God, Don Frate Francesco Trivulzio (Note 20),
belonging to the order of the observants of St. Francis,
and of Frate Michele of Como, who came with him. They
had been joined in Ferrara by Giovanni Simone Fornaro
of Pavia (Note 27), and Giovanni Luchino of Castelnuovo,
and I hoped to be added to the company. So, in order to
discharge my duty to the fatherland, and also to his

1. That is the wells or Pozzi,

VENICE—FRA. F. TRIVULZIO 133

exceptional virtues, I paid him a visit and gave him to
understand that, like him, I intended to go on the voyage
to the Holy Land. We became good friends at once, and
to while away the tedious time of waiting for the day of
departure, we arranged to visit certain monasteries much
talked about in Venice.

134

CHAPTER JIL

Visits to Various Monasteries, &c.—Sant’ Elena.—
Sant’ Antonio.—San Cristoforo.—San Giorgio
Maggiore.—Sant’ Andrea.—San Francesco delle
Vigne.—Frari and Milanese Chapel.—Santa Maria
dei Servi and the Chapel of the Lucchese.—La
Carita.—San Salvatore.—Carmine.—San Nicolo
del Lido.—San Giorgio in Alga.—Madonna dell’
Orto.—Convents.—San Zaccaria.—Virgini.—Zeles-
tre.—Churches.—San Pietro.—San Marco.—Parish
Churches.—San Giovanni e Paolo.—Scuola di San
Marco.—San Domenico. — Miracoli. — Arsenal.—
Ships. — Gondolas. Murano.—Glass Industry.—
Gardens.—Venetian Gentlemen.—Their Dress.—
Venetian Women.

TuHE first visit we paid was to the Monastery of Sant’Elena,
belonging to the Camaldolese Order (Note 22). As far as
we could learn it was first built and endowed by a certain
Alessandro Borromeo, who has a splendid tomb in achapel
at the side of the church. The body of Saint Helena
was shown to us and many other relics. The church is
beautiful, and has a choir adorned with very magnificent
stalls, in which pictures are inlaid representing all the
cities under the dominion of the Venetians; it is a most
beautiful piece of work. The monastery is as beautiful as
could be described.

I visited the monastery of Sant “Antonio of the Order
of Monte Oliveto (Vote 23); it is so beautiful that it lacks
nothing. The church is beautiful, and in the said church
there is a very wonderful thing—a Christ taken down from

VENICE—THE MONASTERIES 135

the Cross and placed in the lap of our Lady, with the
Maries at the side, St. John, Joseph of Arimathea and
Nicodemus. It is sculptured with such art and genius
that, setting aside the figure of Christ, all the others seem
more alive the nearer you approach them. Then I saw the
Monastery of San Cristoforo of the Order of the
Eremitani (Note 24). I did not see there anything much
worth mentioning except the process of making white wax
in one of the gardens; indeed, there was such a quantity
that it seemed to me it ought to suffice for all the world.

I saw the Monastery of San Giorgio Maggiore (Note 25)
of the Order of Santa Justina, which is too beautiful to be
in the place where it is. It appears to me that the monks
have begun a most stupendous thing. I visited the
Monastery of Sant "Andrea (Note 26) of the Carthusian
Order, which is beautiful and well ordered. The monks
are re-building their church, which will be very fine when
it is finished. I saw the Monastery of San Francesco
delle Vigne (Note 27), where the aforesaid Don Frate
Francesco was lodged; it is a most notable place.

The Monastery of the Conventual friars of Saint Francis
is beautiful (Note 28). Their church is very ornate in
the choir and everywhere else. In the principal chapel
there are two very splendid tombs, one opposite the other,
to two Doges, Foscari! and Trono.? In the said church
there is also a chapel dedicated to Saint Ambrose, set
apart for the use of the Milanese, who hold their congrega-
tion or school at the side of the said church.

I visited the Church and Monastery of Santa Maria dei
Servi (Vote 29), a most remarkable place. The natives of
Lucca have their chapel at the side, and they make a
great festival on the day of the Corpus Domini. I visited

1. Francesco Foscari. Doge, 1423—1457.
2. Nicolo Tron. Doge, 1471—73.

136 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the Monastery della Carita (Note 14 ), belonging to the
Order of the regular Canons of Saint Augustine, and also
another belonging to the said Order called San Salvatore.!
In the said Monastery della Carita, Pope Alexander the
Fourth was discovered and recognised when he fled in
disguise before Frederick Barbarossa, and he bestowed
many privileges on the said Monastery. I visited the
Monastery of Santa Maria,? belonging to the Carmelites,
and also so many others that it would take too long to
write about them all:—San Nicolo del Lido (Note 30),
San Giorgio in Alga (Note 37), Santa Maria dell ’Orto
(Note 32),—the last two are both of the same Order.

As I had heard a great deal about certain Monasteries
for women, I went—also in company—to visit a few of
them, especially the Convent of San Zaccaria (Note 33).
There are many women there, both young and old, and
they let themselves be seen very willingly. They have a
beautiful new church and many relics in the altar. I
think it is their first church, because they have their choir
there. They are said to be very rich, and they do not
trouble much about being seen. Another is called the
Convent of the Virgins (Note 34). There are many
women there, and they are rich. It is said that only
Venetian women are received as nuns there. They have a
beautiful church with the choir in a prominent position.
There is another Convent of the “Donne Zelestre ”
(Note 35). I went to see it, and found that the nuns
dress in white. In addition to these there are many other
convents® in which there are women who are secluded

1. Casola saw the old church of San Salvatore or St. Saviour; the new church was
begun early in the 16th century, and completed 1534 ; the present facade was added after
1663.

2. That is the church commonly known as the Carmine.

3. Probably Casola had in mind here the distinction between the ‘‘ Conventuals” and
the ‘‘Observants.” The expression he uses ‘‘Monasteri pure de done _ serrate
et anche da serrare” (Convents also in which are women who are secluded and to
be secluded)—might therefore be translated more fully—Convents in which there
are women who are secluded, that is the observants ; and who ought to be secluded, but
are not, that is the Conventuals.

VENICE—THE CHURCHES 137

and to be secluded (Note 36). I will leave them to attend
to another matter, because I must descend to most special
praise of these Venetian gentlemen.

I have been to Rome, the chief city of the world, and I
have travelled in Italy, and also very much outside of
Italy, and I must say—though I do not say it to disparage
anyone, but only to tell the truth—that I have not found
in any city so many beautiful and ornate churches as
there are in Venice. It would take too long to name them
all; nevertheless I will mention one or two, especially of
those I saw.

The patriarchal Church or Cathedral is called the
Church of San Pietro.1 It has not many ornaments. I
think that Saint Mark, who was his disciple, must have
stolen them. The Church of Saint Mark, who was the
disciple of Saint Peter, at first sight seems a small thing,
but the man who examines and considers everything about
it carefully, will find that it is a grand church. I think
it has no equal, adorned as it is within and without with
so many beatiful and subtle mosaics. It would take too
long to describe the beauty of the facade and the doors—
beginning with the four horses in metal which are over the
great door,—and so many rows of columns on every side.
Suffice it to say that for its size it is one of the most
beautiful Christian churches. The campanile is separate
from the said church, and the piazza is in front of it.
I cannot estimate the value of the great treasure in relics,
and of the pala of the altar; it seems to me infinite. The
church is adorned with two large and beautiful organs,
one on the right side and the other on the left of the high
altar. It is excellently served by singers and priests
furnished with beautiful vestments, as is becoming to

1. St. Peter’s was the Cathedral Church until 1807, when the title was transferred to
St. Mark’s.

138 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the city and the place. They say it is the chapel of the
Prince, and therefore cannot be too rich or too ornate.

I am afraid in particular to speak of the beauty and
decorations of the parochial churches, otherwise called in
the Venetian speech “ Plebanie,” because I could not give
the details without offending someone, especially at Milan.
I will only say, speaking generally, that the poorest parish
church of Venice is more ornate than the finest at Milan.
Almost all the Venetian churches—the parish churches I
mean—have a beautiful choir and an organ, and no
expense is spared to decorate them; everything is gilded,
and they are well served. This makes me think strongly
that the Venetians must be greatly aided by God in all
their affairs, because they are very solicitous with regard
to divine worship in all their churches (Note 37 ).

As I said above, there are all sorts of monks and nuns
in the city who have beautiful churches and monasteries.
The Order of Saint Dominic, which I have not mentioned
above, has a church called San Giovanni e Paolo (Vote 38 ).
It appears to me so beautiful that nothing could be added.
It is large and lofty, its pavement is all in white and red
squares; it has a beautiful organ, and the choir has stalls
on which neither gold nor carving has been spared. In
that church, in splendid tombs, many princes or Doges
of Venice and other remarkable persons belonging to
various families have been buried. At the side of the
said church there is a school of laymen, called the Scuola
di San Marco. The facade is very beautiful and richly
adorned with marbles and gold, and the decoration inside
is worthy of the outside. I will explain what the said
school is another time. The monastery, being ancient, has
not the pleasing aspect of the modern ones. There is also
a church dedicated to Saint Dominic (Note 39) where
the observant friars are established. The monastery is
beautiful and adorned with all it needs.

VENICE—THE ARSENAL 139

It appears to me that I should now make an end of
praising the city as regards its churches, and leave the rest
for another. As, however, I several times visited a church
called Our Lady of the Miracles (Note 40), which is a
handsome building, especially outside, I will say a little
about it. The said church is a great object of devotion
in Venice, and was built with the daily offerings, which
are administered by certain gentlemen. There is a
convent there for nuns belonging to the Order of St. Clara.
I heard from several men worthy of credence that since
the said church was begun only a few years ago, the
offerings have amounted to over forty thousand ducats.

I saw many other things worthy of record, but I will omit
them for fear of wearying my readers too much. Never-
theless, having been several times to the Arsenal, as it is
called (Note 41), which is an almost incredible thing to
one who has not seen it, I will say a few words about it.

I may mention briefly that it is a large place surrounded
by walls as if it were a fortress, where so much water
enters that every galley, large and small, can go in and
out. In the first place, it is a marvel to see so many long
halls arranged with perfect order and full of munition
for the equipment of the galleys and the navi—covered
and uncovered cuirasses,! swords, ranghoni, (sic)
crossbows, bows, large and small arrows, headpieces, arque-
buses, and other artillery suitable for the purpose. In
short, it appears as if all the munition of the world for
furnishing galleys and navi? were collected there.
Then there are three large sheds, Cassine,? as we say—
and one much bigger than the others—where the galleys

1. The cuirasses were sometimes of metal, sometimes of leather; and some were
covered to conceal them, with damask, &c.

2. By ‘‘ Navi” Casola probably meant all other vessels not galleys ; but as “‘ Nave a
was also the term applied to a ship of a special form—the largest kind of sailing ship—I
have preferred to leave the exact word he uses.

3. In the Milanese dialect the term Cascine is applied to the various outbuildings of
a farm, sometimes also to the farm proper and outbuildings, &c., all taken together.

140 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

are placed all together to preserve them when they are
lifted out of the water, and also when they are new. One
of these Cassine has eighteen divisions, which are so
large that under each one of them there was a large
galley and a small one. Under another cassina of twenty
compartments there was one galley only, but a large one,
in each compartment; and under the other cassine there
were other ships! of different kinds, and both large and
small.

In one part of the Arsenal there was a great crowd of
masters and workmen who do nothing but build galleys
or other ships of every kind. There are also masters
continually occupied in making crossbows, bows and large
and small arrows; and all by order of the Signoria.? In
one great covered place there are twelve masters each one
with his own workmen and his forge apart; and they
labour continually making anchors and every other kind
of iron-work necessary for the galleys and other ships.
There seems to be there all the iron that could be dug out
of all the mountains of the world. Then there is a large
and spacious room where there are many women who do
nothing but make sails.

Within the walls of the said Arsenal, above the water
which enters, there is a most beautiful contrivance for
lifting any large galley or other ship out of the water,
with little fatigue, and also if necessary for putting it
back again. Outside the said Arsenal, but near the walls,
there is a place where they make all the ropes used at sea
on the galleys and all the other ships—that is, the cables
which the Venetians call “ gomene” and every sort of
rope. It is a place all covered below, and so long that I
could hardly see from one end to the other. The number

1. Casola here uses the word ‘‘ Navilii""—and the phrase runs in the text :—‘‘ E sotto
le altre cassine, stavano de altri diversi navilii, grandi e picoli.”
2, The Venetian Governn: ent, also called the Serenissima.

VENICE—THE SHIPPING 141

of masters and workmen who are constantly employed
there is amazing. No one would buy any ropes of
importance, especially those for casting the anchors,
anywhere else than there, because there are certain officers
whose duty it is to give guarantees of their quality. And
there are certain persons who sort the hemp when it is
brought in.

This Arsenal has many officials, and two gentlemen are
at the head. These principals told me that every Saturday
the Signoria! paid out at the least one thousand two
hundred ducats, and sometimes more, for the labour and
work done in the said Arsenal. They have already built
the main walls of another Arsenal which will be a fine
place when it is finished.

I fatigued myself very much by trying to find out if
possible—and with the aid of people very familiar with
Venice and the surrounding places—the number of all the
ships, both large and small, to be found in Venice,
beginning with the boats otherwise called gondolas, up to
the largest nave and galley in the Grand Canal. I
commenced the work; but, although the days were long,
because it was the month of May, I found it was no task
for me any more than for Saint Augustine—as they
recount—to write about the Trinity (Note 42), for the
number is infinite. I find also that it is a great expense
for the inhabitants of Venice, because almost every citizen
keeps at least one gondola, which costs at the lowest
fifteen ducats, and is a greater expense to maintain than a
horse. I leave alone those who keep large and small boats
for gain, by crossing the ferries or letting them out on
hire. I leave out also the galleys and naw for
navigating long distances because they are numberless.
When I inquired of experienced persons who have seen
many maritime cities which are great seaports, they told

1. i.e, The Venetian Government.

142 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

me that there is no city equal to Venice as regards the
number of the ships and the grandeur of the port, and
this I can fully believe.

Having abandoned the business of counting the ships,
I accompanied the Venerable Don Frate Francesco
Trivulzio to Murano, a place situated in the sea by itself,
although it is a part of Venice. There are many furnaces
there for making glass, and work in glass of every colour
is carried on there constantly. All the beautiful glass
vases which are taken throughout the world are made
there. I stood to watch the work at the various furnaces,
and I saw, above everything else a glass chalice, the price
of which was ten ducats. It was noble and very subtly
worked, but I would not touch it, fearing it might fall out
of my hand.

In the said Murano there are seven convents for women,
and amongst them, one, where building is continually
going on by order of the present Doge the Lord Agostino
Barbarigo, who has two of his daughters in the said
convent.!. Much more might be said about the said place
and its beauty and pleasantness and how it is situated in
the water and has beautiful gardens, but I will leave
something for another to say. I cannot refrain from
repeating, however, that there is nothing which astonished
me more in this city built on the water, than the sight of
the many beautiful gardens there are there, especially in
the monasteries of every Order.

As the day of our departure was drawing near, I
determined to leave everything else and study the owners
of the many beautiful things I have noted—that is, the
Venetian gentlemen, who give themselves this title. I
have considered the qualities of these Venetian gentlemen.
For the most part they are tall, handsome men, astute and

1. Santa Maria degli Angeli, or Saint Mary of the Angels.

VENICE—COSTUMES 143

very subtle in their dealings, and whoever has to do
business with them must keep his eyes and ears well open.
They are proud—I think this is on account of their great
dominions—and when a son is born to a Venetian
gentleman they say themselves, “ A Lord is born into the
world.” 1 They are frugal and very modest in their
manner of living at home; outside the house they are very
liberal.

The city of Venice preserves its ancient fashion of
dress—which never changes—that is, a long garment of
any colour that is preferred. No one would leave the
house by day if he were not dressed in this long garment,
and for the most part in black. They have so observed
this custom, that the individuals of every nation in the
world—which has a settlement in Venice—all adopt this
style, from the greatest to the least, beginning with the
gentlemen, down to the sailors and galeotti (Note 43).
Certainly it is a dress which inspires confidence, and is
very dignified.” The wearers all seem to be doctors in
law, and if a man should appear out of the house without
his toga, he would be thought mad. The Milanese do the
same, except, that if a lark, from one hour to the other,
should come from the ends of the earth and bring some
new fashion in dress, all, or the majority, both of those
who can afford it and those who cannot, would want to
follow the fashion; so that a Milanese cannot be distin-
guished from a Spaniard. I need say no more.

When the Venetian gentlemen take office or go on some
embassy, they wear very splendid garments; in truth, they
could not be more magnificent. They are of scarlet, of
velvet, of brocade, if the wearers hold high office; and all
the linings of every kind are very costly. In order not to

1. ‘‘E le nato un Signore al Mondo” (Casola MS.)
2. ‘* Habito certo pieno de fede e de gravita.” (Casola MS.)

144 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

praise the Venetian gentlemen at too great length, I want
to mention one thing more which pleased me very much,
and that is, that they keep all their offices and profits for
themselves, and do not give them to strangers except in
the case of the first Secretary (Vote 44), who is not a
Venetian." The other offices they distribute among
themselves.

Their women appear to me to be small for the most
part, because if they were not, they would not wear their
shoes-——otherwise called pianelle—as high as they do
For in truth I saw some pairs of them sold, and also
for sale, that were at least half a Milanese braccio? in
height. They were so high indeed that when they wear
them, some women appear giants; and certain also are not
safe from falling as they walk, unless they are well
supported by their slaves. As to the adornment of their
heads, they wear their hair so much curled over their eyes
that, at first sight, they appear rather men than women.?
The greater part is false hair; and this I know for certain
because I saw quantities of it on poles, sold by peasants
in the Piazza San Marco. Further, I inquired about it,
pretending to wish to buy some, although I had a beard
both long and white.+

These Venetian women, especially the pretty ones, try
as much as possible in public to show their chests—I
mean the breasts and shoulders—so much so, that several
times when I saw them I marvelled that their clothes did
not fall off their backs. Those who can afford it, and also
those who cannot, dress very splendidly, and have
magnificent jewels and pearls in the trimming round their

1. Casola means evidently not a Venetian Patrician.

2. The Milanese braccio=*594936 metres, or just over half a metre.

3. <A glance at the pictures of Carpaccio and Gentile Bellini shows that it was the
fashion then for the men to wear their hair cut over their foreheads, while the women
wore theirs smoothed back and knotted behind.

4. In his portrait Casola is represented as clean shaven. He had allowed his beard
to grow, as was the custom for obvious reasons, before starting on his pilgrimage.

VENETIAN WOMEN 145

collars. They wear many rings on their fingers with
great balass rubies,! rubies and diamonds. I said also
those who cannot afford it, because I was told that many
of them hire these things. They paint their faces a great
deal, and also the other parts they show, in order to appear
more beautiful. The general run of the women who go
out of the house,” and who are not amongst the number of
the pretty girls, go out well covered up and dressed for
the most part in black even up to the head, especially in
church. At first I thought they were all widows, and
sometimes on entering a church at the service time I
seemed to see so many nuns of the Benedictine Order.
The marriageable girls dress in the same way, but one
cannot see their faces for all the world. They go about
so completely covered up, that I do not know how they can
see to go along the streets. Above all—at least indoors—
these Venetian women, both high and low, have pleasure
in being seen and looked at; they are not afraid of the
flies biting them, and therefore they are in no great hurry
to cover themselves if aman comes upon them unexpectedly.
I observed that they do not spend too much in shawls to
cover their shoulders. Perhaps this custom pleases others;
it does not please me. I am a priest in the way of the saints,
and I had no wish to inquire further into their lives. I
thought it my duty, as I said above, to seek out the
churches and monasteries and go and see the relics which
are very numerous; and this seemed to me a meritorious
work for a pilgrim who was awaiting the departure of the
galley to go to the Holy Sepulchre—thus finishing the
time as well as I could.

1. The balass ruby is becoming now more and more rare. It was much used and
appreciated in medieval Venice, and is frequently mentioned in inventories, wills, &c, In
value it ranks after the oriental ruby, and before the Spinel and the Siamese ruby.

hat is women belonging to the class of the “ Popolo.”

146

CHAPTER Iv.

Festival of the Corpus Domini.—Service in Saint
Mark’s.—The Five Great Schools. — Procession
Round the Piazza.—_New Contract with Agostino
Contarini.—Preparations for the Departure.

On Thursday, the 29th of May, there was the great festival
of the Corpus Domini (Note 45). I had heard from those
who knew, that all the pilgrims were expected to assemble
in the Church of St. Mark to join the procession. In
order therefore, not to neglect my duty, and fearing lest
otherwise I might not find a place, I went early in the
- morning to the palace of St. Mark, thinking to be among
the first. There I found the royal and ducal ambassadors
already congregated, and several bells were ringing
continually in the bell-tower of St. Mark’s. About the
eleventh hour the most illustrious Doge descended from
the palace to go into the Church of St. Mark. His name
is the Lord Agostino Barbarigo (Note 46). He is a
handsome old man, with a fine white beard, and wore
his tiara on his head and a mantle made in the ducal
fashion, as he always does when he appears in public. He
was accompanied by the Reverend Father, the Lord Nicolo
Francho, Bishop of Treviso (said to be the Papal legate),
by the magnificent ambassadors aforesaid, and by a great
number of Venetian gentlemen. ‘These were dressed, one
better than the other, in cloth of gold—each more beautiful
than the other—crimson velvet, damask and scarlet; and
each had his stole over his shoulder. As they entered the
Church of St. Mark all the noises of the bells and every
other noise ceased.

FESTIVAL OF THE CORPUS DOMINI 147

The aforesaid Doge was conducted to his seat (Note 47 ),
which seemed to me very much in the background; that is
to say, 1t was behind the choir; however, it was draped
with cloth of gold. He was accompanied by the
Ambassadors only. I was told that that is not his usual
place, but only for that day in order to see the whole of
the procession. The other gentlemen were all seated in
the choir.

The musical Mass began, and was chanted by the most
Reverend Lord the Patriarch of Aquileia, named the Lord
Nicolo Donato (Note 48), because the Patriarch of
Venice, whose name is the Lord Tommaso Donato
(Note 49), and who belongs to the Order of the Preachers,
was infirm. The aforesaid Lord of Aquileia was assisted
by a large number of deacons and sub-deacons. <A great
silence was maintained—more than I have ever observed
on similar occasions—even in seating so many Venetian
gentlemen; every sound could be heard. One single person
appeared to me to direct everything, and he was obeyed
by every man without a protest. This filled me with
astonishment, because I had never seen such perfect
obedience at similar spectacles elsewhere.

The ceremonies of the Mass seemed to me much less
solemn and impressive than the Milanese or Ambrosian,
when the Mass is sung by our most Reverend Lord of
Milan; nor did I see anything worth noting except that
when the Gospel was ended, after the Patriarch had kissed
the place of the Gospel, two deacons and as many sub-
deacons went to the Excellent Doge and offered to him
also the place of the Gospel to kiss. I did not notice any
other unusual ceremony, save that when the Gloria in
Excelsis, the Patrem Omnipotentem, the Sanctus and the
Agnus Dei are said, four of the priests of St. Mark in
their surplices and hoods go and stand before the Doge

148 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

and there they repeat everything with him, as the
Ordinaries of the Cathedral of Milan do before the Most
Reverend Lord the Archbishop or some Papal Legate.

The Mass closed with the benediction, and after the
declaration of the Indulgence, which was for forty-two
days, the procession was set in movement by the organisers
and directors in the following way :—It entered by the
great door of the said church, and mounting upwards into
the choir, went close to the high altar, on which the body
of Christ was placed in a transparent pix shaped like
a golden throne. It stood upon a chalice, the largest I
ever saw; they said it was of gold; it was very beautiful.
Then the said procession turned to the right of the altar to
leave the choir, and passed in front of the Doge and the
Ambassadors, so that they saw it all without impediment.

The first to set out was the Scuola della Misericordia.!
The brethren were all dressed in long white over garments,
which had a small red sign on one side containing the
name of the Misericordia. Certain of them, to the
number of fifty-six, went in front, each carrying a
beautiful gilded wooden candlestick; I mean like the long
ones commonly used by the friars when they go in
procession at home. They were so beautiful that I do
not think anything could be added. For every candlestick
there was a doppiero” of at least two pounds weight each,
of green wax, and all lighted. Behind these walked a
man who carried a very ornate cross—with a certain little
painted banderole—on which the gold had not been spared
to make it beautiful. Many boys followed after him, and
I think there were some girls as well, to judge by their
heads, arranged as they arrange the little angels. Hach

1. The Schools or ‘‘Scuole” were pious confraternaties and mutual aid societies,
The most important were known as the ‘“‘Scuole Grandi dei Battuti.” These were five in
number, as Casola relates, until the year 1552, when the School of St. Theodore (founded in
1268) was declared by the Council of Ten to be the sixth and last of the great schools

2. A Doppiero is a torch formed of several wax candles fastened together.

VENICE—THE GREAT SCHOOLS 149

one of them carried in the hand a confectera or bowl of
silver or some other vase such as they could carry, full of
flowers and of rose leaves, and when they came where the
aforesaid Doge was seated with the Ambassadors and the
other gentlemen, they scattered the flowers over all of them,
and there was a very sweet smell. After these children
walked as many as five hundred brethren, all belonging to
the said school, all dressed in white garments, as I said
above, all in pairs, and each one of them carried a large
lighted candle of green wax weighing six ounces. But
before these brethren passed after their cross, there were
certain singers who sang many praises by the way, and
who—when they came to the altar opposite the Sacrament
of the body of Christ—knelt down, and there they
continued to sing praises until the said brethren had all
passed; then they got up and followed the said school.

Next came the brethren of Our Lady of Charity,’ as
they are called, in the order aforesaid, and wearing a
similar dress, except that the red sign was different. In
front, there were forty brethren with candlesticks as
beautiful as the first. Their doppiert were of the same
weight, but they were red. Behind them was their cross
with its banner, and behind the cross many children
arranged and adorned like the first; and they scattered
flowers like the first. Then followed the singers, who did
as was said of the first. After them walked five hundred
brethren, each carrying a large candle, six ounces in
weight, of green wax.

The Scuola di San Marco went next. All the brethren
that is, in white
garments—and the sign they wore on their breasts was a
small St. Mark in red. Before their cross walked at least
thirty-six brethren with their candlesticks, made as was

were dressed as has been said above

1. Scuola Grande della Carita.

150 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

said above, and the doppieri they held were of the same
weight, but they were of white wax. There followed a
great company of children adorned as I said above, and
throwing flowers in the manner above mentioned. Then
came their singers, who observed the order observed by
the first. Behind them, there were at least five hundred
brethren, each with his big lighted candle of white wax
weighing also six ounces.

Behind these walked the brethren of the Scuola di San
Giovanni, preceded by twenty-eight of their number
dressed, as is said, in white, and having a red mark
different from the others. Their candlesticks were made
like those above, and their doppierz were similar in weight,
but of yellow wax, that is, the natural colour. Next to
these came their cross with its banner, and behind the
cross there was a great company of little angels, who
threw flowers in the way described above. They were
followed by at least two hundred brethren in white
garments also, each carrying his great candle of six
ounces, which was also of the natural colour. They were
preceded by singers like the foregoing schools.

Finally, behind these walked the brethren of the Scuola
di San Rocco, dressed like the others, though the red sign
they wore was different from the others. Before their
cross there were at least thirty-four of the brethren with
magnificent candlesticks like the others, and as far as I
could see their doppiert were grey, other people said they
were black; be that as it may, they were of the same
weight as the others. Then came their cross, as was said
of the other schools; then many little boys dressed as little
angels, who threw flowers as described above; then the
singers, who did as the other singers did; and behind
them at least two hundred brethren dressed as was said
above, and each of them with his great candle of black or

grey wax, also lighted.

THE CORPUS DOMINI PROCESSION 151

After these schools there followed every kind of
observant and conventual friars; from the Gesuati
(Note 50) to those of the congregation of Santa Justina 4
there was not one lacking. Their number was counted up
to eight hundred; really there were a few more, but not
many. All, or the greater part of them, carried white
doppiert or at least lighted candles in their hands, and
they all wore the most beautiful vestments they possess.
So beautiful were they that we cannot come even after
them. For I saw certain pluvials that between the
border? and the cape had so many and such large and
beautiful pearls that they appeared to me worth all the
vestments in our city. I cannot describe the abundance
of the brocades of every kind, because there were so many
that my eyes became confused, and I lost count. After
the friars all the clergy followed in good order with their
crosses well adorned, but their vestments were not rich;
indeed, they seemed to me very old-fashioned and of
small value. The only other observation I will make about
the Venetian clergy is, that they are few in number
compared with our clergy; for, comparing them with the
clergy of Milan, even the Stradioti*—who are those
without benefices—are more numerous than all the clergy
of Venice.

The clergy were followed by sixty men in togas—twelve
for each of the above-named schools, which are five in
number—and each one of them had in his hand a large
and heavy doppiero. I think the weight of each must
have been not less than thirty-six or forty pounds, and
there were twelve of every colour used by the said schools,
min Tepes) Gheeete Gale Ge eet nena ee ee

2, That is the border which goes round the neck and down the front.
AgtenG a Heb Geicee “Soclee Gen) ee ene nn

analogy Casola applied the term to the unbeneficed clergy, who were frequently to be seen
hurrying along the streets (Strade) from one church to another to say mass.

152 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

as I said above. When I asked what order they belonged
to, I was told that they were twelve brethren of each of
the said schools, and all Venetian gentlemen, and they
went thus in procession two by two.

When all these had passed by, the aforenamed most
Reverend Lord the Patriarch, who had chanted the Mass,
took up the Sacrament of the body of Christ arranged as I
said, and followed after them. He was accompanied only
by those who had assisted him at Mass, and the canopy
was carried by priests only. Thus he commenced to walk
after the procession, which, proceeding as I said, went out
by the door which led to the palace of St. Mark, and
passed through the court of the palace. Behind him,
the aforesaid Doge took his place, together with the
Ambassadors, and after them the Lord Councillors and
the other gentlemen. The pilgrims who were there, being
very courteously invited to do so, followed, and were
paired with the aforesaid gentlemen as long as there were
any pilgrims unaccompanied. At the said door of Saint
Mark’s, by which the procession went out, there were two
priests, one on the right side and the other on the left,
who offered a white lighted candle of six ounces and more
to each person, beginning with the aforesaid Doge down
to the end, and to the pilgrims as well as the others.
And so they went in procession.

It must be noted that the said procession did not go
further than out of the door of Saint Mark’s, as I said,
and all round the piazza, which was covered the whole
way it went with white cloths. At the side of the course
taken by the procession many oak trees—otherwise called
rovere ‘\—and other kinds of trees were planted in such
numbers that it would have sufficed if they had had all

1. A very hard kind of wood (lat. Robur).

CASOLA PAYS HIS PASSAGE MONEY 153

the woods of Bachano! over the doors. And another
magnificent thing; beside the said trees many large
candlesticks of every kind stood, which contained lighted
doppieri. Thus the procession returned to St. Mark’s
Church.

When the Sacrament of the body of Christ had been
restored to its place, the Doge was accompanied by every
man to the palace, where he placed himself at the head of
the staircase until all the gentlemen had mounted with
the pilgrims; and then, saluting all the company, he went
into the palace to his own apartments, and each one
returned to his own house or hostel, for it was dinner
time.

On Friday, which was the 30th of May, as I was
assured that the Magnificent Captain of the galley did
not intend to depart for four days, I employed the time
in visiting the sightsof Venice until the following Sunday,
which was the Ist of June. I still hoped that some
Lombard would arrive with whom I could join for the
living on the galley, but no one appeared. I had the
benefit of the advice of a certain Don Giovanni Toretino,
a merchant of Lucca, settled, however, in Venice, who,
by reason of the letters of Don Jacobo Rotuli, of Fra
Ghiringhelo, and of Don Francesco di Roma, had received
me into his house, and treated me very hospitably.

On Monday, the 2nd of the month of June, I went with
the aforenamed Don Giovanni to see Don Agostino
Contarini, Patrono of the pilgrim galley, and, although
I had previously arranged to pay him forty-five ducats,
I gave up that bargain, and agreed to pay sixty gold
ducats of the Mint of Venice. For this he undertook to
keep me by sea and by land and take me as far as the

1. The forest of Baccano, 27 kilometres north-west from Rome, served in the middle
ages aSan asylum for numerous bands of brigands.

154 CASGLA’S PILGRIMAGE

River Jordan if I wished to go there, and give me a place
at his own table. I paid down, then and there, thirty
ducats in advance.

On Tuesday, the 3rd of June, I bought a chest and a
mattress and sent them and also my other things aboard
the galley, which was being loaded for the departure.
That evening, out of regard for me, the aforementioned
Don Giovanni invited the Venerable Don Frate Francesco
Trivulzio to supper, and I did the cooking Milanese
fashion, especially a pasty.

CHAPTER V.

Casola and the other Pilgrims go on Board the
Jaffa Galley.— Description of the Galley.—The
Officers and Crew.—The Number of Pilgrims.—
First Day at Sea.—Parenzo.—The Cathedral.—
Absenteeism of the Clergy.— The Franciscan
Monastery.—Church of St. Nicholas.—Voyage to
Zara—Cathedral.—Franciscan Monastery.—Church
of St. Simeon.—Relic of that Saint.—Sermon
Preached in the Cathedral at Zara by Fra. F.
Trivulzio.—Departure from Zara.

On Wednesday, the 4th of June, at sunset, having taken
leave first of the Magnificent Don Tadiolo Vicomercato,
the ducal Ambassador, and also of the other friends, I
entered a boat in the company of the aforesaid Fra
Francesco and certain other pilgrims and non-pilgrims
to go to the galley. This had gone outside the port to a
place called ‘‘ Above the Two Castles,” ! five miles distant
from Venice they say, and there we went on board the
galley, which was called the Jaffa Galley.

Outside it has the shape of the other Venetian galleys.
It is eighty braccza? long, and where it is widest it is only
twenty braccia. There is a platform all round outside,
projecting from the body of the galley, more than a
braccio wide, which is supported by numerous brackets
attached to the body of the galley. On this platform
many bales of merchandise and also many barrels and

1. Beyond the two Castles of Sant’ Andrea and San Nicoletto at the entrance to the
Lido Channel.
2. The Venetian Braccio (for measuring wool)=*683396 metres.
“= (ir measuring pues = oe)
The Milanese = 594936

156 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

casks of wine are packed. Towards the bottom the galley
is almost round, and diminishes from the middle down-
wards. From the middle, where it begins to diminish
downwards, three out of the four parts are full of sand
and gravel in order that the galley may draw enough
water and stand firm, and in the sand many barrels and
casks of wine were stored for the majority of the pilgrims.

Over the said sand there was a floor of boards which
could be taken up if necessary, and on the said floor there
was built a kind of hall almost sixty braccia long, which
stretched from the mizzen mast to the prow. The ceiling
of this hall, between one extremity and the other, was
supported by strong columns, and it formed the deck of
the galley. The said deck was made of strong planks and
well tarred, so that the rainwater and the seawater could
not penetrate into the room below.

The fourth part of the galley—that is, from the mizzen
mast backwards—was divided, first, into a place called the
poop, which has three divisions. The lower is called the
pizolo—a place conceded to distinguished men _ for
sleeping, and also reserved for the storage of munition
and of merchandise belonging to the captain and others
at the discretion of the captain. In the middle region,
which is called the poop proper, the tables are spread for
meals, and there is also a small altar where Dry Mass
(Note 51) was said for the captain; and at night many
mattresses were spread here for sleeping, according to the
distribution of the places amongst the pilgrims or other
passengers. Many weapons, too, are attached to the roof
of the said place—crossbows, bows, swords and other kinds
of weapons—for the defence of the galley in case of need ;
and in that place all the tackle of the galley is made.
Above the said poop proper there is a place called the
Castle, where, for the most part, the captain lived, and also

DESCRIPTION OF THE “CONTARINA” 157

any great persons, if such there happened to be aboard.
It is floored with tarred planks, so that however much it
rains, no water can enter the poop. The navigating
compass was kept in the castle, and on the voyage this
castle was covered, first with canvas and then with a
curtain of red cloth on which the ensign of the Sepulchre
and also the arms of the Contarini family were
embroidered.

Behind the aforesaid castle a place is arranged for
managing the rudder of the galley, which is moved by
the force of men’s arms alone. Several times, when there
was a great storm at sea, more than two men were needed
to manage it, and it is moved by means of a thick rope.
Further behind, there was a place where two terra-cotta
vessels full of water were kept, and also a place necessary
for purging the body: and these all projected outside the
body of the galley, on timbers well tarred and well joined
together. I cannot well describe the great size and weight
of that rudder, but I may say that when we were in the
port of Rhodes and it was in need of repair, several men
were required to drag it ashore, and it was a grand
instrument to look at.

About ten braccia outside the poop there was a fixed
mast—that is, one which is never moved—about as large
as could be embraced by a tall man; the sail-yard was
fixed to it with the sail called the J/ezzana,! and there
were cords on both sides which were always pulled on the
side away from the sail according to the direction of the
wind. After passing the said mast, on the right side,
there was the captain’s canteen, where not only water, but
every kind of wine was kept; and in that same place there
was a store of cheese and sausages of every kind—that 1s,
of meat and also of fish.2 Opposite the door of the said

1. The mizzen sail.
2. Fish sausages are still made in Milan.

158 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

canteen there was the kitchen, called the Foghone,!
which extended towards the side of the galley and
contained many utensils and necessaries for cooking.
There were numbers of large and small cauldrons, frying-
pans and soup-pots—not only of copper, but also of
earthenware—spits for roasting and other kitchen utensils.
Further along that side there were two places, one over
the other, where the live animals were kept which were
killed in case of need when fresh meat could not be
obtained on land. They were fed on barley, but very
sparingly, so that at the end of the voyage there was
more skin than flesh. From here to the end of the galley
many benches were fixed, called balestriere,? and between
one bench and another there was space for two oars which
after all were very little used.

After passing down the centre of the galley, going
towards the prow, there was a large mast fixed, which
in its lower part could only be embraced by three men,
and it reached to the bottom of the galley. I was told by
the master who had bought it, that it was more than
sixty braccia long. There was a cage at the top, and
below the cage the yards, made in three pieces, hung down.
A great sail called the artimone,? made entirely of white
canvas, was usually hoisted there. Many cords hung
from the said mast, and on each side there were twelve
ropes fastened to the side of the galley which were drawn
on the side opposite the sail according to the weather and
the winds. The said mast had also another very long rope
hanging down, and still another, called the angel, that
was often used to hoist something up to the top of the
mast. There was another sail called the cochina. The

i.e., The “‘ big fire.”
Strictly speaking the ‘‘ Balestriere” were openings in the bulwarks—between the

iff

2

benches at which the Galleotti sat to row—for the ‘‘ Balestre ” or crossbows.
3. The main sail.

DESCRIPTION OF THE “CONTARINA” 159

artimone and the mezzana were pointed; this was square,
and was only used in a great storm. At the head of the
galley—that is, at the prow—there was a small mast with
a square sail; it was called the trinchetto,! and was
often hoisted and often taken down.

On the said galley there were so many heavy cables
called gomene used for various purposes, and also others
of medium thickness, that they were worth a thousand
ducats, according to what I was told. I could easily
believe it, because when I was talking to the captain he
told me that he had paid a hundred and fifty ducats for
one cable alone for casting the anchor into the sea, and
he had two others. It was enormously thick and six
hundred and twenty-five feet? long. I doubt whether
two Milanese waggons with two pair of oxen to each
waggon could have carried all the ropes there were on the
said galley.

On the left side of the said galley, beginning at the
poop and proceeding towards the prow—on deck I mean—
there was no other impediment except the benches called
balestriere with the oars as I said above—and this as far
as the prow.

On the deck of the said galley, beginning at the poop,
as far as the main mast of the galley, there were a row
of large cases (Note 52) down the centre, each of which
was two braccia wide, over two braccia long and two
braccia high, and all were tarred outside so that the water
might not damage them. They were so well arranged one
after the other that they made a raised platform down
the centre of the galley called the corsia. There were
other similar cases from the said mast as far as the prow;
but these last were always covered with the heavy cables

1. The fore sail.
2. A Venetian foot='347735 metres.

160 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

for casting the anchors. Around the said mast some of
the cases were disposed so as to form a small platform
called the ext¢maria; and there, the officers appointed
for that purpose administered justice to the galeottz.

There were six anchors on the said galley, and the
lightest weighed one thousand two hundred pounds. For
the defence of the said galley there were thirty-six pieces
of artillery and good provision for them—that is, powder
and stones. There were also many stones amongst the
munition above and below deck.

On the said galley there was the aforenamed Magnificent
Don Agostino Contarini, a Venetian patrician, the prin-
cipal Patrono, who had four young men to serve
him. There were with him two Venetian gentlemen,!
assigned to him by the Signoria (Note 53); but Don
Agostino gave them so much a month and maintained
them at his own table. The said captain had an officer
called the cométo, who, after the captain, was obeyed
by all, in what concerned the government of the galley.
There was another officer called the parono, who looked
after the provisionment of the galley, and was usually the
first to leave the galley when anything had to be done.
Then there were other eight companions,” to whom more
than to the others the management of the galley was
entrusted; and these, together with several others, were
called balestriert (Note 54). Finally, there were many
other men called galeotti, and altogether for the manage-
ment and defence of the galley there were a hundred and
forty persons. Amongst these were men of every existing
trade and craft, and when the sea was not stormy they
followed their trades. The majority of them, and especially

1. These were apprentices to the sea. Each galley was obliged by law to take a
certain number in proportion to its size.

2. i.e., The Patrician Balestrieri—as distinguished from their non-noble fellow
crossbow-men.

THE CREW AND THE PILGRIMS 161

of the experienced sailors, were Sclavonians and Albanians ;
there were also a few Lombards, but not many. There
was not a single man of them who had not some kind of
merchandise on the galley, according to the terms of the
agreement made when they were engaged; and
when the galley entered a port they took the said
merchandise ashore and established a sort of fair. There
were more than three thousand pieces of cloth alone on
board, and so much other merchandise besides, that, unless
he saw it, no man could believe that the galley was capable
of carrying so much cargo in addition to the passengers
and crew. Nor without seeing them could anyone believe
that the galeotti were so obedient as they were, for at a
whistle from the comito all the men raised their heads
and asked, “ What’s your will?” There were three
trumpets and good trumpeters, and besides the aforesaid
persons there were one hundred and seventy pilgrims,
counting men and women, friars, priests and hermits,
Ultramontanes and Italians; and all had places assigned
for their chests on which they slept if there was room
enough. Much more might be said about the said galley,
but I will leave something for another time and return to
when I went on board the galley for the first time.

The greater number of us, both pilgrims and also the
friends who accompanied us, were already upset by the
sea, and I more so than the others because I had never
been to sea before. I was therefore obliged to make up
my mind to go and take possession immediately of the
place assigned to me below deck; and God willed that I
should find myself neighbour to a Lombard, called
Bernardino Scotto (Note 55), who, although we were not
otherwise intimate, was nevertheless a good neighbour to

1. The Germans, Bemmelberg and Parsberg, who went on the same pilgrimage,
mention that amongst the company there were ‘‘24 monks and 20 women.” Deutsche
Pilgerreisen, Rohricht, p. 183.

L

162 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

me. Behind us, so they said, was the place of the
magnificent captain.

On Thursday, the 5th of June, having passed through
my share of the tribulation due to the sea, I went on deck
at the second hour of the day, leaving my companions
below; and I stood to watch the spreading of all the sails
of the galley to the sound of the trumpets and the chanting ~
of several friars and other pilgrims. It was a very
interesting sight, especially for a person who had never
seen the like. At first we had a favourable wind, so that
at the eighteenth hour the mariners said we had made as
much as sixty miles going towards the city of Parenzo.
This particular part of the sea is called the Gulf of
Trieste. After the said hour, however, there was a calm
at sea which so fixed the galley that it remained quite
still until night. Then a slight wind sprang up accom-
panied by rain, and the mariners, thinking it might
favour us, spread all three sails, hoping to reach Parenzo
at least by the morning. But they were disappointed, for
the wind changed, and there was nothing to do but
await a change in the weather, and meanwhile let the
galley go as it would, thus drifting out of the path and
drawing nearer the coast.

On Friday, the 6th of June, at the sixteenth hour, we
arrived opposite Parenzo (Note 56), and had it not been
necessary to procure a supply of mutton for the galley the
captain would have passed by without stopping. However,
he made the port, but he refused to allow any of the
pilgrims to go on land; nevertheless, yielding at last to the
entreaties of many, especially of the preacher, Father
Francesco Trivulzio, he gave them license for an hour.
Those who wanted to go had to hire the boats from the
fishermen and pay them well. In order to see as much as
possible I joined the aforesaid preacher very gladly,

PARENZO 163

because in truth he was treated with great respect, and
everything was shown to him without much difficulty. I
did the same all the voyage as long as he was well, and
his Reverence also liked to have my company. Thus we
entered the city of Parenzo, situated in Istria, which they
say is a hundred miles from Venice.

It is an ancient city; it appears to me to be a citadel
situated in the plain, which has been re-built. I do
not know to what I can compare it for size; if I say to
the city of Corbetta ! it is too little, if I say Abbiategrasso?
it is too much; it is collected there what little there is.

We went to the Cathedral. It is an ancient church,
and I think it must have been very beautiful, judging by
the mosaics of the tribune and by the pavement which
shows some signs still of having been worked in mosaic.
Now, owing I think to the absenteeism of the pastors, the
church has a neglected appearance. Amongst others, I
saw one thing which showed me that there are very
honest people in that city—more so than at home—for
in the choir of the said church there was not a stall (it
is true there were not many of them) which had not the
surplice of a priest thrown over the back. I asked who
they belonged to, and was told they belonged to the
Canons. I am certain that if I left one of mine at our
Cathedral or at the Church of St. Ambrose I should find
either two or none when I got back. The said church has
a little atrium in front, as the churches at Rome have
and also our Saint Ambrose—and the baptistery is at the
end. I think few persons go there because everywhere
the grass is long.

Amongst others, I saw the Convent of St. Francis.

1, Corbetta, a small place 18 kilometres west of Milan, near the road to Magenta
and Novara.

2. Abbiategrasso, on the Ticino, south of Magenta, and south-west of Milan. It was
famous for the Castle of Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan.

164 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

It is a miserable place; I did not see a single friar there.
Suffice it to say that the aforesaid Don Frate Francesco
said it would be better if there were none. From what I
could see, hear and also taste, the said city has red wines
which are good and pleasant to look at; there seems to be
a dearth of all other victuals except mutton.

We went to visit a church dedicated to Saint Nicholas,
built on a rock in the sea opposite the said city. It is very
beautiful, and was built with the offerings of sailors, to
whom it is a great object of devotion. It is administered
by two monks and two lay brothers of the Order of the
Observants of Saint Benedict, who have a beautiful olive
grove on the said rock, said to be their only source of
income. The said city is subject to the Signoria of
Venice.

We stayed there until the twenty-second hour, and then,
notwithstanding that the sea had calmed down, all the
sails were spread and turned, now to this side, now to that,
to catch the different winds that sprang up—now bonanza,'
now provenza,? now garbino,*? now scirocco.4 And thus
we went, turning now to the right and now to the left
through the sea called the Sino Fanatico, and passed many
towns and villages on both sides. Anciently the people of
these parts were called Liburnians. Continuing thus as
I said, we came to a certain gulf called the Quarnero,® very
difficult to navigate.

As we had not a favourable wind that night or on
Saturday, the 7th of June, we did not make much progress,
in spite of the efforts made to hasten, now with the sails
and now with the oars, though not much with the oars
because they were of little use with that galley.6 All on
A calm at sea.

West wind.
South-west wind, otherwise called Libeccio or Africano.
Pouthiesst wind.

, The Gulf of Fiume.
There were only two oars to each bench. If, as seems probable, the galley was a
Trireme, it would have had three oars to each bench, when it was of more importance to
increase ’ speed than to keep down expenses.

Pero

ZARA 165

board were anxious to reach Zara, and as many of us
were new to the sea it was more disagreeable to us than
even to the sailors.

On Sunday, the 8th of June, by the grace of God, we
arrived at Zara (Note 57), the right name of which is
Jadra, at the ninth hour of the day. As many small
boats came alongside we all landed with great joy, and
went to hear Mass and afterwards to dinner. And as the
captain had landed to furnish the galley with certain
things, I set about seeing the said city, having nothing
else to do. It is in a plain, and not very large, but it is
bright and clean, and has some beautiful buildings. It
has no moat round it nor any drawbridges; but it is
surrounded by fine high walls. There is a castle at one
angle which has very much the appearance of a fortress
as far as can be seen. All the city is paved with little
hard pebbles in such a way that many of our Milanese
(I mean those who have gouty feet) could not walk about
there very comfortably. I did not see a single fine palace,
but only humble houses, and as I said fine walls. There
is a small square piazza before the place where the
Governors sent by the Signoria administer justice ;! I did
not see any other piazza.

I went to the Cathedral of the city, which is dedicated
to Saint Anastasia. The body of the church is very fine.
The centre is high and in the shape of a galley, and
there is a long, round, vaulted roof made of wood on which
the Old Testament story has been painted by good masters.
There is a choir well adorned with stalls after our fashion;
they are beautiful, and rightly so, for it is the archi-
episcopal church. There are no vaulted chapels in the
body of the church, but there are altars at the sides, well

1. The Count or Governor of Zara, in 1494, was Ser Paolo Erizzo, son of the late

Ser Antonio. The captain was Ser Michael Salomono. See ‘‘Segretario alle Voci,”
Reg. vi.

166 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

adorned with altar pieces—majestate | as we call them—in
relief and well gilded. Over the choir, high up between one
wall and the other, besides the crucifix, which is in the
middle and very ornate, there is a beam which supports
fourteen very large figures all covered with gold; they are
beautiful and very natural.

I saw the Franciscan Monastery belonging to the
Observant friars; it is very beautiful, and so also is the
church. Being in the city, the friars have not a large
garden in which to take their recreation as they have in
many other places.

I went with the other pilgrims according to arrange-
ment to the Church of Saint Simeon, where after Vespers
were sung the body of Saint Simeon was shown—a very
remarkable relic—certainly the most beautiful I ever saw,
either at Rome or elsewhere. The body is perfectly
preserved, there is nothing in the world lacking, either in
the face or in the hands or in the feet. The mouth is
open, and in the upper jaw there are no teeth; I was not
surprised at that, because he was very old when he died.
He it was to whom the Holy Spirit declared that he should
not see death until he had seen the Son of God, and he it
was who took our Lord Jesus Christ in his arms when he
was presented in the Temple by our Lady, and who said:
“ Nune dimittis servum tuum Domine, secundum verbum
tuum in pace, etc.” 2 I went several times to see the relic
because there was a great crowd of pilgrims and also of
people belonging to the city and country round who came
there because it was a holiday. And the more I looked
the more it seemed to me a stupendous thing, most of all
when I remembered the time of his death which could

not be less than one thousand four hundred and ninety-

1. See Note, p. 173.

2. “Lord now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace according to Thy word.”—
Luke, ii. 29.

ZARA 167

three years ago. The body was very carefully guarded;
the Governors of the city—Venetians as I said—keep the
keys. The church is very beautiful. In the choir there
are as many as ten very handsome stalls. The choir is
only finished in one part. I calculated that they will
finish the rest in time because what is already finished is
new. High above the place where the said most holy
relic is kept there is an arch, all of silver-gilt, on which the
presentation of Christ in the Temple is sculptured. In
the middle of the said arch there is an inscription in
Latin which records how a Queen of Hungary caused it to
be made. The pilgrims offered many oblations there, and
touched the said relic with rosaries, rings, etc.

In the said city there is a good abbey belonging to the
Order of Saint Benedict, dedicated to Saint Chrysogonus
the Martyr. It is held in commendam and goes like the
others. There are also several other churches in the same
circumstances.

On Monday, the 9th of June, I heard Mass and also the
sermon preached by the above-mentioned Don Fra
Francesco in the Cathedral. It was very beautiful—
concerning the conversion of sinners. He took for his
text ‘‘Gaudium Magnum erit, etc.” !

After dinner the order was given to the pilgrims by a
trumpeter, who went throughout the city sounding and
saying that every man must return to the galley, because
a wind called sciroceo—which had kept us all the
preceding night and up to the eighteenth hour of the
above-named day—had dropped. When all had come
aboard, the galley sailed away at the nineteenth hour. It
is said to be over three hundred miles from Zara to Venice.

1. ‘Great joy shall be in heaven over one sinner that repenteth."”—Luke, xv. 7.

CHAPTER VI.

Voyage continued among the Rocks of Sclavonia.—
Pilot runs the Galley on to a Sandbank.—Alarm
on Board but no Damage done.—Island of Lissa.—
Trau. — Spalato. — Lesina. — Curzola. — Melita. —
Arrival at Ragusa.—Description of that City.—
The Cathedral.—_The Patron Saint Blaise.—Fran-
ciscan Convent and Church.—Dominican and
Benedictine houses.—Palace of the Governor.
—The Arsenal.—Water Supply of the City.—Forti-
fications.—Productions.—The People and Customs.
—The Government.—Sermon Preached by Fra.
F. Trivulzio in the Cathedral.—The Galley leaves
Ragusa.

AFTER navigating slowly, with only a little garbino,' it

was found that—amongst those rocks of Sclavonia, which

are numberless and very arid and stony—we had gone
seventy miles from Zara up to the following Tuesday,
which was the 10th of June. Then the sea—or one might
rather say among those rocks, the canal, because it did not
appear to me wider than the River Po in Lombardy—
settled into a calm.

On Tuesday, at the third hour of the day, the scirocco 2
rose again, and drove the galley backwards. All the sails
were hauled down, and the anchors had to be cast, to the
great perturbation of the captain, who wished as much as
the pilgrims did to continue the voyage. ‘Thus we
remained until Wednesday morning.

1. The south-west wind—otherwise called Libeccio or Africano.
2. The south-east wind.

BAD WEATHER 169

On Wednesday, the 11th of June, at sunrise, he ordered
the sails to be spread, as he thought that a favourable
wind had arisen; but the weather suddenly changed, and
all the sails being again furled he ordered the anchors to
be cast once more. It was found that only one mile had
been made all that morning, and the captain and also his
councillors thought of returning to Zara because the bread
began to run short, and already it was necessary to begin
on the biscuits; and although there is a dwelling here and
there amongst those rocks, nevertheless there is no bread
to be had; nothing in fact but a little mutton and also a
few goats. Further, seeing that he could not proceed on
the voyage because the adverse wind continued, the captain
thought it would cost less to turn back and put into Zara,
for there was no other place in which he could take
refuge. We were very near the city of Sebenico, but he
could not go there because the galley was so large, as I
said, that it could not be propelled by the oars. So we
remained thus with great inconvenience to the pilgrims,
great loss for the captain, who had all the expense and
could not proceed on the voyage, and extreme fatigue
for the galeottz, who had to spread the sails and furl them
so often and throw the anchors and heave them again. It
excited one’s compassion to see so much weary work,
hardly to be believed by one who has not seen it;
nevertheless things remained thus.

On Thursday, the 12th of June, at sunrise or shortly
after, a favourable wind arose. The main sail and also
the mizzen sail were spread, and, thanking God with
words and also with the sound of the trumpets, we set
out on our journey, passing still among those rocks of
Sebenico in Sclavonia.

At dinner time when the greater part of the pilgrims
were at table, some above and some below, there was a

170 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

great uproar on board the galley. All the sails were
lowered at once, and it seemed as if we were about to
founder. Everybody was terribly alarmed, and no one
understood what had really happened save the sailors;
nevertheless those who understood and those who did not,
left their dinner. Those who were below deck, as they
did not understand what had occurred, had no further
fear. I was amongst those who were afraid, because I
was at the captain’s table with others assigned to the
same table, and the peril was only realised by those above.
It was of such a nature that we thought we should all be
drowned. ‘This is what had happened. It is the rule
for this galley to take a guide—a person with much
experience of the sea—who begins at Venice and goes as
for as Parenzo. At Parenzo, another is taken as far
as Modone. At Modone another is taken as far as
Jaffa. It appears that the guide or pilot, as they call
him, taken at Parenzo had lost his way among those
Dalmatian rocks, and had allowed the galley to drift on
to a shallow, so that the helm bounced three times out of
the helmsman’s hand, and it was thought that a hole had
been made in the bottom of the galley. But God had
mercy on the many souls who were on the said galley,
and especially on so many religious of all kinds as there
were aboard; and on examination it was found that
whereas it had been thought that the ship had struck on a
rock, it had only touched mud or sand. Thus we passed
the danger, and although we were in great peril, no
damage was done.

When the mariners breathed freely again they put up
the sails once more, as we had the wind in our favour,
and thus pursuing the way, we passed many islands on
our right hand, amongst which was the island called the
island of Sant’ Andrea, barren and uninhabited. After

CURZOLA 171

this came the island of Lissa, which is fertile and
excellently supplied with good wines and other fruit, and
has also a great trade in sardines. I think they are those
fish they sometimes sell for anchovies to those who do
not know the difference. On the left side of our course
after leaving Sebenico we passed the city of Trau, and
also the city of Spalato, as it is called, which is a very
flourishing city; and all are subject to the Signoria of
the Venetians. At length, by the grace of God, at the
third hour of the night, we arrived at the city of Lesina,
otherwise called Fara (Note 95). As it was night the
pilgrims were not allowed to land, nor were the requests
of the galeotti—who wanted some provision for the galley
—granted. Nothing was taken on board but a little
water.

On Friday, the 13th of June, we left the canal of
Lesina after sunrise and made sail with a very slight
wind; but as the day advanced the wind improved and
we came opposite the citadel of Curzola (Note 58), which
is beautiful to look at from the outside. The captain did
not wish to stop there for fear of losing the favourable
wind, and thus we passed by, and could only admire the
place from the outside; it is said to be sixty miles from
Lesina. The captain related that a few years ago King
Ferdinand, the former King of Naples, sent his fleet there
to try and steal it from the Venetians, but he failed
completely because the people of Curzola were valiant,
and defended themselves from that attack without
additional help from the Signoria of Venice, to whom
they are subject.

On the morning of Saturday, the 14th of June, we found
ourselves opposite an island of the Ragusans, on the right
hand, called Melita, having passed the other islands of
Curzola during the preceding night. On the left hand,

172 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

on the mountains also belonging to the Ragusans, there
was a very large place called Stagno, they said. From
the galley nothing could be seen save the top of one bell-
tower, on account of the various mountains. The aforesaid
captain, whom I often questioned as to the things we saw,
told me that the said place was as large as Ragusa, but
not so populous. Salt is made there, and they said that
the Ragusans gain every year over forty thousand ducats
from the salt, besides the salt they use themselves; it is
beautiful and white.

Thus pursuing our course with a good wind we came
to Ragusa (Note 59), a city of Dalmatia, at the twentieth
hour, and entered the port with a great display of banners
and signals from the mortars and trumpets. Many
Ragusans flocked on to the quay of the port, and many
boats came to the galley to take off the pilgrims and also
the galeottt, who carried away their merchandise to do
their business as they desired in the market of Ragusa.
All the pilgrims went ashore, especially those who were
well enough to move; and with a great longing to refresh
themselves, they entered the said city of Ragusa, in
Dalmatia or Sclavonia.

For its size the city is beautiful in every respect. It is
on the seashore, and has very strong walls, especially on
the land side. The said walls are twenty-four feet ! thick,
so I was told. I measured them in several places, and
they did not exceed twenty feet; perhaps that was due to
the fact that the measure I used was larger than the
others. There are many towers on the walls, and one at
an angle towards the mainland is larger than the others.
I climbed the said walls with the aforesaid Don Fra
Francesco, who was accompanied by many friars of his

1. The Venetian foot equalled *347735 metres. The Milanese foot equalled *435185
metres. Casola, no doubt being a Milanese, used the Milanese measures.

RAGUSA 173

Order. From that tower the plan of the said city can
be seen very well. The said city appears to me to be
triangular. On two sides it 1s washed by the sea; on the
other, which is the land side, there is a high mountain.
One street begins at the gate, which is entered from the
port, and goes the length of the city to the gate where
stands the Franciscan Convent; and on both sides of
the said street there are shops of all kinds. The said city
is flat in the centre, and all the rest seems to me to ascend.
The houses are beautiful in appearance, and they are
numerous and close together, so that nothing could be

added.

The chief church, dedicated to Our Lady, is small for
anarchiepiscopal church. Nevertheless it is very beautiful,
and more beautiful outside than inside. Outside it is
built of stones white like marble, and there is a beautiful
arcade—with beautiful little columns—by which one can
walk all round the exterior of the church. One can go
round inside as well, and even the women go there above
the side naves of the said church. The choir of the said
church is small, but it has a beautiful majesta,! after our
fashion, with several figures in silver gilded over.
I did not see any other handsome object in the said
church. The patron saint of the Ragusans is Saint
Blaise,? and I think he is greatly venerated because many
of the said Ragusans and also many Sclavonians outside
of Ragusa are called Blaise. The Ragusans have another
church near the Cathedral and also near the piazza. For
its size it is very ornate, and built of beautiful marble
within and without.

1. ie., An altar-piece of wood or metal with figures of the saints, &c., in relief.
Combers, and of all who suffer from diseases of the throat, and. also the patron saint of
wild animals. He was martyred in 289. As the patron saint of Ragusa, he was represented
in his episcopal robes on the coins of the city, holding in one hand a crosier, and in the

other an iron comb such as wool combers use. See Mrs. Jameson, Sac. and Leg., Art ii.
696.

174 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

In the said city there is a Franciscan Convent. The
friars live in good observance, and Frate Francesco
Trivulzio lodged there with his companions. Considering
it is in this city of Ragusa, it is, in my opinion, the most
beautiful I have seen on this journey—I mean outside
of Venice. It has a beautiful church. The altar has a
majesta in silver gilt containing two rows of large figures
with twelve figures in each row. In the upper row, in
the centre, there is a God the Father; in the centre of the
lower row there is Our Lady with her Son in her arms;
and, as I said, everything is of silver. For greater
ornament there are many jewels of every colour, and they
are so large that I doubt strongly that they can be
genuine, because if they were genuine, there would be a
great treasure there, little guarded. I did not find
anyone who could remove that doubt from my mind. On
the left side of the said church there is a little chapel
which was also a beautiful majesta with several figures
in silver gilded over. The said church has a large and
beautiful choir, and it has a beautiful sacristy very well
furnished with certain relics covered with silver. Amongst
other notable things, I saw five volumes of books which
contain the Psalter; I think there are none more beautiful
among Christian peoples.

The convent could not be improved. It has a
beautiful cloister and a chapter house which contains
three very ornate altars, and also refectories, dormitories,
etc. Everything belonging to such a place is ornate.
Amongst other things there are three gardens—each one
higher than the other by at least eight steps—planted with
oranges, pomegranates and other notable things; these
gardens dominate all the buildings. Then all the friars
are the most warm-hearted and hospitable I ever met, for,
besides the affectionate attention they showed to the afore-

RAGUSA 175

said Fra Francesco and his companions, they showed the
same also to me; and I hear that they constantly offer
hospitality, especially to foreigners and Italians.

The said city has a beautiful priory belonging to
the observants of Saint Dominic. It has also several
convents for women observants. Outside the city, on a
rock in the sea, there is a monastery of the Order of
Saint Benedict, belonging to the congregation of Santa
Justina. Certainly it is a place adapted for monks, and
full of every charm—they are remote from all society,
they are surrounded by the sea, and they have beautiful
gardens. If the building is finished as it has been begun
it will be a most beautiful place; the work is continually
going on there.

For its size the said city has a beautiful palace constantly
inhabited by the Governor, called the Captain. Inside,
amongst other things, there is a beautiful hall, built in
the likeness of the hall at Venice, where the Venetian
gentlemen hold their Great Council, and with similar
benches. It is true that the seats are not gilded, as they
are at Venice, for seating the Great Council; the ceiling,
however, is adorned with gold and fine blue. Then there
is a certain very ornate hall, where the aforesaid Governor
holds audience together with the ten wise men. In the
said palace there is an armoury, where, among other
things, they showed a certain quantity of arms sent as a
present by the Most Illustrious Lord the Duke of Milan.!
The said Ragusans have, moreover, like the Venetian
gentlemen, a place built towards the port, which they call
the Arsenal, where they also construct galleys and sailing
ships. At that time there were four there partly finished
and partly unfinished.

1. Probably the present was sent during the war between Venice and Ferrara, 1482-84,
when Milan took the side of the latter against the Venetian Republic.

