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Canon Pietro Casolds Pilgrimage to 

Sherratt & Hughes 

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Manchester : 34 Cross Street 

London : 60, Chandos Street W.C. 

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From the Book of Prayers and Gospels for the Triduan Litanies. 
published under llic direction of I'ietro Casola. His portrait in minia 
iinv is mi the rigid hand side. Set Introduction, page 10. 

Canon Pietro Casola's 
Pilgrimage to Jerusalem 

In the Year 1494 



Formerly Jones Fellow in History 


At the University Press 

University of Manchester Publications 
No. XXVI. 


I hope the following itinerary may prove nearly as in- 
teresting and attractive in the English Version as it is 
in the quaint medieval Italian, in which Canon Pietro 
Casola recorded the events of his momentous voyage, 
for the amusement and instruction of his Milanese friends, 
more than four hundred years ago. 

Those who desire to know more about the writer and 
the friends with whom the chances of the journey brought 
him in contact, will find, in the Introduction and the 
Notes, what the dusty shelves of the Archives could furnish 
concerning them. 

For those who care to learn more than Casola tells 
about the conditions in which medieval pilgrims carried 
out their pious purpose, I have traced, as far as possible, 
the legislation of the Venetian Republic with regard to 
the pilgrim traffic, from early times to the last law on 
the Statute Book. It has been a labour of love and yet 
disappointing. So few documents, comparatively speak- 
ing, have survived the destructive influences of time and 
the many great fires which devastated the Venetian State 
Records. Enough remains, however, to enable us to form 
a clear idea of the intentions of the legislators, and of 
the ceaseless war they had to wage, against the egoistical 
tendencies of human nature, in the effort to carry them 
into effect. 

It only remains for me to thank heartily my many 
kind friends in the Record Offices and Libraries of Venice 
and Milan, and especially at the Archives of Venice, and 


at the Trivulzian Library and the Cathedral at Milan, 
for the help so willingly given me in the difficult work of 
translation and research. Also to express my thanks to Prof. 
T. F. Tout for the interest he has taken in and the time 
he has bestowed upon a publication which, unfortunately, 
involved a great deal of trouble owing to the distance 
which separates me from England ; and to gratefully 
acknowledge the kindness of Mr. W. E. Rhodes, for his 
share in the work of proof-correcting. 

Venice, April, 1907. 


Facsimile page from the Book of Prayers and Gospels for the 

Triduan Litanies Frontispiece 

Map At End of Introduction 


Preface v 

Historical Introduction 1 

Chapter I. Casola determines to undertake a pilgrimage to Jeru- 
salem, and after receiving the archiepiscopal benediction, leaves 

Milan on May 15th, arriving at Venice on May 20th 115 

Chapter II. Description of Venice. He meets Fra Francesco 

Trivulzio 124 

Chapter III. Visits to various monasteries and churches at Venice. 

The Arsenal. Glass Industry. Venetian Men and Women ... 134 
Chapter IV. Festival of the Corpus Domini. Preparations for 

leaving Venice 146 

Chapter V. Casola embarks. Description of the galley, the Con- 

tarina. Voyage from Venice to Zara 155 

Chapter VI. Voyage from Zara to Kagusa 168 

Chapter VII. From Ragusa to Modone 181 

Chapter VIII. From Modone to Rhodes 195 

Chapter IX. From Rhodes to Jaffa 212 

Chapter X. The galley anchors at Jaffa. Casola lands after con- 
siderable delays caused by the Governor of Gaza 221 

Chapter XI. Journey from Jaffa to Jerusalem 236 

Chapter XII. Visits to the Holy Places at Jerusalem, Bethlehem, 

etc 246 

Chapter XIII. Visit to the River Jordan and Jericho. Description 

of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Visit to Bethany 266 

Chapter XIV. Return to Jaffa. Departure for the West after 

renewed difficulties with the Governor of Gaza 281 

Chapter XV. Return voyage to Rhodes .. 292 

Chapter XVI. From Rhodes to Modone 309 

Chapter XVII. From Modone to Parenzo 321 

Chapter XVIII. Return of galley to Venice. Festival on All 

Saints' Day. Casola arrives back at Milan • .. .. ... 336 

Notes .. 349 

Appendix 403 

Index 413 


Amongst the subjects which have attracted the attention 
of historical students during the last half century, not the 
least interesting is the story of the pilgrimages directed 
unceasingly to Palestine from the early centuries of the 
christian era — a story told in many cases by the pilgrims 
themselves who found their way by different routes to the 
common goal from all parts of Christendom. 

An immense impulse was given to the study of the 
pilgrim voyages by the publication, in 1868, of the 
Bibliographia Geographica Palaestinae, compiled by the 
late Professor Titus Tobler. This useful work was after- 
wards so enlarged and supplemented by his disciple, 
Professor Reinhold Rohricht, that the new edition, pub- 
lished in 1890, gives an almost exhaustive list of the 
pilgrimages — from the earliest down to modern times — 
undertaken by pilgrims who have left some account of 
their voyages ; together with full details as to where those 
relations are to be found — and whether in manuscript or 
in print — or both. 

Meanwhile Professor Rohricht, in collaboration with 
Dr. H. Meissner, was preparing the first edition of the 
Deutsche Pilgeireisen nach dem Heiligen La7ide, which 
saw the light in 1880 ; a second, and enlarged edition, was 
published by Professor Rohricht alone in 1900. The 
bibliography of the German pilgrim voyages there com- 
pleted, closes with a notice of the Pilgrimage of Heinrich 
Wilhelm Ludolph, who went to the Holy Land via 
Constantinople, in 1699, and returned by way of Leghorn. 
Rohricht notes that in 1494 Ludwig Freiherr von Greiffen- 



stein, Reinhard von Bemmelberg, and Konradvon Parsberg 
went to Jerusalem. 1 They were fellow pilgrims with 
Casola, and left descriptions of their voyage, still pre- 
served, which I have unfortunately not been able to con- 
sult. Judging, however, from the summaries given by 
Rohricht, the German pilgrims confirm the account given 
by Casola. 

Much valuable work has been done in France by the 
Society de VOrient Latin, especially by means of the 
Society's journal, to which M. N. Jorga contributed the 
Notes et extraits pour servir a Vhistoire des Croisades au 
XV e Steele — largely drawn from the Archives of Venice, 
and carried down to the fall of Constantinople in 1453. 
The geographical series published by the Society — the 
Itinera Latina, the 1 tine /aires Francais, and the Itineraries 
Russes en Orient, — the latter translated by Madame B. de 
Chitrow, — are of very high interest ; and the publication of 
the Russian voyages is a testimony to the work done by the 
Russian Palestine Society. Two volumes of the Receuil 
de voyages et de documents pour servir a Vhistoire de la 
Geographic depuis le xiii e jusqu a la fin du xvi e Siecle, 
published under the direction of M.M. Charles Schefer and 
Henri Cordier, have been specially useful to me in illus- 
trating the general history of the pilgrim voyages, namety, 
Le voyage de la Sadncte Cyte de Hierusalem avec la 
description des lieux, portz, villes, citez, et aultres 
passaiges, fait Van mil quatre cens, quatre vingtz, 
etant le siege du Grant Turc a Rhodes, et regnant 
en France Lays unziesme de cc nom, and Le voyage de la- 
Tore Sainte compose par Maitre Denis Possot, et acheve 
par Messire Charles Philippe Seigneur de Champarmoy et 
de Grand Champ, 1532. The first of these was probably 

1. Reinhold Roliricht, Deutsche PihjerrcUen nach dem Heiliyen Landt, Innsbruck, 
1S90, p. 183. 


written by a French clerk, whose name is unknown; it is 
of importance in relation to Casola's voyage, because the 
pilgrims of 1480 were conducted to Jerusalem and back 
by Agostino Contarini, who commanded the pilgrim 
galley also in 1494. 

In England nearly three centuries ago, ' Purchas's 
Pilgrims,' and ' Hakluyt's Voyages and Discoveries,' 
stimulated popular interest in pilgrimages and voyages of 
discovery and commerce, etc. Amongst other accounts 
Hakluyt includes the Latin text and the English translation 
of the description of his voyage left by Odorico of 
Pordenone, in Friuli, who went to Palestine in the 
beginning of the fourteenth century. In recent years 
important contributions have been made to the subject 
by the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, created for the 
translation and publication of historical and geographical 
works relating to the Holy Land. I believe that collection 
was closed with the publication of the Life of Scdadin, 
translated by Lieutenant Colonel Conder. 

In Italy, in 1882, Count Pietro Amat di San Filippo 
published under the auspices of the Italian Geographical 
Society, biographical sketches of Italian voyagers to 
Palestine, somewhat on the lines of Tobler's and 
Eohricht's books, — to which the Count added an appendix 
in 1884. The enterprise of societies or of private 
individuals has also led to the publication of the text of 
many Italian voyages, such, for example, as II Yiaggio in 
Terra Santa fatto e descritto per Roberto da Sanseverino, 
included in the series of literary curiosities from the 
Xlllth to the XYIIth centuries, published in Bologna 
under the direction of the poet Giosue Carducci ; and 
the invaluable Trattato di Terra Santa e delV Oriente of 
the Franciscan friar, Francesco Suriano, edited in 1900 by 
P. Girolamo Golubovich, a member of the same order. 


All these and numberless other publications have 
revealed the pilgrim stream flowing in all ages steadily 
in the direction of the Eastern Mediterranean ; at first 
by various channels, then concentrating its chief force 
on Italy, and finally choosing Venice almost exclusively 
as the common outlet — the port, that is, of embarcation — - 
as long as she maintained her pre-eminent position on the 

Long before 1000 a.d. the busy little Italian Republics 
had acquired supreme commercial and maritime import- 
ance; and Venice, Amalfi, Pisa and Genoa, had concen- 
trated in their own hands the world's commerce, which 
then and for long after had its centre in the Mediterranean. 

As far back as the seventh century Amalfi, the first 
Italian city which is certainly known to have traded with 
the Levant, offered a formidable resistance to the advance 
of the Saracens; and the Tari of Amalfi was universally 
accepted as current coin in the East, as later the Golden 
Ducat or Zecchino of Venice. The vessels of Amalfi went 
regularly to the ports of Beyrout and Alexandria with 
pilgrims and merchants. But the victories of the 
Normans and the hostility of Pisa were fatal to the 
enterprising little city, which was reduced to impotence 
at the beginning of the twelfth century. 

Pisa had a powerful fleet, and was one of the chief 
commercial cities of Italy, between the tenth and the 
thirteen centuries. It had its shine of Eastern commerce, 
and of the pilgrim transport, and the record of the Pisan 
establishments in Jerusalem was still preserved at the time 
of Casola's visit, in the "Pisan Castle" outside the city 
gate tu which he several times refers. Pisa after complet- 
ing the ruin of Amalfi fell in turn before the maritime 
power of its Genoese rival at the rock of Meloria in 1L\S4, 


and the field was left clear for the duel between Genoa and 
Venice, for commercial supremacy and the control of the 
carrying trade in the Eastern Mediterranean. 

The facilities given by the Venetian Republic to the 
Crusaders of 1201-4, and the establishment of the Latin 
Empire in Constantinople, resulted in converging the 
pilgrim stream more than ever on Venice; and this not 
only because of the size of her naval and mercantile fleet, 
but also on account of the guarantees she was able to offer 
to travellers for a safe and successful journey, owing to 
the chain of ports on the mainland and in the islands, 
which fell to her share when the spoil of the Byzantine 
Empire was divided. Genoa struggled hard, but in spite 
of the advantages she secured in the Black Sea over 
Venice, when the Greek Empire was re-established, her 
good fortune was shortlived, and after the great defeat at 
Chioggia in 1380, she ceased to be dangerous to her great 
rival of the Adriatic, and Venice was indeed mistress of 
the seas. From the second half of the fourteenth 
century, and especially after 1380 — save for isolated cases 
of pilgrims who embarked for special reasons at Genoa, 
Gaeta, Naples, Brindisi, Ancona, etc. — the overwhelming 
majority went for two centuries on the sea voyage to Syria 
from Venice; and the pilgrim traffic gave rise there to a 
voluminous and special legislation, continued down to the 
middle of the sixteenth century — to the time, that is, when 
the sun of Venetian commercial and maritime importance 
was slowly and surely setting, and when she therefore 
ceased to be able to offer the special advantages which had 
drawn pilgrims from all parts of Europe to her port for 
so many centuries. 

Among the Italian pilgrimages to Jerusalem there is a 
record of one completed in 570 by Saint Antonino of 


Piacenza, whose account, De Locis Sanctis qucc perambu- 
lavit Antoninus Martyr, is mentioned by Tobler. 1 

Between 1062 and 1066 Pantaleone, a rich citizen of 
Amalfi, accompanied by Bishop Alfano of Salerno and 
Bernardo of Praeneste, went to Constantinople, and thence 
to the Holy Land, where, through the generosity of his 
father Mauro, a hostel was established in Jerusalem for 
the citizens of Amalfi. 2 

A century and a half later, in 1219, Saint Francis of 
Assisi with a company of courageous missionaries, landed 
at Acre and visited the holy places. On his return by way 
of Damietta he entered the camp of the Saracens, who, 
astonished at his boldness, and probably not understanding 
what he said, let him preach the Gospel and condemn the 
Koran. 3 

The voyages of Italian pilgrims increased enormously 
in the fourteenth century, and the accounts which have 
come down to us include, in addition to the lists of the 
places visited and the enumeration of religious ceremonies 
and of the devout practices and beliefs of the pilgrims, 
some notices of Oriental manners and customs, fauna and 
flora, geography, commerce and industry. The chief are 
those written by three Tuscans — a friar, a noble and a 
merchant. The two latter were the Florentines, Leonardo 
Frescobaldi and Simone Sigoli, who went to Jerusalem in 

The most interesting accounts, however, belong to the 
fifteenth century, and those written by Boberto da 
Sanseverino, the great Condottiere, whose father was a 
Neapolitan, and whose mother was a sister of Francesco 
Sforza; by Santo Brasca, a Milanese; by Gabriele 

1. Bee Preface to BiqpraAa ■>; ViaggiatoH Italiani, etc.. by r. Amat <li s. Fillppo 
Borne, 188! : and the WW. Oeog. Palaes., by Tims Tobler. 

2. Bee preface t" Biografia ,n Viaggiatori Ttaliani, by P. Amat dl San Fillppo. Rome, 



Capodilista, a noble Paduan ; by Francesco Suriano, a 
Venetian ; and by Girolanio Castiglione, Bernardino di 
Nali, and Pietro Casola, all tbree natives of Milan, stand 
out pre-eminently. 

The number of Milanese pilgrims in preceding years 
might well make Casola feel disappointed that be was 
destined, in spite of all bis efforts to the contrary, to go 
on bis voyage alone in 1494. Nevertheless he could at 
least profit by the experiences of fellow countrymen who 
had undertaken the pilgrimage in previous years. 

Roberto da Sanseverino, who settled definitely in 
Lombardy, when his uncle became duke of Milan, went 
on his pilgrimage in 1458. He was accompanied by 
several friends, one of whom, " The Magnificent Giovane 
Mateo Butigella, ducal courtier," wrote on his return a 
History of the Holy Land. Another passenger on board 
the same pilgrim galley with Sanseverino and his com- 
panions was " John, Earl of Exeter, a great lord and a 
relative of the King of England." Sanseverino's own 
description of the journey includes an acount of his visit 
to Mount Sinai, and his return to Jerusalem by way of 
Cairo. He was killed in 1487, while waging a frontier 
war for the Venetians against Sigismund, Count of Tyrol. 
Whether Casola ever met the great Condottiere we do not 
know; but he could certainly read his Voyage to the Holy 
Land, 1 of which copies were in circulation in Milan. 
There is one at the present time in the Trivulzian Library. 

In 1486, Fra Girolamo Castiglione (or de Castellione) a 
native of Milan, travelled through Palestine, Arabia and 
Egypt. In his Treatise on the Country beyond the Seas 
that is the Holy Land, he says little about the countries 
he visited ; but gives elaborate details with regard to the 

1. Viaggio in Terra Santa fatto e deseritto per Roberto da Sanseverino, published with 
preface and notes by Eomagnoii dall' Acqua, Bologna, 1889. 


pious beliefs of the pilgrims, and the devotions they 
usually performed. 1 

A Milanese merchant named Bernadino di Nali (or di 
Noli) went as a pilgrim to the Holy Land in 1492, and 
wrote a short account of his experiences, a copy of which 
is preserved in the National Library of Lucca. It com- 
mences, " In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit, 
here begins the pilgrimage to Jerusalem made by me, 
Bernardino di Nali, Milanese merchant in Venice, in the 
year of the human salvation, 1492, on the Jaffa Galley. 2 

Casola must, however, have received more valuable help 
still from the written and verbal instructions of two fellow 
townsmen, both living in 1494— the Lord Guidantonio 
Arcimboldi, Archbishop of Milan, and the Cavalier Santo 
Brasca, who was twice quaestor of his city, and who was 
also ducal Chancellor under Lodovico Sforza. 

Guidantonio Arcimboldi was a son of Nicolo Arcimboldi, 
president of the Senate, and of Ursina Countess of 
Canossa. He succeeded his brother Giovanni, as Arch- 
bishop of Milan, in 1488. But, before taking orders, he 
had been Senator and president of the Senate, like his 
father. Because of his culture, his oratorical gifts, Eis 
knowledge of law, and his remarkable prudence, he was 
frequently employed as Ducal Ambassador and plenipo- 
tentiary. 3 In this capacity Sanuto mentions his arrival 
in Venice, in April, 1496, adding that he had already been 
as ambassador to Spain. Later on Sanuto remarks that 
the Milanese Archbishop in "leaving and coming to the 
audiences observes the order of the hours given him by 
the duke according to astrology, which the duke follows 
greatly." 1 The Arehbishop left Venice on the 14th of 

L I'. Aiikii dlSan Filippo, BiografiadiViaggiatori Italiani, .(•••., )>. 170; and Ro'hricht, 
Btbl. Oeog, Patau., p 189, 

2, idem. Bee \w\\ di S;m Pilippo, i>. lit*.), and Rohricht, p, 143. 

:s. Argelatl, Bibliotheca Seriptorum Uediolan., vol. i. i';irt ii. cap. cxix. 

i. Diarii di Marine Sanuto, vol. i. pp. lit;, 180. 


June, 1496, and returned to Milan, where he died in 
October, 1497. 

As far back as 1476, Arcimboldi had gone with the 
celebrated Gian Giacomo Trivulzio, another condottiere, 
and Count Galeotto da Belgioioso on a pilgrimage to 
Jerusalem. Unfortunately all we know of their voyage 
is contained in the few letters sent home by the travellers 
themselves, and in the despatches of Leonardo Botta, 
Milanese Ambassador in Venice at that time, who men- 
tions their arrival there on the outward and homeward 
voyages. On the 14th of October, 1476, Botta wrote that 
Trivulzio had arrived that day in Venice "all shaken to 
pieces by the sea," after a disastrous voyage. 1 He had 
separated from Arcimboldi at Jaffa, where the latter went 
on board the pilgrim galley because he could not endure 
the rolling of the sailing ship on which they had gone 
out from Venice. His vivid recollection of the sufferings 
and hardships endured on this pilgrimage no doubt 
accounts for the "no ordinary tears" with which the 
Archbishop bestowed his benediction on Casola on the eve 
of his departure, and the joy with which he welcomed 
him on his return. 

The Cavalier Santo Bra sea went to the Holy Sepulchre 
in 1480, on board the pilgrim galley, owned and com- 
manded by the "magnificent miser, Augustino Contarmi, 
a Venetian patrician, and a very upright man of good 
fame." Among Brasca's fellow pilgrims were the author 
of the Voyage de la Saincte Cyte de Hierusalem .... 
fait Van mil qiiatre cens quatre vingtz, already cited; 
and the celebrated Felix Faber, author of the Evaga- 
torium, who went on a second pilgrimage in 1483. 

Brasca's description of his journey was deservedly 
popular at Milan, where it was printed for the first time 

1. Gian Giacomo Trivulzio in Terra Santa, by Eniilio Motta in the Archi-vio Storico 
Lombardo, Anno xiii., 1886, pp. 866—878. 


in 1481, and republished in 1497. He carefully mentions 
the hymns, chants and prayers said and sung by the 
pilgrims on various occasions, and in all the sacred places, 
and enumerates the indulgences to be procured in the 
places they visited. This probably accounts for the fact 
that Casola, though a priest, gives little information on 
these points. He clearly saw no purpose in repeating 
what others in Milan — such as Castiglione and Santo 
Brasca — had recently written so fully. In conclusion, 
Brasca devotes a chapter to practical instructions for 
intending pilgrims, of which the following is a transla- 
tion : — 

" The instructions promised above to anyone who desires 
to undertake this most Holy Voyage are the following, to 
wit : — In the first place, a man should undertake this 
voyage solely with the intention of visiting, contemplating 
and adoring the most Holy Mysteries, with great effusion 
of tears, in order that Jesus may graciously pardon his 
sins; and not with the intention of seeing the world, or 
from ambition, or to be able to boast ' I have been there,' 
or ' I have seen that,' in order to be exalted by his fellow- 
men, as perhaps some do, who in this case from now have 
received their reward. Similarly, he should prepare him- 
self to pardon the injuries done him; to restore every- 
thing belonging to others; and to live according to the 
law, because without this first and necessary disposition 
every bope and every fatigue is in vain. 

" Secondly, he should put his affairs in order and make 
his will, so that whatever God wills to happen to him his 
heirs may not find themselves in difficulties. 

"I liinlly, he should carry with him two bags — one right 
full of patience, the other containing two hundred Vene- 
tian ducats, or at least one hundred and fifty — namely, 
one hundred which each person needs for the voyage, and 


then nothing will be lacking to the man who loves his life 
and is accustomed to live delicately at home ; the other 
fifty for illness or any other circumstances that may arise. 

"Fourthly, let him take with him a warm long upper 
garment 1 io wear on the return journey, when it is cold ; 
a good many shirts, so as to avoid lice and other unclean 
things as much as possible; and also tablecloths, towels, 
sheets, pillow cases and such like. 

" Then he should go to Venice, because from there he 
can take his passage more conveniently than from any 
other city in the world. Every year one galley is deputed 
solely for this service; and although he may find it 
cheaper to go on a sailing ship, 2 he should on no account 
abandon the galley. He should make an agreement with 
the captain, 3 who usually requires from fifty to sixty 
ducats. For this price he is obliged to provide the passage 
there and back, supply all food (except on land) ; pay for 
the riding animals in the Holy Land, and also pay all 
duties and tribute. 

"Next he should cause to be made an overcoat 4 reaching 
down to the ground to wear when sleeping in the open air, 
and buy a thin mattress 5 instead of a bed, a long chest, 
two barrels — to wit, one for water, the other for wine — ■ 
and a night-stool 6 or covered pail. 

" Further, let him take a supply of good Lombard cheese, 
and sausages and other salt meats of every sort, white 
biscuits, some loaves of sugar, and several kinds of 
preserved sweetmeats, but not a great quantity of these 
last because they soon go bad. Above all he should have 
with him a great deal of fruit syrup, because that is what 

1. Veste. 

2. Nave = one of the largest Venetian sailing ships — which made no use whatever of 

3. Patrono = Captain — Captain-owner or owner. 

4. 6abano = a. long mantle of coarse cloth with sleeves, 

5. Strapontino. 

6. Zangola. 


keeps a man alive in the great heat ; and also syrnp of 
ginger to settle his stomach if it should be upset by exces- 
sive vomiting, but the ginger should be used sparingly, 
because it is very heating. Likewise he should take some 
quince without spice, some aromatics flavoured with rose 
and carnation and some good milk products. 

" He should take care to arrange in good time — especially 
if given to suffering from the head on account of the 
movement of the sea — to have his lodging in the middle 
of the galley and near the middle door in order to have 
a little air. 

"When he goes ashore in any place, he should furnish 
himself with eggs, fowls, bread, sweetmeats and fruit, 
and not count what he has paid the captain, because this 
is a voyage on which the purse must not be kept shut. 

"On landing at Jaffa he should be humble in his 
behaviour and in his dress. At this place the chief officer 1 
of the galley, the supercargo, 2 the pilot, the trumpeters, 
the drummers, the chief rowers, 3 the crossbow men, the 
stewards, the cooks and others all come forward, each with 
a cup in his hand, and it is advisable to give something to 
each of them. In the Holy Land carry a cushion, and 
never leave the caravan of the pilgrims, and do not venture 
to argue about the faith with those Saracens, because it is 
a waste of time and productive of trouble. 

" As I do not desire to discourage poor men — whose 
substance is not sufficient to allow them to put together 
so much money — from undertaking this voyage, I can 
assure them for their consolation that, when a captain 
knows that certain pilgrims are poor he is ready to agree 
for thirty or thirty-two ducats, and for this sum to give 
them their passage, and pay for the riding animals, the 

1. Comito. 

2. Scrivano, 

3. Proreri. 


duties and the tribute; while they themselves can provide 
their own food out of their own purses a little more 
economically than those who have large means; and such 
pilgrims are allowed access to the kitchen to cook their 
victuals like the others. 

" Finally, it is necessary that the gold and silver money 
taken should be fresh from the Venetian mint, otherwise 
the Moors will not accept the coins, even if they were ten 
grains overweight ; and the captain must be paid in the 
same money because he is obliged to pay the same to the 

Santo. Brasca died in the beginning of the sixteenth 
century, and was buried in the Church of Santa Eufemia. 1 

It is clear from what he tells us that Casola had 
carefully read and profited by Brasca's suggestions. To 
the two bags of money and patience he added, however, 
on his own account a bag of faith — an article of which 
a renaissance prelate who had spent much of his life in 
Rome, probably stood more in need than the average 

The nobility of the Casola family is proved by the 
simple fact that one of its members was canon of the 
Metropolitan Church in the fifteenth century, when 
only nobles were admitted. Moreover, a list of noble 
Milanese families, drawn up as early as 1277, includes the 
name of " Cazolis," or " Casola " as it came to be written 
later. 2 The author of this book, Pietro Casola, was born 
in 1427, and died on Saturday, the 6th of November, 1507, 
aged eighty, as is proved by the following extract from the 
series of Registri Mortuarij, preserved in the State 
Archives at Milan : — " In the year 1507, on Saturday, the 

1. Argelati, Bibl. Seriptorum Mediolanen. , vol. i. part ii. p. 226. 

2. Giulini, Memorie Spettanti alia storia, d-c, di Milano nei Secoli bassi, part viii. 
pp. 3C9, 681. 


6th of November, in the district of Porta Ticinese, and in 
the Parish of St. Victor of the Well — the Reverend Lord, 
the priest, Pietro Casola, aged eighty, of a suffocating 
catarrh. The malady teas not suspicious in the opinion of 
Master Ambrogio Varese da Rosate. ,y l 

The suffocating catarrh which proved fatal to Casola was 
probably acute bronchitis, and the note that the malady 
was not suspicious indicates that there was no suspicion of 
the plague, that terrible epidemic disease which from time 
to time decimated mediaeval cities, and was the terror of 
municipal governments. The Physician who attended 
Pietro Casola in his last illness, and granted the death 
certificate was a famous professor and astrologer and a 
celebrated Court physician. He died on 27th October, 
1522. 2 

The most careful search has so far yielded only a very 
small harvest of documents relating to the author of this 
Voyage to Jerusalem, but the few which have been brought 
to light are certainly interesting; they will be found 
in extenso in the Appendix. 

The first is a ducal rescript dated August 13th, 1467, 
from which it appears that Pietro Casola, then aged forty, 
had been nominated by the Papal See to the benefice of 
St. Victor at Corbetta, in the diocese of Milan, and that 
he had petitioned for a confirmation of this appointment 
from the Duchess Bianca. The latter gave him full 
authority to exercise his rights, and ordered all "our 
officers and subjects concerned " to give due and legitimate 
aid to the " aforesaid priest Pietro or his procurator." 3 

There is another petition — undated — addressed by 
Casola to the "Lords of Milan." The internol evidence 

1. See Appendix, Document F. 

•1. ESmillo tfotta, Morti inMilano dal 1652—1668. in the Archivio Storico Lombwrdo. 
18<J1, p. 264. 

:i. Appendix, Document A. 


shows that it belongs to the period between the death of 
Galeazzo Sforza in 1476, and the domination of his 
brother Lodovieo il Moro. Probably it was written shortly 
after the death of Galeazzo, because in the beginning 
Casola states that a few months earlier, he and other priests 
and clerks had been required to take the oath of allegiance 
to the Lords of Milan and their state — that is, to the 
Regents, Bona and Lodovieo, who governed on behalf of 
the young duke Gian Galeazzo. 

The petition in question was probably written by Casola 
himself : certainly the caligraphy resembles that of the 
manuscript of his journey in the Trivulzian Library, 
which Count Giulio Porro considered autograph. In it 
the petitioner styles himself " The Orator before God " for 
the " Illustrious Princes and most excellent Lords " of 
Milan ; their " most faithful servant " and " Ordinary 
Canon of the Cathedral of Milan." He then entreats 
permission to establish and exercise his rights in the 
Canonries of St. Stephen, at Milan, and St. Victor, at 
Corbetta; which had been usurped by others. He sup- 
ports his petition by three arguments : — firstly, that 
princes who intend to administer justice impartially, 
especially in ecclesiastical matters, need never be afraid 
of the consequences; because God will surely protect and 
perpetually preserve them, and "thus the said orator will 
ever pray that he may do in the masses which he says 

In the second place, he points out, with the spark of 
humour which enlivens his itinerary every now and then, 
that each of the two usurpers of the Canonries in question, 
is disqualified for holding such posts — that of Saint 
Stephen on account of his youth, because he is a boy, and 
"whoever is appointed to the said Canonryof St. Stephen's 
must be a priest " — and the occupant of the Canonry of 


Corbetta, because "be is fit for everything else except 
being a priest" — and the duty of their Excellencies is 
to see that suitable persons are appointed to Church bene- 

Thirdly, Casola lays stress on his own personal merits and 
services, reminding the illustrious princes that "for six- 
teen years he has been at the Court of Rome in the service 
of this State," and that therefore it seems to him that 
when he asks for justice from his liege Lords, he should 
not be denied. 1 

There is no positive evidence as to the result of this 
petition ; but the absence of any similar document in after 
years would seem to point to the fact that it had been 
favourably received. Indeed, the comfortable pecuniary 
circumstances — to which Casola himself alludes — enjoyed 
in the later years of his life, may be explained by the 
emoluments of a benefice and three Canonries, in addition 
to his income as secretary attached for many years to the 
Milanese Embassy at Rome, not to speak of any private 
means he may have had. 

In many parts of his voyage Casola displays a close 
acquaintance with Rome and the neighbourhood. He 
draws comparisons between the Roman palaces and 
churches, and those seen elsewhere ; he specially mentions 
the " Wood of Baccano," outside Rome, in connection 
with the decoration of Saint Mark's place for the festival 
of the Corpus Domini; and he refers to years spent in the 
Papal City. In the Petition he is more precise, and says 
definitely that at the time of writing — probably 1477 — lie 
had been already sixteen years at the Court of Rome. In 
a letter from the Milanese Ambassador there, dated 
August 14th, 1477, Casola is mentioned as being then in 
the service of the Embassy. In his letter the Ambassador 

1. Appendix, Document B. 


relates that he has sent " Priest Pietro Casola " to warn 
and reprove a certain Giovanni Maria de la Mayrola, who 
had tried to obtain from the papal see the appointment to 
a certain Milanese benefice, without first seeking license 
from his own princes. 1 

In 1478, Casola was included among the ordinary 
Canons of the Metropolitan Church at Milan. 2 It is very 
likely that this marks the time when he returned from 
Rome, to settle in his native city. In the year 1502 he 
appears as the senior of the cardinal deacons of the 
Duomo. 3 Several times between 1481 and the year of his 
death, his name appears in official documents, with those 
of other Canons who were concerned with the execution of 
work of various kinds in connection with the Duomo. 4 

Two other documents relating to Casola belong to the 
years 1478 and 1479. From them we gather that a contest 
had arisen between " Pietro Casola " on the one part, and 
" Girolamo Casanigo and Ambrogio de Cepis " on the 
other, with regard to the possession of the Chapel of Santa 
Maria de Cepis. On August 3rd, 1478, the venerable 
doctor, Don Andrea de Fagnano, Canon of the Duomo, 
was ordered by the Regents to hear and settle the question. 
This injunction was repeated with emphasis on the 17th of 
February, 1479. 5 

Casola enjoyed a great reputation at Milan for works — 
requiring a large culture and much study — relating to the 
Ambrosian ritual, which were either compiled by him or 
printed under his direction — sometimes at his expense. 

In 1490 he published the Officium Ambrosianum or the 
Ambrosian breviary in large quarto, an important and 
now rare book, dedicated to Guidantonio Arcimboldi, 

1. Appendix, Document C. 

2. MS. Catalogue in the Chapter Library, Milan Cathedral. 

3. Document, dated 3rd March, 1502, in the Archives of the Archiepiscopal Court, 

i. Appendix, Documents E. 
5. Appendix, Document D. 


Archbishop of Milan. In 1492 Casola published the 
Breviary in octavo for the use of priests in travelling. The 
print is clear and beautiful. Only two examples are known 
to exist, and both are now in the Ambrosian Library. 

In 1494, Casola published, at his own expense, the 
Librum Triduanarum Rogationmn, that is, the Book of 
the Triduan Litanies which belong exclusively to the 
Milanese Church. The Rubrics are given in Italian, and 
in the order in which they were observed in that age by 
the Ambrosian clergy. 

The Rationale Ceremoniarum Missae Ambrosianae, 
compiled by Casola, was printed in 1499. In it he 
describes and explains the ceremonies then in use, and this 
is the more interesting now for the Milanese Church, 
because many of them have been abandoned or reformed 
at various times since, especially by St. Charles Borromeo. 
The book is the fruit of long, patient and careful study, 
and also of Casola's pilgrimage, for he notes the ceremonies 
which concord with the Greek rites from which the 
Ambrosian took their origin, and which he had ample 
opportunity for observing in different places on the voyage, 
especially in Candia and at the Holy Sepulchre itself. 

Both in the Breviaries and in the Rationale there are 
readings which differ from those in earlier and later 
missals, and this has given rise to controversy from time 
to time. For example, as the Confiteor of the Ambrosian 
Mass in the Rationale is more prolix than that used at 
present, Muratori inferred that a great change had taken 
place in this respect in the Liturgy. But in the Milanese 
Missals of 1492 and 1499 the Confiteor is almost identical 
with that now used. The fact is that up to the time of 
St. Charles Borromeo, a very large discretion was left to 
individual priests in the matter of rites and ceremonies, 
and this is attested by Cardinal Federico in the preface 


to the Breviary of 1625. * The Liturgical works published 
by Casola, while of great interest and authority for the 
story of the Ambrosian ritual, must always therefore 
be accepted with reserve, and carefully compared with 
similar books of his own time, and also of the centuries 
which preceded and followed. A very fine copy of the 
Rationale in parchment, gilded and painted in miniature, 
and bearing the arms of the author, is preserved in the 
Library of the Lateran Canons of Santa Maria della 
Passione. 2 

In the Sacristy of the Milan Cathedral there are two 
volumes in parchment beautifully illustrated — two of the 
volumes published under the supervision of Casola. One 
contains the prayers and gospels chanted on the first day 
of the Triduan Litanies. The book has forty leaves in 
all, measuring 36 x 26 centimetres. The character is large 
Gothic in black and red, and the first page, painted in 
miniature, contains at the right side a small medallion 
portrait of Casola, with the letters " P.P.C.," i.e., Presbyter 
Petrus Casola, and at the bottom the arms of the Casola 
family. This is the page chosen to illustrate the voyage, 
and from which Casola's likeness has been photographed 

The other volume contains the gospels used in the Masses 
chanted by the Archbishop. It was prepared by order of 
Canon Pietro Casola, and presented by him to the Sacristy 
of the Cathedral. It is also in parchment, and consists of 
23 leaves, measuring 41 x 34 centimetres, in addition to 
two fly-leaves at the beginning and two at the end. There 
is an index and notes by Francesco Castelli, another 
ordinary of the Cathedral frequently mentioned in 
contemporary documents. Fourteen of the leaves are 

1. Card. Federico wrote : — " Ante S. Caroli pontificatum unicuique ecclesiastico 
homini fere liberum fuerat compcmere Breviariuni ex animi sui sententia, idque sive typis 
impressum sivi manuscriptuni arbitratu suo divulgare." 

2. Argelati. Bihl. Scriptorum Mediolanen. 


painted in miniature, with rich borders, and each of the 
initial letters has figures relating to the mystery of the 
festival of the day. At the foot of each miniatured page 
are Casola's arms, surrounded on the first page by the 
legend in gold : " PRESBTTER PETRUS DE CASOLIS, 

On his return from the Holy Land in 1494, Casola gave 
to his friends, though only in manuscript, his interesting 
description of what he had seen and heard — one of the 
most acute and comprehensive, one of the most modern- 
spirited and unprejudiced of the many itineraries written 
by pilgrims during the Middle Ages. The author, a keen 
observer, was not only a priest, but also a man of the 
world, widely read and largely travelled, with much 
experience of men and things, and possessed of a practical 
philosophy of life, and a saving sense of humour which 
carried him successfully through all difficulties. 

Not the least interesting part of the narrative is that 
devoted to a description of the city of Venice, whose out- 
ward aspect at the close of the quattrocento is so graphic- 
ally represented also in the Plan of Albert Diirer belonging 
to the year 1500, and in the wonderful pictures of 
Carpaccio, and Gentile Bellini. In 1494, the sun of the 
powerful and dreaded Republic was slowly but surely 
setting; though the artistic beauty of the unique metro- 
polis, the splendour of its state pageants, the size and 
importance of its naval and mercantile fleet, and the 
activity on 'Change, — at the Rialto, that is, — and in the 
port, concealed the fact from observers as acute and 
practised as Pietro Casola and Philippe de Comines, the 
then French envoy to Venice, whom Casola met on his 
return at the house of the Milanese Ambassador. They 
had time to compare their impressions, and Casola tells 
us the effect on Comines of certain manifestations of 


Venetian luxury and magnificence. The fact that they 
expressed themselves afterwards on the subject, quite 
independently, in almost the same written words in their 
memoirs, seems to demonstrate that they agreed in their 
judgment with regard to the religious attitude of Vene- 
tian statesmen. 

The only copy of Casola's MS. known to exist, is that 
in the Trivulzian Library at Milan. It was no doubt 
carefully preserved there, because it contains the only 
authentic account of the last days of a distinguished 
member of the Trivulzio family — Fra Francesco Trivulzio 
— who was buried at Rhodes on the homeward voyage. 
In the eighteenth century, the learned Carlo Trivulzio, 
who died in 1789, at the age of seventy-four, gave himself 
up with enthusiasm to archaeological studies, and formed 
an interesting and valuable museum in the family palace. 
His attention was attracted by Casola's manuscript, which 
he annotated here and there, and in which he inserted 
a life of his ancestor, Fra Francesco, written on loose 
sheets of paper. In later times Casola's voyage had been 
completely forgotten ; it was saved from oblivion by Count 
Giulio Porro, who had it transcribed, and then printed a 
hundred copies, with a short preface and notes, on the 
occasion of the marriage of Donna Evelina dei Marchesi 
Trivulzio with Count Antonio de Lumiarez, in the year 
1855. Naturally, the printed edition is rare now. There 
are two copies in the Trivulzian Library at Milan, and one 
in the Correr Museum in Venice. I was fortunate enough 
to be able to procure a copy through the courtesy of a 
friend, who found it for sale in Milan. Suspecting the 
existence of some inadvertent errors of transcription in 
the printed Voyage — a suspicion which proved to be well 
founded — I went to Milan to consult the original, and 
received courteous permission from Prince Trivulzio to 


make the necessary corrections, so that the translation 
should he made from the original text— considered by- 
Count Giulio Porro to be an autograph of Casola. This 
is very possible, though not absolutely certain : the cor- 
rections and changes of word or phrase are in the same 
handwriting as the body of the document, which renders 
it very probable that they were made by the author him- 
self ; and, as has been said, the caligraphy of the MS. of 
the Yoyage, closely resembles, if it is not identical with, 
that of Casola's petition with reference to the Canonries 
of St. Stephen's and St. Victor's. 

The first leaf of the manuscript — conceivably contain- 
ing a preface, in which Casola probably determined the 
year of his Yoyage — is unfortunately missing; and the 
missing sheet corresponds with another in the body of 
the MS., on which Casola completed his description of 
Candia; now left incomplete. In the text, however, as 
Porro observes, Casola " gives such indications as suffice 
for arriving at the precise date of his Yoyage, which was 
the year 1494. He says he left Milan on Wednesday, the 
14th of May, the third day of the Triduan Rogations. 
Now, these being six weeks after Easter, that solemnity 
must have fallen on the 30th of March ; and Easter day in 
1494 occurred exactly on March the 30th. If this proof 
were not sufficient, there is another in the expedition of 
Charles VIII. to Italy, which took place in 1494, about 
which Casola says he heard from a friar belonging to the 
Zorzi family, and also later from Bernardino Contarini, 
who came aboard the pilgrim galley at Modone to return 
to Venice." 

In the account of his journey, Casola shows how certain 
Venetians, under government supervision and control, 
undertook what may be described as the work of a modern 
Cook's Agency, and conducted tours to the one special 


place beyond the seas which was still sought — though 
from very mixed motives — by pilgrims from all parts of 
Christendom. As has been said, the importance of the 
pilgrim traffic gave rise to an extensive special legislation 
in Venice, whose development will now be traced. 

During the early middle ages those who were concerned 
in maritime enterprises in the Mediterranean used to watch 
personally over their own interests, and the shipowner and 
captain were confounded in one single person, the 
Patronus. The patronus shared in the venture with the 
merchants who owned the cargo, and who often accom- 
panied their goods on the sea voyage. 1 In Casola's 
manuscript it is to be noted that the title invariably given 
to Agostino Contarini is that of " Patrono." Except in 
one instance I have translated this by the word " Captain," 
but captain must always be understood to mean captain- 
owner or captain-part-owner. 

For several centuries legislation on maritime subjects 
seems to have been lacking in Venice, though its place was 
to some extent supplied by the contracts which preserve 
the usages of the time. But the increasing development 
of sea traffic, especially at the time of the Crusades, 
necessitated the transformation of immemorial custom 
into more formal law. The first Venetian maritime 
statutes belong to the first half of the thirteenth century, 
and legislated for the pilgrims who crowded year by year 
to Venice as well as for all others who under the protecting 
shadow of the Republic, went down to the sea in ships, 
and did their business in great waters. 

The first of these statutes issued under the Doge Pietro 
Ziani, 1227, dealt exclusively with the disposition of the 
ballast and cargo, and ordered that no ship was to be 

1. Preface to Statuti Maritimi Venesiani, edited by R. Predelli and A. Sacerdoti. 
Venice, 1903. 


loaded more than two feet above the cross, that is, above a 
conventional sign on the side of a ship which indicated the 
limit of submersion. 1 In this way the old Venetians 
provided for the general safety at sea, and anticipated by 
many centuries the Plimsoll Mark. 