176 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

The Ragusans have an aqueduct of fresh water which
comes from a long distance, and by means of that
aqueduct they turn nine mills in various places outside
the city; then entering the city it supplies many places,
especially two where there are two public fountains—one
which has many mouths at the gate of the Franciscan
Convent, and the other near the piazza, also with several
mouths. The people flock there to draw the water. The
said aqueduct also supplies the Franciscan friars. In the
said city there are many cisterns for collecting the rain
water which is better for drinking purposes than the water
of the said aqueduct.

On the land side the Ragusans have a great many
beautiful gardens, in which they have very ornate houses,
and they go there for amusement. They have a quantity
of vines, and they make good malmseys and many other
wines, according to the locality.

They have a castle outside the city on a certain small
hill near the sea. I do not know what use it could be
to them, nor do I understand how it could receive succour
from the city if by misfortune it were taken by assault.
When I asked a Ragusan what good it would be to the
city if an army were there and no succour could be given,
he said that help could be given from a certain tower in
the city by means of a cord. It appeared to me a very
absurd answer, and I gave the matter up. I will only
add that they change the Governor of the castle every
day, not by the popular voice but solely at the will of the
Governor for the time being. A guard is also posted on a
hill which dominates the city on the land side.

From what I could hear they do not produce enough
grain for their needs, and they import what is lacking
from Apulia. As I said, they make good red wines and
excellent malmseys; they say they are better than those

RAGUSA 177

of Candia, but I have not been able to pronounce this
judgment. The Ragusans produce a great quantity of
wax, and also much fruit. Owing to the poverty of the
country round, the peasants flock to the city on Saturdays
and Sundays, and with what they bring earn a few
bagattint.1 I think that the concourse of people on
this occasion was also due to the arrival of the galley
full of pilgrims who bought a quantity of things, especially
for eating and drinking. Nevertheless I could not see or
taste good bread. The bread appears to me to be
unleavened, made without raising material such as we use.

The men of this city are generally handsome, and the
younger they are the taller they seem to be; all, both old
and young, and even the boys, wear togas in the Venetian
fashion. There were crowds of them. Perhaps they made
a special effort to show themselves to so many foreigners
while the galley was there. In truth, they are very polite
and pleasant to foreigners, at least in words. As far as I
could judge from seeing their churches, they are very
devout, and they give large subsidies to the monks,
especially to the observants and amongst the observants,
especially to the Franciscan friars.

They are content with their Government or Signoria.
This seems natural to me, because they are free, and do
not pay tribute to other than the Turk. It is twenty
thousand ducats, and before the end of the year it becomes
twenty-five thousand, and this is every year—in truth,
they are near neighbours. Every year also they send a
present of five hundred ducats to the King of Hungary,
by whom they are protected. I could not discover that
they have any other charges at present. They are
occupied in building a port, which they intend to fortify,

1. The ‘‘ Bagattino,” otherwise called the ‘‘ danaro” or *‘ piccolo,” was a small piece
of copper money, first coined in Venice, according to Sanudo, in 1282. Its value depended
on that of the ‘‘ Soldo,” of which it was a twelfth part. Twenty Soldi formed a Lira.

M

178 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

and in enlarging the moat of the said city on the land
side. It will be a beautiful fortress when it is finished.

The women of Ragusa look very strange, because for
the most part they wear a strange dress. I do not know
how to describe it, but I can assure you that their dress
is more than decent. For not only do they wear their
dresses very high and cover themselves to the neck, but
they have a certain thing which looks lke the tail of a
fat ram, which goes in front right under the chin and well
over the hair behind. Considering the importance of the
city, I saw, specially on the holiday, some beautiful
women, though not many, but those I saw were very
beautiful and well adorned with jewels. They were
dressed in the fashion aforesaid and resplendent with gold
and silver and pearls. They are pleased to be looked at
even by foreigners; they go about, however, with the
greatest modesty out of doors. From what I could hear
they are not very fond of work or of gaining their living.

In truth, when I heard of the customs of the Ragusans,
they all pleased me, except this, that not a man can keep
wine in his house even though it is produced on his own
property. When they want some, they must send for it
to the tavern; and their women and servants, if they want
it, must secretly do the same, and on that account also
they are more lukewarm about working. Probably the
Ragusans maintain this custom for some reason I could
not divine, and perhaps if this custom were observed at
Milan there would be fewer gouty people than there are
there, both men and women.

The Signoria or free government of the Ragusans is
administered thus:—Every month they nominate a
Governor, who lives in the palace, like the Doge at Venice.
He does not go out of the palace during the said month
save for urgent reasons; if, however, he is obliged to do so,

RAGUSA 179

he goes with eight pairs of pages before him and the other
officials behind. There are ten Councillors who are always
present when the aforesaid Governor holds audience, and
what is decreed by the said ten is law. These ten hold
office two years, and they have a secretary who writes
down everything pertaining to the State; he is a
Cremonese by birth, and enjoys great credit. It is a
pleasing thing.

On Sunday, the 15th of June, I landed with the
magnificent captain (because even if we were in port I
always returned to sleep on the galley), and accompanied
him first to hear Mass in the Church of St. Francis. After
Mass I went a short walk outside the city, and then I
turned back to go on board the galley, but finding a great
company I left them and went to the Cathedral Church
to hear the sermon already begun by the Venerable Don
Fra Francesco, who gave great satisfaction to the people
by preaching that sermon, and they showed him so in fact
by sending him a great quantity of presents. The sermon
was very useful to those who understood it, because they
are Sclavonians and I do not think that all understood
the language. They know Latin well, but I do not think
the women understood much; nevertheless the church was
full. He took his subject from the Gospel of the day
according to the use of the Court of Rome, which
mentions how Jesus Christ entered the ship of Simon and
prayed him “Ut reduceret eum a terra pusillum.”!
There he compared our faith and life to a ship, and spoke
of what was needed in a ship, referring always to our
galley, and he concluded by saying that whoever wished
to be saved must enter with Christ in this ship. It was a
beautiful discourse. I took away my part of it, for,
amongst other things, he explained the reason why in the

1. ‘‘That he would thrust out a little from the land.”—Luke, v. 3,

180 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

seven canonical hours, at the first hour and at compline, the
shorter creed is said softly, and at the Mass it is said
aloud—and many other noteworthy things. When the
sermon was over I went with him to the Franciscan
Convent, and there I stayed with his companions to
dinner; then I went back to the galley to write some
letters home.

On Monday, the 16th of June, I said Mass in the
sacristy of the said Franciscan Convent out of con-
sideration for the aforesaid Don Fra Francesco, who felt
rather fatigued. After the Mass—while the magnificent
captain sent the trumpet round to give notice to the
pilgrims and galeottc that after dinner everyone must
return to the galley because he intended to set sail—I
dined at the Franciscan Convent with the companions
of the preacher. The dinner was very well prepared and
with great hospitality by the friars. After dinner, with
the permission of the aforesaid preacher, I entered a boat
together with his companions and went to the Monastery
of Santa Maria, belonging to the Order of Saint Benedict,
which is built on a rock, as described above. On the way
back I stopped at the galley, and his companions went to
fetch the preacher and certain other friars who wished to
come to Jerusalem. When every man had entered the
galley we set sail at the seventeenth hour with little wind.

181

CHAPTER. VII.

Great Storm which Drives the Galley near the Coast
of Apulia, and back towards Ragusa.— Voyage to
Corfu.—Casola meets there Andrea Lanza, who
shows him about the City.—Description of Corfu.
—Cochineal and other Products.—Additional Pas-
sengers go on Board the Galley—Amongst others
a Spanish Prince, and Edward de Camar-
dino, a Knight of the Order of St. John.—Depar-
ture from Corfu.—Vigil of St. John Baptist.—
Sermon from Fra. F. Trivulzio.—Illuminations.—
St. John’s Day.—Fra. Francesco finishes his
Sermon. — Zante.—Galley reaches Modone.—Silk
Industry there.—Franciscan Friary.—Wines, &c.,
of Modone.—Government.

On Tuesday, the 17th of June, we found ourselves only
twenty miles from Ragusa, and a terrible sczrocco began
to rise, very unfavourable for our journey. Nevertheless
the captain wished to follow the course against the will
of the winds, and was thereupon carried towards Apulia,
at least two hundred miles out of the course, in a raging
sea. The storm continued until night, and increased.
On Wednesday, the 18th of June, the storm began to
show all its grandeur, and so upset, first the pilgrims who
were not used to the sea, and also many of the experienced
sailors, that it was pitiful to see them. On this occasion
great restitutions were made, both of what had been well
taken, as well as of what had been ill taken, and without
any intermission. There was also one of the number who
during his life had preached restitution hundreds of times,

182 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

and yet this time he did not want to follow his own
precept—that is, the venerable preacher. I was exempt
that time also, although I saw the restitutions made by
the others; but I must confess that as this day was the
vigil of the Saints Protasius and Gervasius, the first
patrons of Milan, I fasted as well as the aforesaid preacher,
and in the Moorish fashion (Note 60); I did not taste a
thing in the world all that day, for I had neither stomach
nor head for eating.

The storm constantly increased with great tossing of the
sea up to the following night, and it had increased so
much that owing to the great blows given by the sea, the
water was beaten under the decks where the pilgrims lay,
and the galley, twisted by the fury of the storm, made a
noise so that it seemed as if she would break up. Such
were the cries of the pilgrims below deck, because of the
great mass of water which came through the hatches that,
being inexperienced, I thought I had finished my voyage
that time, nor did I expect to celebrate the feast of Saint
Protasius then, nor on any other occasion. Many vows
were made publicly and secretly by every man, including
the sailors. And who would not have done and believed
what I did and believed, hearing the creaking of the
galley, and the water coming in during the night, and
the great cries of men and women (of whom there were
several belonging to various nations) who cried aloud
for mercy? Although I did not cry out, nevertheless I
stayed with my mind turned to God with all my might,
for I believed surely, that I had done, what I had often
that is,

talked publicly of doing and laughed at the idea
chosen a fish for my sepulchre. The storm was very terrible,
and the terror of those who had never been out on such a
holiday was beyond all description. When I was talking
with the captain about this calamity he told me that,

CORFU 183

although he had been to sea forty-two years, he had never
experienced such a storm at this season, or one which
lasted so long, and that where he thought to advance,
relying on his past experiences, he only lost ground.

On Thursday, the 19th of June, the day of Saint
Protasius, as the said weather continued, he turned back
towards Ragusa, and sailed back again the two hundred
miles from there to Apulia. He desired to make a port
out of compassion for the pilgrims, who suffered greatly,
and he wanted to make the port at a fortified place called
Budua, near another called Antivari. But when the sails
were already furled and the anchor prepared for casting,
the weather suddenly changed—and this was indicated by
certain small flags hung over the castle of the poop—and
a most remarkable provenza! sprang up. So amidst the
loud shouts of the mariners and others thanking God, all
the sails were spread and we went on our way at a great
rate. This feast of Saint Protasius was very sad for me
and also for many others, both pilgrims and galeotti, we
were so much shaken by the storm.

On Friday, the 20th of June, we sailed at the rate of
over twelve miles an hour, and from what I heard we
could have made over eighteen, but the captain ordered
the mizzen sail and the fore sail, which were both spread,
to be lowered. On the left hand we passed several fortified
places subject to the Signoria of Venice, and entering the
Adriatic Gulf we passed many cities of Albania. When
we reached Corfu the officers of the galley and the captain
calculated that after leaving Ragusa we had made over
seven hundred miles; they said it was three hundred miles
from Ragusa to Corfu.

On Saturday, the 21st of June, before sunrise, we
arrived at Corfu (Vote 61), the capital of the island and

1. West or north-west wind.

184 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the beginning of Greece. It was anciently called Corcyra,
and is a city subject to the Signoria of Venice. We
arrived there to the great joy of the pilgrims, who had
suffered more than I can say from the storm above
mentioned. It was necessary to provide the galley with
fresh water, which already began to run short, and the
company also hoped to get some good wines that would
put the disordered stomachs in order.

The magnificent captain entered the port, giving
license to the pilgrims until mid-day, and the greater part
landed as they could, for there was a dearth of boats to
carry the company ashore. For the most part the pilgrims
were disappointed in their expectations, because there was
no good wine to be found at the taverns, no good water,
no fruit. The water had to be fetched from a place two
miles away called the “ Cardaro,’! and it was very hot
there, and besides, on one side of the port, there is a large
suburb, a good distance away, where the market is held on
appointed days, and where there are all the inns and
taverns; in truth, it was better to stay on board the
galley—I mean for the majority.

Against my will I was very fortunate this time,? for
when I left Milan the very Reverend Lord the present
Bishop of Piacenza? gave me certain letters to present
to a certain Andrea Lanza, whom I sought out in order
to please the aforesaid Lord. I found he was the son of
the Venerable Doctor Don Pietro Lanza, Archdeacon of the
Cathedral of Corfu, and Vicar of the Archbishop of Corfu.
When he had read the letters of the aforesaid Lord Bishop
he gave me such a welcome as I did not merit, nor could
he have done more, I think, had I been the aforesaid

1. Probably a corruption of the word “‘ Caldaio,” that is the boiler.
rs Boke tee snk Peta meant that he would willingly have avoided consigning the letter

3. The Bishop of Piacenza then was Fabrizio Marliani, a Milanese who was trans-

ferred from the See of Tortona to that of Piacenza in 1476. He died at Milan, 1508, but
his body was taken to Piacenza and buried in the Cathedral.—Porro.

CORFU 185

Lord Bishop in person—so much good wine, fruit and
other good things did he offer us. My good fortune was
shared by another pilgrim, a native of Friuli, who hap-
pened to be with me when I presented the letters. And be-
cause the aforesaid Don Pietro Lanza is greatly esteemed
by the Venetian gentlemen, many important under-
takings, temporal as well as spiritual, are entrusted to
him, and the said Andrea his son has also great under-
takings in his hands, and he is a very experienced person.

After dinner he showed me the position of the city and
also the customs. This city of Corfu is placed on a hill,
and has a large suburb in the plain, as I said. It has two
very strong castles, situated a bowshot one from the other,
and the one which is furthest west is higher than the
other. They are built on two rocks, the one loftier than
the other; indeed, the whole city is built on the rock.
There are few inhabitants in the said castles which
dominate the city and the suburb very notably. They
have a good store of provisions, especially of water,
which is collected in large cisterns dug out of the rock.
There is also a mill very cunningly contrived. I was
told it can grind three Venetian stata! of grain every
hour, and it is worked by two horses and three men. It
is a beautiful contrivance to look at.

The buildings of the said city are very numerous, and
so close together that the roof of one touches the roof of
the next, and the sun does not give too much annoyance
to the people. There is a dense population of men and
women, both in the city and in the suburb; but for the
most part they are of a low class, although there are some
of gentle birth. The said city, together with the suburb,
used to be like a small island. Now the Signoria has
separated the city from the suburb by a very thick wall

1. A Venetian Staio=83°317200 litres ; a Milanese Staio=18°279287 litres.

186 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

made of square blocks, and the said city will be an island
by itself, and by means of a moat which is being
constructed to strengthen the said city it will be possible
to circumnavigate it, though not with large ships. The
work is constantly going on under the direction of the
aforesaid Don Pietro.

I went into the Cathedral, but I will not write more
about it because I did not find anything there worthy of
record, for there is no single vestige of a choir in the said
church, nor sign of its being a collegiate church. In the
said church, as I was told, the body of Saint Arsenius re-
poses under the altar. I saw two bells in a window; I think
that must be the bell-tower, because there is no other.
The archiepiscopal dwelling does not seem to me worthy
of such dignity, nor even of the merits of the person who
lives there—that is, of the aforesaid Don Pietro, the Vicar.
The deficiencies must be attributed to the person who
enjoys the revenues and does not provide what is necessary.

The streets of the said city are so very narrow and dark
that, exploring them alone, as I did, I was afraid at first.
The said city is governed by an official called the Bazlo,'
aided by two councillors and treasurers sent by the
Signoria of Venice every three years. The Governors of
the two castles are changed every sixteen months. From
what I could hear, the men of the said city are very skilful
sailors, and there are always a great many away at sea.

This city has an island a hundred miles long, and the
said island produces grain, wines in perfection—such as
malmsey—and every kind of fruit. The chief product is
grana,? of which a great quantity is gathered—I mean for
dyeing cloths, and while we were in port it was being

1. At the time of Casola’s visit, the Bailo and Captain of Corfu was Ser. Alvise
Venerio. The two councillors for the first half of 1494 were Ser. Alvise de Canali and
Ser. Girolamo Diedo, who were superseded by Ser. Domenico Vallaresso and Ser. Quintino
Tagliapietra. Segretario alle Voci, Register vi., Venice Archives.

2. Cochineal.

CORFU 187

collected. The said grana is made with great care. I
watched how they extract, first, the fine powder, then the
second and the third, and how there then remains what is
sold as grana. I wanted to understand how it is collected,
what the plants are like, which are not higher than the
brugh (Note 62) at home, what the leaves are like which
resemble those of the oak, and by whom it is gathered—
that is, by poormen. What is gathered looks like the grains
of buckwheat at home. After it is carried with great care
(for in a moment the sun would spoil it) by the women
to the buyers, the first powder is extracted, et cetera, and
each kind as I said, and without great care the said seeds
would become worms. The said island produces cotton
and silk, and there is also a great quantity of a seed
called valania! used for tanning leather, and there is a
great trade in that.

In the said city I saw a great many ugly faces, and also
some pretty ones, as in Venice. As I had no more time
because the trumpet was sounding and hurrying the
pilgrims aboard, I did not learn any more about the said
city, but I hoped on the return to see it better. And as
all were being hastened on board the galley, the aforesaid
Don Pietro, or rather his son Andrea, who had never left
me, and who had shown me all he could, took a boat on his
own account with certain slaves, and loaded it with much
fruit and young geese—he wanted also to put in wine and
oxen, but I would not let him—and he took me to the
galley and bestowed the very generous present on the
captain of the galley—for thusI wished. Thenembracing
me many times, he recommended me to the aforesaid
captain, who promised to go to his house on our return.

Several additional passengers came on board, who had
been waiting for the galley. Amongst these there was

1. Valania=nut gall.

188 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

one said to be a nephew of the King of Spain. He was
very young and magnificent, and said that he also wished
to come to Jerusalem and then return to Rhodes to take
the habit of the Jerusalem friars, for he was expecting
a very large and rich benefice in Spain. He had been in
Naples, and King Alfonso had given him some horses and
certain falcons, and he had everything in a greppo}
brought from Ancona, which followed at the side of the
galley. With him there was another Lord called the
Lord of Longo? (an island near Rhodes), whose name was
Eduardus de Camardino (Note 63). He is a Genoese, and
has a commendam called the Commendam of Longo,
worth, it was said, eight thousand ducats. He is a person
of importance on sea and land, and is held in repute by the
Order of Saint John. As I had formerly made his
acquaintance at the Court of Rome, I made myself known
to him, and he showed me many attentions both on sea
and on land. These two Lords had left Rome together to
join the pilgrim galley for greater security. Because
of waiting for these two Lords we stayed longer at Corfu
than we expected; nevertheless at the twenty-third hour
we set sail.

By Sunday, the 22nd of June, at sunrise, we had made
little progress. The island of Corfu was continually on our
left hand, and on the right hand the island of Cephalonia,*
belonging to the Turk, and other islands, belonging to the
Signoria of Venice. We sailed through the Ionian Sea,
leaving Arcadia on the one side and the Morea on the
other; and we suffered greatly from the heat,* because

1. A Greppo or Grippo was a fast sailing trading vessel. It had one mast, and was
sometimes of fifty tons burden.

2. Longo or Lango was the Cos of the ancient Greeks. It lies north-west of Rhodes.
3. In 1484 the Sultan restored Zante to the Venetian Republic, but kept Cephalonia.

4. An old Venetian chronicler quoted by Gallicciolli (Bk. i. p. 796) wrote : ‘In the
year 1494, on the 20th of June, it was so hot that the fish died in the water.”

VIGIL OF SAINT JOHN 189

there was a great calm at sea, and the galley could not be
moved with the oars because it was too heavy.

On Monday, the 23rd of June, the Vigil of Saint John
the Baptist, we found in the morning that we were opposite
a mountain called the Capo del Ducato (Note 64), in
Turkey; and there was still a great calm very contrary
to our purpose. As the pilgrims and also the sailors were
very discontented because the barrels of fresh water were
beginning to run short, and many other things also, and
we were all very weary, the Venerable Father Don Frate
Francesco Trivulzio, who in truth was a holy man, and
had a wonderful library in his breast, at the seventeenth
hour, by means of the comito of the galley, invited the
company to a sermon in order to cheer the discontented
on the occasion of the said vigil.

His Reverence went to the castle of the galley, where
lived the magnificent captain and other distinguished men
on the galley, both pilgrims and also passengers. All
were congregated there, even the galeottz, who had nothing
else to do because the galley was so becalmed. And
beginning the said sermon in a way he had perhaps never
done before—that is, sitting down—he took his text from
the Gospel for Saint John’s day, that is, “quis putas hic
puer erit, etc.’! Thereupon he began to show the com-
pany that he had in his mind some remarkable things to
offer in praise of Saint John, and divided his sermon into
nine meditations to be made on the Saint. As all,
however, were not suitable before the day of the nativity,
he said a great deal suitable for the vigil, that is, of the
prophecies of the said Saint made by the prophets and of
the annunciation of him made by the Angel, and in what
place. With his charming words he comforted all the
galley there until sundown, and promised to give the rest

1. ‘‘ What manner of child shall this be? "—Luke i. 66.

190 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

of the sermon he had prepared, the following day, if the
weather did not prevent him.

That evening the sailors made a great festival in honour
of Saint John; they sounded the trumpets, let off many
fireworks, fired off the mortars and made great illumina-
tions. More than forty lamps lighted in honour of Saint
John were hung up on the main mast of the galley.

On Tuesday, the 24th of June, the day of the nativity
of Saint John, the calm continued, and the galley made
little progress. When the company therefore had risen
and several dry Masses had been said, as is the custom at
sea, the preacher above mentioned went to the place he
had chosen the day before and proceeded to give the
promised sermon. He continued to treat the meditations
to be made on Saint John, and preaching from the same
text, “Quid putas erit puer iste, etc.,’ he finished the
exposition of the nine meditations he had laid down in
the preceding sermon on Saint John. He preached for
two hours, to the great satisfaction of every nation, and
especially of the learned persons. Many who had never
heard him before, although he had preached on land in
the course of the journey, came to ask me afterwards who
that venerable father was, and I—not only for the honour
of the fatherland, but also that the truth should not
remain hidden—told all I could about him. And the
company, satisfied with this spiritual food, went to refresh
the body to the sound of the trumpet.

While the galley was so becalmed that she made hardly
a mile an hour, we came opposite the island of Zante,
which belongs to the Venetians. At nightfall we were
still without a favourable wind, and every man went to
sleep with a great longing to reach Modone. All com-
plained of the extreme heat except the Germans and
certain other nations, who—said the Venerable Don Fra

MODONE 191

Francesco in his sermon—ate and drank from morning
till night and then went supperless to bed. These
individuals did not feel the heat; the rest of us did
unfortunately. And thus ended the day of St. John the
Baptist.

On Wednesday, the 25th of June, we thought to have
reached Modone by the morning, but when the company
arose we found ourselves still in the Sea of Arcadia on
the left hand, and near the rock of Prodano, eighteen
miles from Modone. On the right side there was the
Ionian Sea, and Sicily opposite, according to what the
sailors said, and that is the way to go to Barbary. We
were still sailing past a part of the Morea. On a rock
seven miles from Modone there is a castle called Gionchio,
on the borders of the Turk, which belongs to the Signoria
of Venice.

At length, by the grace of God, we arrived at Modone
(Note 65) at the twentieth hour, and all landed in great
haste, without waiting for the casting of the anchor, so
great was the desire to go on land. Although, in truth,
there was not much comfort in the way of lodgings to
be found there for the pilgrims, beginning with the
venerable father, who on leaving the galley went to the
Franciscan Friary, and I followed him thinking to
better my condition. But there was little to be had; it
was as much as we could do to find a few eggs. I did the
cooking as well as I could to restore the father preacher;
anything was good enough for me.

On Thursday, the 26th of June, we remained at Modone,
the galcotti having landed with their merchandise to hold
a fair, as is usual when a port is made. And because I
never stayed to sleep on land, but always returned to the
galley, I accompanied the captain in the morning to a
certain small church outside the city, which is being

192 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

restored with the offerings of sailors. After hearing Mass
he performed his devotions, and returned to the galley
without entering Modone.

After dinner, seeing that he did not intend to set sail
for that day, I went with certain companions to see the
aforesaid city of Modone a little better. The said city is
in a plain. The sea washes the walls, and it has a port
capable of receiving the largest ships. It has strong walls
with drawbridges at every gate, which are four according
to my reckoning. It is well furnished with towers, and
on the towers and the walls there are large pieces of
artillery of every size. Towards the mainland it is very
strong, and is being continually strengthened. The
Signoria is adding there a large moat and a double line of
thick walls, and it will be a stupendous thing and well
placed when it is finished.

There is a large suburb, also walled. It seems to me
that the greater part of the silk industry is carried on
in the said suburb; certainly many Jews, both men and
women, live there, who work in silk. They are very dirty
people in every way and full of very bad smells. Their
society did not please me; I speak, however, of those
outside the city. Turning back, I entered the city, where
I did not see either houses or palaces worthy of
description; for its size it has many houses, and they are
close together. I think there are few inhabitants, for in
the finest and widest street there, the houses appeared to
be shut up for the most part, and when I stood in the
market place I did not see many people. Those I saw,
besides that they are Greeks—for they also belong to the
Morea—are thin and ugly to look at. The majority of
their houses, whether they are large or small—at least
from the middle upwards and on the side facing the
public streets—are built of timbers. In short, I did not
see any other beauty there.

MODONE 193

The Cathedral, which is an episcopal church, can join
the company of the other miserable churches, being badly
kept in every way. I did not indeed see the Bishop, but they
said he was in the city. His palace, such as it is, stands
in front of the church, and the entrance to the said
palace is a flight of steps of hard stone in the piazza.
Certain of the pilgrims asked to see the relics—I mean
those of the aforesaid church. Beginning with the care-
taker—who seemed to me a cobbler, though he had a large
tonsure—and then all the rest, it seemed to me a very
wretched affair. At length the relics were shown us with
a very poor light. We were shown the head of Saint
Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria (I mean the greater) !
who composed the creed “quicumque vult salvus esse,
etc.,’? and then the body of Saint Leo. I wanted to
know who he was, and was told that he was a pilgrim who
came from the Sepulchre and died on the galley, and was
buried on the seashore. Afterwards he was revealed to
the Bishop, who caused him to be brought into the
church where he worked many miracles; this is what I
could find out about him. ‘To tell the truth, the said body
was kept in a wooden chest which was in a very bad
condition.

I do not mention the other churches, because I saw
nothing there worthy of remark. As I said before, I
accompanied the Venerable Father Don Frate Francesco
to the Franciscan Friary, which follows the rule of
Saint Francis. It is poor and even more than poor,
because when I sought firewood to make a little supper it
was not possible to find any, and I had to make a fire with
what material I could get. The said convent has no
cloister and no refectory; the dormitory consists of four
rooms made of planks; in short, the friars are indeed poor.
ccoith of eanatia_in Egypt as distinguished from Alessandria in Piedmont, the

2. ‘“* Whoever will be saved, &c.”

N

194 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

The said city has an abundance of wines and also of
grain, and the wines are made strong by the addition of
resin during the fermentation, which leaves a very strange
odour. They say that the wines would not keep otherwise
(Note 66). That odour does not please me. The wines
are always dear on account of the many ships which come
there for supplies of bread and wine. I did not see much
good fruit—a fig or two, but not many. The people prize
greatly certain plums that at home with us are given to
the pigs, and I made the captain laugh when I told him
this. There are many long green water melons. There is
a good meat market, especially for veal, beef and mutton.
The meat is good, and so also are the fowls, but those are
dear. There is a dearth of fish, although the people are
in the midst of the sea.

This city is governed by a Captain! and a Governor of
the castle, who are sent by the Signoria, and they are
changed every two years. Good malmsey, muscatel wines
and Roumanian wines are also to be found there.

1. In 1494 the Governor of Modone was Ser. Antonio Venier, and the Captain of the
Suburb Ser. Pietro Gradenigo. See Segretario alle Voci, Register vi. in the Archives at
Venice.

195

CHARTER, VII

Galley leaves Modone.—Corone Sighted. — Islands of
Cerigo, Cerigotto, Paros.——Great Storm.—Arrival
in Candia. —Great Earthquake. —Procession. —
Greek Rites and Ceremonies.—Description of the
City of Candia.—Cathedral of St. Titus.—Fran-
ciscan Convent and Church. — Bad Smells. —
Wines.—Cheeses. — Galley Sails from Candia.—
Death of a Priest at Sea.—Arrival at Rhodes.—
Turkish Pirates. — Description of Rhodes.—The
Great Siege of 1480.—Palace of the Grand Master
and of the Governor of Longo.—Stories about
some of the Islands belonging to the Knights of
St. John.—Casola Visits the Grand Master.—
Great Heat Experienced.—Relics Seen.— Depar-
ture from Rhodes.

On Friday, the 27th of June, about the twelfth hour, the
magnificent captain, seeing that the weather was changing
for the better, sent a trumpeter on shore to hasten every-
where and tell the pilgrims and galeotti that they must
return at once to the galley because he intended to set sail.
And about the fourteenth hour he did so, though not with
the wind he hoped for, and the galley sailed very slowly.
By the evening we found ourselves only opposite Corone,
also a city belonging to the Signoria. It seems to be
situated in a plain, and the position is not less beautiful
than that of Modone—I repeat what I heard. The distance
between them is not more than twenty miles. We left
Corone behind on the left hand.

On Saturday, the 28th of June, the vigil of Saint Peter’s

196 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

day, we had made very little progress, and so at the
sixteenth hour we came opposite an island called Cerigo }
on the left hand. Not far from there we passed a rock
called Cape Malea, where the Aigean Sea, otherwise called
the Archipelago, begins. When we entered the said sea we
passed another island called Cicerigo,? which is very
unfruitful, and also another called the island of Paros,
from whence the whitest marble in the world is obtained.
There, various winds arose which drove the galley into the
open sea, to the great perturbation of the stomachs of the
pilgrims and sailors. It was very pitiful to see them, and
especially the Venerable Fra Francesco, who about the
twentieth hour had come to the magnificent captain and
given him to understand that, being a feast day, he
wished to preach a sermon on St. Peter at supper time.
As soon as the said weather began he was obliged to go
and hide himself away like the rest. It was very sad to
see a man like him so quickly placed in peril of his life,
together with many others. For my part, reassured as I
was by the magnificent captain, I had no more fear of the
sea as regards seeing the storms, nor indeed as regards the
stomach either. The said storm continued all the following
night, and it seemed as if we must inevitably all go to the
bottom, so terrible were the blows given by the sea and
the great mass of water dashed over the galley.

On Sunday, the 29th of June, which was the feast of
St. Peter and St. Paul the Apostles, many of the seasick
got up, thinking the sea had calmed down a little. They
found it raging more furiously than ever, so that,
notwithstanding that they had fasted on the vigil, many
were also obliged to fast on the festival. Suddenly the
wind changed and began to blow with such force in the

1. Cerigo, the ancient Cythera, belonged to Venice from 1204; and every two years

a noble was sent there as governor of the Castie. : :
2. Cicerigo or Cerigotto was the ancient Aegilia, It lies between Cerigo and Candia.

GREAT STORM OFF CANDIA 197

direction of our route that, had it not been for the
merchandise of the captain and of several other merchants
who had business in Candia, we should have gone as far in
two days as we had previously gone in fifteen; but it was
decided at all costs to enter the port of Candia. And as
the wind was contrary, it was necessary to lower the sails
and stop some distance from the city of Candia, twelve
miles out of our course. We were at the mercy of the sea,
because when the anchor was cast with the largest cable
on board called the gomena, which was six hundred feet
long, it did not reach to the bottom of the sea.

Thus, after we arrived at the said place, everyone was
very dissatisfied, not only because of the disturbance due
to the preceding storm, but also because we were
disappointed in our great desire to go to the said city,
which we saw, but which we could not enter. Certain of
our company were courageous enough to face the stormy
sea, and entered a small boat to go ashore, but several
times, when I saw the waves wash over the boat, I thought
they had foundered. And the fury of the sea continued,
and the galley was struck by the waves with such force
that at times it seemed as if she must break up.

On Monday, the last day of June, the sea had not yet
calmed down, and the weather continued as on the
previous day. But several eager or rather rash spirits
went ashore in that small boat. I chose to stay with the
majority on the galley, fearing to make shipwreck other-
wise—from what the magnificent captain said, with whom
I passed most of my time.

On Tuesday, the first day of July, at dawn, as the sea
had somewhat calmed down, the necessary sails were
spread—that is, the mizzen sail and the fore sail—with
loud shouts from the sailors, who sweated terribly in
pulling those cords, for it was difficult work, and great

198 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

care on the part of the officers—that is, the comzto, parono,
companion of the parono, and councillors. We finally
entered the desired port of Candia (Note 67), which,
because of the great fury of the sea, the large size of the
galley and the narrow entrance to the port, could not be
entered without peril.

Although it was very early, there were so many people
of every kind on the quay—some come to see the galley,
which was adorned with many flags, and some to help—
that it was a marvellous sight. When the galley was
fastened in the port, everyone who wished to do so went
ashore. There was not one of the pilgrims who was well
who did not go on land. We found that those who had
left on chance the day before, because of their desire to go
on land, had not yet arrived in Candia.

I accompanied the venerable preacher to his friary
called San Francesco, where he was received by the friars
with great cordiality, and we dined there together. After
dinner—when the aforesaid preacher had gone to lie down,
because he had suffered greatly from the sea, and I was
enjoying the cool in a certain passage also in the convent—
about the sixteenth hour, there was an earthquake of such
a nature, that I was almost thrown from the seat on which
I was sitting, to the ground. The friary seemed on
the point of falling, the beams were seen to come out of
their places, and made a great dust; and the friars cried
aloud “‘ Misericordia,” as did the others who were in the
convent. I desired to flee with the rest, but it was
impossible; on one side were the convent and the
church, from which came clouds of dust, and on the other
side were the walls of the city, from which we could fall
headlong and break our necks. There were dangers on
every side, and we thought to have escaped the sea only
to perish on land. What terrible experiences! At last

CAN DIA—EARTHQUAKE 199

we got out of the friary, and heard all the city crying
“ Misericordia,” some in Greek, some in Latin, and all
the people were running to the open country. It was a
pitiful thing to hear and to see.

The said earthquake did much damage in the city to the
bell-towers, the churches and also the private houses. A
procession was at once formed to go through the city.
It was joined by the priests, both Greek and Latin, and
also by the friars of every kind, though there were only a
few of them. Behind them went many men and women,
who beat their breasts with their fists most miserably.
It was said that there had been other earthquakes, but
they had not lasted long or been so terrible as this
one. All the people were terrified, the foreigners as
much as the natives. And when I returned to the
galley, because I was afraid, I found another thing
which greatly alarmed the company. For the sea
was stormier than when we had landed, and the great
waves were dashing all the ships in the port one
against another, so that it seemed as if they would all
be broken to pieces; and the water was of various colours,
so that the company was stupified at the sight. The
captain told me that he had never seen the like.

This earthquake so frightened the company that many
pilgrims who had decided to sleep in the city returned
on board the galley to sleep; and then, whoever desired a
stronger dose, drank another cup. For about the third
hour of the night the earthquake was renewed with such
violence, that people arose out of bed and fled to the open
country. It was said that letters were brought to the
Governors of the city from several places in the island
which were destroyed by this earthquake.

On Wednesday, the 2nd of July, I left the galley to go
and see the city of Candia, and I happened to see the

200 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

beginning of the procession made in consequence of the
earthquake. It was a very pitiful thing to see and to hear.
For in front of the great company of Greek boys without
any order, who cried with a loud voice “ Kyrie Elieson,”
and nothing else, those Greeks carried in the said
procession many very large figures, painted on wood.
There were crucifixes, and figures of Our Lady and other
saints. There was a great display of handsome vestments
on the part of the Greek priests. They all wear on their
heads certain hats, of which some are white, some black.
Those who have their wives living wear a white hat, the
widowers wear a black one. The cords hang down like
those of the cardinals’ bats. The higher in rank the
priests are the more beautiful is the hat.

I was greatly astonished at the chanting of the said
Greeks, because it appeared to me that they chanted
with great discords. Nevertheless I think this was due
to the motive of the said procession, which was the
general sadness. And I think so the more, because
of the custom of the Ambrosian Church, which takes its
origin from the Greek, for in the service for the vigil
of the saints or in the service for the dead they use many
of these discords. At the end of the said procession
walked the priests of the Cathedral, with the Archbishop’s
Vicar.

When the said procession, which I wanted to see
entirely, was over, I set about seeing the city and learning
its customs, especially with the aid of Don Nicolo de
Domo a doctor and a good Milanese citizen, who, in order
to earn a good income amongst those Greeks, exercises the
profession of procurator and advocate. He has plenty
to do.

The city of Candia is in the Island of Crete, which, so
they say, measures not less than eight hundred miles in

CANDIA 201

circumference. In the said island there are several cities
which have a bishop. Candia is the capital, and the seat
of an archbishop. Anciently the said island was more
thickly populated than it is at present, and the part which
was most beautiful and most thickly populated is now
destroyed. The true histories tell a great deal about this,
and poets also have invented much; but it has nothing to
do with our journey. I only want to speak about Candia
because I was ten days there on the outward and home-
ward journey.

Candia is a very large, strongly walled city, situated in
a plain. It has beautiful houses, although they have flat
roofs in the Eastern fashion. It has a fine port, which
is very narrow and somewhat dangerous at the entrance,
especially for large ships.

The Cathedral Church, dedicated to Saint Titus, is very
beautiful. He is the Titus to whom Saint Paul wrote,
and who was ordained bishop by Timotheus, a disciple of
Saint Paul. There are many other smaller churches served
by very ignorant Greek priests. The most beautiful is
the Church of San Francesco, belonging to the observant
friars. It is more beautiful than the Cathedral, and has
a most beautiful choir with three rows of stalls beautifully
carved and a beautiful convent. It is above the city
wall. There are also two other Orders, but their churches
and monasteries have not much dignity.

The said city has a suburb on the land side which
everyone would consider more beautiful than the city.
It contains beautiful palaces, beautiful gardens and
beautiful streets; and there is the place of the markets,
especially of the provision markets. On account of its
importance the Signoria of Venice, to whom the city as
well as the whole island is subject, has begun to enclose
the said suburb with a strong and thick wall. When it

202 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

is finished it will be more beautiful than the city. Just
outside the gate which leads to the said suburb there is a
beautiful chapel of Our Lady governed by the Greek
priests, whom they call “calogeri”; but the Masses are
also said there in Latin.

However beautiful their palaces and houses are, as I
said before, they appear nevertheless houses begun and
not finished, because they have flat roofs, and they have
not the necessary place for purging the human body;
and this is a general want. In the houses the people
have portable vessels which they employ during the day,
then in the evening, at the sound of a bell in the tower of
Saint Mark’s, they all empty the vessels from the windows
or the doors without taking any precaution. And once
the said signal has been given, though the contents should
fall on a person’s head, no penalty is incurred; and there
is a great stink. I can testify to this fact from what I
saw. When I remember that the city is called Candia,
with this horrible smell, I think the name must have
been applied for antiphrase. Perhaps they trust the good
odours they have, such as that of the cypress, to confound
those stinks.

There is an abundance of most excellent wines—
malmseys and muscatels—in the said city, and not only
in the city but also in the whole island, especially in a
city called Rethemo. When a man asks for rough wine
they give him malmsey. In the season there are good
melons, grapes and other good fruit. The vines are left
trailing on the ground as we leave the melons and water-
melons; and when they gather the grapes to make the
malmseys and muscatels they crush them on chalk,
because otherwise they could not extract the wine nor
even preserve it; and that chalk gives them the great
odour and perfume they have. A great quantity of

DEPARTURE FROM CANDIA 203

every kind of wine is made all over the island, and all
is brought to this city to be sold to the merchants. I
inquired from experienced persons as to the quantity sold,
and they told me that not less than sixty thousand botte?
of malmsey and muscatel are sold every year. And they
said that the whole island produces at least as much milk
as wine—I mean ewe’s milk.

They make a great many cheeses; but it is a pity they
are so salted. I saw great warehouses full of them, and

‘ b

some in which the brine or “ salmoria,” as we say, was a
braccio * deep, and the large cheeses were floating within.
Those in charge told me that the cheeses could not be
preserved otherwise, because they are so rich. They do
not know how to extract the butter. They sell a great
quantity to the ships that call there. It was astonishing
to see the number of cheeses taken by our galley.

As there are so many sheep there I asked if wool and
cloths are made, and was told no, that there is no wool
industry either in the city of Candia or in the island. I
can well believe it. Several times I saw some of their
sheep, and they had

[a leaf is here missing from the MSS. ]

through the city telling all the pilgrims that they must
be on board the galley by the eighteenth hour; and this
was done—the company supplying themselves with what
was needed for the voyage to Jerusalem.

On Friday, the 4th of July, at dawn, with great
difficulty we left the port of Candia and entered the open
sea. All three sails were spread, but the wind was
garbino? and rather contrary than otherwise, and in
consequence many of the pilgrims were seasick. Never-

1, A Venetian “ Botte”=751"170 litres.

2. The Venetian ‘‘ braccio ” = °683396 metres ; the Milanese ‘‘ braccio”’ =*594936 metres.
3. South-west wind.

204 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

theless the galley made good progress, though with great
fastings. Perhaps they were necessary because of the life
we had led in Candia.

The following night, towards Saturday, after even I
had been upset by the sea, another trouble befell me.
For a priest called Giovanni, belonging to the diocese of
Lausanne, whose lodging was next to mine, and who was
ill when he came on board the galley, died, and there was
great distress and agitation until day broke. His fellow
countrymen begged the captain to permit them to place
the body in a case and keep it thus until the evening,
because, being then, as was hoped, at Rhodes, they wished
to bury him on land. He consented, and thus sailing
we passed on the left the island of Longo,! which belongs
to the Rhodians—that is to say, it is held by a
Commander of the Jerusalem Order, and, as I mentioned,
the Commander of the said island was on board the galley.
We also passed many other rocks, about which I will say
something on the return.

On Saturday, the 5th of July, at sunrise, we had made
two hundred miles, and having now a stern wind we sailed
smoothly, so that at the twenty-second hour we reached
the port of Rhodes.

There, we heard at once that certain ships of Turkish
pirates, one of whom was named Arigi, the other Camalio
(Note 68), had seized a nave and a caravel, loaded
with merchandise to the value of sixty thousand ducats,
which were coming from Cyprus to Rhodes. The news
caused great alarm, especially amongst those not used to
travelling by sea, and on this account the usual demon-
strations with trumpets, mortars and flying banners were
not made as we entered the port. When the galley was
fastened in the port with the cables, the pilgrims, or at

1. t.e., Cos.

RHODES—THE GREAT SIEGE 205

least the majority of them, went on land to refresh their
bodies and visit friends, because at Rhodes, amongst the
brethren of St. John of Jerusalem there are natives of many
countries, and especially of Spain and of France. It was
found that we had made three hundred miles since we
left Candia until now.

On Sunday, the 6th of July, I left the galley in
company with the magnificent captain, and we went to
hear Mass at Saint Augustine’s. Then, as he joined the
Prior or Commander of the island of Longo, who, as I
said, had come on board the galley at Corfu to come to
Rhodes, I left his magnificence and set about certain
commissions I had to do for friends in Rhodes. After
dinner I went to see Rhodes, especially what was said to
be best worth seeing.

The site of the city of Rhodes is very ancient, and it is
the city to which Paul formerly wrote the Epistle to the
Colossians. There are several reasons why it is nowcalled
Rhodes, but I omit them in order not to be too lengthy,
and also because they are related by persons incomparably
more learned than Iam. It has always been very strong,
and proved it a few years ago when it offered such a
strenuous resistance to the Grand Turk in the year 1480.

Many traces of the siege remain which stupefy the
beholder; it is an incredible thing to anyone who has
not seen it. And, hearing the account, as I heard it, from
those who were there during that war, one can more
readily say and believe that it was a miracle than due
to the power of man. For while the Rhodians believed
they were going to their death, they gained the victory
over the thousands of Turks who were besieging the city
of Rhodes. I think the signs will remain until the day of
the last Judgment. One cannot go about Rhodes without
finding stones, and terrible ones, which were fired from

206 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the mortars. Some of them are so enormous that it seems
incredible that they were thrown from the cannon. It is
also an incredible thing that so many having been fired
as have left their traces—that is, the stones I mentioned,
which are of every size—the city still exists; and yet
there it is, and it does not ever appear to have been
besieged. It was said by those who were present at the
siege that not less than five thousand were fired, between
large and small.

I went to see the palace of the Grand Master, who is a
Cardinal Deacon, with the title of Saint Adrian; his name
is the Lord Peter Daubusson. I saw also the rest of the
city from a height towards the land; it looked to
me like a piece of Rome. There is no order, either in
the palaces or in the circle of the walls. The city cannot
be described as long or square or triangular. It is very
strong, and is being continually strengthened; work is
constantly going on around the walls, especially towards
the sea, at a tower called the tower of St. Nicholas. The
palace of the Grand Master, together with the Church of
Saint John, appears to ascend somewhat, yet everything
is in the plain. I did not see any other palace worthy of
remark. There are a few beautiful facades, especially
going towards the palace of the Grand Master, but inside
there is nothing very rich.

The palace of the aforesaid Governor of Longo is
handsome, though not more so than its neighbours, and
it adjoins the city wall which looks towards the sea. I
saw this palace all through, for the aforesaid Lord of
Longo being, as I said before, a native of Genoa,! where
rallzg familie of allan antloinpwienta lea anil vauisosalwesaats nig ensnatt Gaumataislaia
jes'o6 and fyom 1a21-33 It was subject to the Viscontie of Milan : from 1606-1418 and
from 1458-61 it was subject to the King of France: and from 1464-78 and from 1487-98 it

was subject to the Sforzas of Milan. In 1494, therefore, Casola belonged to the dominant,
and the Governor of Longo to the subject State.

RHODES 207

a very rich brother of his still lives, and I a Milanese,
and I having made friends with him on the galley, he
was pleased to invite me to dinner with him together with
the Magnificent Don Agostino Contarini. At dinner,
although we were the only guests, there was such a display
of silver, such diversity of viands, and everything was so
well decorated and served that it would have sufficed for
any great lord, in spite of the fact that everything there
is dear.

After dinner he showed me the said palace very
thoroughly and all the decorations, which were worthy
of such a potent Lord. From what I could hear after-
wards, he is the most esteemed Knight and Commander
in Rhodes. Because I was asubject of the Most Illustrious
Lord the Duke of Milan, he made me great offers,
beginning with money, and pressed me to go to his house
on my return. He did the same to the Venerable Fra
Francesco Trivulzio, hearing that he was a Milanese and
of such a noble family, and as the said Fra Francesco
was lodged at the Monastery, he paid him a visit and made
him a beautiful present. I went to his hospital. It is
beautiful in appearance, and where the infirmary was,
there was a great display of tapestry, and there are large
offices also and other arrangements. When I sawit, there
were very few sick people, and for that reason I think
they spend little.

The port of Rhodes seems to me the largest and
strongest between Venice and Jaffa. It can be entered
without danger because it is very deep. The said city has
many windmills on the walls and also outside. I went to
see these mills, which seemed to me beautiful contrivances.
When I asked how much they ground, I was told a
quantity which I could not believe, because when I saw
the result it did not appear to me to be likely. There is a

208 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

way of regulating the amount of wind by enlarging and
reducing certain sails which catch the wind. I counted
sixteen of the said mills on the walls of the port; the
others, placed here and there, were more numerous.

Rhodes is an island which has, they say,a circumference
of a hundred miles. It is very sterile, and everything is
dear; more so than at any other place visited on this
journey. If, indeed, there is some merchandise there,
everything is brought either from Turkey, as are carpets,
or from Italy, as are cloths.

The inhabitants of the said city are for the most part
foreign Knights of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem or
merchants of every nation under the sun. The Rhodians
are Greeks. I saw some very beautiful women there of
every nation. There are many and rich Jews, and they
carry on the silk industry. The Rhodians live very long;
it may be, either because the air is excellent, or because
they eat very sparingly. Men are to be found there aged
a hundred years, a hundred and ten and a hundred and
twenty, in excellent health and spirits; and I was told
by persons worthy of credence that. the air of Rhodes is so
good that anyone who knew how to regulate his manner of
living would have difficulty in dying.

Besides the island of Rhodes, the Grand Master and his
order have under their government several other islands,
which, on account of their peculiarities, I must not omit
to mention. I heard, from people who had seen it, that
there is an island called the island of the Syme!
where the air is so good, they say, that amongst the
inhabitants there are men of a hundred, a hundred and
ten, a hundred and twenty, and even a hundred and forty
years of age. Another island is called the island of

1. The island of Symi, north-west of Rhodes, situated in the Gulf of Symi.

ISLANDS BELONGING TO RHODES 209

San Nicola de Carichi,! where they say that when the
inhabitants marry their daughters, they do not give them
in dowry anything but a spade and a hoe, and that these
tools never wear out however much they are used. In the
said island, tools of this kind are to be found in constant
use, which are so old that no one can remember when they
were made. The people of this island have another
favour from Saint Nicholas—that is, if a foreigner should
go to the said island and wish to steal, secretly, or with
violence the value of a penny, he could never depart from
the island without the leave of the person from whom
he had stolen, or without immediately restoring to the
owner what he had taken. To prove that this is true, I
was told that a few days before, a caravel of pirates went
to this island and stole some sheep and other animals.
Before leaving, they ate some of them; but as soon as ever
they had eaten, they vomited everything, which is contrary
to the nature of pirates; and, further, they were not able
to depart, and they never could depart, until they had
given satisfaction to the owners for what they had stolen,
even to a hair. There is another island called Nissari,
which produces many figs and also good wine. Another
island is called Episcopia,? and there, a great quantity of
excellent honey is made. Each of the said islands used
to be governed by one who was called King, but a few
days before, the Knights of Rhodes had put an end to this
name of King there. I have written this short account
of the Rhodians because I had nothing else to do.

The same day, I went with the captain to visit the
Grand Master, and presented several letters to him. He
paid me many attentions; I think that was partly because

I brought him, from Milan, some money, which he is
1. This is evidently the island of Kherki, a very few miles to the west of Rhodes.
2. The island of Tilos or Piskopi is one of the Sporades, and lies between Rhodes and
Cos or Longo.

O

210 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

always glad to see. It was said in Rhodes that he did
nothing else but accumulate, and that he was the chief
merchant. While we were in the presence of his most
Reverend Lordship, there came a messenger sent by his
captain of the fleet, whose name is Frate Furiano, and
who had gone to recover the nave and _ caravel
stolen by the Turkish pirates, as I said above. The said
messenger brought letters which related how he had
recovered everything, but that he had not been able to
take a single prisoner save Arigi’s boy, whom he had cut
in pieces (Note 70). The reason why he had not been
able to seize any other persons was that the Turkish ships
had entered a certain torrent where the ships of the
Rhodians, which were larger, could not follow them
quickly enough. However, everything had gone well; he
had recovered all that had been stolen, and had also taken
the Turkish ships without the crews. This news completely
reassured the captain, and the pilgrims also, when it was
made known, because we had been very perplexed about
going further on account of what had happened.

On Monday, the 7th of July, we remained at Rhodes
because the captain and also the galeotti had much
business to do. The pilgrims who had no other occupation
went about to see the place. They avoided the heat

which was in truth very great

as much as possible, and
they drove away their thirst with those malmseys, watered
as much as possible. I do not say anything about the
relics shown to us, because they are ordinary; there is that
thorn which blossoms on Good Friday (Note 71).

On Thursday, the 8th of July, after dinner, the
magnificent captain, by means of the trumpet, sent to
warn the pilgrims to be on board the galley by the
evening, as he intended to depart. The pilgrims were
obedient, and the galley was already outside the port with

DEPARTURE FROM RHODES 211

a favourable wind, and we were on the point of setting
sail, when it was discovered that one of the noble deputies,
whom I mentioned before,! called Don Alvise Morosini,
was missing. As it was hoped he would come, the galley
was left all night without the sails, thus drifting at the
mercy of the water until the morning. We lost more
than a hundred miles of the course, and on this account
every man on board said Litanies, but they were in truth
Spanish ones.?

1. One of the two Venetian gentlemen apprentices appointed to the galley by the
Signoria. (See Note 53.)

2. Tosay Spanish Litanies=to blaspheme.

bo
i
bo

CHAPTER Ax

Voyage through the Gulf of Satalia.——Encounter with
Seven Venetian Ships at Paphos.—Supply of
Wood and of Water taken at Limasol.—Descrip-
tion of the Ruins there.—Plague Raging at Fama-
gosta and Nicosia.—Casola Visits the Famous
Cornaro Sugar Plantations at Episcopia in Cyprus.
—Cotton Growing.—Carob Beans.—Fresh News
of Turkish Pirates.—Alarm of the Captain and
His Efforts to Ensure the Safety of the Pilgrim
Galley.—Voyage continued to Jaffa.

On Wednesday, the 9th of July, at sunrise, we set sail
with what little wind remained, and made good progress
in that Euxine Sea, now called the Sea of Natalia, from
a city held by the Turks, which is called Natalia! When
the sun was somewhat up, however, the sea so settled into
a calm that every man feared to die of heat, and this
continued until night; then a fair provenza arose and good
progress was made that night.

On Thursday, the 10th of July, as the provenza
continued, we sailed through that gulf, and at midday
discovered the point of the island of Cyprus (Note 72),
and came over against a fortified place called Paphos.
There, seven Venetian ships, coming from Syria loaded
with goods, had stopped, and because they had heard of
the capture made by the Turkish pirates, of whom I spoke

1, i.e., Sadalia or Adalia, a city on the south coast of Asia Minor at the head of the
Gulf of Adalia. The Pilgrim who wrote the ‘‘ Voyage de la Saincte Cyté de Hierusalem ”
(1480), relates, p. 54, that when they were passing through this gulf, Agostino Contarini,
the Captain-owner, ‘‘ nous conta que ung foys en passant par devant ledict gouffre il fut en
si grant danger et eut si grant paour que tout soubdainement sa barbe et cheveulx lui
devindrent blancs et encoires 4 present sont tous gris.”

CYPRUS—LIMASOL 213

above, they were afraid of going further. When the
captains of the said ships saw our galley a long way off,
they sent the scribe or secretary off in a small boat. As
we were not sailing fast and as he had good galeotti, he
came up with us and, being aided by a rope, as is usual
in similar cases, he climbed on to the galley and gave
the messages of his captains to our magnificent captain.
The latter encouraged them to continue their voyage,
sending them back word of what had happened while we
were at Rhodes—that is, of the good provision made by
the Grand Master for what had occurred and of the
victory gained by Frate Furiano.

On Friday, the 11th of July, we arrived near Limasol
at sundown, and the sails being lowered, we approached
a certain place where preparations were made for taking
a supply of wood and of fresh water. This water is
obtained almost from the impossible. That night the
men dug several large trenches some distance from the
seashore. In the morning they were so many beautiful
springs flowing into the sea, and all the galley was
furnished with that water: I say all, because, besides
the captain, many others kept a supply in barrels.

On Saturday, the 12th of July, when the sun had risen,
the magnificent captain made the port, and ordered the
anchor to be cast off the shore of Limasol—an ancient city
of the island of Cyprus—because there is no harbour there.
All the pilgrims left the galley, thinking to refresh
themselves with something good, for they were excessively
afflicted by the heat which they had endured on the
galley during the preceding days. But they were all
disappointed in their expectations, not having found on
the journey so far, a more arid place than Limasol. I can
assure you that everything was lacking there, so that it
was necessary for those who wished to dine on land, to get

214 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

supplies at once from the galley. As both the magnificent
captain and the Venerable Fra Francesco went ashore, I
determined to go with them, fearing I should remain
hungry if I went elsewhere, as in truth would have been
the case.

When we landed from the galley we went immediately,
as was fitting, to the Cathedral, which is indeed still
upright, but which is on the point of tumbling down. It
is enough to say, that it has a good revenue, from what
I could hear. For the service of the said church there is
no one but a certain priest from Mantua who has learnt
to speak Greek.

After Mass and after dinner, taken in a certain house
near the quay facing the sea, which appeared to mea ware-
house—a storehouse for merchandise, because there were
many bales of cotton and boxes of sugar there, which also
served the company in the lack of other beds—I went to
see this city or remains of a city. I saw from the ruins
and beautiful walls, that it must have been a large and
beautiful place, but there is not a single good house in
the whole city. I saw the said church reposefully, because
in all Limasol there was not a place so suited for repose
on account of the shade there. I saw nothing worth
mentioning except the high altar. There is a beautiful
altar-piece with certain figures in gilded wood, and the
tomb of one of our Milanese named Fra de Corte, which
has a Piet&a painted above. All the other churches are in
ruins.

I saw that in the said city the inhabitants do not spend
very much money in covering their dwellings, because
they are covered with green boughs or with straw. If it
rained there as often as it does in Lombardy perhaps they
would adopt another system of roofing. It never rains
there. I went to the castle, which is guarded by a soldier.

LIMASOL 215

Certainly it must have been a fine strong place; neverthe-
less it is also tumbling down, and nothing is being done
to repair it. What little remains standing is a notable
sight, and within, there is the best water to be found in
that country. I drank some of it, albeit in a shoe, and
it revived my spirits which were dried up in my body.

When I asked the cause of the destruction of such a
great city, I received various explanations. Some said it
was due to the earthquakes, others attributed it to the
many incursions of the Moors. The captain told me,
when I spoke to him on the subject, that it had been thus
destroyed by a King of England (Note 73) to avenge a
niece who was oppressed by a King of Cyprus on the way
from the Sepulchre. When I asked why the Signoria
did not seek to repopulate it, standing as it does on the
sea, he told me that people do not care to settle there on
account of the earthquakes, and also because it is a very
unhealthy place. The inhabitants have in truth an
unhealthy appearance. They all appear to be ill. True
there are only a few of them.

I do not write about the size and wealth of the island
of Cyprus, in which the city of Limasolis situated, because
I could not get any reliable information; however, it is
commonly said to be five hundred miles in circumference.
I heard much about the abundance and delicacy of the
sugar, cotton and other good things. I can say little
about what I saw of the island. The captain would not
give anyone leave to go to Nicosia or to Famagosta, the
principal cities of the island of Cyprus, because a guard
at Limasol told him that the people were dying! there,
and there was no prospect of improvement. Certain
merchants who had come with us, went to Nicosia
with their woollen cloths and proved the truth of what

1, i.e., Dying of the plague.

216 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the guard said, for when we returned we found they were
dead.

I can only speak of a great farm not far from Limasol,
which belongs toacertain Don Federico Cornaro, a patrician
of Venice, and is called Episcopia (Note 72), where they
make so much sugar, that, in my judgment, it should suffice
for all the world. Indeed it is said to be the best which
goes to Venice, and the quantity sold is always increasing.
It seems to me that no one ought ever to die there. It
was very interesting to see how they make the sugar—both
the fine and the coarse—and so many people at work.
There were not less than four hundred persons there, all
employed—some in one way, some in another. It was
interesting too, to see such a number of utensils; it was
like another world to me. There were cauldrons of such a
size that if I described them no one would believe me.
One of the factors of the aforesaid Don Federico told me
that every man was paid every Saturday. The said factor
was an Italian, but he knew Greek. There was also a
great quantity of cotton in the fields, but it was not yet
ripe for gathering. It was also a great pleasure to see so
many trees in the woods, loaded with carob-beans, bazane
ultramarine, as we call them. They were still green, and
the taste was bitter; when they are ripe they are sweet.
Everything in that island pleased me, except that they
make their wine with resin, and I could not drink it.

I did not see any other people of the said island save
certain peasants living in the neighbourhood of Limasol,
who came to sell their fruits, which, however, were few,
and to buy some of the things which the guleottt had
brought to sell—cloths and other goods. They speak
Greek. I know little about the island, because I was
afraid of endangering my life.

While the captain was on shore, as I said, there came

CYPRUS—THE PIRATES 217

a messenger from the Captain of the island,! who showed
him a letter received from the Vice-Consul of Tripoli in
Syria (a city belonging to the Sultan), which informed
the said Captain of the island that there were four armed
light galleys belonging to Camalio, a Turkish pirate, in
the river of Tripoli, and that he was expecting two others
which were at Lisso, and that they were hourly waiting
to go in chase of and plunder, anyone less strong than
themselves, and that he (the Vice-Consul) had heard,
amongst other things, that they were waiting for news of
the arrival of the pilgrim galley in order to plunder it
if possible. This letter made our captain very anxious
and also many of the pilgrims who heard the news; they
were few, however, because the rest were dispersed here
and there among the ruins in order to remain in the
shade.

After taking counsel with those who were present, our
captain wrote back to the aforesaid Captain of the island
at Famagosta, asking him to send word whether the galleys
of the Signoria of Venice had been sent, as they ought to
have been, to make the sea secure, in order that Venetian
ships could go on their way in safety; and to reply at
once so that he might know what to do. When the letter
had been despatched, by the same messenger, our captain
thought of another plan—that is, to re-write the letters
and say to the Captain of the island that if the said
galleys had not yet started, that he must despatch them
at all costs, and that he himself would not depart until
he received his reply. But it appeared to him that,
without laying himself open to blame, he could not take
such a course without the consent of the pilgrims, because
four or five days would thus be lost and this was very

1. In 1494, the Captain of Cyprus was Ser Cosmo Pasqualigo, son of the late Ser Paolo
(v. Segretario alle Voci, Reg. vi.). The official residence of the Captain was at Famagosta.

218 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

inconvenient on account of the dearth in the place and
the lack of victuals.

On Sunday, the 15th of July, having heard Mass in
the chief church because there were no others, our
magnificent captain, through the interpreter whom he had
taken at Rhodes, as was the custom, summoned all the
pilgrims before the door of the church and told them
what he thought, and asked their opinion. When he had

made his proposal

whether, because they did not under-
stand, or for other reasons—the magnificent captain
remained almost alone or at least with very few supporters.
The rest of the company departed one by one, thinking
some evil of the captain, and the only conclusion come to
was, that he must do as he thought best, and this he did.
For when he returned to his lodging, he wrote again to
the Captain of the island, asking him at all costs to send
the armed galleys for the protection of the pilgrim
galley, and he was much blamed for this. Many of the
pilgrims, especially the Ultramontanes, murmured, saying
that this was an invention made on purpose to extort
many ducats from the pilgrims, as had been asserted
already. In consequence, the captain, reassurred by his
officers and galeotti, having sent the letter, determined
to continue the voyage.

Thus, at the hour of Vespers, the trumpet was sounded
among those ruins to give notice to the pilgrims and
to the galeotti who were outside with their goods to sell,
that all must be on board the galley that evening. And his
magnificence, together with Don Frate Francesco, and
those belonging to his mess, having had supper, entered
the galley, and so did the others.

On Monday, the 14th of July, after sunrise, when the
anchor was heaved, we set out and went to anchor at a
place called La Canute, six miles, so the sailors said, from

DEPARTURE FROM CYPRUS—PIRATES 219

Limasol, where there are many common woods, from what
I could understand. Many galeotti, skilled in that work,
were sent to cut down wood enough to supply the galley
all the time it had to stay at Jaffa, because wood is not to
be found there for love or money, and also to get a supply
of water, because there were the springs freshly made,
as I said above. Close by, there was a place called the
Cape of the Cats,! where, as the persons said who knew it
well, there used to be a hospital which kept many cats.
Because that place was uninhabitable on account of the
multitude of serpents, and many cats were brought there
who destroyed the said serpents which infested those
places.

While we were there, the secretary of the galley or the
scribe, as they call him, arrived at the twenty-third hour.
He had remained at Limasol to await the reply to the
letters written to the Captain or Vice-Governor of the
island of Cyprus to secure our way, for the reasons above
stated. He brought letters, in reply to those written,
which said, in short, that our captain might confidently
continue his voyage, and that those two galleys he had
asked for, for his protection, had gone to recover the ship
of the Commander of Cyprus (of which I spoke above
when I described the events at Rhodes), which had been
seized by Arigi, the Turkish Corsair, and that, finding
it had been recovered, they would return towards Syria.
When he had read this letter the captain ordered a mortar
to be fired, and gave orders that every man must return
aboard because he wanted to set sail, and this he did
without losing any time in the world.

On Tuesday, the 15th of July, we sailed through the
great Gulf of Satalia with all the three sails spread to

1. The ancient Cape Curias of Herodotus. There was a monastery there of Greek
Monks of St. Basil who had charge of the immense swarms of cats (Porro).