This statute was followed two years later by the more 
comprehensive measure of the Doge Jacopo Tiepolo, 1229. 2 
This provided for the caulking, painting and decorating 
of ships, for the storing of ballast and the due packing 
away of the cargo. Ships in general were not to be loaded 
more than two feet above the cross, and when they were 
over six years old, only a foot and a half above that mark. 
If any ship was hired to pilgrims, either in Venice or 
elsewhere, the captain-owner must come to terms with the 
pilgrims in question as to the amount of cargo to be taken 
on board. Ships of 200 migliaia 3 were to carry 
20 mariners, not counting amongst these knights, pilgrims 
or cooks ; and each mariner was to be armed with a helmet, 
shield and jacket, a sword and three lances. For every 
increase of 50 migliaia in a ship's tonnage, five mariners, 
equipped as above, were to be added. Every ship was to 
be duly furnished with ropes, anchors and other necessary 
tackle. The captain-owner of each ship was required to 
carry a scribe, whose duty was to write down in his book 
all details about the passengers and cargo, and give 
duplicates to the persons interested, report to the proper 
authorities if the ship was overloaded, etc. 

Each merchant, mariner, knight or priest might have 
one chest on board in which to carry what he pleased — a 
privilege expressly withheld from servants. Each 
passenger and each sailor might have a mattress weighing 

1. Liher I'bijiorum, \t. 10. r >, Archives of Venice, printed in Romanin, Storia Documen- 
tata <li Venetia, vol. II. p. 441. 

2. Statuti liaHttimi Venexiani. edited by R. I'redelliand A. Sacerdoti, Venezia, 1903. 

3. A M iuliaio or Milliario = 1000 lbs. = 470'1W8T'Z0 kilos. 


not more than 10| lbs. No merchant or sailor might 
bring on board more wood than was necessary for the 
voyage ; any left over was to be the property of the captain- 
owner. Each person who went as far as Barbary might 
carry one barrel of wine and one of water; for longer 
voyages a double quantity of wine and water was allowed. 

If an owner hired his ship to other persons, any damage 
done during the voyage to masts, anchors, sails, etc., was 
to be made good or paid for by the hirers, save in the 
case of pilgrims, who were not held responsible for 

The statute closed with the Cayitulum Peregrinorum, 
which laid down that ships which took pilgrims on what 
was called the " Easter voyage " to Syria, that is, during 
the spring, were to sail for home by the 8th of May ; and 
those which went on the " winter voyage," that is, in the 
autumn, were to leave Syria by the 8th of October, unless 
there was just cause for delay. The captain-owners were 
to present themselves to the Bailo of Acre or other 
Venetian representative there, and swear to conduct the 
pilgrims where they wanted to go, according to their 
agreements with them, and to safeguard their persons and 
goods. If a ship touched at any place in Greece or else- 
where and three-fourths of the pilgrims wished to land, 
while one-fourth desired to remain on board, the captain 
was obliged to continue his voyage with the remnant 
according to his contract; and if less than a fourth of the 
pilgrims remained, the captain was obliged nevertheless to 
take them to the port named in the agreement, or give 
back all the passage money he had received from them. 
Disobedient captains were liable to a heavy fine. 

All contracts made between captain-owners, and mer- 
chants, the crews, passengers of all kinds, &c, were to be 


faithfully observed, and judges were appointed to settle 
disputes arising out of any particular voyage. 

In 1255, the Maritime Statutes of the Doge Kainiero 
Zeno l repeated what had been enacted by his predecessors, 
but in fuller detail, and added some new provisions. 

The first twenty-nine clauses refer to the caulking and 
decorating of ships and their equipment with anchors, 
sails, masts, ropes, and all necessary tackle ; the disposition 
and quality of the ballast; the position of the quarters of 
the Patrono, and the number of sailors to be carried, 
which, as before, was in proportion to the tonnage. 

Ships of 400 milliarij and over, that went beyond the 
Adriatic Sea were now to carry two trumpeters, who were 
to count among the sailors. Every sailor must be at least 
eighteen years of age; and, as before, no knight, pilgrim, 
or servant could count as a mariner. Each sailor was to 
be armed with a leather cap, or a helmet of leather or 
iron — a shield— a leather jerkin — a knife — a sword — and 
three lances. Those who received over forty pounds for 
their pay were to have a breast plate in addition. Before 
starting on any voyage, the sailors were required to take 
an oath to take care of the ship and its tackle ; not to steal 
more than the value of five small soldi; and. to remain 
for fifteen days to help in recovering ships and cargo in 
case of shipwreck. 

Ships of 200 milliarij or more were to carry two scribes, 
and these were to take an oath to do their duty faithfully 
and act as a check on each other. 

To prevent overloading, the Consuls of the Merchants in 
Venice, and the Governors of Venetian possessions else- 
where, wore to examine each vessel just before its 
departure, and fine the Patroni, in case the law had 

1. Statuti Marittimi Venrzimii, edited by R. Predelli and A. Sacerdoti. Venice, 1903. 


been violated. And captain-owners were to swear not to 
allow anything to be placed over the cross, so as to prevent 
the right measuring of a ship. For five years from the 
first day they set sail, ships of 200 milliarij and more 
might be loaded two and a quarter feet above the cross; 
from five years to seven years, two feet above the cross; 
and when they had been at sea over seven years, one and 
a half feet above the cross. 

Any ship hired to pilgrims was to carry the amount of 
cargo agreed upon between the captain-owner and the 
pilgrims. If the captain violated his agreement he was 
liable to lose the extra cargo, and pay a penalty. 

The provisions as to compensation due from the hirers 
of a ship, for damages done to the tackle, &c, were the 
same as those of the Tiepolo Statute; and, as before, 
pilgrims were not held liable. 

The clauses with regard to chests, mattresses, wood, 
wine and water were unchanged. It was now added, 
however, that each person going to sea might carry 2^ 
staria 1 of flour and biscuits, for the outward, and the 
same for the homeward, voyage. 

As before, the last clause was the " capitulum super 
peregrinis " — which provided that ships which went to 
Syria with pilgrims must leave there at the time men- 
tioned in the contracts made with the pilgrims before 
starting, unless there was just cause for further delay. 
This was a modification of the corresponding clause of the 
Tiepolo Statute requiring ships carrying pilgrims to leave 
Syria by a given day ; and which had probably been found 
impracticable for obvious reasons. The rest of the clause 
relating to pilgrims in the Zeno Statute merely repeated 
the provisions already given of the Tiepolo Statute. 

1. The Staio = 83'317200 litres or over 2 bushels. 


In this way, in early times, the State sought to safe- 
guard the lives and interests of the pilgrims, in common 
with those of all others who went to sea under the banner 
of St. Mark, by ordering, and trying to ensure that ships 
should be properly equipped; that they should not be 
overloaded, so as to run the risk of foundering, or of 
depriving pilgrims and other passengers of the space duly 
allotted to them ; and that all contracts should be properly 
drawn up and observed. 

Fifty years after the proclamation of the Zeno Maritime 
Statute in 1255, the Great Council decreed in 1303 x that 
all laws and provisions relating to maritime affairs, &c, 
should be collected into one book, of which two copies were 
to be made and kept — one in the Ducal Chancery, and the 
other in the office of the Provvisori at the Bialto. 
Every new law passed, and every provision made was to be 
added to this book, and cancelled when, and if, revoked. 
Unfortunately, neither these books, nor later copies of 
them, are known to exist in the Archives ; and we do not 
even know whether they were ever carefully kept. The 
discovery of such a collection of statutes would immensely 
facilitate research on maritime questions subsequent to 
1255. Lacking such help careful investigation has not 
brought to light any special legislation for the pilgrim 
traffic until the beginning of the fourteenth century. 
The notices then are at first scanty; but, afterwards, for 
nearly a hundred years, almost overwhelming in number, 
and of the highest interest. 

The sketch which follows of the legislation of the 
Republic on the pilgrim passenger transport, which was 
of immense importance to its interests materially, morally, 
and politically, throws much light on the conditions under 

1. Maggiur Consig. Delib., Reg. Magnus, p. 40, 19th Jan., 1303 (modern style) 19th 
Jan., 1302, according to old Venetian reckoning — by which the year began with the 1st day 
of March. 


which mediaeval pilgrims performed their pilgrimages, 
and will enable us to put the Voyage of Casola in its 
right place, — midway between the high fever of pilgrim 
enthusiasm which marked the end of the fourteenth cen- 
tury, and its total decline towards the end of the sixteenth 

In 1305, a decree of the Doge Pietro Gradenigo ordered 
all naval commanders, and all governors of Venetian 
possessions to permit any male and female pilgrims who 
desired to come to the abode of the blessed St. Mark, the 
approaching Ascension-tide, to do so freely. 1 This calls 
attention to the fact that the favourite time for under- 
taking pious pilgrimages was the spring, when land 
travelling was pleasantest — for the excessive cold of the 
winter was over and the roads were in the best condition ; 
and when there was the hope of returning from the Holy 
Land before the storms of the late autumn added to the 
discomforts and the perils of the sea voyage. Although, 
in these early times, pilgrims went to Palestine at various 
times of the year, the greatest crowd always assembled 
in Venice between Easter and Ascension-tide, and the 
ships generally set sail after the festival of the Corpus 

For the next fifty years the only notice relating to a 
pilgrimage which I came across in the Venetian registers 
belongs to the year 1337, when the Senate gave permission 
to the noble Andrea Mocenigo to undertake a voyage for 
the good of his soul, to the Holy Sepulchre as he had 
arranged. 2 During this half century it is to be assumed 
that the transport of pilgrims was regulated by the existing 
laws, and no doubt interrupted occasionally by difficulties 
with the Saracens, as happened between 1360 and 1368. 

1. Maggior Consig. DrUb., Reg. xv. Magnus and Capricornus, p. 936. The decree is 
not dated, but follows one issued Aug. 26th, 1305. 

2. Senato, Miste., Regis, xvii., p. 76, 2nd June, 1337. 


At this time Pope Urban V. had formed the design of a 
new Crusade against the infidels, which was favourably 
received by the King of France, the Emperor, and others, 
including King Peter of Lusignan, King of Cyprus, then 
on very good terms with Venice, which also gave a certain 
amount of support to the project. The Christians as usual 
lacked the union necessary for a great common effort, but 
isolated attacks were made on the Turks and Saracens. 
The King of Cyprus, for example, sacked Alexandria, 
though he was immediately obliged to retire ; and Venice, 
as his friend and ally, was immediately involved in 
difficulties with the Saracens. Venetian merchants in 
Alexandria were imprisoned and their goods sequestered. 
After representing the exigencies of the position to the 
Pope, Venice succeeded in coming to terms with the 
Sultan of Egypt ; * but before matters were settled the 
Great Council had declared (May 1st, 1367) that no 
pilgrims or other passengers could go from Venice to 
Cyprus or Rhodes. 2 

Next year a number of persons arrived in Venice who 
desired to go to these places. They were : — " Two Friars 
Preachers to whom the province of Cyprus has been 
entrusted by their superior. A servant whom Ser Federico 
Corner wants to send to his brother in Cyprus. A servant 
whom the Prior of St. John of the Temple wants to send 
to the Grand Master of Rhodes. A Tuscan merchant. 
A native of Cyprus, who lately married a wife in Venice, 
and wishes to return home. A lame brother belonging to 
the Order of St. John, who wants to go to Rhodes. A 
young man who came from Cyprus to these parts to seek 
his brother whom he has not found; and a certain 
Jacobinus de Magagnis of Cremona (accompanied by his 

1. Romanin, Stnria Documentata di Venezia. vol. iii. pp. 213, &c.,and 233. 

2. MaqyUir Consig. Deiib., Kegis. "Novella," p. 114. 


son), who came from Rhodes on the galley of Ser 
Francischini Corner, and now wishes to return." * 

It was doubtful whether, in view of the Act of May 1st, 
1367, these persons could be allowed to embark; but the 
Maggior Consiglio decided by a majority to grant the 
permission, as they were neither pilgrims nor passengers 
in the sense of the Act; they were returning, that is, to 
their homes or official duties, and not merely stopping 
temporarily at Rhodes or Cyprus on their way to other 

During the next few years a number of distinguished 
pilgrims sought the aid of the Republic in order to 
accomplish the voyage to the Holy Land. 

In 1375 the Senate declared that as " the Illustrious 
Lords Otto and Stephen junior, Dukes of Bavaria, our 
intimate friends, have sent an ambassador to us asking in 
a friendly way that we would be pleased to allow the said 
Lord Duke Stephen — who wishes, out of reverence to God, 
to visit the Holy Sepulchre and the Holy Land — to equip 
a galley in Venice at his own expense. . . . We are very 
happy to oblige him by the loan of one of the galleys of 
our Commune furnished with arms, tackle and everything 
necessary, which he can equip in Venice at his good 
pleasure." The only condition made was that, according 
to ancient custom in such cases and for the honour and 
greater security of the said Lord Duke, a Venetian 
patrician was to be appointed to the command of the galley 
and its crew. 2 Similar favours were granted to the 
" Magnificent Lord Stephen, Count of Veglia 3 our dear 
friend and citizen," and to another noble described as 
" Dominus Duyni." i The first was allowed to choose 

1. Maggior Consiglio Reg. Novella, p. 114. 14th March, 1368. 

2. Senato Miste, Reg. xxxiv. p. 160 6, 13th Feb., 1375 (Mod. style— 1374 more Veneto) 

3. Island of Veglia in the Gulf of Fiume. 

4. Senato Miste, Reg. xxxv., 17th and 27th April, 1375, p. 17 6. 


between a galley and a bucentauro ; x to the second a 
galley, the size of a bucentauro , was conceded. 

In 1376 Stephen, Yoyvode of Transylvania asked for 
a galley on which to make the voyage to the Holy 
Sepulchre and back, with about fourteen persons of his 
suite. As the Yoyvode wished to visit the shrine of Saint 
Catherine on Mount Sinai, it was arranged that he and his 
companions should go on one of the galleys of the Beyrout 
fleet, commanded by Ser Andrea Dandolo, who had orders 
to land them at Jaffa if the Yoyvode so desired ; and they 
sailed for the East on September 7th, 1376. One of the 
galleys of the naval fleet of the Adriatic was ordered to go 
to Beyrout and bring the distinguished pilgrims home, as 
they would be too late to return with the Beyrout 
merchant fleet. The Senate decreed special honours to the 
Yoyvode in Yenice, and ordered the governors of all 
Yenetian possessions at which the ship touched to receive 
him well. 2 

In 1382 the Bishop of Agram requested permission to 
equip a galley at his own expense to go to the Holy 
Sepulchre. The Senate granted the request, with the 
proviso that if instead, the Bishop preferred to take his 
passage on one of the unarmed sailing ships going to the 
East, instructions would be given to the Beyrout and 
Alexandria trading fleets — which always left Yenice about 
August and returned towards Christmas — to bring him 
and his servants back to Sclavonia free of charge. 3 In 
1384 the Bishop made the same request, and the Senate 
replied in the same terms. 4 The first voyage may have 
been deferred, or he may have made a second pilgrimage 
after two years. 

1. The name Bucenioro is generally connected with the Doge's state barge ; but in 
Venetian documents of the 14th century it is a general name for a very strong seagoing 
vessel with sails. See also Venezia e le sue Lagxine, vol. i. p. 201, part ii. 

2. Srvato UitU, Reg. xxxv., pp. 122, 130 6, 132 6, 133. 

3. Idem, Keg xxxvii., p. 67 6, 10th April, 13S2. 

4. Idem, Keg. xxxviii., p. Ill 6, 1st April, 1384. 


It may be noted here that the Yoyvode of Transylvania, 
the Bishop of Agrani and the Count of Veglia were actively 
engaged in the negotiations between Yenice and Sigismund, 
son of Charles IY., and brother of the Emperor Wenceslas, 
at the time of Sigismund's accession to the Crown of 
Hungary. 1 

Amongst the pilgrims of 1392 the chief were a group of 
six French nobles, including Rudolph de Montfort, the 
Yiscount of Dinan, Jean d'Estouteville, Philippe Berot and 
about eighty companions whom the Senate ordered to be 
transported across the seas on the galley A rduina; the 
famous Condottiere Jacopo del Yerme; and Henry, Earl 
of Derby afterwards Henry IY. 2 

Jacopo del Yerme was appointed in 1388 Captain 
General of the troops of the League formed by Yenice 
and the Yiscontis against the Carraras of Padua. As a 
recompense for his services he was inscribed amongst the 
Yenetian patricians, and received the palace at San Polo, 
which formerly belonged to Francesca da Carrara. 

When the Beyrout galleys were auctioned in 1392, it 
was provided that one of the four should be set apart to 
conduct the pilgrims to Jaffa. As there was cargo on 
board the galley would naturally go first to Beyrout to 
unload, and afterwards to Jaffa to land the pilgrims. 
Jacopo del Yerme, described by the Senate as "Our devoted 
and dear friend," begged as a favour that the galley in 
question should first carry him and the other pilgrims to 
Jaffa, and go afterwards to Beyrout to discharge the cargo. 
The Senate consented, and ordered that when the ships 
arrived near Cyprus, one of the two galleys owned and 
commanded respectively by Ser Niccolo Soranzo and Ser 
Antonio Bragadin, should be chosen by agreement or by 

1. Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia, vol. iii. pp. 311-14. 

2. See for Derby's pilgrimage, Lucy Toulmin Smith's Expedition of Henry, Earl oj 
Derby, 1390-1, 1392-3, Camden Society, 1894. 



lot and take the said Lord Jacopo and the other pilgrims — - 
who up to that moment were distributed over all the four 
galleys — directly to Jaffa, remain there two days only, and 
then proceed to Beyrout. The cargo carried from Venice 
by the galley selected was to be transferred to the other 
galleys when they separated off Cyprus. 1 

Later in the year 1392, on the 18th of November, the 
" Magnificent Lord Henry of Lancaster, Earl of Derby, 
Hereford and Northampton, Lord of Brabant and eldest 
son of the Duke of Aquitaine and Lancaster, through 
his noble ambassadors and knights, and also the Lord 
Duke of Austria on his behalf, through his letters," begged 
the Venetian Senate " to be pleased to grant him a galley, 
furnished with the necessary tackle, which he wishes to 
equip at his own expense in order to go and visit the Holy 
Land." 2 

Derby arrived in Venice on December the 1st, nearly a 
fortnight after his envoys had presented his request to the 
senate. 3 When he reached Venice he found everything 
in train for his departure. The Senate affirming ingenu- 
ously that it had always been the policy of the Republic to 
secure the favour of the great ones of the earth, had voted 
that the request for the galley should be immediately 
granted, " considering especially the advantages and 
favours which Venetian subjects, trading with or tem- 
porarily resident in England, would obtain and enjoy in 
the present and in the future." In communicating the 
acquiescence of the Senate to the Earl, no mention was to 
be made of the expenses incurred by the Venetian Govern- 
ment in fitting out the galley; though, in order that he 
might know the full extent of his indebtedness, the 
English Embassy was to be informed of the precise sum 
spent; and also that the Signoria did not wish it to be 

1. Senato Miste, Reg. xlii., p. 756, 24th August, 1392. 
'A hlrm, p. 88, 18th Nov., 1.T.12. 

3. Rawdon Brown, Arrhivio di Venezia con riauardo alia Storia Inglrse, p. 1<3&C. 
Cf however, Expeditions of Henry, Earl of Derby, pp. lx, and 211, 


refunded. Afterwards, according to the usual custom, 
the Great Council voted three hundred ducats to be spent 
in suitable presents. 

Bolingbroke's sojourn at the Holy Sepulchre was brief, 
and on March the 20th, 1393, he was back in Venice, 
where another one hundred golden ducats were voted to 
honour him at the moment of his return. 

The courtesy of the Republic was recompensed. Among 
the documents preserved in the Commemoriali there is 
a letter despatched by Henry IV. to the Doge Venier on 
the 6th October, 1399 — four days after the deposition of 
Richard II. — announcing his accession to the throne ; 
and in which he promises to treat all Venetians who 
should come to any part of his dominions with the same 
favour as his own proper subjects. 1 

In 1399, Henry of Derby's famous rival, Thomas 
Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, desiring also to visit the Holy 
Sepulchre, sought and obtained the loan of a galley for 
the purpose from the Signoria. 2 He brought a letter 
from Richard II., which he presented in February, 1399. 
In the register of the Senate he is referred to as the 
" Magnificent Lord the Duke of Gilforth." Although it 
is not clear why he took this title, or how long he bore it, 
Mr. Rawdon Brown considered that there could be no 
reasonable doubt as to the identity of the Duke of Norfolk 
with the so-called Duke of Guildford. In two later 
Venetian documents belonging to 1403 and 1404, pub- 
lished by Sir Henry Ellis, he is called Duke of Norfolk. 
The documents contain the petitions of two nobles, a 
Zane and a Bembo, for the payment of a debt contracted 
by the Duke in 1399 to cover the expenses of his pil- 
grimage. He soon died in Venice, and more than a 

1. Rawdon Brown, Archivio di Venezia, p. 180. 

2. Senato Miste, Reg. xliv., p. 83, 18th Feb., 1399 (1398 more Veneto). 


century later Marino Sanuto mentions a request made by 
Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk — uncle of Queen Anne 
Boleyn — that the bones of his ancestor should be trans- 
ferred to England, to be buried amongst the Mowbrays 
and the Howards. 1 

Meanwhile the Venetian registers give some idea of the 
crowd of humbler pilgrims who took their passage from 
Venice, especially between 1380 and 1390. 