220 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

catch the wind, which was garbino and not a stern wind.
There was no land to be seen here save on board the
galley; sky and sea were to be seen, nothing else, though
the sailors comforted us continually with the assurance
that on the morrow we should reach Jaffa.

On Wednesday, the 16th of July, there was a calm at
sea for a while, which did not at all please the company,
beginning with the captain, because no land was to be
seen in any direction, as had been hoped. After midday
there arose a considerable war of words between the
comito, the councillor and the pilot (or guide, as he may
be called), who was taken by order at Modone. One said
we were near our destination, another said no; at length
a galeotti was sent up to the masthead of the galley to
look carefully if he could make out land on any side.
And remaining thus, at the twentieth hour, two towers at
Jaffa were sighted, which greatly cheered the company.

While the captain was preparing letters to send to the
Governor of Rama! and to the Governor of Jerusalem, we
arrived at Jaffa, with the aid of a little good wind, which
sprang up a little before the twenty-third hour. The
scribe, bearing the letters, was at once put into a small
boat and sent to Rama for permission to land, as is the
custom, and all the rest of us remained on board the
galley in the greatest heat I ever experienced in all my
life. The Te Deum Laudamus was sung by the pilgrims,
especially by the priests and friars, and many prayers
said at the good pleasure of each one.

1. The modern Ramleh, not far from Jaffa and close to Lydda,

bo
bo
_

CHAPTER: X.

The Galley Anchored near Jaffai——Sermon by Fra.
F. Trivulzio.—Letters Received from Jerusalem. —
Death of a Young Pilgrim.—Another Sermon from
Fra. Francesco.—Amusements Provided by the
Captain for the Pilgrims.—Some Moors Visit
the Galley.—Guinella.—Pilgrims Discontented.—
Arrival of the Prior of Mount Sion.—Conference
with the Deputy-Governor of Jerusalem.— The
Moors again Visit the Galley.—Irritating Delays
in Landing.—Some Pilgrims go Ashore followed
at Intervals by the Rest.—3rd Sermon by Fra.
Francesco.—The Governor of Nabule Extorts
100 ducats from the Captain.—Arrival of the
Governor of Gaza.—The Pilgrims Ransom Ten
Slaves.— Death of a French Pilgrim.—Casola
Lands.—His Description of Jaffa.

On Thursday, the 17th of July, the anchors were cast,
and the galley anchored near to Jaffa, because there is no
port there. While we were waiting for the Scribe or for
the permission to land, the Venerable Fra Francesco
Trivulzio, in order that every man—the galeotti: as well
as the pilgrims—should carry some good spiritual provision
to the Holy Land, gathered all the company (both pilgrims
and galeott:) together before dinner, by means of the
comito of the galley, with his whistle, in his usual place,
that is, the poop of the galley. And when there was
silence he preached a beautiful sermon exhorting the
company to prepare their consciences well, if they wished
to gain the indulgences and the merit of that pilgrimage.

222 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

He took for his text, certain words of the Gospel for the
previous Sunday, according to the use of the Court of
Rome; thatis, ‘‘Omnisarbor qui non facit fructum bonum
excidetur et in ignem mittetur.”! And there, in the first
place, he laid down what he wanted to say, namely, that
belief is of the heart, confession of the mouth; and he
concluded by saying that without the confession of the
mouth faith has no merit. Then he proceeded to the
sermon, comparing the tree to the Christian and repeating
that he that bringeth not forth fruit is hewn down. And
here, condemning sins in general and exhorting the
company to amendment, he preached a very remarkable
sermon, so that the indulgences might be obtained by
every person.

On Friday, the 18th of July, while we were waiting
thus in expectation of being able to escape from this
exile—which indeed appeared to us as hard as exile and
very cruel—written papers were brought from Jerusalem
together with a letter written by the Reverend Father the
Prior of the Monastery at Mount Sion (Note 75) to the
Venerable Father the preacher. These writings were
signed in Moorish by the hand of one Abrayno Grasso,
who, by the will of the Usbech, as he is called—that is,
the chief Minister near the person of the Sultan, who is
really, after the Sultan, the chief Lord of Jerusalem—
administers ike a Commissioner the affairs of Jerusalem
as to the revenues, and is more powerful than all the
others, especially the Governor of Rama.

The said letters ran as follows, according to the transla-
tion made into Latin:—The one, that the said Abrayno
would set out and come to Jaffa according to custom, and
that he would do all he possibly could for the Christians.

1. “Every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit is hewn down and cast into the
fire.” —Matthew, vii. 19.

JAFFA—DEATH OF A PILGRIM 223

The other writing was addressed to the Custodian of Jaffa,
called Marano, who knew Italian well, and ordered him to
permit four friars of the Franciscan Order to go on shore.
This was written because Fra Francesco had written to
the Prior, asking him to provide animals for riding, and
obtain permission for him to go on instead of remaining
in this state of uncertainty.

The said animals, however, did not appear at the time
the aforesaid Fra Francesco hoped. At that hour the
Governor of Rama, hoping to get something better in
return, sent a present to the magnificent captain of the
galley consisting of a young ox (at home we say a jucho),
black and very thin, and certain very over-ripe apples,
plums and grapes. It must be understood that the
Governors, who will be mentioned in speaking of places
subject to the Sultan, are like our Commissioners. The
said Governorships are bought from the Sultan, and are
given to the highest bidder, except that of Jerusalem.

On Saturday, the 19th of July, we remained still in this
exile, and there was nothing new, except that a young
pilgrim, a Datian,! passed from this hfe. It was said that
he had fallen ill at Candia through eating unripe grapes.
The truth is that hardly enough money was found on him
to bury him. With the permission of the Custodian of
Jaffa, who represents there the Governor of Jerusalem, he
was carried on land and buried in a cave on the seashore.

On Sunday, the 20th of July, in order to provide some
food to cheer the souls so vexed by that exile, Don Fra
Francesco, by means of the comzto of the galley, as usual,
summoned every man to the poop, the accustomed place,
to hear the sermon, which was announced by a whistle.

1. Casola wrote ‘‘ Natione Datianus,” but Rohricht in his summary of the voyage of
Bemmelberg and Parsberg, who travelled on the same galley, says, ‘‘ Before they left the
ship however on arriving at Jaffa, one of the Pilgrims, Lorenz Heuglin from Denmark, died
and was buried on Shore.” Deutsche Pilgerreisen, p. 184.

224 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

When the company was gathered together he preached
a beautiful sermon, taking for his subject: “ Facite vobis
amicos de mammona iniquitatis, ut cum defeceritis
recipiat vos in tabernacula sua.” ! And he took this from
the Gospel appointed for the said day at Mass, according
to the use of the Court of Rome. There he expounded the
Gospel fully, and drew from it most remarkable moral
lessons, beginning at the beginning: “‘ Hrat quidam homo
qui habebat villicum, et cetera.” ? There was not a word
which was not very well applied to the galley and those on
board; and (he explained) who was that certain man.
Although on account of the language all did not fully
understand him, nevertheless he was understood by the
majority, and after the sermon he was magnified by all.

That evening a Mameluke arrived, who said he was sent
by the Governor of Gaza for the protection of the
Christians. It seemed to me that his protection would
not be of much account, for he was barefooted; true he
was dressed in camlet, and full of every virtue—Spanish
ones | mean. In my opinion he had come rather to extort
something from the Christians than for any other purpose,
and the majority agreed with me.

On Monday, the 21st of July, the Venerable Father Don
Francesco, being eager to go ashore, left the galley with
his companions. When he landed, a Mameluke of the
Governor of Gaza? would not let him depart, and he
returned to the galley. For, all those Governors, hearing
that the pilgrims galley had arrived, had set out for
Jaffa and pitched their tents opposite the galley, so that it
appeared as if there was an army there, preparing to make
war, as was the case—at least on the purses of the
pilgrims.

1. ‘‘Make to yourselves friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness, &c.”—Luke, xvi. 9.

2. ‘There was a certain rich man which had a steward.”—Luke, xvi. 1.

3. Gaza or Guzzeh is on the southern frontier of Palestine, three or four miles from
the sea, and on the road leading to Egypt.

JAFFA—FISHING 225

Many Moors also began to come from the surrounding
villages, who brought victuals to sell to the pilgrims; and
preparations were made to begin the fair—usually held by
the Moors and galeotti, while the pilgrims remain in the
Holy Land—which is carried on by means of barter and
also with ready money. Seen from the galley it seemed
a great affair.

Nevertheless we remained, like they say Tantalus does
in the Inferno. He has the water up to his lipsand cannot
drink. We saw the land we had come so far to enter, and
those Moorish dogs would not let us go on our way. They
made difficulties, now about one thing, now about another,
as they had never done before, from what I could hear
from those who had been there on previous occasions.
However, it was necessary to tie everything up in the sack
of patience, as we did not want to loosen the sack of
money.

Each one who goes on the voyage to the Sepulchre of our
Lord has need of three sacks—a sack of patience, a sack
of money and a sack of faith. The first two sacks had
been used several times up to that hour; the third was
still untouched.

As no conclusion was arrived at, the captain sought to
procure us a little amusement, and he permitted some
fishing; he even allowed anyone who wished, to leave the
galley and go to certain places where it was said Saint
Peter used to fish. On this day, with certain contrivances
of very strong cord and great hooks, an immense fish was
caught. There was great difficulty in hauling it up out
of the water, because it defended itself boldly and resisted
with force all the efforts to draw it out of the water; so
that it was necessary to hold it thus tied in the water until
it was exhausted. The hook that caught it was so big that
it took a large sheep’s lung to bait it. The men wounded

P

Lo

26 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the fish with certain iron weapons suitable for the purpose.
It made the sea so red that it seemed as if there had been
great slaughter done, and the company enjoyed all this
greatly, and the more so because they hoped to have
something good to eat. Afterwards it was found to be a
shark, and the mariners said it had such an evil nature
that if anyone had courage enough to swim in the sea
and met this fish he would be killed, because it is such an
enemy to man. It was skinned. The hide was like iron.
Some of the poor pilgrims, though only a few, ate some
of it. It was a fearful thing to see both before and after
being skinned.

We had another pleasure that day. <A turtle, called in
our language a bissa scudelera, appeared in the sea and
swam round the galley. It was so large that its case
would cover the body of a man. If I had not seen it
I would not have believed anyone who told me about it;
yet so it was, and almost every day it showed itself as
long as the galley remained there. We also took pleasure
in watching certain long slender fish which went in great
numbers and seemed like a great sea-wave when they were
pursued by some large fish.

At this juncture, while we were so occupied, the
Venerable Father Don Fra Francesco Trivulzio returned
to the galley and certain Moors came with him. We
could not understand anything they said or did except
certain actions; as, for example, when one of them, as
soon as he arrived jumped on to the table where the
captain was and those who ate with him—I also amongst
them
their benches. He was barefooted, though he was dressed

and sat himself down on it as the tailors sit on

in camlet.
Another action could be understood. Many pilgrims
having gathered to see the said Moors, and to hear them—

JAFFA 227

for all the company hoped to have news of the end of that
exile—one of the Moors, wishing to spit, opened the breast
of his garment and spat within, in order not to spit
amongst the company. It seemed to all a much more
honest action than that of Guinella,! which someone
recounted. Guinella was in the chamber of the Marquis
of Ferrara, which was much decorated even to the pave-
ment, and wishing to spit, he spat in the face of the
Marquis, saying that in that room he had not been able
to find an uglier place for spitting than the face of the
Marquis.

On Tuesday, the 22nd of July, the day of Saint Mary
Magdalen, the pilgrims began to murmur still more
against the captain, as did the children of Israel against
Moses when he was leading them through the desert into
the country where we also desired to go. For it seemed
to them that our delay in landing, prolonged beyond the
usual time, was now out of all reason; and certain of
them said that the captain was not using his accustomed
diligence with the Moors, so that we might leave the
galley and go on our way. Certain of them, especially
the French, said many biting things to the captain’s face;
and he very justly replied that he lost more than they
did by the delay, because as long as they remained on
the galley he was obliged to maintain them, and that it
would be a good thing for him to end the journey quickly.
As well as he could, he calmed the irritation of the
discontented.

On Wednesday, the 23rd of July, the Prior of Mount
Sion came on board the galley, and talked with the
captain a long time about the iniquity of the Moors who
kept the pilgrims in such embarrassment. Then they

1. A famous court, fool at the Court of Ferrara in the 14th century. His real name
was ‘“‘Gonnella.” See ‘‘ Memorie di Ferrara,’ by Antonio Rizzi, vol. ii. p. 798.

228 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

went ashore to speak to Abrayno, whom I mentioned above,
and another Sabbatino,' sent by the Governor of Gaza,
and other Mameluke lieutenants who were encamped there,
as I said before, and would not allow any of the pilgrims
to land.

When they returned to the galley, the only news they
brought was, that the captain could put the pilgrims
ashore if he liked, but they would not be allowed to
depart before the arrival of the Governor of Gaza. When
the captain came back late, without the Prior of Mount
Sion, he gave notice to the Pilgrims, through the comzto of
the galley, that they must be ready to go on land in the
morning. All were overjoyed at this, for the eighth day
of this terrible exile was already ended, and happy he
who was ready first.

On Thursday, the 24th of July, the vigil of the day
of Saint James the Apostle, very early in the morning
the pilgrims, amid a great noise, shouting and rejoicing,
prepared to leave the galley, each with his baggage, flasks
and his wooden stirrups—I had iron ones and no others—
each one according to his needs and his choice. It seemed
a camp in movement; one trod on the heels of the other
in the anxiety to be first. When they approached the
place where they were to get off the galley and enter
the boats, it was found that the captain had changed his
mind and did not wish any of the pilgrims to leave the
galley. He said that they were better off where they
were than they would be ashore, where they would have
to suffer many hardships. Indeed he spoke the truth, and
there were some who proved it, for they lost their lives
because of their anxiety to be amongst the first and

1. “ Sabbatino” seems to be used in the sense of Commissioner or Deputy-Governor.
Casola applied the term to Abrayno Grasso, the deputy-Governor of Jerusalem, and to the
representative of the Governor of Gaza.

JAFFA—MOORS ON BOARD THE GALLEY 229

hecause they would not listen to the orders or even to the
persuasions of the captain.

As the pilgrims remained on board, the captain sent
renewed entreaties to those dogs to see if they would
change their minds and let us go on our way according
to custom, without waiting further for the Governor of
Gaza, but those dogs would not listen to us.

On this day the chief Moors came aboard the galley
to amuse themselves, and a great festival was made. The
ship was decorated with carpets and hangings, the
trumpets were sounded, the cannon fired and the galeotti
shouted, as is the custom of sailors. That Sabbatino
presented to the captain some wax, sugar and a serula—that
is, one of the white cloths the Moors wear on their heads—
and a large sack of snow. It was a great marvel to all
the company to be in Syria in July and see a sack of
snow. It was also a comfort to many, because some of
the snow was put into the water—which was hot—and
cooled it.

Nothing else could be got from these dogs, except that
when lunch was over, which had been prepared very
sumptuously for them, Abrayno restored to the galley, in
the sight of every man, what he had eaten on board the
galley and outside. Then, throwing himself on the carpets,
which were spread all over the poop, where they had been
received on the galley by the captain, he stayed there to
rest, with his slaves, for the space of two hours. The Sabba-
tenoand the other dogs who had come, departed immediately
when they saw the festival of Abrayno, and went ashore.

On Friday, the 25th of July, Saint James’s day, in
response to the earnest prayers of Fra Francesco Suriano
(Note 76), Prior of Mount Sion, and of the scribe of the
galley, who was on land representing the captain, those
dogs consented to allow the pilgrims to go on shore—that

230 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

is, to suffer for lack of everything. But when two boat-
loads had been sent, the rest were stopped because the
Scribe of Jerusalem said he could not stay any longer in
the sun to count the pilgrims, and that the others must
wait until the following day. There was great distress in
consequence, on the part of those ashore and those who
remained on the galley, because we saw that we were
ill-treated and separated, and we could not understand
why. One thing was evident, however, that no pilgrims
in that place had ever been so badly used as we were.
Nevertheless, as well as possible, we laid hands on one
of those sacks we had brought on board the galley—l
mean the sack of patience.

Many of the pilgrims, seeing how badly we were treated,
told the captain that he should not hesitate to lay hands
on the other sack if necessary—I mean that of the money
—rather than suffer such torments. In truth he always
treated the pilgrims courteously and with great considera-
tion; and now he begged them to have patience, saying
that he did not want to create bad precedents with those
Moors, and that if we did not show them our teeth they
would do worse.

On Saturday, the 26th of July, the magnificent captain
made the rest of the pilgrims get up early, thinking to
send them all on land; and two other boat-loads went.
In obedience to the advice given me the first day I
entered the galley—that is, never to be among the first
to go off the galley—I always let the Ultramontanes—who
trod on each other’s heels in their haste to leave—rush in
front. When the boats returned for the rest, that often-
mentioned Abrayno wanted to come on board the galley
to see the merchandise which had been brought; and when
he had seen it, and also bought what he wanted, and,
further, settled his accounts with his mouth as much as

JAFFA—THE PILGRIMS LANDED 231

he could (I speak as covertly as I can not to disgust the
readers of this chapter), he departed, saying that he did
not want any more pilgrims to be sent on land that day,
as the sea had upset him and he did not feel he could
attend to the counting of them. And this—to torment
further the poor pilgrims who were already eleven days
in this exile.

On Sunday, the 27th of July, the rest of the pilgrims
were put ashore save five, who, according to his wish,
remained with the captain; amongst them were Fra
Francesco Trivulzio and the priest Pietro Casola, both
Milanese.

When the Dry Mass had been said, Fra Francesco
caused the galeott? to be summoned to the usual place,
and preached them a beautiful sermon, taking for his
subject; “ Et coepit ejicere vendentes et ementes in
Templo.” ! He gave thereon a beautiful dissertation on
trading—buying and selling—and what was lawful and
unlawful in that connection, and he expounded everything
very fully.

On his return to the galley the captain was accompanied
by the Governor of Rama and the Diodar? of Gaza, who
remained on board looking at a great many cloth goods;
then they went away about their business.

On Monday, the 28th of July, the captain went ashore,
and while he was there, an Arab chief (as they say) called
the Governor of Nabule,? a place in Samaria, arrived, and,
as the captain afterwards recounted, took from him by
force a hundred ducats before he would let him return to
the galley. The captain was in a very bad humour

1. ‘‘And he began to cast out the buyers and sellers in the Temple.’—Matt. xxi. 12 ;
Luke. xix. 45

2. This appears to be the same person as the ‘“‘Sabbatino” or representative of the
Governor of Gaza, mentioned before.

3. Shechem or Sichem, the original capital of Samaria, now called “ Nablus,” a cor-
ruption of Neapolis, the name given to it by Vespasian.

232 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

because of the money and also on aceount of the wretched
life he saw the pilgrims leading in those caves, where they
were badly off for everything and could neither go on
their journey to Jerusalem nor return to the galley, as
they would have done very gladly. About the twenty-
first hour the said Governor of Nabule came to the galley
and bought certain cloths and other things. Still we
remained in exile, on the galley and outside the galley,
and this was the twelfth day.

On Tuesday, the 29th of July, in the morning, the
Governor of Gaza arrived at Jaffa with a large company,
and established himself on the highest place there, which
looks like a hill—really there are extensive ruins there
which have formed a sort of small hill. At the sight of
so many tents pitched, the parono and the scribe were sent
from the galley; and having heard everything from the
Prior of Mount Sion, they returned to the galley and told
the captain that the Governor of Gaza wished him to go
ashore to send off the pilgrims. As he delayed somewhat,
the aforesaid Prior came to fetch the captain, and they
went ashore together, and visited the said Governor of
Gaza.

While they were arranging for the expedition, the
Governor of Nabule, the Arab chief, departed, and went
home with the hundred ducats he had taken from the
captain. In the evening, the aforesaid captain returned
to the galley, saying, that he had come to terms and
arranged everything with the Governor of Gaza.

On Wednesday, the 30th of July, in order that we should
not go on our journey too quickly, certain mushrooms !
sprang up among those ruins of Jaffa which we had to eat
before we could depart. For when the captain—who had
gone with two boat-loads of different things to offer to

1. i.e, Difficulties, annoyances.

JAFFA—THE PRISONERS RANSOMED 233

the Moors according to custom in order to have the license
to depart—was in the tent of the Governor of Gaza, the
said Governor caused ten Christians, natives of Cyprus,
whom he had taken prisoners, to be brought into his
presence in chains. According to what they said, they had
left Acre, otherwise Ptolemaida, in a ship loaded with
merchandise; but a storm arose and the ship broke up.
As, in the opinion of the sailors, there was nothing else
to be done, they begged to be put ashore to save them-
selves, and while they were in a wood they were found by
the Moors, who seized them saying that they had gone
there to steal.

The Governor of Gaza said to the captain and also to
the Prior of Mount Sion, that the pilgrims must redeem
the prisoners, or that he would flay them alive before
their eyes. As an altercation followed, he caused one of
the prisoners to be stripped and stretched out by the
executioner, and made as if he would have him flayed.
The Prior—as a monk, and belonging to the Order he
does—moved with compassion, put an end to the scene;
and thus, just as we ought to have arisen and gone on our
way, it was necessary to stay there and bargain for those
chained men, for whose ransom the Governor of Gaza
demanded a thousand ducats. Finally he was brought
down to a hundred and fifty, and the collection was made
among the pilgrims, so that the prisoners were redeemed
and taken naked and famished on board the galley. I
was taxed a ducat, which I paid.

Seeing that the ground was soft, and that the Christians
were compassionate, those dogs brought in a Jew and a
Frenchman, and the Governor of Gaza threatened to flay
them if we did not ransom them. The captain told him
he could do as he pleased provided he let us go on our way.
The Jew was well beaten, and that coward of a Frenchman
denied Christ, and the serula was placed on his head.

234 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

By this time, as the sun had almost set, they said we
should depart in the morning; for the present we remained
there. The pilgrims suffered much in those caves, for
they were not even at liberty to go out and make a little
water, so many were there of those Moorish dogs there.

On Thursday, the 3lst of July, when we thought to set
out, those dogs began to bark and to try and extort
more from the captain—some one thing and some another.
The trouble was two-fold—that of the captain who saw
the outrages inflicted by the Moors, and the other of the
pilgrims who suffered more than usual on land, and many
were ill in consequence.

That morning, one of the pilgrims—a Frenchman—died,
and was buried on the seashore. This was the third
pilgrim who died before we could go to Jerusalem. As
the pilgrims saw that we were in great danger, at least
from sickness, they said to the captain that he must either
take them back to the galley or conduct them from that
place; if not, proceedings would be taken against him for
damages and interest.

In the opinion of many, the said captain did his duty,
and would gladly have departed or taken the company
back on to the galley, but those dogs wanted nothing but
money.

Many pilgrims fell ill on account of the great privations
of every kind they had to endure; and when anyone fell
ill he had need to recommend himself to God, for there
was no other remedy or medecine to be had. The captain
remained on land that night, but I stayed on board the
galley by his order, and felt compassion for those outside.

On Friday, the Ist of August, in the morning, the
captain received license to depart, having satisfied those
dogs up to that point; and he sent for me to go ashore.
Taking the baggage I had already prepared, I gave the rest
of my possessions in charge to a galeotto, and landed at

JAFFA 235

Jaffa, anciently called Joppa, which was built by the
descendants of Ham, the son of Noah, who was cursed by
his father. This country, inhabited by Canaanites, fell
to him by lot when he divided the world with his two
brothers, one called Shem the other Japhet.

Saint Peter performed many miracles in Joppa; amongst
others he raised Tabitha from the dead. To judge by the
ruins and also by the numerous marbles found there by
the great Sultan—and used by him for building a new
mosque which they say is a very beautiful building—the
said Joppa must have been a beautiful citadel. It has a
fine circuit of ruins, but one cannot understand what they
were. Towards the sea there are certain vaults, one behind
the other, where the poor pilgrims were lodged on the
bare ground very uncomfortably. On the other side, that
is, towards Rama, there are certain vestiges of a wall, as
if the place had been surrounded by a wall. As I said
before, what looks lke a hill is formed by ruins which
have fallen one on top of the other and made a sort of
hill. The two towers there, were built for protection
on the side facing the sea, because the Moors are always
on the alert. This place or city was always without a
harbour; there are continual tempests there, and it is
dangerous to go among those ruins.

I find that the Romans destroyed Joppa after the
destruction of Jerusalem. When I inquired why it is
called Jaffa and not Joppa, I learned that there is a large
village near, with a population of perhaps a thousand
souls, which is called Jaffa, and as Joppa has ceased to
exist, the port has taken the name of Jaffa. Just as people
speak of the port of Turbigo,! and yet Turbigo is some
distance away, and sometimes that same port is called the
port of Galliate.2 There is nothing else to be said about
this shore of Jaffa.

; at Turbigo is on the west bank of the Ticino to the north of Magenta, and north-west
of Milan.

2. Galliate is on the east bank of the Ticino, almost opposite Turbigo.

236

CHAPTER XI.

Pilgrims leave Jaffa.—Casola’s Bargain with his Mule
Driver.— Ride from Jaffa to Rama.—Hostel at
Rama.—Sermon Preached by the Prior of Mount
Sion.—Visit to Lydda.—Christians of the Girdle.—
Description of Rama.—Death of Cypriano de
Porri.—Ride from Rama.—Casola’s Adventure.—
Arrival at Jerusalem.—The Pilgrims’ Quarters
there.—The Captain’s Lodgings.—Father Fran.
Trivulzio Attacked by Fever.—The Prior of
Mount Sion and His Treatment of the Pilgrims.

Ar Vespers, with great shouting from the Moors and
Christians, the pilgrims mounted—some on asses, some on
mules, some on horses, and each beast had a pack saddle on
its back and a cord or chain round its neck. These animals
were all provided by that Abrayno Grasso named above,
in accordance with the agreement he had made with the
captain of the galley. The captain paid him so much a
head for the pilgrims, and he furnished the animals for
them. In addition, the pilgrims had to give something
to the owners of the animals; otherwise they cause you
many annoyances, and are very disagreeable. Sometimes
they make a rider tumble off his animal and then extort
several marchetti! before they will help him up.

Chance gave me a mule, and as I was advised to do so
by the captain, I bargained with the owner of the mule
to give him a ducat extra as a gratuity,? for the whole
journey, with the understanding that I was not to pay him

1. The Marchetto was coined by Francesco Dandolo about 1330. It was worth twelve

piccoli, and was also called a soldo. (G allicciolli, i. p. 580.
2. Casola uses the word “ Cortesia.”

PILGRIMS LEAVE JAFFA FOR RAMA 237

until he had brought me back to Jaffa. He was satisfied
with this, and asked my name, and I asked his; he was
called Balzi. In this way I had no further annoyance
from those gratuities, though, truth to tell, the said driver
was of little service, even to me, on the way.

When all the Christians were mounted, and also the
Moors—that is, that grand escort given us by Abrayno
Grasso, of barefooted Mamelukes, armed with bows and
quivers full of arrows—we set out, in the name of the Most
High God, for the city of Rama through a beautiful plain.
The heat was great and there was a great deal of dust.
There was little shade by the way, and very few green
boughs were to be found with which to drive away the
flies. All the country round is cleared—that is, of trees,
but very full of cotton, which at that time was beginning
to ripen. Half way between Jaffa and Rama there is a
place called Malcasale, because sometimes there are great
robberies there. The said Mamelukes had a hunt through
that country with horses only, and they caught a hare
without dogs.

In the evening, all sunburnt and dusty, we reached
Rama, and those Moorish dogs made us dismount a good
way from Rama because we had to pass by a place where
they bury their dead; and when we had dismounted, every
man carried his baggage to the place where we went to
lodge near the gate of Rama.

The said place! belongs to the friars of Mount Sion,
although there are not always friars there. It is taken
care of by a Christian of the Girdle (Note 77) called
Moyses. There is not a stool to be found in the place;
it is like a disordered hospital. The entrance is like a
square window large enough to admit one person. I felt

1. The monastery at Rama was given to the friars by Philip the Good, Duke of
Burgundy, so that they might give shelter there to pilgrims.—Porro.

238 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

as if I were going into the Stinche (Note 78) at Florence.
There was no order in the lodgings; he was wisest who
seized a place first. There was nothing but the ground.
Whoever was willing, however, to spend a few marcelli}
could get matting from the Moors; there was no straw.

I followed the captain, to whom a certain wretched
room was assigned, where he placed his mattress which
he had caused to be brought from the galley. I
accompanied him as his secretary; he had no one else with
him save me and his steward. I do not think he paid a
tax for us two, by order, from what I could understand.
My place in that poor room was a certain wooden plank,
between a third and a fourth [of a bracczo] thick, raised
from the ground on two stones. As long as we were at
Rama, both going and returning, my folded mantle wasmy
bed, and under my head I kept my purse containing all I
possessed. Poor Don Fra Francesco could not find a com-
fortable spot. A certain place apart from the others was
assigned to all the friars, but neither here nor there
pleased him. A mattress brought from the galley was
given also to him; no other person had one.

As soon as we entered the said place, as it was evening,
many of the inhabitants of Rama came there, both Moors
and Christians of the Girdle, as they are called. I could
not find out with certainty the reason for this name; some
say one thing some another, so I leave the matter. These
men brought bread, cooked eggs, much fruit and rice
cooked in milk to sell to the pilgrims. Wine is not sold
by the Moors; those Christians sell a little, but it is dear.
Many barrels of it were brought from the galley and sold
at a high price. In the said lodging there was a good
cistern which greatly alleviated the thirst of the pilgrims.

1. The Marcello was a piece of silver money coined first in 1472 or 1473. It was worth

ten soldi, and seems to have taken its name from the Doge Nicolo Marcello, at whose
election ‘‘ Marcelli” were thrown to the populace.

RAMA 239

As to eating and drinking, I did not lack good things
because I ate with the captain; so did Frate Francesco,
who was always summoned at meal times; and at table
there was no lack of the best things that could be found.

On the morning of Saturday, the 2nd of August, after
Mass and a sermon preached in Latin by the Prior of
Mount Sion, the said Prior ordered certain of his friars
to direct the pilgrims, some on foot, some on horseback,
to a certain little village (Note 79), where there was
formerly a beautiful church built of square blocks, which
contains an altar on which they say Saint George was
beheaded. It is much venerated also by the Moors,
according to what those Christians of the Girdle said.
I am sure I do not know in what way, because when I
saw the place it was very neglected. It is true that those
Moors took a marchetto from each Christian who wished
to enter.

After gaining the indulgence, whoever wanted to mount
there mounted ; whoever wanted to go could do as he liked.
I was not in a hurry because we were near Rama, and I
stayed a while to watch the cotton making (Note 80)
because many of the Moors in the little village were busy
at that work; nevertheless I was back at Rama as soon
as the others. And after such a dinner as could be got,
for there were no other provisions for the pilgrims save
the hard-boiled eggs sold by the Moors, some went to rest,
others went to see the place.

I went to see what I could with certain of those
Christians of the Girdle who knew a little Italian, only a
little, but on that occasion I made good use of them. In
the past the city of Rama must have been a beautiful city.
It covers a large area, is situated in a plain, and has walls
and gates, though they are not strong enough to resist the
attack of an armed force. The gates are carefully closed,

240 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

nevertheless they can be opened easily. There are many
vestiges of what seem to have been fine houses there in
former times, but now they are all tumbled down. There
was a palace where Abrayno lodged which was very
beautiful to look at, but it was partly in ruins. I pass
over the dwelling of the Lord of Rama, which is beautiful
and which has its mosque and a very beautiful bell-tower,
on which during the night a man stood who, to my
hearing, did nothing but yelp.

In the said city I saw two beautiful streets called
bazaars. In one street, on one side, nothing is sold except
things to eat, both cooked and raw; in the other there was
their merchandise. This city has a more abundant supply
of fruit than Jerusalem. From what I could understand,
the supply of fruit came at that time from the city of
Gaza; and this I understood because the sellers frequently
invited the buyers by saying that their wares came from
Gaza. Indeed the Prior of Mount Sion said to me several
times that they were the best fruits in those bazaars. He
had been many years in those parts, both as a layman and
as a friar, so that he knew the Moorish tongue well; and
he told me further that he had seen bunches of grapes at
Gaza which weighed thirty-six pounds of twelve ounces.
As he belongs to the Order he does I took his word for
this, although it seemed to me an extraordinary thing.
I saw very large grapes, larger than I ever saw in our
country, and much better than ours. Besides other fruit,
Rama has a greater abundance of dates than any place
I saw in the Levant. The pilgrims bought also a great
quantity of melanzane,! cooked and well prepared.

The houses have flat roofs which collect all the rain-
water. Besides the tower I mentioned, which is called the

1. The Melanzana is a herbaceous plant which bears white or blue flowers. The fruit,
which contains a white pulp, is long in shape and violet in colour. It is generally fried.

RAMA—DEATH OF CIPRIANO DE’ PORRI 241

Governor’s Tower, there are other very beautiful bell-
towers. At night the priests or cathibissa, as they call
them, go up and yelp like dogs. When I asked our
interpreter what they said, he told me that after midnight
they called to those who had wives to increase and multiply
on the earth; whether that be true or not I cannot say.
They have indeed many women for wives, so that they
can increase in the world.

The provision market is not bad. The bread is un-
leavened, but otherwise good; there are fine cooked fowls
for three marchetti each, and four cooked eggs cost a
marchetto. I stood to watch all these things, though I
bought nothing for myself. When the captain went to
table I went also; the rest of the pilgrims, however, fared
badly.

On Sunday, the 3rd of August, after Mass, the Moors
began to swarm into the hostel where we were, because of
a great controversy which had sprung up since our arrival
at Rama, between our captain and Abrayno on account of
certain unusual extortions Abrayno wanted to make—and
not a few either. For that reason a sermon which Father
Fra Francesco wished to preach was prohibited, and thus
we were delayed in port longer than usual.

At Vespers one called Cipriano de’ Porri passed from
this life. He said he was a Milanese, and paymaster for
Count Filippo Rosso, captain of some men-at-arms of
the Signoria of Venice. He was buried in a certain place
outside Rama, said to have been bought for that purpose
by the pilgrims. The funeral service was held in the
hostel, and then after a certain sum had been paid to those
Christians of the Girdle, he was carried outside in the
evening on a piece of matting as secretly as possible.

In consequence of the disputes between the captain and
the Moors the pilgrims suffered great hardships, sleeping

Q

242 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

on the ground, and many fell ill. As well as I could I
kept myself on that plank mentioned above.

On Monday, the 4th of August, after a great altercation
with that Abrayno often mentioned—who provoked new
ones every hour to extort money—which was calmed by
the intervention of the Prior of Mount Sion, and after
the pilgrims had been counted like sheep, at the hour of
Vespers, we all—both those who were well and those who
were sick—left Rama in immense heat. And those dogs
compelled us to go a good way on foot in great disparage-
ment of the Christian faith, because we had to pass by
a place where they buried their dead. When we had
passed that place, with loud shouts and contemptuous acts
they made us mount the animals prepared for us by the
said Abrayno according to the agreement made at Jaffa.
As the sun continually beat down upon us, and as we
rode through a plain where there was not a plant as long
as a finger, we were consumed with the heat; nevertheless
this malady was doctored, though badly, by laying hands
on the second sack I mentioned above.

At sunset, when it was rather dark, the Mamelukes, who
preceded us as an escort to defend us from the attacks of
the Arabs, rode back towards the pilgrims in great haste,
saying that they had been assailed by Arabs. They stopped
the pilgrims, and it appeared as if they were doing great
things for our protection; and that commotion was
arranged with ten ducats.

As night fell we began to leave the plain and to ascend,
following the Moors who had large lanterns on the tops of
long poles, so that we could see for more than half a mile.
As we rode thus some trees could be seen, but we could not
distinguish what they were. The way was very stony, so
that the beaten track could not be recognised. One person
went behind the other, and perhaps the animals we were
riding knew the way.

CASOLA FALLS OFF HIS MULE 243

An adventure befel me. The Moor to whom my mule
belonged had heaped so many sacks on its back, both for
feeding the mule and also of the merchandise he was
taking to Jerusalem to sell, that I was very uncomfortable,
and could hardly move. As the mule had no bridle, but
only a cord round his neck, I could not control him; he
went where he pleased. Besides this, in the evening the
owner put a boy up behind me on the croup, who, he said,
was his son. Thus riding, the boy fell asleep and tumbled
off the mule, dragging me, the sacks and the pack-saddle
to the ground, or rather on to a stone, and I hurt my arm
and foot so badly that when I got back to Milan my
wounds were not yet healed.

As best I could I put my wallet and the stirrups on my
back and went lamenting and limping behind the caravan
in order not to lose myself, leaving the mule and all he
had without any other guard. It was a piece of good luck
for me that we were near the place where the Moors
wanted the pilgrims to stop and rest in a large olive grove.
With some difficulty I sought out the captain, who had
kindly sent to look for me. When he heard my woes he
could do nothing for me but console me by saying that I
should not lack a mount. While we were waiting thus on
the stones my arm swelled so that it was necessary to
unsew the whole of the sleeve of my doublet. As well as
I could I made use of the first sack—that is, of patience.

On Tuesday, the 5th of August, at sunrise, the order
was given to get on horseback, and in a moment all were
mounted on their animals. By order of the captain I
had already taken a horse, when suddenly the Moor
appeared who owned the mule I had left behind and had
a great dispute with the owner of the horse. Finally I
was obliged to get off the horse and mount again on the
mule, but I gave the owner to understand through the

244 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

interpreter that I would not have a single thing on the
mule.

Thus we set out towards Jerusalem by a very stony,
mountainous and disagreeable road. By the way a few
ancient but ruined houses were to be seen—habitations for
goats. The country seemed to me very bare and wild;
there was no fruit to be seen, nor did we come across any
beautiful fountains. These are not like the countries of
Italy.

God willing, at an early hour we reached the Holy City
of Jerusalem, almost dead of heat and thirst, and those
dogs made us dismount outside the city near a castle
called the Castle of the Pisans. It is said that the Pisans
were formerly Lords of Jerusalem, and built the said
castle. I have not found any authentic record of the fact,
nor did I open the third sack on this account.

When we were all gathered together and counted again
we were conducted into the city by certain friars of
Mount Sion who had come to meet us, and quartered in
the Hospital of St. John, as it is called. When we
entered, after asking for a little fresh water, we began to
le down on the ground; then certain persons appointed
by the friars gave each pilgrim a carpet to spread on the
ground. The magnificent captain was in the habit of
lodging with two persons in Mount Sion, which is a good
way outside the city; but this Prior, however, in order
to appear wiser than his predecessors, had taken him a
house within the city! near to the Sepulchre. He went
there to rest, and then in his goodness he sent to fetch
me from the hospital, and made me lodge with him.

The Venerable Don Fra Antonio Regna, a true and
excellent friar, with whom I made good friends because
he was a Milanese, seeing that my arm, foot and almost

1. See Introduction, pp. 96-98.

PILGRIMS REACH JERUSALEM 245

all my body were badly hurt, provided me with two carpets
and a mattress as large as my person, and two leather
cushions. A good room was assigned to me, which I
shared with Don Simone Fornaro of Pavia and Giovanni
Luchino of Montecastello, companions of the Venerable
Father Don Fra Francesco, who, although he lodged with
the friars in Mount Sion, could not obtain permission for
these two companions to join him. In general they took
their meals in Mount Sion, but at night they came to sleep
in the room with me.

I took rest for that day because I had need of it, but
I did not lose courage. Father Fra Francesco at once
fell ill of a fever; however, he lacked nothing in the
world; he had a good doctor and excellent medicine. We
lived like lords in the house and at the table of the captain,
but the poor pilgrims fared badly, and it was all the fault
of that Prior who had little charity for the pilgrims;
not a single person was satisfied with him, beginning with
the captain. All the friars shrugged their shoulders and
excused themselves because they could not treat the
pilgrims as they used to do in the time of the former
Priors. And worse befell us when he gave the order that
we were not to go out of the house without his permission.

246

CHAPTER XII.

The Pilgrims visit the Mount of Olives, the Valley
of Jehoshaphat, and other Holy places.—Casola’s
description of Jerusalem.—The Great Mosque and
the Temple of Solomon.—The Palace Miraculously
Ruined.—Mount Sion and the Friar’s Church and
Monastery.—Castle of the Pisans.—The Inhabi-
tants of Jerusalem.—First Visit to the Holy
Sepulchre.—Death of a French Pilgrim.—Expedi-
tion to Bethlehem.—Second Visit to the Holy
Sepulchre.—Ten Knights Created there for whom
Casola wrote Letters of Testimony.

On Wednesday, the 6th of August, Mass having been said
in the midst of the hospital, all the pilgrims set out early,
guided by certain friars of Mount Sion, who were familiar
with all the places to be visited by the pilgrims.

Leaving Jerusalem and passing that torrent called in
the Holy Scriptures the torrent Cedron, we came to a
monument built in the ancient fashion which was said
to be that of Absalom, the son of David, who was killed by
Joab, David’s captain, when he was hung up by his hair
while he was pursuing his father. On seeing it, I thought
it was more probably the monument of Helena, Queen of
the Adiabene, because so I had read in Josephus’ wars of
the Jews.

Then, going further, we visited all those sacred places on
the Mount of Olives where the mysteries which preceded
the passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ were shown to us:
where he remained to pray, where the three disciples were
when he prayed “ Pater si possible est transeat a me calix

JERUSALEM—THE HOLY PLACES 247

iste,’ 1 and where he was apprehended. Then we mounted
higher to where there was a small church, or part of one,
and over the altar there was a stone still bearing the mark
of the foot of Our Lord Jesus Christ when he ascended into
heaven, and this was touched with the rosaries and other
objects of devotion. In these places—because they are so
despised by those Moorish dogs and are not otherwise
venerated—it is necessary to open the third sack, called
the sack of faith, otherwise the voyage would be made in
vain. I do not mention that any antiphons or prayers
were said there, because those Fathers did not say any;
they only explained in Latin and in the vulgar tongue
what those places were and nothing else. Many itineraries,
however, both Italian and Ultramontane, written in the
vulgar tongue and in Latin, mention that formerly anti-
phons and prayers appropriate to the places visited used
to be said. I can only say that in fact this was not done.
I can well believe that as the friars were in such a hurry
to show us those places, they omitted some of the usual
ceremonies.

Afterwards we descended the Mount of Olives and,
turning to the right hand, we went into the valley of
Jehoshaphat, who was King of Jerusalem. It is a small
valley, nevertheless it is said that it will be the place of
the Last Judgment of Our Lord Jesus Christ. In this
valley there is a beautiful church containing the Sepulchre
in which the body of Our Lady was placed by the eleven
Apostles. The place of the Sepulchre proper is governed
by the Latin friars—that is, by those of Mount Sion.
In the same church there are several other altars served
by Greek priests. The said church, from what I could
hear, is held in great veneration also by the Moorish
women. At the entrance to that church the Moors made

1. ‘“Omy Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me.”—Matthew, xxvi. 39.

248 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

a charge for each person. I do not know how much it
was because the captain paid.

After the prescribed prayers had been offered in the
said church, which descends many steps, we returned to
Jerusalem by the gate called the gate of St. Stephen,
where he was stoned. Above the torrent Cedron, outside
the gate on the left-hand side of the entrance, there is
what looks like a little church. When I asked a Christian
of the Girdle what it was, he said that the Lord of
Damascus had built it in memory of one of his sons who
was buried there, and that he had placed there a reservoir
of water for wayfarers, which is never empty; and this is
the will of the said Lord, even though the water should
have to be brought from Damascus. And all this he has
done for the repose of the soul of his said son.

Within the said gate, a house was pointed out which
they said was the house of Pilate, and another which they
said was Herod’s. We went to a certain place said to be
the pool of Siloam, where the blind man was sent to bathe
his eyes. There is no water now, and the place is full of
ruins.

We went to see the Probatic pool.! This has running
water, and there are even a few vestiges of the five porches
which the Holy Scripture says were there at the time of
Christ. This was a pool which had the virtue that an
angel descended from heaven into the said pool and moved
the water, and the first sick person who entered the pool
after the moving of the water was cured of all his
infirmities. Therefore, under those porches, there used to
lie a great multitude of sick persons in order to be ready
to enter the water quickly; and Christ with a word only
healed one who had been there eighteen years. Now, as
could be seen, the Moors washed there the hides which had

1. The Pool of Bethesda,—John, v. 1-9.

JERUSALEM 249

been in lime. Many of the pilgrims drank the water.
When I saw that filth I left it alone, it was enough for
me to wash my hands there.

As it was on our way, we afterwards saw the Mosque
which they say stands on the site of the temple of Solomon.
It is a beautiful building to look at from the outside, and
strong compared with the greater part of the habitations
in Jerusalem. It is wonderful to see the courts—so well
paved with the whitest marble—which are built around
at the base of the Mosque.

When we had seen what the friars wanted us to see—
opening the first and third sacks where it was necessary
and where I judged it advisable to do so—we arrived at
the hospital all hot and covered with dust, and took a
little repose and also some refreshment, and whoever had a
lodging went there. The Prior of Mount Sion now sent
to tell the pilgrims that every man must be ready to enter
the Holy Sepulchre that evening. But when he wanted
to arrange for the entrance with Abrayno, who was the
person in authority, he demanded first a thousand ducats.
An altercation followed, and in consequence the project
of entering the Sepulchre was given up.

As the captain’s house was frequented by a very
agreeable Moor who had formerly been forced into slavery
at Rhodes, and who knew a little Latin, to while away the
time, I got him for a few marchetti to take me and
certain other pilgrims to see as much as possible of the
city; and I studied it as carefully as I could.

The city of Jerusalem is very ancient. Its first founder
was Canaan,! the grandson of Ham, son of Noah—that .
son as I said who was cursed by his father Noah because
seeing him uncovered he mocked him. When the three
sons of Noah—that is, Shem, Ham and Japhet—divided

1. Canaan was the son of Ham.

250 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the world amongst them after the deluge, that part called
Judea fell to the progeny of Ham, and in Judea Jerusalem
has always been the chief city.

At first it was called Solyma,' and was an insignificant
place, but afterwards from time to time it was enlarged,
as Rome was. Although it lies between various mountains
or rather hills, it seems that there are many flat parts,
nevertheless it is in the mountains. Asis generally known,
Titus Cesar in the second year of the reign of Vespasian
destroyed it so completely that no one who looked on the
ruins could have imagined that it had ever been inhabited.
He did not leave there one stone upon another except in
three towers preserved as a record that the Romans had
subdued such a great city. I saw the foundations of the
said towers; they are very wonderful. They are on the
way down from Mount Sion before crossing the torrent
Cedron.

After a long time Hadrian caused the city to be re-built
and wished it to be called Helias.2, To judge by the ruins
it was not re-built as it had been at first, and he gave it
for a habitation to the Christians. Since that time it has
been attacked very often—now by the Saracens, now by
the Christians. As all the histories relate, Saint Helena,
mother of the Emperor Constantine, caused all the
mysteries of the humanity of Our Lord Jesus Christ to be
adorned, but afterwards many of them were destroyed and
few remain to us because those Moorish dogs will not
permit any restorations to be made.

As I went about the city I did not see beautiful
dwelling-houses. There are a great number, and they are
close together, but they are ugly. All the houses appear
to be vaulted and have vaults above vaults. The roofs are

I. That is ‘‘Salem,” the City of Peace.—Psalms, Ixxvi. 2; Genesis, xiv 18.
2. Alia Capitolina was the Roman name of Jerusalem.

JERUSALEM 251

flat, and there is little woodwork inside. The more a man
wishes to say about this city the less he has to say, except
that such a famous city, called by Christians the Holy
Place, is a great cavagniaza.1 There are some very
honourable dwellings, though not many. Among the
number is the house of the Governor, who, as I said, is
like a Commissioner. There is also the habitation of the
Grand Cathibissa, or as they call him the Old Man of
the Faith,2 to whom honour and reverence is paid as if
he were a saint.

What pleased me most was the sight of the bazaars—
long, vaulted streets extending as far as the eye can reach.
In one of them all the provisions are sold—I mean also the
cooked provisions, as they sell the chestnuts at home.
When I marvelled at this I was told that not a single
person in Jerusalem does the cooking in the house; and
whoever wishes to eat goes to buy in the bazaar. However,
they make bread at home—that is, flat cakes made without
leaven; they are good when there is no other bread to be
got. Leavened bread can only be had in the Monastery
at Mount Sion. Cooked fowls, cooked meat, eggs and all
other eatables are very cheap. I saw another long bazaar
like the other, with both sides full of merchandise, and of
the things the people know how to make, and this was a
beautiful sight.

The city has one beautiful building; that is its Mosque
(Note 81). Neither Christian nor Jew can enter there.
Outside one can see what a beautiful place it is with those
courts round it as I mentioned above. I heard from the
Moors that there are neither paintings nor images inside.
They say that there are a thousand lamps within, which
on certain occasions are all lighted at the same moment.

1. “Cavagniaza”=a market basket made of rushes. Casola’s idea in applying the
term to Jerusalem is not clear to me.
2. The Turkish title *‘ Sheik-el-Islam "=the Old Man of the Faith.

252 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Many people say that this Mosque is the Temple built
by Solomon. But I cannot believe it, because I have not
found any writing which would give me a reason for
believing this, or that it is on the site of the Temple of
Solomon; because the Holy Scripture relates that
Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, caused the Temple of
Solomon to be thrown to the ground. We know also that
Ezra, with the permission of Cyrus, King of the Medes
and Persians, caused it to be re-built from the foundations.
Then in true histories we find that Herod the Great—
the one who was King of Judea at the time of the birth of
Christ—caused it to be rebuilt. And besides all that, the
Temple of Solomon was built on a mountain, and on that
mountain called Mount Moriah, which was pointed out by
God to Abraham when he told him he must sacrifice his son
Isaac. This wasalso the place where thesleeping Jacob saw
in a dream the ladder which reached from earth to heaven,
and the angels ascending and descending, and said: “This
is the house of God and the gate of Heaven”; and it was
also the place where David saw the angel, sword in hand,
striking the people with the plague, and prayed God to
pardon the people and strike him instead. And God
commanded him to build an altar there and offer sacrifices,
and David did at once as God commanded him. He
bought the site from Hornan, who was a Jebusite—that is,
a Gentile; and he commanded Solomon, his son, to build a
temple there after his death, and this was done. Therefore
this Mosque cannot be on the site of the Temple of
Solomon because it is in the valley, and that was on a
mountain. Further, there is authentic record that, after
Titus caused the Temple to be levelled to the ground
because it was the greatest fortress the Jews then possessed,
—it has never been re-built.

It appears to me that there are no vestiges remaining

JERUSALEM—THE MOSQUES 253

of the said Temple, and that this Mosque was built accord-
ing to the will of the Moors after the Christians had lost
Jerusalem, which was in the reign of Saladin, Lord of
Babylon, and they have never been able to recover it since.
However that may be, like the other smaller one which the
Usbech—the present Governor of Jerusalem—caused to be
built ten years ago, it is a stupendous thing; and it appears
to me that the Moors do not lack good master workmen
for their buildings. I heard from certain of the friars at
Mount Sion that he used many of the marbles which were
found at Joppa—that is, Jaffa—buried under the ruins;
and some were also raised out of the water. Our
magnificent captain assured me that this was true, because
a few years ago he was obliged with his boats to help to
raise certain columns which were in the water there at
Jaffa, and which were afterwards dried and taken to
Jerusalem to be used in the building of the new Mosque
about which we have been talking. So that, in my judg-
ment, there is not a vestige left of the said Temple of
Solomon.

At the side of this Mosque there is a beautiful dwelling,
almost the most beautiful in Jerusalem, where lives one
who is called the Old Man of his Faith. He is a handsome
man, and besides the Faith he is worth looking at. He
has the care of these mosques, and especially of this new
one. It is not an article of belief or unbelief—what was
said while our magnificent captain was with the said old
man—that is, that in the said new Mosque there were a
thousand lamps constantly burning. I wanted to find out
for certain, but it was impossible. I saw nothing else
beautiful in the said city.

I saw indeed a thing worth recording; that is, a miracle.
There is a palace ruined on one side. It is built in the
modern style, rooms above rooms; in short, there is not

254 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

its equal in Jerusalem. It belonged to a rich Moor.
When the friars of Mount Sion were building at the side
of their monastery a certain chapel of Our Lady, which
was greatly venerated, the said Moor stirred up all the
people on account of the said building to such an extent
that all the Moors in a state of fury rushed there and
destroyed the said chapel. And immediately the said
palace was ruined, and no one has been able to re-build
it since. I recount this because I saw both places, and
heard the story from the Fathers of Mount Sion.

The Mount of Sion is the highest in Jerusalem, and in
ancient times it was called the rock or city of David. The
said rock was so strong that the children of Israel—that
is, the Jews or Hebrews—even when they had entered the
Promised Land and divided it by lot could never conquer
it until David became King, and even he was King several
years before he could take it. At last he took it and made
it his dwelling. Now the observant friars of St. Francis
live there, and they have a very well kept convent, and
as the friars say, if it were not for the prohibition of the
Moors who will not let them build, they would make it
much more beautiful.

The friars’ church is very beautiful, but it is not very
large. They say that at the time of Our Lord Jesus Christ
this church was the large room in which he ate the last
supper with his disciples before his passion. Where the
high altar stands was the place where, after supper, he
first ordained the Sacrament of his Body and Blood and
gave it to his disciples. At the right of the said altar
there is another altar said to be the place where Our Lord
Jesus Christ washed the feet of his disciples. In these two
places, in spite of my unworthiness, I said Mass and
prayed to God for all my friends.

Outside the said church, on the right-hand side going

THE FRANCISCAN FRIARY 255

in towards the habitation of the friars, there is the place
where the Apostles were gathered together when the Holy
Spirit descended upon them. Under the said church there
is a certain little chapel, where it is said that Saint Thomas
put his hand into the side of Our Lord Jesus Christ, when
he said to him: ‘“ Be not faithless but believing.”

The conyent is in good order considering that there
are so few friars; they say there are always twenty friars
who administer their part of the Sepulchre and also the
place at Bethlehem. As I said above, if it were not for
the prohibition of the Moors, the friars would do great
things. As to building, they can do nothing, and if they
do any repairs in the house they do them very secretly.

At the side of the church there is a chapel of Our Lady
which was destroyed by the fury of the Moors, as I
mentioned before, and immediately the house of him who
caused the evil fell down.

The said friars have certain gardens round the monastery,
but when we were there everything was dried up. When
I went into the said gardens I saw many ruins all round,
which showed that the city of Sion had been an important
place in the time of the Kings. Near the said monastery
there is what looks like a grand palace, and within the
gate there is a little church belonging to certain Christians
of the Girdle. They say that Saint James, who was said
to be the brother of our Lord, was beheaded in that place
by order of Herod, the son of that Herod who killed the
Innocents.

A little further on, going towards the gate of Jerusalem
—hbecause the Mount called Sion is a good way outside
Jerusalem—there is the castle of the Pisans. Seen from
outside it appears to be strong. In my opinion no care is
taken of it. I never saw a guard there, although I often
passed that way, going from the lodging of the captain

256 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

where I also lodged, to the monastery of the friars at
Mount Sion.

The said city, as I said above, has not strong walls nor
any moat. I have not said anything yet about the place
of the Holy Sepulchre because up to this day I had not
seen it.

Among the inhabitants of Jerusalem there are many of
good condition and handsome men. They all go about
dressed in the same way, with those clothes that look like
quilts.1_ Many are white, others are made of camlet, and
of other silks of the Moorish kind. According to their
means they display great care and magnificence in the
white cloths they wear on their heads. This cloth is called
a sexula if it is all white, and moro naturale if there
are some black stripes woven in the said serula.

Whether they are renegade Christians or true Christians
of the Girdle, they all live in the same way, and eat on the
ground on carpets; they have a few white cloths, but they
are rare. They do not drink wine—I mean in public—but
if they get the chance they take a good long drink of it.
They like cheese very much. They would not eat a fowl
which had had its neck drawn, as is the custom with us.
They always cut the fowls’ throats; otherwise they are
clean in their cooking. For sleeping they have no place
but the ground. They he upon carpets, of which they
have a great many. In their manner of eating they are
very dirty; even persons of importance thrust their hands
into the dishes. They do not use knives or forks or spoons,
but they thrust their hands into everything.

With regard to their prayers, I observed—from a
window which overlooked certain Moors who slept in the
open air because of the extreme heat—that in the morning

1. Casola writes : ‘‘ Vano tuti vestiti a uno modo, con quilli panni pareno preponte :
assaj ghe ne sono de bianche, ghe ne sono de zembeloti, e de altre siede a la morescha.’

JERUSALEM—THE INHABITANTS 257

when they rose they went through so many genuflexions—
throwing themselves all their length stretched out on the
ground—that it was a marvel to see them. When I
inquired further I learned that when they go to pray in
the Mosque they go barefooted, and first they wash them-
selves in certain places set apart for that purpose, but
only from the waist downwards, and then they uncover
their heads, which they never uncover even in the presence
of the greatest lord in the world. It is great madness to
talk to them about our faith, because they have no rational
sentiment in them. They are very impetuous and easily
excited to anger, and they have no gracious or courteous
impulses or actions. And I declare that they may be as
great and as learned as you like, but in their ways they
are like dogs.

In Jerusalem I was never able to see a beautiful woman;
it is true that they go about with their faces covered by a
black veil. They wear on their heads a thing which
resembles a box, a braccio long, and from that, on both
sides, a long cloth, ike the white towels in Italy, hangs
down.

I know nothing more about these Moorish people, except
that they are very disagreeable to us Italians and to other
kinds of Christians in asking for money, which is an
extreme annoyance. On this account I was obliged to use
a great deal of two of the three sacks.

On Thursday, the 7th of August, all the pilgrims went
to Mount Sion, and there many confessed and also
communicated in that most holy place where this most
Holy Sacrament was instituted; and many said Mass there.
We had amongst us sixty-three priests of different Orders.
I said Mass and communicated one of our Milanese—
Bernardino Scotto by name—and two Ragusans. Then
the friars chanted very solemnly a Mass of the Holy Spirit,

R

258 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

and a beautiful sermon was preached in Latin by one of
the friars of Mount Sion, in which he expounded all the
mysteries contained in the said church of Mount Sion.
When Mass was ended a procession was formed to the
places of the said mysteries; and when the said procession
was finished the said friars of Mount Sion refreshed all
the pilgrims with a good dinner.

After dinner all the pilgrims were advised to go and
take a rest in order to be ready that evening either to
enter the Holy Sepulchre or to go to Bethlehem. At a
very late hour the order was given to enter the Sepulchre.
And this was because of a new extortion which was
invented out of the ordinary way. Thus in the evening,
at the twenty-third hour, all the pilgrims congregated
before the door of the church of the Holy Sepulchre in
a little court very beautifully paved with slabs of marble.
In the middle of the court there is a stone which is
honoured because it is said that Christ rested there on
the way to the place of his passion.

The deputies who had been appointed to count the
pilgrims were now ready. They were ten Moors—men of
imposing appearance and not priests—who wore dresses
as white as snow and had those large sexule on their
heads. It made me feel very hot only to look at them.
These men were seated on a certain small platform raised
about two braccia from the ground and arranged with
mats over the boards, because the said platform was made
of wood; and there they were all seated on their legs, like
the tailors sit at home. They made, however, a fine
picture.

We waited until sunset expecting the Moor who keeps
the keys and who could not be found. You must know
that although the Sepulchre is governed by the friars of
Mount Sion and by other sects of Christians, as you will

FIRST ViISiIl-TO HOLY SEPULCHRE 259

hear, nevertheless they cannot go in or out at pleasure,
but must do so at the pleasure of that dog who always
keeps the keys. He is the Moor who auctions the tolls
on the pilgrims and on those who wish to visit the
Sepulchre even at other times. It is indeed true that in
the door of the church there are certain cracks through
which victuals and other things can be passed to those
within.

The pilgrims were finally dismissed, as it was said that
for that evening they could not enter, and the company
therefore began to depart. The captain had already gone
some distance when he encountered the man who had the
keys. After much altercation and many words which I
did not understand because they were in Moorish—
although the Prior of Mount Sion understood them—we
returned to the church of the Sepulchre and the door
was opened to the praise of God. The deputies mentioned
above began to count the pilgrims like sheep in Moorish,
and the interpreter in Italian; and by the grace of God we
entered that Holy Church (Note 82).

Because it was already night every pilgrim immediately
lighted his candle, and the friars of Mount Sion who had
come for that purpose began to form the procession,
beginning at a Chapel of Our Lady where the offices are
said continually by the friars who are shut up there all
the year. In that place Christ appeared to his blessed
Mother after the Resurrection. When an anthem had
been chanted there and the appointed prayer said, one of
the friars declared in Latin all the mysteries and relics
contained in the said chapel; in which, besides the
apparition I mentioned, alarge piece of the Cross of Christ
is honoured. It is placed in a window in the said chapel
on the gospel side of the altar, and can be seen but not
touched. On the other side of the said altar a large piece

260 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

of the column at which Our Lord Jesus Christ was
scourged is honoured. It is a wonderful relic, because the
marks of the blows can be seen sculptured upon it; but
they cannot be touched too much or they would disappear.
This column may be touched with one hand, and also with
a few rosaries. In all the places there are large indul-
gences.

On leaving the said chapel the procession entered the
body of the church and visited all the other places usually
visited, and first the place where Christ appeared to Mary
Magdalen in the form of a gardener. All the time the
appointed anthems were being sung, and the Litanies
chanted by the way. We then visited the place where
Christ remained in prison whilst the hole was being made
in which the Cross was erected. Then we visited the place
where the garments of Christ were divided, and where the
lots were cast for them. Then we went into the Chapel
of Saint Helena, which goes down several steps, and after
descending several other steps we saw the place where
the Cross of Christ was found, which is below the place
of the Calvary. Then returning above, we visited a chapel
where there is the column to which Christ was bound
when the crown of thorns was placed on his head. Then
we mounted to the place of the Calvary, by a wooden
staircase, with the greatest reverence.

There a beautiful sermon was preached on the passion
of Christ by one of the friars of Mount Sion, in such a
way that I believe that if those Moorish dogs had been
present, together with all the pilgrims, they would have
wept. We stayed there for over an hour, and when the
sermon was finished and the usual prayer had been chanted
we descended to the Holy Sepulchre and entered one by
one.

When the offices commenced by the said friars were

Fikot, Vist TO°HOLY SEPULCHRE 261

finished, the company set about refreshing themselves as
well as they could—that is, those of the pilgrims who had
laid in a store of provisions. I went with the magnificent
captain to a small place belonging to the friars of Mount
Sion, and had supper, although it was late, because he
had made good provision. The other pilgrims stayed in
the church on the floor, some in one place, some in another.
When the refection was over some lay down on the ground
to sleep, others did not.

As soon as I saw that the crowd of Ultramontanes had
diminished, I went again with my lighted candle to make
all the visitations, and I touched the places and relics with
my rosaries without any impediment. Then after the
scrutiny had been made, and the number of the pilgrims
taken by the friars—I mean of those who wanted to say
Mass—they made out the clear lists, and we were divided
between three places—that is, the Sepulchre, the place
of the Calvary and the Chapel of Our Lady. Mass could
also be said in the place where the body of Christ was laid
when he was taken down from the Cross, while he was
being anointed with the mixture brought by Nicodemus
and by Joseph of Rama,! before he was laid in the
Sepulchre. In that place anyone who wished could say
Mass without any other order. According to this first
arrangement I said Mass above the Sepulchre.

On Friday, the 8th of August, at the third hour of the
day, we were let out of the church of the Sepulchre, and
each of the pilgrims went to his lodging to rest as well as
he could.

On Saturday, the 9th of August, early in the morning,
all the pilgrims were gathered together in Mount Sion,
and we were led by two friars of the monastery on a

1. According to some authorities Rama is the ancient Arimathea, the country of
Joseph, who buried the body of Jesus.

bo

62 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

pilgrimage—that is, to seek certain places usually visited
by pilgrims, and which we had not yet visited. Mean-
while the Venerable Father Don Fra Francesco was ill
with the fever and suffering pain; he was doubtful, but
full of courage.

After the said visitation we all returned to Mount Sion,
and that day a Frenchman, also a pilgrim, who had been
ill from the time we went on board the galley, was buried.

Immediately after Mass had been heard, every man went
to prepare to go to Bethlehem according to the order given
by the friars, and thus at the nineteenth hour we set out
in extreme heat, riding the usual animals; and we went
along a very gay and beautiful road with beautiful gardens
on both sides. In my opinion, the road from Jerusalem
to Bethlehem is the most beautiful we saw in those parts,
there are so many beautiful things there—grapes, figs
and olives. By the way, we came to three springs. The
Prior said that those springs began to flow when the star
appeared to the wise men as they went from Jerusalem to
Bethlehem to seek Our Lord Jesus Christ to adore him.
Further on, near to Bethlehem, I saw the sepulchre of
Rachel, the wife of the Patriarch Jacob, who died in
childbed. It is beautiful and much honoured by the
Moors.