After difficulties with the Sultan of Egypt which are 
alluded to but not explained in a decree of January 21st, 
1382, permission was given to a number of ships to 
navigate to Alexandria and other parts subject to the 
Sultan. 2 

In March of this year the A'enetian Senate licensed 
Zanino Tirapelle to carry forty or fifty German and 
Hungarian pilgrims — men and women — on his ship to 
visit the Holy Sepulchre. 3 In April, Ser Francesco de 
Canal was authorised to take on his galley 25 foreign 
pilgrims who wanted to go to Alexandria, Mount Sinai and 
other parts of Egypt. 4 The same day the Senate ordered 
that about 100 pilgrims, men and women, going to the 
Holy Sepulchre should be taken on the unarmed galley 
belonging to Ser Andrea Morosini. 5 In May, six French 
nobles and about 80 companions went on the galley 
Arduina. 6 In June it was arranged for 25 pilgrims to be 
conducted as far as Zante on the galley belonging to Ser 
Marino Malipiero. 7 ' In July Ser Zanino de Cha de Zara 
was licensed to carry on his ship about 10 pilgrims going 
to the Sepulchre. 8 At the same time permission was given 

1. Rawdon Brown, Archivio di Vcnrzia, pp. 176 — 179. 

2. Scnato Miste, xxxvii. p. 48, 21st Jan., 1382 (more Veneto 13S1). 

3. Idem, p. >;•>!,, 17th March, 13S2. 

4. Id-m, p. 08 b, 18th April, 1382. 

5. Idem, p. f!9. 

6. Idem, p. 81 b, 17th May, 1382. 

7. Idem, p. 84 b, 8th June, 1382. 

8. Idem, p. 97 b, 22 July, 1382. 


to the Noble Ser Giovanni Barbarigo, who was appointed 
Venetian Consul in Damascus, to go for fifteen days or so 
to Jerusalem. A few days later Ser Zanino de Cha de 
Zara was empowered to take on board about 25 additional 
pilgrims; 1 while in August, 17 pilgrims were to have 
passages as far as Candia on the ship belonging to 
Guglielmo Bono. 2 Over 300 pilgrims therefore sailed 
from Venice in 1382 ; and in July of that year, on account 
of news received there about certain Provencal galleys, 
probably belonging to pirates, special measures were taken 
to protect all Venetian ships in the Eastern Mediterranean. 3 

In 1383, the Senate decreed that 96 pilgrims were to be 
taken to Jaffa on the unarmed galley belonging to Pietro 
Fino; 4 60 pilgrims to the same place on the large galley 
belonging to the Noble Ser Filippo Pisani ; 5 27 pilgrims 
were to be conducted to Syria on their way to Jerusalem 
on the large galley owned by Paulo de la Colla ; 6 60 
pilgrims to Syria on the galley of the Noble Francesco 
Delfino; 7 70 pilgrims on the galley of Lorenzo Dono; 8 
finally Zanino de Zara was to take about 20 persons on his 
nave to Syria. 9 In all 330 pilgrims. 

In 1384 the Senate permitted 90 pilgrims to be 
conducted to Jaffa on the galley of Ser Bernardo Nadal; 10 
70 or 71, between men and women, on Ser Dardi Morosini's 
galley ; u about 80 on the large galley owned by Virgilio 
Rizo; 12 about 100, men and women, on the galley belong- 
ing to Ser Francesco Michael; 13 and 64 pilgrims, between 

1. Senato Miste, R. xxxvii., p. 986, 28th July, 1382. 

2. Idem, p. 102 6, 5th August, 1382. 

3. Idem, p. 99, July 25th, 1382. 

4. Senato Miste, Reg. xxxviii. p. 17 6, 2nd April, 1383. 

5. Idem, p. 26 6, 5th May, 1383. 

6. Idem, p. 27, 12th May, 1383. 

7. Idevi, p. 27, 12th May, 1383. 

8. Idem, p. 48 6, 21st June, 1383. 

9. Idem, p. 55 6, 12th July, 1383. 

10. Idem, p. 102, 26th Feb., 1384 (more Veneto 1383). 

11. Idem, p. Ill 6, 14th April, 1384. 

12. Idem, p. 119 6, 12th May, 1384. 

13. Idem, p. 120, 12th May, 1384. 


men and women, on Ser Andrea Morosini's galley. x 
Further, in June, Raphaeletto de Stella, the Pairono 
of an unarmed galley, was authorised to take on board 
about 100 Sclavonian pilgrims, men and women, and carry 
them beyond the seas to go to the Sepulchre. 2 Shortly 
after, Francesco Bachino, a Venetian citizen, received 
permission to pick up on the shore at Pesaro, and take to 
Jaffa and back, 20 men and 10 women from Urbino — and 
three Jews with their wives and two children — and to take 
also about 20 persons from Venice. 3 Finally, Nicoletto 
Bono was authorised to carry 70 pilgrims to Candia 4 on 
board his Cocha. 5 In this way the tale for the year 1384 
rose to over 600. 

In 1385 only three ships seem to have been licensed for 
the pilgrim voyage to Syria, but each carried over 100 
pilgrims. Ser Francesco de Canal was authorised to take 
110 pilgrims or other passengers; 6 Zanino Nicolai 120 
pilgrims; 7 and Ser Francesco Michael 150 pilgrims or 
thereabouts ; 8 in all 380 persons. 

A new law at the beginning of the next year again 
forbad the overloading of ships. No cargo was to be 
placed above the prescribed sign, and the latter was to be 
renewed if necessary. 9 

In 1386 Pietro de Creta, described as " Our faithful 
subject, and Patrono of a nave about to go to Jaffa," 
was licensed to take 120 pilgrims to the Sepulchre; 10 
Nicoletto Duracino, 100; 11 and the Noble Ser Francesco 
Michael, 120; 12 in all, 340. 

1. Senato Mlite, xxxviii. p. 134, 14th June, 1384. 

2. Idem, p. 136, 20th June, 1384. 

3. Idem, p. 140, 5th July, 1384. 

4. hl-m, p. 155 6, 14th August, 1384. 

5. A Cocca or Cocha — one of the largest and strongest kind of sailing ships or Navi 
rotonde which made no use of oars. 

6. Senato Miste, Keg. xxxix. p. 63, 18th April, 1385. 

7. Idem, p. 656, 27th April, 1385. 

8. Idem, p. SOb, 25th May, 1385. 

9. Senato Mist.', Reg. xl. p. 12, Jan. 11th, 1386 (more Veneto 1385). 

10. Idem, p. 22, 13th March, 1386. 

11. Idem, p. 26, 1st May, 1386. 

12. Idem, p. 29, 22nd May, 1386. 


In 1387 the Senate gave permission to Lorenzo Dono 
to carry 100 pilgrims to Syria ; x to Marco de Roma to 
carry 123 pilgrims to Jaffa; 2 and to Martino Cortese to 
carry 100 more to the same place. 3 

In 1388 Ser Guglielmo Bono received permission from 
the Senate to take about 80 pilgrims ; 4 Jacobello Buatello 
to take 150, 5 and Nicoletto Duraeino to carry 160 6 — 
all going to Jaffa for the Holy Sepulchre. 

In 1389 Antonio de Elia was empowered to take on 
board his galley 150 pilgrims bound for Jaffa ; 7 and other 
pilgrims, whose number is not specified, went to Syria 
in the autumn on the Beyrout galleys. Each of the 
four galleys of the fleet had its own Patrono, while 
the direction of the entire convoy was given to a com- 
modore nominated by the Venetian Government. When 
he arrived near Beyrout, if he saw he could do so with 
safety, the commodore had orders to detach one galley 
— to carry pilgrims to Jaffa — which was to start back to 
rejoin the others after landing the pilgrims. This implies 
that the galley must either have returned to Jaffa after a 
suitable interval, or that the pilgrims must have rejoined 
it at Acre or Beyrout. 8 

The result of this great concourse of pilgrims is to be 
traced in two important provisions; one tending to protect 
the interests of the pilgrims during the time they spent 
in Venice ; the other to ensure their safe transport across 
the seas. 

The first, dated March 22nd, 1387, was the new oath 
required from the Piazza Guides, or Tholomami, who were 

1. Senato Miste, R. xl. p. 60, 10th Feb., 1387 (more Veneto 1386). 

2. Idem, 68 b, 14th May, 1387. 

3. Idem, p. 69, 29th May, 1387. 

4. Idem, p. 102, 8th Jan., 1388 (more Veneto 1387). 

5. Idem, p. H2, 17th April, 1388. 

6. Idem, p. 112 6, 26th April, 1388. 

7. Idem, p. 167 b, 20th April, 13S9. 

8. Senato Miste, xli. p. 30 6, 21st August, 1389. See also Senato Miste, Reg. xlii. 
p. 71 6, 4th August, 1392. 


licensed by the magistrates, called the Cattaveri, to con- 
duct pilgrims about the city, find them lodgings, aid them 
in changing their money and making their purchases, 
introduce them to the shipowners with whom they made 
their agreements for the return voyage, and, in fact, 
help them in every possible way during the time they were 
obliged to spend in Venice. They met the pilgrims on 
their arrival at the Rialto or in the Piazza. 

Each guide or tholomarius was required to swear not to 
accompany any merchant to make his purchase; but only 
to go about with pilgrims, priests or knights and advise 
them honestly, and see that they bought what they needed 
in the best market — accepting from them in payment for 
the services rendered, what they gave of their own free 
will and no more. Any stranger found buying with the 
evident intention of selling again, was to be sent to the 
Missetae — the agents or brokers, who had a legal claim 
to a percentage on every contract. The guide pledged 
himself not to enter the Fondaco dei Tedeschi l save with 
pilgrims for the purpose of sealing their goods ; and as 
soon as this was done he was to retire. And he swore not 
to take a gratuity from any money changer for conducting 
pilgrims, priests, or knights to his shop ; but to see that 
they received good money of the right Venetian stamp 
and weight in exchange for their own. 

In order to supervise the guides better, their number 
was at this time limited to eight, nominated by the 
Consuls of the Merchants, and subject to the authority of 
the Cattaveri; and rules were laid down for the just 
division of their gains among the whole body, in order to 
obviate the quarrels and disputes so common in the past. 
These continued, however, in the future, and gave rise, 
as will be seen, to many other provisions. 

1. i.e., The German Warehouse. 


Finally, as differences frequently sprang up between the 
guides and shipowners as to the emoluments due to the 
former, it was now laid down that for each pilgrim who 
took his passage, through one of the guides, the latter 
was entitled to receive from the shipowner two-thirds of a 
ducat if the passage money paid amounted to over ten 
ducats; and half a ducat if below that sum. 1 

The second statute was more important still, and took 
the form of a decree of the Great Council passed in June, 
1392. This stated that many Venetian shipowners were 
guilty of extortions at the expense of the pilgrims and de- 
frauded them by showing them rotten old ships, freshly 
painted and decorated, which they passed off on them as 
new; and, further, that the said owners did not fulfil the 
terms of the agreements made with the pilgrims. As these 
enormities gave just cause for complaint, and might lead 
to reprisals on Venetian subjects trading in foreign coun- 
tries, the Maggior Consiglio enacted : — 

First, that anyone who wanted a licence to carry 
pilgrims was to write his name down in the office of the 
Cattaveri; and these three magistrates were to send three 
experts, accompanied by one of their number, to 
examine the ship or ships in question, and declare on 
oath whether it was, or they were seaworthy. If the 
verdict was in the affirmative then, and then only, the 
owners were empowered to make agreements with pilgrims. 

Second, the scribes of the said ships were required 
to write down in the ships' books the details of 
every contract made with pilgrims, and give a copy 
to the Judges of the Foreigners, under penalty of a fine. 
Amongst other clauses, the date fixed for the depar- 

1. Cattarerl, Busta II., Reg. iv. p. 84, 22 March, 1387. The office of the Cattaveri 
was instituted in 1280 to provide for the preservation and the recovery of the " Averi" or 
property of the Commune ; later on, the supervision of the Pilots, of the Pilgrim traffic, 
and of the Jews, &c, was entrusted to them. Mutinelli, Lessico Ventto, p. 98. 


ture of a ship_ was to be expressly specified in the 
contract ; and a ship was to depart on that day, under a 
penalty of fifty ducats, saving just impediment. This was 
to ensure that the pilgrims non stent ad consumendum 
suum in hospicijs, that is, should not be kept lingering 
in Venice indefinitely, until they had spent all they 
possessed in the inns. 

Third, as many unscrupulous Patroni had been 
in the habit of compelling pilgrims to make new pacts to 
their detriment after leaving Venice, it was decreed that 
all captain-owners were to conduct pilgrims from Venice 
and back again according to the terms of the agreements 
made in Venice, unless any pilgrims desired to make 
changes for their own convenience. In this case it was to 
be quite clear that the pilgrims had altered the original 
clauses of their own free will, and that the changes had 
not been imposed on them. 

Fourth. Ships were not to stop at any place on the 
outward or homeward voyage to take cargo or for any 
other reason, more than six days. 

The governors of the chief Venetian possessions in the 
Mediterranean — Candia, Modone, Corone, Corfu — and the 
admiral of the fleet in those waters, were to receive a copy 
of the decree and see that it was faithfully executed. 
"Wherever he touched, or if he met the fleet at sea, a 
captain-owner was under obligation to show the contracts 
with the pilgrims made by him to the respective governors, 
or the admiral, in order that they might assure themselves 
that he was doing his duty, and that the pilgrims might 
have an opportunity of ventilating their grievances if 
they were dissatisfied with their treatment. 

Fifth, to prevent the pilgrims being cheated by the 
Missetae or agents, who were employed in the drawing 


up and signing of the agreements, it was ordered that for 
the future all persons desiring to exercise this business 
must be registered in the office of the Cattaveri after 
being approved by a majority of the Council of the 
Quarantia; 1 and these registered pilgrim agents were 
forbidden to accept anything from Patroni, pilgrims or 
other persons save what was legally due to them for their 
services. Any unlicensed person who acted as agent was 
liable to a fine of fifty lire for each offence, and the 
contracts they had drawn up were null and void. 2 

From this time there is no further mention in the 
Eegisters of the Great Council and the Senate of the 
swarm of private individuals who, especially between 
1380 and 1390, engaged in the transport of pilgrims. 
Probably the increased surveillance of the State rendered 
the business much less profitable than heretofore. In 
addition, as for some years the government still allowed 
pilgrims to be taken to Syria in autumn, by the Beyrout 
fleet, the number who chose to take their passage on one 
of those galleys, where they felt safer in every way, was 
on the increase. Unfortunately the books of the Cattaveri 
which registered the licenses granted to shipowners in 
accordance with the above decree — and also the " Pilgrims' 
Books " or Eegisters, kept in the same office and contain- 
ing the contracts made between pilgrims and Patroni have 
all been lost. 

In 1393 one of the four galleys which went to Beyrout 
was deputed to carry pilgrims to Jaffa, and ordered to 
wait for them there or at Acre, " as seemed best for the 

1. This was the highest Court of Appeal for all matters not within the jurisdiction 
of the Council of Ten. 

2, Delib. Mayyior Consiylio, Keg. Leona, p. 56, June 4th, 1392; Libro D'Oro del 
Maygior Consiylio, part v. p. 200 b ; Cattaveri, Keg. iv. pp. 85-88. 


safety of the ship, for ten days, not including the day of 
arrival and departure 1 " 

In 1394 the concourse of pilgrims was so great, many 
of them heing also " notable persons," that the commodore 
of the Beyrout fleet was ordered to choose two galleys, by 
agreement or by lot, to convey them to Jaffa. 2 

In 1395, the Senate provided that all pilgrims who had 
taken their passage by the Beyrout fleet should be concen- 
trated on two only of the five galleys that went that year. 
Up to this time th'ey had been distributed over all the 
four or five galleys forming the fleet until these were not 
far from the Syrian coast, and had then been transferred 
to the one or two galleys deputed to land them at Jaffa or 
Acre as the case might be. The fleet was on the point of 
sailing, and the books of the Cattaveri already registered 
contracts made for the voyage with 208 pilgrims, many of 
them " persons of consequence," when news came of the 
imminent arrival in Venice of a large number of other 
pilgrims. In consequence the Senate prorogued the day 
of departure and ordered that if two galleys proved 
insufficient to carry the pilgrims to Jaffa or Acre, a third 
should be deputed to the same service. 3 

In 1396 and again in 1397 the Senate decreed — having 
regard to the interests of both merchants and pilgrims, 
" and in order to avoid scandal," — that " all foreign 
'pilgrims, except Italian pilgrims," 4 about to go with the 
Beyrout fleet were to be carried on two only of the 
galleys, chosen, as usual, by agreement or by lot. When 
the commodore thought that a suitable place had been 
reached, all the pilgrims were to be concentrated on the 
two galleys in question, or on one only if one proved suffi- 

1. 8enato Miste, Reg. xlii. p. 114, 29th May, 1393, and p. 120 b, 5th August, 1393. 

2. Senato Mixte, Reg. xliii. p. 27 b, 29th August, 1394. 

3. Idem, p. Ci3 b, 27th May, 139.1 ; p. 70 b, 18th July. 1395 ; and p. 79, 20th Aug., 1395. 

4. Italians, belonging to cities not subject to the Republic, were " foreigners " to the 


cient for the purpose, and landed at Jaffa. In 1396 it 
was provided that the galleys, or galley, were to wait for 
the pilgrims at Jaffa or Acre for ten days; but, in 1397, 
the Senate provided that " Since Jaffa, as is well known, 
is a bad place for the purpose, and not adapted for galleys 
or other vessels, which are in great peril as long as they 
remain there, the said two galleys, or one of them, if only 
one goes there, must go to Acre as soon as the pilgrims 
have landed, after informing them that they or it will 
wait for them at Acre twelve days, not including the day 
of arrival and the day of departure." As happened fre- 
quently, a special license was given to Ser Vito de 
Canal — one of the captain-owners, appointed by lot to 
take the pilgrims to Jaffa — to go also to the Holy Sepul- 
chre, leaving a noble deputy, approved by the commodore, 
in command of his galley during his absence. 1 

The transport of large numbers of pilgrims on the 
trading galleys produced such complications that it was 
prohibited in 1398 in the case of foreign pilgrims. The 
pious travellers took up the space really required for 
merchants and cargo, and the numerous disputes and 
difficulties due to the crowding together of persons of 
different and often hostile nationalities, seem to have 
often seriously interfered with business— which was the 
raison d'etre of the Beyrout and similar fleets. 

The preamble of the Senatorial decree of 1398 states 
that — " as is well known, many scandalous errors have 
occurred in recent years on board the galleys whose 
destination is Beyrout and Alexandria, on account of the 
pilgrims who go' by them to the Holy Sepulchre — because 
the said pilgrims are of diverse tongues " — " and that 
unless a remedy is provided greater scandals may occur 

1. Senato Miste, Reg. xliii. p. 1296, 25th May, 1396; p. 135, 8th June, 1396; and 
Senato Miste, Reg. xliv. p, 5, 14th June, 1397 ; p. 12, 5th July, 1397. 


in the future." It then enacts that for the future no 
pilgrims belonging to any nation or country may be taken 
to the Holy Sepulchre on board the Beyrout or Alexandria 
galleys, unless Venetian pilgrims or other subjects of the 
Republic. For each pilgrim carried in contravention of 
the law, a captain-owner was liable to a fine of 100 ducats, 
and six months imprisonment in one of the lower prisons. 1 

An attempt made in the Maggior Consiglio to repeal 
this statute in 1400 failed. 2 Nevertheless, by a special 
vote of the Senate, exceptions were made from time to 
time in favour of some great prince, as the following 
examples show. Indeed, when the galleys of the Beyrout 
fleet were put up to auction that very same year 1398, it 
was stipulated that the Magnificent Lord of Mantua and 
thirty-five persons of his suite should be conducted to 
Jaffa free of charge, on whichever galley of the five he 
was pleased to select. 3 

In 1406 the privileged pilgrim was the son of the King 
of Portugal, who was already at Treviso on his way to the 
Holy Sepulchre, when his ambassadors arrived at Venice. 
In his name they requested the Senate to allow the Prince 
and his suite of about twenty-five persons to be conveyed 
on one of the Beyrout galleys. The Senate immediately 
granted the request, and the galley Capella was placed at 
the disposal of the Royal visitor. Special instructions 
were given to Ser Andrea Capello, the captain-owner, and 
also to the commodore of the whole fleet. When the 
latter was above Cyprus, all Venetian subjects on other 
galleys who wished to go to the Holy Sepulchre were to 
be transferred to the Capella, which was then to go to 
Jaffa; while the other galleys, as usual, went to Beyrout. 
As soon as the Prince and the other pilgrims had landed 

1 Smato Miste, Reg. xliv. p. 37 b, 14th April, IMS. 

2. Drlih. Man. Consifl., Leona, p. IOC b, 22nd July, 1400. 

:(. St nato Mute, Reg. xliv. p. 47, 22nd June, 1398. 


and the cargo for Jaffa had been unloaded, Ser Andrea 
had orders to go and wait ten or twelve days "in the 
place which seemed to him most suitable for ensuring 
the safety of the galley entrusted to him " — and which, it 
must be remembered was State property, though Ser 
Andrea had hired it for that voyage. After the expiry 
of the ten or twelve days, he was to go to Jaffa, embark 
the pilgrims, and then rejoin the other galleys at Beyrout. 1 

The voyage was evidently very successful. For in 1410 
a bishop was sent to Venice by King John to ask leave on 
his behalf to invest in some of the Venetian State loans. 
In granting the request the Council noted with evident 
satisfaction the friendly feeling of the Portugese King 
towards the Republic — "which was due to the great honour 
we did to his son, the illustrious Lord Anfosio " [i.e., 
Alphonso] " when he came to Venice." 2 

The next royal pilgrim in whose favour an exception 
was made is vaguely described as " that English noble, a 
relative of the Lord the King, with his company." The 
year was 1408, and the Senate decreed that the Englishmen 
were to be taken to Jaffa on board one of the Beyrout 
galleys on which no merchant was to have a passage either 
going or returning. The amount of the passage money 
was to be agreed on between the Patrono and the heads 
of the Quarantia and the Savij. The space to be allotted 
to the distinguished pilgrims on the galley was expressly 
specified in the decree. 3 

In 1414 Nicolaus de Birsa, brother of the Burgomaster 
of Bruges, with four friends and thirteen servants, asked 
permission to go to the Sepulchre on board the merchant 
galleys — permission which the Senate promptly granted : 

1. Senato Mistc, xlvii. p. 75, 6th August, 1406 ; p. 65, 26th August, 1406 ; and p. 74 b, 
6th August, 1406. 

2. Velib. Maggior Consiglio, Leona, Eeg. xxviii. p. 1976, 5th October, 1410. 

3. Senato Miste, Reg. xlviii. p. 27, 4th August, 1408— "Et deputentur pro statio suo 
scandolarium pupis et barcha, et etiam armarolus Comiti quia est contentus," 


" As it is greatly to the interest of our Government and 
of our merchants to oblige the said nobles." 1 In acceding 
to a similar request made in 1423 by a " Great Lord of 
Flanders," who, with eight friends, had come to Venice 
with the intention of sailing thence to the Holy Sepulchre, 
the Senate declared that it was very advisable to favour 
Lords of such great power and reputation, " especially 
considering how much they can injure or aid those of our 
merchants and citizens who pass through their countries." 2 

The Decree of 1398 was also suspended in 1415 on behalf 
of the " Lord Ugolino de Pijs," Vicar of the Lord 
Pandolfo 3 and in 1425 in favour of four noble pilgrims, 
two of whom, strongly recommended to the Venetian 
Government by the Duke of Savoy, were taken to the 
Holy Sepulchre on the Beyrout galleys with their friends 
and servants. 4 The Lord Ugolino was carried free of 
charge. Similar concessions were also made in later years. 

Meanwhile, in 1395, all questions and disputes which 
should arise between pilgrims to the Holy Land, Rome or 
elsewhere, and the captain-owners, or between these and 
the missetce or others, had been placed under the juris- 
diction of the magistrates of the Cattaveri, who were 
empowered to make provisions on all matters relating to 
the pilgrims whenever they thought necessary. They had 
also authority to appoint, suspend, dismiss and generally 
supervise the conduct of these agents. The measure was 
provoked, as the decree says, " pro multis novitatibus que 
quotidie fiunt dictis peregrinis." 5 

In consequence, in February, 1396, the three magistrates 
of the Cattaveri — Marcello Marcello, Lorenzo Bembo and 

1. Senato Mink, Reg. 1. p. 143?*, 20th August, 1414. 

2. Senate Mute, Reg. liv. p. 140, 28th August, 1423. 

3. Senato Mitte, Reg. li. p. 29, 3rd June, 1415. 

4. Senato Mute, Reg. lv. p. lf.7. 23rd August, 1426 ; p. 157 6, 80th August, 1425. 

5. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 88, 18th March, 1395. 


Pietro Civrano, appointed by name ten agents, who were 
to give in the office of the Cattaveri all contracts made 
with pilgrims within four days after they were signed. 1 

Two days later the same magistrates ordered the scribes 
of four ships carrying pilgrims and all other scribes, in 
the future, to give in, in writing, to the clerks of the 
Cattaveri within four days after they were signed, all 
agreements made between pilgrims and the captain-owners 
or Patroni of their respective ships. 2 

These two provisions of 1396 were designed to give the 
Cattaveri a double check on the contracts named, and 
enable them to protect the interests of the pilgrims. The 
Venetian Government realised very clearly that if these 
were unjustly treated, reprisals might follow at the expense 
of the persons and goods of Venetian subjects abroad, 
and diplomatic difficulties might be created which would 
involve the State in serious complications. The whole 
matter was the more delicate and hedged with dangers, 
because many noble pilgrims, in sign of humility, or to 
fulfil a vow, or to protect themselves from Saracen extor- 
tion and even imprisonment, travelled in disguise, and 
their identity was not always revealed to the officers of the 
Serenissima before their departure from Venice. Lack of 
good faith in drawing up and carrying out an agreement, 
made with the humble-looking wearer of a pilgrim's cloak 
and scallop shell, might easily, shortly after he returned 
home, raise a hornet's nest for the Venetian Government, 
or cause the representatives of a great Venetian mercantile 
house in a foreign country to lose immense profits and 
have their business hampered for an indefinite period. 

Patroni, agents and guides, however, careless of 
political and other consequences, and intent only on 
enriching themselves at the expense of the numerous 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 88, 21st February, 1396 (more Veneto 1395). 

2. Idem, p. 88 6, 23rd February, 1396 (more Veneto 1395). 


strangers who passed through Venice on their pious 
errand, sought constantly to evade the law. Their at- 
tempts provoked fresh legislation, which, in 1401, 
attacked the shipowners who carried pilgrims without 
having a license to do so, reformed the Piazza guides, and 
dealt again with the contracts. 

In May, 1401, "on account of great abuses," as the 
preamble declared, a decree of the Senate forbad any un- 
licensed ship to carry pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre, 
under a penalty of 100 lire for each pilgrim taken in 
defiance of the law. The Cattaveri were, as usual, em- 
powered to watch over the execution of the decree and 
levy the fines on the transgressors. 1 

Later in the same year, these magistrates once more 
dealt with the question of the Piazza guides. These latter 
were now twelve in number, divided into six couples, and 
each couple was obliged to remain for a week, in turn, in 
the Piazza, &c, from early morning until sunset every 
day, at the disposal of any pilgrims who might arrive. 
The profits were divided into two parts : half belonged 
to the guide or guides who had rendered a particular 
service, and the other half went to a general fund. All 
sums were to be given in as soon as received, and the gains 
were to be divided among the whole body of the guides 
every month. Many had, however, neglected to take their 
turn in the Piazza, and even absented themselves from the 
city without leave — evidently counting on their share of 
the monthly division of profits even if they failed to do 
their duty. Others had not given a faithful account of 
what they had received or handed in the money at the 
right time. The Cattaveri were naturally besieged with 
complaints of guides against guides, and of Patroni 
and pilgrims against the guides. 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 89, 20th May, 1401, ("In Consilio Rogatoruni "). 


In September, 1401, therefore, the magistrates of the 
Cattaveri ordered: — First, that everything the guides re- 
ceived from anyone for their services was to be paid into 
their office within three days. Second, that if any guide 
wished to absent himself from the city he must first obtain 
a license from the Cattaveri. Third, that each tholomarius 
must take his weekly turn in the Piazza, and anyone who 
failed to do so was to be reported to the office of the 
Cattaveri, where he would have a bad mark, and for every 
such mark be fined twenty small soldi. A guide who 
reported a companion was to inform the latter within 
eight days. This was, no doubt, in order to give the 
accused a fair chance of defending himself, and prevent 
unjust or underhand dealing. 1 

In spite of the provisions of 1396, it appears that the 
pilgrims' contracts had not been always given in to the 
Cattaveri by the time the law required, and captains did 
not in consequence depart on the day fixed — to the great 
loss of the pilgrims, who were obliged to spend their 
money in maintaining themselves in Venice. Further, 
the office of the Cattaveri was daily annoyed and over- 
burdened by complaints of the Missetce or agents, who 
declared that the Patroni did not pay them their due. 
It was therefore enacted in December, 1401 : — 

First, that Patroni, scribes and agents were to 
give in to the office of the Cattaveri all contracts, made in 
writing with pilgrims, within three days after they had 
been signed; and, second, that all captain-owners and 
their partners were to pay in to the same office, three days 
before the departure of their ships taking pilgrims, every- 
thing owing to the agents, who were to divide the amount 
amongst them. 2 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 99, 25th September, 1401. 

2. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. H9, 10th December, 1401. 


Continuing on these lines, the magistrates of the 
Cattaveri laid down, in January, 1402, that all contracts 
made with pilgrims should be null and void unless they 
were drawn up and signed in the presence of the captain- 
owners, pilgrims and agents concerned, and registered in 
the pilgrims' books, kept in the office of the Cattaveri. As 
usual, the law was evidently broken or evaded by certain 
individuals, and had to be repeated in 1422. 1 

At the beginning of the fifteenth century the inn- 
keepers, tempted by their opportunities and by a desire to 
increase their gains, sometimes usurped the functions of 
the missetce or agents ; while these latter found it to their 
interest to arrange passages for pilgrims on foreign vessels 
when there were Yenetian ships ready. On account of 
these " inconvenientias, que sequebantur et quotticlie 
multiglicabant" as they said, the magistrates of the 
Cattaveri enacted in March, 1407 : — That no innkeeper or 
other person should dare for the future to take the place 
of the agents in making arrangements between pilgrims 
and shipowners, under a penalty of 25 lire and a month 
in prison. They also forbad Andrea Ongaro (Andrew the 
Hungarian, who seems to have been the chief offender), 
and other Missetce to engage foreign vessels until all 
Yenetian vessels in port were full. 2 

The foreign vessels referred to were evidently those 
belonging to other Italian States, engaged chiefly, if not 
exclusively, in the Adriatic coasting trade, which carried 
pilgrims to Ancona and other ports on their way to Koine 
or to famous shrines at Loreto or elsewhere. The provision 
forbidding passages to be taken for pilgrims on foreign 
vessels as long as Yenetian ones were available was re- 
enacted in 1423. At the same time, clauses were added 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv., p. 89, 21st January, 1402 (more Veneto 1401); and p. 936, 
27th February, 1422 (more Veneto 1421). 

2. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 91 b, 6th March, 1407. 


to protect pilgrims against unscrupulous agents and 
captains who, taking advantage of their ignorance, made 
them believe they were to be landed at one port, and took 
them instead to another. Patroni and missetce who 
deceived pilgrims in this respect were punished by a fine. 1 

In 1403 the voyages of Venetian ships to Syria were 
temporarily stopped by the Venetian Government owing 
to the threatening movements of the Genoese in the 
Eastern Mediterranean. 2 But in the summer, among 
other pilgrims awaiting a passage from Venice, there were 
the Duke of Burgundy, and many other knights and nobles 
of France and other countries, strongly recommended by 
the Kings and Lords whose subjects they were. These 
distinguished guests besieged the Government with 
requests to be allowed to go on their way to the Holy 
Land ; and pointed out the pecuniary and moral damage 
they would suffer if they had to return home without 
attaining their object. 

When the embargo was laid on the Eastern voyages, the 
intention of the Government was, if possible, to avoid a 
casus belli with Genoa, and in any case to prevent Venetian 
merchants and rich cargoes from falling into Genoese 
hands. It may be noted here that the effort to avoid a 
war failed ; and on October 9th, 1403, the Genoese were 
defeated near Modone by Carlo Zeno. Peace was made 
between the two Republics in March, 1404. 

Meanwhile, pressed by the foreign pilgrims, the Senate, 
on the 25th of August, 1403, gave authority to Venetian 
ships to take pilgrims to Syria on condition that they did 
not go beyond Jaffa and Acre, and that they did not carry 
any merchandise whatsoever or any merchants or other 
ordinary passengers save Venetian subjects returning home 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv., p. 93, 18th May, 1423. 

2. Senato Miste, Reg. xlvi. p. 83 6, 15th May, 1403 ; p. 92, 20th July, 1403. 


from these two Syrian ports. No ship was to sail without 
at least 25 pilgrims, and the names of the latter were to be 
given in by the Patroni to the office of the Cattaveri. 1 
A month later the enactment Avas modified. Permission 
was given to carry other passengers than pilgrims from 
Venice to Syria, but no merchandise; and on the return 
the pilgrim ships might take merchandise and ordinary 
passengers aboard at Jaffa, Acre, Rhodes, and even 
Beyrout, if there was a possibility of going to the latter 
place in reasonable security. 2 When hostilities broke out 
the Genoese had seized the goods belonging to their 
Venetian rivals in Cyprus, Rhodes, and Beyrout, and 
threatened the shipping in the Levant. 

In February, 1405, there were a number of pilgrims 
assembled in Venice who desired to go from there to the 
Holy Land if they could find a ship; but who were deter- 
mined to sail from Ancona if they could not get a passage 
from Venice, as they seem to have found some difficulty 
in doing — perhaps because it was early in the season. 
The Senate felt that in the interest of the shipowners and 
for the honour of the city, steps must be taken to provide 
the pilgrims with what they needed, and gave them 
license to engage a sailing ship or galley of 300 
botte 3 or less for the voyage, with the proviso that no 
merchandise of any kind was to be carried either going or 
returning from Syria. 4 The pilgrims, however, could not 
find any vessel of the tonnage prescribed, and appealed 
again to the Senate, which empowered them to hire any 
sailing ship over six years old. It is to be presumed that 
they found what they wanted this time 5 

We now reach one of the epoch-making statutes in the 

1, Cattaveri, Register iv. p. 90, 25th August, 1403, " in Rogatis." 

2, Senate Miste, Register xlvi. p. mib, 26th September, 1403. 

3, About 160 tons burden. 

I. Senate Miste, Reg. xlvi, p. 1676, 27th February, 1405 (more Veneto 1404). 
5. Senato Miste, Reg. xlvii. p. 1, 24th March, 1405. 


pilgrim legislation. Since the thirteenth century and the 
General Maritime Statutes of the doges Tiepolo and Zeno 
there is no mention in the many laws relating to pilgrim 
ships of the arms to be carried for the protection of a 
vessel and its passengers. 

But, in 1408, Ser Andrea Quirini's galley, returning to 
Venice with pilgrims from the Holy Sepulchre, was 
attacked in the Gulf of Satalia, on the south of Asia 
Minor, by a Turkish ship. In the combat there were many 
killed and wounded on board the Quirina. The Senate 
declared that this deplorable occurrence was due to the 
fact that the patroni of the pilgrim ships did not take 
care to carry the cross-bows and other arms necessary for 
defence, and that if it had not been for the foreign 
pilgrims aboard the Quirina, who made a courageous 
defence, the galley would certainly have fallen into the 
hands of the Turks. In consequence the patroni of the 
said pilgrim galleys were ordered to carry a fixed number 
of crossbows, arrows, lances and other arms, and eight 
crossbow men. 1 

Another important statute was that of December 30th, 
1410, which offers the first example of a proposal to put 
up a State galley to auction for the pilgrim traffic. This 
was due to the fact that the Beyrout galleys had been 
unable to bring back in the autumn all the cargo waiting 
in that port, and an extra ship had to be sent for the 
purpose. The proposal was rejected, and other arrange- 
ments made for the transport of the spices and other 
merchandise left behind at Beyrout. 2 

1. The Patroni were ordered to have: — " Corratias lxxx. cum suis brazalibus et 
todidem bazinetos, triginta lanceas longas, ballistas xx. cum suis manetis et crochis, et 
arma pro sua persona. Item capsas veretonorum xv. a ducentis veretonis pro capsa, et 
clipearia lx. Et ultra hoc Nauclerij et Scribani, Marangoni et Calefati Galee predictarum 
teneantur portare arma et ballistas suas sicut tenentur. Teneantur insuper quilibet 
dictorum patronorum, conducere secum ballistarios octo qui accipiantur per solutores 
armamenti secundum accipiuntur alii ballistarij Galearum nostrarum a mercato." — Catta- 
veri. Reg. iv. p. 92. 28th September, 1408, and Senato Miste, Reg. xlviii. p. 33 b. 

2. Senato Miste, Reg. xlviii. p. 199 6, 30th December, 1410, and p. 203, 20th January, 
1411 (more Veneto 1410). 


When the Beyrout galleys (four in number) were put 
up to auction in 1413, it was provided that the cargo they 
were obliged to leave behind for want of space, was to be 
warehoused and sealed; and as occasion presented itself 
the Consul at Damascus and the Council of twelve 
merchants there were to send the goods so stored to Venice 
by any ship they thought fit, including the pilgrim galleys. 
Goods carried by the latter paid three-fourths of the usual 
charges for freight. 1 It was soon thought necessary to 
take additional precautions to ensure the safety of the 
merchandise carried by these pilgrim galleys — merchandise 
often of great value : Quia pro maiori parte rata gale arum 
Ba-ruti condueitur cum ipsis Venetis. And the Senate 
decreed, on the 1st of March, 1414, that each pilgrim galley 
was to be equipped with two rowers or Galeotti to each 
bench, and carry twenty crossbow men, including among 
the latter two Venetian Patricians. 2 

It is to be noted that the Venetian galleys were described 
as Biremi or Triremi, according to the number of men — 
each with an oar — rowing at each bench, and all on the 
same level. 3 The above-mentioned statute would therefore 
imply that the galleys which carried pilgrims were Biremi. 
There are reasons, however, for believing that the pilgrim 
galleys, at least in the second half of the fifteenth century, 
and including that of Agostino Contarini, were Triremes, 
and would in other circumstances have been equipped with 
three oarsmen to each bench. 

In 1417 Ser Zaccaria da Ponte and Ser Donato Erizzo 
carried pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre on board their 
galley the Erizza, and on the return voyage brought spices 
and other merchandise from Beyrout. 4 When the Erizza 

1. Senato Miste, Reg. 1. p. 4 6, 7th July, 1413. 

2. Idem, p. 80 b, Ut March, 1414, and p. 1M), 4th September, 1414. 

3. L. Fincati, Le Triremi, p. 6, &c. 

4. Senato Miste, Reg 111. p. 43, 23rd August, 1417. 


reached Venice strong complaints were made of the way 
in which these joint Patroni had treated the pilgrims. 
One specific charge was that the latter had been half- 
starved, and another that cargo had been placed in the 
space allotted to them by contract. Many " Great Lords " 
had in consequence refused to continue the voyage, and 
remained behind at Beyrout, Rhodes and other ports. A 
certain number had taken passages on Genoese ships, 
threatening to take revenge later for the extortions, 
innovations and injuries of which they had been the 
victims. Many of those who came back on the Erizza to 
Venice departed immediately in a very hostile frame of 
mind, and with the intention of indemnifying themselves 
for all they had suffered. 

The Government was alarmed, especially — as the decree 
dealing with the matter declared — " Considering that the 
said pilgrims who remained behind in Beyrout, Rhodes 
and other places, are great Lords, and could greatly injure 
our merchants and citizens, since, as is well known, most 
of our relations and trade are with the countries of the 
West." In consequence the Senate ordered the galley to 
be sequestered, and also all the money received either from 
the pilgrims or for freight; and out of the latter just and 
reasonable compensation to be given to the pilgrims. 
Further, for the honour of the Republic, the advocates of 
the Commune were ordered to initiate proceedings against 
Ser Zaccaria da Ponte and Ser Donato Erizzo. 1 These 
proceedings, however, seem to have been quashed next 
year, though no reason is given for this. 

In February, 1418, however, the Senate, in order to 
prevent the pilgrims from being crowded out of the very 
limited space allotted to them, voted a decree which forbad 
the Patroni of the pilgrim galleys, under a penalty 

1. Senato Miste, Reg. Hi. p. 61, 6th December, 1417. 


of 500 ducats and perpetual exclusion from this traffic, 
to carry for the future any merchandise whatever abroad 
except havere capselle. 1 

A few months later people interested, complained to the 
Government that whereas the pilgrim galleys carrying 
havere capse and letters from merchants in Venice to 
others in Syria, used to go first to Beyrout; they now 
went straight to land the pilgrims at Jaffa. In the 
interests of trade the Senate ordered that these galleys — if 
they had such letters or merchandise aboard — were to go 
first to Beyrout, and then to Jaffa, and that the pilgrims 
before signing the agreements; were to be fully informed 
of the order in which these ports would be touched at. 2 

The officers, galeotti, 3 and other sailors on board 
Venetian galleys and other vessels, had the right of 
carrying merchandise on their own account in their sea- 
chests ; and added to their salaries by doing a little private 
trading in the places visited. A doubt was raised as to 
whether — in spite of the clause in the Act of February, 
1418, which expressly permitted havere capselle to be 
carried on board the pilgrim galleys — the officers and 
men of those galleys could carry merchandise in their 
chests ; and it was represented to the Government that 
" with the pay they had they could not maintain them- 
selves and their families otherwise." The Senate declared 
by a large majority that the officers and men of the 
pilgrim galleys were to have the same privileges in this 
respect as those of the merchant galleys. 4 Casola 
frequently speaks of them trading at the ports. 

1. Senate Miste, Reg. lii. p. 77 b, lfith February, 1418 (more Veneto 1417). The 
"havere capsella " or "havere capse" appears to have been merchandise in boxes or 

2. Senate Miste, Reg, lii. p. 110 b, lfith July, 1418. 
li. Caleotti = oarsmen. See Note 43. 

4, Senato Miste, Reg. lii. p. S6 6, 7th April, 1418. 


In June of this year, 1418, the Senate licensed 
Francesco Cavallo to go on his voyage with his galley, 
and the pilgrims who had taken their passage by it. 1 
In November the pilgrims who returned to Venice on 
board the Priola, had each brought a certain quantity of 
sugar which was seized at the Custom House. The Senate, 
however, ordered it to be restored to the owners free of 
duty. 2 

Every year a certain number of galleys were equipped in 
the Venetian arsenal for the merchant service. Divided 
into squadrons — usually of three, four or five ships — they 
were put up to auction for the voyage to Beyrout, 
Alexandria, the Black Sea, Barbary or Flanders, on certain 
conditions and knocked down to the highest bidders. 
These latter then set up benches — with banners bearing 
their arms at the side — in the Piazzo San Marco, and 
there enrolled the crew and did other business. But before 
being authorised to set up these benches or yonere bancum, 
as it was called, these Patroni, who were always 
patricians, were required to present themselves before the 
Senate or the Maggior Consiglio, and be approved by a 
majority of votes. This rule had not been strictly observed 
in the case of the Patroni of the pilgrim and other 
galleys not forming part of the merchant fleets named. In 
September, 1423, therefore the Senate decreed : " That all 
Patroni of galleys going to Jaffa for the Holy Sepulchre 
or elsewhere must be at least 30 years of age, and be 
approved by the Senate before setting up their benches in 
the Piazza." 3 Another statute of 1428 laid down that 
each Patrono was to furnish clear proofs that he had 
attained the required age of 30. 4 

1. Seiuito Miste, Reg. lii. p. 104, 23rd June, 1418. 

2. Idem, p. 133, 29th November, 1418. 

3. Senato Miste, Reg. liv, p. 145, 4th September. 1423. 

4. Senato Miste, Reg. lvi. p. 162, 19th February, 1428 (more Veneto 1427). 


Between 1422 and 1426 there was danger of war breaking 
out between Venice and the Turks, who besieged Constanti- 
nople in 1422 for the fourth time. This explains why, in 
July, 1424, the Senate decreed that an additional large 
galley, subsidised with 1,000 ducats by the State, should 
be deputed to protect the Beyrout and Alexandria fleets. 
This galley was put up to auction and knocked down to 
Ser Andrea Mudacio, who was authorised to carry pilgrims, 
but not either merchants or merchandise. 1 

In 1425, owing to outrages inflicted on Venetian 
merchants in Egypt and. Syria, the Patroni of all ships 
going to Jaffa and other ports belonging to the Sultan 
of Egypt, were forbidden to carry any kind of merchandise. 2 
During the war with the Turks, marked, in February, 1430, 
by the Turkish siege and capture of Salonicco — which was 
defended by Lorenzo Contarini, the Venetian Governor — ■ 
and closed by the Treaty of Adrianople, September, 1430, 
the Patroni of galleys going to the Holy Sepulchre 
were forbidden to carry any kind of merchandise for the 
whole of that year. 3 

New difficulties with the Tholomarij or Piazza Guides 
provoked new measures on the part of the Cattaveri in 
1428 and 1429. There were quarrels amongst the guides 
about the division of profits and work. One of their 
number, Andrew the Hungarian, claimed that he alone 
was entitled to act as guide for the Hungarian pilgrims, 
and not John Sartor, from Bohemia. After due considera- 
tion and in the interests of peace the Cattaveri ordered : — 

(1) That within fifteen days the Tltolomarij were to have 
a box made with two keys — one to be kept by their 
representative or Gastaldo, and the other by one of the 
notaries of the office of the Cattaveri. The box was to be 

1. Senalo Miste, Reg. lv. p. 46, 2Sth July, 1424. 

2. Idem, p. 81 b, 22nd January, 1425 (more Veneto 1424), and p. 112 6, 11th May, 1425. 

3. Senatv Miste, Reg. lvii. p. 207, 4th April, 1430, 


placed in the office of the latter, and the gains of each 
week — after being registered by one of the clerks of the 
Cattaveri — were to be placed in it. Any money earned by 
guides out of their turn was to be handed to those whose 
turn it was. 