At the twenty-third hour we reached Bethlehem. It
was the vigil of Saint Lawrence, and we went to the
convent of the friars, which is a very comfortable place.
Immediately the procession was set in order by the friars
and we went into the grotto where Christ was born, and
there a sermon was preached. Then we sought out the
other places usually visited.

After the devotions were performed, the pilgrims were
lodged as well as possible. As I have said several times,
thanks to the captain, I fared extremely well compared
with the others.

BETHLEHEM 263

At midnight the pilgrims began to say Masses in the
place where Christ was born, and where he was laid in
the manger. The places are near together. In the same
grotto, down several steps, there was the place where
Saint Jerome made his dwelling for many years. Mass
was also said there. I said my Mass where Christ was laid
in the manger.

On Sunday, the 10th of August, the Prior, having made
instance, whoever wished to visit those holy places again
could do so—that is, where Saint Jerome translated the
Bible from Hebrew into Latin, where his body was laid,
and where the Innocents were killed by order of King
Herod, who sought thus to slay Christ, when he was
deceived by the three wise men.

The church at Bethlehem (Note 83) seems to me the
most beautiful between Venice and Bethlehem. It is not
only fine but extremely beautiful. Besides the body of
the church in the centre, it has two shoulders, or as we
say, two naves, each supported by eleven columns, so
thick that one man alone cannot put his arms round them.
They are very tall and all of one piece. The church is all
adorned with most beautiful mosaics that look quite new.
I was never tired of looking at the many beautiful pillars.
I counted up to forty-four of them.

The said church is inhabited by a sect called Armenian
Christians, although it is administered by the friars of
Mount Sion. The Armenians, both big and little, male
and female, live there on the ground, like pigs. They did
nothing but cry out all night without intermission. At
the entrance to the church it is necessary to pay money
to the Moors.

From the ruins which are to be seen, the city of
Bethlehem must have been a beautiful place. The country
is fine and fruitful. There are few inhabitants now. A

264 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

few families live there in certain ruins arranged for
keeping cattle, which they keep even up to the door of the
said church, to our great shame.

When day broke and the pilgrims had finished saying
their Masses, the order was given that every man must
mount the animal assigned to him, and we went to the
hills of Judea. There we visited a ruined church said to
be the place where Saint Elizabeth greeted Our Lady, and
where she made that canticle: ‘‘ Magnificat Anima mea
Dominum”’;! and then another church. Although this
last was not in ruins and was a fine body of a church, yet
those Moorish dogs keep their animals inside, and make
all kinds of filth.

We visited the place where Saint John the Baptist was
born, and the place where Saint Zachariah, his father,
made the canticle: ‘“ Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel quia
visitavit, etc.”? Then we departed from there and
returning to Jerusalem by another way, we visited the
Church of the Holy Cross, which is in very good order
and served by certain Greek monks. They say that the
wood was cut down there of which the Cross of Our Lord
Jesus Christ was made.

After this visitation we returned to Jerusalem to rest
a little, because in truth the heat exhausted us greatly.
The Venerable Don Fra Francesco Trivulzio, who, as I
said, was more ill than well, and who yet wanted to visit
every place, remained behind in Bethlehem, saying that
he did not want to ride in so much dust, and that he
wanted to make that visitation with certain friars of
Mount Sion.

The rest of us went again that evening into the church
of the Holy Sepulchre, but without the captain, because

1. My Soul doth magnify the Lord, &e.
2. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel for he hath visited, &e.

SECOND VISIT TO HOLY SEPULCHRE 265

between age—for he is old—the great heat and the great
trouble given him by those Moorish dogs, he was very
sick. We made the visitations as we did the first time
we entered, but without either procession or friars, and
each one performed his devotions as his feeling dictated.
A new list was made, arranging how Masses were to be
said by the pilgrims, in order that there should be no
confusion. I said Mass in the place of the Calvary
because this was the order.

That night ten knights were created in the Sepulchre
(Note 84), and they belonged to every nation of Italy.
One was Don Giovanni Simone Fornaro of Pavia, who, as
I said, had come with Fra Francesco from Ferrara;
another was Don Giovanni de Burgho of Antwerp, in
Burgundy; others were Germans and also Spaniards. As
there was a dearth of scribes, I wrote several letters
testifying that they had been created knights at the
Sepulchre, according to the form given me by the
Superior, and he sealed the letters.

266

CHAPTER Aiit:

Visit to the River Jordan.—Jericho.—Fountain of
Elisha.—Illness of Fra. Francesco Trivulzio.—
Mountain of the Quarantina.—Return to Jeru-
salem.—Some Pilgrims Arrested. — Accusations
brought against them.—Casola remains at Mount
Sion, and Visits the Sepulchre of Our Lady.—
Mass celebrated there by Georgian Christians.—
Difficulties arranged and the Pilgrims released.—
Third Visit to the Holy Sepulchre.—Tombs of
Godfrey and Baldwin.—Description of the Church
of the Holy Sepulchre.—Casola Visits Bethany.—
History of the Sultan and the Usbech.

On Monday, the llth of August, at the usual hour, we
were let out of the church of the Sepulchre, and all the
pilgrims were told that those who wanted to go to the
River Jordan must be ready at the nineteenth hour. For
my part, I was not anxious to go, because of the extreme
heat, and also because it appeared to me that the expedi-
tion was prompted rather by curiosity to see the country
than by any sentiment of devotion. Nevertheless
the aforesaid Don Fra Francesco, ill as he was, said he
wanted to go at all costs, and I who was well and strong
felt ashamed of myself and mounted the accustomed mule.
At the twenty-first hour all those who wished to go were
gathered together in Mount Sion ready mounted, and
there we remained in the blazing sun until the twenty-
third hour waiting for the escort, which the Governor of
Jerusalem was to send to protect us against the Arabs.
At last a Mameluke arrived with certain barefooted

JERICHO 267

soldiers; it is true that they had a bow apiece. And with
this escort we set out, though many even at the last
moment remained behind because of the intensity of the
heat.

We rode fast because night was overtaking us, and we
passed by Bethany without being able to see it. In
response to the entreaties of one of the Venetian gentlemen
deputies, whom I mentioned in the beginning, called Don
Giovanni Bernardo Valessi,! who came with us instead of
the captain, who had remained in the house with the
fever, we stopped for a short time, as the pilgrims were
already very tired, at a fountain called the fountain of the
Apostles, and there we refreshed ourselves a little. Why
the said fountain was called the fountain of the Apostles
I could not find out. At the command of the Mameluke
every man mounted immediately, and riding through the
night, it appeared to me that all the way we went was
very wild and stony.

At last we came to Jericho, that famous city which God
miraculously destroyed in order to give it to the children
of Israel. It was the first city taken by them in the
Promised Land. As many of the pilgrims were much
afflicted in consequence of the night riding—amongst
whom was the Venerable Father Fra Francesco, who was
completely exhausted—those Moorish dogs were persuaded
to let us stop there. And having stopped and dismounted
we located the aforesaid Father as well as we could beside
a tower there (there was no other dwelling), on the bare
ground; there was nothing else to be got save some chaff—
that is, the part left when the wheat is purged. The
aforesaid Father had already begun to repose when all at
once those Moorish dogs began to bark that every man
must mount, and it was necessary to obey, although with

1. Don Giovanni Bernardo Vallaresso,

268 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

great suffering on the part of the Father. We rode so
fast that we came by many thorny and arid ways to the
River Jordan, and there the order was given that whoever
wanted to enter the river must do so quickly. The sun
had not yet risen.

Before sunrise on Tuesday, the 12th of August, we
reached the River Jordan. I and many others who could
swim entered the water naked; many, however, only
washed their feet and hands there. Within the space of
an hour the order was given to mount at once, and this
was done.

The River Jordan in that part is not wider than our
Naviglio,! which comes to Porta Ticinese. It is deep and
the mud is high and sticky, almost lke bath mud;? and
the water is muddy, like that of the Po. When it is
purified it is beautiful to look at. Many drank it from
devotion, and I let them drink.

We returned by the same way by which we had come.
It was very clear, and we could see well and examine the
country, which is flat as far as Jericho. There is not a
fruit tree to be seen, nor any other plant save abominable
thorns, both large and small. I made acquaintance with
them, for the mule I was riding carried me off the road
among those thorns, and they tore my mantle and doublet.
I showed the torn garments when I got home; my flesh
was already healed when I arrived.

As we passed by I looked well at that city of Jericho.
There was nothing left but ruins and the tower I men-
tioned above, and a hut or two propped up against the
ruins. Neither bread nor wine is to be found there for
money or as a gift. The men and women of that
country are not black, but they are burnt and dried

The Naviglio is the great canal which goes through Milan and connects the city

il,
with the Ticino, Lago Maggiore, and the Po. :
2. Casola was probably thinking of the mud-baths at Abano and elsewhere in Italy.

ELISHA’S WELL 269

up by the sun. This is all that can be said about
Jericho. True, we read in the Holy Scriptures that
when God had caused Jericho to be destroyed he laid a
curse on anyone who should ever re-build it again.

When we had passed by Jericho we were led to a
spring of water called the spring of Elisha. It is a large
spring, and the water gushed out through two large
stones. It is cool and good to drink, and if it were in
our country there would be good mills built there and
many meadows around, but in that country it is not
used. That fount is called the fount of Elisha be-
cause when the Prophet Elisha lived in those parts the
water was bitter, and especially the water of that spring.
As he was prayed to do so by those who visited him—that
is by the sons of the other prophets—he blessed all the
waters, especially the water of that spring, and threw salt
therein, and those waters became good to drink, as they are
at present ; therefore this fount is called the fount of Elisha.

When we got there both Moors and Christians wanted
to rest and eat. We lodged the Father and his company
under a certain plant that was covered with brambles and
formed by itself a sort of pavilion. We laid him there as
comfortably as possible. He was suffering greatly, and I
doubted very much whether we should be able to take him
back to Jerusalem, because he did not want to eat, but
only to drink. With gentle words and also a little
scolding we got him to take some refreshment, and then
we covered him in order that he might sleep.

After a good meal I left the company, and seeing some
other pilgrims about to ascend a mountain near there,
which is called the Mount of the Quarantina, and hearing
that they were going to the place where Christ fasted
forty days and forty nights, I also went there. Whoever
wanted to go up had to pay certain marchetti to the Moors.

270 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

When I saw those places they were very arid and desert.
I saw many cells among the stones; it was said they were
places where in ancient times many hermits dwelt to do
penance. One thing may be recorded, namely, that the
day we were there it was so hot that the stones burnt my
feet, although the boots I had on my feet had double
soles. When I had visited the said QuarantinaI returned
to the company; then I refreshed myself in the said fount
while waiting for those Moorish dogs to cry, “Get up.”

Thus, after midday, in the hour when the sun was
hottest, we set out towards Jerusalem, where we arrived
suffering greatly from heat and thirst at the third hour of
the night, and dismounted in Mount Sion. We had
difficulty in entering Jerusalem because the guards at the
gates wanted money. Having calculated and collected
the tax amongst us and paid, we were allowed to go in.

Whoever had seen many pilgrims by the way and
because of the extreme heat, drink water in which at home
they would have disdained to wash their feet, would have
been moved to great compassion. Some among them fell
ill, and even died in consequence.

On Wednesday, the 13th of August, the Prior of Mount
Sion gave the order to enter the Sepulchre for the third
time. The pilgrims were already in order for entering,
when the Governor of Jerusalem sent to the hospital where
the majority of the pilgrims, as I said, were lodged, and
caused six of them to be seized and chained and cast into
prison. Then he sent to the house where our magnificent
captain lodged to seize him and conduct him chained to
the prison, together with all the pilgrims found with him
in the house, but because he was ill it was impossible for
him to go. They chained all the pilgrims who were with
him, however, and took them to the prison where the others
were. At that hour I was at Mount Sion, where I had

PILGRIMS IMPRISONED AS SPIES 271

gone for certain affairs of mine. If I had been in the
house I should have been led in chains like the others.
Owing to this unexpected occurrence the project of entering
the Sepulchre was given up for this day.

Meanwhile the Prior of Mount Sion and Don Frate
Antonio Regna, a true Milanese, succeeded in inducing
the aforesaid Governor of Jerusalem to release all the
prisoners from the prison, which was in truth a wretched
place, and send them all to the house of the captain, where
they were guarded by certain Moors. The reason why
those dogs had treated the Christians in this unexpected
way was the following :—

A Jew who lives in Jerusalem—a doctor, brought up in
Italy, who had made great acquaintance with me, and
with whom I had talked much because he speaks our
tongue as if he were a Milanese—had accused the
Christians to the said Governor, saying that certain of
the pilgrims had refrained from going to the River Jordan
in order to spy out and explore Jerusalem, and that he had
heard certain of the pilgrims say that within two years
the Christians would be masters of Jerusalem. Upon this
accusation he caused those poor men to be chained.

I remained in Mount Sion—though I was very un-
comfortable, especially for the sleeping—because the said
Don Frate Antonio Regna advised me to do so in order
to escape from the fury of those dogs, who appeared to be
dogs indeed.

On Thursday, the 14th of August, the vigil of the
Assumption of Our Lady—as the said Lord of Jerusalem
persisted in the wickedness of trying to rob more money
than usual from the pilgrims for the reason above
mentioned—we all remained dismayed and alarmed, and
we had not courage to go and seek any indulgence in all
the world. We were all prisoners, some here, some there ;

272 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

some at the hospital, some in Mount Sion and some at the
house of the captain, which was guarded by Moors; so
that we began to weary of this pilgrimage, although it
procured us great merit in the sight of God—for all the
time we drew on that sack of patience.

On Friday, the 15th of August, the festival of the
Assumption of Our Lady, as I had remained at Mount
Sion and slept with some pilgrim friars, I got up before
daybreak, together with certain friars of the place—that
is, of the Friary of Mount Sion—appointed to say the
offices, and went into the valley of Jehoshaphat to visit
the Sepulchre of Our Lady. It is situated, as I said above,
in a very well-kept church which goes down many steps
below the level of the ground. I paid certain marchetti
before entering, and then visited the aforesaid sepulchre
and heard the Mass which was said over the sepulchre.

Afterwards I stayed there a good while to hear another
Mass chanted by acertain sect of religious called Georgians.
They chanted it at an altar apart from the altar of the
sepulchre. After watching their gestures and hearing the
cries they made, I got tired of staying there, perhaps
because I did not understand them as they were Greeks;
and as certain friars of Mount Sion were returning to the
house I joined them, for it was not yet quite light.

When we got back, having said my offices, I said Mass
in the place where Our Saviour instituted the Sacrament
of his body and blood.

All this time the Prior, together with Frate Antonio
Regna—who appeared to me to have much more experi-
ence in dealing with the Moors than the Prior, but who
did not speak their language; he had been nine years there
without being able to learn it—and the magnificent
captain, used every effort to put an end to this exile, for so
it might be called. The pilgrims were all inclined to go

EFFORTS TO RELEASE THE PILGRIMS 273

or send word to the Sultan rather than pay a single
marchetto; so for that day also nothing could be done.

As it came into my mind that the captain had appointed
me his scribe, I went into the city and returned to his
lodging, and there I found the pilgrims guarded by the
Moors like prisoners and the magnificent captain sick of a
fever. He made me write several letters to Beyrout, in
Damascus, and also to Cairo (where the Sultan lives),
addressed to certain Venetians who live there, telling them
of the ill-treatment and grievous injury he was victim of
on the part of the Moors, and asking them to report those
things to the Sultan, and to the Usbech Governor of
Jerusalem; and then he sent a messenger who promised
to go and return very quickly. After that, as my lodging
was occupied by the prisoners, I wanted to return to
Mount Sion, but I was obliged to remain—I also—as if I
were in prison. Finally, by means of another Moor who
frequented the house of the captain, I paid a tribute of
certain marchetti to the guard and thus obtained permission
to return to Mount Sion, for my lodging was occupied by
those other pilgrims guarded as if they were in prison.
And that Moor guided me by certain roads where I was
somewhat afraid.

Very early on Saturday, the 16th of August, the Prior
and the captain, ill as he was, went to the Great Cathibissa,
who is, as I said, the oldest [priest] of their faith. A
word from him has more weight than that of any other
Moor. They told him about the malice and iniquity of
that Jew, and begged him to use his influence with the
Governor of Jerusalem, so that he might let the pilgrims
go on their voyage; and they assured him that those who
had refrained from going to the River Jordan had
remained behind because they were afraid of falling ill,
and not to spy out the city. They used their best efforts

Ss

274 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

with the said Governor, doing their duty before the Old
Man of his Faith; but that dog ofa Governor, who wanted
to make extortions at all costs, would not give them any
other reply for that time. All the pilgrims in consequence
remained in great confusion and depression of mind, the
more so because the said Governor had sent an order
forbidding the captain to leave his lodging. Finally, at a
late hour it was necessary to call in the help of the
Venerable Don Fra Antonio Regna, our Milanese, who has
greater courage in dealing with those mastiffs than any
other person who was there. When he has to deal with
those Moors he seems indeed another Judas Maccabeus in
word and sometimes also in act; and this I say from
what I saw.

They remained—that is, he and the Prior—to contend
with that Old Man of his Faith and that Governor about
the accusations made against the pilgrims. At last that
business also was settled for money, the sum being reduced
from a thousand ducats to twenty-five. Thus at the third
hour of the night they arrived in Mount Sion and gave
the good news to the pilgrims that everything was well
arranged.

On Sunday, the 17th of August, the pilgrims gathered
together in the morning at Mount Sion and comforted
each other again on account of the good news brought by
the Venerable Fathers aforesaid. We had been afraid of
being kept there until we were dead or at least half dead,
because it had been decided to appeal to the Sultan rather
than pay a quattrino.!

When the magnificent captain arrived he gave notice to
the company that they were to enter the Holy Sepulchre
for the third time according to custom, and so we went

1. The quattrino was a copper coin worth four bagattini; that is to say, it was the
third part of a soldo.

THIRD VISIT TO HOLY SEPULCHRE 275

there in the evening, and he also insisted on going,
although he felt ill, The father preacher, too, was very
sick. He had never been well since he returned from the
River Jordan, and everyone advised him to remain in
Jerusalem and doctor and nurse himself, and then come
back with the trading galleys at Christmas.

Before daybreak on Monday, the 18th of August, at
the accustomed hour, I said Mass at the altar of Our Lady,
where Christ appeared to her after the Resurrection. Then
when I had visited and re-visited the sacred places, and it
had become quite light, as the Masses which were being
said by the pilgrim priests were not yet finished, I set
myself to examine carefully that sacred Temple (Vote 85)
which contains so many beautiful mysteries of our
redemption.

The Temple is large. It has two doors, which seem
to me to be in the middle of the body of the said Temple
towards the west. One of the two doors is walled up, and
only one is open; nor is there any other entrance. On the
left hand of the said door outside there is a beautiful bell-
tower, but at present there are no bells.

Immediately on entering the church there is the place
where the body of Christ was anointed when it was taken
down from the Cross. At the side there is the ascent to
the place of the Calvary, which is governed by a sect of
Christians called Georgians. Underneath there is a dark
chapel, said to be the centre of the world! In this same
place there are two very humble monuments (Note 86).
One is said to be that of Godfrey, who was the first King
after the Christians had rescued Jerusalem from the hands
of the Saracens. On the other there are certain Latin

1, It was a general belief in the middle ages that Jerusalem was the centre of the

earth. The belief was based on a literal interpretation of the words in Ezekiel, v. 5,

“‘This is Jerusalem : I have set it in the midst of the nations and countries that are round
about her.”

276 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

letters in the ancient style, beautiful still and legible,
which set forth that there lies one Baldwin, who descended
from the said Godfrey, and was Kingalso. The inscription
reads thus:—‘Balduinus qui fuit alter Machabeus.”’ !
At the side there is the chapel, which goes down by many
steps under Mount Calvary, and is administered by another
sect of Christians called Armenians. Then there is
another chapel, where Our Lord Jesus Christ was bound,
when the crown of thorns was placed on his head; it is in
the hands of another sect of Christians called Abyssinians.
There are other places also around the body of the said
Temple which are governed by various sects of Christians
called, some Syrians, some Maronites, some Golbites, and
all have different services (Vote 87).

The cupola above the Holy Sepulchre of Our Lord Jesus
Christ is very remarkable, and was built with great
magnificence. It is indeed a miracle that those Moorish
dogs have left it standing, but if God does not provide,
I think it will tumble down. A piece has already fallen
from the vault near the Latin friars, and those dogs will
not allow it to be repaired, notwithstanding that the true
Governor of Jerusalem—that is to say, the Usbech—
obtained from the Sultan permission for them to make
repairs; so those friars told me who went for it.

At the first glance the said cupola, seen from below,
resembles that of Santa Maria Rotonda at Rome, because
it also is somewhat low and decorated, and has a large hole
in the centre which gives all the light, not only to the said
cupola, but to all the rest of the Temple. After a more
careful examination, however, the said cupola is seen to be
built on the same plan as that of San Lorenzo the Greater
at Milan, for below one can walk all round by means of a
gallery, and the same above.

1. Baldwin, who was a second Maccabeus.

DESCRIPTION OF HOLY SEPULCHRE 277

Below, towards the west, there are two square pillars,
which show signs of having been formerly encrusted with
slabs of marble. Beside the said pillars, on the right as
well as the left, there are three columns on each side as
thick as two tall men could embrace. Behind these
columns on both sides, in the same order and of the same
size, there are two other square pilasters, which were
formerly encrusted with slabs of marble. Then, in the
order aforesaid, on each side, follow two columns of the
same thickness as the aforesaid. Then, behind these, on
each side, there are three columns a braccio thick, and
almost all three together; and over these six columns there
springs a large arch: and the cupola remains round in
this order. The gallery above is as large as that below,
but its columns are a braccio thick, and arranged in this
order—a column and a square encrusted pilaster alternately
all round the circle.

The Holy Sepulchre is in the middle. It is like a little
round chapel, carved in stone, which has the diameter of
the Sepulchre on which Mass is said; and when four
persons are in the said little chapel there is no room for
more. It is entered by a hole, as there is no door, and
a man has to stoop greatly in order to enter there. In
front there is a sort of square cell annexed to the said
chapel, and there is a stone, somewhat raised, before the
hole at the entrance to the Sepulchre. It is said to be
the stone on which the angel was seated when he told the
Maries that Christ had risen.

Behind the said little chapel, there is a sort of chapel
served by a sect of Christians called Jacobites. They have
a very strange way of chanting the offices. At night I
stood a while to watch their ceremonies and chants, which
rather provoked the company to laughter than anything
else. The calogeri, as their priests are called, had little

278 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

hammers in their hands, and as they chanted they beat
with the said hammers on a piece of iron. I could not
understand why they did so.

In the galleries which go round above and also below,
the sects of Christians I have mentioned are lodged with
their wives and families. They arrange their lodgings
with matting and canvas, but everything they do can be
seen.

After passing that arch which springs from those three
columns on each side, as I said above, forming the cupola,
there are two vaults higher than the cupola, which form
the body of the church; and this is, as it were, the
beginning of the Temple with its altar, which appears to
be the principal altar. This body is surrounded by a wall,
except the part towards the Sepulchre, which indeed has
a wall, but it is low. I ‘think it has been left so
in order to receive light from the hole which is in the
cupola, because it cannot obtain light in any other way.
This place is administered by the Greeks who chant their
offices there.

Outside one can walk all round this place, and there
are certain chapels where various mysteries of the passion
of Christ are honoured, as I said above. The habitation
of the minor friars, who are called the Latins, may be said
to be outside the circuit of this Holy Temple, although
they have no other entrance or exit except that of the
Temple. These friars have the care of the Sepulchre and
of the little chapel in front. It is very commonly said
that Saint Helena, the mother of Constantine, caused this
wonderful Temple to be built, nor do we read anywhere
that it was built by anyone else.

On Monday, the 18th of August, when God willed—it
was after the second hour of the day—notice was given to
all the pilgrims to be ready at Vespers to escape out of

DEPARTURE FROM JERUSALEM 279

the hands of those Moorish dogs who were never tired of
tormenting the Christians, now about one thing, now about
another.

After dinner I went with certain others as far as
Bethany to see the tomb out of which Christ raised
Lazarus, the brother of Martha and of Mary Magdalen,
when he had been dead four days. I had passed twice by
Bethany, but I had never seen the said monuments. It is
very well worth seeing. I had to pay a few marchetti to
the Moors in order to see the said monument.

After this I returned to my lodging to get my baggage,
and then went to Mount Sion, where the pilgrims were
gathered together anxiously waiting for the animals for
riding, and for the moment when those dogs would say,
“Get out of this,” so that one hour seemed a year to us.

Finally, at the nineteenth hour, without entreaties from
anyone, we all mounted the usual animals, and praising
God, we left the Holy City of Jerusalem—about which so
much has been written by saints and others—which is
extolled in the sacred Scriptures, which has been the
dwelling-place of so many holy men, and, finally, the habi-
tation of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Our Saviour, in which he
willed to endure so much opprobrium and so many blows,
and, finally, a cruel death to redeem the human race.
Now, owing to the great strife and discord among
Christians, it is ruled by those renegade dogs, because no
one can reign over the Moors who is not a renegade
Christian. And if one of the renegades should take a wife
and have sons, these sons cannot succeed the father in any
dignity. Such sons as these are called sons of the people,
even though they be the sons of the Sultan (Note 88).

In the said office, when the holder dies, the man who
has most influence with the soldiers, who are all renegade
Christians, succeeds him, and the oftener he has abjured

280 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the more he isesteemed. The present Sultan was seized in
the field together with the Usbech, on whom he bestowed
the Governorship of Jerusalem. They are Circassians,
belonging to a country near the possessions of the Sultan.
They both abjured the Christian faith and were sold as
slaves several times in their youth. As they grew up they
became sworn brothers, and so valiant in arms that the
late Sultan set them over all his army.

When he died these two sworn brothers were masters
of the situation, because they had the army under their
control. And when they were talking together—that is,
the present Sultan and the Usbech—about this dominion,
the Sultan said that if the Usbech would help to procure
him this honour he should be Sultan as much as himself.
These words were no sooner said than the Usbech went out
and made all the Mamelukes proclaim the other, Sultan,
while he himself remained at the head of the army and
received the Governorship of Jerusalem. In course of
time the Usbech, Governor of Jerusalem, sold this
Governorship to another for many ducats, nevertheless
he is still the Governor.

The Usbech has a great friendship for the minor friars,
and gives them large alms. Whenever they go to Cairo
and whenever they appeal to him on account of any
trouble given them by the Moors he inflicts heavy punish-
ments on the Moors and fleeces those malefactors right

well (Note 89).

281

CHAPFER ZIV.

Pilgrims leave Jerusalem and reach Rama, where
they are delayed.—The Governor of Gaza and
the Ten Slaves.—Sermon from the Prior of Mount
Sion and Warning to Intending Pilgrims. —
Rumoured Night Attack on the Hostel.—Messen-
gers sent to Jaffai—Giovanni Simone Fornaro and
his Parrot.—The Slaves Given up.—The Pilgrims
leave Rama for Jaffa.—Death and Burial of a Ger-
man Pilgrim.—The Galley sets Sail for the West.

We left Jerusalem, as I said, and set out towards Rama,
following the road to Emmaus, the castle where Christ
appeared after his Resurrection to those disciples who
said to him: “Tu solus peregrinus es in Jerusalem?” }
And he replied to them: “Ostultiet tardiad credendum.’”?

When we reached the said castle, as there was a foun-
tain there, the owners of the animals wanted to give them
to drink. I looked at the place meanwhile. There are
still a few dwellings there, but not many.

Then when it was already evening Abrayno Grasso and
his companions wanted to stop in the open country to sup;
and thus all the pilgrims dismounted to refresh themselves
and wait for the moon to rise before starting again. Our
lodging was on many stones, because in the open country
there, there was nothing but stones.

As soon as the moon had risen, we all mounted, by
order of the Moors, and rode all night until we came near
Rama. Here those dogs, making a great noise, thrust us

1. ‘Art thou only a stranger in Jerusalem ?”—Luke, xxiv. 18.
2. ‘“O fools and slow of heart to believe.’ —Luke, xxiv. 25.

282 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

off the animals’ backs because they did not want us to ride
past the places where their dead are buried. Thus on
foot, dead with sleep, we carried our baggage on our
shoulders as far as our lodging, and there the ground on
which we could throw ourselves down and sleep a little
seemed a great luxury to us because we were half dead
and already the day was at hand.

The Venerable Father Don Fra Francesco had insisted
on coming with us, though he was ill. Certain sick
persons, however, of various countries had remained be-
hind in Jerusalem.

On Tuesday, the 19th of August, when the company
arose, the Venerable Prior and the magnificent captain
began to make arrangements for going to Jaffa before any
other obstacle arose, because some new mushrooms ! sprang
up each day. But our solicitude could not outrun the
fury of those dogs who were not yet satisfied with what
they had extorted from the Christians, so the arrangements
came to nothing.

On Wednesday, the 20th of August, the Governor of
Gaza, who had come to Rama on hearing that the pilgrims
had arrived there, invented another bewildering fraud.
He said he wanted back the ten slaves who had been
redeemed after we left the galley to go to Jerusalem, or
that he wanted five hundred ducats. This was a more
than diabolial invention, because there was no court of
justice there, and the Sultan was ten days’ march away,
according to what people said. There was no remedy.
However, on the intervention of the Prior the robbery was
compounded for a hundred and twenty-eight ducats, and
this was a great consolation to the pilgrims, who hoped
to depart at least the following day.

In the evening the captain went to take him the money,

1. Difficulties, obstacles.

SERMON AT RAMA 283

but because the coins were his ducats called seraphs, that
mastiff, the Governor of Gaza, would not take them, saying
that he wanted ducats from the Venetian Mint. The
captain and all the pilgrims were in despair, because our
departure was retarded; and the pilgrims were suffering
great hardships of all kinds, especially lack of water, for
the cistern in the hospital where we were lodged was
exhausted and we had many sick among us.

On Thursday, the 2lst of August, as the pilgrims were
cheated out of the departure, the Prior of Mount Sion
said Mass very early in the morning. Then, wanting as
well as he knew how, poor man, to comfort the company,
he preached a sermon in Latin, racking his brains a
prisiano [sic] as dexterously as he could, and exhorting
the pilgrims to have patience under the tribulations
inflicted on us every day by those Moors, and this with
most excellent authority of the Holy Scriptures and also
the examples of the saints, “quia oportet per multas
tribulationes intrare in regnum Dei.” !

In the second part of his sermon he asked pardon of
all the pilgrims if he and his friars had not shown them
all the attention that perhaps they hoped would have been
shown them both in Jerusalem and elsewhere.

In the third part of his aforesaid sermon he admonished
all the pilgrims when they returned to their countries and
native places, to exhort all those who might have the
intention of visiting the Holy Sepulchre, either because
of a vow made, or out of devotion, not to go there for the
next two years; and he gave as a reason for this warning
the great vexations inflicted on the pilgrims by the Moors,
and said that they will do worse in the future until the
Sultan hears about it and takes steps.

After this sermon the door of the hospital was opened

1. Since it is necessary through many tribulations to enter into the Kingdom of God.

284 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

in order to admit all those who carried victuals to sell to
the pilgrims. When dinner was over, the Venerable Prior
had an interview with the aforesaid Governor of Gaza,
and worked so hard that he finally persuaded him to
accept the plunder already agreed upon, and instead of
insisting on being paid in ducats from the Venetian Mint
to take what could be found, in order that we might at
length depart.

When the captain went to pay the sum agreed upon,
however, the said Governor of Gaza began to do as
Pharaoh, King of Egypt, did to Moses when God wanted
him to lead the people of Irael into the Promised Land
where we were. He began a new tyranny, saying he did
not want money for the slaves who had been redeemed
and were on board the galley, but he wanted them back
again. And now he said one thing, and now another,
till both the aforesaid Prior and the captain were
thoroughly perplexed, and we did not know what to do
in order to satisfy that raging dog of a Governor of Gaza.

Finally, it was agreed to send a messenger to Jerusalem
to the Old Man of his Faith and await until his opinion
on the matter was known. The messenger was sent, and
for that day there was nothing else to be done.

There was never a day of greater murmuring among
the pilgrims, because the wine and the water had come to
an end, and the heat was very great. A great company of
Ultramontanes arose and went to the captain’s lodgings,
crying out as did the children of Israel against Moses
when they lacked water in the desert. It was more painful
than I can say to hear the words spoken by the pilgrims
and to see the affliction of the captain who had so many
men, as it were, in prison. As well as they could, the
Venerable Father Don Fra Francesco, who had a great
reputation among the pilgrims, and the Prior, comforted

RAMA—NIGHT ALARM 285

the company and told them that provision would be made
as to the drinking, in the morning. The pilgrims calmed
down, because the sun had already set and they had had
supper.

At this juncture, I think it was a Christian of the Girdle
who warned the captain that certain Moors intended to
attack the hospital that night in order to rob the pilgrims.
The captain summoned those who appeared of most
importance as representing the different nations, and told
them what that Christian had said, adding that he
thought guards ought to be posted for the night, and
this was done.

About midnight one of the guards thought he saw
armed men near the door of the hospital, and began to call
out, and the cries so increased right up to the room of the
captain, that at the first moment we thought we were all
cut to pieces.

I slept, as I said before, in the captain’s room with
certain others, and I was lying on a plank raised perhaps
half a braccio from the ground. On hearing the noise,
half asleep as I was, I fell from the plank to the ground
in such a way, that there was not a single pilgrim who
came to grief on account of those cries except Casola who
fell off from his perch. There was no real cause for all
the alarm, nevertheless everyone was very much frightened.

When the company had breathed again somewhat, I
began to laugh, saying: “ And if there had really been an
attack what resistance could we have made?” In all the
hospital there was not a stick a braccio long to be found,
nor a sword, nor a knife half a braccio long; in short,
not a weapon of any kind. There were not even stones
without pulling down the hospital. Every man said I
was right, and we went back to rest on the beds several
times mentioned, until the morning.

286 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

On Friday, the 22nd of August, in order to give a little
satisfaction to the company until the messenger came
back from Jerusalem, certain barrels of wine were brought
in and distributed among the persons there. While we
were waiting thus in expectation, some messengers came
from the Moors and urged the pilgrims to mount the
asses, etc., at once to go to Jaffa. As we thought that
Abrayno had given this order we rejoiced greatly, but
immediately after we heard that it was not true, and that
the Moors were only mocking the Christians.

At that hour the messenger arrived from Jerusalem
from that old Man of his Faith, who wrote to the Governor
of Gaza and told him, that he was on no account to give
up the redeemed slaves sent on to the galley, unless he had
as many Moorish slaves in exchange, and that if he had
received money for the slaves he should restore it. This
was a great affliction for us and a great misfortune for the
men who had been ransomed.

The captain was now obliged to write with his own
hand to the comito of the galley and to the scribe, ordering
them to bind those poor men and give them up to the
Mamelukes who carried the letters.

While the Mamelukes went to the galley, in order that
we should not find the delay tedious, Don Giovanni Simone
Fornaro, a pilgrim belonging to Pavia, who had been
created knight in the Sepulchre, was accused before the
Governor of Gaza of having brought a fine parrot from
Jerusalem, and the said lord sent a Mameluke to take it
away by force. It was defended a good while by Frate
Antonio Regna, both with words and acts, but at last he
was obliged to give it up to the Mameluke, who took it
away with peril of a scandal and injury to the pilgrims,
because those Moors sought nothing but some excuse for
spoiling us.

RAMA—THE AFFAIR OF THE PARROT 287

The captain immediately followed the man who carried
the parrot, in order to make excuses for the disturbance
made, and the said Giovanni Simone insisted on following
the captain against the advice of his friends, who were all
of the opinion that he ought not to go. When they were
all in the presence of the said Governor, the Moors accused
the said Giovanni Simone of having stolen the parrot in
Jerusalem. The said Giovanni Simone sought to exculpate
himself by saying that he had bought it, but he was told
that he must either name the seller or lose his hand or
pay fifty ducats; and with these words they put him in
“cima,” ! as the prisons are called. However, the matter
was arranged for ten ducats of the Venetian Mint, which
he paid. He also gave certain maydini? to those who
guarded him, and he left the parrot behind with that
Governor for that time. But the game of the dogs was
not yet finished.

This was one of the festivals we enjoyed while waiting
at Rama for the ten slaves to be brought from the galley.
And worse befell us after the affair of the parrot, for
at the third hour of the night, a Frenchman, who said he
was of royal blood, passed from this life. He was buried
in the place set apart by the friars.

On Saturday, the 23rd of August, the Mamelukes who
had gone to the galley to fetch the slaves returned with
empty hands, because the officers of the galley, believing
that the captain’s letters had been extorted by force,
refused to give the prisoners up. Before the said
Mamelukes left the sea, they had put thirteen galeotti who
happened to be on shore, in chains and placed them in
custody in one of the two towers at Jaffa.

3: The Medico wae eae ee silver money whose value varied according to the

place and the time. The Maidino of Cairo was worth twice as much as that of Damascus.
(Porro).

288 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

When they arrived at Rama without the slaves, there
was a great outcry amongst the pilgrims, who all thought
that they would never escape out of the hands of the
Moors, and from such hard exile, where everything was
lacking except extreme heat. The Prior, Fra Antonio
Regna and the captain went at once to the said Governor
of Gaza, who was very angry on account of these things;
and, seizing the excuse that the officers of the galley had
refused to give up the slaves on account of the galeotti
who had been put in chains, they finally, with much
difficulty, persuaded him to send once more.

The Mamelukes were therefore sent back, accompanied
by a certain Don Giovanni Bernardo—belonging to the
Valessi! family, who was one of the gentlemen appointed
to the galley by the Signoria—with the stipulation that if
the slaves were not brought back by midday on the
following day, the Governor of Gaza would exact two
thousand ducats. They departed at the twenty-first hour,
and the said Don Giovanni Bernardo said afterwards that
they arrived at the sea at the second hour of the night.
The said Don Giovanni Bernardo did all he had been
commissioned to do by the captain in my presence, and
vehemently abused and threatened the officers of the
galley. He was in truth very much disturbed.

On Sunday, the 24th of August, the day of Saint
Bartholomew, when all the pilgrims had arisen and heard
the Masses, and we had recommended ourselves to God,
we waited in great anxiety of mind to know the result of
the work of the messenger who had gone to the sea; and
we remained on the roof of the hospital in the sun with

that great desire to escape.
By the will of God the messenger and the Mamelukes
arrived before the hour fixed and brought those poor

1. i.e., the Vallaresso family—one of the Venetian patrician families

THE TEN RANSOMED MEN GIVEN UP _ 289

wretches of slaves chained. The poor men were weeping,
and they had good reason, because they had been ransomed
and now they found themselves again in the hands of the
Moors. The hardest heart would have been moved to
compassion at the sight of them; even the Moors were
sorry when they saw them behave in the way they did.

The men of the galley sent word to the captain that he
need not hesitate to add to the first sum paid because
everything would be refunded, and they informed him
that three of the slaves belonged to Candia and were well
off at home.

I spoke to them, and found that they knew Italian well,
though whether they were from Candia or elsewhere I
did not otherwise inquire. I was very sorry for one thing,
and so were the other pilgrims, and that is, that when
the slaves were ransomed I paid a Venetian ducat for my
share, but when the money was returned, the captain
would not give it back to me.

As soon as those poor chained men had been handed
over to those dogs, we had licence to go on our journey,
and every man prepared himself until the animals were
brought which we were to ride. Meanwhile the Governor
of Gaza, who had kept the parrot and had received ten
ducats from Don Giovanni Simone Fornaro, sent to say
that he was to take that parrot away and that he wanted
five braccia of scarlet cloth. When they heard this, the
Prior and the captain went to the Governor of Gaza. I
did not hear what they did, but the parrot was taken on
board the galley by order of the captain.

At this time the pilgrims were mounting in great haste,
some on mules, some on asses. It appeared to us as
if we should never escape from that cruel prison where
we had been kept so many days contrary to custom.

We departed without further delay, and arrived at

a

290 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Jaffa very early, so that if those dogs had been weary of
eating our flesh the pilgrims could have gone on board;
but they wanted also to gnaw the bones. We were weary,
afflicted and a great many of us were sick; but that
mastiff, Abrayno Grasso, compelled us to pass that night
also on the seashore, on the bare hot ground. I really
think that was our worst night, although we had many
bad ones before which we had forgotten. The Venerable
Father preacher alone, in consequence of the entreaties
of the Prior and the captain, was allowed to go on board
the galley with his servant, because he was ill.

On Monday, the 25th of August, as those dogs were
satiated, they consented to let the pilgrims be put on
board the galley; and thus by the grace of God we were all
carried by the boats with great speed to the galley.
Nevertheless, as long as the captain, who remained behind
us a good while, was not also on the galley, it seemed to
us as 1f we must be summoned on shore again.

The officers of the galley and the galeotti gave us such
a cordial and affectionate greeting that if we had been
their brothers and sons they could not have done more.

After the pilgrims were on board the galley the captain
and the scribe were detained until the following night,
and Abrayno did not let the captain leave his tent until
he had got all he wanted from him.

On Tuesday, the 26th of August, when the captain had
been dismissed by those dogs and had entered the galley,
he found that one of the German pilgrims '—one of those
who had been created knights in the Sepulchre—was dead.
It was necessary to come to terms with those dogs, who
insisted on having ten ducats before they would let us
bury him on land. He was buried on the seashore. This

1. The name of this pilgrim was Albrecht Maetsch aus Preussen, as we learn from
Ludwig Freiherr von Greiffenstein, and two other German pilgrims, Reinhard von
Bemmelberg, and Konrad von Parsberg. See Deutsche Pilgerreisen, by Reinhold Rohricht.

GALLEY SAILS FROM JAFFA 291

pilgrim was rich and of noble family; he was buried as
you have heard.

When the boat which had carried the body on land
returned, the captain, to the great consolation of the
living, decided to set sail before eating. The poor
gentleman had been so maltreated by the Moors that he
was in a great hurry to depart. Thus at the fourth hour
of the day he ordered the anchors to be heaved, and to
the praise of God and of our glorious Lady we set sail
towards the West.

bo
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CHAPTER XV.

Galley Carried out of its Course.—Arrival at the Salines
of Cyprus.—Galley Touches at Limasol.—Contrary
Winds.—Sermon from Fra Francesco Trivulzio.—
Death of Andrea Alemano.—Last Sermon Preached
by Fra Francesco.—Contrary Winds and Calms.—
Fra Francesco complains of a Swelling on his
Neck.—Fears of the Plague.—Precautions taken.
—Beyrout Fleet Encountered.— News of the
West.—Contrary winds and Storms.—Death of a
Native of Zara and of Fra Francesco.—Arrival at
Rhodes.—Burial of Fra Francesco Trivulzio.—
The Galley leaves Rhodes,

ALTHOUGH there was not a favourable wind, nevertheless,
by tacking, we navigated so far that the towers of Jaffa
were lost to sight. Then the sea began to rise so much
against us that, between the hard times we had endured
on land and the contrary sea, we almost all fell sick, and
we felt better lying down than eating and drinking.

Thus navigating against the wind from the aforesaid
hour, the galley was carried so far out to sea that no land
was seen again until the last day of August, which was a
Sunday. On that day, at midday, a cape on the island of
Cyprus was sighted, called Cape Greco. This greatly
comforted the pilgrims because we believed that we should
never again see land. Already the firewood began to run
short, as the galley had remained at Jaffa beyond the
usual time, and wood cannot be procured there because
there are no woods. And we who sat at the captain’s

DHE SALINES OF CYPRUS 293

table had begun to use salt water for washing our hands—
a thing which had never happened before—and the
drinking water was so bad that it turned my stomach.

The desire for many things made us cheer up a little;
but we were disappointed in our expectations, because we
arrived very late at a place called the Salines of Cyprus
(Note 90), where there was not a single thing to be had.
Four other Venetian ships were there on their way to
Beyrout, and they had taken everything.

As the captain heard that at Nicosia, one of the
principal cities of Cyprus, people were dying [of the
plague] he made a general exhortation to the pilgrims,
and advised them not to go to that city. There were,
however, certain impatient Germans, who, when they heard
that the captain had to stop there some time, went to see
the island at their pleasure. I was obedient, being afraid
of risking my life. Certain of the pilgrims also, who had
suffered greatly from the sea, landed and went by land
to await the galley at Limasol, where the captain intended
to call, in order that whoever wished to buy and sell might
do so, and also to get a supply of biscuits.

We stayed so long at the Salines that whoever on the
galley wished to do so got a supply of salt. The salt costs
nothing there, and all the world could be furnished
without exhausting the supply. There is a lake there
like certain of our lakes of the Seprio (Note 91), which
can be seen all at once. It is called the lake of San
Lazzaro, and is said to have taken the name because of
the favour he asked from God that salt might never be
lacking there; and thus the said lake appears always as
if frozen, and it is the salt. The galeotti enter with
hatchets or other tools and take out as much as they want
and carry it away; when morning comes the lake is the
same as ever,

294 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

The whole island of Cyprus is supplied from there and
all the ships that pass by, and the salt is never lacking.
It appears to me to be a miracle, though certain persons
think it may be the nature of the place. The said salt
is white as snow, and salts excellently. It cannot be
taken to Venice, except in secret, under a penalty. In the
galley they used the salt very liberally, and salted every-
thing, even the skins of the animals which were killed.

When the galley was supplied with the said salt, at the
second hour of the night, a slight wind arose, and all the
night we navigated as well as possible in the circumstances,
making as much progress as a snail would have done.

On Monday, the first day of September, we advanced
very slowly on our voyage, because there was a calm at
sea, and the galley could not be driven with the oars, as
I have said several times, because it was too large a ship,
so that I felt vexed that I also had not gone by land with
many others as far as Limasol. Suffice it to say that we
took eight days to go the two hundred and sixty miles
from Jaffa to Cyprus. It is true, as the sailors said, that
we really made more than eight hundred miles, because
the course followed was in the shape of a great curve
which carried us far into the high sea. There was no
help for this on account of the wind, which was contrary
to our path.

On the above-mentioned day we came to a place called
“A la Canuta,” and there stopped, for there was such a
calm at sea that the galley did not move.

On Tuesday, the 2nd of September, as the galley could
not proceed, the captain ordered the anchor to be cast,
and many of the pilgrims went ashore to go to Limasol,
thinking to procure some good refreshment; but all were
deceived. I took the advice of the captain, who said to
me, “ Don’t go,” and I bore the hardships patiently.

LIMASOL 295

Two hours before daybreak on Wednesday, the 3rd of
September, they began to work the oars, because, as I said,
there was a great calm at sea; and the poor men worked so
hard that we arrived at Limasol.

The captain stopped there and fastened the galley with
the anchors, because there is no port there to which the
cables could be attached, but only the seashore.

Every man went on land, where, however, provisions
were not found to refresh the company as we had hoped.
There was nothing but bread and a few grapes. The
dearth was due to the fact that a few days before, a
Venetian galley, one of those of the guard, had put in
there because the greater number of those on board were
ill, and the galeotti had so harried the peasants—taking
away their goods and refusing to pay for them—that they
were afraid to show themselves.

Nevertheless, on our arrival they were somewhat re-
assured, and began to come with some things to sell, and
bought some of the merchandise carried on land by the
galeottz, though not as much as we had thought. There
was an abundance of melons good for the teeth of old
folks, not after the Lombard fashion where they lke them
hard; there you could eat them with a spoon.

The quantity of carobs or ultramarine beans was almost
incalculable. A great trade was done in them, and the
quantity brought on board the galley was stupendous.
Whoever could find a place for them in the galley was
lucky; a sack of a moggio was sold for three marcellx. I
did not buy any, because I do not care for that fruit. It
seemed to me that the carobs brought on the galley were
sufficient to supply all the world; but after seeing the
quantity held by the agents of certain Venetian merchants
who live there, and which was all to be sent to Venice, I
changed my opinion. I can assure you that the trade

296 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

in this fruit is of immense importance and value, and I
can say the same of the sugar I saw there.

Although the captain had decided to depart that same
day, he was unable to do so, because the supply of biscuits
and the cattle he had ordered were not ready in time, so
he was obliged to wait until the following day.

On Thursday, the 4th of September, the pilgrims and
the galeottt who had gone on land, some for one thing,
some for another, were recalled by the firing of mortars
and the blowing of trumpets. At the third hour of the
night we set sail, and by the morning we had gone about
forty miles.

On Friday, the 5th of September, in the morning,
the provenza,! a wind directly contrary to our path, was
blowing, and so hard that although all the sails were
furled it drove us back. As well as possible the galley
was brought under control by means of the oars. All the
sailors sweated copiously and shouted, because in truth
they were exerting themselves beyond their strength. The
sight of them roused one’s compassion. At a place near
what is called Cape Bianco? there is a certain stretch
of quite white coast which forms part of the island of
Cyprus.

On Saturday, the 6th of September, the captain, seeing
that he could not go ahead, ordered the anchors to be cast.
We were then so near land that the galeottt were sent
out in a certain little boat called a copano, and went to
get wood and water, and also a few sheep. To obtain
these, it was necessary to go some miles distance from the
shore.

As this weather continued all Saturday and also all the
following night, the captain and the pilgrims were very

1. West wind.
2. Cape on the south coast of Cyprus not far from Paphos or Baff.

SERMON OF FRA. F. TRIVULZIO 297

depressed, beause, as I said above, it had not been possible
to supply the galley with what was necessary at Limasol
on account of the other galley which had touched there
and remained there so many days before us.

On Sunday, the 7th of September, as the provenza had
dropped and the sea was calm, the captain ordered all the
sails to be spread as quickly as possible in order to leave
the place where we were. We made so little progress,
however, that it appeared to the company as if we were
going back; nevertheless we really went ahead, at least
obliquely.

In order to assuage in some degree the great sadness
on board among the pilgrims and also the galeottz, due
to the lack of what the company wanted—that is, some
good victuals—the Venerable Don Fra Francesco de
Trivulzio caused all the company to be gathered together
in the usual way, by means of the whistle sounded by
the comito of the galley, and they came to the usual
place in the poop at the second hour of the day.

There he preached a beautiful sermon—the last but one
preached by that holy man—and encouraged the company
not to have so much anxiety about the things of the world
as they appeared to have. It was all very well for him
to talk, because he did not lack anything, but for many of

his hearers, to whom they were lacking, talking was not
enough.

He took for his subject: “ Primo quaerite regnum Dei
et justitiam ejus.”+ And in the first place, following the
text, he expounded the Gospel which occurred in the Mass
according to the use of the Court of Rome. Then he
proceeded to his sermon by way of a question—namely : —
Whether a person can be solicitous about temporal things
without sin; and this because Christ said: ‘ Respicite

1. “Seek first the Kingdom of God and his righteousness.’’—Matt., vi. 33.

298 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

volatilia coeli quomodo non serunt neque nent ’’—that is,
“ Regard the fowls of the air, who toil not, neither do they
spin.’! There he quoted Alexander of Hales: and dis-
tinguished between four kinds of solicitude, and said some
very beautiful things. Finally, he concluded his sermon
by saying that there could be solicitude about temporal
things without sin, provided that it be not of such a nature
as to cause the neglect of spiritual things. The sermon
was very acceptable to the company. At the end he
playfully told the company to go to breakfast, and named
certain officers of the galley—very agreeable men—who
took their meals very frequently.

Before we left this place news was brought to the
captain that one, Andrea Alemano, a knight,? from
Cambray, in Brabant, son of the Governor of Antwerp,
and the only son of his father, had passed from this life.
As the galley was quite motionless and near land, the
parono > with certain strong galeott2 undertook to carry
the body ashore and walk until they should find a church
of some kind in which to bury him; and this was done.
When he returned the parono said that he had gone more
than four miles, and that he had found a poor little church.
His compatriots could tell the father, who was very rich,
so they said, that his son was buried in Cyprus.

Two hours before daybreak on Monday, the 8th of
September, which was the nativity of Our Lady, as it
appeared to the comito of the galley that a little wind
had arisen favourable for our journey, he at once ordered
the anchors to be heaved and the sails spread; but in
spreading the artimone—that is, the main sail—a great
rent was made, and it was necessary to let it down again.
It was said that Our Lady wanted something from us.

pi ther phiaue in Merron ta Andeoy aleriane ‘Cavalera, saletdel governance

Anversa, Cameracense in Barbantia.
3. See p. 160.

LAST SERMON BY FRA. F. TRIVULZIO 299

While it was being mended—for it was a long job—the
wind dropped, and the sea settled into a calm, and this
made us very sad.

Then the aforesaid Venerable Don Fra Francesco caused
the company to be summoned to the last sermon he ever
preached in this world in the midst of the sea. When the
company was gathered together he preached a beautiful
sermon on the nativity of Our Lady, taking for his subject :
“Exiet Virga de radice Jesse.’ Thereupon he said most
beautiful things in praise of Our Lady, which greatly
pleased the company. It was the last time he preached.

During the whole of that day we did not go more than
six miles towards Paphos, and it was necessary to cast
the anchor, because the provenza, which was a contrary
wind for us, began to blow so terribly. Nevertheless in
the evening, as the sea had called down, the comito
decided to trust to fortune, and ordered the anchor to be
heaved and all the sails to be spread, saying that he
wanted to navigate at all costs even if he had to go
backwards.

At sunrise on Tuesday, the 9th of September, we were
found to be more than sixty miles out of our course, and
when we had well boxed the compass and almost returned
to land it was said that we had only gone eighteen miles
on our way. Nevertheless in the evening the sails were
turned to another side, and it was decided to navigate all
the night, because, in that gulf of Natalia, there is no
danger from rocks; by the grace of God it is wide and
ampler than the gulf of Sclavonia.

On the morning of Wednesday, the 10th of September,
we were so far out at sea that the island of Cyprus could
not be seen any more. Nevertheless, according to what
the pilot, who was a Greek and an old sailor, said, we
were right opposite Paphos. This was bad news, not only

300 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

for the captain, but also for the mariners and the pilgrims,
because the stores were running short. So many mouths
as there were on that galley took some feeding. At that
moment the captain had to provide for not less than four
hundred persons, because every man looked to him. The
company was the more alarmed, because the captain said,
that such a thing had never happened to him before, in
that sea. It really appeared as if God had determined to
consume us in that gulf.

After dinner the Father preacher, Don Fra Francesco
complained, when only the captain and I were with him,
of a swelling! which had come on his neck. The
captain and I examined it and told him not to touch it
nor have it medicated. He said he would take our advice,
but afterwards it was found that he had had it medicated,
and that caused his death.

As soon as the swelling on the neck was mentioned, the
captain said he wanted to use every remedy in order not
to perish together with the pilgrims,’ and he sent criers
to order all those who had brought water from the River
Jordan to throw it into the sea.2 The order was not
much obeyed by certain persons, principally Italians.
Then he had a search made to see if there was anything
aboard which had been stolen from a church; and pro-
ceeding further, together with the Father preacher, he
proposed that a vow should be made to Our Lady in order
to escape from this anxiety; but no ear was given to this.
It appeared to me that that galley was full of all iniquity,

1. Casola uses the word ‘‘ Brusarola” (Ital: Brufolo), which may mean, according
to circumstances, boil, carbuncle, tumour, &c. I have preferred, therefore, to adopt in
translating the general term, ‘‘ swelling.”

2. The captain evidently feared an outbreak of the plague on board.

3. It was a superstitious medieval belief that Jordan water brought bad luck on
board. For example Santo Brasca was told ‘‘that as long as there is any Jordan water on
the Galley the sea always remains calm,” that is, the ship is becalmed. The priest who
wrote the voyage to the ‘‘Saincte Cyté”’ heard that as long as there was a drop of Jordan
ier aboard, it was useless to hope for a favourable wind, but he stigmatizes this as
“foolishness,”

THE LEVANT FLEET ENCOUNTERED 301

considering the places we were coming from, and that we
deserved much worse than we got, because, although the
wind was contrary, nevertheless we had not a storm.
Although I was discontented like the others, I did not
marvel in the least at what befell us, for the reason given
above.

Very late in the day three galleys were sighted belonging
to the Levant Trading Fleet, which were on their way
from Venice. The captain-in-chief was Don Juliano
Gradenigo, and they were called the Beyrout galleys.
They had a stern wind, which was unfavourable for us.
They recognised us immediately, and when they came
near, the two largest lowered their sails in order not to
pass us by. At the second hour of the night we were so
very near one another, that there was general rejoicing on
the one side and the other; the cannon were fired, and
there was much shouting, as is the custom of sailors.

A small boat, or rather, as they say, a copano, was
lowered into the water from one of the Beyrout galleys,
and many persons came to visit our captain, and many
letters were brought to him from Venice. They told us
the news of the West, especially about the movements of
the King of France; and, amongst other things, a
Franciscan friar, belonging to the Zorzi family (Note 92),
said, that in Venice, on the Vigil of Saint Lawrence, it
was said publicly, that the King of France was expected
at Milan on the 16th of August (Vote 93), and much other
news.

They remained on board, and there was a _ great
illumination for nearly an hour, and then, having taken
leave of the friends, they returned to their galleys, which
looked like the daughters of ours. We still remained with

1. In the month of August or September every year, from three to five trading galleys

went together to this Syrian port and returned about Christmas to Venice. The Patroni
or Captain-owners were always Patricians.

302 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the wind contrary, and they went flying away with the
wind in the stern.

On Thursday, the 11th of September, the sails were not
moved. We went on drifting until the evening with a
violent wind, desiring indeed to come to some good place
if God willed; but we were not on our proper course. One
person said we were in one place, another said we were in
another. The marimers did not understand where we
were at all.

On Friday, the 12th of September, Saturday the 13th,
Sunday the 14th, and Monday the 15th, I did not note
down anything, because, although we were navigating
day and night in that gulf with all the sails spread, and
with a high though contrary wind, nevertheless the
mariners had gone so far out into the high sea that no
one knew where we were, and the many navigating charts
on board were no help. The captain said one thing and
the comito and the parono another, and the pilot another.
There was great confusion in the said galley, and the
pilgrims who saw this confusion felt very depressed. Then
a storm arose so violently, especially at night, that it
appeared as if the galley would split open and break up,
and, as has been said, all the stores were running short.

When the captain lost courage, as he showed by calling
us all together and saying that if we thought it best he
would return to Cyprus, I began to lose courage also to
such an extent that I thought it was all over with me.
Although, seeing so many Observant friars and other good
people on the galley, it appeared to me too much to
suppose that God would destroy so many souls all at once.
It made me very low-spirited to see the Father Preacher,
who, amid this general depression and because of his own
special suffering from the swelling I spoke of above, had
quite lost heart. I was accustomed to amuse myself

DEATH OF A PASSENGER 303

alone, but this day I was quite unable to do so; rather
I said: “Casola, we are lost! I shall never again see
Rhodes, which I have so desired to see.” Vows were made
by every man. I never thought to see land again after
so many days without seeing any.

Two hours before daybreak on Tuesday, the 16th of
September, the Most High God, wishing to show us that
all things are in his hands, and that he wills to be prayed
to without any other expectation, sent a stern wind so
favourable for our journey that it appeared a miracle.

Immediately afterwards a headland was sighted which
belongs to the Turk, and is called Phenice.!. The galley
approached it, which greatly cheered everybody. Thus
navigating with a good wind, we passed a castle in the
mountains of Phenice called Castle Rugi. Judging from
the outside, it must be strong. It belongs to the King
of Naples, though I think it is little use to him; enough,
however, that it is not possessed by the Turk. In those
mountains there are two cities, one called Patera? and the
other Saurinia.? In the one Saint Nicholas was born, and
in the other he was afterwards bishop. They are far from
the coast, however, and could not be seen from the sea.

On this day there passed from this life a man, who said
he belonged to Zara, that he had escaped from the hands
of the Turks, and afterwards reached Cyprus. He had
come on board the galley to go to his own country, but
when he was on the galley he fell ill, and, as I have said,
not being able to get remedies any more than the others,
he died. The sea was given to him for his monument.

On Wednesday, the 17th of September, it was said that
we were making good progress, and although the company

1, Casola seems to have confused Phenicia with Lycia. From the position of the
Site Evie! eatery orb antharn » Gly oc the provineslotliyaia mneraists Nicholas was

born. ; .
3. St. Nicholas was bishop of Myra in Lycia.

304 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

had not all they desired, yet all took some comfort except
Don Fra Francesco, who had entirely let himself go.

At the dinner hour, as he did not come as usual to the
poop, the captain’s servant was sent to tell him to come,
but he sent word that he could not come, and that he felt
very ill. The captain was much disturbed about his
illness, and sent to ask him if there was anything he
wished for, and ordered all his subordinates to take care
that the Father did not want for anything there was on
the galley. After dinner I went to see him, and stayed a
long time with him. I discovered that he had had the
swelling medicated and with medicines that were not
suitable. I did my best to cheer him. He asked
constantly if we were yet at Rhodes, and I replied that
we should be there immediately.

On Thursday, the 18th of September, we came near
Rhodes very very slowly. In the evening, when we hoped
to enter the port, such a terrible provenza arose, that,
whereas we had been only eighteen miles from Rhodes,
we were driven more than a hundred miles out to sea. A
turn, however, was made which at last brought us into
port.

When I saw the violence of the wind I took leave of
the Father Preacher, whom I had been visiting, and who
was in a high fever and suffering greatly from thirst, and
went to my own quarters, which were far away from his.
He was at the prow and I was near the poop beside the
canteen. About midnight I was summoned to go to the
Father Preacher by one of his companions named Frate
Michele da Como. I jumped up immediately, wrapped
myself in my cloak, and went to see his Reverence, who
was in the last agony. I could not get him to say even
one word, nor to open his eyes. He raised himself unaided
to render a service to nature, and then fell back again in

——eee
a Se hes

DEATH OF FRA. F. TRIVULZIO 305

a heap on his pallet. I got a Florentine hermit—who
had also come out of sympathy to visit him at that hour—
to take him in his arms. Then, as the other friars of
every Order began to come to say the appointed offices,
and as the place was small, I took leave of them and went
in a very high wind to my quarters, carrying to my
neighbours very bad and distressing news of the preacher,
because he was loved and revered by all.

When I had been resting a couple of hours or less, a
galeotto came to tell us that he had passed from this life,
and everyone felt very pained and sad.

On Friday, the 19th day of September, at the second
hour of the day, we reached the port of Rhodes; but as
the other ships which had arrived before us had spread
the news that in Cyprus, especially at Limasol, the people
were dying of the plague, when the galley entered the
port, the sanitary officers came at once and ordered that
not a single person was to be allowed to leave the galley.
While the matter was under discussion it came to their
ears that the Preacher had died of a suspicious malady,
which had manifested itself on the throat. On this
account it was necessary to desist from going ashore.

The news spread throughout Rhodes that the galley
had come, and immediately the quay was crowded with
friends, especially Ultramontanes, of whom indeed there
are many there, come to visit their friends whom they
were expecting eagerly. Finally, through the efforts of the
friends, and especially of the Lord of Longo, a Genovese,
about whom I said a great deal before, the Grand Master
was persuaded to accept testimony to the effect that the
galley was not infected, and that the Preacher had left
Jerusalem with the fever. In consequence of these
impediments the pilgrims left the galley very late.

It must be confessed, that, in the matter of dinner,

U

306 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the aforesaid Lord of Longo made such provision at the
captain’s table as almost made me forget many wretched
meals I had had during the preceding days; for sometimes
the only dish they had given me was red beans and
vinegar.

As to the body of Fra Francesco, whom the magnificent
captain and all the galley desired to honour, permission
could not be obtained to carry it off the galley until the
evening, when the pilgrims were already scattered here
and there about Rhodes with a great desire to eat a good
meal. In the evening the body was taken off the galley
and accompanied to a gate leading to his monastery, called
Santa Maria della Vittoria, which is being restored. I
think we were four Italian pilgrims who did him honour
as well as we could. We did not go through the city
because of the prohibition of the Grand Master. That
great preacher was buried before the high altar with
few words.

On Saturday, the 20th of the month of September, we—
that is, the magnificent lord our captain and many
pilgrims of every nation—gathered together at the said
church of Santa Maria della Vittoria, where the once great
preacher was buried, and we remained there until the
obsequies were over, and many Masses had been said; then
all went freely about the city occupied in restoring
afflicted bodies and minds with good things and also in
buying some carpets.

As I had not much business to attend to, and also in
order to fare better as regards living, I never left the
captain, who received many attentions from many people,
and especially from the Governor of Longo, who kept him
to meals with him as long as he was on land, and Casola
as well, because Casola is a Milanese and he a Genoese.
He did not entertain us after the Rhodian fashion, but

MONUMENT TO FRA. F. TRIVULZIO 307

like a great noble and true Italian; there were banquets
and very sumptuous ones every day.