(2) That each two of the guides were to attend in the 
Piazza for a week at a time, and no one was to usurp the 
turn of another. 

Further, John of Bohemia was recognised as an 
authorised guide. 1 

A very few months later, in March, 1429, the Lords of 
the Cattaveri were called upon to deal with the same 
questions, and others in addition, which they did in a very 
comprehensive measure. Amongst other things complaints 
had been made that the two guides whose turn it was to wait 
in the Piazza sometimes only knew one language, while 
the pilgrims who arrived belonged to different countries, 
and spoke various languages; and that pilgrims who 
wanted to go to Rome were often deceived by the owners 
of the small coasting vessels, who agreed to take them 
to Rimini, and instead landed them at other places more 
convenient to themselves. Further, some Patroni 
agreed to take pilgrims for a certain price, and then, when 
they arrived at the places named in the contracts, they 
found pretexts for exacting much larger sums. And all 
this in spite of numerous laws checking such abuses. 

The magistrates of the Cattaveri therefore enacted : — 

(1) That the twelve Tholomarii should meet together 
under the presidency of their Gastaldo and form them- 
selves into six couples, each couple speaking at least two 
different languages. 

(2) Each couple, in turn, was to remain daily during a 
whole week in St. Mark's Place, and honestly serve the 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 93 b, 16th December, 1428. 


pilgrims. When one guide went to dinner, the other was 
to wait in the Piazza till his companion returned; then, 
having also dined himself, they were both to remain until 
the usual hour. If a guide failed to appear, or to do His 
duty, he was (save for illness or other just cause) to lose his 
share of the monthly profits; and for a third offence be 
suspended for two years. 

(3) The other Tholomarii were forbidden to interfere 
with the two on duty, or to accept any money, or arrange 
any contracts. 

(4) The two guides whose weekly turn it was were to 
give in all money received, to the office of the Cattaveri, 
where it was to be registered and placed in the proper 
box; the whole sum being divided at the end of each 

(5) The Tholomarii were to find passages for pilgrims 
going to Rome and elsewhere with Venetian Patroni, 
and, failing these, with honest persons who would not 
deceive them. At the time of signing the agreements the 
Tholomarii were to tell the pilgrims the whole amount 
of their passage money. 

(6) Patroni of coasting vessels who failed to land 
pilgrims where they had promised, were liable to a fine 
of fifty small lire and a month's imprisonment in one of 
the lower prisons. 1 

Next year, however, the Cattaveri were obliged to order 
the guides once more, to remain two and two in the Piazza 
for a week in turn, under a penalty of losing all share in 
the profits and being dismissed, if they failed to do 
their duty; and to carry all the money received from 
pilgrims and others, immediately to their office, on pain 
of a fine in case of disobedience. 2 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 94, 9th March, 1429. 

2. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 07 b. 26 July, 1430. 


At the end of 1430 hostilities broke out with Filippo 
Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan, and continued until 1433. 
Genoa was at that time under the domination of the 
Visconti; and the Venetian Republic had, therefore, to 
protect its commerce from the attacks of the Genoese 
fleet in the Mediterranean, as well as wage war against the 
Milanese and their allies on the mainland. In the spring 
of the next year, it was felt to be unsafe for the two 
galleys, the Canala and the Vallaressa, then preparing to 
go with pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre, to undertake the 
voyage separately; and so, while each galley had its own 
captain-owner as usual, the Senate appointed Ser Giorgio 
Malipiero to the supreme command. 1 

In the Commission given to the commodore, he was 
ordered to govern both galleys and administer justice in 
civil and criminal matters to those on board. He was 
not to land during the voyage save at places belonging to 
Venice. He was to see that each galley had its full 
complement of two oarsmen to each bench, and twenty 
crossbow men, including two patricians. He was not to 
allow merchants or merchandise (not even havere 
capse) to be carried. The captain-owners were to pay 
him 150 ducats for the whole voyage, out of which sum 
he was to pay two servants; while he was to have two 
trumpeters at the expense of the two galleys. 2 

A similar arrangement was made in April, 1432, when 
the supreme command of the same two pilgrim galleys 
was given by the Senate to Ser Nicolo Arimondo. 3 The 
Vallaressa had on board certain Savoyard nobles, who had 
taken their passage for Cyprus ; while on the Canala there 
were some nobles from Burgundy, recommended to the 

1. Senato Miste, Reg. lviii. p. 486, 13th April, 1431 , p. 49 6, 17th April, 1431. 

2. Idem, p, 506, 23rd April, 1431. 

3. Idem, p. 110 6, 26th April, 1432, and p. 1136, 9th May, 1432. 


courtesy of the Signoria by their Duke. It was to be 
decided by agreement or by lot, which of the two galleys 
was to carry the commodore; and that galley had orders 
to sail on the Sunday following, May the 9th; its com- 
panion was to follow next day, Monday. Special per- 
mission was given to Ser Giovanni Cornaro to send 2,500 
ducats by these pilgrim galleys to his business at 
Episcopia, in Cyprus. 1 Casola gives interesting details 
about his visit to these famous sugar plantations belong- 
ing to the Cornaro family. 

The instructions given to Ser Nicolo in his Commission 
resembled those given to his predecessor, save that he 
was to see that each galley carried twenty-five, instead 
of 20 crossbow men ; and he was not to allow any ordinary 
passenger or servant to be written down either as an 
oarsman or as a crossbow man. He was expressly for- 
bidden to trade on his own account, even in pearls or 
jewels, under a penalty of 1,000 ducats. On the outward 
voyage he was to stay only two days at Cyprus, and on the 
homeward voyage he was not to touch at Rhodes, and he 
was to remain the shortest time possible in any port of 
Cyprus. Pilgrims and other passengers taken on board 
at other ports than Venice were to be charged in propor- 
tion to the length of their voyage. 2 

In engaging the crews for the galleys, &c, the old 
custom was to engage and pay them by the month. But 
not long before the year 1434, the Patroni of ships 
going to the Sepulchre began to make their bargains with 
the men for the voyage, which naturally led to discontent 
when, for any reason, this was prolonged beyond the time 
anticipated. In March, 1434, therefore, when Ser 
Giralamo de Canali, Knight, was approved in the Senate 

1. Smato Mitte, Reg. lviii. p. 114, 9th May. 1432, and p. 114 b 11th May, 1432. 

2. Idem, p. 114. 


as Patron o of a galley going to the Holy Sepulchre, 
he was empowered to ponere banchum and engage as 
many men as necessary to equip the galley, with the 
proviso that he and all other Patroni in the future, 
were to pay the crew by the month, and for two months 
in advance. A disobedient Patrono was liable to a 
fine of 500 golden ducats. 1 

In the autumn of 1437, as there was more merchandise 
at Beyrout than could be brought to Venice by the regular 
fleet, the law of February, 1418, was suspended, and the 
pilgrim galley was licensed to take on board the surplus 
at Beyrout and also at Rhodes ; but was forbidden to take 
any other merchandise, or give a passage to any mer- 
chant. 2 

The next year the question of the pilgrim traffic 
seriously occupied the Senate, which was betrayed into a 
piece of hasty legislation, soon repealed. 

On the 11th of March, three Senators proposed that 
permission should be given to Ser Lorenzo Tiepolo, Ser 
Nicolo Grimani, Ser Stefano Trevisano and Ser Lorenzo 
Loredano (son of Ser Bartolomeo) to build and equip a 
galley each in Venice for carrying pilgrims to the Sepul- 
chre; and that Ser Marino Contarini should have license 
to adapt his galley for the same purpose. Further, that 
each Patrono should be approved, not only before 
departure, but also within fifteen days after his return, 
so that the Government might know how the pilgrims 
had been treated. 

But the Government had evidently been much harassed 
by complaints of the conduct of the Patroni, and the 
proposal found few supporters. Instead, when one of the 
Councillors, Ser Luca Trono, invited the Senate to pro- 

1, Senato Miste, Reg. Hi. p. 37 b, 13th March, 1434. 

2. Senato Miste, Reg. lx. p. 35 b, 13th September, 1437. 


hibit the building and equipment of any pilgrim galley 
for the next five years, he carried the whole body with 
him. He justified his drastic measure by saying: "That 
everyone knew that the pilgrim galleys had given great 
worry and annoyance to the Government, and had caused 
great harm to our citizens on account of the abominable 
way in which princes, counts and other foreign noblemen 
who went disguised as pilgrims, to the Holy Sepulchre, 
on board our galleys, had been and were actually 
treated." 1 

A few days later, when the Senators had had time to 
consider the effect of this decree, which punished the 
innocent as well as the guilty, and put an end, at least 
for five years, to a lucrative branch of trade, it was re- 
pealed as "useless." At the same time the Senate voted 
that several galleys in the Arsenal, which were not needed, 
should be sold the next Saturday by auction to private 
persons, and that if any purchaser wished to equip any 
one of these galleys for going with pilgrims, he was at 
libertv to do so, provided that the Patrono had attained 
the age of thirty, and was approved by the Senate. 2 

This year, because of attacks made by the Sultan of 
Egypt on Venetian merchants in his dominions, the 
pilgrim galleys were forbidden to load havere capselle 
or any other merchandise for or in those parts. 3 But in 
the autumn Ser Lorenzo Loredano, son of the late Ser 
Bartolomeo, was preparing to start for the Holy Sepul- 
chre, and having only twenty pilgrims, he sought license 
to carry some cargo as well. The pilgrims themselves 
went more than once to the Senate to support the request, 
representing that they were so few that the cargo would 

1. Sennto Mute, Reg. lx, p. Wb, 11th March, 1438. 

2. Idem, p. 68 b, 24th March, 1438. 

3. Sennto Miste, Ilegistro lx. p. 78 b, 8th May, 1438, and Cattnreri, Reg. iv. p. 27 6, 
and Senato MUte, Reg. lx. p. 83 b, 20th May, 1438. 


not interfere with their comfort ; and that if permission 
were refused, the galley could not depart with only 
twenty passengers. In consequence, and "as a concession 
to the pilgrims," Ser Lorenzo was authorised to take certain 
goods on board in ports which were specified. 1 He went 
again with pilgrims next year, and was allowed to carry 
a certain quantity of copper from Modone to Syria on his 
galley, the Loredano; the rest was loaded on another 
galley called the Gritta. 2 Soon after, the decree of May 
8th, 1438, forbidding the pilgrim galleys to carry any 
merchandise to and from Syria was repealed ; so that they 
were henceforth subject to the laws passed previously. 3 

In 1439, the noble Antonio Loredano, son of Ser 
Daniele, and the noble Stefano Trevisano, were em- 
powered by the Senate to build and equip two galleys for 
the transport of pilgrims to the Holy Sepulchre. 4 . In 
October, 1439, however, about sixteen noble foreigners, 
who came to Venice on their way there, could not find a 
pilgrim galley willing to sail with such a small number; 
and the Senate was obliged to permit them to take their 
passages by the Beyrout trading fleet. 5 

In the spring of 1440, Ser Andrea Gritti (son of the 
late Ser Marino), Ser Lorenzo Loredano (son of the late 
Ser Bartolomeo), and Ser Antonio Loredano (son of Ser 
Daniele), were approved in the Senate as Patroni of 
three pilgrim galleys. 6 The month after, several foreign 
pilgrims of "notable condition," who had taken their 
passage with Ser Antonio Loredano, went to the Senate 
and, representing that they were few, asked that their 
Patrono might have license to carry certain mer- 

1. Senato Miste, Reg. Ix. pp. 105 6 and 106, 14th October, 1438; p. 106 6, 16th Oct., 
1438, and 20th October, 1438 ; pp. 107 and 108, 23rd and 30th October, 1438. 

2. Idem, p. 133, 23rd March, 1439 ; p. 143 6, 9th May, 1439. 

3. Idem, p. 146, 9th May 1439. 

4. Idem, p. 150, 8th June, 1439 ; p. 154 6, 25th June, 1439. 

5. Idem, p. 174, 17th October, 1439. 

6. Idem, p. 20S 6, 12th April, 1440. 


chandise prohibited by the laws in force. The request 
was granted after much discussion, on condition that Ser 
Antonio did not take any cheese on board, and that he 
gave to the State the fourth part of the money received for 
the freight. The money was to be handed to the heads 
of the Arsenal. The Senate also stipulated that certain 
parts of the galley were to be give up entirely to the 
pilgrims, so that their comfort should not be interfered 
with. 1 

In June, 1440, license was given by the Senate to the 
noble Francesco Yenier (son of the late Ser Santo, Knight) 
to build a galley for conducting pilgrims to the Sepulchre 
on the usual conditions. ; 2 and, in August, Ser Lorenzo 
Loredano (son of the late Ser Bartolomeo) was approved 
as Patrono of a pilgrim galley. As he had previously 
been approved in April, this is rather curious, and seems 
to indicate that he had either made an unusually rapid 
and successful Easter voyage, and was preparing to go 
again, or that he had deferred the spring voyage for lack 
of sufficient passengers. 3 

Another member of the Loredano family desired to 
engage in the transport of pilgrims, and, in April, 1441, 
the Senate authorised Ser Pietro Loredano, brother of Ser 
Lorenzo, who had been occupied with this branch of the 
passenger trade for several years, to build in Venice, but 
outside the Arsenal, a galley designed for the pilgrim 
voyages. 4 

As has been seen, in more than one case, pilgrims 
anxious to hasten their departure from Venice, had 
begged the authorities to suspend the law dealing with 

1. Senato Miste Reg. lx p. 212, 10th May, 1440, and 11th May, 1440.-" Intelligent 
et am quod dictus patronus debeat dimettere pizolum et Seandolarium et glavani ita et 
taliter diHoccupatum quod peregrinj possint comniodissime stare." 

2. Idem. p. 223, 14th June, 1440. 

3. Idem, p. 242, 19th August, 1440. 

4. Sfnuto Mar., Reg. i. p. 31 b, 22nd April, 1441. 


the transport of merchandise on pilgrim vessels, in favour 
of their Patroni, and permit the latter to take a general 
cargo. But the Government was not satisfied with the 
results of these temporary returns to the old system. 
There was, no douht, always the temptation and the 
tendency to let the cargo encroach on the space assigned 
to the passengers; and the loading and unloading kept 
the galleys in various ports beyond the specified time. 
Consequently, in October, 1440, the statutes already men- 
tioned, of February, 1418, and May 8th, 1438, were re- 
enacted. The pilgrim ships were not to become merchant 
galleys, and might not carry anything save what was 
permitted by the laws named. A disobedient Patrono 
was liable to a fine of 1,000 ducats, and lost what he had 
carried in contravention of the statutes. 1 From this time 
the merchandise on board a pilgrim galley was practically 
limited to what officers and men might take on their 
own account for private trading. 

At this time the pilgrim transport trade was so lucra- 
tive, that the Government determined to claim a share 
in the profits and assume the direct control as far as the 
galleys were concerned — leaving the sailing ships still 
free, subject only to the supervision and license of the 
Cattaveri. On the 19th of May, 1441, therefore, the 
Senate voted the first Incantus Gale arum Peregrinorum — 
that is, an auction of licenses for galleys destined for the 
pilgrim service — and thus initiated a change of policy, 
which lasted ten years ; after which the pilgrim traffic was 
again thrown open freely to private enterprise. 

The decree enacted that licenses to carry pilgrims in 
galleys to the Holy Sepulchre for the next five years — 
(a) on the Easter voyage, and (6) on the August voyage — 

1. Seiiato Mar., Reg. i. p. 5, 29th October, 1440. See also Senato Mar., iii. p. 216, 19th 
June, 1447, when, owing to difficulties with the Sultan of Egypt, even the officers and 
crew of the Jaffa Galley that year were forbidden to carry any merchandise to the Levant. 


were to be sold by public auction to the highest bidders 
on certain conditions, of which the following is a sum- 
mary : — 

(1) The Patroni who received the licenses were to 
sail at the time fixed, on the prescribed voyage to Jaffa, 
with the pilgrims who had taken passages on their res- 
pective galleys; and were liable to a fine of 1,000 ducats 
if they did not do so. 

(2) The Patroni were not to receive from any pil- 
grim for passage money and other expenses, more than 
fifty ducats. (This is the first definite limitation of the 
expenses met with in the documents; former provisions 
on the matter are vague.) 

(3) The Patroni were to equip their galleys in ac- 
cordance with the requirements of the statutes relating 
to the pilgrim galleys. 

(4) Before setting sail each year, the Patroni were 
to pay a fifth part of the whole sum they had offered at 
the auction. 

(5) The Patroni must be approved each year by the 
Senate before setting up their benches in the Piazza. If 
rejected on any of these occasions, a Patrono might 
nominate a substitute, who must, however, be approved 
in his turn by the same Council. 

(6) All previous legislation with reference to pilgrim 
ships which had not been repealed was now confirmed. 

(7) In order that Patroni who bought these licenses 
might be sure of not being exposed to competition, it was 
provided that no other galley might be built or equipped 
for the purpose, or carry pilgrims during the five years 
for which the concession lasted. The Government, how- 
ever, reserved to itself the right to concede a State or 
other galley to "any magnificent lord" who should ask 
for one, as such requests on the part of " friends and 


potentates could not well be denied." In such a case, 
however, the Patrono of a pilgrim galley was not 
obliged to pay the quota due of his auction money, or 
go on that voyage if he did not wish to do so; but, if he 
went, he was to pay a fifth of the money as usual. 

(9) The Easter voyage was to be understood to mean 
from the first of January to the last of June; and tlie 
August voyage was to be understood to mean from the 
first of July to the 31st of December. 

(10) As at the time there were three pilgrim galleys 
belonging to Venetian citizens, who had received license 
to build them for this trade, it was enacted that the 
Patroni who now purchased the monopoly for five 
years should, if the owners desired to sell, be obliged to 
buy the three galleys in question, with their tackle, at 
a price fixed by the estimate of friends of both parties to 
the bargain. 

(11) The money paid for the new licenses was to be 
given to the Arsenal, and used for buying wood with 
which to build some new large galleys. The licenses 
were to be auctioned the next day at Vespers, and they 
were to date from the 1st of January, 1442, 1 modern style. 

The licenses were duly auctioned on May 20th, 1441, 
with the result that the monopoly for what was now 
described as the March voyage was granted to Ser 
Lorenzo Mauro, son of the late Ser Antonio, for 802 lire, 
16 soldi ; and that for the August voyage to Ser Zaccaria 
Contarini, son of the late Ser Hector, for 150 lire. The 
immense difference between these two amounts shows 
clearly that the majority of pilgrims chose to go to the 
Holy Sepulchre in the spring and return in the autumn. 2 
In July, 1441, the license for the autumn voyage was 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. i. p. 35 6. Incantus Galearum, Peregrinorum, May 19th, 1441. 

2. Senato Mar., Reg. i. p. 36, 20th May, 1441. 


again put up to auction at the expense of Ser Zaccaria 
Contarini, the first purchaser, and knocked down to Ser 
Antonio Loredano, son of Ser Daniele, for 64 lire, 13 
soldi. x 

The statute embodying the conditions of the monopoly, 
obliged the Patroni to depart on the date fixed, irres- 
pective of the number of pilgrims on board. This clause 
was soon modified, and the Senate decreed that if a 
Patrono had thirty-five pilgirms or more he must set 
sail, under a penalty of 1,000 ducats; but, if he had not 
as many as thirty-five, he need not undertake that voyage, 
though he must pay the quota due of the auction money 
all the same. 2 

About this time it appears that unauthorised persons 
had been taking on themselves to go about to the hostels 
and taverns and treat directly with the pilgrims about 
their passages. The guides and agents were thus de- 
frauded of their profits, and Government supervision 
being evaded, the interests of the pilgrims could not be 

The Senate dealt with the abuse in January, 1443, and 
forbad and Patrono of a barque, any sailor, or any other 
persons save the licensed Tholomarii to treat with pilgrims 
to Rome or elsewhere about passages; and once more 
ordered the Tholomarii to arrange passages for their 
clients with Patroni belonging to Venice and living 
there, or, if there were not any such available, with the 
best foreign Patroni to be found. 3 

Some other provisions relating to the Tholomarii passed 
within a few years may be noted here. As much trouble 
had arisen because they would not obey their head or 
Gastaldo, in 1447 the magistrates of the Cattaveri 

1. Seiuito Mar., Reg. i., p. 36, 11th July, 1441. 

2. Idem, p. 42 6, l l Jth June, 1441. 

3. Ciittatcri, Reg. iv. p. 100, 22nd January, 1443 (more Veneto 1442), "In Rogatis." 


inflicted a bad mark on any guide who refused to obey an 
order given by the gastaldo. The first such mark carried 
with it a fine of six grossi ad aurum; the second, of eight 
grossi ad aurum; the third, twelve grossi ad aurum; for 
the fourth offence a guide was to be dismissed. 1 As they 
still quarrelled about the division of profits and worried 
the Cattaveri with their disputes, these magistrates laid 
down once more and with greater emphasis, in 1448, that 
all such profits were to be divided equally. 2 Not many 
years later, as the guides failed to observe certain regu- 
lations relating to the pilgrims, the then magistrates of 
the Cattaveri enacted, in January, 1455 : — First, that the 
Tholomarii were to obey all existing orders relating to 
them. Second, that two guides, chosen by lot, were to 
be on duty every week, at St. Mark's Quay, in St. Mark's 
Place, and at the Eialto, each morning up to the dinner 
hour, and afterwards from the ninth to the twenty-fourth 
hour, under an additional penalty of 25 lire, besides those 
prescribed in former ordinances. Third, that under the 
same penalty, the guides were to hand in every Saturday 
to their gastaldo everything they had earned during the 
week. The gastaldo, either that day or the following 
Monday, was to carry the money to the office of the 
Cattaveri and place it in the box kept for the purpose; 
and every month the money was to be divided according 
to the orders previously issued. 3 

In consequence of news received in Venice in the spring 
of 1444, to the effect that the Sultan of Egypt was pre- 
paring an armada against the Knights of Rhodes, the 
Senate issued an order to the armed pilgrim galley — then 
on the point of starting — not to touch at Rhodes, unless 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 100, 13th November, 1447. 

2. Idem, p. 100 b, 28th June, 1448. 

3. Idem, p. 101, &c, 14th January, 1455 (more Veneto 1454). 


at Crete it was found that the armada had not set out, 
or that hostilities had been abandoned. 1 

In August, 1445, six or eight pilgrims, who came to 
Venice "from various and distant parts," to go to the 
Sepulchre, found that the noble Bernardo Contarini, 
Patrono of the galley due to go there on that voyage, 
refused to depart with such a small number. They there- 
fore begged the Senate to let them go by the Beyrout 
fleet, and their request was granted, with the consent of 
Ser Bernardo, who was, however, required to pay the 
usual fifth part of the auction money, although he did not 
go on the voyage. 2 

Many noble pilgrims of notable condition arrived in 
Venice in April, 1446, with letters from the Duke of 
Burgundy strongly recommending them to the good offices 
of the Venetian Government for help in carrying out their 
purpose. It will be remembered that the Senate, in 
granting the monopolies in 1441, had reserved to itself 
the right of dealing with special cases, concerning persons 
of importance. On this occasion the Senate desired to 
give the preference to the monopolists, and authorised the 
two Patroni in question to take these distinguished 
pilgrims on their galleys, at a price for passage money 
and all expenses not exceeding fifty ducats. Each Patrono 
before setting sail was to pay 600 ducats to the Government 
to be given to the Arsenal. The Patrono or Patroni who 
accepted these conditions must be ready to depart on the 
6th of June. A clause was expressly added to the effect 
that the foregoing did not revoke any arrangements made 
for passages on board navi (or sailing ships) ; but that all 
pilgrims and sailing ships were in the enjoyment of the 

1, Stnato Mar., i. p. 229, 8th April, 1444. 

2. Senato Mar., Reg. ii. p. 10G, 31st August, 1445. 


usual liberty. 1 This last provision clearly meant that all 
pilgrims were perfectly free to choose between taking 
their passage on the monopolists' galleys or on any sailing 
ship which was licensed by the Cattaveri for the voyage 
to the Holy Sepulchre. The monopoly granted in 1441 
prevented any other galleys from competing for the 
transport of pilgrims, but did not interfere with any 
sailing ships which might engage in the trade. The 
relative advantages and disadvantages of the two kinds of 
vessels were explained by the Senate in June, 1441, to the 
Count of Nassau, who was sent by the Duke of Burgundy 
to help the knights of Rhodes, and who asked advice as 
to the advisability of also going to the Holy Sepulchre. 
The Count was told that he would go more safely and 
more quickly in a galley, but that it would cost him more 
than if he went on a nave? 

As the five years' monopoly would expire in January, 
1447, there was a new Incantus Galearum Peregrinorum 
in the previous September. The conditions were in 
general those of the former auction, so that the modifica- 
tions only will be noticed. For example, one galley 
having gone with pilgrims to Jaffa, it was provided that 
when it came back — if the Patrono wished to sell it — it 
must be bought by the new monopolists. A second galley, 
one of the three then engaged on a voyage to Greece, was 
to be sold to them by the heads of the Arsenal. An 
amicable agreement or the chance of the lot was to decide 
which of these two galleys was to be assigned to each of 
the new Patroni. 3 

The monopoly for the Easter voyage was granted to 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. ii. p. 141, 22nd April, 1446. 

2. " Sua magniflcencia ibit molto securius ot citius cum una galea quam cum una 
navj. Sed ibit cum multo maiori expensa quam iret cum navj."— Senato Mar., i. p. 43 6, 
19th June, 1441. 

3. Senato Mar., Reg. ii. p. 175, 12th September, 1446. "Incantus Galearum Peregrin- 


Ser Domenico Trevisano, son of the late Ser Zaccaria, 
for 510 lire and 2 ducats. Next day the same patrician 
bought the monopoly for the August voyage also. 1 
Experience had evidently proved that it was more profit- 
able for both to be in the hands of one shipowner, who 
might or might not command one of the galleys himself, 
but who could easily find captains for them. 

In June, 1448, as many important persons were awaiting 
the departure of the pilgrim galley, the Senate issued an 
order that the Patrono of the Jaffa galley was to set sail 
the following Sunday, as he had promised the pilgrims to 
do, and if he was not ready he would be fined 200 golden 
ducats. 2 

Owing to complications with the Sultan of Egypt in 
1449, the Patrono of the pilgrim galley was forbidden to 
go on the spring or autumn voyage to the Sepulchre, and 
he was exempted from the payment of the quota due of 
the auction money. At the same time he was informed 
that at the end of the five years — if he wished — the 
monopoly would be extended to him for two extra voyages. 3 
In May, however, as there were a good many pilgrims 
already gathered in Venice, the Senate modified its 
decision and licensed Ser Antonio Loredano to treat with 
the pilgrims then in Venice, on the understanding that, 
if on the return of the Venetian Ambassadors to the 
Sultan, matters had been satisfactorily arranged, then the 
pilgrim, galley might go on its voyage. 4 

The mission of the Ambassadors Lorenzo Tiepolo and 
Marino Priuli was successful, and the Sultan Melech-el- 
Daher addressed a letter to the Doge in which he declared 
that he had given orders for the removal of the abuses 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. ii., p. 176, 15th and 16th September, 1446. 

2. Senato Mar,, Reg. iii. p. 66, 7th June, 1448. 

3. Idem, p. 108, 28th March, 1449. 

4. Idem, p. 118, 10th May, 1449. 


complained of by the Venetians. 1 These orders were 
really issued. 

Meanwhile many intending pilgrims, tired of waiting 
for the pilgrim galley, had taken their passages on various 
sailing ships as far as Cyprus, where they hoped to find 
vessels ready and willing to undertake the short voyage 
thence to Beyrout or Jaffa. In the circumstances the 
Senate removed the embargo on the departure of the 
galley, and, while still forbidding the Patrono (Ser 
Antonio Loredano) to go to Syria under a heavy penalty, 
authorised him also to carry pilgrims as far as Rhodes or 
Cyprus. 2 

Eight pilgrims from Burgundy, who brought letters of 
recommendation from their Duke, came to Venice in 
October, 1449. As they were unable, owing to the sniall- 
ness of their number, to find a passage either on a galley 
or sailing ship of those which usually went to Jaffa, they 
asked and obtained permission from the Senate to go by 
the Beyrout fleet, and two were assigned to each of the 
four galleys put up to auction and sold that year. 3 

During the disturbances which followed the death of 
Filippo Maria Visconti, Alfonso of Naples declared war 
against Venice in 1449, and began to harass the shipping 
of the Republic. Peace was made in July, 1450, and 
Venice and Naples were allies in the war ended by the 
peace of Lodi. But when the Duke of Cleves, nephew of 
the Duke of Burgundy, came to Venice in May, 1450, and 
asked for permission to go to the Holy Sepulchre on a 
Venetian galley, the Senate, while assuring him of its 
desire to satisfy him in every way, pointed out that, owing 
to the war with the King of Naples and the presence of a 

1. Commemoriali, Libro 14, p. 83, 21st May, 1449 ; pp. 87 and 83, see Reyesti, by 
R. Predelli. 

2. Sennto Mar., Eeg. iii. p. 1206, 1st June, 1449. 

3. Idem, p. 147, 10th October, 1449. 


hostile fleet at sea, it was not advisable that any Venetian 
ship should set sail, and begged the Duke to have 
patience. 1 

As he insisted, however, the Senate gave way. At the 
same time the Government wrote to the Duke of Burgundy 
explaining the circumstances, and declining all responsi- 
bility. 2 Instead of making arrangements with a galley, 
it seems that the Duke, who had brought a suite of twenty 
persons, took his passage on the nave Mantella, and it was 
reported to the Senate that he wanted to conduct with 
him on board the said ship sixty persons who, for the 
most part, had already made their agreements with the 
pilgrim galley. The Senate therefore interfered, and 
enacted that the Duke might take with him on board the 
Mantella forty pilgrims and two friars, paying 100 ducats 
as compensation to the Patrono of the pilgrim galley. 3 

In September, 1450, a French noble, subject of King 
Rene, who had arrived in Venice with eight or ten 
companions, ten days after the pilgrim galley sailed, and 
who had vainly waited several months in the hope of 
finding a passage on another ship, asked permission to go 
on board the Beyrout galleys. The request was granted 
then, 4 and also the similar one made next autumn (1451) 
by several notable Ultramontanes. 5 This probably marks 
the time when the voyage to the Holy Land at this season, 
having proved unprofitable, owing to the small number of 
pilgrims who gathered in Venice in the autumn, was 
abandoned by the pilgrim galley or galleys. For the 
future one or two galleys, according to circumstances, 
went just after the Feast of the Corpus Domini only, 
to Jaffa, as was the case in the time of Casola. 

1. Senato Mar., iii. p. 185 b, 16th May, 1450. 

2. Idem, pp. 186 and 187 b, 18th May. 1450. 

3. Idem, p. 186 b, 22nd May, 1450, and p. 187, 25th May, 1450. 

4. .Senato Mar., iv. p. 36, 21st September. 1450. 

5. Idem, p. 84, 31st August, 1451. 


"When the period of the five years' monopoly again ex- 
pired a new statute, passed by the Senate in May, 1552, 
threw the pilgrim traffic open to galleys as well as sailing 
ships ; and it remained so for over half a century. It 
was now enacted : — 

(1) That all Venetian nobles who desired to do so, 
might build large galleys outside the Arsenal at their 
own expense for conducting pilgrims to the Holy Sepul- 
chre ; but that before equipping them or setting up their 
benches in the Piazza, they must prove that they had 
reached the age of thirty, and be approved by the Senate. 

(2) That on every voyage the Patroni were to carry 
the number of rowers (galeotti) and crossbow men (bales- 
trieri) prescribed by the law, including among the bales- 
trieri two patricians. 

(3) The said galleys were not to carry merchants, 
money, or merchandise of any sort. 

(4) That in order to prevent disputes between the 
Patroni and the pilgrims, the former were to hand in 
to the office of the Cattaveri the agreements made for the 
passage money and all other expenses, in the presence of 
the pilgrims concerned, to whom the contracts were to be 
read by the clerks of the office. If this were not done, or 
if any Patrono failed to register contracts made with 
pilgrims at the office of the Cattaxveri, and any question 
arose between him and them, the simple word of the 
pilgrims would be accepted. 

(5) That once an agreement was signed and registered 
in the office of the Cattaveri — having been duly read in 
the presence of both parties — the Patrono and pilgrim 
or pilgrims concerned were required to undertake the 
voyage under penalty of paying compensation for 
damages, unless prevented from going by sickness, death, 
or any other valid reason. 


(6) Each Patrono, before undertaking his first voyage 
with pilgrims, was required to pay 100 golden ducats to 
the Government. 

(7) Each Patrono on his return from every voyage 
was under obligation to give 200 pounds of white wax to 
the Procurators of Saint Mark's, as in the case of the 
merchant galleys. 

Finally, the Senate declared that " all other orders and 
decrees voted in this Council and dealing with this free 
way of conducting pilgrims — which are not in opposition 
to the above clauses — are to be understood to be included 
in this statute." 1 

In September, 1452, as there was no pilgrim galley 
ready for the voyage, the Senate permitted several notable 
pilgrims to go on the Beyrout galleys to Syria, and de- 
clared that it was not only advisable to grant the request 
of these pilgrims for this voyage only, because they were 
persons of importance, but especially because the Senate 
had lately made the concession that pilgrims could go to 
the Sepulchre by any ship whatever. 2 

Casola relates that once during a great storm a collec- 
tion was made and certain pilgrims volunteered to under- 
take pilgrimages to certain shrines as soon as they landed 
safely in Venice again. This was a very common way 
at that time of seeking to propitiate the Deity, and im- 
ploring the intercession of the Madonna and saints. It 
appears, however, that the Patroni frequently pocketed 
the money so collected instead of giving it to the pilgrims 
who went to fulfil the vow. The Senate, in order to re- 
move this abuse, laid down, in July, 1454, that for the 
future, whenever a pilgrim was elected for this purpose on 
a galley or other ship, the Patrono was to account for the 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. iv. pp. 122 ft, 123, 16th May, 1452. 

2. Idem, p. 151 b, 26th September, 1452. 


money collected, within three days after his arrival in 
Venice, to the Government authorities, by whom it was to 
be handed to the pilgrim or pilgrims in question. A 
Patrono who failed to do this was liable to a fine equal 
to the sum collected, which he was also to refund. 1 

In June, 1455, the Senate was informed that the pil- 
grim galley, the Contarina, was about to depart in- 
sufficiently equipped — that is, without the full crew. 
The Patrono, Ser Andrea Contarini, was immediately 
forbidden to set sail " without a license from this Coun- 
cil." 2 Naturally, the pilgrims who had taken their 
passages were disturbed by this embargo, and went to the 
Signoria every day, begging insistently that the Govern- 
ment would either give the galley leave to go on its way, 
or order the money they had paid to be restored to them, 
so that they could make other arrangements for pursuing 
their journey. Finally, the Senate ordered Ser Andrea 
either to equip his galley for the voyage to Jaffa as the 
law required, and be ready to sail at latest on July 6th, 
or to give back their money to the pilgrims. 3 

Amongst those who went to the Sepulchre in the spring 
of 1458 there were the celebrated Condottiere Roberto da 
Sanseverino and the English John, Earl of Exeter. 4 They 
made the voyage on the galley Loredana, and as the 
Patrono, Ser Antonio Loredano, was a man of much 
experience and intelligence, the Earl asked the Senate to 
permit Ser Antonio to accompany him everywhere in his 
visits to the Holy places. The Senate acquiesced, and in 
order to free Ser Antonio from the responsibility of 
command, approved as Patrono of the galley the noble 
Baldesar Diedo, qui est affinis ipsius Antonij Lauredano, 
ac sufliciens et vracticus ad rem istam. b 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. v. p. 42 6, 1st July, 1454. 

2. Idem, p. 98 b, 17th June, 1455. 

3. Idem., p. 98 b, 26th June, 1455. 

4. See Roberto da Sanseverino's Voyage to the Holy Land. 

5. benato Mar., Eeg. vi. p. 68, 14th May, 1458. In the decree of the Senate the Earl 
of Exeter is described as "quidam dominus Anglicus bcni status et reputationis in parti- 
bus suis, qui sacrum sepulcrum dominicum visitare statuit." 


The Loredana went again to the Sepulchre in June, 
1459, as we learn from a petition addressed to the Senate 
by the magnificent orators of the Duke of Savoy, who had 
taken their passages on this galley and asked to be landed 
at Rhodes. At this time the galleys had orders not to 
touch there. The knights were continually engaged in 
hostilities with the Turks, with whom the Republic, which 
had so much to lose, desired to keep on good terms. The 
Patrono of the Loredana was ordered to put the Savo- 
yard Ambassadors ashore at Rhodes, but not to land there 
himself nor let any of his officers or crew do so. 1 

The son of the Duke of Savoy, who was either then in 
Venice or arrived soon after, wanted to go to Rhodes on 
board one of the Beyrout or Cyprus galleys. The Senate 
replied that that would disorganise trade, but gave him 
the choice between going on board one of those galleys 
and landing at some other port than Rhodes, or equipping 
two galleys at his own expense by which he could go direct 
to Rhodes. 2 

An example of the way in which pilgrims were liable 
to be delayed on their journey is afforded by a statute of 
September, 1463. For some time Pope Pius the Second 
had been trying to unite Christian Europe in a Crusade 
against the Turks. Venice, while approving the general 
scheme, had been anxious to avoid beginning the war 
alone, but an accident precipitated matters, and war broke 
out in the middle of this year between the Turks and the 
Venetians, which lasted for sixteen years. Naturally 
reinforcements were sent to Venetian possessions in the 
Mediterranean, and their fortifications were strengthened. 
When the Contarina and the Morosina, the two pilgrim 
galleys which had made the Easter voyage to the Holy 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. vi. p. 130, 3rd June, 1459. 

2. I(Um, p. 133 6, 8th June, 1459. 


Sepulchre, reached Crete on the way home, they were 
requisitioned by the Governor there to carry soldiers to 
the island of Amorea (probably Amorgo, one of the 
Cyclades). The Patroni, Ser Andrea Contarini and Ser 
Andrea Morosini, claimed compensation, and the Senate 
awarded them 15 large lire each. 1 

Early in 1464, Venice, already fighting the Turks, was 
nearly involved in hostilities with the knights of Rhodes. 
Three Venetian galleys, loaded with goods and having 
several Moors as passengers on board, were compelled by 
a violent storm to take refuge in the port of Rhodes, where 
they were seized and plundered. As soon as the news 
reached Venice the admiral Jacopo Loredano was ordered 
to go to Rhodes, and his action was so energetic that the 
Grand Master gave up the Moors and all the merchandise. 2 
While the matter was still unsettled, the Senate was 
informed that Ser Andrea Morosini was preparing to go 
to the Levant and loading timber, arrows and other things 
for Rhodes. In view of the late incident he was forbidden 
to go there or to any other place belonging to the knights 
of St. John. 3 

In the spring of 1465, the Senate had to deal with a 
serious accusation brought by Flemish and German 
pilgrims against the noble Lodovico Pasqualigo, on whose 
Trireme they had been to the Holy Sepulchre. They 
declared that beside the sum agreed upon before starting, 
he had extorted 600 ducats from them in one way or 
another, and asked for the money to be returned to them. 
The Senate, after premising that the dignity of the State 
required that justice should be done to everyone, and 
especially to these pilgrims whose countries were 
frequented by Venetian citizens, merchants and triremes, 

1. Senate Mar., Reg. vii. p. 131, 26th September, 1463. 

2. Homanin, Storia Docuinentata di Venezia, vol. iv. pp. 321, 322. 

3. Senato Mar., Reg. vii. pp. 192 b and 193, 28th September, 1464. 


ordered the Savij of the Council and of the Terrafirma to 
hear the complaints of the pilgrims and the defence of the 
Patroni, and to pronounce judgment according to justice 
and equity without delay. 1 Perhaps some details of the 
inquiry, or at least the result, might be traced in the 
account of some German pilgrim who was interested. 

A short decree of May, 1466, informs us that the galley 
Contarina was destined for the Jaffa voyage that year. 2 

Since 1463 Venice had been at war with the Turks. In 
February, 1468, news came of the death of the Albanian 
hero Scanderbeg, and soon after, alarming tidings of the 
great armament, which was being prepared at Pera, and 
which it was feared would be sent against Negropont. 
The suspicion was well founded. Negropont was taken 
by the Turks, July, 1476. Extraordinary efforts were made 
in Venice to raise large sums of money and build and 
equip new ships. 3 Amongst other expedients, in May, 
1469, the Senate ordered the two Patroni of the pilgrim 
galleys to raise, before leaving Venice, 5,000 ducats each 
to be given to the Lord High Admiral. 4 

The galley which was preparing to sail to Jaffa in June, 
1472, was the Contarina. As navigation in the Levant 
was dangerous on account of the Turkish war, the Senate 
issued a special order that the Contarina was to be 
equipped in accordance with the Statute of 1414, that is, 
with two rowers to each bench and 20 crossbow men, 
including two patricians. 5 

The Patrono, Ser Andrea Contarini, appealed against 
this order, and represented to the Senate that he could 

1. Senate Mar., Reg. viii. p. 216, Kith April, 14(if>. The Statute begins : " Compar- 
verunt his diebus coram nostro dominio aliqui nobiles, et nonnulli alij peregrin! qui 
fuerunt cum triremi nobilis viri Lodovici Pssqualigi, graviter de eo querentes ac dicentes 
eum ultra pecuniae sibi datas juxta fonnam nabulizati sui, et mutus et aliter habuisse 
ultra due : seicentos, eius modi pecuniae sibi restitui, <Stc." 