On Sunday, the 2lst of September, in the morning
after Mass was heard, as the captain had been invited,
we went to do honour to a certain bride who was accom-
panied to the church for the benediction and afterwards
to her husband.

When dinner was over at the house of the Lord of
Longo, the captain ordered the trumpet to be sounded to
give notice, that, at the hour of Vespers, every man must
be on the galley, because he intended to set sail. But he
changed his mind, because a great flaw was discovered in
the helm of the galley, and on Sunday no master could be
found who would repair it. The pilgrims were glad to
have the chance of resting a little longer.

On Monday, the 22nd of September, every man being
supphed with carpets, which were numberless—I was told
that between the galeotti and the pilgrims more than
four thousand were carried aboard, though according to
my reckoning there were seven thousand of them—and the
helm of the galley having been repaired, the captain
ordered the trumpet to be sounded and certain cannon
to be fired to give notice to the company to come on board
the galley, and he ordered all the cables to be loosened in
order to set sail. But in spite of all his haste and the
many signals given, he could not depart until it was
already the first hour of the night.

We Italians wanted to leave orders for a stone to
be prepared with a few affectionate words and placed
over the tomb of Fra Francesco, in order that some
record should remain of him. The captain was of
the same opinion, and I offered to leave the money it
would cost, but the Governor of Longo, with whom these
matters were discussed, would not agree to this. He said

308 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

that the Grand Master himself wanted to erect the
monument at his own expense, and that he did not wish
for anything from us except the name of the Father’s
family and of his country.

With the help of his companions, I put together a few
words which were left with the Prior of the Monastery of
Santa Maria della Vittoria, where he lies, with the request
that he would hasten the matter.

When this was arranged we entered the galley, and at
the first hour of the night we set sail, heading towards
Turkey, because the wind was not favourable for going
in the direction of Candia; though we hoped that as soon
as we were out at sea some good wind would spring up
for us.

309

CHAPTER AVE

The Island of Cos or Longo Sighted.—The Watch
Dogs there.—Galley in the Archipelago.—Contrary
Winds.—The Island of Santorin.—The Galley
Anchors at Enios or lIos.—Discontent of the
Ultramontane Pilgrims.— Bad Weather.— Arrival
in Candia.—Productions of the City and Island.—
The Quails.—The Ex-Duke and Ex-Captain of
Candia go on Board the Galley to return to
Venice.— Departure from Candia.— Favourable
Winds.—Modone.

At sunrise on Tuesday, the 23rd of the month of
September, we found that we had made forty miles
towards Candia, leaving Turkey always on the right hand
and on the left hand the island of Rhodes. After this,
very little way was made until the evening on account
of a great calm which came on at sea.

When we lost sight of Turkey, the island of Longo,
formerly called Choo! by writers, was sighted. As I said,
it is subject to the knights of Saint John, and is a single
commendam which is held by Don Eduardo de Camardino
of Genoa, who, because I am a Milanese, did me such
honour and made me such generous offers as I cannot
describe. I think he was very demonstrative to me
because the captain of the galley, Don Agostino Contarini,
gave him to understand that I was a person of importance
at Milan. However that may be, I fared well under this
shadow.

To return to our subject. The said island of Longo has

1. Cos.

310 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

amongst other things a beautiful castle, called the Castle
of Saint Peter, which, as it is near the Turkish borders,
has forty large dogs to guard it who are trained carefully
and very intelligent. They go out of the castle without
any guide in large bands by night and by day. They go
a long way—two, three and four miles away—and if by
chance they encounter one or more Turks in the woods
they recognise them immediately, and if they cannot
escape they worry them to death. If, however, they meet
one or more Christians they recognise them at once and
show great joy, and in their way lead them to the castle.

Those dogs eat in a very orderly fashion. A bell is
rung three times which can be heard a long way off. At
the third sound all the dogs assemble there as if they were
friars. If one should be missing, some of the oldest dogs
immediately go outside and search until they find the
missing one, and when he is found, after giving him a
few bites, they conduct him to the others. They are
worth their keep. I heard about them while I was in
Rhodes at the house of the Lord of Longo, from one of
his servants who had just come from Longo. Afterwards
I heard about them also from the captain, who said that
in his voyages he had been to that castle and seen this
thing.

On Wednesday, the 24th of September, with calms and
some contrary winds, we went thus navigating amongst
the islands belonging to the Rhodians, and we greatly
desired to enter the Archipelago, which, as the experienced
sailors said, is otherwise called the Sea of Greece.

On Thursday, the 25th of September, we finally entered
the desired sea, which has so many rocks and islets that
they cannot be numbered; and there the sea, almost as
if by a miracle, calmed down so completely that we
remained where we were all Thursday, the Friday follow-

SANTORIN OR THERA 311

ing, which was the 26th, and also a part of Saturday.
The mariners did not know what to say, because usually
the passage from Rhodes to Candia takes at the most two
days and two nights, and we had already taken four.
Further, we were in a difficult position, for, trusting to
arrive quickly in Candia, very few provisions had been
taken at Rhodes, where everything was dear, and so
everything began to run short.

Very late on Saturday, the 27th of September, a wind
arose called garbino,'! which drove the galley so much out
of our course that the captain would gladly have
approached an island called Santurin.2 And there was a
great dispute in consequence between the captain and the
comito and the pilot, who said to the captain that it was
not a suitable place to stop at—that is, to cast the anchor.
The captain maintained that on other occasions he had
anchored there; and he related that one time when he
was in the Canal of Santurin with several galleys, a storm
arose in the West which continued for the space of three
days, and was not only violent but very terrible—great
thunder, great flashes of lightning, and noises as if there
had been battle chargers there; and all on board the
galleys were so terrified that they did not know what world
they were in. On the morning of the third day an island
as black as coal made its appearance; and the aforesaid
captain said that they made every effort to approach it,
but could never discover the bottom, and that he had
never been able to anchor there since. The comzto and
the pilot would have their own way, and we did not anchor
near the said Santurin.

On Sunday, the 28th of September, owing to the contrary

1. South-west wind.
was formerly united to the neighbouring islands of Therasia and. Asproniel, and tne tres

together formed the crater of an immense volcano. The volcanic eruptions in the island
of Thera have been numerous and violent.

312 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

winds, which had increased so much that the company
began to be upset, it was necessary to take refuge beside
an island called Nio,’ in a place where there was an
excellent port. Although it was not walled, nevertheless
it was a safe port and capable of holding very large ships.
It was almost surrounded by mountains, and had an
excellent bottom right up to the shore.

When the anchor was cast, those who desired to do so
went on land, and the company climbed to a castle called
Nio, high up on the summit of a mountain, and bought
many necessary things except bread, because there was
only badly made barley bread there; some was taken, but
very little. There were excellent wines of our kind, meat
and fowls, good grapes, pomegranates and other things
for whoever wanted to buy. For a short time it was very
agreeable to stay at this place, especially in order to obtain
a supply of water, because the water was excellent, both
the spring water and that of a river which came down
from the island.

With many others I climbed up to the said castle in
order to see several things. It is situated on a great rock,
very difficult to get at. If it were in Italy, especially in
Lombardy, it would be made into a very important
fortress; here it appears to me to be a pigstye. I should
not have courage to stay a night there, for fear it would
tumble down, because the walls of the houses are built
without mortar: one stone is simply placed over another,
and nothing more. Nevertheless there are a great many
houses, and also many inhabitants. There are a great
many females, both great and small; one cannot imagine
how so many persons can live in the said castle. Although
the women are Greeks and live in such a remote place,

1. Enios, the ancient Ios, said to be the burial place of Homer.

DISCONTENT AMONG THE PILGRIMS 313

they are beautiful; also the men we saw were handsome ;
there are only a few.

The said castle is subject to a Lord called the Lord of
Nissa,! an island near there and fertile. The said Lord
had died a few days before we arrived there. He was the
brother-in-law of our captain’s brother. He left one
young son, and the Signoria of Venice to whom he is
recommended, has appointed his uncle as his guardian,
according to what the aforesaid captain said (Vote 94).

On Monday, the 29th of September, Saint Michael’s
day, we were kept in the said port, to our great vexation,
waiting for favourable weather in order to depart.

On Tuesday, the 30th of September, the leaders of the
Ultramontane pilgrims gathered together and came to the
poop to see the captain, who at that time had finished
dinner; and when all the company were arranged according
to their order and dignities the captain asked what they
wanted. The first of them in order said that they had
come on behalf of all the pilgrims to beg him to lead them
out of that place, because they were not satisfied with a
single thing, and especially with what was given them to
eat. The captain replied very amiably, saying, in the first
place, that he was not keeping them there for his pleasure,
and that the greatest loss was his. He then explained
that, because of the contrary winds and in order not to
jeopardise both himself and them, he had made a port he
never touched at, that he had done his best to leave there,
but the weather had been unfavourable, and that the
voyage as far as Candia could not safely be made at
night on account of the innumerable rocks, because, as
there was no moon and the winds were adverse, the ship
might easily run into danger. Before the interview was
over very injurious words had been said on both sides,

1. Naxos, the largest of the Cyclades.

314 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

because the pilgrims went on to speak of their discontent
with the food given them to eat. I calmed the discussion
as well as I could. There was right on both sides, and
therefore a satisfactory sentence could not be pronounced.
The matter remained undecided.

When the aforesaid Ultramontanes had departed, the
captain ordered two cannon to be fired to call back the
company, both of pilgrims and of galeotte who were on
land idling and amusing themselves, for there was no
trade to be done there. The greater number were ashore,
some in one place, some in another, but, owing to the
dearth of boats, they could not return as quickly as they
did in the frequented ports, where there are many other
boats beside those of the galley. By the time the company
was at last on board the sun was not less than twenty-two
hours old. As the weather was very clear the captain set
sail immediately, but many were afterwards very sick, for
before the third hour of the night very bad weather came
on, and then the captain chanted the Litanies, while the
French stayed below deck and said never a word.

On Wednesday, the Ist of October, we navigated against
the wind, and went so far, that, according to what some
said—but secretly so that the captain should not hear—
we had passed by Candia, and were nearing Modone. But
the captain, who wished at all costs to go to Candia,
turned back because of the promises he had made to the
Duke and Captain of Candia, and also in order to fulfil
the agreements he had made with the galeottv.

On the way we met some ships going from Candia to
Venice loaded with wines. This made the pilgrims
discontented, for they desired to go to their own countries
and not to Candia to buy wine or malmsey.

On Thursday, the 2nd of October, at sunrise, we reached
Candia, to the great joy of the Candiots, who were

CANDIA 315

expecting us eagerly, and especially also of Don Lorenzo
Venier and Don Luca Zeno. Don Lorenzo Venier had been
Duke of Candia, and now, because his term of office was
ended, he wanted to go home; and so, too, Don Luca Zeno,
who had been captain of the island of Crete, and lived
in Candia, wanted also to return to the mother country;
but in order to be safer they wished to return on board
our galley. The Candiots were rejoiced at the opportunity
of selling a quantity of malmsey and muscatel, many
cheeses, and many articles made of cypress wood.

As soon as we arrived in port it was marvellous to see
the crowd that assembled. The pilgrims, who had suffered
greatly from the sea, and had complained because they
had not been taken to Venice without touching at Candia,
immediately began to enjoy themselves a little with the
good malmseys and muscatels and also with some rough
wine.

On Friday, the 3rd of October, the feast of Saint Titus
was celebrated all through Candia. The principal
church bears his name, and he is the patron saint of the
Candiots. For that day no other business was done. We
visited the churches, our friends and also the taverns.

On Saturday, the 4th of October, there was an even
greater festival, that of Saint Francis, and neither the
shops nor the warehouses were opened for trade. I
remained the greater part of the day at the Convent
of Saint Francis. In the morning all the magistrates,
both new and old, came there and all the pomp of Candia.

On Sunday, the 5th of October, the merchants began to
examine the malmseys and muscatels in the warehouses.
I, who did not want to trade, went to see what was being
done, and I often went on the sea,! which was so agitated

1. Casola writes :—‘‘ E spesso andava sopra el mare el quale era tanto turbato chel
pariva non se dovesse maj piu quietare.” He may have meant that he went to some point
above the sea from which he could look down on the harbour and the shipping, and not
that he went on the sea.

316 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

that it seemed as if it would never again calm down. A
wind called the bora! was blowing so hard that the ships
could not leave the port. There were many in the harbour,
loaded and ready to go to Venice, and the wind made them
all tremble and dashed them one against another.

On Monday, the 6th of October, all the shops of Candia
were opened. They are filled with every kind of work
they do there, especially cypress work, of which there
is a great variety, and they do good business. The ware-
houses of the malmseys and muscatels were also open,
and many agents invited people to buy. The great ware-
houses full of cheeses floating in the brine made me
marvel greatly that the skin of those who stand in it with
their legs bare did not crack on account of the salt. I
spent the whole of this day in looking at these things in
order to be able to tell about them, not with the idea of
trading.

In the morning I went also to a gate on the land side,
where there is a market for all kinds of victuals. It was
a pleasant sight to see so much beautiful bread. I seemed
to be in Italy. The bread is cheap. One thing displeased
me greatly. I saw many barrels of quails, skinned and
salted like the mullet or muzeri.2 It was a pity to see them,
with their white feet; they looked like zatz? or toads. I
and certain other Italians bought some to try if they could
be made good to eat, but it was impossible; whether
roasted or boiled they always tasted like a piece of leather
prepared for eating. Seeing such a quantity of them I
asked Don Nicolo de Domo, doctor-in-law, our good
Milanese, who does excellent business in Candia, why there
was such a quantity of quails, and all thus salted. He

2 ies tho iegpine: anotuer even fon die © mined carmaluat arena neem

3, This word ‘‘zati” is probably a softened form of the Milanese ‘‘sciatt””—a rospo,
or toad.

CANDIA 317

said that that was not because a great many were not
eaten fresh, but that a few days before we arrived, for
eight days continually at a certain place in the island
of which he told me the name, such a number appeared
that two persons with a lhght caught four thousand of
them in one night. Afterwards on the voyage our
magnificent captain showed me the said place. This day
I saw a great abundance of cheap fruit of every kind,
especially pomegranates. They are sweet, though not as
fine and good as those at Rhodes, where they are larger
and finer than any I saw in any place during this voyage.

On Thursday, the 7th of October, accompanied by the
aforesaid Don Nicold, I went to see all the different kinds
of work done in cypress wood, and also the articles of
devotion painted in the ancient style. Everything was
shown to us out of regard for the aforesaid Don Nicolo,
who is much esteemed by the people on account of his
profession which he exercises publicly before those Lords,
the Duke and Captain and Councillors very boldly.
Following the example of the other pilgrims, I also spent
a few ducats on the articles of devotion and the things
made of cypress.

On Wednesday, the 8th of October, the pilgrims began
to behave to the captain as did the children of Israel to
Moses when they were in the desert, and, weary of the
manna they had every day, they asked for meat and began
to murmur. So did the pilgrims, satiated with so much
malmsey and muscatel. They began to say to the captain
that he must take them away from there, and that if he
wanted to trade in malmsey or anything else he could do
so at his good pleasure, provided he sent the company to
Venice.

He excused himself on the ground that the weather was
very unfavourable; but the company received the excuse

318 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

with very high and injurious words. I was the judge
of the controversies which arose between the pilgrims and
the captain, and they said some hard things to me also,
declaring that I supported the captain, because, even when
we remained on land, he paid my expenses and not theirs.
This was the truth, but I paid more than they did.

On the morning of Thursday, the 9th of October, the
weather changed, and immediately the captain gave notice
to his friends, and sent word to certain Venetians who
wanted to come to Italy, and by means of the trumpet
warned the pilgrims who were on land, that every man
must be on board the galley by the twenty-third hour,
because if this weather continued he intended to set sail
without fail.

At the appointed hour no time was lost. First came
the old Duchess—that is, the wife of Don Lorenzo Venier,!
who, as I said, was the retiring Duke of Candia, and the
wife of Don Luca Zeno,? the retiring Captain. They were
accompanied by the wife of Don Domenico Bollani, the
new Duke, and the wife of Don Francesco Foscarini, the
new Captain, and attended by many ladies, so adorned
and so magnificent that I seemed to be in Venice on a
great festival; and they went first on board the galley.

After them came the aforesaid retiring Duke and Captain
preceded by the new Duke and the new Captain. All the
magistrates of the island and an infinite number of
gentlemen of Candia (if those can be called gentlemen
who neither do nor want a single thing), and the trum-
peters and the pipers escorted them to the galley very
honourably and also with great dust.

1. Ser Lorenzo Venier, son of Ser Marco, had been Duke of Candia since July, 1492.
His successor, Ser Domenico Bollani, son of Ser Francesco, was elected on the 14th Sept.,

2. Ser Lucas Zeno, son of Ser Marco, knight, was apointed in September, 1492. His
successor, Ser Nicolo Foscarini (and not Ser Francesco as Casola says), was elected in
September, 1494. Both Duke and Captain held office for two years, Segretario alle Voci,
Reg. vi. p. 80, Venice Archives.

MODONE 319

When the company heard that the aforesaid Duke and
Captain with their families had gone on board the galley,
all flew with their baggage on their shoulders, and no one
looked behind. I was accompanied by the aforesaid Don
Nicolo de Domo, doctor, and greatly recommended by him,
more than I wished or needed, living as I did at the
captain’s table. In addition, he insisted on my accepting
a barrel of excellent malmsey and some fowls, pomegranates
and grapes. I kept the fruit for myself as I am very fond
of it, the rest I gave to the galeottz.

In spite of the firing of so many cannon and the many
signals of departure given, it was past the second hour of
the night before leave had been taken of all the friends.
Then to the praise of God and of Our Lady, at the third
hour of the night (it was moonlight), the cables and other
fastenings of the galley were loosened, and at the fourth
hour we left the port with great cries from the mariners
and blasts from the trumpets, and set sail towards the
West, although the wind was not favourable for our
voyage, but rather contrary.

On Friday, the 10th of October, God willed to give some
little consolation to the pilgrims, so often troubled now
by one thing, now by another, and he suddenly sent a wind
so favourable for our journey and so strong, that without
a single stroke of the oars it drove us between the said
Friday and the Saturday following, right opposite Modone.
The artimone (that is, the main sail) only was spread, and
there was no need to move even a rope, so that every man
was in good spirits.

On Saturday, the 11th of October, at the eighth hour,
it was found that we had passed beyond Modone, and if
a calm had not come on towards Sunday, the captain had
decided with that wind to go on without putting in at
the port; but as the sea calmed down he ordered the
anchors to be cast.

320 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

On Sunday, the 12th of October, as the galley was
already anchored, but some distance from the port of
Modone, the captain gave license, to anyone who wished, to
go ashore, especially to hear Mass; and he ordered the
anchors to be raised because he wanted to approach the
port and go and hear Mass also. But the moment the
anchors were heaved such a favourable wind sprang up
that nothing better could be desired. He was thereupon
entreated by Don Lorenzo Venier not to trouble about
landing there, but rather to go to Venice; and being also
urged to do this by the comito, he changed his decision,
and at once ordered three cannon to be fired and sent a
trumpeter on land to recall to the galley all those who had
gone on land. In the shortest possible time every man
was back on board, and without delay he set sail with an
excellent stern wind, amid general rejoicing. We made
more than ten miles an hour.

CHAPTER XVII.

Pilot left behind at Modone.—Don Bernardino Con-
tarini goes on Board the Galley.—Zante Sighted.—
Great Storm.—Curzola.—Lesina.—Description of
this Island. — Franciscan Friary. — Sermon in
the Cathedral.—Galley Anchored at La Murata
near Sebenico.—Several Pilgrims leave the Ship.—
Death of a French Pilgrim.—Zara.—Storm in the
Quarnero.—Brioni.—Istrian Stone.—Church of the
Four Crowned Heads.—Majority of the Pilgrims
take small boats to go direct to Venice.—Parenzo.
—Pilot taken Aboard and the Galley sets Sail for
Venice.

At Modone the captain left the pilot whom he had taken
there on the way out, and he took on board the galley one
of his relatives named Don Bernardino Contarini, who
wanted to go to Corfu; but he and all the others who
desired to go there were disappointed, because it was not
possible to touch there on account of the weather.

When the galley was well started in the name of God,
and after dinner was over, the said Don Bernardino, who
had dined with the captain and those other Venetian
gentlemen, in reply to questions addressed to him, because
he had just come aboard, began to speak of the affairs of
the West—of the Pope, of the King of France and of our
Lord Lodovico. I think he spoke of what he knew and
what he did not know, and far from the truth; nevertheless
some of the things he said, which we did not believe, were
afterwards found to be true. I appeared to believe them
like the others, and the more so, when they redounded to

V

322 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the praise of the aforesaid Lord Lodovico, although he said
them with another object. I supported what he said with
good arguments, and they themselves—I mean _ the
Venetians—remained silent.

Thus we spent the time until late; then the sky became
very dark, and the company thought there would soon
be heavy rain. The said weather began in the sea towards
the North, and for the space of over an hour a tail of cloud
was seen, like a great beam, which came from the heavens
and entered the sea; it seemed to raise a great mass of
water from the sea. All on board the galley, the mariners
as well as the pilgrims, stood in great wonder to watch this
thing. The captain said that it was a very evil beast
called Scio, and that if it encountered a ship, no matter
how large, unless that ship could get out of the way, it
would be thrown upside down. However, at the third
hour of the night the weather cleared, and good weather
continued and also a good wind.

On Monday, the 13th of October, in the morning, the
island of Zante as it is called was sighted. It is a very
fertile island, and subject to the Signoria of Venice.
During the preceding night it was found that we had
made over a hundred miles, although the weather was so
good that we pilgrims, who had been crowded together
below deck for fear of a storm, thought that the galley
had never moved. We all declared, that on the whole
voyage, we had never had such a good night before. But
in truth we behaved as did the children of Israel when
they waxed fat with the favour of God, and instead of
praising Him they gave themselves up to idolatry, and did
everything in direct opposition to his Commandments,
until they provoked Him to do them some harm. Because
of the good weather we had and the excellent passage God
had granted us, we ought to have been occupied continually

TERRIBLE STORM AT SEA 323

in good works and in praising God; but all the contrary
prevailed throughout the galley, and the good works were
limited to a very few persons, so that within myself I
marvelled greatly, that having experienced so many perils
at sea, those on board had not become better and did not
recognise the Divine Power in a very different manner.

God, however, chastises whom He will at the right time,
and like our excellent Father as He is, when He sees that
of our ownselves we do not walk in the good way of His
Commandments, at once He sends the punishments. Thus
at the hour of Vespers, when we thought to reach Corfu
that night, the weather was so good, and when we were
already opposite the island of Jacinthos, commonly called
Zante, a hundred miles from Corfu, such a terrible storm
arose and of all the winds together—now sczrocco,! now
garbino,? now ostro%—that the officers of the galley did
not know what to do, and having furled the sails they
waited to see what would happen.

The following night the sea was so agitated that every
hope of life was abandoned by all; I repeat by all. We
were driven out of our course, and the galley was launched
out into the open sea on chance, and a certain sail called
the cochina was hoisted which had never been used all
the voyage. The storm became so violent that every man
fled below deck, and it was no use to say: “This is my
place,” because in that hour all things were common in
our despite. Death was chasing us.

During the night such heavy waves struck the ship that
they covered the castle in the poop and the pzzolo and
the whole galley in general with water; not a single
person was exempt, from the least to the greatest. The
water came from the sky and from the sea; on every side

1. South-west wind.
2, South-east wind.
3. South wind.

324 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

there was water. Hvery man had “Jesus” and the
“ Miserere”’ constantly in his mouth, especially when
those great waves washed over the galley with such force,
that, for the moment, every man expected to go to the
bottom.

Thus the night wore away amidst such cries that it
seemed as if all the souls tormented in hell were there,
so to speak. From time to time, the galeott2, who remained
on deck exposed to the weather in order to navigate the
galley, came below drenched to the skin, and in such a state
as to merit all compassion even if they had been more
wicked than they were.1 I gave up my place to them
very willingly, in order that they might put on dry clothes.
How many bargains were made with the Judge who will
not accept frivolous things nor chatter! I made very
many, 1f they were only accepted! That time there was
no lack of vows, both general and particular. Amongst
the general, it fell to me to draw out of a hat a written
one, containing a promise to say certain Masses at Venice.
I have not forgotten the private ones I made, and I will
carry them into execution as soon as I can.

As that terrible tempest continued, on Tuesday, the
14th of October, by order of the captain and also of Don
Lorenzo Venier, three pilgrimages were arranged—one to
Our Lady of Loreto, another to Saint Anthony of Padua,
and the third to Venice 7 Much money was collected for
the purpose, and many pilgrims volunteered to undertake
these pilgrimages.

During this storm we drifted at the mercy of the sea,
with nothing but the sail I mentioned above. Three very

1. The original runs: ‘“‘De hora in hora venevano li galeoti sotto coperta, bagnati
in tuto, chi staveno di sopra ala sparata a governare la galea, degni de ogni compassione
vedendoli, se ben fosseno stati anche pi scelerati che non erano.” Though free men, the
sailors were drawn from a low class, and their habits and language were no doubt calcu-

lated to shock a priest like Casola.
2. See Introduction, pp, 80—S81.

STORM CONTINUED 325

strong men remained always at the helm of the galley,
and it was as much as they could do to manage it. I
remained on deck because the sea did not upset my
stomach as it did many of the others.

I stood to contemplate the fury of the sea, which was
greater than I can describe to anyone who has not seen it.
When it was angry, those mountains, as they seem of
water, appeared as if they would engulf the galley. I
reflected that these were among the things I had not
believed when I heard about them. When those mountains
reached the galley they gave her such blows that it seemed
as if she would break up, as indeed she would have done
if she had not been so excellently built. The old and
experienced mariners said that no other galley could have
resisted so many and such terrible blows, and I shall
always be able to testify to this from what I saw.

The storm lasted until the following midnight. It was
impossible in such weather to make a port, so we left
Corfu behind, though it was desired by so many, beginning
with myself.

On Wednesday, the 15th of October, a little before
daybreak, the sea began to mitigate its terrible fury some-
what. At sunrise, the cochina was taken down and the
artimone—that is, the main sail—was spread, and we
began to make good way towards Albania, leaving the
Morea behind us. At the twenty-third hour the weather
began to change again, and in great haste the artemone
was let down and furled and the cochina was hoisted
again. Heavy rain came on with thunder and lightning,
which lasted until the morning, when we found ourselves
at the point of an island called El Sasino, in Albania.

As I went about everywhere on the galley quite freely,
I came to the conclusion that the past evils, and those we
still feared to encounter, proceeded from the fact that

326 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

there were too many commanders aboard. First, the
captain ordered one thing; next Don Lorenzo Venier
ordered another, and insisted on having his own way; then
the comito, because of the altercations, flew into a passion ;
and finally, in the midst of these disputes, the bad weather
overtook us.

At dawn on Thursday, the 16th of October, the cochina
was taken down and all the other sails were spread, as the
sea was somewhat calmer and a wind favourable for our
journey had sprung up. More than twelve miles an hour
were made, so the experienced sailors said, and with this
weather we hoped to be able to touch at Ragusa, having
passed by Corfu so much desired by the company; but
Don Lorenzo Venier, according to whose pleasure the ship
was navigated, wanted to touch at a castle in Albania
called Antivari, where one of his nephews was Governor.

We passed Dulcigno, and a river called the Boyana,!
which comes from a lake and winds for two hundred miles.
It generates terrible fish, especially eels of enormous size
and other fish, and it is subject to the Turk.

After all, as the weather was so steady and so much in
our favour, it was impossible to stop and make the port of
Antivari.

In the evening, in order to avoid running on a rock,
for there are many in those parts, all the sails were taken
down and the cochina alone was spread. With this, how-
ever, the galley made such progress that it was a marvel
and in the morning we found that we had left Ragusa at
least sixty miles behind, to the great disappointment of
many who wanted to leave the galley and go on board
other ships, in order to cross to the kingdom of Naples.

On Friday, the 17th of October, late in the day, we

1, The Boyana issues from the south-east of the Lake of Scutari, and after a long
sinuous course enters the sea between Dulcigno and San Giovanni de Medua.

CURZOLA 327

reached Curzola,'a citadel in Dalmatia, and as bright and
clean as a beautiful jewel. It has no drawbridges, but it
has strong walls, and it will be stronger still when a wall
is finished which has been begun towards the sea. At first
sight the said citadel appears to be flat, but one perceives
on entering it that all the streets ascend a little. The streets
are narrow and dark, but they are paved with stones. The
city is built on a rock. Many of the houses are built in
the modern style and are handsome enough for a great
city. They are built of white stone like marble and
sculptured. It was a marvel to me to see so many
beautiful houses in that place. The Cathedral Church,
considering its importance and also that of the city, is
beautiful. It is entirely built of beautiful squared stones.
The choir is beautiful and the church is well served.

The said citadel is full of people. The men dress in
public like the Venetians, and almost all of them know
the Italian tongue. When I asked the reason, I was told
it was because they often go to Venice. Their women
cannot fear the cold. They go about with their chests and
shoulders entirely uncovered from the breasts upwards,
and they arrange so that their breasts hold up their
clothes and prevent them from falling down on to their
feet.

The place seems to me poor in everything save wine,
which is abundant and good. The island is not much
cultivated because the greater part of the men are galeottz
and continually at sea.

Most of the pilgrims landed, thinking to find a good
supper. But there is no fish to be had there, although
the place is in the midst of the sea, no eggs, no cheese.
There was hot bread, for, as soon as the people heard of the

1, In 1494 the Venetian Count or Governor of Curzola was Ser Simon Capello, who

remained there three years, until January, 1496. Segretario alle Voci, Reg. vi. p, 68.
Archives of Venice.

328 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

arrival of the galley, every man ran to make bread in
order to earn a little money; it was good, and so was the
wine. There were dried figs and also some raisins, but
everything was dear.

We stayed there until the following morning, every
man being warned, however, that if he wanted to come
further, he must sleep on board the galley. Certain
Ragusans remained behind and some friars who wished
to return to Ragusa, which we had passed by owing to
the force of the wind.

On Saturday, the 18th of October, which was the festival
of Saint Luke the Evangelist, we left Curzola. Only one
sail, the terzarola, was spread, because there was a very
high though favourable wind—that is, the scirocco, and
with the said sail alone we made, according to the estimate
of the mariners, fifteen miles an hour.

It was a lordly sight, for anyone who did not fear the
sea, to see such a great ship fly along. In four hours we
went from Curzola to Lesina, and there made the port, in
obedience to the wish of Don Lorenzo Venier, who was
afraid of being carried further by the violence of the
wind—although it was favourable for us—because the
rocks were so numerous in Dalmatia.

The anchors were thrown out on all sides of the galley
because of the force of the wind, and as that was not
enough they also threw on land certain cables called
provexe. It seemed indeed as if all the world would be
engulfed, such was the fury of the wind.

When the galley was brought toand secured, the greater
part of the pilgrims went ashore, hoping to find some
refreshment besides the wind, but they did not find
anything save wind and water—no eggs, no fish, hardly
even a little bread and wine; and all returned to the
galley expressing great marvel that the captain had

LESINA 329

touched at such a place. As to provisions, they had fared
better at Jaffa. Everybody was very astonished also that
Lesina should be reckoned a city, when there is not to be
found there lodging for a single person.

This city of Lesina? is called in Latin, Fara. It looks
a more important place seen from the sea than it is found
to be when one is on land. It stands on two hills, one
higher than the other. In my opinion, it must have taken
its name because the higher part is built as a fortress and
walled, and goes up to a point like a lesina.? I think the
lower part is more ancient, and it is called Fara because
the Episcopal Church is there and the Bishop is called
the Bishop of Fara and not the Bishop of Lesina. I
inquired about this both on the galley and ashore, but
I did not get any explanation.

Suffice it to say that on entering this city it seems flat,
nevertheless on two sides it ascends, and more on the left
side than on the right, and the part on the left is walled.
It must be said that the place is strong, for it has a large
port on the right hand, and on two other sides—because
it can be described as triangular—it is dominated by the
hills. On the top of the left-hand side there is a castle
which appears to overlook the whole sea.

As to the buildings, I saw nothing beautiful there,
except the palace of the Government. The other houses
are very humble, and there are very few of them. There
are some which have been begun above the seashore. They
will be beautiful when they are finished. I heard that
they belonged to certain Ragusans who went away because
of the heavy taxes. The people are poor and of a bad
condition. They are proud, even to the women, so that
the officials do not know how to carry out their duty there.

1, In May, 1494, Ser Alvise Barbo was elected Count or Governor of Lesina, and
remained there until 1497. Segretario alle Voce, Reg. vi. p. 67.
2. Lesina (Italian)=an awl.

330 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

The longer a stranger remains there the more he lacks.
There is wine there and not much else. The town has to
live on the bread of Apulia. The Cathedral is in the
lower part, and is dedicated to Saint Stephen.

On Sunday, the 19th of October, we all went to hear
Mass at the Church of Santa Maria delle Grazie, where
the Observant friars of Saint Francis live. The Friary
(Note 95) is being built with the offerings of sailors. It
stands on a white rock, and when any building is added
it is necessary to excavate the rock.

The Church and Monastery were founded by a certain
Don Giovanni Soranzo, because of a great miracle worked
for him by Our Lady; and the sign is to be seen as you
enter the church door. One night he was at sea in a great
storm; the ship’s rudder broke; he recommended himself
to Our Lady, and found himself again safe at this rock.
This was the origin of the building. It was afterwards
enlarged, and in it there live as many as twelve friars.
Don Lorenzo Venier had a Mass chanted there because
of the vow he had made at sea.

After hearing Mass we went to the Cathedral to hear
the sermon. It was not like those preached by the de-
parted Don Fra Francesco Trivulzio, which stimulated a
man to listen; this instead incited one to talk and even
to sleep. The day ended very sadly for the pilgrims, for
the reason I gave above.

On Monday, the 20th of October, we remained in
port, with great loss to the pilgrims, who murmured,
although the captain excused himself on account of the
weather. It must be said that the sea had so calmed
down during the night that the galley could not be moved.
In order to remain on good terms with the captain, I went
to see the sights and did not take part in any assembly
that might displease him. Certainly, I also would have

LA MURATA 331

been glad to depart, nevertheless, by standing aside, I was
always among those chosen to accompany the captain and
the other gentlemen and go with them everywhere.

Before daybreak on Tuesday, the 21st of October, we
left the port of Lesina with a little favourable wind,
and up to the second hour of the day we sailed along gaily
enough. Then the sea calmed down so much, that, with
much fatigue—for the oars had to be used—we were taken
for safety to stop at a place called Cape Cesto, because it
was feared that an unfavourable wind was about to rise,
and there we remained. No one went on land, and there
was nothing to be done save contemplate the sea, which
was so quiet that it appeared a glass of water.

On Wednesday, the 22nd of October, we departed from
the said place, thinking to be able to navigate as a little
wind had sprung up; but immediately there was a calm
again, and afterwards a provenza arose which was un-
favourable for us, and it was necessary to take refuge in
a place called La Murata, where there was nothing except
high and very bare mountains. It is called La Murata,
because of a wall which the Signoria of Venice has caused
to be made in the manner of a fortress with a drawbridge.
It is said to have been made in order to fortify a certain
islet, and that formerly, when the Turks harried those
parts, the peasants used to take refuge in that islet and
save themselves from the raids. Although it is such a
desert place, vestiges of dwellings are to be seen there;
they are also built of stone. La Murata is twelve miles
from Sebenico.

While we were in this place the fishermen came from
Sebenico and from certain hamlets three or four miles
distant, and brought on to the galley an abundance of
good and cheap fish; there was nothing else to be had.
With certain other persons I want wandering a long time

332 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

on those mountains, because I wanted a salad. As I have
said, they are so dry and bare that there was not a herb
to be found the length of one’s finger.

On Thursday, the 23rd of October, we still remained in
this straitness with great murmuring on the part of the
pilgrims, who said that if we had not stopped at Lesina
we should have already arrived at Venice with the weather
we had. And murmuring thus, sixteen pilgrims of various
nations left in several barques to go to Zara. Although
I was invited to accompany them, I determined not to
abandon the captain, even if it took up to Christmas
to go to Venice; and he strengthened me in this resolution,
taking care, that, as far as the living was concerned, I
should lack nothing.

While we were at La Murata, this day, at the twenty-
second hour, a French pilgrim passed from this life, and
was buried beside the wall.

On Friday, the 24th of October, when the moon arose,
as there was a little Greco-Levante, we set sail; but it left
us very quickly, and it was necessary to anchor near a rock,
suitable for the purpose, twenty miles from Zara.

On Saturday, the 25th of October, at daybreak, the said
wind having sprung up again, we set out with the intention
of passing by Zara without stopping, in order to make up
the time lost at the preceding rocks, but the opinion of
Don Lorenzo Venier’s wife, who wanted to visit certain
relatives at Zara, won the day, and the port was made.
The pilgrims who remained and those gentlemen with
their wives went ashore, on the understanding, however,
that every man must be aboard again by the evening,
because it was decided to set sail before dawn. There we
did nothing save stand and watch the partridges sold for
six marchette the pair.

On Sunday, the 26th of October, at daybreak, we left

STORM IN THE QUARNERO—BRIONA 333

Zara with such a strong stern wind that we made fifteen
miles an hour quite smoothly. But at midday, when we
were in a certain gulf called the Quarnero,! such a storm
arose that it seemed as if we must founder. The captain
was of the opinion that we had not yet had the worst,
and already I began to envy the pilgrims who had left the
galley and gone by other ships. The blows given by the
sea were so heavy, and such a quantity of water was
thrown on the galley, and came down through the hatches,
that I thought we should be drowned below deck.

For my part I considered that we well deserved it all,
because, as at the pleasure of a woman we had entered port,
so, in the judgment of God, we ought to have remained
on land long enough to hear Mass on Sunday. Neverthe-
less, when it pleased God, we approached a rock called
the rock of Saint Jerome, twenty-eight miles from Parenzo,
in terrible rain, which put an end to the violence of the
bora which had sprung up so furiously. The anchors were
cast there, and we waited the favour of God until the
morning, for the wind was contrary.

On Monday, the 27th of October, we took refuge, as well
as possible, in a port very well protected from the violence
of the winds, according to what I heard. On one side
there was a village called La Fasana, on the other side
another village called Briona.? I think the name has been
altered, and that it should be “ Priona,’? because there
are mountains of rocks and very beautiful stones of
different kinds, although there are no marbles. They are
like the stones of Angera,* and it seems really as if the
veins of stones had been first squared before being put
into those mountains, for they are all cut as if to measure.

1. The Quarnero or Gulf of Fiume.

2. The Istrian stone used for important buildings in Venice came principally from
Brioni and Rovigno in Istria.

3. In the dialect of Como ‘‘ Préna” means a steep rock without vegetation.

4, Angera or Anglera is on the south-east of Lake Maggiore opposite Arona.

334 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

It is a very extraordinary thing to see those stones. The
greater part of the stones used in Venice are obtained
from there.

At Briona whoever wished to do so went on land. I
found there a man from Cremona, and another from
Como, employed in stone cutting, and from them I learned
about the nature of the place.

The land is cultivated by the women, because the men
are entirely occupied in cutting out the stones. I saw
one thing in that place which I must not omit to mention,
namely, that the greater number of their houses are built
without mortar, and nevertheless there are some beautiful
ones. The stones are so well put together one upon the
other that the buildings are strong, though these are
without cement. The cracks are filled up outside with
tow.

The men are honest, and have had enterprise enough
among them to build a beautiful church, called the Church
of Saint Germanus and the four Crowned Heads, and they
have had enterprise enough also to cause an altar piece
to be made of the value of three hundred ducats, as they
themselves say. There are five large figures made by the
hand of an excellent master. They only lack the voice,
otherwise they would be alive, and the gold has not been
spared on them. At the foot, there is carved the history
of the four crowned heads who were carvers in stone
(Note 96). I have not seen an altar piece like it at
Milan.

On Tuesday, the 28th of October, as the contrary wind
persevered, the captain and the other Venetian gentlemen
left the galley, and I did not abandon them. It was very
cold, and we were not ashamed to go to the good fires.

As many pilot boats had come there, the majority of the
pilgrims who suffered much from the inconvenience of

PARENZO 335

the place, entered those boats and departed to go to Venice.
For my part, not being too bold-spirited, I determined not
to leave the galley, although I was anxious to depart.

On Wednesday, the 29th of October, at the second hour
of the day, as there was a little favourable wind, we
departed, and sailed towards Parenzo, leaving on the right
a city which looks large and beautiful seen from a distance.
It is called Rovigno, and appears to have a beautiful
church dedicated to Saint Euphemia, whose body is said
to lie there.

With this weather we arrived at Parenzo at the first
hour of the night, and when the anchor was cast, the
captain, urged by Don Lorenzo Venier, went ashore alone
and took a pilot according to the regulations. When he
returned to the galley bringing the pilot with him, as the
air was clear, he set sail out of the usual order, for we
thought to leave the galley here and go by a small boat
as far as Venice. The galley set out towards Venice to
the praise of God and of the glorious Virgin Mary, and
to the great joy of those who remained board; they were
only a few.

336

CHAPTER XVIII.

Arrival in Venice.—The Custom House.—Festival on
All Saints’ Day.—Casola says Mass at the Frari.—
Visits the Milanese Ambassador and meets Philippe
de Comines,—Palazzo Delfini—Dominican Con-
vent.—Casola takes leave of Friends in Venice and
goes to Padua.—Vicenza.—Abbey at Villanova.—
Verona.—Peschiera.—The Muster.—Brescia and
its Bishop.—Encounter with Friends from Milan.—
Caici.—Caravaggio.—Casola Arrives in Milan.

On Thursday, the 30th of October, about the first hour
of the day, we reached a place called Sopra Porto,! said
to be ten miles distant from Venice. There was a very
heavy sea, and the captain ordered the anchors to be cast
there.

As the arrival of the galley had been announced by an
English pilgrim who had left Zara in a barque, many pilot
boats came to meet us, and other boats also came to take
off the pilgrims, because, as I said, there was a heavy
swell on, and the pilot thought it better not to proceed
further for the present.

The captain, who did not feel very well, took one of
the boats, and permitted me to accompany him. I left
all my possessions except my breviary on board the galley.
That swell was a great comfort to me, so great was my
desire to reach Venice.

To the praise of God, at the nineteenth hour, I arrived
in Venice, and found that the pilgrims who had left the

1, This may have been what is now called ‘‘Pelorosso” on the sea side of Malamocco,
where there is good anchorage.

CASOLA REACHES VENICE 337

galley in various places before us, had not yet arrived
because they had taken another route, nor did they arrive
until the evening. When I had taken an affectionate
leave of the captain and thanked him, I was received by
the Italians, especially by my fellow countrymen, with
great rejoicing, because I was the first Italian pilgrim
who arrived. Everyone was glad to see me. Nicolo
Delfinono, at whose house I had left the emblem of my
pilgrimage, brought me and a certain native of Friuli
back from death to life, so to speak, for we were both
dying of hunger and thirst. We had an excellent meal,
after which I set about paying the visits due, beginning
with the Magnificent Don Tadiolo Vicomercato, the ducal
Ambassador, who kept me with him until the evening,
and even then he would hardly let me depart.

On Friday, the 3lst of October, the galley came into
the Grand Canal of Venice to the Custom House (Vote 97).
Although it was raining heavily, as I found I could do
so, I had all my things taken off the galley and put into
a gondola. For this I paid certain mareelli to someone.
I do not know who he was. Immediately after, by order
of the Lord Advocates, the door of the Custom House—
that is, the place where the merchandise was stored and
where the pilgrims had slept—was sealed. This was very
inconvenient for many pilgrims, especially for the Ultra-
montanes, who wanted to go to their own countries.

In consequence of this sealing—as complaining produced
no effect in Venice—they had to stay there against their
will more than six days. It excited one’s sympathy to see
those pilgrims go with so many complaints to the Signoria;
nevertheless the said door was not opened until it pleased
the authorities. My experience proved that it helped
matters greatly to shake one of the three sacks I had
carried with me—I mean that of the money.

WwW

338 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Saturday, the 1st day of November, being the festival
of All Saints, I went to Saint Mark’s Church, and there
found the Most Illustrious Don Agostino Barbarigo and
the royal and ducal Ambassadors at the Mass for All
Saints’ day, which was chanted very solemnly with the
usual ceremonies as I described above.

When Mass was finished the aforesaid Doge ascended to
the palace, accompanied by the aforesaid Ambassadors,
and followed by so many gentlemen in couples that it was
a marvel to see them. I counted up to a hundred of them,
then I remembered the lesson read at Mass which spoke
of the multitude which no man can number, and I gave
up counting and contemplated their superb and sumptuous
dresses—so many togas down to the ground of crimson or
of scarlet as you please; and they all walked two and two,
as I said, after the Doge in perfect order. This is very
different from the practices I have witnessed at many
Courts, both ecclesiastical and secular, where the moment
the Prince has passed all go pell-mell (as we say in our
tongue a rubo) and without any order. In Venice,
both before and behind the Doge, everyone goes in the
best order imaginable.

After dinner, with the aforesaid ducal Ambassador, we
went to hear very solemn Vespers at a Monastery for
women, called All Saints (Vote 98).

On Sunday, the 2nd of November, as I was not yet
ready to return to the mother country, although I greatly
desired to do so, I went with certain Milanese to the
Church of Saint Francis, or as it is called the Church of
the Minor Friars, where the Milanese, as I said before,
have a beautiful chapel dedicated to Saint Ambrose, and
having borrowed an Ambrosian missal, I said Mass there
in the Ambrosian fashion, not without exciting the
admiration of certain Venetians who remained to hear it.

VENICE—VISIT TO PALAZZO DELFINI 339

Then I went to see the magnificent ducal Ambassador,
who with great courtesy had sent to seek me, and for the
rest of that day he would not let me leave his magnificence.
After dinner he very kindly took me in his boat, together
with the Ambassador of the French King (Note 99) and
Don Girolamo Zorzi (Note 100)
facetious, though somewhat deformed in his person, that
is to say, slightly hump-backed—who had just been
appointed Ambassador for the Signoria to the Pope. We
went first to hear Mass at San Giorgio Maggiore, which

a very good man and

was so disagreeable to listen to, because of the manner in
which it was celebrated by the friars, that we were obliged
to leave.

We then entered the boat and went together to visit
the wife of a gentleman of the Delfini family who was
in childbed. I think this visit had been arranged by
the aforesaid Don Girolamo to show the magnificent
Ambassadors, and especially the Ambassador of the King
of France, the splendour and great magnificence of the
Venetian gentlemen. The aforesaid royal Ambassador
said truly, that neither the Queen of France nor any
French noble would have displayed so much pomp in
similar circumstances. The ducal Ambassador said the
same, and declared that our most illustrious Duchess would
not have such ornamentation on a similar occasion.

As the room was not capable of holding many persons,
the aforesaid ducal Ambassador chose me specially to
enter with him so that I might see and also report what
I had seen elsewhere. While we were standing in the
room he asked my opinion several times, now about one
thing, now about another. I could only reply with a
shrug of the shoulders, for it was estimated that the
ornamentation of the room where we were and where the
invalid was—I mean the permanent structure—had cost

340 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

two thousand ducats and more, although the length of
the chamber did not exceed twelve braccia. The fireplace
was all of Carrara marble, shining like gold, and carved
so subtly with figures and foliage that Praxitiles and
Phidias could do no better. The ceiling was so richly
decorated with gold and ultramarine and the walls so well
adorned, that my pen is not equal to describing them.
The bedstead alone was valued at five hundred ducats,
and it was fixed in the room in the Venetian fashion.

There were so many beautiful and natural figures and
so much gold everywhere that I do not know whether in
the time of Solomon, who was King of the Jews, in which
silver was reputed more common than stones, there was
such abundance as was displayed there. I had better not
try and describe the ornaments of the bed and of the
lady—that is, the coverings and the cushions, which were
six in number, and the curtains—as I fear I should not be
believed. They were in truth most wonderful.

I must tell about one other thing, however, which is
true, and yet perhaps I shall not be believed, though it
is certain that the ducal Ambassador would not let me le.
In the said chamber there were twenty-five Venetian
damsels, one more beautiful than the other, who had come
to visit the invalid. Their dress was most decent, as I
said above, in the Venetian style. They did not show,
however, less than four or six fingers’ width of bare skin
below their shoulders before and behind. Those damsels
had so many jewels on the head, neck and hands—that is,
gold, precious stones and pearls, that, in the opinion of
those who were present, these must have been worth a
hundred thousand ducats. Their faces were very well
painted, and so was the rest of the bare skin that could
be seen.

After staying a good while and contemplating the room

CASOLA LEAVES VENICE 341

and the persons in it, every man departed fasting; the
custom in this respect differing from that observed at
Milan, where at similar visitations a magnificent refection
is provided. I think the Venetians consider that the
refreshment of the eyes is enough; and I like the idea,
because the refections offered at Milan on such occasions
are a great expense, and those at Venice cost nothing.

On Monday, the 3rd of November, being the day of
the commemoration of the dead, there was a festival, as
on Sunday. I went to the Observant Monastery of Saint
Dominic. The friars are good men. Having borrowed
vestments from them I said a Mass for the souls of the
departed.

On Tuesday, the 4th of November, I went again in
the morning to the Monastery named, and there I said a
Mass in fulfilment of a vow which fell to me by lot during
the storm at sea. After this, as the weather had turned
very cold, I set about making a provision of warm clothes
to protect me, and attended to certain other affairs because
I wanted to leave for Milan.

These things occupied me all Wednesday and the
following Thursday, on which day I took leave of those
to whom I was debtor, beginning with the Magnificent
Don Tadiolo de Vicomercato, the ducal Ambassador, and
then all the others, especially the Milanese.

On Friday, the 7th of November, I heard Mass in
the Church of San Salvatore, and then, after taking a
meal in the house of Don Giovanni Toretino, a citizen of
Lucca, who, by reason of the great courtesy he had shown
me during my sojourn in Venice, both going and returning
from this voyage, had been a most delightful host, I went
on board a boat near the Rialto in company with two
Milanese merchants; and at the seventh hour, with the
favour of God, we left Venice and set out towards Padua,

342 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

where we arrived at the third hour of the night. We had
a great deal of difficulty in entering the city. Finally,
after mingling entreaties and gratuities, we were ad-
mitted by a certain postern gate and went to lodge at the
Sun Inn, where, because the inn was full and we were
late, we fared as the proverb says: “ He who comes late
has a poor supper and a worse bed.”

On Saturday, the 8th of November, I took a horse on
hire from the host, and having first dined, we set out
towards Vicenza, which we reached at the twenty-second
hour. There I found Raphaele da Palazzolo, a Milanese,
who was on his way from the fair at Treviso, where he
had bought three horses. He gave me one to ride as far
as Milan, and I gave back the horse I had hired.

We left Vicenza without further delay and went to
lodge at a place called Le Tavernelle, for no other reason
except that we wanted to ride before daybreak.

On Sunday, the 9th of November, we left Le Tavernelle
very early, and arrived in very good time at a place called
Villanova, where there is an excellent abbey.

After finding lodgings, we went to the abbey to hear
Mass in order to do our duty. Although the abbey is
rich there was only one friar to be found in the monastery.
He had already said Mass, and if we wanted to hear Mass
it was necessary for me to say it in very dirty vestments,
to the shame of the person who holds the abbey in
commendam. Enough! I do not want to say any more;
but I marvelled greatly that the Signoria permits such a
state of things.

Having said Mass as well as possible, and commended
ourselves to God, according to the Commandment of the
Holy Mother Church, we went to restore our bodies which
had need of refection. Then we mounted on horseback
and went as far as Verona, where we lodged early. As it

JOURNEY TO MILAN 343

was a festival, and we were warned that if we went
further there was no good lodging to be found for a very
long way, we decided to put up at the house of a good
innkeeper who had been recommended to us. Then we
went about the city to see the things we had not yet
seen until supper-time.

On Monday, the 10th of November, we started out and
made our first halt at Peschiera, where, because it was the
Vigil of Saint Martin’s day, and also because we saw a
fine quantity of fish, we had a Lent dinner. Then riding
on, we put up at a certain little inn called Saint Mark’s
Bridge, where we fared very badly. But we were con-
strained to stop there as it were by necessity. We had
planned to pass the night at Lonato, but we heard that
the place was everywhere full of soldiers gathered there
for the muster, and we thought it wise to keep away from
such company (Note 101).

On Tuesday, the 11th of November, Saint Martin’s day,
we rose early and rode to Brescia, where we dismounted
and went to hear Mass at a little church situated in the
Bishop’s Court. A great festival was being held there in
honour of Saint Martin, and a very solemn Mass chanted
in the presence of the aforesaid Lord Bishop (Note 102).
In my opinion he must have been very little at the Court
of Rome to learn ceremonies and episcopal dignity, or if
indeed he had learnt these things he practised them very
little; and let that suffice.

When we returned to the inn we found certain Milanese
who told us that some of my friends, hearing at Milan
that I had arrived in Venice several days ago, had waited
there two days to meet me, and that they had departed
to return to Milan that very morning.

After dinner we mounted on horseback and set out
towards Milan. When we reached Cuchai, we found those

344 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

who had come to Brescia to meet us. They had stopped
there because they had heard from certain merchants that
we had left Brescia. They received us very affectionately.
Amongst them there was the Secretary of the Magnificent
Don Fermo Secchi, sent by his Magnificence to conduct
me to a property of his called Calci. So we left Cuchai,
notwithstanding that it was evening, and went to Calci,
where we were excellently lodged.

On Wednesday, the 12th of November, after dinner at
Calci, we went very early to Caravaggio, and how cordially
we were received by the aforesaid Don Fermo I will
not say, because it would have been oppressive for me
to have accepted all he offered to me and to all my
companions, for we were seven. If I had been a great
prelate he could not have done more for me. And there
I stayed until the following day.

Very early on Thursday, the 13th of November, I went
to fulfil a vow I had made at sea—that is, to say a Mass
at Our Lady of the Fountain at Caravaggio. After Mass
I returned to the house because I wanted to mount with
the company, but the aforesaid Don Fermo insisted on
our having dinner before we departed, although it was
early.

When dinner was over we took leave of the aforesaid
Don Fermo and set out towards Milan, the city I had so
greatly longed for both by sea and by land. When I
heard, however, that his Excellency the Lord Lodovico
Sforza, the new Duke of Milan, had made his entry at
the eighteenth hour with the usual solemnities, I left my
companions for several reasons, and especially because I
did not want to enter Milan with so large a company—we
were twenty horsemen—and remained alone at the Cassina
di Rotuli in the house of Don Jacobo Rotulo, a Milanese
Patrician. Although it was night and there was no one

CASOLA’S ARRIVAL IN MILAN 345

there save an old woman, nevertheless great honour was
done me, and I rested there until the following morning.

On Friday, the 14th of November, by the grace of the
Most High and Excellent God, I reached Milan and
entered the city by the Porta Orientale, in pilgrim’s dress
and alone, although many of my friends had come to meet
me at an early hour.

I first visited the principal church and thanked Our
Lady for the notable help vouchsafed to me in the many
perils I had passed through on this voyage, both by sea
and by land. Then I went to see our Most Reverend Lord
the Archbishop, who, as I said before, had given me the
cross and bestowed his blessing upon me. He received me
in his chapel most graciously, and did and said over me
all that is laid down in the Pontifical to be done to a
pilgrim when he returns to the fatherland. Thus with
his blessing I went home, and was very joyfully welcomed
by my friends.

If I have described this voyage at too great length I
beg my readers to excuse me, because those who asked
me to tell them about it wished me to write thus.

I have not said anything about the voyage to Saint
Catherine in Mount Sinai because I could only do so from
hearsay. When we were in Jerusalem, I, and certain other
pilgrims, had already made provision for the journey as
to the expense, but the friars of Mount Sion told us
that it was impossible to go there. They said that the
Arabs had plundered the monastery which has charge of
the body of Saint Catherine, and killed the abbot and
certain of the monks, and that until the Sultan takes
measures no one will be able to go there in safety. On
this account we gave up the idea of undertaking this

journey.
Praise be to Thee, O Christ!

NOTES.

NOTE 1.

The Ambrosian Liturgy. The local Milanese Liturgy attained its
greatest splendour towards the end of the fourth century. The Oriental
elements it contains may have been due to some one of the first bishops
who had come from the East, or have been introduced by St. Ambrose,
Bishop of Milan, 374—397. It was afterwards called the Ambrosian
Liturgy, either because it was arranged and enriched by St. Ambrose, or
because it had been used by a man of such great merits and authority.
It was used in the Milanese Church all through the Middle Ages, and
its continuity was never seriously threatened until the time of the
Council of Trent, when it was decided to compile a universal liturgy.
In consequence, the Roman Breviary was published in 1568, and the
Roman Missal in 1570. The Curia was determined to impose the new
liturgies on all the Latin Churches, and they prevailed by degrees
everywhere save at Milan. In 1578 the then governor of the city
obtained a papal letter authorising him to have mass celebrated daily
according to the Roman rite, in any church he pleased. The Archbishop,
St. Charles Borromeo, however, procured the immediate revocation of
the brief, and since that time no attempt has been made to suppress the
Ambrosian liturgy.

NOTE 2.

The Cathedral of Milan, in which Casola received the benediction of
Archbishop Arcimboldi, was not the Duomo, but the Basilica of Santa
Tecla, then called the Basilica Metropolitana Estiva or Summer Basilica,
because the Archbishop and the Canons ordinary officiated there from
Easter until the first Sunday in October. According to Count Giulio
Porro, “there can be no doubt on this point, because Casola says that
he was blessed on the third day of the Rogations after the services.
Now we know from ancient documents and from Puricelli, who in his
“Nazariana” gives us the description, that the procession on the third
day started from the Summer Basilica of Santa Tecla, and after visiting
the churches of Santa Eufemia, 8. Celso, and others, returned to
S. Tecla. In fact, in 1494, there were two cathedral churches in

Milan, Santa Maria Maggiore and Santa Tecla.t” The Summer Basilica

1. Note 3 to Porro’s printed edition of Casola’s voyage, Milan, 1855.

350 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

of S. Tecla, also called S.S. Tecla and Pelagia seems to have been the
older of the two. It was demolished in the fifteenth century, because it
was threatening to fall from old age, and immediately rebuilt. It was
finally destroyed in 1548.

NOTE 3.

St. Ambrose (Bishop of Milan 340—397) was born at Treves in 340,
and in 387 he founded a new church at Milan on the ruins of a Temple
of Bacchus. It was first dedicated to the Saints Gervasius and
Protasius, whose bones were transferred there from the place miraculously
revealed to St. Ambrose. After the death of Ambrose, who was laid
between them under the high altar, the church took his name. St.
Ambrose became the great patron Saint of Milan, and the Milanese have
always been proud to call themselves ‘Ambrosiani,’ or Sons of St.
Ambrose.

NOTE 4.

Saints Gervasius and Protasius were twin brothers, who suffered
martyrdom at Milan under the Emperor Nero, a.p. 69. A good man
buried their bodies honourably in his own garden, where they remained
undiscovered until 387 a.p. In this year St. Ambrose had built his new
church at Milan, and the people desired him to procure for it some holy
relics. The Bishop thereupon went to pray in a neighbouring church,
and fell into a trance in which the burial place of Saint Gervasius and
his brother was miraculously revealed to him. The relics were borne in
solemn procession to the new basilica, which was dedicated to them, and
wonderful miracles were worked by them as they passed along the
street. After the death of St. Ambrose, who was laid to rest between
them, the church was called by his name. The bodies of the three
saints (St. Ambrose in the centre), all dressed in gorgeous vestments
and lying in a magnificent sarcophagus, may still be seen in the crypt,
under the high altar of the remarkable old church, which preserves in
the beautiful atrium and the facade, the form of the original building.

NOTE 65.

Erasmus of Narni (not Narma as Casola wrote), surnamed Gattamelata,
perhaps on account of the quiet catlike astuteness he displayed in his
military strategy and tactics, was one of the most celebrated Condottieri
chiefs in the service of the Venetian Republic during the fifteenth
century. His most famous achievements were (a) the victory won at
Rovato (July, 1438) over Niccolo Piccinino, who commanded the troops
of the Visconti; (b) his skilful retreat with his troops, the same year,
from Brescia towards Verona; for which he received generous gifts from
the Republic, and his family was admitted to the Venetian Patriciate ;

NOTES 351

(c) the battle he won near Arco (9 Nov., 1439) over the Marquis of
Mantua and Piccinino. Gattemelata retired from active service 1440 to
Padua, where he died 1443. An equestrian statue in bronze, the work
of Donatello, was erected to his memory in the Piazza in front of the
Church of St. Anthony. In the same church, his wife caused the
chapel of the sacrament to be built, to contain the ashes of her husband,
and of her son who died 1456. The bas reliefs in bronze which adorn
the chapel were designed and executed by Donatello between 1446 and
1449.

NOTE 6.

Antenor. In 1274, while excavations were being made near the
Hospital of the Casa di Dio at Padua, a cypress coffin was discovered,
with a lead coffin inside it which. contained the body of a man with a
sword lying by his side. Near the coffins two vases were also found
full of gold coins of considerable value. The results of later research
made it probable that the body was that of a Hunnish soldier. A
certain Lovato or Lupato, however, promptly declared the corpse to be
that of Antenor the famous Trojan, to whom legend attributed the
foundation of Padua. He thereupon persuaded his fellow-citizens to
celebrate the discovery with sumptuous festivals, and to build a tomb,
magnificent for its day, to contain the remains. This tomb is still to
be seen near the University and the Ponte di San Lorenzo.

NOTE 7.

The pilgrims, whether Italian or Ultramontane, who chose Venice as
their port of embarcation, came on foot or on horseback as far as Pavia,
or Padua, or Treviso, or Mestre, according to the route selected, and
then performed the rest of the voyage to the Lagoon-City by river or
canal. Those who had come on horseback generally either sold their
horses, or left them with an innkeeper, or a friend, to be kept for them
till they came back, others however sent them back home. Casola tells
us that before entering the boat at Padua to go to Venice, he recom-
mended the horse he had ridden from Milan, to the innkeeper, “as is
the custom.” Something must have happened to the animal, however,
because on his return to Padua he was obliged to hire a horse from
the host, which he gave up at Vicenza, having obtained another from a
Milanese whom he met there.

NOTE 8.

Don Taddeo Vicomercato. A large number of despatches sent by
Don Taddeo (or Tadiolo, as Casola calls him) Vicomercato to Milan,
while he was Milanese Ambassador to Venice in the years 1491—1496,
are preserved in the Archives of his native city. There are few, how-

352 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

ever, for the month of May, 1494, and Casola is not mentioned in them.
On the 16th of June, 1494, Don Taddeo wrote to his master amongst
other items of news :—‘“The mercantile galleys which leave Venice
every year are twenty-two in number, including the pilgrim galley,
which has gone on its way.”* On the 31st of October, 1494, the
Milanese Ambassador informed the Duke that “This morning the
pilgrim galley arrived. Frate Francesco Trivulzio died on board of it,
and was buried at Rhodes on the way back from Jerusalem. I have
not heard anything else of sufficient importance to be worthy of being
brought under the notice of your Highness.”? Later on Don Taddeo
was ambassador for Milan to Lucca, Imola, Bologna, Siena and Florence.
He died in 1509.

NOTE 9.
The chapter in Sansovino,* which is devoted to a description of the
private palaces in Venice, concludes thus :—“So many and such splendid

edifices, with others near them of greater or less importance, form a
most great and spacious city; which to subtle observers reveals itself to
be not one city alone, but many separate cities all joined together.
Because, whoever looks at a plan in which the bridges are not marked
will see that the city is divided into many large, fortified places and
cities, each surrounded by its own canals; and people pass from one to
the other by means of bridges—whether of stone, as they are for the
most part, or of wood—which bind the whole city together. The shops
also, which are scattered over the whole body and circumference of the
said city, also make it appear to be made up of many cities joined
into one. Because every Contrada* has not one church alone,
but several churches. There is also a piazza with wells; and it has
bakehouses, wineshops, the arts of the tailors, the fruitsellers, the
grocers, the chemists, the schoolmasters, the carpenters, the shoemakers,
and everything else necessary for the use of human beings in great
abundance. The result is that on going out of one Contrada and
entering another, you will say without doubt that you have gone out
of one city, and entered another.”

NOTE 10.

The Ducal Palace, begun by Angelo Partecipazio in 809 or 810, was
in great part destroyed by fire during the revolution which led to the
death of the Doge Pietro Candiano, and rebuilt between 991 and 1009
by the Doges Pietro I. and II. Orseoli. It afterwards suffered from four
other great fires which did inestimable damage. The first of these great

Archives of Milan, Potenze Esteri, Venezia.

Idem.
Venezia descritta, da M. Francesco Sansovino, Venetia, 1604.

i.e., District or quarter.

PON

NOTES 353

fires took place in 1106, but the damage was soon repaired, and the
Palace enriched with the marble and other treasures brought from the
East after the fall of Constantinople. In the second half of the four-
teenth century the Hall of the Great Council was built. In 1422, on
the proposal of the Doge Tommaso Mocenigo, it was decided to re-
construct the rest of the old fabric facing the Piazzetta, in harmony
with the work already carried out." Thus under the Doges Foscari and
Moro, the outside of the Palace was completed as it stands at present,
but the eastern side of the Courtyard remained as in ancient times
until the second great fire broke out on the night of the 14th of Sept.,
14838, according to Malipiero.* (Sanuto gives the date of the fire as
1479.) This fire did great harm, especially to the Ducal apartments,
which were completely gutted. When the question was raised, the
majority of the Venetian Patricians “did not feel like spending more
than 6,000 ducats in repairing the Palace, because of the hardness of the
times.” * Nicolo Trevisano, on the other hand, proposed to buy all the
houses opposite the Palace on the other side of the Canal as far as the
Calle delle Rasse, and build there a new residence for the Doge, with a
large garden, and join it by a stone bridge to the Sala del Collegio in
the old building, which was to be restored and used for purely business
purposes. It was, however, finally decided to rebuild the original
Palace with the addition of another story; and it is this decision, which
Casola, who was fascinated by Trevisano’s scheme, so much regrets.
Antonio Rizzo, the architect, was appointed at a salary of 100 ducats a
year to direct the work. In 1494 Casola saw the so-called Giant’s stair-
case in process of construction, and the new facade of the Ducal apart-
ments, which internally also impressed him with the splendour of the
new furniture and decorations. It was only in March, 1492, that the
Doge Agostino Barbarigo, after giving a dinner to a hundred poor
people to celebrate the event, left his temporary residence in the Palazzo
Diedo, and went to sleep for the first time in the “ New Palace.” In
1498 Rizzo had already spent 80,000 ducats and only about half of the
necessary work was yet done. As it was discovered at this time that
he had embezzled 12,000 ducats, he fled, and died shortly after at
Foligno. The work of restoration went on and may be said to have
been completed in the middle of the sixteenth century.

NOTE 11.

Prisons. The chief prisons in Venice in the Middle Ages were in the
Ducal Palace itself, though every “ Sestiere” or sixth part of the city
had its own separate prisons for debtors and persons guilty of slight

1. See F. Zanotto in Venezia e le sue lagune, vol. ii. part ii.
2. Malipiero, see Annals of, in the Archivio Storico Italiano, vol. vii.
3. Malipiero, p. 673.

x

354 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

offences. In 1321’ and 13267 two decrees of the Maggior Consiglio
ordered—the first the construction, and the second the enlargement of
certain prisons “Desubtus Palatium” (underneath the Palace)—two
houses which existed there, and the apartments of certain subordinate
officials being devoted to this purpose. These details, together with the
fact that the Ducal apartments and all the chief Government offices—in
fact the Palace proper—were above the ground floor, remove all sus-
picion that by the words “Desubtus Palatium,” subterranean prisons
are to be understood. No such prisons ever existed in the Palace, and
it was the long, dark, narrow staircase, down which they were con-
ducted, which gave prisoners the idea that they were going into the
bowels of the earth. The “upper prisons” referred to in decrees re-
lating to the prisons, were evidently those in the TJorresella, which
was probably the eastern tower of the original ducal palace, while the
“lower prisons” were on the ground floor, and occupied part of the
space now devoted to the lower of the two open arcades surrounding
the courtyard. These latter prisons included the so-called Pozzi or
wells, which still remain. On the upper floor of the Palace, on the
side facing the canal, were the prisons popularly known as the Piombi
or leads, though under the lead roof there was a wooden ceiling formed
of heavy beams; these Piombi, however, only began to be used as
prisons in 1591. Casola refers to the “lower prisons,” that is to the
Pozzi on the eastern or canal side and to others on the south side
known by quaint names such as the Liona (the lion), Forte (the
strong), Orba (the blind prison, because it had no windows),
Frescagioia (fresh joy), etc., and he must have been quite right in
thinking that they spoiled the general effect of the Palace. Between
1589 and 1602 the present prison building, connected with the ducal
palace by the Bridge of Sighs, was constructed, and the prisoners were
removed there. The outer walls of some of the old prisons were then
thrown down and replaced by the pillars which form the lower arcade.
See Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, vol. iii., pp. 74—78; iv.,
pp. 51, 52; vi., p. 75. Sansovino, Venetia descritta, p. 2516; Edizione,
1604. Mutinelli, Zessico Veneto, p. 310. Tassini, Curiosita Veneziane,
p. 157. Venezia e Le sue Lagune, vol. ii., part i, p. 347e, 348.
Codice Italiana alla Biblioteca Marciana, class vii., No. ccxcv.

NOTE 12.

Broletto was the popular name at Milan for the Palazzo di Corte, the
early residence of the Visconti and the seat of the government offices,
especially of the Courts of Justice. It stood on the site now occupied
by the S. W. part of the enlarged Duomo (which it was destroyed

1. Maggior Consiglio, vol. vii. 5th July, 1321, p. 19d.
2. Maggior Consiglio, vol. vii. 2nd March, 1326, p. 127.

NOTES 355

piecemeal to make way for), and by the modern Palazzo Reale. Brolo
in the Milanese dialect (Broglio or Brogio in the dialect of Venice),
means a garden. The Palazzo di Corte took its name from the
Broletto, or small garden, which lay on its eastern side, as dis-
tinguished from the Brolo Grande or large park which is believed to
have extended behind the Palace from San Nazaro to Santo Stefano,
and perhaps included the present Piazza Fontana.

NOTE 13.

The date of the institution of the College or Tribunal known as the
Signort di Notte, i.e., The Lords of the Night, cannot be given pre-
cisely. According to Marino Sanuto the elder, it existed before 1250,
and this chronicler asserts that it consisted at first of one, and then of
two persons, who divided the inspection of the city between them,
until, in 1262, their number was increased to six, one being elected for
each Sestiere of Venice. In any case from that time there were always
six of them, and their duty was to watch over the safety of the city,
especially at night, protect it from fire, and punish murderers, thieves,
fornicators, bigamists, swindlers, tenants who did not pay their rents,
etc. They were empowered to pronounce sentence of death, but there
was an appeal, first to the magistrates known as Del Proprio, and
second to the highest criminal and civil court, called the Quarantia.
In 1544 the Maggior Consiglio created a second College of six Lords of
the Night. Henceforth the older body was known as the Signori di
Notte al Criminale, and dealt with criminal matters. The new body
called the Signori di Notte al Civile, had jurisdiction in Civil cases.
see Venezia e le Sue Lagune, vol. i., p. 72, and p. 155. Mutinelli,
Glossario, p. 370. Ferro, Diritto Comune e Veneto, vol. ii., p. 693.

NOTE 14.

The Church of S. Maria della Carita was one of the oldest in Venice,
and built at first of wood. In 1120 the Patrician Marco Zulian offered
all his substance to the Papal Legate to erect it in stone together with
the Convent, which in 1134 received a certain number of Regular Canons
of St. Augustine. Pope Alexander III. consecrated the church and en-
riched it with indulgences; whence arose the custom that every year the
Doge and the Signoria went there in state on the 5th of April, to take
advantage of the same. The church was rebuilt in 1446 and beautified
in the following century. The famous congregation or Scuola della
Carita, instituted 1260 in the Church of St. Leonard, erected its meeting
hall in 1344, beside the Church and Convent of the Carita. Tradition
relates that Pope Alexander III., fleeing before the Emperor Barbarossa,
came to Venice in disguise 1177, and passed the first night, either on the
bare ground near the Calle del Perdon at S. Appollinare, or as others

356 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

recount, under the porch of the Church of S. Salvatore; that he went
the next morning to the Monastery of the Carita, and was received as a
simple priest, or according to another version, as a scullion, and that he
remained there six months. V. Tassini, Curiosita Veneziane, pp. 148,
150 and 550.

NOTE 15.

The Pregadi [from Pregare Ital=to pray, to beg]. The Venetian
Senate was also known as the “ Pregadi,” because in early times the
Doges, on occasions of special importance were in the habit of sum-
moning, and begging for the counsel of certain of the leading citizens.
The number and the choice of the individuals depended entirely on the
Doge’s good pleasure. The citizens thus gathered together formed a
purely consulting body; all real power being reserved to the Great
Council. As, however, the latter generally accepted the advice of the
Pregadi which was open to the suspicion of unduly favouring the policy
of the Doges, it was decided, early in the thirteenth century, to replace
the irregular and arbitrary body by a permanent one elected from the
Great Council itself. The new Council was called the Senate; at the
same time it kept the old name of “ Pregadi,”’ though the members were
no longer invited but elected.

NOTE 16.

As the palace in Venice belonging to the Duke of Milan had been
confiscated and sold during the wars which preceded the Peace of Lodi
(1454), the Venetian Government bought a house at San Polo from the
heirs of the famous Condottiere Gattamelata, and presented it to
Francesco Sforza in 1458. A few years later (1461) the latter sold the
house at San Polo to Marco Cornaro, father of Catherine of Cyprus for
12,000 ducats, and at the same time bought from Marco Cornaro for
20,000 ducats the foundations of a magnificent palace begun by Marco’s
brother Andrea in 1453 on the Grand Canal. The difference in the price
(8,000 ducats) was to be paid by Duke Francesco in five annual rates of
1,600 ducats each, beginning with the lst of January, 1463. But Cornaro
had to wait for his money. Finally Sforza decided to pawn the ducal
jewels for 5,500 golden ducats to pay his debts in Venice, and through
the intervention of the Doge, Marco Cornaro, received in February, 1465,
two instalments. Not long after, Francesco Sforza died, and his son
Galeazzo turned a deaf ear to Cornaro’s requests for payment. In 1478,
however, the Duchess Bona authorised Marco Cornaro to collect a ducat
above the usual price (fixed in 1460 at ten ducats) on every moggio of
salt brought into Milan from Venice—and this up to the extinction of
the debt. The Palace begun by Andrea Cornaro, and designed by Master
Bartolomeo Bono, the mason and architect, was described in the Act of

NOTES 357

Sale as “ The house begun on the Grand Canal in the Contrada of Saint
Samuel,” etc. And with more precision by Marco Cornaro, in the descrip-
tion he sent to Francesco Sforza as follows :—‘ The facade on the Grand
Canal has two towers on that side, which are of marble cut diamond
fashion, and the riva between the two towers has very large columns of
marble.” By these descriptions, the foundations, which never seem to
have been carried any further, may still be recognised. For, after passing
under the Academy bridge on the way to the station, there is to be seen
on the right-hand side, at the corner of the Rio del Duca, and nearly
opposite the Rio Malpaga, a group of very ordinary looking houses
rising from a foundation evidently intended for a large and imposing
palace. This is the Ca’ del Duca, that is the House of the Duke,
and according to the popular tradition the Venetian Government, alarmed
at the size and strength of the building, stopped the construction.
There does not seem, however, to be any authentic record of any such
prohibition ; and the money difficulties of Francesco and his successors,
together with the complications produced by the French Invasions,
sufficiently explain why the building was not continued. In 1494, when
Casola saw the beginning of the handsome structure and wished “ for
the honour of the Milanese” that it had been completed, it still belonged
to the Sforzas; and it is not certain when it passed out of their hands.
Probably it was confiscated in 1499, when the Venetians, in league with
Louis of France against Lodovico il Moro, conquered Cremona. On that
occasion the Venetian ‘“ Provveditori,’” who were with the army—
Melchiore Trevisan and Marcantonio Morosini—brought home some
famous marble trophies. Trevisan’s grandson fixed two of these into
the walls of the courtyard and garden of their house at the Gindecca;
while Morosini built those that fell to his share into the wall of the
courtyard in his house at Santa Giustina. Early in the 16th century the
Ca del Duca, that is the simple building set up on the Colossal
foundations of Andrea Cornaro and Bartolomeo Bon, was occupied in
part by Master Bartolomeo himself; and Titian kept models here for the
pictures he was commissioned to paint for the hall of the Great
Council. In the time of Francesco Sansovino it belonged to the Grimani
family. (See Cronaca Magna, Marciana, Venice. Sansovino, Venezia
Descritta, Edition of 1604, p. 2666. Tassini, Curiosita Veneziane, p. 241.
Luca Beltrami, Za Ca del Duca, Milan, 1899. Cantu, Scorsa di un
Lombardo negli Archivi di Venezia, Milan, 1856.)

NOTE 17.

The large number of warehouses and the immense accumulation of
merchandise in medieval Venice was due to the trading system pursued.
The merchant galleys were not allowed to go directly, from a port where
goods were bought, to the port of exchange; but every voyage was re-

358 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

quired to begin and end at Venice. Venice became, therefore, the place
of deposit until at least the following year, when the new voyages were
made; and foreign merchants crowded there to make their purchases.
Two great events, however, which immediately preceded and followed
Casola’s visit very soon changed the current of trade and began to
empty the Venetian warehouses. If the discovery of America in 1492
had not made its due impression on the Venetians, things were very
different when a few years later tidings came that Portuguese ships had
circumnavigated Africa, arrived in India, and returned laden with spices
and other Eastern products, which were sold cheaply at Lisbon. “All
the city of Venice was greatly impressed and alarmed, and the wisest
men held that this was the worst news that could ever come to the city
- . - - Because the spices which came to Venice, passed through the whole
of Syria and the countries subject to the Sultan, paying exorbitant
duties in every place, so that when they arrived in Venice the value of
an article which, in the beginning, was worth a ducat, was raised as
high as sixty and even a hundred ducats. As the voyage by sea was
exempt from these oppressive taxes, it came to pass that the Portuguese
could sell the goods they brought at a much lower price.” (Girolamo
Priuli Diarii, p. 108, in Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia,
vol. iv., p. 461.)

NOTE 18.

Fondaco dei Tedeschi. From very early times various nations such as
the Germans, Greeks, Tuscans, etc., having extensive trading relations
with Venice, had houses assigned to them for their representatives and
their merchandise, by the Government of the Republic. From at least
the thirteenth century, the Fondaco which stands to-day on the same
site, was allotted to the Germans or J'edeschi; and in 1268 three
Patricians called “ Visdomini” were appointed to direct the affairs of
the Pondaco dei Tedeschi. In 1505 a violent fire reduced the building
to ashes; and during the reconstruction, completed in 1508, the senate
lodged the Germans provisionally in the house of the Lippomano at
Santa Fosca. The outer walls of the New Fondaco, were decorated
with frescoes by Giorgione and Titian. The pilgrims to Venice were
met as they entered the city by a crowd of agents who with noisy
importunity extolled the merits of the hostels they represented. Some
went directly to quarters bespoken in advance, at the houses of friends
or agents. Priests and monks were received at certain of the monasteries.
Knights and merchants established themselves at one of the inns which
existed in Venice from very ancient times; and amongst these there
were several German houses. The chief of the German hostels was the
Fondaco dei Tedeschi on the Grand Canal, just below the Rialto Bridge.
Ordinary pilgrims might go where they liked; but all German merchants

NOTES 359

were obliged to live here, and deliver up to the House Steward on their
arrival, their weapons, their money, and their merchandise. Here the
whole German trade in Venice was concentrated and placed under the
control of the State officials, who in spite of their close protective
system and high duties, favoured the German merchants on the whole.
The Fondaco contained not only dwelling rooms and bed rooms, but also
a large restaurant, where good eating and drinking was to be had. If,
however, the Germans had little to complain of with regard to their
treatment in general, the time limit imposed on the visits to the eating
room formed a standing grievance; they wanted it open night and day
after the well-known German necessity—long ago noted by Tacitus—
To take just one more drink. (See Rohricht, preface to Deutsche
Pilgerreisen, Innsbruck, 1900.)

NOTE 19.

“Round the roofs” (of the palaces and houses) “run the gutters of
hard stone, by which the rain water descends through hidden pipes into
the wells” (which are provided with an ingenious system of filtration),
“where it is purged of the grosser material and turns again to the
benefit of man. Because as there are no rivers there (i.e., in Venice),
nor foundations of solid earth where springs of sweet waters could be
found, the cisterns are used, and their water is healthier and more
easily digested than spring water, which is very crude. There are a
great number of these wells or cisterns—both public and private—
throughout the city, so that every piazza, or campo, or corte, has its
well, made at the public expense, and for the greater part on special
occasions.” (Sansovino-Venetia Descritta, p. 261.) The modern system
of reservoir, aqueduct, and pipes in the separate houses has supplemented
but not superseded the old system in Venice, especially for the poorer
classes. The water carriers and water sellers formed themselves into a
guild in the 14th century, and, elected as its protector St. Constantius,
because this saint “caused the lamps to burn with water without any

71

liquor or oil as Messer St. Gregory relates.

NOTE 20.

Fra Francesco Trivulzio belonged to one of the noblest of the aristo-
cratic families of Milan. He was one of the five sons of Pietro Trivulzio,
Lord of Codogno in the district of Lodi, by his wife Laura Bossi.* In
the Trivulzian Library I saw an engraving of a portrait which bore the
legend “B. Fran. Trivultius. Ord. Min. obyt 1482.” The portrait is
that of a gentlefaced, beardless friar, holding a lily in his hand, and

1. Tassini, Cwriosita Veneziane, p. 6.
9. See notes on the life of Fra. Fr. Trivulzio by Carlo Trivulzio, inserted on loose
leaves, in the MSS. copy of Casola’s voyage, in the Trivulzian Library, Milan.

360 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

bears a strong resemblance to the traditional portraits of Saint Anthony
of Padua. The date is clearly a mistake. In the same library a book
of the quattrocento is preserved, which contains a written inscription on
the Ist page, stating that it was “For the use of Brother Francis de
Trivulzio,” and begging the reader to pray for the Soul of the
Magnificent Lord Peter de Trivulzio—through whose bounty the book
was bought,—who died on the Ist of December, 1473, when “I, brother
Francis his first born was present, and I believe that through the
mediation of the order of the Minor Friars he is saved because he closed
his life well.” * Francesco married Veronica dei Secchi,* but persuaded
his wife to embrace the religious life. Francesco assumed the habit of
the minor friars in the Convent of Sant’ Angelo, then a mile outside
Porta Comasina (Milan); and in time was appointed Provincial Vicar of
his order for the province of Milan. Fra Francesco “was very frugal in
his food, and very assiduous in his prayers, most vigilant in conserving
his virginity perfectly pure, and of no ordinary perfection—skilled in
both laws and endowed with a most profound and tenacious memory ;
and he preached so unweariedly throughout Italy, that he became
famous everywhere not only as an excellent, but also as a most saintly
preacher. The people themselves rendered public testimony to his
fervent preaching, his doctrine, his holiness, and his exemplary life
when he drew sinners to repentance, reconciled enemies and excited
those who were most inveterate in their vicious habits to amend their
»$ Fra Francesco’s reputation for sanctity and eloquence is
enthusiastically confirmed by Casola, who sought out “The venerable
religious and most remarkable evangelist of the word of God, Don Frate
Francesco Trivulzio” as soon as he heard that he was in Venice, and

ways.

kept much in his company during the voyage “as long as he was well,”
“because in truth he was treated with great respect and everything was
shown to him without much difficulty.” On the voyage, although there
were 63 priests among the Pilgrims, Father Francesco’s sermons are the
only ones Casola records, and presumably the only ones delivered. They
were preached on land as at Zara and Ragusa; and in the midst of the
sea, aS when on the Vigil and the feast of Saint John, he expounded the
famous nine meditations on the saint of the day; and so comforted the
passengers and crew that he made them forget their sufferings from

1. See ‘‘ Panteologia seu Summa Rainerij”’ in the Trivulzian Library. The inscrip-
tion runs thus :—Ad usum fratris Francisci de Trivultio et pertinet loco Sci Johannis apud
Lande. Recordare lector exorare pro anima Magnifici Domini Petri de Trivultio de cujus
elemosyna emptus est liber iste, qui obiit anno Domini MCCCCLX XIII die prima Decem-
bris in civitate Terdene (?) Ilimi Dni Nostri Galeaz Marie Ducis Mediolan: quinti ultra
Padum tune comissarius, ubi ego frater Franciscus primogenitus suus fui presens et credo
quod mediante ordine Fratrum Minorum sit salvus quia vitam suam bene finivit.”’

2. It was don Fermo de’ Secchi, a member of this family, who entertained Casola
hospitably at Calzi on the outward and homeward journey.

3. History of the Minor Friars in Milan, by Brother Pier Nicola Buonavilla, Milan,
1733.

NOTES 361

heat, bad weather, and bad and insufficient food, and preached for two
hours at a stretch “to the great satisfaction of every nation, and
especially of the learned persons, who came crowding round Casola
afterwards to know who that Venerable Father was.” “And I,”
writes Casola, with the pride of a fellow-countryman, “not only for the
honour of the Fatherland, but also that the truth should not remain
hidden, told all I could about him.” At Lesina, on the way back,
Casola regretfully remembered his lost friend when he went to hear a
sermon in the cathedral there. ‘Not like those preached by the
departed Don Fra Francisco Trivulzio which stimulated a man to listen;
this instead, stimulated one to talk and even to sleep.” Father
Francesco was not destined to see Italy again. Just as the ship entered
Rhodes he died and was buried in the Franciscan Church of Santa
Maria della Vittorie.

NOTE 21.

Don John Simon Fornaro of Pavia. In Register 61, in the State
Archives at Milan, which contains the ‘“Immunita, Salvo Condotti,
Grazie,” etc., for the years 1493 and 1494, I found on page 206, the
following :—‘“‘ The eve of the 22nd April, 1494. On the aforenamed
day, letters of safe conduct, valid for two years, were granted to John
Simon Fornaro, citizen of Pavia and Cubiculario, who intends to go to
Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulchre, with six companions.” Perhaps Don
John Simon was chamberlain to the young Duke Gian Galeazzo Sforza,
who died in the Castle at Pavia on October 20th, 1494. The unpleasant
adventures which befel Don John Simon, through his desire to bring
home a parrot as a memento of his voyage, are very graphically described
by Casola (chapter xiv. of the Translation).

NOTE 22.

The church and monastery of Sant’ Elena or St. Helena. Casola was
mistaken in attributing the foundation of this church to Alessandro
Borromeo in 1420. Between 1170 and 1178 or 1175, Vitale Michael, bishop
of Castello, founded a monastery on the island which lies beyond the
present public gardens, and a hospice was attached for poor persons and
pilgrims. In the beginning of the fifteenth century, however, Alessandro
Borromeo contributed, together with a certain Tommaso Talenti, to the
building of a new church, which he enriched. Borromeo also erected a
chapel (in the Church), begun in Nov., 1418, where he and several
relatives were afterwards buried. He came from San Miniato (Florence)
and was brother of Giovanni who settled in Milan and became the
ancestor of Saint Charles Borromeo. The first persons who occupied the
monastery of St. Helena were regular canons living under the Augustine
rule. In 1407, as the monastery, hospice, etc., had fallen into decay,

362 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Pope Gregory granted it to certain monks belonging to the congregation
of the blessed virgin of Monte Oliveto—or Olivetani—founded by Saint
Bernard Tolomei of Siena (born 1272). Casola is therefore mistaken
also when he says that the monks of St. Helena belonged to the
Camaldolese Order. The church of St. Helena has been turned to secular
purposes in modern times. See Porro—Note 9 to printed edition of
Casola. Cicogna, Inscrizioni Venete, vol. iii., p. 337. Mrs. Jameson,
Legends of the Monastic Orders, p. 149.)

NOTE 23.

The church and monastery of Sant? Antonio or St. Anthony the Abbot
stood almost on the extreme point of Venice, looking towards the two
Castles of Saint Andrew and Saint Nicholas (on the Lido). The church
was founded in 1346, and the building was occupied, first by the
regular Canons of Saint Anthony, and after 1471 by the regular Canons
of St. Saviour: not, therefore, by the Olivetani, as Casola declares. In
1807 church and convent were destroyed to make way for the new public
gardens. (Tassini, Curiosita Veneziane, p. 35.)

NOTE 24.

San Cristoforo della Pace or Saint Christopher of the Peace. A certain
Frate Simone (born at Camerino 1404) who was versed in philosophy and
theology, and a man of handsome, dignified presence, and also of rare
eloquence, founded a hermitage for the hermits of Saint Augustine on
one of the two small islands between Venice and Murano, granted to
him by the Senate for this purpose. (v. Commemorali, xii., 1436.)
Saddened by the wars which desolated Italy, he made several journeys
to Milan, and finally his efforts and those of Paolo Barbo, succeeded in
bringing about the Peace of Lodi, 1454. Aided by the grateful Senate
and by other devout persons, he built soon after, a church on the island
which had been granted to him; and church and island were known
henceforth as St. Christopher of the Peace. The church and monastery
were demolished in 1810. Later on, the canal which separated them
having been filled in, the island of St. Christopher was joined to that of
St. Michael, and the two together form the present cemetery of Venice.
(See Sansovino, Edition of 1604, p. 175. Romanin, Storia Documentata
di Venezia, vol. iv., p. 225. Mutinelli, Glossario, p. 120.

NOTE 25.

S. Giorgio Maggiore or St. George the Greater. Casola did not see the
existing church of San Giorgio. The rebuilding was begun in 1556 by
Palladio, and finished in 1610. The monastery has always been occupied
by Benedictine monks.

NOTES 363

NOTE 26.

Sant?’ Andrea or S. Andrew. The church and monastery of Saint
Andrew, belonging to the Carthusians, lay on an island beyond the
island of St. Helena. The island of St. Andrew, otherwise called Sant’
Andrea del Lido, was connected at low water with another island
occupied by the fortress or castle of Saint Andrew, which as Casola
writes, was about a bow shot from the other fortress or Castle of St.
Nicholas, on the N. W. extremity of the Lido.

NOTE 27.

San Francesco delle Vigne or Saint Francis in the Vineyard. Among
the many vineyards in Venice in early times the largest was
that belonging to the Ziani family. This contained a tiny chapel
dedicated to Saint Mark, because according to tradition this was the
place where the evangelist passed the night to escape from a terrible
storm, and where the angel appeared to him and prophesied the future
foundation of Venice. The vineyard and chapel were bequeathed 1253
by Marco Ziani, son of the Doge Pietro to the minor observant friars
who erected a new church dedicated to St. Francis. This was the
building Casola saw. As it was in danger of falling, however, at the
beginning of the sixteenth century, it was decided to build a new
church. The first stone was laid in 1534; and it was consecrated 1582.

NOTE 28.

San Francesco dei Conventuali, as Casola calls it, is Santa Maria
Gloriosa dei Frari, which belonged to the Conventual Friars of Saint
Francis, some of whom came to Venice as early as 1227. The convent
which was called the “ Ca’ Grande,” or the big house, because of its size,
was founded in 1236, and rebuilt after a fire in 1369. The church began
to rise in 1250. It seems to have been rebuilt as it is at present in the
fifteenth century, and it is certain that it was consecrated in 1492 by
Bishop Pietro da Trani. With other foreign merchants the Milanese had
their Guild in Venice. Its hall was in the Campo dei Frari, and in the
Friars Church they had a side chapel and altar on the left, dedicated to
Saint Ambrose. The magnificent altar piece was begun by Bartolomeo
Vivarini, and completed after his death by Basaite, 1498. It represents
the Archbishop, Saint Ambrose, seated on his throne in his episcopal
robes, with attendant saints. It is uncertain when the Milanese first
took possession of the Chapel of St. Ambrose, but it was probably not
long before 1421.

NOTE 29.
The church and monastery of the Servants of Mary or Santa Maria
dei Servi, were begun in 1318 by certain friars who had lately come to

364 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Venice from Florence, the cradle of their order. The church was only
finished in 1474. Church and monastery were almost totally destroyed
in 1813, and the few remains were incorporated in a modern building
It was in this monastery that Fra Paolo Sarpi passed his life; and he died
here in 1631. Early in the fourteenth century a number of merchants
and workmen driven from Lucca by faction, settled in Venice, where
they perfected, if they did not found the silk industry. A certain part of
the city was assigned to them for their residence. It lay between the
well-known tortuous Calle della Bissa (or Snake) and the church of
all the Holy Apostles. With the permission of the Venetian Govern-
ment, they formed in 1360 a guild, under the protection of the “ Volto
Santo,” the name given to a marvellous crucifix venerated at
Lucca. In 1370 they obtained a piece of ground near the Church
of the Servi, where they built an oratory with a cemetery at-
tached. Finally in 1398 they secured from the Servite fathers a piece
of empty ground opposite the Church of the Servi, where they erected
their Guild Hall.

NOTE 30.

San Nicolo 0 San Niccoletto del Lido or Saint Nicholas of the Lido.
Saint Nicholas the patron Saint of Sailors was naturally one of the patron
Saints of Venice. The church dedicated to him at the entrance to the
Lido port was built by order of the Doge Dominico Contarini, whose
body was buried there. The monastery was filled with Benedictines
from San Giorgio Maggiore.

NOTE 31.

The Monastery of San Giorgio in Alga or de Alga—that is Saint
George among the Seaweed—stood on a small island between Venice
and Lizza Fusina on the mainland. The first monks were Benedictines.
They were replaced by Regular Canons of St. Augustine, with whom
San Lorenzo Giustiniani, afterwards the first Patriarch of Venice,
embraced the religious life. In 1690 the Augustine Canons were
succeeded by Carmelite friars of the reform of St. Theresa.

NOTE 32.

Santa Maria dell’ Orto or Saint Mary in the Orchard, commonly
known as the Madonna dell’ Orto, was first dedicated to St. Christopher.
In 1377, however, an image of the Virgin was discovered in a neigh-
bouring garden, and placed in the church which took the name of the
Madonna dell’ Orto, or Santa Maria Odorifera. The monastery was
first inhabited by the monks called the “ Umiliati”—a congregation in-
stituted at Milan by San Giovanni di Meda. They were expelled in
1462 and replaced by some of the exemplary canons from San Giorgio in

NOTES 365

Alga. In 1668 the regular canons were suppressed and succeeded by
Cistercians from Torcello. The church was erected towards the middle
of the fourteenth century by Fra Tiberio of Parma. Though church
and convent were restored, the facade of the church probably remains as
it was built.

NOTE 33.

According to the legend, the church of San Zaccaria or St. Zaccharia
was one of the eight churches founded in consequence of a revelation
made to St. Magnus bishop of Ereclea. The annexed convent was filled
with Benedictine nuns. In 1105 church and convent were burnt down;
but they were soon rebuilt. About 1456 the modern renaissance church
was begun, in which, part of the previous church, including the nuns’
choir was incorporated. From a certain analogy in the style, it has been
attributed to Martin Lombardi the architect of the School of St. Mark.
The church was not completely finished until 1515.

NOTE 34.

Opposite the church of San Pietro or Saint Peter in Castello rose the
Convent of the Nuns, called the Virgins, who professed the Augustine
rule. On the 15th of November, 1487, Malipiero wrote in his diary—
“The Convent of the Nuns, called the ‘ Verzene,’ was burnt for the
second time,” and he added: “It has been rebuilt by public and private
offerings, and by means of indulgences obtained at Rome.” In the
nineteenth century church and convent were destroyed, and the site
included in the enlarged arsenal.

NOTE 35.

The Church and Convent of Santa Maria de Caelestibus, commonly
called della Celestia, or the Zelestre, was begun in 1237 in Castello for
the use of Cistercian nuns who came from Piacenza to Venice. In 1810
the Church and Convent were absorbed into the Arsenal.

NOTE 36.
For the laxity of monastic discipline in Venice, see the Registers called
the Raspe; various chronicles such as that attributed to Savina; and also

Gallicciolli Memorie Venete IZ., and Tassini Curiosita Veneziane, pp. 174,
175, 179, ete.

NOTE 37.

It is curious at first sight that Comines, the French Ambassador
to Venice from October 1494, to May 1495, made the same observation
in almost the same words :—‘“C’est la plus triumphante cité que j’aye
jamais veue,” he says, “et qui plus faict d’honneur 4 ambassadeurs et

366 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

estrangiers, et qui plus saigement se gouverne, et ot le service de Dieu
est le plus sollempnellement faict: et encores quwil y peust bien avoir
d’aultres faultes, si croy je que Dieu les a en aide pour le reverence
qwilz portent au service de l’Eglise.” Memoires de P. de Comines.
Liv: vii. Ch: xviii. It will be noted, however, that on his return to
Venice from the Holy Land, Casola met the French Ambassador at the
house of Don Taddeo Vicomercato the Milanese Ambassador, and passed
a good deal of time in his company. On that occasion as Casola gives
us to understand, they exchanged their impressions about many things
in the city which was new and fascinating to both of them, and very
probably discussed amongst other topics the attitude of the Republic
towards religion and the Church. This probably explains why they
expressed themselves in such similar words on the subject in writing
their Memoirs.

NOTE 38.

San Giovanni e Paolo. In 1234 the Doge Giacomo Tiepolo gave to
the Dominican friars a tract of land on which to build their church and
convent. The latter was entirely finished in 1293, and its two centuries
of life qualified Casola’s admiration when he saw it in 1494. The
church, begun in 1246, was only completed in 1430. It is dedicated to
the Roman brothers and martyrs Saint John and Saint Paul, who were
put to death by Julian the Apostate. The Dominicans who settled in
Venice were emigrants from the convent of these saints at Rome. The
friars of SS. Giovanni e Paolo (Saints John and Paul) granted in 1438 a
piece of land beside their church to the brothers of the School of St.
Mark, who built their hall there and went to it in solemn procession on
St. Mark’s day. In 1485 the Assembly Hall was accidently burnt.
Malipiero the Chronicler writes: “In 1485, on the Ist of April, the
evening of Holy Thursday, the brethren of the School of St. Mark, met
in their Hall to go to the Church of St. Anthony, and departed, leaving
the candles alight on the altar. The wind opened a window on the west,
and blew the curtain on to the candles; the curtain then set fire to the
altar and the roof, so that in four hours everything was burnt. And it
was fortunate that the Church of San Zuan Polo [SS. John and Paul]
was not burnt as well. Afterwards, with the help of the Signoria and
the brethren, the Hall has been rebuilt finer and larger than it was
before.” The architect was Martin Lombardi; and the work was
finished not long before Casola visited Venice.

NOTE 39.

The Church of San Domenico belonged to the Dominican friars.
Church and convent were built early in the fourteenth century with a

NOTES 367

legacy left by the Doge Marino Zorzi. In the beginning of the
nineteenth century church and convent, like those of St. Anthony, were
destroyed to make way for the public gardens.

NOTE 40.

The Church of the Madonna dei Miracoli, or Our Lady of the
Miracles. In 1480 Malipiero wrote in his diary :—“This year, has begun
the adoration of the Madonna dei Miracoli, which was at the door of
the Corte Nuova, opposite some houses belonging to the Amadi in
Calle Stretta. Owing to the concourse of the people, it was necessary
to take away the image and carry it into the Courtyard of the Palazzo
Amadi. And great offermgs of wax, statues, money, and silver were
made, amounting to about 400 ducats a month. And the inhabitants of
the Contrada created six Procurators, among the others, Leonardo
Loredano, procurator. And in process of time 3,000 ducats were col-
lected, and with them the Corte Nuova was bought from the Bembo,
Querini and Barozzi families. And there, a most beautiful temple has
been built with a monastery attached, and in the convent nuns have
been placed from St. Clara at Murano.” The miraculous Madonna re-
ferred to was a picture of the Virgin which had been painted by order
of Francesco Amadi, and put upon the wall near his house. The
beautiful renaissance Church begun in 1480 was completed in 1487, and
the image was placed there.

NOTE 41.
The Arsenal. In the Diary of Malipiero [part I., p. 662] there is the
following notice :—“1472 in the month of June, the ‘Arsenale

Nuovissimo” was begun—between the Arsenal and the Convent of the
Virgins—in remembrance of Giacomo Morosini the uncle, patron of the
Arsenal. It is capable of holding a hundred galleys; and this place
is called Babylon.” Casola refers to this, the third extension of the
Arsenal, which was transferred to its present site at the beginning of
the twelfth century. The first extension was begun in 1303 or 1304, and
continued up to 1390; the second, called the New Arsenal, was begun
in 1325; the third in 1473; the fourth in 1588 or 1539; and the fifth in
1564. Two centuries later, the Austrians twice enlarged the Arsenal, in
1810 and in 1820—28. The place outside the Arsenal, where the cords
were made, was called the “Casa del Canevo” [from “ Canapa,” hemp ;
and “ Canapo,” a cable made of hemp] or the “ Tana.” It was not only a
department of the Arsenal (though separate from the latter); but also
the emporium, where all the hemp belonging to the State or to private
individuals was warehoused. The best was chosen for the heavy ropes
and cables of the ships of war and commerce; and no one was permitted
to manufacture ropes, having more than a certain thickness, elsewhere.

368 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Three Patricians who held office for 16 months, presided over the Tana.
In the fourteenth century they were called “ Ufficiali alla Camera del
Canevo”; in the sixteenth century “Visdomini alla Tana.” The
Government of the Arsenal was entrusted to two distinct bodies of
magistrates. The superior officials, called the “Sopra Provveditori,” were
chosen from among the Senators and united ripeness of judgment with
the theory and practice of maritime affairs. They had civil and criminal
authority over the employés; observed and regulated the conduct of the
Provveditori, over whom they formed a sort of inspectorship; decided
on the general line of policy to be pursued, and referred all matters to
the Senate. In the beginning, that is in 1490, there were only two
Sopra Provveditori (as Casola observed also in 1494); their number was
raised to three in 1498. The second body, formed of what were called
the “ Provveditori,” or “ Patroni,” that is the Directors of the Arsenal,
was a very ancient magistracy. It consisted of three Patricians, not
necessarily Senators, who had experience of naval affairs. By a law of
1442, the Provveditori were obliged to reside, during their term of office
of 32 months, in three separate palaces near the Arsenal, called, one
Paradise, another Purgatory, the third the Inferno. The reason for
these quaint names is not precisely known, though it is probably to be
sought in the more or less advantageous positions of the palaces, and
the more or less comfortable arrangements of the rooms inside. Each
Provveditore had also to take turn in sleeping for fifteen nights inside
the Arsenal and keep the keys by him. Besides the material custody of
the Arsenal, the business of the Provveditori was to arrange and dis-
tribute the work and direct its execution, manage the accounts, punish
offences on the part of their subordinates and so forth.

NOTE 42.

Saint Augustine and the Trinity. “The famous subject called im
general, the Vision of St. Augustine, represents a dream or vision related
by himself. He tells us that while busied in writing his discourse on
the Trinity, he wandered along the seashore lost in meditation.
Suddenly he beheld a child who, having dug a hole in the sand,
appeared to be bringing water from the sea to fill it. Augustine in-
quired what was the object of his task. He replied that he intended
to empty into this cavity all the waters of the great deep. “Impossible !”
exclaimed Augustine. ‘Not more impossible,” replied the child Christ,
“than for thee, O Augustine, to explain the mystery on which thou
art meditating.” (Mrs. Jameson. Sacred and Legendary Art, vol. I.,
p. 313.)

NOTE 43.
The Galeotti. From early times, and certainly until nearly the middle
of the sixteenth century, the oarsmen on board the “ Biremi” and the

NOTES 369

“ Triremi”—that is the Venetian Galleys which had had two or three
men to each oar, were free men of Venice and of the subject territories.
Every commune was obliged to furnish for the State ships a certain
number of “Galeotti” between twenty-five and forty years of age; and
when they had completed this term on board, their places were taken by
others. Amongst the peasants of the country districts, the obligation to
serve at sea was very unpopular, because it took them far away from
their homes, into unhealthy, unfamiliar climates, and to a life contrary
to their habits—making them exchange the liberty of the open fields
for tha narrow limits of a medieval ship. It was quite different with
men who belonged to Venice itself, or the Eastern shores of the Adriatic.
And the Signoria, in course of time, came to draw its recruits more and
more exclusively from the poorer districts in Greece, Dalmatia, etc.,
where as Cristoforo da Canale, one of the Vice-admirals, wrote in 1539:
“Hither because of some special property which heaven has bestowed
on those provinces, or because of the general poverty, or because the
inhabitants are familiar with the sea from their childhood upwards, the
largest number of suitable men is obtained.” ‘These men also formed
the crews of the galleys and sailing ships equipped and sent out by
private enterprise. When a ship was ready the Captains—with the
permission of the Senate—set up a table or “banco” in the Piazza, and
enrolled the Volunteer Crew. These Galeotti must be carefully dis-
tinguished from the Galley slaves, or condemned criminals who were
kept chained on board hulks in the “ Bacino di 8. Marco,” opposite the
Ducal palace and the piazzetta. In the pamphlet referred to of 1539,
Messer da Canale asks the question :—“ Whether it is better for a prince
or a republic to equip the Galleys with Volunteers and free men as we
do, or with chained Galley slaves”? The reply given by Messer
Alessandro Contarini, the Procurator, who advocated the Galley slave
system, is a confirmation of the fact, that up to that time (1539) Venice
had not used condemned prisoners on board the National Galleys as
she began to do soon after.

NOTE 44.

The Chief Secretaryship. Casola refers to the chief of the ducal
secretaries called the “Cancelier Grando,” and does not mean to imply
that he was a foreigner in the sense of not being a Venetian, but that he
was not a Venetian Patrician. This was the highest position open to a
man of the citizen class which came between that of the nobles and the
people. The “Cancelier Grando” was appointed for life by the Senate,
and he was created Cavalier. In public documents he was addressed as
“‘Magnifico,” in private he was usually called “ Eccellenza.” He accom-

1. Quoted in I Triremi, by Admiral L. Fincati.
W

370 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

panied the Doge on all state occasions, and had the right of keeping
his hat on in the ducal presence, while the senators were obliged to un-
cover their heads. The election of the “Cancelier” was marked by
great festivities which lasted three days; and after his death a very
magnificent funeral service was held in the Basilica of St. Mark.

NOTE 45.

The Corpus Domini. It was @ very ancient custom in Venice for the
Doge to go publicly in procession on certain days and visit certain
churches. The oldest was the procession on St. Mark’s day; and one of
the most important was the festival of the Corpus Domini instituted
1295. On the 22nd May, 1407,’ it was decreed by the Maggior Consiglio,
in order to make the festival more solemnly imposing, that :—“On the
morning of the said day every year, a solemn procession should be
made, and the body of Christ borne along under a handsome canopy
supported by four poles, to be carried by four noble knights, and if
there were no knights there, by four other nobles chosen by the Lord
Duke and Councillors. At which procession should be present the serene
Lord the Duke who approves, and the Councillors and other nobles who
desire out of reverence for the glorious Jesus Christ our Lord, and to do
honour to their country to take part in the said procession. At which
procession should be present the Canons and other priests attached to
the Church of St. Mark.” The procession was to go out of the church,
round the Piazza, and back to the church again. In 1454
it was further decreed that:—‘Every year on the day of the
Corpus Domini, a regular and solemn procession should be made in
St. Mark’s—in which should take part, the Great Schools, the regular
orders of friars and monks, the congregations of secular priests, and the
Bishops and mitred abbots according to custom, all well in order and
wearing their vestments and ornaments. And that the Piazza of St.
Mark should be covered all round with cloths which should be furnished
by those engaged in the woollen industry, and that the necessary poles
should be contributed by those who worked in wood. And lest the
Piazza should be broken, the Procurators are to cause hard stones to be
prepared, which are to stand on the ground, and in which the Poles are
to be fixed.”? This is a summary of the scene Casola describes so
graphically. As every year about this time, the pilgrims who were going
to Jerusalem assembled in Venice, each Venetian gentleman appeared in
the procession with a pilgrim on his right hand. After the throng of
pilgrims ceased, towards the end of the sixteenth century, the nobles
walked, each with a poor man on his right hand, and so kept alive the

1, Maggior Consiglio deliberazioni. Leona. Carta 162 b. ra
2. This decree is given by Gallicciolli. Memorie Venete, Book ii. p. 272.

NOTES 371

memory of the old custom to the downfall of the Republic. In later
times, on the evening of the Corpus Domini, after the services in the
church in the Sestiere of Cannareggio, dedicated under this name, there
was a “Fresco”—that is a Gondola procession in the neighbouring
canal,

NOTE 46.

Agostino Barbarigo was one of the five sons of Francesco Barbarigo,
(surnamed the wealthy), Procurator of St. Mark’s, by his wife, a daughter
of Nicolo Morosini.’ Three of Francesco’s sons became in their turn
Procurators of S. Mark’s, and two of them, Marco and Agostino, doges.
Agostino was born either in 1419 or 1420. In 1482 he was Captain for
the Venetian Republic at Padua; from there he was sent to assume
the government of Rovigo and the Polesine just conquered from Ferrara.
Shortly after he distinguished himself as Provveditore of the Venetian
army in the war against the Duke of Ferrara and his allies, until, falling
ill, he asked and obtained permission to return home. In 1485 he be-
came Procurator, when his brother Marco was created Doge. ‘The
Barbarigo family was so rich, so influential, and so popular in the city
that there was a time when even three of the brothers were regarded as
pessible candidates for the dukedom.* Girolamo, who was also a
procurator, died, however, in 1468; but at the death of Marco, in 1486,
Agostino was chosen to succeed his brother—an event so extraordinary,
that it made a great impression on the writer Capellari, who qualifies it
as an “unheard of occurrence.” The Senator, Domenico Malipiero,
described the new doge at the time of his election as “a man who in a
short time has gained much experience in the government of this
country ; but he is very obstinate in holding to his own opinion.” Other
chroniclers declare that the death of the doge Marco Barbarigo, was
due to violent anger caused by his brother Agostino.* The events which
marked the reign of Agostino Barbarigo, belong to the general history
of Venice between 1486 and 1501. During the last months of his life,
“As he had become decrepit from old age, he wanted to resign, but the
Fathers of the City would not let him.”* He died in 1501, “In worse
repute,” says Sanuto, “than any other doge since the time of Missier
Christofal Moro. It was amazing to hear the maledictions everyone
bestowed upon him for his arrogance, greed, obstinacy, and avarice,
and for the way in which he used to accept presents.” * After his death,

1. Capellari. Campidoglio Veneto, Class vii. No. 8304.

2. The Annals of Venice from 1457—1500, by the Senator Domenico Malipiero, pub-
lished with preface and notes in vol. vii. of the Archivio Storico Italiano, by Agostino
Sagredo.

Z 3. See note, p. 680, Annals of Malipiero, by Agostino Sagredo.

4. Capellari, Campidoglio Veneto.

5. Diario of Marino Sanuto, vol. iv. p. 113,

372 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the Government, not content with the revision of the Promissione
Ducale, instituted an inquisition into the acts of the dead Doge. The
result seems to have fully explained and justified his unpopularity. In
his will Agostino Barbarigo left ten thousand ducats to complete the
Church of Santa Maria degli Angeli at Murano, and twenty ducats a
year each to his daughters who were nuns in the convent there; while to
each of his married daughters he left two hundred ducats a year.

NOTE 47.

The Doge’s seat. “The ducal throne was usually placed within the
choir, on the right-hand side and almost facing the high altar. It was
made of carved, inlaid and gilded walnut wood. In the middle of the
back there was a very fine piece of inlaid work representing Justice with
the Sword in the right hand, and the scales in the left. The throne
used to be draped with crimson satin; but now instead of that it is all
upholstered in cloth of gold.” (Sansovino, Venezia descritta edition of
1604, p. 33.)

NOTE 48.

Don Nicolo Donato was a son of Ser Bernardo Donato. In 1491 he
was elected patriarch of Aquileia, in opposition to Almoro Barbaro,
nominated by the Pope. However, in 1494, after the death of Barbaro,
Nicolo Donato was confirmed Patriarch of Aquileia by Pope Alexander
VI. According to Ughelli he died in Cividale, 1497; others say in 1505.
(Capellari, Campidoglio Veneto.)

NOTE 49.

Don Tomaso Donato was a son of Ser Almord Donato, and belonged
to another branch of the Donato family. He was a friar of the order
of St, Dominic, and one of the most learned prelates of his time.
He died 1504, and was buried in the Church of St. Dominic in Venice.
(Capellari, Campidoglio Veneto.)

NOTE 50.

The Gesuati. The religious movement which led to the institution of
the order of the Gesuati was begun at Siena by Giovanni Colombini (a
contemporary of St. Catherine), who was born at Siena 1304, and died
at Monte Amiata 1367. He was a merchant, married to the noble
Biagia Cerretani, and already father of a son and daughter at the time
of his conversion 1353. When his son was dead, he gave his substance
to the Convent of Santa Bonda (corruption of the names of two saints
Abbondio and Abbondanzio) outside Porta Romana—where he placed
his daughter Angela—on condition that his wife should be suitably
maintained by the convent as long as she lived. The letters of Colombini

NOTES 373

addressed for the most part to the Abbess and Nuns of Santa Bonda
bear some resemblance to the flowers of St. Francis. Either in 1366 or
1367 the order of the Gesuati was approved by Pope Urban V. It was
suppressed in 1668. In the second half of the fourteenth century
the Gesuati established themselves in Venice. S. Bonda is now a
private villa. When at Siena, I heard the following legend :—Once
upon a time, one of the nuns was in much distress about her soul. She
was oppressed by the fear that her sins were so great that it was im-
possible for her to obtain salvation, and she wept constantly. Her
companions tried in vain to comfort her. In vain they reminded her
that Christ is merciful, and the Blessed Virgin full of pity for human
weakness. One day she was on the Loggia of the Convent, and in reply
to the consolation offered by a friend, she said : “If this branch of olive
can grow where I place it in this crack between the stones, then I will
believe that my sins can be forgiven.” The unexpected happened! The
olive branch took root and grew into a goodly tree. As it grew the nun
dried her tears and lived happily in the conviction that she had found
pardon.

NOTE 51.

“The Messa Secca” or dry mass “was used for the services on board
the ships.” (Galliccioli, Memorie Ven, Libii., p. 487.) There were prayers,
chants, etc., and the benediction, but the Host was neither consecrated
nor consumed. A Catholic friend of mine suggests that probably the
Dry Mass was ordered at sea, because of the danger of sea sickness.
When the patient is in danger of vomiting, the consecrated wafer is not
given even to the dying.

NOTE 52.

The cases referred to by Casola, which were arranged down the centre
of the deck in the “Corsia,” and round the main mast, contained goods
belonging to the officers of all ranks aboard the galley. The common
sailors and galeotti kept their boxes and chests under the benches where
they worked, slept, and probably ate also. According to the earliest
known maritime statutes, issued in 1229 by the Doge Jacopo Tiepolo,1
it was provided that each merchant, sailor, knight or priest on board a
Venetian ship should be allowed to have a chest and carry in it what he
pleased ; no servant, however, was to have such a chest. This was con-
firmed in the statutes of 1255.7 In course of time the chests which were
carried by the officers and crew so increased in size, number and weight,
that they constituted a source of danger, especially to the galleys. In

1. Gli Statuti Marittimi Veneziani fino al 1255, edited by R. Predelli and A. Sacerdoti,

Venice, 1903.
2. Idem.

374 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

1418’ the Senate ordered that the chief and petty officers alone were to
store their chests on deck, that they were to have there only one each,
and that these were not to exceed the ancient measures. In 1446? the
Senate took up the matter again as the result of abuses on the Merchant
Galleys and it was decreed that the chief officers were not to
carry more than 2,000 lbs. weight each in their chests on deck; the
carpenters and calkers, not more than 1,500 lbs. each, and other officers
having chests in the Corsia not more than 1,200 lbs. each. The cooks
and stewards were not to carry more than 800 lbs. each in their chests
on deck. “Zhe rowers, however, who keep their chests under their
benches, may not carry more than 150 lbs. each.” All the chests were to
be of the legal measure. The scribes on the large galleys were allowed
to carry 2,000 lbs. weight, and on the small galleys 1,500 lbs.* In
February 1418,‘ the pilgrim galleys were forbidden to carry merchants
or cargo. The officers, etc., who were doubtful as to whether
the prohibition applied to the goods they were in the habit of carrying
in their chests, and in the appointed places, declared to the Senate,*®
through their representatives, that unless they could carry such goods
they “could not with their present pay maintain their families.” It
was therefore decreed that the comitos, sworn patrons, councillors,
scribes, carpenters, calkers, and helmsmen of the said pilgrim galleys,
in the matter of their chests, and the places allotted to them, were
to be treated in the same way as similar officers on board the merchant
galleys, except that they were not to carry goods which could only be
carried by the ships of the regular trading fleets. The statutes of Jan.,
1418, and of May and August, 1446, applied therefore to the Pilgrim
Galleys equally with the others.

NOTE 53.

The two gentlemen appointed to the galley by the Signoria, and whose
names as we learn later were Don Alvise Morosini and Don Giovanni
Bernardo Vallaresso, were what in modern times would be called mid-
shipmen, if on a man of war; or apprentices to the sea if on a merchant-
man. In the Venetian Navy they were known as “ Nobili di poppa,” or
Nobles assigned to the poop, where the Captain’s quarters were. It was
a very ancient custom to send a certain number of patrician youths to
sea in this way to learn their business; and was instituted and en-
couraged by “our most wise ancestors,” as a decree of 1493 states,
“not only to obviate the many inconveniences and disorders which occur

1. Senato Miste., Reg. 52 p. 72 b, 27th January, 1417 (i.e., 1418, modern style).

2. Senato Mar., Reg. ii. p. 143, 17th May, 1446.

3. Senato Mar,, Reg. ii. p. 172 b, 26th August, 1446.

4. According to Venetian reckoning February, 1417, because the new year began on
March 1st.

5. Senato Miste., Reg. 52. p, 860, 7th April, 1418.

NOTES 375

when our noble youths remain in this city; but also to provide an open-
ing for those who have no other means of supporting themselves, or of
increasing the fortunes of their families.” The number of young nobles
each galley was to carry varied from one to eight, according to the epoch
and the size of the ships. In course of time the practice was being
abandoned ; and in 1493 the Senate declared that “The greater number
of ships which ought to carry nobles of the poop, perform their voyages
without them, against our orders.” It was therefore decreed! that
eight days after a captain-owner had decided to undertake a given
voyage, he was to notify the fact to the Magistrates over the Armament,
who would assign a certain number of young patrician apprentices to his
ships, whom he was obliged to carry with him under a penalty, after
giving in their names and surnames at the office before departure. The
law had been so recently passed that whatever may have been his usual
procedure, Don Agostino Contarini was pretty sure to have his right
quota of apprentices on this occasion.

NOTE 54.

Before and for long after the invention of gunpowder and firearms,
the Balestrieri or Crossbowmen, furnished a powerful arm _ to
the Venetian fleet. All young men without distinction of caste
were required to keep themselves in practice, and were eligible
for appointment to a particular ship after attaining the age of eighteen.
Targets were established on the Lido, and at various other places in
Venice, and young men were expected to go there once a week if they
belonged to the better classes, and on all great holidays if they were of
poorer condition. Each armed galley or other ship carried a certain
proportion of patricians among the Crossbowmen, and the importance of
their position may be judged from the fact that in 1396, when permission
was given to Ser Benedetto Delfino, one of the Captain-owners of the
Beyrout fleet, to visit the Holy Sepulchre, he was ordered to leave one
or two of his brothers in command during his absence; or “in case his
brothers were not with him, one of the Noble Crossbowmen who were on
board the Galley.”? For the protection of the Pilgrim Galleys the
Senate decreed 1414, that for the future, each of the galleys carrying
pilgrims should be equipped with two rowers to each bench and with
20 Crossbowmen, of whom two were to be Noble.*? The Crossbowmen
were selected after having demonstrated their skill at the arsenal itself,
as we learn from a decree of the Senate 1446. Ser Fantin Zorzi had
been Balestriere on board a galley which had come to grief, and he had
lost nearly all his goods. The Senate, therefore decreed that “the

1. Senato Mar., Reg. 14, p. 6, 1493, 30th March.
2. Senato Miste., Reg. 43, p. 135, 8th June, 1396.
3. 1st March, 1414, Senato Miste., Reg. 50 p, S00.

376 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

said Ser Fantin Zorzi shall, according to custom, be taken as Crossbow-
man, without shooting in the Arsenal, on the first ship that sets sail
for the place where he wants to go.”* As he had succeeded in one test,
it was not considered necessary to subject him to another. Laws were
repeatedly passed in the fifteenth century to compel young nobles to go
as Balestriert on the ships, as for example that of 1458 which supports
the measure, “ Because in this way, these gentlemen of ours, become
expert in the sea which is the chief foundation and sustenance of our
State.”* The Balestrarie or posts as Crossbowmen were granted to young
patricians by the highest Criminal Court, the Quarantia Criminale. “So
that each of our poor gentlemen may have his share of such appoint-
ments as is just and honest.” It was found, however, in 1493, when
as the decree states “there is a greater number of poor gentlemen than
ever before,” that these posts were begged from the Signoria for certain
persons to the injury and exclusion of the poor nobles; and that some
of the Captain-owners bought the appointments and then sailed without
filling them up—effecting thus, no doubt, a considerable economy. It
was therefore decreed * that the appointments were only to be made by
the Quarantia Criminale; that each Noble Crossbowman elected was to
go in person or send another noble in his place; and that Captain-owners
were not to buy such posts, or set sail without duly filling them up.

NOTE 55.

Bernardino Scotto. Porro says: “I could not find anything else re-
ferring to this Bernardino Scotto son of Beltrame, save the inscription
placed by his children over his tomb, which stood in the Church of the
Peace. From this it appears that Bernardino Scotto was forty-seven
years of age when he undertook the pilgrimage to Palestine. Scotto is
mentioned once again by Casola, who on the 7th of August administered
the Holy Sacrament to him and to two natives of Ragusa in the Church
at Mount Sion.

NOTE 56.

Parenza and Istria generally. Istria and Venice had always an
affinity of interests and customs, and from Roman times they were
united in a single province. In 732 they were also united under the
Jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Grado. ‘Two centuries later the Istrian
Cities asked for the friendship and alliance of the Republic of Venice,
which were granted. But they did not observe their promises,
and soon became nests of Pirates as of old. In 1150 a Venetian
fleet reduced Parenzo, Pola, Rovigno and other cities to submission; but

1. Senato Mar., p. 174, 12th September, 1446. J
2. Register Regina M.C. 9th July, 1458, given by Romanin, vol. iv. p. 478.
3. Senato Mar., Reg. 14, p. 6, 30th March, 1493.

NOTES 377

for a century their fidelity was not to be relied on. However, in the
middle of the thirteenth century, the growing power of Venice induced
the Istrian and Dalmatian Cities to place themselves under its protection
and even accept its dominion. Parenzo yielded first 1267, and the other
cities followed the example and received Venetian Governors. Parenzo
became the great station for the certificated pilots, who took home-going
ships through the intricate channels to Venice, and outward bound ships
as far as Modone in Greece. There was much legislation regulating the
admission of the Pilots and their duties. Their supervision was en-
trusted to the magistrates known as the Cattavert.

NOTE 57.

Zara and the Province of Dalmatia. Dalmatia was attached to the
Greek Empire, though as the latter was unable to protect it, it drew
always closer to Venice. In 998 Zara, Spalato and other cities placed
themselves under the protection of Venice, entering at most into a con-
dition of Vassalship, and the Doge Pietro Orseolo on his return to
Venice was proclaimed Duke of Dalmatia, and the title was added to
that of Doge of Venice. By degrees Venetian power increased, and
Dalmatia became subject to the Republic; though the cities from time
to time tried to throw off the yoke and called in the King of Hungary
to help them. After numberless revolts, Dalmatia, with the cities of
Zara, Trau, Spalato, Sebenico, Lesina, Curzola, etc., was finally taken
by the Venetians from the King of Hungary between 1409 and 1420.
Each city had its Count or Governor sent from Venice, and a Provvedi-
tore-Generale aided by a Council of Nobles was placed over the whole.

NOTE 58.

Curzola. The battle referred to by Casola took place in August,
1483. During the war between Venice and Ferrara (1482—1484), King
Ferdinand of Naples, in support of his son-in-law the Duke of Ferrara,
sent a fleet against Curzola. It was defeated by the inhabitants under
Giorgio Viario, the then Count or Governor.

NOTE 59.

Ragusa. This city came under the Venetian domination with the rest
of Dalmatia in the time of the Doge Orseolo 998. In early times the
Venetian power weakened in Dalmatia until it became a simple pro-
tectorate, and the proof liesin the frequent renewal of the pacts between
Venice and the Dalmatian cities, which on every propitious occasion
freed themselves from foreign domination, and either governed them-
selves independently, or placed themselves under the protection of some
powerful neighbour. Between 1122 and 1152, and again between 1204

378 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

and 1358 the Venetian Government was established solidly in Ragusa,
and the series of Counts or Governors sent by the Senate is continuous
for the latter period. In 1358, however, having made a secret treaty
with the King of Hungary, the Ragusans, with his aid, established
their independence of Venice and maintained it. In 1365 they placed
themselves under Turkish protection, paying tribute, but preserving, as
under the Venetians, their own proper laws. At the same time they
frequently paid a small tribute to their nearer protector the King of
Hungary. (Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, vol. viii., p. 96—97
and 455—465.)

NOTE 60.

Moorish fasting. Roberto di San Severino, in describing his journey
to Mount Sinai, says :—‘On Friday, the eleventh of August, as their
‘“Ramatana,” that is their Lent, was finished, and it was their Easter
day, the Interpreters, Moors, Arabs, etc., wanted to remain where they
were from the morning until Vespers. Their ‘Ramatana’ lasts a month,
and every day they fast. They neither eat nor drink until the evening,
that is until the hour of the stars; and this custom is followed by the
Moors as well as the Arabs. Then all night they eat and drink as much
and as often as they like until sunrise on the following day.”

NOTE 61.

The Island of Corfu, with the rest of the Ionian Islands, was acquired
by the Venetians 1205, as part of their share of the spoils of the Greek
Empire destroyed by the Fourth Crusade. It was immediately let out
as fiefs to certain Venetian nobles, each of whom undertook to maintain
at his own expense twenty horsemen, forty foot soldiers, and pay a
tribute in addition. Within ten years the Island was lost, however, and
Venetian power was not established again there permanently until 1386,
when Corfu was induced to withdraw itself from the dominion of the
King of Naples, and surrender to Venice. With the rest of the Ionian
Islands it remained subject to the Republic until the end of the
eighteenth century.

NOTE 62.

“Brugh.” I succeeded in obtaining a specimen of the plant known in
Milan and the neighbourhood as “brugh,” through the courtesy of
Monsignor Marco Magistretti, Canon of Milan to whom I am greatly
indebted for much kind help, especially in the interpretation of words
and phrases in the Milanese dialect, in Casola’s voyage. I sent it to
Miss Clotilde von Wyss of the London Day Training College. She kindly
replied as follows:—“I knew the plant at once as ‘Erica Carnea,’
belonging to the natural order Ericaceae; it is one of the heaths or

NOTES 379

heathers. It grows on the Alps and Fore-Alps up to a height of 2,600
metres. I do not think it has been found at a greater height. In some
localities, it is used as fuel, and I know that bees feeding on it are
considered to produce very delicate honey. I am nearly certain I have
found Erica Carnea in England; but not absolutely so; what I came
across may have been only an allied species. I may mention that the
plant chiefly grows in limestone regions; but only this summer I saw
a healthy patch of it on a conglomerate The ‘brugh’ certainly belongs
to the class called ‘bruyére in France.”

NOTE 63.

“Hduardus de Camardino was as Casola states, one of the most dis-
tinguished members of his order. In the great chapter of 1478, he was
appointed ‘Baglivo’ (Commendator) of Longo, more correctly called
Langd. In 1481, after the famous siege of Rhodes, when the
Council of Knights determined to conquer Mitylene, he was
elected Captain-general of the troops; but the enterprise was
abandoned on account of the damage caused by various earth-
quakes which devastated Rhodes during that year, and of the
peace made a little later with the Turks. Camardino was one of the
knights sent to escort the Sultan Zem, or Gem (son of Mahomet II.),
who, hard pressed by the army of his brother Bajazet, had asked per-
mission to take refuge in Rhodes; and on several occasions he bravely
defended his commendam against Turkish attacks. He died on the
13th of October, 1495, and bequeathed the third part of his large
fortune to the order to which he belonged. At his death, the island
of Langd (the country of Hippocrates, the Cos of the ancient Greeks,
now called Stanko by the modern Greeks, and Istankoi by the Turks),
which had been conquered by the Knights of Rhodes in 1315, ceased to
‘be granted in commendam, and was henceforth governed directly by the
Grand Master. When the Knights lost Rhodes, Lango also fell into the
power of the Mussulmans.” (Note to the printed edition of Casola’s
Veyage, 1855, by Count Giulio Porro.)

NOTE 64.

Capo del Ducato. After the fall of Constantinople in 1204 the Ionian
Islands, Corfu, Zante, Cephalonia, and Leucadia or Santa Maura, etc.,
fell to the share of Venice. The Capo del Ducato, or Cape of the Duchy,
was in Leucadia or S. Maura. The latter island was seized by the Turks
in 1472 and recovered by the Venetians in 1502. It was restored to the
Turks in 1573, and finally regained by Francesco Morosini in 1684. It
was of great importance to the Venetians from its position between

380 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Corfu and Cephalonia, and close to the coast of Acarnania. Originally a
peninsula of the mainland, it became an island when the Corinthians,
in 665 B.c., dug a canal across the isthmus.

NOTE 65.

Modone and Corone. In 1204 the Morea fell to Venice on the division
of the Byzantine Empire. The chief strongholds of the Republic there
were Modone and Corone. In 1500 they were seized by the Turks.
Modone or Methone, 7 kilometres south of Navarino, was the Pedasus
of Homer. Corone on the Gulf of Messina occupied the site of the
ancient Asine. Both cities were in the ancient Messenia on the S.W. of
the Peloponnesus.

NOTE 66.

Wines of Modone and Cyprus. The pilgrim who wrote the voyage to
the “Saincte Cyté” in 1480, confirms Casola’s opinion. He says: “Il
y a bon marché de pain et de chair” at Modone, “ Mais les vins sont si
fors et ardans, et sentent le poix si fort qu’on n’en peut boire.”? Later
on at Cyprus, Casola observed “everything in that island pleased me
except that they make the wine with resin and I could not drink it.”
While the author of the “Saincte Cyté” remarked, p. 56 :—“In Cyprus
sont les plus maulvais vins qu’on puisse trouver, et sent si fort la poix
qu’on n’en peult boyre.” Modern travellers are equally displeased with
the resinated wines of Greece.

NOTE 67.

Candia was assigned to Venice on the division of the Byzantine
Empire, 1204. The island was invaluable to the Republic for its
products and commerce, but the inhabitants did not easily tolerate the
new dominion. The Venetians were obliged to repress many revolts,
and to do so more easily sent several Colonies of Nobles and others, to
whom land was granted on condition of defending it for the Republic.
The chief authority was the Duke or Governor-in-Chief (elected
by the Maggior Consiglio) who was also Commander-in-Chief of the
forces. He was aided by two Councillors, and by a Council formed
of all the Venetian and Cretan Nobles in the island. A Captain-
general was sent from Venice to manage military affairs, and
there were separate governors in the principal cities. The
Cretan citizens had a share in the management of subordinate
offices. The two religions, the Greek and the Roman Catholic, were
equally protected. St. Mark and St. Titus were the two patron saints

1, Le Voyage dela Saincte Cytéde Hierusalem . . . fait Van mil quatre cens vingtz,
published by Ch. Schefer and Henri Cordier.

NOTES 381

of the island. In August 1645, Canea was taken by the Turks, who in
June 1647 advanced on the capital, Candia, which was besieged and held
out for twenty-two years. In 1669 the heroic siege came to an end,
Candia surrendered, and the whole island passed into the hands of the
Turks.

NOTE 68.

The Turkish pirates Arigi (also called Erichi) and Camalio were very
famous in their day, and they and their exploits are frequently mentioned
in the early volumes of Marino Sanuto, which refer to the years 1496—
1506. In 1492 the Venetian Senate ordered the Admiral of the Gulf if
possible “to seize the said Camali and others who have inflicted damage
on our subjects, and drown them or hang them by the throat without any
remission or regard; for besides that they merit this treatment, the terms
of the peace we have with the Signor Turk, provide that the Corsairs
shall be taken and punished.” Similar orders were also issued in 1493.7
In 1496 Camali was seized by Turkish officials at Negropont, and taken
to Constantinople where it seems Arigi had preceded him.* He was
well received by the Sultan, to whom he made acceptable presents, and
after reproofs pro forma, and a solemn order “not to exercise the art of
a Pirate any more” he was taken into the Turkish naval service and
placed in command of one of the two largest ships. At the same time
Arigi was given the command of a large galley. Sanuto remarks sar-
castically, “In this way the Signor Turk has collected all his Corsairs
in Constantinople, and he will make great men of them.” Arigi and
Camali did not seriously think of changing their occupation; they only
did their “ Pirating” now in the interests of the Porte. In 1497 Arigi
commanded one of a numerous Turkish squadron, which—in spite of the
peace then existing between Venice and the Sultan—attacked the
pilgrim galley of that year, commanded by Alvise Zorzi, near the
Morea, on its way to Jaffa. The attack failed by a miracle, and Arigi
presented his excuses and explained that he had made a mistake; a
mistake which cost the pilgrim ship much material damage in addition
to numerous dead and wounded.* Camali was sent several times as
Turkish Admiral against the Knights of Rhodes.

NOTE 69.
The Siege of Rhodes, 1480. Santo Brasca who arrived at Rhodes, on
his return from Jerusalem, on the 9th September, 1480, wrote :—“I

went to see the damage done by those cursed Turkish dogs to that poor
city,” and then went on to describe the famous siege which had just

. Senato Secreta, Reg, 34, p. 132, and p. 144.

Senato Secreta, Reg. 34, pp. 169, 171, 172.

Marino Sanuto, Diarii, vol. i. pp. 10, 83, 625, 977.
See Introduction, pp. 102, 103.

ye 0D LO

382 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

been raised. The author of the “Saincte Cyté,” who was a fellow
pilgrim with Santo Brasca gives interesting details of the siege. In July,
1522, Rhodes was again attacked by the Sultan with a formidable army.
After several months resistance the Knights were obliged to capitulate,
and the Grand-master embarked for Candia. The headquarters of the
order of St. John of Jerusalem were afterwards fixed at Malta, granted
to the Knights by the Emperor Charles V. in 1525. Together with
Rhodes, eight other islands which had belonded to the Knights of
St. John, including Cos or Lango, Leros and Telos fell into the hands
of the Turks.

NOTE 70.

In the wars between the Knights of Rhodes and the Turks no quarter
was given on either side. Robert of San Severino recounts under date
Sunday, the llth of June, 1458, that on the preceding day news had
come that a galley belonging to the Knights of Rhodes had taken three
Turkish ships which were to be brought to Rhodes that day or the next,
“And as soon as they arrived, the captured Turks, two hundred and
fifty in number, were to be cut to pieces or impaled, as is the custom
to do to them when they are taken by the Knights of Rhodes. Because
they do the same and worse to the Knights, when they happen to get
hold of them.”

NOTE 71.

Robert of San Severino relates that he and his companions went in
1458, “to see the said thorn which is in the said Castle” at Rhodes, “in
a chapel, and kept in a silver tabernacle. And every Good Friday—
according to what the said Knights said, and also all the people of
Rhodes, who have seen this miracle,—at the sixth hour, it begins to
flower and remains in flower until the ninth hour.” Santo Brasca saw
the thorn in 1480, and relates:—‘‘Amongst the relics, there is a
miraculous thorn taken from the crown which was placed on Christ’s
head during his passion, and it lies in a crystal which is kept in a
silver tabernacle. At the sixth hour on Good Friday, this most holy
thorn begins to blossom and remains in blossom until the ninth hour.
Then the flowers retire within the said thorn. This miracle has been
seen by many witnesses, and it is certified by those gentlemen, the
Knights, and by all the people of Rhodes. This miracle happens, they
say, because it was one of the thorns, which pierced the most precious
head of our Lord.”

NOTE 72.
Cyprus. The first treaty between Venice and Cyprus was arranged in
1306. The island was most important to Venetian commerce, because of

NOTES 383

its products (especially wine) and its proximity to Syria. There was
a long fight to establish Venetian supremacy over that of the Genoese,
her great rivals in the Mediterranean, until finally in 1472 King James
of Cyprus married Catherine Cornaro, daughter of Marco and of Fiorenza
Crispo (daughter of Nicolo Crispo, Duke of the Archipelago). After
the death of King James, 1473, the Genoese renewed their efforts to
oust the Venetians, by supporting the rival candidate to the throne. The
island was also threatened by the Sultan of Cairo and the Ottoman
Turks, and the Government of Catherine was too weak to cope with the
situation. In 1488, therefore, her brother George Cornaro was sent to
persuade her to resign and come to Venice, where she died 1510. In
1489 the government of Cyprus was directly assumed by the Venetian
Republic, which was confirmed in the pcssession of the island by the
Sultan of Egypt. It was governed by a Lieutenant elected by the
Senate for two years, who resided at Nicosia. He was aided by two
Councillors. There was also a Captain, who resided at Famagosta. On
the 3rd July, 1570, the Turks landed at the Salines, and in August of
the same year they took Nicosia. Famagosta defended by Captain
Marcantonio Bragadino was obliged to surrender August, 1571, after a
resistance of two months. Bragadino and the other defenders were
cruelly killed by the Turks, who violated the terms of surrender.
Bragadino after the terrible tortures, was flayed alive in the Piazza of
Famagosta.

NOTE 73.

Porro says: “The King of England who, according to Agostino
Contarini, destroyed Limasol, must have been Richard Coeur de Lion,
because he was the only English King who went on a Crusade to
Palestine. However this may be, in 1248, when Louis IX. of France landed
there, the city was still flourishing. We find the real causes of its ruin in
the History of Cyprus by Loredano. Speaking of the terrible hurricane
which burst over the island on the 10th of November, 1330, he says that
Limasol was entirely destroyed and 2,000 persons perished. The
decadence of Limasol then probably dates from that period, and the
wars, and invasions of the Moors, no doubt afterwards contributed to
its total ruin.”

NOTE 74.

Episcopia. “After the downfall of the Latin States in Syria, amongst
other branches of industry transferred to the island of Cyprus, one of
the most important was the cultivation and manufacture of Sugar.
The plantations were scattered over the island, but the cultivation was
principally concentrated in the districts of Baffo and Limasol. The
Kings of Cyprus occupied themselves personally with this industry.

384 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

The sugar was generally sold to Venetian merchants, though it was not
refused to those of other nations. The great Venetian family of the
Cornaro, possessed vast plantations at Episcopia (or Piskopi) near
Limasol. Gistéle calls them ‘the chief factories for the manufacture of
sugar in the whole island.’ The Cornaro property touched that of the
Casal de Colossi, belonging to the knights of Rhodes, who had extensive
fields of sugar canes there.”! When Roberto da San Severino reached
Cyprus June 16th, 1458, he noted “A small castle called Episcopia, which
produces large quantities of sugar. It belongs to a Venetian gentleman
called Don Andrea Cornaro, who was banished to Cyprus by the Signoria
of Venice.” Don Andrea was a brother of Marco, and therefore uncle
of Catherine, Queen of Cyprus.

NOTE 75.

The Prior or Guardian of Mount Sion was the Prior of the Franciscan
friary there, as well as Superior-general of all the houses belong-
ing to that order in the Holy Land, and Papal Vicar and Legate for all
the countries of the East. When a pilgrim ship reached Jaffa it was
always obliged to lie at anchor, until in answer to the captain’s letters, the
acting governor of Jerusalem, the Prior of Mount Sion or his deputy,
and the Emirs of Rama and Gaza arrived. The Prior’s duty was to
accompany the pilgrims to Jerusalem and back to Jaffa, and to aid the
Captain in making arrangements for their comfort, and for facilitating
the expedition as much as possible; though he was generally helpless to
prevent a great many annoyances or worse, as Casola and other writers
of pilgrim voyages plainly demonstrate. On shipboard, before they
landed, or if not then, either at Jaffa or Rama, the Prior was in the
habit of giving the pilgrims in Italian and in Latin, a series of rules
for their guidance, which other pilgrims, or the interpreters attached to
the party, translated for the benefit of those who did not understand
these two languages. Although Casola does not distinctly say that he
did so on this occasion, it is hardly likely that Fra Francesco Suriano—
departing from the custom of his predecessors,—omitted to give the
usual general instructions.

NOTE 76.

Fra Francesco Suriano was a Venetian patrician, a Franciscan friar,
and the historian of the Franciscan Missions in the Holy Land. His
Treatise on the Holy Land has been sympathetically edited in 1900 by
Father Girolamo Golubovich. Suriano was born in Venice in 1450, and
went on his first voyage to the Eastern Mediterranean at the age of
twelve. Between 1462 and 1475 he accomplished at least sixteen

1. Heyd, Hist. dw Commerce du Levant, vol. ii. p. 687.

NOTES 385

voyages, always trading in the merchandise of his own father, as he him-
self says. Im 1475, at the age of twenty-five, he became a friar, and
shortly after he went to settle in Umbria. In 1480 or 1481 Fra
Francesco was elected Prior of the Franciscan convent at Beyrout.
He remained at this post until 1483, when he went to join the brethren
at Mount Sion, probably as secretary of the Prior. He returned to
Venice in 1484 on board the pilgrim galley commanded by Agostino
Contarini. The voyage took nearly five months and was full of peril.
In a great storm which arose after leaving Candia, Suriano tells us that
“as there were not many men on board the galley who thoroughly
understood their business,” he was obliged “to show his skill as a sailor
somewhat” to the great astonishment of the company. In another
storm he recounts that he tucked up his friar’s gown and took the
command of the ship which he brought safely to Corfu. After-
wards he went to live in Umbria. There, at the request of the sisters
of the convent of Foligno, where his sister was a nun, he wrote, in 1485,
his treatise thus entitled :—“Zncomenza lo tractatello de le indulgentie de
Terra Sancta cum le sue dechiaratione. Compillato per frate Francesco
Surian de Vordine de li frati del’ Observantia de Sancto Francesco: ne
Vanni del Signor: mile quatrocento otanta cinque: nel loco de Sancto
Anthonio de Piscignano de la provintia de Sancto Francesco, ad
requisitione de una soa sorela carnale, monaca de Sancta Chiara nel
Monasterio de Sancta Lucia de Foligno: chiamata Sora Sixta. In modo
de Dialogo: Introducendo lei addimandare et lui ad respondere.” ‘The
Treatise was revised by its author in 1514 and again in 1524. In the
latter year it was printed and published in Venice by Francesco Bindoni.
It appears probable that Suriano remained in Umbria until 1493. In
May of that year, by the General Chapter of the Observants held in
Florence, he was elected Prior of Mount Sion, and a few months later
he embarked again for Palestine. Very likely Suriano himself obtained
from the Venetian Senate, and carried with him on this occasion, the
severe decree of the 12th of July, 1493, which forbade the Captains of
the Pilgrim ships to take up their residence in the Monastery at Mount
Sion, under a fine of 200 ducats. The new Prior passed the winter of
1493 and 1494 in Egypt, where he went to appeal to the protection of
Myr Isbech; and he preached the Lent sermons in Cairo. It must have
been on this occasion that Suriano undertook the journey to Sinai, of
which he has left an interesting description, without however giving
the date of his visit. On his arrival he found the twenty-six monks of
the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai in a state of consternation.
They were beseiged by a crowd of armed Arabs, who had just killed their
Abbot. It will be noticed that in the last paragraph of his voyage
Casola explains why he did not visit Mount Sinai. The friars of
Mount Sion told the pilgrims that it was impossible to go there, “because

ZL

386 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

the Arabs had plundered the monastery which has charge of the body
of Saint Catherine, and had killed the Abbot and certain of the Monks.”
No doubt the news of these events had been brought by Suriano him-
self when he returned to Jerusalem in time for the arrival of the
Pilgrims of 1494. In 1495 Fra Francesco preached the Lent Sermons at
Damascus, and shortly after ended his first guardianship of Mount Sion.
Little is known of his later life. In the years 1510—1512, he endured,
with the rest of the friars of Mount Sion, a two years’ imprisonment,
and on his release he was immediately elected again Prior of Mount
Sion. In this second period of office, the friars were victims of all
the old abuses on the part of the Governors and the hostile population ;
and Suriano had good reason to deplore the deaths of the former
protectors of his house, Myr Isbech and the Sultan Kaiet-Bey.
Towards the end of 1514, Suriano was sent as Papal Legate to the
Maronites in Syria. It is not known when he returned to Italy, nor
even the date of his death. Father Agostino di Stroncone, however,
who wrote towards the end of the seventeenth century, mentions in his
chronicle that Fra Francesco Suriano was twice Prior of the convent of
Santa Maria degli Angeli, or Saint Mary of the Angels, at Assisi—on one
occasion in 1528 and 1529. It is evident that Casola was not, on the
whole, unfavourably impressed by the Prior of Mount Sion. The dis-
paraging remarks he makes in the beginning are clearly a reflection of
Captain Contarini’s irritation at changes unfavourable to himself. Casola
was a Milanese, and probably knew nothing about the decree of the 12th
July, 1498, or of the “grave abuses” which had provoked it. In any case
it was his policy to keep on good terms with Agostino Contarini.

NOTE 77.

“The Christians of the Girdle are so-called because their ancestors
were converted by the miracles performed by Saint Thomas the Apostle
with the girdle of the glorious Virgin Mary, which he received from her
when she ascended into heaven. In remembrance of this, and in sign
of devotion, when they enter the churches for worship, they put on a
girdle made like those sold for the measure of the Holy Sepulchre.
According to what people say the girdle they wear is exactly like that of
the glorious Virgin.”! Santo Brasca and other pilgrims give similar
accounts of the Christians of the Girdle. In enumerating the religious
sects found in his time in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Fra
Francesco Suriano says? :—‘“The eighth are the Syrians, that is the
Christians of the Girdle.”

1. Voyage to Jerusalem, undertaken by Roberto da Sanseverino in 1458. ;
2. Il Trattato di Terra Santa, by Fra. Fr. Suriano, edited by Father G. Golubovich,
1900 chap. xxiii. p. 64.

NOTES 387

NOTE 78.

The prisons called the Ancient Stinche were built by the Commune of
Florence in 1303. They received this name because the first persons who
were imprisoned there, were prisoners taken in an attack on a Castle of
Val di Grieve, called Stinché. Later on the New Stinche were built.
In these prisons were confined prisoners for debt and also those con-
demned to imprisonment for life.

NOTE 79.

The “little village” in question was Lydda, “which is nigh to Joppa ”
It was called in Roman times Diospolis, and believed to be the place of the
martyrdom of St. George of Cappadocia, the dragon slayer, the patron
saint of England, and one of the patron saints of Venice. He was
beheaded in the great persecution of Diocletian after suffering cruel
tortures. The church built over his tomb was destroyed by Saladin
1191. According to many medieval pilgrims it was rebuilt by a King of
England. The Christians occupied the Eastern part of the church, while
the Western part was converted by the Mussulmans into a mosque, with
a very tall minaret. Felix Faber (1480 and 1483) remarks that this
mosque, for its beauty and good order, seemed a paradise compared with
the ruined Christian Church adjoining it.

NOTE 80.

Cotton Picking at Rama. “It is well known that after the fall of
Acre, the hate of Mahometanism awoke with a new energy and that
under the influence of this passionate sentiment Sanuto the elder, pro-
posed to the Christian universe, to break off all communication with the
Mussulman world. He pointed out that people bought certain articles
(some very important) from the Infidels, whilst they could procure them
in Christian countries. He gave as examples sugar and cotton—especi-
ally cotton, which, according to him was produced in Apulia, Sicily,
Crete, Greece, Cyprus, and Armenia. But in spite of Sanuto’s appeal
to Christendom, the traffic retook its course between Syria and the West,
and the merchant ships of Europe went as regularly as in former times
to load native cotton in Laodicea, Beyrout, Tripoli (in Syria), Acre,
and Jaffa.” (Heyd, Hist. du Commerce, vol. ii., p. 611.)

NOTE 81.

Porro says:—‘The mosque of Omar rises in the midst of a vast
quadrilateral, which occupies the Eastern part of the city, towards the
valley of Jehoshaphat. This was the site of the Temple of Solomon, or
to be more exact, the site of the Temple, which in place of the first
destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, was erected by Zerubbabel on the return
from the captivity in Babylon—and entirely rebuilt by Herod of
Ascalon. When Jerusalem was taken by Titus, the temple was also
destroyed, and the few remains disappeared when, under Julian the

388 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Quefta ela fozma del fea fepulcro demi
fer phu x

This drawing of the Holy Sepulchre is taken from the last page of the
“Voyage of Santo Brasca” in the Trivulzian Library.

NOTES 389

Apostate, an attempt was made to build another temple. From that
time the area was abandoned until the year 635 when Omar seized
Jerusalem. The Caliph began to inquire from the citizens of the
conquered city, and especially from the patriarch Sophronius, where the
temple of God destroyed by Titus used to stand. And the place being
shown him he assigned a sufficient sum of money for the purpose and
sent workmen there to build a mosque. . . . which was beautified by
other Egyptian Caliphs who added vast structures round it. William
of Tyre has left a description of this magnificent monument, well known
to him because it was used for Christian worship during the dominion
of the Latin Kings. The description is the more precious because
Christians in later times were jealously excluded. He tells us amongst
other details that the mosque was octagon shaped, the walls covered
with marbles of different colours, and the cupola of gilded copper.” *

NOTE 82.

The Holy Sepulchre. “This is the plan of the Holy Sepulchre of
Miser Jesu Christo. The circle is the sepulchre proper. Those two cells
you see, one in front of the circle and one behind the circle, have been
added since the time of the passion of Our Lord. The little cell in
front of the sepulchre was made in order not to leave neglected and
without reverence, that square stone which you see in the middle;
because it was the stone on which the angel was sitting when the Maries
came and said : “ Who shall roll us away the stone from the door of the
sepulchre?” The other small cell behind the sepulchre was built by
the Ethiopian friars or Abyssinians, in order to sacrifice there, and recite
their offices and prayers.” (Santo Brasca, Viaggio al Santo Sepulchro
editions of 1481 and 1497.)

NOTE 83.

The church at Bethlehem. Porro says :—‘“ The magnificent church at
Bethlehem was built in the fourth century by Saint Helena, mother of
Constantine the Great. . . . In 1480, as it threatened ruin, it was re-
stored at the expense of the Minor Friars. In 1672 it was newly restored
under the direction of the Patriarch of Constantinople. The beautiful
mosaics which adorned it . . . were finished in 1169A.D., as a Greek
inscription which was there declared. In this church Baldwin the first
was crowned 1101.” From Fra Francesco Suriano we learn that the
roof was made of cypress, cedar, and other very notable wood from
Mount Libanon, and covered with the finest lead. It had, however,
been allowed to fall into decay in the fifteenth century. “But the Virgin
Mary, who watches that church continually, did not permit it to be
ruined completely. She granted grace to the Venerable father Fra
Giovanni Tomacello, who was Prior of Mount Sion about the year of our

1. Note to the printed edition of Casola, edited by Count Giulio Porro, 1855,

390 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Lord, 1479, to rebuild the said roof for his perpetual memory. Having
sought licence from the Sultan, he sent for two shiploads of prepared
wood from Venice, and new lead that the King of England had sent,
and with the divine aid, in a few days, the old roof was taken down
and the new one built. But it was a marvellous thing that the poor
friars were able to bring so much wood to Jerusalem over the rough
mountain paths.” Suriano, 7'rattato di Terra Santa.

NOTE 84.

The Knights of the Holy Sepulchre. From the account of his voyage
left by Ludwig Freiherr von Greiffenstein, who was a fellow traveller of
Casola’s, we learn that eleven of the company were dubbed Knights of
the Holy Sepulchre by John of Prussia. And this is confirmed by
Bemmelberg and Parsberg, who were also Pilgrims in 1494.1 In 1458,
two friends of Roberto da Sanseverino were created Knights in the Holy
Sepulchre by the English Pilgrim John, earl of Exeter. Bernardo
Giustinian ? devotes a long chapter to the Knights of the Holy Sepulchre,
and described minutely the ceremony of initiation.

NOTE 85.

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Descriptions of this church, such
as that given by Casola are valuable, because in modern times great
changes have been made. The church took fire in 1808. When it was
restored by the Greeks, the architecture was changed. The columns were
replaced by massive pillars, the form of the cupola was altered, and the
mosaics which adorned the upper part of the church were not replaced.
(Note by Porro to the printed edition of Casola’s Voyage, edited by him
in 1855.)

NOTE 86.
The tombs of the Latin Kings are described by Denis Possot who saw
them in 1532 as follows :—‘“ En ladicte chappelle dessoubz le dict mont

de Calvaire, & senestre est le sepulchre de Bauldoin, et sur iceluy sont
escriptz ces motz :—

‘Rex Balduinus, Judas alter Machabeus,

Spes patrie, vigor ecclesie, virtus utriusque,
Quem formidabant, cui dona tributa ferebant
Cedar et Egyptus, Dan ac homicida Damascus,
Proh dolor! in modico clauditur hoc tumulo.’

1. Réhricht, Deutsche Pilgerreisen, pp. 183-4. ma :
2. Bernardo Giustinian, History of the Origin of the Military and Religious Knightly
Orders, Venice, 1692.

A es

NOTES 391

Il est d’une pierre en fagon de couverture de maison, troussé sur quatre
pilliers. A dextre, est le sepulchre de Godefroy de Billon semblable a
Vaultre et tout l'un devant l’aultre, sur lequel est escript tel epitaphe :—
“Hic jacet inclitus dux Godefridus de Billon que totam istam terram
adquisivit cultui christiano. Cujus anima regnet in Christo. Amen!’
C’est a dire : Cy gist le tres noble duc Godefroy de Billon, lequel acquesta
toute ceste terre aux chrestiens. De qui l’ame puisse regner avec Jesu
Christ.” The tombs were destroyed at the time of the fire in the
beginning of the nineteenth century.

NOTE 87.

The Christian Sects, whom Casola found in the church of the Holy
Sepulchre, were nine in number :—The Latins, Georgians, Armenians,
Abyssinians, Syrians, Maronites, Golbites, Jacobites, and Copts.
Francesco Suriano gives a good deal of interesting information on the
subject in the various texts of his 7’rattato di Terra Santa. In the first
text written in 1485 Suriano mentions eight christian sects living at that
time in the Holy Sepulchre:—The Latin Friars or Franks, Greeks,
Georgians, Armenians, Abyssinians or Indians, Jacobites, Syrians and
Maronites. He mention the Copts, but says that they were not then
there permanently. In chapter xxiii., p. 64, of the text revised in 1514,
Fra Francesco wrote :—“In the afore-named Church of the Holy
Sepulchre, ten kinds of religious, christians of different nations live.
All celebrate divine service according to their own rite, and all have
their habitations—separate one from the other—within the body of the
church. They are the following :—The first are our friars, who are
called Franks; the second are the Maronites, who are orthodox Catholics ;
the third are the Greeks; the fourth are the Georgians; the fifth are the
Abyssinians, that is Indians; the sixth are the Copts; the seventh are
the Jacobites; the eighth are the Syrians, that is the Christians of the
girdle; the ninth are the Armenians; the tenth are the Nestorians.”
In the printed edition of the 7’rattato (Venice, 1524) Suriano adds that
the Nestorians were not continually in Jerusalem. Commenting on these
various bodies, Suriano observes that the Maronites “Are very placable,
polite and pleasant to deal with. They are descended from the Italians.”
That the Greeks “are cursed,” and “our worst and most atrocious
enemies.” The Georgians “are abominable heretics, like to the Greeks
and equal to them in malice.” The Armenians “are handsome people,
rich and generous.” The Abyssinians “are vassals of Prete Jane who
reigns in Ethiopia, which is eleven months of day’s journeys from
Jerusalem. This Signor Prete Jane is a christian and has seventy-two

1, See p. 179 of Le Voyage de la Terre Saincte, composé par Maitre Denis Possot, et
achevé per Messire Charles Philippe seigneur de Champarmoy et de Grandchanip, 1532.
Published, with notes, by Charles Schefer.

392 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

crowned Kings under his dominion. . . . The men and women [of this
sect] dress badly; they are very slippery, lascivious, and carnal people.

They are extremely fond of the Franks and especially of us
friars. . . . They are abominable heretics, adherents of the Jacobites.”
The Jacobites “love the Franks greatly, and especially us minor friars.
They hate the Greeks, and every other sect except the Abyssinians who
have adhered to their heresies. . . . These Jacobites use singing and
music in their services in this way. They hold in the hand a piece of
thin polished iron, and strike on it with a little hammer, harmonising
the blows and the words.” With regard to the Copts he remarked :—
“As the Copts had left Jerusalem when I was there and gone to Cairo,
I had no opportunity of talking to them, and so I cannot describe their
abominable customs and rites as I have done in the case of the others.
But to conclude, I can liken them to the other heretics and putrid
members cut off from the most Holy Roman Church. The Copts are
fewest in number of all the sects in Jerusalem, and as they are few,
when the sons of their priests are born, they make them deacons and
sub-deacons, and when it is necessary to chant the Epistle and Gospel,
the fathers chant them in the name of their sons, holding the aforesaid
infants in their arms the while.”

NOTE 88.

The phrase “Sons of the people” (“fioli de la gente”) used by Casola,
is repeated many times by Marino Sanuto in the notices he gives of
Egyptian affairs. It evidently means “sons of free men”—as dis-
tinguished from the sons of those who were slaves. In August, 1496,
Sanuto mentions a letter (dated May 26th)—which had been received
from the Venetian Consul in Alexandria—giving the news that as the
Sultan “Caithbei” (i.e., Kaiet or Qait Bey) was old and ill, he had sent
for his son Mameth and named him Sultan “against their law,” and
consigned the Treasure to him. The Pachas and the Mamelukes were
opposed to this “ Because they did not want their rules to be broken,
and that this dominion should pass to a person who was the “fol di la
zente,” but only to slaves who had been bought and sold as it had
always been.” ! Another letter (dated July 22) from Damascus, an-
nounced the death of the Sultan Caithbei, in whose place his son had
been declared Sultan with the aid of powerful supporters, “but they
say, he will not reign many days because he is a “fiol di la zente.”?
After describing the origin of the Mameluke Dynasty in Egypt and
Palestine, Suriano goes on to say :—‘“ The first Sultan they elected had
been bought and sold five times, and therefore, up to the present they

1. Sanuto, Diarii, vol. i. p. 262.
2. Idem, p. 288.

NOTES 393

observe this custom, that a person who has not been bought and sold
five times cannot be raised to the dignity of Sultan. And if it should
happen that a person whom they wished to exalt to this place, had not
this qualification, they buy and sell him in one day all the times that
are lacking. No one but a renegade christian can be Lord of this
country.”* The Mamelukes were deprived of their Asiatic dominion by
the Turks early in the sixteenth century.

NOTE 89.

The Usbech, the Sultan and the Minor Friars. In reply to the
question addressed him by his sister :—“Are the friars at Mount Sion
molested by the Moors?” Fra Francesco Suriano wrote * :—“At the time
when, as a Layman, I frequented those parts, the friars were very
badly treated by the Moors, so much so, that very often they dared not
go out of their convent, and they were forced to give food to all who
came to the door, otherwise the Moors threw stones at the place. And
they were in great subjection to certain Moors in particular, who had the
audacity to enter and search the whole house; and when in any
cell they saw a good ‘Schiavina’”—a bedcover that is of coarse wool,—
“they demanded it, and the friars dared not refuse for fear of offending
them. Similarly they went and poked their noses into the cooking-pots
in the kitchen, and if there was a piece of meat that pleased them they
took it—and so on everywhere else in the building. Many times there
were riots and the people spilled all the friars’ wine, and did many
other contumelious acts which it would take too long to narrate in
detail. But at present ’”’—that is in the year 1485—“all this has ceased,
the friars live in blessed peace; and happy the Moor, either small or
great as he may be, who is considered their friend.” In chapter sixty
of his Treatise, Suriano explains how the miraculous change alluded to
in the last paragraph had been brought about through the influence of
the Usbech and the Sultan. After their deaths Suriano was elected a
second time Prior of Mount Sion, and he says :—“‘ This second term of
office appeared to me very hard and wearisome when I remembered the
immunities we enjoyed during my first guardianship. Because we had
returned to the former anxieties, oppressions, extortions and intolerable
burdens.”

NOTE 90.

The Salines of Cyprus. In the middle ages the chief products of
Cyprus were sugar and salt, and perhaps the revenue yielded by the
salt was larger than that derived from the sugar. The salt was ex-

1. Suriano, Trattato di Terra Santa, “ ;
2. Suriano, Il Trattato di Terra Santa. Edited. 1900, by Father Girolamo Golubovich,

394 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

tracted with little trouble from the salt pits near Limasol and Larnaca.’
In 1490 (July 11) the Maggior Consiglio of Venice passed the following
decree by a large majority :—“ The Salines of Cyprus are of the greatest
importance (as everyone knows very well) for many reasons, and
especially for the salt which is a great source of gain to our ships. It
is therefore necessary to appoint a suitable governor for the place, whose
duty it will be to see that the Salines are well kept, and to take care
that the inconveniences which occurred last year, and have occurred also
during the present year, are not repeated. For many of our ships, for
lack of salt, returned empty from that Island with very great loss.” It
was decreed in consequence that “one of our Gentlemen “should be
elected as Captain of the Salines of Cyprus; that he was to stay at his
post for two years, and receive a salary of five hundred ducats a year.”
In 1494 the Governor or Captain was “Ser Franciscus Mauroceno.” *
From Denis Possot we learn that these salt lakes were due to a
“miracle du Lazare, lequel, une foys passant par la, et pour le chaleur
qu’elfaisoit, desirant appaiser la grand soif qu'il avoit, demanda 4 une
femme qui la estoit, qu’elle luy donnast une grappe de raisin ou quelque
liquer pour estancher sa soif; laquelle femme luy donna de la terre
salée, et pour ce, le lieu et pais est fertile et abondant de sel, et moins
de vignes.” ¢

NOTE 91.

The Lakes of the Seprio. In the early middle ages the Milanese
territory was divided into “ Contadi,” so-called because the administra-
tors, at first called “ Giudici,” afterwards obtained the title of Count.
One of these divisions was called the Contado of Seprio. It lay to the
East of the Ticino, between Lakes Maggiore and Lugano, and extended
also considerably to the South of both. The group of small lakes to the
South-east of Maggiore, of which Lake Varese is the largest, are the
so-called Lakes of the Seprio. (“ Descrizione della citta e della campagna
di Milano nei secoli bassi,” by Conte Giorgio Giulini, p. 87.)

NOTE 92.

Friar of the Zorzi family. Although it is not certain, the Franciscan
friar in question may very well have been the celebrated Prancesco Zorz1,
a man of profound intelligence, versed in Hebrew and Chaldean, and a
great student of Plato, who also wrote “De Armonia Mundi,” and other
works. He was born in 1460 and died at Asolo at the age of eighty.
(Cappellari, Campedoglio Veneto, and Agostini’s biographies of the
Scrittort Veneziani.” Tome ii., p. 332—3862.)

Heyd, Italian Commercial Colonies in the East in the Middle Ages, pp. 312-3.
Maggior Consiglio, Register Stella, p. 103 6.

Segretario alle Voce, Reg. vi. 1.
Le Voyage de la Terre Sainte, par Maitre Denis Possot, 1532, p. 139.

Sts

NOTES 395

NOTE 93.

Arrival of Charles VIII. in Italy, 1494. This is one of the notices
given by Casola which enables the year of his pilgrimage to be fixed
with absolute certainty. He carefully abstains from commenting on this
important political event; probably because he was much too wary and
prudent to write anything which might cause him embarrassment in the
future. As Lodovico of Milan had brought Charles into Italy, the topic
was a dangerous one for the Milanese Canon. In the Spring of 1494,
Venice was kept well informed of the projects on foot. In May, 1494,
the new French Ambassador, Monseigneur de Citin presented his
credentials to the Venetian Senate, and announced that his master had
decided to come to Italy, and from there attack the Turks. He offered
various ports and cities in the Kingdom of Naples to the Republic, if
the latter—for payment—would furnish the French army with provisions.
The Senate replied evasively and promised nothing. In July, 1494, in
reply to the Neapolitan Ambassador who had come to find out the
intentions of the Republic, the Senate assured him of Venetian friendship
for Naples, and said that the French King lacked money, and that his
preparations were not such as to excite alarm. Nevertheless, after
passing the Summer at Lyons, Charles crossed the Alps, and on the
9th of September entered Asti, where he met Lodovico il Moro. From
there Philippe de Comines, Seigneur d’Argenton was sent as the new
Ambassador to Venice, to ask for a loan of 50,000 ducats, which he did
not obtain. A month before Comines left Venice, that is in March,
1495, he was informed of the league between Venice, the Pope, Spain,
and Milan, etc., against his master, which gained the so-called victory
over the French army at Fornovo on the Taro in July, 1495. From
Asti Charles VIII. went to Pavia, where he saw the Duke Gian Galeazzo,
who had been ill for some time, and his young wife Isabella of Aragon,
who implored his protection for her husband and herself, and sought in
vain to dissuade him from advancing further. Without delay, the
French King—without visiting Milan—left for Piacenza, and soon
after he reached there news came that the young Duke Gian Galeazzo had
died. From Piacenza Charles went on to Florence, and then to Rome,
which he entered on the 30th December, 1494.

NOTE 94.

The Duchy of Naxos, or the Duchy of the Archipelago of the
Cyclades. On the division of the Byzantine Empire after 1204, the
part which fell to the Venetian Republic formed a continuous line of
ports on the mainland and in the islands from Constantinople to Venice.
But in many cases the possession was purely nominal, and in order to
relieve the State of the burden of conquering and maintaining the new
acquisitions, it was decided to grant a large number, especially of the

396 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Islands, on feudal conditions, to those Venetian Nobles who were willing
to conquer them at their own risk and expense. These feudatories were
pledged to recognise the supremacy of the mother country, pay a tribute,
defend the land they had won, supply a contingent of troops in the
Wars of Venice, and grant liberty of trade to the Republic. In return
they received a promise of protection. In this way Marco Sanudo
obtained the lordship of Naxos, Paros, Melos, Delos, and other islands,
and by the successor of Baldwin on the Byzantine throne he was created
Prince of the Empire and Duke of the Archipelago. After six genera-
ticns the duchy passed out of the Sanudo family, by the marriage of a
daughter of Giovanni Sanudo with a prince of Negropont, and later it
came into possession of the Crispo family, a powerful Greek family
which had aided the Republic in the war against the Emperor Michael
Paleologos, and was included amongst the patrician families of Venice
in consequence. The members of the Crispo family intermarried
frequently with those of the most conspicuous Venetian families.
Agostino Contarini’s more famous. brother Ambrogio, who was am-
bassador to the King of Persia, 1474—1478, and wrote a very interesting
account of his mission, married Violante, sister of Giovanni Crispo,
Duke of Naxos and the Archipelago. Giovanni had died, as Casola
reports, a few days before the pilgrim galley arrived there on the 27th
of September, 1494. The tutor appointed by the Republic to govern the
Duchy during the minority of the young ‘Duke Francesco, was not his
uncle Ambrogio Contarini, but Ser Pietro Contarini, son of the late Ser
Adorni, a more distant relative of the same family, as I found on
Consulting the Register of the elections, and also the Register of the
general proceedings of the Senate. The latter contains the following
decree addressed on the 29th of May, 1495, to the Admiral of the
Venetian fleet in the Archipelago :—‘‘As the noble man Piero Contarini
has lately died, who was our Governor of Nixia” [that is Naxos] “where
he had taken his wife and children; it is convenient to grant a safe
passage to his wife, so that she and all her possessions may be conducted
to some safe place of ours”—the Admiral was therefore ordered to place
a galley at the disposition of the wife of the defunct Ser Piero Contarini,
so that she and her family and all her goods might be taken to Modone
or Corfu.’ In October, 1495, Ser Andrea Memo was elected Governor
of Naxos, and he was succeeded in March, 1498, by Ser Ambrogio
Contarini, son of the late Ser Georgio.* It is to be assumed that, after
the latter’s term of office expired, the young Duke took the govern-
ment into his own hands. The Duchy of Naxos was taken by the Turks
in 1566 and bestowed by the Sultan on a Jew. The Crispos took refuge
in Venice. In 1579 the Duchy was incorporated in the Ottoman Empire.

1. Senato Mar., Reg. 14, p. 64.
2. Segretario alle Voci, Reg. vi.

NOTES 397

NOTE 95.

The town of Lesina or Fara (Lat. Pharia] is in Dalmatia, on the
western side of the island of the same name. Santo Brasca visited it on
the homeward voyage in 1480. He writes: “On the 14th of October we
entered the port of Lesina, a city in Dalmatia, and there we
stayed two days waiting for the wind to drop and the sea to calm down
a little. As there was no other lodging to be found, the very reverend
Misser frate Pietro da Canedo and I went to lodge at the monastery of
the observant friars of the order of St. Francis, who received us with
such affection, such Joy, and such humility as I have no words to
describe, and in spite of their poverty they did us great honour. I must
tell you that in the Levant there is no comfortable lodging to be found,
whatever you would be willing to pay for it, except in the monasteries
of the observant friars of St. Francis.” At one time Lesina was the
permanent station for about thirty light galleys of the Venetian fleet,
and there was an Arsenal there.

NOTE 96.

San Germano ed i quattro Coronati or St. Germanus and the four
crowned heads. Legend relates that in the reign of Diocletian
there lived at Rome four christian brothers, who were cunning
artificers in wood and_ stone, and excelled in sculpture and
architecture. ‘In those days,” says Gibbon, “every art and every
trade that was the least concerned in the framing or adorning of
idols was, in the opinion of Christians, polluted by the stain of
idolatry ”—a severe sentence since it devoted to eternal misery the far
greater part of the community employed in the liberal or mechanical
professions; while those who refused to profane their art were as
certainly condemned to poverty and starvation if not to martyrdom.
This was the fate of the four crowned brothers. They refused to
exercise their known skill in obedience to the command of the emperor
and were put to death. Some time in the fourth century the bodies of
four men who had been decapitated were found buried on the road
leading from the Colosseum to the Lateran. Their names were unknown
and they were merely distinguished as the “ Coronati”—crowned that is
with the crown of martyrdom. Afterwards their names and _ history
were revealed to a holy man, and the church of the “Quattro Coronati”
was built to their memory on the spot. They are the special patron
saints of builders and stone cutters. (Mrs. Jameson, Sacred and
Legendary Art, vol. ii., p. 624.)

NOTE 97.
The Custom House. In Venice, up to the year 1414, all goods were
unloaded and weighed near San Biagio, in Castello. But as commerce

398 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

increased the place became too small, and two Customs Houses were
erected, one at the Rialto for goods which came from the mainland, the
other on the site of the present Dogana for goods brought by sea. The
old Dogana da Mar had a tower which is to be seen in the plan of
Venice, in the year 1500, attributed to Albert Diirer. It was restored in
1525 and rebuilt in 1675. From the thirteenth century the Custom House
business was regulated by a body of Patrician magistrates called
Visdomini da Mare, or Ufficiali della Tavola del Mare.

NOTE 98.

The Festival of All Saints. Sansovino’ notes in chronological order
twenty-two occasions during the year on which the Doge, accompanied
by the Signoria, went in state to High Mass at St. Mark’s. “The first
time is on Christmas Eve . . . and the twenty-second and last is on the
solemn day of All Saints which is celebrated on the first of November.”
In 1472, on the site of the present Church of “Ognissanti” (All Saints),
behind the Zattere, the Cistercian nuns of Santa Margherita in Torcello—
who had abandoned that island, where the air was becoming every day
more unhealthy,—settled in a poor convent, to which was added a
wooden church, dedicated to the Virgin and all Saints. In the year
1505, certain miracles were worked by an image of the Virgin placed in
an obscure part of the convent. It was brought into the church, and so
generous were the gifts of the faithful that a new church and convent
were commenced. The church was consecrated in 1586.

NOTE 99.

The Ambassador of the King of France in Venice between October
1494, and May 1495, was Philippe de Comines, Seigneur d’Argenton.
His account of his entry into Venice is in his Memoires, Liv. vii., ch.
xviii. Elsewhere I have called attention to the probable consequences
of his meeting with Casola at the house of Don Taddeo Vicomercato.

NOTE 100.

Girolamo or Hieronimo Zorzi, surnamed the “Gobbo” or the hunch-
back, was the son of Francesco Zorzi. He became Senator and Knight,
and enjoyed a great reputation because of the various legations success-
fully sustained by him, amongst others to the Sultan, the King of
France and the Pope.

NOTE 101.
The Muster. This may have been a review of the mercenary troops
in the service of the Republic, but it was more probably a gathering of

1. Sansovino, Venezia descritta, 1604.

NOTES 399

the “cernide” or country militia raised for home defence in proportion
to the population, and amounting to twenty-five or thirty thousand men.
These were under obligation to appear for practice once a week in the
separate communes; and once a month there was a general muster in
each district. The men were only paid when called out for active
service, otherwise they remained at home and pursued their ordinary
occupations.

NOTE 102.

The Bishop of Brescia. Porro says: “In 1494 the Bishop of Brescia
was Paolo Zane, a noble Venetian who was appointed bishop in 1481, at
the age of 22, on condition that he was not to exercise his functions until
he reached the age of twenty-seven. . . . In spite of the accusations
made against him by Casola, he was a pious man, and very devoted to
the Blessed Virgin, in whose honour he erected, at his own expense, the
Church of S. Maria delle Grazie in Brescia. He died on March 12,
1531, and was buried in the Cathedral at Brescia.”

Appendix.

APPENDIX.

Documents relating to Pietro Casola which exist in
the State Archives of Milan.

Document A.—Ducal rescript confirming Pietro Casola
in the possession of the Benefice of Saint Victor at Cor-
betta, Milan, 15th August, 1467.

“Ducissa Mediolani, ete. Annuere volentes requisi-
tioni nobis facte per presbyterum Petrum de Casolis, qui
sicut nobis exposuit, obtinuit a sedde appostolica bene-
fitium prepositure Sancti Victoris de Corbeta Medio-
lanensis diocesis prout vidimus, per bullas Sanctissimi
domini nostri Pape, concedimus quantum in nobis est
eidem tenore presentium plenam et lberam licentiam et
facultatem quod in assecutione huusmodi (sic) preposi-
ture juribus suis uti possit iniungentes quibuslibet
offitialibus et subditis nostris ad quos spectat quatenus
prenominato presbytero Petro seu procuratori suo in pre-
missis patientiam prestent omnimodam et favoribus
quibuscumque assistant opportunis licitis tamen et
honestis, Iniungentes et mandantes etiam Fuilippino
Burro, yconemo ut dicitur dicte prepositure, quatenus
dictam preposituram liberam et expeditam sine ulla
exceptione dicto presbytero Petro vel eius procuratori
relaxet et dimittat, ac de administratis eidem rationem
reddat et amplius se de dicta prepositura neque de bonis
dicte prepositure se intromittat. In quorum, ete.
Datum Mediolani, die xii] Augusti, 1467.”

Taken from the “ Volume of Privileges and Exceptions
of the Duchess Bianca for the years 1466, 1467 and 1468.
Registro Ducale, CC, f. 1994. Milano, Archivio di Stato.

404 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Document B.—A supplication addressed by Pietro
Casola, priest and canon of Milan Cathedral, to the Illus-
trious Princes and Lords of Milan, asking for authority to
exercise his rights as canon of Santo Stefano in Brolio,
and of the church of Corbetta, both of which had been
usurped by others. The form of the address shows that it
was written after the death of Galeazzo Sforza (1476),
during the regency of Bona of Savoy, and before Lodovico
Sforza took all power into his own hands—that is between
1476 and 1480, and most probably soon after the death of
Galeazzo. The writing seems to be identical with that of
the Manuscript of Casola’s Voyage in the Trivulzian
Library.

“ Tllustrissimi Principes et Excellentissimi Domini:
per parte del fidelissimo servitore et dele Excellentie
Vostre et a Dio oratore per quelle prete Petro Caxola
Canonico ordinario de la Chiesia Maiore de Milano, se
expone: che essendo: pit mesi passati richesto in siema
con molti altri preti, e chierici de questa cita, per parte
de le Illustrissime Signorie Vostre ad prestare jura-
mento de esser fidelli alo Stato Vostro et a Vuy benche
non bisognasse el procuratore che richedeva tal jura-
mento: disse, che essendo como he debito fideli subditi e
servitori de le Celsitudine Vostre, ne serebbe facto quello
debito tractamento se sole fare dali principi ali soy sub-
diti, per il che confidandossi el prefato oratore che le
parole et promesse deli principi non hano esser vacue,
maxime non domandando lui senon justitia, se ricorre
humelmente ale Pte Vostre Excellentie e suplicale se
dignano de darli licentia possa in questa vostra cita de
Milano uxare le rasone sue in uno Canonicato de Sancto
Stephano in Brolio, et unaltro nela chiesia de Corbetta, el
qual gia piu anni he unito ala prepositura de dicta
chiesia de Corbeta; li quali Canonicati gli sono ocupati

APPENDIX 405

contra ogni rasone e justitia e prega le Pte Vostre Celsi-
tudine non vogliano denegare la justitia achi la richede
per scaricho de le sue conscientie e como he di costuma
e debito dele Illustrissime Signorie Vostre, e como crede
firmissimamente sia el volere e la mente sua, Benché li
occupatori de li dicti canonicati per dare ad intendere
altro che la verita a quelle siano defensati in la occupa-
tione de dicti canonicati dale sue littere. Attento che,
se le Pte Vostre Excellentie farano ministrare equal-
mente la justitia ali soy subditi precipue in queste cosse
ecclesiastice, non bisognara siano may in timore de tur-
batione de stato, per che lo altissimo Dio, el qual lha in
protectione el conservara in perpetuo; e cossi pregara
esso oratore nele sue messe dice de continuo il faccia:
Attento etiam che qualuncha de quisti duy occupatori he
inhabile ad havere dicti canonicati; quello de Sancto
Stephano perche la eta gliel denega, essendo lui uno
puto: e bisognando sia prete chi debbe obtegnire dicto
Canonicato de Sancto Stephano; e quello occupa lo
Canonicato de Corbeta sia apto ad ogni altra cossa che
esser prete; unde anchora in questo le Pte Vostre Excel-
lentie hano a provedere che ale chiesie sia proveduto de
persone ydonee ali loro benefitij. Esso oratore non ri-
corda altramente chel sia xvi. anni chel sta in Corte de
Roma ali servitij de questo stato; perché domandando
justitia dali soy Signori gli pare non gli debia esser
denegata, essendo la prima cossa che debbe fare li
principi ali soy subditi: et indistincte farla adminis-
trare achi la domanda humelmente.” Milano. Archivio
di Stato. Sezione Storica. Famiglie, Casola.
On the back of the parchment there is the following : —
“Suplicatio Presbyteri Petri Casole Canonici Ordinari}
Ecclesie Maioris Mediolani.”
The supplication bears no date.

406 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Document C.—Minutes of a letter from the Milanese
Ambassador at Rome dated August 14th, 1477, in which
he mentions Pietro Casola who was probably one of the
Secretaries to the Milanese Legation there.

“ Rome, xii1j° Augusti, 1477.

Illustrissime. Le Vostre Illustrissime Signorie me
scripseno per sue littere como era vacata la prepositura
de Marliano e imposono la facesse suspendere donec
deliberasseno a chi la voleno fosse conferita, e cosa fu
facta lambassata, sucedete che un prete Bernardino de
Robiate persona ben costumata, ben che altramente io
non lo cognoscesse et, ut dixit, nepote de domino Bartho-
lomeo de Calcho, Secretario de le Excellentie Vostre,
partito de Milano, vene qua batando con speranza dé
questo benefizio o de qualche unaltro, et dete supplica-
tione de questa prepositura, como se fa per tentare la
sua fortuna, e capitando in le mane al Reverendissimo
Monsignore de Tirasone in caxa del quale sta un prete
Johanne Maria de la Mayrola, quale mera (sic) io e con
difficulta al tempo de la sua promotione [e non senza
difficulta],* como subdito de la Excellentia Vostra; E
costuy temerariamente, vista tal vacantia, fece duy in-
convenienti, l’uno de ocultare la supplicatione de questo
Bernardino, Valtra de impetrarlo senza licentia de le
Celsitudine Vostre. So [or questo] non peccd per ignor-
antia, et havendo io notitia de questo, manday per luy
et ammonillo a desistere de la impresa, ricordandoli il
suo bisogno; deteme bone parole e pur a proceduto a la
expeditione de le bolle secretamente guardandosi da mi;
e quando ho inteso questo, de novo a la presentia de
domino Augustino Roso ho remandato per luy, e pur
persisti in sua temerita. De poy anchora li ho facto

*These words are written thus and then cancelled in the original.

APPENDIX 407

redire per pre(te) Petro Casola, et infine pare chel se
confida havere de la persone chi lo adiutarano, apresso a
le Celsitudine Vostre e che vole mandare le sue bolle, e
che scriva che anche luy scrivara. E questo é il merito
che’l me rende per haverlo misso in quella caxa, che
me arguisse sla una persona molto temeraria; e in questo
modo el scrivere ha facto le Excellentie Vostre per quello
de Serenio, per questa prepositura non so havere loco.
Ho voluto che le Vostre Excellentie intendano el tuto,
per che mandando luy de 1a le sue bolle a li sui parenti,
esse li faciano quelle provisione li parira. Che la in-
gratitudine sua di qua per la mia particularita remediard
io, non per farli male, perché de mia natura, et etiam
como prelato non voglio fare male ad alcuno: ne etiam
cociezare con li pari sui. Bono e chel vincha.”

Archives of Milan. Potenze Estere. Roma.

Documents D.—Copies of two letters from the Dukes of
Milan to Don Andrea de Fagnano, Canon of Milan Cathe-
dral, ordering him to hear and settle a dispute as to the
possession of the Chapel of Santa Maria de Cepis, claimed
by Pietro Casola on the one part and on the other by
Ambrogio de Cepis and Girolamo Cazaniga. The first
letter is dated August 1478. The second February 1479.

Letter I.‘ Venerabilis doctor nobis dilecte, vertitur
controversia super quadam capella Sancte Marie de Cepis
inter Venerabilem presbyterum Petrum Casolam et
Hyeronimum Cazanigam, quorum dispendio parci
cupientes de ipsarum partium consensu vobis iniungimus
ut dictam controversiam, visis videndis et auditis
audiendis, que partes producere, dicere et alegare volue-
rint sumarie, etc., terminetis providendo ut super posses-
sione dicte capelle neutri fiat iniuria. Ambo in doctrinis

408 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

et sinceritatis vestra confidunt, et nos optimam opinionem
habemus.—Mediolani, tertio Augustij, 1478. Cichus.}
Venerabili doctori, domino Andree de Fagnano, ordin-
ario, Mediolani, Nobis dilecto.” Milano. Archivio di

Stato. Sezione Storica. Famiglie. Casola.

Letter II.—‘ Venerabilis dilecte noster, cum non
pauci agantur menses quod commissa vobis fuerit ver-
tens controversia inter Hyeronimum Cazanigam, et
Ambrosium de Cepis pro una, ac presbyterum Petrum
Casolam ex altera, ob eam causam que in vestra est
commissione expressa putabamus in hance diem expe-
dictam per vos fuisse, sed quantum nuper intelleximus
controversia ipsa adhuc inexpedicta esse videtur; et
quia quo magis in longum cause protrahantur eo gravi-
oribus partes afficiuntur sumptibus et incomodis, quibus
semper occurendum est, ideo vos et ortamur et oneramus,
ut cuiusmodi expediende controversie absque ulteriori
dilatione incumbatis juxta commissionem vestram, quo

tandem debitum finem capiat nec indecissa diutius
futura sit in maximum partis utriusque dispendium.
Datum Mediolani, die xvij Februarij 1479. Cichus.
Venerabili dilecto nostro, domino Andree de Fagnano,
decretorum doctori et ex ordinarijs Ecclesie Majoris
Mediolani.”

Milano, Archivio di Stato. Sezione Storica

from a
packet of papers relating to the Casola family.

Documents E.—Extracts from documents relating to
the Cathedral of Milan, in which the names of certain of
the Canons are given for several years between 1481 and
1504. Those have been selected in which Casola’s name

1. i.e., Cichus or Francesco Simoneta, the famous Milanese
Chancellor.

APPENDIX 409

appears. The extracts are taken from Volume III. of the
“Annali della Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano.”

P. 1—“1481. Ordinarij. Guido de’ Castiglioni arci-
prete, Filippo de’ Calvi, Pietro de’ Casoli, Andrea de’
Fagnano, Lantelmo de’ Majno, Giovanni de’ Menclozzi,
Leonardo de’ Plati, Zanotto Visconti prevosto.”

P. 73.—“‘1492 Arcivescovo Guido Antonio Arcimboldo.
Ordinarij, Filippo de’ Calvi, Pietro de’ Casoli, Modesto
de’ Cusano e Giovanni de’ Menclozzi.”

P. 85.—“1496. Ordinarij. Carlo Baldo, Pietro de’
Casoli, Gabriele della Croce, Cristoforo del Pozzo, e
Giovanni Ambrogio Visconti.”

P. 119.—* Ordinarij 1502. Petro Casola, Modesto
Cusano, Taddeo Morone, Cristoforo del Pozzo e Gian
Pietro Visconti.”

P. 124—“1503. Ordinarij. Carlo Baldo, Pietro
Casola, , Modesto Cusano, Taddeo Morone, e Gian Pietro
Visconti.”

P. 127.—“1504. Ordinarij. Pietro Casola, Modesto
de Cusano, Taddeo Morone, Giovanni Stefano Olgiak,
Francesco de’ Parravicino, e Stefano de’ Tosi.”

Documento F.—Register of the death of Casola, taken
from the “ Registri Mortuarij (m. 81),’ in the State
Archives of Milan.

1507. Die Sabbati Sesto mensis Novembris.
Porte Ticinensis, Parrochie Sancti Victoris.
Reverendus dominus presbyter Petrus Casolus annorum

LXXX ex gattarro prefocante egritudine non suspecta

judicio Magistri Ambrosij Varisij Roxati.!

1. Printed in the article “ Morti in Milano dal 1452—1552,”
by Emilio Motta. See Introduction, p. 14.

INDEX.

A

Abbiategrasso, 163.

Abbondio, 372.

Absalom, 246.

Abyssinian Christians, 276, 389,
391.

Acre, 6, 25, 39, 48, 44, 45, 53,
54, 233, 387.

Adalia, 212.

Adiabene, Queen of the, 246.

Adige, 121.

Adrianople, Treaty of, 60.

Advocates of the Commune, 97,
98, 99, 100, 105, 337.

Africa, Circumnavigation of, 358.

Agents (Missetae), 40, 42, 48, 49,
61, 52, 72, 111.

Agostini, Biographies of, 394.

Agram, Bishop of, 32, 33.

Albania, 161, 183, 325, 326.

Albanian Sailors, 161.

Alemano, Andrea, 298.

Alexander, 298.

Alexander I1I., Pope, 126, 136,
355.

Alexandria, 4, 30, 45, 59, 108,
193, 391.

Alexandria Trading Galleys, 32,
46, 59, 60.

Alfano, Bishop, 6.

All Saints, Festival of, 338, 398.

Amadi, Francesco, 367.

Amalfi, 4, 6.

Amat di S. Filippo, Pietro, 3, 6,
8

Ambrosian Breviary, 17, 18.

—— Library, 18.

—— Liturgy, 117, 349.

—— Mass, 147.

— Missal, 338.

Ambrosiani, 350.

America, new route to, 358.

Amorea (Amorgo), Island of, 83.

Ancona, 5, 52, 54, 86, 188.

Anfosio (Alphonso) of Portugal,
46, 47.

Angel, 158.

Angera, 333.

Anjou, King of, 78.

Antenor, 122, 351.

Antiphons, 247.

Antivari, 183, 326.

Antoninus, Martyr, 5, 6.

Antwerp, Governor of, 298.

Antwerp, Johanne de Burgho
of, 265.

Apostles, fountain of the, 267.

Apulia, 176, 181, 183, 330, 387.

Aquileia, Patriarch of, 147, 152,
372.

Arab Chief, 231, 232.

Arabs, 242, 266, 345, 385.

Aragon, Isabella of, 395.

Arcadia, 188, 191.

Archbishop of Milan, 8, 9, 18,
117, 345.

Archipelago, 196, 310.

— Duchy of, 383, 395, 396.

Duke of, 383, 396.

Arcimboldi, Giovanni, 8.

Guidantonio, 8, 9, 17, 91,

117, 345, 409.

Nicolo, 8.

Arco, 351.

Arduina (Galley), 33, 36.

Arena (Verona), 120.

Argelati, 8, 13.

Arigi, 102, 103, 204, 210, 219,
381.

Arimathea, Joseph of, 261.

Arimondo, Nicolo, 63, 64.

Armenia, 387.

Armenian Christians, 263, 276,
391.

Arsenal, 66, 68, 71, 75, 79, 86,
98, 105, 106, 139, 141, 365, 367,
368, 397.

— Experts, 86.

Heads of the, 141, 368.

Artillery, 105, 106.

Artimone, 158, 298, 319, 325.

Ascalon, 388.

Ascensiontide, 29, 86, 99, 106,
eG:

Asine, 380.

Asolo, 394.

Assisi, Saint Francis of, 6.

Santa Maria degli Angeli

at, 386.

414 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Assumption, Festival of the, 271,
De

Asti, 395.

Astrology, 8.

Auction of Licences for Pilgrim
Ships, 69, 75, 106.

of State Galleys, 55.

Augsburg, 96.

August Voyage, 69, 71, 75.

Autumn Voyage, 25, 76, 78.

B

Babylon, 387.

Baccano, forest of, 16, 153.

Bachino, Francesco, 38.

Baffo (Paphos), 212, 299, 383.

Bag of Money, 10, 13, 230, 387.

—— Faith, 138.

— Patience, 10, 13, 230.

Bailo of Acre, 25.

of Corfu, 186.

Bajazet, Sultan, 379.

Balass Rubies, 145.

Baldwin, King of Jerusalem,
276, 389, 396.

Balestrieri, 56, 63, 79, 84, 85,
158, 159, 160, 375, 376.

Balestrarie, 376.

Balla d’oro, 95.

Balzi, 237.

Banchum, ponere, 59, 65.
Barbarigo, Doge Agostino, 142,
146, 147, 152, 338, 3538, 371.

— Giovanni, 37.

— Girolamo, 371.

— Doge Marco, 371.

Barbaro, Giosafatte, 96.

Barbarossa, Emp. Fred., 126,
136, 355.

Barbary, 25, 59, 191.

Barbo, Alvise, 329.

Paolo, 362.

Basaite, Marco, 363.

Bavaria, Dukes of, 31.

Bazane Ultramarine, 216.

Belgioioso, Galeotto di, 9.

Bellini, Gentile, 20.

Beltrame, Luca, 357.

Bembo, 35.

— Lorenzo, 48.

Bemmelberg, Reinhard von, 2,
390.

Berths, measurement of, 102.

Bethany, 267, 279.

Bethlehem, 258, 262—264, 389.

Beyrout, 4, 32, 33, 39, 43, 45,
46, 47, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59,
65, 77, 273, 385, 387.

—— Beyrout Fleet, 32, 33, 39,
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 55, 56,
59, 60, 67, 74, 77, 78, 80, 82,
301, 375.

Bianca, Duchess, 14, 403.

Bianco, Cape (Cyprus), 296.

Bianco, Paolo, 110.

Bindoni, Francesco, 385.

Biremi, 56, 368.

Birsa, Nicolaus de, 47.

Bissa Scudelera, 266.

Black Sea, 5, 59.

Bohemia, John Sartor from, 60,
61.

Boldt, Bernardo, 104.

Boleyn, Queen Anne, 36.

Bolingbroke, Henry, 33, 34, 35.

—— See Derby.

Bollani, Domenico, 318.

Bologna, 3, 352.

Bona, Duchess, 15.

Bonanza, 164.

Bono, Bartolomeo, 357.

— Guglielmo, 37, 39.

— Nicoletto, 38.

Borromeo, Alessandro, 134, 361.

St. Charles, 18, 349, 361.

Bossi, Laura, 359.

Botta, Leonardo, 9.

Botte, 203.

Bouillon, Godfrey de, 275, 391.

Boyana (river), 326.

Boza, Bartolomeo, 109.

Brabant, 298.

Braccio (measure), 144, 155.

Bragadino, Antonio, 33.

-—— Marcantonio, 383.

Brasca, Santo, 6, 8, 9, 10, 18, 98,
96, 381, 382, 388, 389, 397.

Brenta (river), 132.

Brescia, 118—121, 350.

Bishop of, 343, 399.

Breviary, Ambrosian, 17, 18.

Brindisi, 5.

Briona, 333, 334.

Broletto, 126, 354.

Brolio, San Stefano in, 404.

Brown, Rawdon, 34, 35.

Bruges, burgomaster of, 47.

Brugh (plant), 187, 378.

Buatello, Jacobello, 39.

Bucentauro or Bucentoro, 32.

Budua, 183.

Burgho, Johanne de, 265.

INDEX 415

Burgundy, 63, 265.
— Philip the Bold, Duke of,
53.

—— Philip the Good, 74, 77, 78.

Nobles from, 63.
Butigella, Giov. Matteo, 7.
Byzantine Empire, 5.

C

Ca’? del Duca, 357.

Ca’ Grande, 363.

Cairo, 7, 273, 280, 383, 385.
Calcho, Bartolomeo de, 406.
Calci, 118, 344.

Calogeri, 202, 277.
Camalio, 204, 217, 381.

Camardino, Ed. de, 188, 205,

206, 309, 379.

Cambray, 298.

Camerino, Fra Simone da, 362.

Canaan, 249.

Canala (Galley), 63

Canali, Cristoforo, 369.

Francesco, 36, 38.

— Girolamo, 64.

Vito, 45.

Cancelier Grando, 369.

Candia (Crete), 18, 22, 37, 42,
(ee Coal Ons i 972 198—203,
289, 311, 314—319, 380, 381,
382, 385, 387.

— Duke of, 314, 315, 318, 319.

—— Captain of, 314, 315, 318)
319.

Candiano, Doge Pietro, 352.

Canea, 381.

Canedo, Fra Pietro, 397.

Canevo, Casa del, 367.

Canteen, Captain’s, 157.

Canthari, 129.

Cantu, 357.

Canuta, la (Cyprus), 218, 294.

Capella (Galley), 46

Capellari, 371, 372, 394.

Capello, Andrea, 46, 47.

Simon, 327.

Capitulum peregrinorum, 25, 27.

Capodilista, Gabriele, 6, 7.

Cappadocia, St. George of, 387.

Caravaggio, 118, 344.

Cardaro (Caldaio), 184.

Cardinal Federico, 18.

Carducci, Giosué, 38.

Carob-beans (Cyprus), 216, 295.

Carpaccio, Vittorio, 20.

Carpets (Rhodes), 307.

Casanigo, Girolamo, 17, 407, 408.

Cases on the Galley, 159, 378,
374.

Casola, Pietro, Life and MS. of,
13—22.

meeting with Fra F. Tre-

vulzio, p. 132.

with Agostino Con-
tarini, 124, 253.

— with Andrea Lanza,

— with Ed. of Camardino,
188, 206.

—— Visit to the Cornaro Sugar
Plantations, 212.

Accident on the journey

from Rama to Jerusalem, 243.

Adventure at Rama, 285.

Cassine, 139, 140.

Castelli, Francesco, 19.

Castelnuovo, 132.

Castiglione, Girolamo, 7, 10.

Castles, above the two, 155.

Castle of the Galley, 156,

Castle Rugi, 303.

Cathibissa, 241, 251, 273.

Cats, Cape of the, 219.

Cattaveri, 40, 41, 43, 44, 48, 49,
50, 51, 52, 54, 60, 61, 62, 69,
12, 18, 75, 790/87, 88. 89.90)
100, 101, 102, 107, 108, 110,
1ll, 124, 377.

Cavagniaza, 251.

Cavallo, Francesco, 59.

Caxi, 130.

Cedron, 246, 248.

Cepis, Ambrogio de, 17, 407, 408.

Santa Maria de, 407, 408.

Cephalonia, 188, 379.

Cerigo, 196.

Cernide, 399.

Cerro, 119.

Cesto, Cape, 331.

Chalk, 202.

Charles V., 382.

Charles Philippe, Messire, 2, 109,
391.

Chioggia, 5.

Chitrow, Madame de, 2.
Choo (Cos), Island of, 309.
Cicerigo, 196.

Cicogna, Emmanuele, 362.
Circassians, 280.

Citin, Monseigneur de, 395.
Cividale, 372.

Civrano, Pietro, 49.
Cleves, Duke of, 77.

Cocha (Cocca), 38.

416 CASOLA’S

Cochina, 158, 325, 326.

Colla, Paulo, 37.

Colombini, Giovanni, 372.

Colosseum, 120.

Colossi, Casal de, 384.

Colossians, 205.

Comines, Philippe de, 20, 365,
366, 395, 398.

Comito, 12, 160.

Como, man from, 334.

Fra Michele of, 132, 304.

Conder, Lieut.-Col., 3.

Confectera, 149.

Constantine, Emperor, 250, 278,
389.

Constantinople, 1, 2, 5, 6, 60,
113, 353, 381, 389, 395.

Contarina (galley), 81, 82, 84, 85,
86, 87, 99, 155—161.

Contarini, Agostino, 3, 9, 23, 56,
94, 95, 96, 99, 100, 101, 124,
153, 160, 168, 169, 171, 179,
181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 195,
196, 197, 199, 205, 213, 215,
217, 218, 219, 220, 223, 295,
226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232,
233, 234, 236, 238, 239, 241,
243, 244, 253, 259, 261, 262,
267, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274,
282, 284, 287, 288, 289, 290,
294, 300, 304, 306, 307, 309,
311, 313, 314, 317, 320, 321,
324, 326, 330, 331, 332, 335,
337, 375, 383, 385, 386, 396.

—— Ambrogio, 95, 96, 98, 396.

—— Alessandro, 369.

—— Alvise (Luigi), 96.

—— Andrea, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86,
87, 95.

— Benedetto, 95.

— Bernardo, 74.

—— Bernardino, 22, 321.

— Doge Domenico, 364.

— Girolamo, 95.

— Hector, 71.

— Lorenzo, 60.

— Luca, 95.

— Marino, 65.

— Pietro, 396.

Zaccaria, 71, 72, 95.

Conventual, monks and _ nuns,
136.

Cook’s Agency, 22.

Copano, 296, 301.

Copts, 391, 392.

Corbetta, 14, 15, 16, 163, 403,
404,

Corcyra, 184.

PILGRIMAGE

Cordier, Henri, 2.

Coressa (Nave), 109.

Corfu, 42, 109, 183, 185, 186, 188,
323, 325, 326, 378, 385, 396.

Cornara (Nave), 109.

Cornaro Andrea, 356, 384.

Catherine, 383.

—— Federico, 216.

— Giorgio, 383.

— Giovanni, 64.

— Marco, 356, 383.

—— Sugar Plantations, 212, 216,
384.

Corner (Cornaro), Federico, 30.

Francischini, 31.

Corone, 42, 103, 195, 380.

Corpus Domini, 29, 78, 112, 113,
135, 146—153, 370.

Correr Museum, 21.

Corsia, 159, 374.

Corte, Fra de, 214.

Palazzo di, 354.

Cortese, Martino, 39.

Cortesia, 236.

Cos (Lango, Longo), Island of,
188, 204, 209, 309, 310, 379,
382.

Cotton growing (Cyprus), 216.

picking (Rama), 387.

Couriers, Milanese, 123.

Cremona, 357.

man from, 334.

Creta, Pietro de, 38.

Crete. See Candia.

Crispo family, 396.

—— Fiorenza, 383.

—— Francesco, 396.

— Giovanni, 396.

— Duke Nicolo, 383.

Violante, 396.

Cronaca Magna, 357.

Crossbowmen. See Balestrieri.

Crusaders, 5.

Cuchai, 343.

Curias, Cape, 219.

Curlo, 126.

Curzola, Island of, 171, 327, 328,
377.

Cyprus, 30, 31, 46, 54, 63, 64,
77, 82, 87, 90, 92, 96, 109, 110,
111, 204, 215—219, 233, 293,
295, 296, 298, 305, 316, 317,
356, 380, 382, 383, 384, 387,
393.

—— Captain of, 217, 218, 219.

—— Cypress Work at, 316, 317.

— Galleys, 82.

—— King of, 30, 215, 383.

INDEX 417

Cyprus, Pilgrim died at, 298.

— Plague at, 293, 305.

—— Queen of, 356.

—— Salines of, 293, 383, 393.

—— Sugar Plantations at, 212,
216, 383, 384.

— Wines of, 380.

D

Dalmatia, 327, 328, 377, 397.

Damascus, 56, 248, 273, 386, 392.

—— Lord of, 248.

Damietta, 6.

Dandolo, Andrea, 32.

—— Marco, 109.

— Marcantonio, 105.

Daubusson, Peter, 206.

David, King, 254.

Delfini, Palazzo, 339.

Delfino, Francesco, 37.

Delfinono, Nicolo, 337.

Delos, Island of, 396.

Derby, Henry, Earl of, 33, 34,
35.

Diedo, Baldesar, 81.

Discords, musical, 200.

Diocletian, 387.

Diosopolis, 387.

Dogs of Longo, 310.

Dolfina (Nave), 109.

Domo, Nicolo de, 200, 316, 317,
319.

Donatello, 351.

Donato, Nicolo, 147, 372.

Tommaso, 147, 372.

Dono, Lorenzo, 37, 39.

Doppiero, 148.

Dry Mass, 156, 190, 231, 373.

Duca, Ca’ del, 357.

Ducato, Capo del, 189, 379.

Duracino, Nicoletto, 38, 39.

Direr, Albert, 20, 398.

Duyni, Dominus, 31.

E
Easter Voyage, 25, 58, 69, 71, 75,
82

Earthquake at Candia, 198—200.

Kekher, Friedrich, 112.

Egypt, 60, 385.

— Sultan of, 30, 36, 60, 66,
WB; Wo, COs 945822956973. 974.
276, 279, 280, 282, 283, 345,
383, 386, 392, 393.

Elia, Antonio de, 39.

Elisha, Well of, 269.

Ellis, Sir Henry, 35.

A2

Emmaus, 281.

England, 3.

— Henry IV. of, 35.

—— King of, 7, 47, 387, 390.

— Niece of King of, 215.

—— Pilgrims from, 47, 336.

— Richard, King of, 35, 383.

Episcopia, 64, 209, 216, 383, 384.

Erasmus of Narni. See Gatta-
melata.

Ereclea, 365.

Erichi. See Arigi.

Krizza (Galley), 56, 57.

Erizzo, Donato, 56, 57.

Ethiopia, 391.

Ethiopian Friars, 389.

Exeter, John, Earl of, 7, 81, 390.

Extimaria, 160.

HKzra, 252.

F

Faber, Felix, 9, 92, 96, 98, 387.

Fagnano, Andrea de, 17, 407,
408, 409.

Faith, old man of the, 251, 253,
274, 284, 286.

Famagosta, 215, 217, 383.

Fanatico, Sino, 164.

Fara, 171, 329, 397.

Fasana, la, 333.

Ferrara, 132, 227, 265, 377.

Duke of, 377.

— Marquis of, 227.

Ferro, 355.

Festivals of, All Saint’s, 338,
398.

— Assumption, 271, 272.

— St. Bartholomew, 288.

— Corpus Domini, 29, 78, 112,
113, 135, 146—153, 370.

— 8. Francis, 315.

— St. Gervasius and Protasius,
182, 183.

— St. James, 228, 229.

— St. John, 189, 190.

— St. Lawrence, 262, 301.

— St. Luke, 328.

— St. Martin, 343.

—— St. Mary Magdalen, 227.

— St. Michael, 313.

—— The Nativity, 298.

—— St. Peter and St. Paul, 196.

S. Titus, 315.

Fino, Pietro, 37.

Flanders, 48, 49.

Flemish Pilgrims, 83.

418 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Florence, 352, 361, 364, 385, 386,
395.

Florentine pilgrims, 6.

Fondaco dei Tedeschi, 40, 129,
358.

Foligno, 353, 385.

Foreigners, Judges of the, 41.
Fornaro, Giovanni Simone, 132,
245, 265, 286, 287, 289, 361.

Fornovo, battle of, 395.

Foscari, Doge Francesco, 135,
353.

Foscarini Francesco and wife,
318.

Fountain, Our Lady of the, 118,
344,

France, 2.

— Charles VIII. of, 22, 395.

— King of, 301, 321.

— Louis of, 102, 357, 383.

Queen of, 339.

Francho, Nicolo, 146.

Franciscan Friars, at, Candia,
198, 201.

— Lesina, 330, 397.

— Modone, 191, 193.

— Parenzo, 163.

— Ragusa, 173, 174, 177, 180.

— Rama, 237.

— Rhodes, 306, 308.

—— Venice, 135, 338, 363.

Zara, 166. See also Mount
Sion, Friars of.

Franco, Pietro, 86.

Franks, 391.

French Ambassador, 20, 339, 365,
395, 398.

—— Pilgrims, 36, 78, 104, 227.

—— Pilgrims, deaths of, 234,
262, 287, 332.

Frescobaldi, Leonardo, 6.

Friuli, Pilgrim from, 185, 337.

Furiano, Frate, 210, 213.

Fyo, Constantino de, 110.

G

Gaeta, 5.

Galeotti, 56, 58, 79, 143, 160, 189,
231, 234, 290, 368, 369.

Galliate, 235.

Gallicciolli (Mem. Ven.), 365,
373.

Garbino, 164.

Gattamelata, 122, 350, 356.

Gaza, Diodar of, 231.

Fruit from, 240.

— Governor of, 224, 228, 229,
232, 233, 282, 283, 284, 286,
287, 288, 289, 384.

Genoa, 4, 5, 53, 54, 57, 63, 206,
309, 383.

Georgian Christians, 272, 275,
391.

German Pilgrims, 36, 83, 89, 103,
ns

—— Pilgrim, death of a, 290.

Gesuati, 151, 372, 373.

Ghiringhelo, Fra, 153.

Gibbon, Edward, 397.

Gilforth, Duke of. See Guild-
ford, Thomas, Duke of.

Gionchio, Castle of, 191.

Giorgione, 358.

Girdle, Christians of the, 237,
238, 239, 241, 248, 255, 256,
285, 386, 391.

Giulini, Count Giulio, 13, 394.

Giustiniana e Malipiera (Nave),
104.

Giustiniani, Bernardo, 390.

Francesco, 87, 96.

— Giustiniana, 98.

— San Lorenzo, 364.

Godfrey of Bouillon, Tomb of,
275; 391.

Golbites, 276, 391.

Golubovich, Girolamo, 3, 384,
386.

Gomene, 140, 159.

Gondolas, 141.

Gonnella (Guinella), 227.

Gonzaga, Lords of, 120.

Gradenigo, Juliano, 301.

Doge Pietro, 29.

Gradisca, 103.

Grado, Patriarch of, 376.

Grana, 186, 187.

Grasso, Abrayno, 222, 228, 229,
230, 236, 240, 241, 242, 249,
281, 286, 290.

Greco, Cape, 292.

Greece, 25, 75, 387.

Sea of, 310.

Greek Christians, 278, 391.

Empire, 5.

— Monks, 264.

Rites, 18.

Greiffenstein, Ludwig von, 1,
390.

Greppo (Grippo), 110, 188.

Grimani, Nicolo, 65.

Grimming, Karl von, 112.

INDEX 419

Gritta (galley), 67.

Gritti, Andrea, 67.

Marino, 67.

Guides, Piazza (Tholomarij), 39,
40, 41, 49, 50, 51, 60, 61, 62,
72, 73, 87, 88, 89, 111.

— Gastaldo of the, 60, 61, 72,

73.
Guildford, Thomas, Duke of, 35.
Guinella (Gonnella), 227.

H

Hadrian, Emperor, 250.

Hakluyt’s Voyages, 3.

Havere Capse (Havere Capselle),
58, 63.

Helias, 250.

Hermits, 362.

Hermit, Florentine, 305.

Herod, 248, 255, 387.

House of, 248.

Heughlin, Lorenz, 223.

Heyd, William, 387, 394.

Hierusalem, Voyage to, 2, 9, 92,
96, 380.

Hippocrates, 379.

Holy Land, History of, 7.

Voyage to the, 7.

Homer, burial place of, 312.

Hornan the Jebusite, 352.

Howard, Thos., Duke of Nor-
folk, 36.

Hungarian, Andrew the, 52, 60.

—— Pilgrims, 36, 60.

Hungary, King of, 177, 377, 378.

I
Imola, 352.
Incantus Galearum Peregrinorum,

69, 75.

India, new route to, 338.
Indians, 391.
Inferno (Arsenal), 368.
Innkeepers and Inns, 52, 89.
Sun Inn, 342.
Instructions to Pilgrims, 10.
Tonian Islands, 378, 379.
Sea, 188.
Ios, Island of, 310.
Istankoi, 379.
Istria, 163, 376, 377.
Stone Quarries of, 333, 334.
Italian Pilgrims, 5, 6.
Republics, 4.
— Voyages, 38.

Itinera Latina, 2.
Itinéraires Frangais, 2.
Itinéraires Russes, 2.

J

Jacob the Patriarch, 252, 262.
Jacobite Christians, 277, 391.
Jacinthos, Island of, 323.

Jadra. See Zara.

Jaffa, 9, 12, 32, 33, 37, 38, 39,
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 53, 54, 58,
60, 70, 75, 77, 78, 81, 84, 85,
86, 89, 93, 99, 101, 104, 110,
111, 112, 170, 220, 221235,
253, 287, 290, 381, 384, 387.

— Custodian at, 223.

— Fair at, 225.

— Galley, 8, 76, 96, 98, 101,
103, 104; 105, 124, 155, 162.
German Pilgrim died at,

290.

St. Peter at, 225, 235.

Jameson, Mrs., 362, 368, 397.

Jehoshaphat, Valley of, 247, 272,
387.

Jericho, 267, 268, 269.

Jerusalem, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9,
92 L025 1035 LlOs D245
224979, 381.

Godfrey and _ Baldwin,
Kings of, 275, 276, 391.

— Governor of, 220, 222, 253,
266, 270, 271, 273, 274, 276,
280.

— Hospital at, 6, 244, 272.

— Miracle at, 254.

—— Pilgrims left at, 282.

Joab, 246.

Joppa (see Jaffa), 235, 253.

Jordan, river, 90, 153.

— Visit to, 266—268, 271, 273.

Jordan Water, 300.

Jorga, Mons. N., 2.

Josephus’ Wars of Jews, 246.

Jucho, 223.

Judas Maccabeus, 274, 276, 390.

Judea, Hills of, 264.

Julian the Apostate, 366, 388.

K

Knights of the Holy Sepulchre,
265, 290, 390.

Knights of Rhodes (St. John).
See Rhodes.

Kaiet Bey, Sultan, 386, 392.

420 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

L

Lanza, Andrea, 184, 187.

Pietro, 184, 185, 186, 187.

Larnaca, 394.

Latin Friars. See Mount Sion.

Empire, 5.

—— Kings, tombs of the, 275,
390, 391.

Lausanne, Johanne de, 204.

Lazarus, tomb of, 279.

Miracle of, 293, 394.

Leghorn, 1.

Lent dinner, 343.

Leros, Island of, 382.

Lesina, Island of, 171, 328, 329,
330, 331, 377, 397.

Bishop of, 329.

Leucadia, 379.

Levant, 4, 54.

Trading Fleet, 301.

Liber Plegiorum, 24.

Liburnians, 164.

Lido, 363, 375.

Limasol, 213—218, 295, 383, 394.

Lissa, Island of,

Lisso, 217.

Litanies, 18, 19, 117, 211, 314.

Lodi, Peace of, 77, 356, 362.

Lodovico il Moro, 15, 321, 322,
357, 395.

Lombardi, Martino, 365, 366.

Lombardy, 7.

Sailors from, 161.

Lonato, 120, 348.

Longo (Lango), Island of, 188,
204, 309, 310, 379, 382. See
Cos.

Governor of, 205, 206, 305,
306, 307, 310, 379.

Loredana (Galley), 67, 81, 82.

Loredano, Antonio, 67, 72, 76,
77, 81.

— Bartolomeo, 65, 66, 68.

— Daniele, 67, 72.

—— Jacopo, 83.

Leonardo, 367.

— Lorenzo, 65, 66, 67, 68.

Pietro, 68.

Loreto, Pilgrimage to, 52, 324.

Lovato (Lupato), 351.

Luchino, Johanne, 132, 245.

Lucca, 8, 153, 341, 352, 364.

—— National Library at, 8.

Merchants from, 135, 364.

Ludolph, Heinrich Wilhelm, 1.

Lumiarez, Antonio di, 21.

Lupato. See Lovato.

Lydda, 239, 387.

M
Maccabeus (Machabeus), 274,
276, 390.
Maetsch, Albrecht, 290.
Magagnis, Jacobinus, 30.
Magistretti, Monsignor Marco,
378.
Majestate (Majesta), 166, 173,
174

Malcasale, 273.

Malea, Cape, 196.

Malipiera e Giustiniana (Nave),
104.

Malipiero, Domenico, 99, 108,
353, 365, 366, 367, 371.

—— Giacomo, 108.

— Giorgio, 63.

—— Marino, 36.

— Tommaso, 108.

Malta, 382.

Mamelukes, 109, 224, 237, 242,
266, 267, 280, 286, 287, 288,
392, 393.

Mameth, 392.

Mantella (Nave), 78.

Mantua, Francis Gonzaga, Lord
of, 46.

John Francis Gonzaga, first

Marquis of, 351.

Priest from, 214.

Marano, 233.

Marcelli (Coins), 238, 337.

Marcello, Marcello, 48.

Marchetti (Coins), 236, 239, 249,
Pei).

Marconi, Bernardo di, 105.

Maritime Statutes, 23, 24, 26, 55,
373.

Maronite Christians, 276, 291,
386.

Marseilles, 113.

Mauro, of Amalfi, 6.

Lorenzo and Antonio, 71.

Maydini (Coins), 287.

Mayrola, Johanne de la, 17, 406.

Meda, San Giovanni di, 364.

Medes, Cyrus, King of the, 252.

Meissner, Dr. H., 1.

Melanzane, 240.

Melech-el-Daher (Sultan), 76.

Melita, 171.

Meloria, 4.

Melos, 396.

Merchants, Consuls of the, 26,
40, 56.

Council of the, 56.

Mergenthal, Hans von, 91, 98,
102.

INDEX 421

Messa Secca, 156, 190, 231, 373.

Mestre, 351.

Mezzana (sail), 157.

Methone, 380.

Michiel, Fantin, 106.

Francesco, 37, 38.

Jacopo, 105.

Midshipmen, 374.

Migliaia, Migliaio, 24.

Milan, 7, 9, 15, 17, 21, 22.

—— Archbishop of, 8, 9, 18, 117,
345.

—— Archives of, 13.

— St. Ambrose, Bishop of,
117, 135, 349, 350.

—— Churches of St. Ambrose,
117, 163.

—— S. Celso, 349.

— St. Dionysius, 118.

— Santa Eufemia, 13, 349.

— San Lorenzo, 276.

——S. Maria de Cepis, 407.

—S. Maria Maggiore, 349.

— Metropolitan Church at, 13,

349.

San Stefano in Brolio, 15, 404.

S. Tecla, 349.

— San Vittore, 14, 117.

— Diocese of, 14.

— Duchess of, 339.

— Duke of, 7, 8, 63, 175, 344,
394, 407, 408.

— Duomo, 17, 117, 349.

— Annals of, 408.

—— Canons of the, 117.

— Gates, Porta Ticinese, 14,
268.

Porta Orientals, 345.

Milan, King of France expected
at, 301.

— Noble Families of, 13.

— Patron Saints of, 117, 182,
183, 350.

Registri Mortuarij, 13.

Milanese, Ambassador to Venice,
9, 20, 125, 339, 340, 341, 351,
366.

— Rome, 16, 406, 407.

— Merchants in Venice, 18,
123, 135, 363.

Pilgrims, 7.

Misseta, 40, 42, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53.

Mitylene, 379.

Mocenigo, Andrea, 29.

—— Doge Tommaso, 353.

Modone, 22, 42, 53, 67, 87, 102,

103, 170, 191—194, 314, 319,

320, 321, 380, 396.

Modone, Fair at, 191.

— Wines of, 380.

Moggio, 129.

Money, bag of, 10, 13, 230, 387.

Monte, Gabriele da, 109.

Morea, 104, 188.

Moorish Fasting, 182, 378.

Moors, 83, 92, 225, 226, 229, 230.

Moro, Doge Cristoforo, 353, 371.

Morosina (galley), 82.

Morosini, Andrea, 36, 38, 83.

Alvise, 211, 374.

— Dardi, 37.

— Francesco, 379, 394.

— Giovanni, 108.

—— Marcantonio, 357.

—— Piero, 108.

Mosque, 249, 251, 252, 253, 257,
387.

Motta, Emilio, 14, 409.

Mount Lebanon, 389.

Mount Moriah, ‘952.

Mount of Olives, 246, 247.

Mount Sinai, 7, 32, 345, 385, 386.

Mount Sion, 254, 257, 266, 270,
Q71, 272, 273, 274, 279.

— Church of, 254.

— Friars of, 348, 391, 393.

— Monastery of, 96, 97, 244,
251, 255, 256, 385, 386.

— Prior of, 93, 97, 112, 222,
227, 229, 232, 233, 239, 240,
242, 244, 245, 249, 259, 261,
270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 282,
983, 284, 288, 289, 290, 384,
385, 386, 389, 393.

Mowbray, Thomas, Duke of
Norfolk, 35.

Moyses, 237.

Mudacio, Andrea, 60.

Murano, 142, 372, 367.

— Church of Sta Maria degli
Angeli, 142, 372.

Murata, la, 331, 332.

Muratori, 18.

Museum, Correr, 21.

Mushrooms, 232, 282.

Muster, the, 343, 398.

Mutimelli, 41, 354, 355, 362.

Myra, Nicholas, Bishop of, 303.

Myr Isbech. See Usbech.

N
Nabule, Governor of, 231, 232.

Nadal, Bernardo, 37.
Nali Bernardino di, 7, 8.

422 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Naples, 5, 77, 171, 188, 303, 377,
94,

—— George of, 110.

— King of, 303.

—— King Alfonso, 77, 188.

— King [Ferdinand of, 171,
377.

Narma (Narni), Erasmus of.
See Gattamelata.

Nassau, Count of, 75.

Natalia, 55, 212, 219, 299.

Gulf of, 299.

Navarino, 380.

Navi and Nave, 11, 75, 78, 104,
106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 112,
139, 141.

—— The Santa Maria, 110.

Pilgrim Navi, 109.

Naviglio, 268.

Navilio and Navilij, 111, 112.

Naxos, 313, 395, 396.

Duchy of, 395, 396.

Nebuchadnezzar, 252, 387.

Negropont, 84, 381, 396.

Nero, Emperor, 350.

Nestorians, 391.

Nicodemus, 261.

Nicolai, Zanino, 38.

Nicosia, 215, 293, 383.

Night, Lords of the, 126, 355.

Nio, Island of, 312.

Nissa, Lord of, 313.

Nissari, 209.

Noah, 249.

Nobili di poppa, 374.

Norfolk, Thomas
Duke of, 35, 36.

Normans, 4.

Notte, Signori di, 126, 355.

Nuremberg, 96.

Mowbray,

O

Observants, 136.

Odorico of Pordenone, 3.

Omar, Mosque of, 387.

Ongaro, Andrea, 52, 60.

Urient Latin, Société de 1’, 2.

Orseolo, Doges Pietro I. and IL.,
352, 377.

P
Padua, 122, 132, 341, 342, 351.

Pilgrimage to, 324.
Palazzolo, Raphaele de, 342.

Paleologos, Emperor Michael,
396.

Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society,
3

Palladio, 362.

Pandolfo, Lord, 48.

Pantaleone of Amalfi, 6.

Papal Legate, 146.

Paphos (Baffo), 212, 299, 383.

Paradise (Arsenal), 368.

Parenzo, 162—164, 170, 333, 335,
368, 376, 377.

Parma, Fra Tiberio of, 365.

Parono, 160.

Paros, Island of, 196, 396.

Parrot, Affair of the, 286—289.

Parsberg, Konrad von, 2, 390.

Partecipazio, Doge, 352.

Pascha, Roxata, 120.

Pasqualigo, Lodovico, 83.

Patera, 303.

Patience, bag of, 10, 13, 230.

Patrono, Patroni, Patronus, 11,
23, 49, 54, 55, 57, 59, 62, 65,

91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100,
101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 111,
153, 160.

Pavia, 132, 265, 286, 351, 361,
395.

Pelorosso, 336.

Pentecost, 120.

People, Sons of the, 279, 392.

Pera, 84.

Peregrinorum, Capitulum, 25, 27.

Peregrinorum, Incantus galearum,
69, 75.

Persia, Ouzoun Khassan, King
of, 96, 396.

Pesaro, 38.

Peschiera, 120, 343.

Phenice, 303.

Phidias, 340.

Piacenza, Sant’ Antonino of, 6.

Bishop of, 184.

— Nuns from, 365.

Charles VIII. at, 395.

Pianelle, 144.

Piazza Guides. See Guides.

Piccinino, Nicolo, 350, 351.

Piis, Ugolino de, 48.

Pilate, house of, 248.

Pilgrimages to Loreto and
Padua, 52, 324.

Pilgrimage, emblems of, 117,
337.

INDEX 423

Pilgrims Books, 48, 44, 52, 124.

Complaints of, 3138, 317,

318.

on the Contarina, 161.

— Contracts, 51, 89, 90, 124.

— Datian, 223.

— English, 47.

— Expenses, 94.

— Flemish, 83.

— Florentine, 6.

— French, 36, 78, 104, 227,
234, 262, 287, 332.

— Galleys, 3, 11, 22, 146, 381,
384, 385.

— German, 36, 83, 89, 103,
112, 290.

— Hungarian, 36, 60.

— Instructions to, 10.

— Italian, 6, 7.

Navi, 109, 110.
arrested as Spies, 270.

Pilot and Pilots, 170, 220, 299,
321, 325, 377.

Pioltella, 118.

Piombi (Prisons), 354.

Pirates, 91, 93, 105, 204, 209,
210, 212, 217, 219, 376, 381.

Pisa, 4.

Pisan Castle, 4, 244, 255.

Pisani, Filippo, 37.

Piskopi, 384.

Pius II., Pope, 82.

Pizolo, 156, 328.

Plague at Cyprus, 293, 305.

Plebanie, 138.

Plegiorum, Liber, 24.

Plimsol, Mark, 24.

Po, river, 168, 268.

Pola, 376.

Ponere Banchum, 59, 65.

Ponte, Zaccaria da, 56, 57.

Pontifical, 345.

Pope, Alexander III., 126, 136.

— Alexander VI., 321.

— Ambassador to, 339, 398.

— Pius II., 82.

— Urban V., 30.

Poppa, Nobili di, 374.

Pordenone, Odorico of, 3.

Porri, Cipriano di, 241.

Porro, Count Giulio, 15, 21, 22,
349, 362, 379, 383, 387, 389,
390, 399.

Porta Ticinese, 14, 268.

Orientale, 345.

Portugal, King John of, 46, 47.

—— Alphonso of, 46, 47.

Possot, Maitre Denis, 2, 109, 390,
391, 394.

Pozzi (Prisons), 354.

Praeneste, Bernardo of, 6.

Praxitiles, 340.

Predelli, Riccardo, 23, 24, 26,
373.

Pregadi, Council of the, 127,
356.

Prester John (Prete Jane), 391.

Priola (galley), 59.

Priuli, Girolamo, 104, 109, 358.

Marino, 76.

Priona, 333.

Prisoners, Christian, 233, 282—
289.

Probatic Pool, 248.

Prodano, rock of, 191.

Promissione ducale, 372.

Provenza, 164.

Proveri (galeotti), 12.

Prussia, John of, 390.

Ptolemaida, 233.

Purchas’s Pilgrims, 3.

Purgatory (Arsenal), 368.

Puricelli, 349.

Q

Quails (Candia, 316.

Quarantia, Council of the, 43,
47, 355, 376.

Quarantina, Mountain of the,
269.

Quarnero, 164, 333.

Quattro Coronati, 334, 397.

Quirina (galley), 55.

Quirini, Andrea, 55.

R

Rachel, tomb of, 262.

Rages of the Medes, 116.

Ragusa, 172—179, 181, 183, 326,
328, 377, 378.

— Ragusans, 257, 328, 329.

Rama, 220, 237—242, 281—289.

—— Cotton-growing at, 239, 387.

— Governor of, 220, 222, 2238,
231, 240, 384.

— Hospital at, 285.

Joseph of, 261.

Ramatana, 378.

Ramleh, 220.

Ranghoni, 139.

Raspe, 365.

Rationale, 18.

Registri Mortuarij (Milan), 13.

424 CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE

Regna, Fra Antonio, 244, 271,
272, 274, 286, 288.

Renegade Christians, 279.

Resin in the Wine, 194, 216, 380.

Rethemo (Candia), 202.

Rhodes, 21, 30, 31, 54, 57, 64,
65, 73, 77, 82, 88, 109, 204,
205, 304, 305, 307, 311, 352,
379, 381, 382.

— Grand Master of, 30, 206,
209, 213, 305, 308, 382.

— Knights of, 73, 82, 83, 188,
205, 208, 209, 305, 309, 379,
381, 382, 384.

—— Sanitary Officers at, 305.

—— Siege of, 381.

Church and Monastery of,
Santa Maria della Vittoria,
306, 308.

Rimini, 61.

Rizo, Virgilio, 37.

Rizzo, Antonio, 353.

Robiate, Bernardino di, 406.

Rogations or Litanies, 117.

Rohricht, Reinhold, 1, 2, 3, 8,
359, 390.

Roma, Francesco di, 153.

Mario di, 39.

Roman Breviary and Missal, 349.

Romanin, S., 354, 358, 362, 378.

Rome, 16, 17, 52, 61, 62, 120,
127, 137, 188, 297, 343, 365,
395.

— Milanese Embassy at, 406,
407.

Church of Santa Maria
Rotunda, 276.

Roso, Don Agostino, 406.

Rosso, Filippo, 241.

Rovato, 350.

Rovere, 152.

Rovigno, 335, 376.

Rotuli, Cassina di, 344.

Jacobo, 158.

Russian Palestine Society, 2.

Voyages, 2.

SS)

Sabbatino, 228, 229.

Sacerdoti, A, 23, 24, 26, 373.

Sack of Faith, 225, 227.

Money, 10, 225, 230, 237.

Patience, 10, 225, 230.

Saint Adrian, Cardinal deacon
of, 206.

— Ambrose, 117, 135, 349, 350,
363.

—— Andrea, Island of, 170.

—— Arsenius, 186.

— Augustine, Vision of, 141,
368.

— Athanasius, 193.

— Blaise, 173.

— Charles Borromeo, 18, 349,
361.

—— Catherine (Mount Sinai),
345, 386.

— Elizabeth, 264.

— Euphemia, Church of, 335.

— George, 239, 387.

— Gervasius and Protasius,
117, 182, 183, 350.

— Germanus, 334, 397.

—— Helena, 250, 260, 278, 361,
389.

—— James the Apostle, 255.

—— Jerome, 2638, 333.

—— John Baptist, birthplace of,
264.

John, Knights of. See
Knights of Rhodes.

— Leo, 193.

—— Mark’s Bridge, 348.

—— Nicholas, Bishop of Myra,
303.

—— Paul the Apostle, 205.

— Peter, 225.

—— Stephen, gate of, 248.

—— Titus, 201, 315, 380.

— Thomas, 255, 386.

— Zachariah, 264.

San Lazzaro, Lake of, 293.

— Nicolo di Carichi (Rhodes),
209.

Santa Maura, Island of, 379.

Maria (Nave), 110.

Saladin, 253, 275, 387.

Salem, 250.

Salerno, Alfano, Bishop of, 6.

Salines (Cyprus), 293, 383, 393.

Salmoria, 203.

Salonicco, 60.

Salt, 298, 393, 394.

Sanitary Officers (Rhodes), 305.

Sanseverino, Roberto da, 3, 6, 7,
81, 378, 382, 384, 386.

Sansovino Francesco, 352, 354,
357, 359, 362, 372, 398.

Santurin, Island of, 311.

Sanudo, Giovanni and Marco,
396.

Sanuto, Marino, 8, 36, 101, 103,
104, 105, 353, 355, 371, 381,
387, 392.

INDEX 425

Saracens, 4, 6, 12, 29, 30, 49,
250.

Sarpi, Fra Paolo, 364.

Sasino, El, Island of, 325.

Satalia (Sadalia). See Natalia.

Saurinia, 303.

Savij, 47.

Savina, Chronicle of, 365.

Savoy, Bona of, 404.

Duke of, 48, 82.

Savoyard Nobles, 63.

Saxony, Duke of, 91, 103.

Scanderbeg, 84.

Schefer, Mons. Charles, 2.

Scio, 322.

Scirocco, 164.

Sclavonia and Sclavonians, 32,
161, 169, 179.

Scotto Bernardino, 161, 257, 376.

Seat, Doge’s, 372.

Sebenico, 169, 331, 377.

Secchi, Don F., 118, 344.

Secretary, Chief, 144, 369.

Seprio, lakes of the, 293, 394.

Sepulchre, Holy. First visit to
the, 259—261.

— Second Visit to the 264—
265.

— Third Visit to the, 274—
278.

— Christian Sects at the, 391.

— Church of the, 275—278,
390.

—— Knights of the, 265, 290,
390.

Plan of the, 388, 389.

Sepulchre of Our Lady, 272.

Serio, 118.

Sermons by Fra. F. Trivulzio
at Zara, 167.

— at Ragusa, 179.

— on St. John’s Eve, 189.

— on St. John’s day, 190.

—— at Jaffa, 221, 222, 224, 231.

—— at Sea on the return voy-
age, 297, 298, 299.

— at Bethlehem, 262.

—— by Friars and the Prior of
Mount Sion, 239, 258, 260, 283.

at Lesina, 330.

Sexula, 229, 233, 256, 258.

Sforza, Francesco, 6, 356.

Galeazzo, 404.

— Gian Galeazzo, 15, 361, 395.

— Lodovico, 8, 15, 321, 322,
344, 357, 395, 404.

Sforza palace in Venice, 128, 356.

Sichi. See Secchi.

Sicily, 387.

Siena, 352, 372, 373.

Signoria of Venice, 121, 141, 160,
165, 171, 184, 186, 188, 191,
192, 194, 195, 217, 313, 322,
331, 337, 342, 366, 369, 384,
398.

of Ragusa, 177, 178.

Sigoli, Simone, 6.

Silk Industry, 121.

Siloam, pool of, 248.

Simiteculo, Galeazzo, 109.

Sinai. See Mount Sinai and
Saint Catherine.

Sino Fanatico, 164.

Sion, Mount. See Mount Sion.

Smith, Lucy Toulmin, 33.

Snow, 227.

Sophronius (Patriarch), 389.

Solomon, Temple of, 249, 252,
253, 387.

Solyma, 250.

Sopra Porto, 336.

Soranzo, Giovanni, 330.

Nicolo, 33.

Spain, 8, 188.

—— Nephew of the King of,
188.

Spanish Litanies, 211.

Spalato, 171, 377.

Spies, pilgrims arrested as, 270.

Spring Voyage, 25, 76.

Stagno, 172.

Staia, 185.

Stella, Raphaeletto de, 38.

Stinche, 238, 387.

Stone Cutters, 397.

Stone quarries, 333, 334.

Stradioti, 151.

Strapontino, 11.

Stroncone, Father Agostino di,
386.

Sugar Plantations, 216, 383, 384.

Sun Inn, 342.

Suriano, Fra Francesco, 3, 7, 93,
95, 98, 229, 384, 386, 389, 390,
391, 392, 393.

Symie, Island of, 208.

Syria, 5, 25, 27, 37, 39, 438, 53,
54, 58, 60, 67, 80, 212, 219,
383, 386.

Syrian Christians, 276, 386, 391.

ae

Tabitha, 235.
Tacitus, 359.

426 CASOLA’S

Talenti, Tommaso, 361.

Tana, The, 367.

Tantalus, 225.

Wary, 4:

Tassini, 354, 356, 357, 359, 362,
365.

Tavernelle, le, 342.

Tedeschi, Fondaco dei, 40, 129,
358, 359.

Telos, Island of, 382.

Terra Santa, Trattato di, 3.

Viaggio in, 3.

Terza, Ora di, 128.

Thera, 311.

Tholomarius, Tholomarij. See
Guides.

Thorn, Sacred, 210, 382.

Tiberio, Fra, 365.

Ticinese, Porta, 14, 268.

Tiepolo, Doge Jacopo, 24, 55,
373.

— Lorenzo, 65, 76.

Statute, 27, 373.

Timotheus, 201.

Tirapello, Zanino, 36.

Titian, 357, 358.

Titus Cesar, 250, 252, 388.

Tobias, 116.

Tobler, Titus, 1, 3, 6.

Toga, 143.

Tolomei, Bernardo, 362.

Tomacello, Fra Giovanni, 389.

Torcello, 398.

Toretino, Johanne or Giovanne,
153, 154, 341.

Torre, George da, 103.

Torresella, 354.

Trani, Bishop Pietro da, 363.

Transylvania, Voyvode of, 32.

Abieyn, I7/il, S¥/¢h

Trevisano, Domenico, 76.

Melchiore, 357.

— Nicolo, 353.

—— Stefano, 65.

Zaccaria, 76.

Treviso, 46, 146, 342, 351.

Bishop of, 146.

Fair at, 342.

Triduan Litanies, 18, 19.

Trieste, Gulf of, 162.

Trinchetto, 159.

Trinity, St. Augustine’s Vision
of, 141, 368.

Tripoli (in Syria), 217, 387.

Consul of, 217.

Triremes, 56, 83, 101, 102, 103,
369.

PILGRIMAGE

Trivulzian Library, 7, 15, 21,
388, 404.

Trivulzio, Carlo, 21.

Donna Evelina, 21.

—— Fra Francesco, 21, 132, 135,
142, 154, 155, 162, 164, 167,
172, 174, 175, 179, 180, 182,
189, 190, 191, 193, 196, 198,
207, 214, 218, 221, 222° 223.
294, 226, 231, 238, 239, 241,
245, 262, 264, 266, 267, 269,
275, 282, 284, 290, 297, 299,
300, 302, 304, 305, 306, 307,
308, 330, 352, 359—361.

— Gian Giacomo, 9, 91.

Pietro, 359, 360.

Trono, Luca, 65, 107.

Turbigo, 235.

Tucher, J., of Nuremberg, 96.

Turks, 30, 55, 60, 82, 83, 84, 91,
96, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108,
109, 113, 177, 188, 190, 204,
205, 210, 212, 303, 310, 396,
331, 379, 381, 382, 383, 393,
394, 396.

Tyre, William of, 389.

Tyrol, Sigismund, Count of, 7.

U

Umbria, 385.

Ughelli, 372.

Umiliati, 364.

Urban, v. (Pope), 30.

Urbino, 38.

Usbech (Myr Isbech), 222, 253,
273, 276, 280, 283, 293, 385,
386, 393.

Vv

Valania, 187.

Vallaressa (galley), 63.

Vallaresso (Valessi), Giov. B.,
267, 288, 374.

Varese da Rosate, Ambrogio, 14,
409.

Vasallo, Francesco, 104.

Veglia, Count of, 31.

Vendramin, Doge Andrea, 108.

Luca, 108.

Venice. Castles, 155, 362, 363;
Chief Secretary, 144, 369;
Churches and Monasteries of :
All Saints, 338; Sant’? Am-
brogio, 135, 338; Sant’ Andrea,
135, 363; Sant’ Antonio, 134,
362; San Cristoforo, 135, 362;

INDEX 427

Carmine, 136; San Domenico,
138, 341, 366; Sant’ Elena, 134,
361; San Francesco delle
Vigne, 135, 363; San Giorgio
in Alga, 136, 364, San Giorgio,
Maggiore, 135, 339, 362; San
Giovanni e Paolo, 138, 366;
Santa Maria degli Angeli, 142,
372; S. Maria de Caelestibus,
136, 368;S. Maria della Carita,
126, 186, 355; S. Maria dei
Frari, 135, 338, 363; S. Maria
dei Miracoli, 139, 367; S.
Maria dell’ Orto, 136, 364; S.
Maria dei Servi, 135, 363; San
Marco, 137; 8S. Nicolo del
Lido, 136, 364; San Pietro
(Castello), 137, 365; San Salva-
tore, 136, 341; Virgins, 136,
365; San Zaccaria, 136, 365;
Custom House, 337, 397,
398; Ducal Palace, 126—128,
152, 352; Ducats of, 4, 10, 153,
283, 284, 287, 289; Gentlemen
of, 142, 143; Hostels, 358;
Islands of Murano, 372;
Michele, 362; Mint of, 138, 153,
283, 284, 287, 289; Maritime
Legislation, 23, 24, 26; Monas-
tic Orders of 8S. Augustine,
136, 355, 361, 362, 364, 365;
Benedictines, 145, 364, 365;
Camaldolese, 134, 362; Carme-
lites, 136, 364; Carthusians,
135, 363; Cistercians, 365, 398;
St. Clara, 139; Dominicans,
138, 366; Eremitani, 135, 362;
Franciscans, 135, 335, 363;
Gesuati, 151, 372, 373; Santa
Giustina, 135, 151; Olivetani,
134, 362; Servites, 364; Umi-
hati, 364; Palace of the
Sforzas, 128, 356; Parochial
Churches, 138; Patriarch of,
147, 152; Piazzas, 128; Prisons,
353, 354; Provisions and Mar-
kets, 129—132; Great Schools,
138, 148, 149, 150, 355, 363,
366; Trading Fleets, 59; Ware-
houses, 129, 357, 358; Wells,
359; Venetian Women, 142—
144,

Venier, Doge, 35.

Francesco, 68.

— Lorenzo, 315, 318, 320, 324,
326, 328, 330, 332, 335.

— Santo, 68.

Verdure, 131.

Verme, Jacopo del, 33.

Verona, 120, 342, 343, 350.

Vespasian, 250.

Vespers, 123.

Viario, Giorgio, 377.

Vicenza, 121, 342, 351.

Vicomercato, Vadiolo de, 125,
155, 337, 341, 351, 352, 366,
398.

Villanova, Abbey of, 342.

Visconti, Filippo Maria, 63, 77.

Viterbo, 119.

Vivarini, Bartolomeo, 363.

Volto Santo, 364.

Von Wyss, Clotilde, 378.

Voyages, in August, 69, 71, 75.

— Autumn, 25, 76, 78.

at Easter, 25, 53, 69, 71, 75,

82.

in March, 71.
—— in Spring, 25, 76.
— in Winter, 25.

W
Wax, white, 80, 129, 135.
Wurtemburg, Eberhard of, 92.

Z

Zaffo, Agostino dal, 95.
Zangola, 11.
Zane, 35.
Paolo, 399.
Zante, 36, 190, 322, 323, 379.
Zara, 165—167, 168, 169, 332,

336, 377.
— Relic of S. Simeon, 166.
—— Death of a pilgrim from,

303.
Zanino, de cha de, 36, 37.
Zecchino, 4.
Zelestre, 136, 365.
Zem, Sultan, 379.
Zeno, Carlo, 53.
— Luca, 315, 318.
— Doge Rainiero, 26, 55.
Statute, 27, 28.
Zerubbabel, 387.
Ziani, Doge Pietro, 23, 363.
Marco, 363.
Zorza (Galley), 102.
Zorzi, Alvise, 101, 103, 381.
Friar of the Zorzi family,
22, 301.
Fra Francesco, 394.
Girolamo (Jeronimo or
Hieronimo), 339, 398.
Doge Marino, 367.
Zulian, Marco, 355.

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Historica Series. No. 1.
No. III. MEDIASVAL MANCHESTER AND THE BEGINNING
OF LANCASHIRE. By James Tart, M.A., Professor of Ancient
and Medieval History. Demy 8vo, 240 pp. 7s. 6d. net.

“Patient and enlightened scholarship and a sense of style and pro-
portion have enabled the writer to produce a work at once solid and
readable.”—Hnglish Historical Review.

“A welcome addition to the literature of English local history, not
merely because it adds much to our knowledge of Manchester and
Lancashire, but also because it displays a scientific method of treatment
which is rare in this field of study in England.”—Dr. Gross in American
Historical Review.

“La collection ne pouvait débuter plus significativement et plus heure-
usement que par un ouvrage d’histoire du Moyen Age di a M. Tait, car
l’enseignement mediéviste est un de ceux qui font le plus d’honneur &
la jeune Université de Manchester, et c’est a M. le Professeur Tait qu’il
faut attribuer une bonne part de ce succés.”—Revue de Synthese
historique:

“The two essays are models of their kind.”—Manchester Guardian.

Economic Series. No. 1.
No. IV. THE LANCASHIRE COTTON INDUSTRY. By S. J.
CHAPMAN, M.A., M. Com. Jevons Professor of Political Economy
and Dean of the Faculty of Commerce. 7s. 6d. net. Demy 8vo.

“Such a book as this ought to be, and will be, read far beyond the
bounds of the trade.” Manchester Guardian.

“There have been books dealing with various phases of the subject,
but no other has so ably breathed it from the economic as well as from the
historical point of view.”—Manchester Courier.

‘“The story of the evolution of the industry from small and insignificant
beginnings up to its present imposing proportions and lightly developed
and specialised forms, is told in a way to rivet the attention of the
reader... .. .. the book isa valuable and instructive treatise on a
fascinating yet important subject.”—Cotton Factory Times.

“Highly valuable to all close students.” —Scotsman.

HistoricaL SERIES. No. 2.
No. V. INITIA OPERUM LATINORUM QUAE SAECULIS XIII.,
XIV., XV. ATTRIBUUNTUR. By A. G. Lirrie, M.A., Lecturer
in Paleography. Demy 8vo, 300 pp. (interleaved). 15s. net.

Mepicat Series. No. 3.

No. VI. HANDBOOK OF SURGICAL ANATOMY. By G. A.

Wricut, B.A., M.B. (Oxon.), F.R.C.S., and C. H. Preston, M.D.,
F.R.C.8., L.D.S. Crown 8vo, 214 pp. Second edition. 5s. net.

“We can heartily recommend the volume to students, and especially to
those preparing for a final examination in surgery.”—Hosgital.

“Dr. Wright and Dr. Preston have produced a concise and very
readable little handbook of surgical applied anatomy. . . . The subject
matter of the book is well arranged and the marginal notes in bold type
facilitate reference to any desired point.”—JLancet.

34 CROSS STREET, MANCHESTER

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MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS—cont:nwed.

HIisTorIcaL Series. NO. 3.

No. VII. THE OLD COLONIAL SYSTEM. By Geratp BERKELEY
Hertz, M.A., B.C.L. Demy 8vo, 282 pp. 5s. net.

“Mr. Hertz gives us an elaborate historical study of the old colonial
system, which disappeared with the American Revolution , tlle
shows a remarkable knowledge of contemporary literature, and his book
may claim to be a true history of popular opinion.”—Spectator.

“Mr. Hertz’s book is one which no student of imperial developments can
neglect. It is lucid, fair, thorough, and convincing.”—Glasgow Herald.

“Mr. Hertz’s ‘Old Colonial System’ is based on a careful study of
contemporary documents, with the result that several points of no small
importance are put in a newlight .. . . it is careful, honest work . . .
The story which he tells has its lesson for us.”—7'he Times.

“Both the ordinary reader and the academic mind will get benefit from
this well-informed and well-written book.”—Scotsman.

Economic Serres. No. 2. (Gartsipe Report, No. 1.)

No. VIII. AN EXAMINATION OF THE COTTON INDUSTRY
IN THE UNITED STATES. By T. W. Urttry, B.A. Demy 8vo.
ls. net.

“Mr. Uttley is to be congratulated on the performance of a not al-
together easy task, and his book, in conception and execution, appears
to fulfil admirably the intentions of the Trust.”—Manchester Courter.

“The writer gives ample details concerning wages and other features
connected with typical mills . . . and the information thus gathered is
of interest and value to the factory operative as well as the student and
economist.”—Cotton Factory Times

“Mr. Uttley describes how he visited the mills in various States in a
very systematic and detailed manner. Altogether the report makes an
admirable and welcome collection of information, and will be found on
many occasions worthy of reference.”—Tezxtile Mercury.

THEOLOGICAL SERIES. No. 1.

No. IX. INAUGURAL LECTURES delivered during the Session
1904-5, by the Professors and Lecturers of the Faculty of Theology,
Viz. :—

Prof. T. FE. Tout, M.A.; Prof. A. S. Peake, B.D.; Prof. H. W.
Hogg, M.A.; Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids, LL.D.; Rev. W. F.
Adeney, D.D.; Rev. A. Gordon, M.A.; Rev. L. Hassé; Rev. Canon
E. L. Hicks, M.A.; Rev. H. D. Lockett, M.A.; Rev. R. Mackirtosh,
D.D.; Rev. J. T. Marshall, D.D.; Rev. J. H. Moulton, D.Litt.

Edited by A. S. Peake, B.D., Dean of the Faculty.

Demy 8vo, 300 pages. 7s. 6d. net.

“The lectures, while scholarly, are at the same time popular, and will
be found interesting and instructive by those who are not theologians.

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MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS—contenued.

PrEss Norices (Inaugural Lectures)—Continued,

. . . The entire series is excellent, and the volume deserves a wide
circulation.” —Scotsman.

“This is a very welcome volume . . . All these lectures were delivered
to popular audiences, yet they are far from superficial, and will be
found of great value to busy pastors and teachers.”—Christian World.

“We welcome the volume as a most auspicious sign of the times.”—

Spectator.
“The lectures themselves give a valuable conspectus of the present
position of Theological research . . . They are, of course, not addressed

to experts, but they are exceedingly valuable, even when allowance is

made for their more or less popular form.”—Hzaminer.

“The whole volume forms a very important and valuable contribution
to the cause of Theological learning.”—/ecord.

“This is a most interesting and valuable book, the appearance of which
at the present moment is singularly significant. . . . But it is impossible
in a brief review to indicate all the treasures of this rich volume, to
read which carefully is to be introduced to the varied wealth of modern
Biblical scholarship.” —Baptist.

“This volume is of the most exceptional value and interest.”—

Expository Times.

“This is a book of more than common interest.”—

Review of Theology and Philosophy.

“The writers of these lectures do not attempt to offer more than
samples of their wares: but what is given is good, and it may be seen
that theology without tests is destitute neither of scientific value nor of
human interest.”—Atheneum.

ANatomicaL Series. No. 1.

No. X. STUDIES IN ANATOMY from the Anatomical Department
of the University of Manchester. Vol. iii. Edited by Atrrep H.
Youne, M.B. (Edin.), F.R.C.S., Professor of Anatomy. Demy 8vo,
320 pp., 24 Plates. 10s. net.

Mepicau Serigs. No. 4.

No. XI. A COURSE OF INSTRUCTION IN OPERATIVE
SURGERY in the University of Manchester. By WILLIAM
THorsurN, M.D., B.S. (Lond.), F.R.C.S., Lecturer in Operative
Surgery. Crown 8vo. 2s. 6d. net.

“This little book gives the junior student all that he wants, and no
thing that he does not want. Its size is handy, and altogether for its
purpose it is excellent.”—University Review.

“As a working guide it is excellent.”—Hdinburgh Medical Journal.

Pustic Heattn Series. No. 1.

No. XII. ARCHIVES OF THE PUBLIC HEALTH LABORATORY
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER. Edited by
A. SHERIDAN Deveprne, M.Sc., M.B., Ch.M. Crown 4to, 450 pp.
£1. 1s. net.

“The University of Manchester has taken the important and highly
commendable step of commencing the publication of the archives of its

34 CROSS STREET, MANCHESTER

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MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS—continued.

Public Health Laboratory, and has issued, under the able and judicious
editorship of Professor Sheridan Delépine, the first volume of a series
that promises to be of no small interest and value alike to members of
the medical profession and to those of the laity . . . Original communica-
tions bearing upon diseases which are prevalent in the districts sur-
rounding Manchester, or dealing with food- and water-supplies, air,
disposal of refuse, sterilisation and disinfection and kindred subjects,
will be published in future volumes; and it is manifest that these, as
they successively appear, will form a constantly increasing body of trust-
worthy information upon subjects which are not only of the highest
interest to the profession but of supreme importance to the public.”—
The Lancet.
“It is safe to say that as these volumes accumulate they will form
one of the most important works of reference on questions of public
health, and ought, at all events, to be in the library of every public
authority.” Manchester Guardian.

“The volume . . . . speaks well for the activity of investigation in
Manchester.” —Lancet.
Puysicat Series. No. 1.

No. XIII. THE PHYSICAL LABORATORIES OF THE UNIVER.
SITY OF MANCHESTER. A record of 25 years’ work. Demy 8vo,

160 pp, 10 Plates, 4 Plans. 5s. net.
This volume contains an illustrated description of the Physical,
Electrical Engineering, and Electro-Chemistry Laboratories of the
Manchester University, also a complete Biographical and Biblio-

graphical Record of those who have worked in the Physics Depart-
ment of the University during the past 25 years.

Mepicau Series. No. 5.
No. XIV. A HANDBOOK OF LEGAL MEDICINE. By W. Setzers,
M.D. (London), of the Middle Temple and Northern Circuit,
Barrister-at-law. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d. net.

“This is quite one of the best books of the kind we have come
across.’—Law Times.

Mepicau Serigs. No. 6.

No. XV. A CATALOGUE OF THE PATHOLOGICAL MUSEUM
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER. Edited by J.
Lorrain SmitH, M.A., M.D. (Edin.), Professor of Pathology.
Crown 4to, 1260 pp. 7s. 6d. net.

60 CHANDOS STRFET, LONDON W.C.

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MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS—continued.

Historica Series. No. 4.

No. XVI. STUDIES OF ROMAN IMPERIALISM. By W. T.
ARNOLD, M.A. Edited by Epwarp Fippes, M.A., with Memoir
of the Author by Mrs. HumpHrey Warp and C. E. Monrtacous.
With a Photograuve of W. T. Arnold. Demy 8vo, 400 pp. 7s. 6d.
net.

“Mrs. Humphry Ward has used all her delicate and subtle art to
draw a picture of her beloved brother; and his friend Mr. Montague’s
account of his middle life is also remarkable for its literary excel-
lence.” —A theneum.

LUMEN TENOR G5 5 6 6 tenderly and skilfully written by
the ‘sister and friend,’ tells a story, which well deserved to be told, of
a life rich in aspirations, interests, and friendships, and not without its
measure of actual achievement.”—7'ribune.

“Readers of this fragment will note the writer’s generally facile style,
his large grasp in detail, his preference for the study of historical
matters as illustrative of the progress of communities rather than as
records of individual character and achievement; and will understand the
loss to literature of a mind capable of such zealous, honourable, and
determined effort.”—Globe.

“This geographical sense and his feeling for politics give colour to all
he wrote.” —T7imes.

“The singularly interesting literary monument which in the introduc-
tion to this volume has been raised to the memory of the late William
Arnold by the affection of his distinguished sister, and by the whole-
hearted comradeship of a fellow-worker of many years, will be welcome
to the numerous friends whom he has left behind him.”—Svectator.

“Anyone who desires a general account of the Empire under Augustus
which is freshly and clearly written and based on wide reading will find
it here.”—Manchester Guardian.

“Nothing could be better than the sympathetic tribute which Mrs.
Humphry Ward pays to her brother, or the analysis of his work and
method by his colleague Mr. Montague. The two together have more

stuff in them than many big books of recent biography.”—
—_—— Westminster Gazette.

No. XVII. CALENDAR OF THE VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF
MANCHESTER. Session 1904-5. Demy 8vo, 1100 pp. 3s. net.
No. XVIII. CALENDAR OF THE VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF
MANCHESTER. Session 1905-6. Demy 8vo, 1100 pp. 3s. net.
No. XIX. CALENDAR OF THE VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF

MANCHESTER. Session 1906-7. Demy 8vo, 1100 pp. 3s. net.

Mepicat Sertges. No. 7.
No. XX. HANDBOOK OF DISEASES OF THE HEART. By
GRAHAM STEELL, M.D., F.R.C.P., Lecturer in Diseases of the Heart,
and Physician to the Manchester Royal Infirmary. Crown 8vo.
400 PP.» 11 plates (5 in colours), and 100 illustrations in the text.
7s. 6d. net.

34 CROSS STREET, MANCHESTER

SHERRATT AND HUGHES

MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS —contenued.

Economic Serizs, No. 8. (GartsipE Report, No. 2.)

No. XXI. SOME MODERN CONDITIONS AND RECENT
DEVELOPMENTS IN IRON AND STEEL PRODUCTIONS
IN AMERICA, being a Report to the Gartside Electors, on the
results of a Tour in the U.S.A. By Frank PoppLewett, B.Sc.
Demy 8vo. Price ls. net.

ECONOMIC SERIES, No. 4. (GARTSIDE REPORT. No. 3.)

No. XXII. ENGINEERING AND INDUSTRIAL CONDITIONS
IN THE UNITED STATES. By Frank Foster, M.Sc. Demy
8vo. Price ls. net.

Economic Serizs, No. 5.

No. XXIII. THE RATING OF LAND VALUES. By J. D.
Cuortton, M.Sc. Demy 8vo. Price 3s. 6d. net.

Economic Srerizes, No. 6. (Gartstpe Report, No. 4.)
No. XXIV. DYEING IN GERMANY AND AMERICA. By Sypnery
H. Hicetns, M.Sc. Demy 8vo. [In the press.

Economic Serizs, No. 7.

THE HOUSING PROBLEM IN ENGLAND. By Ernest Ritson

Dewsnvp, M.A. [In the press.
EpucaTIonaL SERIES. No. 1.

CONTINUATION SCHOOLS IN ENGLAND AND ELSEWHERE:
Their place in the Educational System of an Industrial and Com-
mercial State. By Micuaret E. Sapter, M.A., LL.D., Professor of
the History and Administration of Education. Demy 8vo.

This work is largely based on an enquiry made by past and present
Students of the Educational Department of the University of
Manchester. Chapters on Continuation Schools in the German
Empire, Switzerland, Denmark, and France, have been contributed
by other writers. [In the press.

HISTORICAL SERIES, No. 5.

CANON PETER CASOLA’S PILGRIMAGE TO JERUSALEM IN

THE YEAR 1494. By M. Newerttr. Demy 8vo. [In the press.

Historica Seriszs, No. 6.
HISTORICAL ESSAYS. Edited by T. F. Tout, M.A., and James
Tait, M.A. Demy 8vo. [In the press.

The following are in preparation and will be issued shortly :—

DISEASES OF THE EAR. By W. Mutuican, M.D., Lecturer on
Diseases of the Ear and Nasal Surgeon to the Manchester Royal
Infirmary.

DISEASES OF THE EYE. By C. E. Guascorr, M.D., Lecturer on
Ophthalmology, and A. Hitt Grirrita, M.D., Ophthalmic Surgeon
to the Manchester Royal Infirmary.

HANDBOOK OF NERVOUS DISEASES. By Jupson S. Bury, M.D.,
Lecturer on Clinical Neurology and Physician to the Manchester
Royal Infirmary.

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MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS—continwed.

LECTURES.

Soret CITIES (Warburton Lecture). By Rate Nevius, K.C.

6d. net.

THE BANK OF ENGLAND AND THE STATE (A Lecture). By
Fevtix Scuuster. 6d. net.

BEARING AND IMPORTANCE OF COMMERCIAL TREATIES
IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. By Sir Tuomas Barctay.
6d. net.

THE SCIENCE OF LANGUAGE AND THE STUDY OF THE
GREEK TESTAMENT (A Lecture). By James Hops Mouton,
M.A., Litt.D. 6d. net.

THE GENERAL MEDICAL COUNCIL: ITS POWERS AND ITS
WORK (A Lecture). By Donatp Macatister, M.A., M.D., B.Sc.,
D.C.L.; LL.D. 6d. net.

THE CONTRASTS IN DANTE (A Lecture). By the Hon. Witiram

WarREN VERNON, M.A. 6d. net.

Issued from the University Press.

MELANDRA CASTLE, being the Report of the Manchester and
District Branch of the Classical Association for 1905. Edited by
R. 8. Conway, Litt.D. Introduction by Rev. E. L. Hicks, M.A.
Demy 8vo. Illustrated. 5s. net.

“Both the antiquarian and the student of general English history
should find this volume of deep interest.”—T7ribune.

“A thoroughly creditable piece of work, carefully edited. . . . Mean-
while we wish the excavators continued success, and hope that their
spirited example will be followed in other parts of the country by
competent classical scholars.”—Mr.G. F. Hillin the Manchester Guardian.

“Many admirable plans and illustrations add to the clearness of this
excellently planned book on a very interesting subject.”—Daily News.

Prof. Willamowitz Moellendorf, of Berlin, writes of the Keltic and
Roman Weights :—“This is really a great result and one on which the
Corpus Inscriptionum is silent.”

TRANSACTIONS OF THE INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR CO-
OPERATION IN SOLAR RESEARCH (Vol. I., First and Second
Conferences). Demy 8vo, 260 pp. and plate. Price 7s. 6d. net.

THE BOOK OF RUTH (Unpointed Text). 6d. net.

SCENES FROM THE RUDENS OF PLAUTUS, with a Translation
into English Verse. Edited by R. 8. Conway, Litt.D., Professor of
Latin in the University. 6d. net.

34 CROSS STREET, MANCHESTER

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