2. Senate Mar., Reg. viii. p. 756, 16th May, 146(5. 

3. Romanin, Storia Documentata iii Venezia, vol. iv. p. 350, &c. 

4. Smato Mar., Reg. ix. p. 8, Kith May, 1469. 

5. Idem, p. 135, 1st June, 1472. 


not, without great loss, equip the galley in this way, as 
he had only 32 pilgrims in all, who had paid some 25, 
some 26, and some 30 ducats, and having put their things 
on board the galley were pressing him to leave without 
delay. The galley was ready, and he asked for licence to 
sail with a crew of 110 all told. The pilgrims besieged 
the Government with requests for permission to go on 
their pilgrimage, and after several days the Senate 
reluctantly voted that for this time only Ser Andrea might 
leave with 110 men, including 18 crossbow men. 1 

The same question arose in 1473, and it looked as if Ser 
Andrea had purposely delayed his departure in order to 
force the Senate to yield. On July the 1st, the noble 
pilgrims who had taken their passage on the Contarina 
went to the Signoria, and begged vehemently that licence 
should be given to the galley to depart. As a concession 
to the pilgrims the Senate consented, on condition that 
Ser Andrea went himself on the voyage, that he had a 
crew of 110, including the Ballistarij and that he sailed 
the next Monday. At the same time, the Senate declared 
that no other exception whatever would be made, and that 
every Venetian noble or other who went in the future as 
Patrono of a pilgrim galley, must have two men to each 
bench according to the requirements of the law. 2 

Ser Andrea Contarini and his galley, the Contarina 
are first mentioned in connection with the pilgrim traffic 
in 1455, and though there are lacunae in the sequence 
of documents, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, 
it may be assumed that the galley went to Jaffa every 
year from that time, even if Ser Andrea sometimes pro- 
posed a substitute as commander, as is implied in the 
statute of 1473. After nearly twenty years' service, the 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. ix., p. 136, 12th June, 1472 ; 137 b, 17th June, 1472. 

2. Idem, p. 174, 1st July, 1473. 


Contarina was the worse for wear, and in the spring of 
1474 the Government appointed three experts from the 
Arsenal to examine the vessel. Their report, presented to 
the Senate, is a quaint specimen of fifteenth century 
Venetian. In it they declared, that if it were a question 
of changing owners, no Patrono would buy the galley, 
nor could they recommend her to anyone as seaworthy. 
Nevertheless, if the repairs they suggested were executed, 
and the galley left at Ascension-tide and returned in 
September, perhaps she might be allowed to make the 
voyage. If, however, nothing more was done than was 
being done at present, and the galley came back in the 
winter, they thought she would run a great risk. 1 On the 
strength of this report the Senate ordered that the 
Contarina must not go any more " on the usual voyage " 
to Jaffa either with pilgrims or with merchandise. 2 Ser 
Andrea asked for a loan of 400 ducats to put the galley 
thoroughly in order; but the Senate preferred to give 
him permission to buy a certain galley made in Ancona, 
and suitable for the transport of pilgrims, which was in 
the Arsenal, and which did not serve the purposes of the 
Government. The price was to be fixed by experts in the 
presence of the heads of the Arsenal, and paid down 
before the galley was handed over to the new owner. 3 

It seems to have taken a long time to get this galley 
into sea-going trim, for a year after, a number of distin- 
guished pilgrims went to the Signoria, and declaring that 
they could not wait for the galley conceded to Ser Andrea 
Contarini, asked permission to go to the Holy Sepulchre 
on the sailing ship belonging to Pietro Franco. The 
Senate granted the license requested on condition that 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. x. p. 66, 0th May, 1474. 

2. Idem. 

3. Idem, p. 7 b, 10th May, 1474. 


going and returning, the Patrono called at Modone 
and placed himself at the disposition of the Lord High 
Admiral of the Fleet if he happened to be there, or of the 
Governor in his absence; and that he carried out such a 
quantity of biscuits and ammunition as would not cause 
inconvenience to the pilgrims. x A month later, when the 
new Contarina was preparing to sail, Ser Andrea was 
ordered by the Senate to present the Patrono for ap- 
proval to that Council, to engage the full complement of 
crossbow men and carry the noble apprentices required by 
the law. In addition, under a penalty of 500 ducats in 
case of refusal, he was to give a free passage to Ser 
Francesco Giustiniani — who had been elected Provvisore 
of Cyprus — and his company as far as Modone. 2 

This year, " in order to obviate difficulties which might 
arise between Patroni taking pilgrims to the Holy 
Land," the Cattaveri decreed, that when any pilgrim had 
been written down in the books of that office to go with 
any captain to the Holy Sepulchre, he could not change 
to another ship unless the compact made with the first 
captain was annulled. 3 

In the second part of the fifteenth century these 
magistrates were several times obliged to make new 
provisions with regard to the guides. 

In 1463, owing to frequent disputes between the 
Tholomarij and the Patroni of the pilgrim galleys, 
caused by the fact that these latter did not always pay the 
guides their commission, or did not pay at the right time, 
the Cattaveri laid down that as soon as a pilgrim was 
written down in the pilgrims' book in their office, by the 
Tholomarij, the Patrono concerned must pay the 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. i. p. 45, 6th May, 1475. 

2. Idem, p. 47 b, 5th June, 1475, and 7th June, 1475. 

3. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 101, 9th May, 1475. 


latter the commission due for each pilgrim going to the 
Holy Sepulchre. 1 

The Patroni now began to try to dispense with the 
intervention of the guides, and often arranged contracts 
with pilgrims through persons to whom they could give 
what they pleased, while the Tholomarij were entitled 
to a fixed sum — a percentage on the passage money paid. 
The contracts irregularly drawn up and signed were 
naturally not given in to the office of the Cattaveri as the 
law required. The abuse had become so common that in 
1476, when they were obliged to deal with the matter, 
the Cattaveri declared that every day Patroni of galleys 
and sailing ships defrauded the Tholomarij in this way; 
therefore, after solemnly confirming previous legislation, 
they unanimously decreed : — 

(1) That when any Patrono wanted to register his 
galley, or large sailing ship, or vessel of any kind for 
the voyage to the Holy Sepulchre, he must first give in to 
the office of the Cattaveri satisfactory security to pay — 
three days before leaving Venice — everything due to the 
Tholomarij for each pilgrim. The Tholomarij, on 
the other hand, must do their duty faithfully and dili- 

(2) That, as the Patroni had been in the habit of 
coming to terms privately with the pilgrims, and conceal- 
ing from the Tholomarij the real number sailing with 
any given ship ; if the latter could prove that any pilgrim 
or pilgrims had been taken on board a ship, over and above 
the number registered on the Pilgrims' Book at the 
Cattaveri, they were entitled to adequate compensation 
from the sureties offered by the Patrono when his ship 
was written down for the voyage to the Holy Land. 2 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 101 b, 14th March, 1463. 

2. Idem, p. 102, 6th June, 1476. 


Nevertheless the law was still evaded with the aid of 
the innkeepers, who, in collusion with the Patroni, 
prevented the Tholomarij from verifying the number of 
pilgrims staying in a given inn. The pilgrims no doubt 
lent themselves to irregular practices owing to ignorance 
of the language and the law, or because they also found 
it to their interest not to employ the licensed guides, who 
from time to time are shown by the documents which 
survive, in anything but a favourable light. 

To protect the rights of the guides more effectively, 
the magistrates of the Cattaveri, acting on an order 
received from the Government in 1488, after emphatically 
ratifying the provisions just noted of 1476, now enacted : 

(1) That all innkeepers and others who gave hospitality 
to pilgrims going to the Holy Sepulchre, must, within 
three days after the arrival of a pilgrim or pilgrims at an 
inn or private house, give in the name or names of their 
guests to the office of the Cattaveri, under a penalty of 
25 lire for each pilgrim whose name was not given in duly. 

(2) That under the same penalty in case of refusal, 
innkeepers and others having pilgrims staying in their 
houses, must give the licensed guides free access to treat 
with the said pilgrims about their passages, and must not 
place any obstacle in the way of arranging the contracts 
between the pilgrims and the Patroni of galleys and 
sailing ships going to the Holy Sepulchre. 1 

According to the itineraries of numerous German 
pilgrims, the following were the chief clauses usually 
included in the contracts: — The Patrono was to take the 
pilgrims to Jaffa and back, and be ready to sail on a given 
day. He was to receive the passage money agreed upon, 
half in Venice and half at Jaffa. The vessel was to be 
equipped with the prescribed arms and crew, and carry 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 102 6, 16th May, 1488. 


a barber and a doctor. It was only to stop at the usual 
ports, and not remain more than three days in any port of 
Cyprus on account of the malaria. Each pilgrim, who 
did not cater for himself, was to receive his meals and 
drinking water every day, and these were to be as fresh 
and good as possible. At each meal he was to have a 
glass of malmsey. Wherever the ship touched, the 
pilgrims were to have an opportunity of renewing their 
supplies of provisions; and if that was impossible the 
captain was to let them have what they needed from his 
own stores. Each pilgrim was to have a place on the ship 
for keeping fowls and for doing his cooking. A pilgrim 
might leave the ship where he liked for any valid reason. 
The Patrono bound himself to protect the pilgrims from 
injustice in every possible form, to conduct them 
personally about the Holy Land, and go with them as far 
as the River Jordan, and pay the necessary duties and 
tribute with the exception of small gratuities. Each sick 
person was to have a better place assigned to him. If a 
pilgrim died on the voyage the Patrono was not to seize his 
property, and must give back part of the passage money. 
The dead were only to be buried on the high seas if no 
land was near; otherwise the Patrono must carry any 
corpse to the nearest port. 1 

As has been said, all these contracts were signed by 
the Patroni and the pilgrims, and the law required that 
they should be countersigned by the appointed officers 
of the Republic and duly registered in the office of the 

But, in spite of continuous legislation and of Govern- 
ment surveillance, the law was often evaded, and the 
accounts of the foreign pilgrims especially are full of com- 
plaints — that ships were unseaworthy, or overloaded, or 

1. Rohricht, Preface to Deutsche Pilgerreism nach dem Heiligen Lande. 


insufficiently equipped; that they stayed too long in the 
ports, and that the food was bad or insufficient or both. 
Indeed, through the unaccustomed and bad nourishment 
and sea-sickness the pilgrims were often very ill. In addi- 
tion, the itineraries give graphic descriptions of the incon- 
veniences attending the agglomeration of people of all 
classes on the same small ship and the frequent friction 
between the different nationalities ; of how they all suffered 
from excessive heat owing to the large number of passengers 
crowded into a small space, and from vermin of every size 
and kind. 

Hans von Mergenthal, who accompanied Duke Albert of 
Saxony to the Holy Land in 1476 — the year that 
Arcimboldi and Gian Giacomo Trivulzio went there — 
recounts that the sleeping place allotted to each pilgrim 
was so narrow, that the passengers almost lay one on the 
other, tormented by the great heat, by swarms of insects, 
and even by great rats which raced over their bodies in 
the dark. If a luckless pilgrim succeeded in dozing in 
spite of the general discomfort, he was soon awakened by 
the stamping of the animals penned up on deck, or by the 
talking, singing and shouting of his neighbours. 

Most of those who fell sick died. " God be gracious 
to them!" 

In the daytime the pilgrims were ruthlessly ordered to 
move from their appointed places, if this was necessary 
for manoeuvring the sails — even though the sea was rough, 
and their heads were aching and swimming. 

At meals the Patrono gave them soup, salad, meat, 
and greens. But nothing was good. The meat was bad, 
the bread hard and full of worms, the water often stinking, 
the wine hot and tasteless. They had often to eat in the 
blazing sun. The crew was dishonest. Several times the 
pilgrim galley was chased by Turks and pirates. On the 


return journey in the autumn there was much bad 
weather, and the pilgrims suffered greatly from the wet 
and the cold. " In short," the writer concludes, " we had 
little rest, and I know not what else to do on the ship than 
have patience." x 

The pilgrim who wrote the voyage to the Soincte cyte 
de Hierusalem, undertaken in 1480, dwells specially on 
the hardships endured in the Holy Land. He says that 
on the homeward voyage, "When we landed at Cyprus 
there were several sick pilgrims on our galley. Their 
illness began in the Holy Land, where the pilgrims were 
badly treated, for during the time we were in the Holy 
Land we had always to sleep on the hard ground and 
often out of doors. And we fared badly there, for there is 
no wine in the city of Jerusalem or in any other city 
of those parts, for the Moors drink nothing save water. 
And the bread is bad, for it is not properly baked, and is 
as soft as dough. And moreover the pilgrims suffer much 
in visiting the Holy Places by reason of the great heat 
of the country, and because they are forced to hasten 
overmuch. Now these are the causes of the maladies of 
many of the pilgrims. 2 

When Felix Faber asked the advice of Eberhard, Count 
of Wiirtemburg, who had been to Jerusalem, about 
undertaking his first voyage, in 1480, the Count replied 
that there were three things which can neither be recom- 
mended nor discouraged : marriage, war, and the voyage 
to the Holy Sepulchre — "they may begin very well and 
end very badly." 3 Faber, like so many others, deter- 
mined to take his chance. Afterwards he expressed him- 
self thus : — " People without experience say that the 

1. Rdhricht, Deutsche Pilyerreisen, etc., preface. 
n*M 2 V.u Koy 2 !/ f d . e la Sainct * c yM de Hierusalem . . . fait Van 1US0, p. 104. Edited by 
MM. Chas. hchefer and Henri Cordier, Paris, 1S82. 

3. Idem, preface. 


voyage from Venice to Jaffa is a promenade, and that lie 
who undertakes it runs little or no risk. Oh ! heavens ! 
what a melancholy amusement, what a wearisome prome- 
nade ! With how many miseries is it not strewn ! I have 
seen many young men who could not endure them, and 
who succumbed. I claim for the Pilgrims to the Holy 
Land the sympathy and the compassion they deserve." 1 

Casola describes the hardships endured in the Holy 
Land by himself and his fellow pilgrims in much the 
same way as they are summed up by the French clerk; 
and he frequently mentions their sufferings at sea from 
heat and cold, and the risks they ran from bad weather 
and piratical attacks. As to the life on shipboard, Canon 
Pietro does not disguise the fact that he was one of the 
privileged passengers and fared in every way better than 
most of his companions, because, as he says, he paid more 
than the rest; but, no doubt, partly also because he was 
an Italian, belonging to a noble family, subject of a near 
neighbour of Venice, and a Church dignitary. He does 
not, unfortunately, give many details as to the way in 
which the other pilgrims were treated ; but he relates that 
the foreigners were often rightly dissatisfied with the 
food. In short, even if things had improved since the 
days of Hans von Mergenthal, a sea voyage in 1494, was 
still a dreary holiday for the majority. 

As to the expenses incurred by the pilgrims who went 
by sea from Venice to Jaffa, and thence to the Holy 
Sepulchre, Santo Brasca's " Instructions " are confirmed 
and supplemented by Fra Francesco Suriano. 2 Fra Fran- 
cesco was a noble Venetian, who twice undertook the 
voyage to the East, and who was Prior of the Convent 
of Mount Sion 3 at the time of Casola's visit. There can 

1. Voyage de la Saincte Cyti, Preface, p. 33. 

2. See Note 76. 

3. See Note 75. 


be no doubt, therefore, that he was perfectly well in- 
formed. 1 He says : — 

"Although the Venetians appoint two galleys for the 
service and transport of pilgrims, they do not, however, 
carry them free, nor for the love of God; but according 
to the quality and condition of the persons, they make 
them pay some fifty, some sixty, others forty, and others, 
again, thirty ducats — some more some less, according to 
the contract. The Patrono of a galley is obliged, in 
addition to the simple transport, to give the pilgrims food 
and drink while they are at sea, and also when they go to 
places where the pilgrims cannot buy victuals. He is 
also obliged to pay all the ordinary and extraordinary 
taxes for them in the Holy Land. 

"The ordinary expenses of pilgrims to Jerusalem are 
as follows : — First, for the tribute to be paid to the 
Sultan, 7 ducats and 17 grossi; for the Sultan's inter- 
preter, 1 ducat ; to the custodians of the door of the Holy 
Sepulchre for each pilgrim, 23| grossi; for the animals 
for riding, in all, 3 ducats ; for six places : Bethlehem, 
Bethany, the Mountain of Judea, the Mount of Olives, 
the Sepulchre of the Madonna, and the Pools, 1 grosso 
for each place ; for the custodians who guard the roads in 
eight places, 1 grosso for each place ; for the house at 
Rama, 4 grossi ; for the custodians at the sea, 1 grosso ; 
for the Governor of Rama, 3 grossi ; for the Governor of 
St. George, 1 grosso. In all there are 13 ducats and 
a half, and this is the tariff of expenses up to the year 
1500." 2 

Merchants, sailors and servants paid 3| ducats each as 
tribute to the Sultan. The other charges were the same 
for them as for the pilgrims. 

1. The text from which the extract is taken was compiled by Fra. Francesco Suriano, 
first in 1485, and revised in Mount Sion in 1514. 

2. II TratUito di Terra Santa e, deli Oricnte di Frate Francesco Suriano, edited by 
Padre Girolamo Golubovich. Milano, 1900. 


Elsewhere Suriano notes that although the friars are 
poor, "all of us who go on the voyage to the Holy Land 
simply from motives of devotion, are charged from 15 to 20 
ducats on the pilgrim ships. But of those who are going 
to one of the monasteries in the Holy Land, two are taken 
free on each of the pilgrim galleys, and the others pay 
10 ducats each. On the merchant galleys and sailing 
ships, however, all the friars are carried for the love of 
God, with all their goods." l 

Between 1455 and 1475, one of the chief Patroni en- 
gaged in the transport of pilgrims was Ser Andrea 
Contarini, whose name appears in the documents in the 
Archives of Venice for the last time in 1475 ; and it is 
probable that he retired then or soon after. A younger 
member of the Contarini family, Ser Agostino, Casola's 
captain in 1494, was certainly patron of a pilgrim galley 
as early as 1479. 

Agostino Contarini, known as "Agostino dal Zaff o " 
(Agostino of Jaffa), was son of Benedetto Contarini, 
grandson of Luca Contarini, " the doctor," and great- 
grandson of Zaccaria Contarini, since whose time, at 
least, this branch of the family had been established in 
the parish of San Cassiano, in the Sestiere of San Polo, 
on the far side of the Grand Canal. 2 

I have not found any record of Agostino's birth, but 
the date can be calculated very nearly. In the Register 
known as the Balla d'oro? we find that on the 29th of 
November, 1447, Benedetto Contarini, son of the late 
Luca, and husband of Giustiniana Giustinian, presented 
his two elder sons, Girolamo and Ambrogio, to the Great 
Council as having completed eighteen years of age. For 

1. II Trattato di Terra Santa di I. Suriano. 

2. See Marco Barbara, Genealogie delle famiglie patrizie Venete. Venice, St. Mark's 

3. Archives. Venice. 


the same reason, on November 19th, 1449, he presented his 
younger son, Agostino, to the same Council; so that 
Agostino was probably born in 1430 or 1431, and he died 
either in 1500 or 1503. 1 

Soon after his presentation to the Council he must have 
chosen the sea as his profession. In 1494 he told Casola 
that he had been at sea forty-two years. In 1455 he 
married the daughter of Ser Francesco Giustinian, 2 by 
whom he had one son Luigi or Alvise, who does not appear 
to have left any mark on his country's history. 

In 1471 Agostino Contarini was Comito of the galley 
which conducted Giosafatte Barbaro on his mission to the 
East. Two years later, in September, 1473, he took 
command at Cyprus of the galley of his brother Ambrogio, 
who had been recalled to Venice to receive his commission 
as Ambassador to the King of Persia, with whom the 
Venetians desired to strengthen their relations in order 
to stir up a powerful enemy in the rear of the Turks. 3 

When J. Tucher of Nuremberg — whose description of 
his voyage was printed in 1482 at Nuremberg and 
Augsburg — went to Palestine in 1479, Ser Agostino was 
captain of the pilgrim galley for Jaffa. Next year, 1480, 
the writer of the Voyage de la Saincte Cyte de Hierusalem 
says that in that year the Patrono of the Jerusalem gal- 
ley was a Venetian gentleman, named Agostin Contorin qui 
avoit faict Vannee passee le voyage. This is confirmed by 
Felix Faber and Santo Brasca. Indeed, Santo Brasca was 
singled out from the other passengers by Contarini, who 
offered to use in his favour the privilege he then had of 
taking a pilgrim to lodge with him at the Monastery of 
Mount Sion. With regard to this privilege, it is interest- 
ing to note that on their arrival at Jerusalem Casola 

1. See Barbaro, Genealoaie delUfamujlie patrizie Venete. 

2. See Marco Barbaro, Nozze Veneziane. St. Mark's Library, Venice. 

3. Le Voyage de la Saincte Cyte" de Hierusalem, p. 24, Note A. 


wrote in his journal : — " The Magnificent Patrono was in 
the habit of lodging with two persons in Mount Sion, 
which is a good way outside the city; but this Prior, 
however, in order to appear wiser than his predecessors, 
had taken him a house within the city." 

Casola might have criticised the Prior differently, if he 
had known — as it may be assumed he did not — of the 
following decree, passed by the Venetian Senate July 12th, 
1493, 1 and of the abuses of hospitality which had provoked 

The decree runs: — "In the petition just now read to 
this Council the inconveniences therein enumerated, and 
principally due to the residence taken up by the Patroni 
of our pilgrim galleys in the venerable Monastery of 
Mount Sion, in contempt of the divine worship and to the 
no small detriment of that Holy Place, are of such a 
nature that it is absolutely necessary that such errors and 
inconveniences should be opportunely dealt with and 
prevented by our most Christian Government. 

"It is therefore enacted that henceforth, none of our 
Patroni of the pilgrim galleys, for the whole time of their 
sojourn, shall in any way or under any pretext reside in 
the aforesaid monastery under a penalty of 200 ducats to 
be paid out of their own possessions. And, further, the 
galley of a disobedient captain shall never more go on 
that voyage. 

" And in order that from time to time it may be known 
how this most pious order is observed, the Prior of the said 
monastery shall be required and obliged every year, on the 
departure of the said galleys, to write letters to our 
Government and report therein as to the observance or 
the contravention of this order. And as soon as they know 
the truth the Advocates of the Commune shall be obliged, 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. xiv. p. 16, 


without waiting for another Council, to carry into 
execution the provisions contained above. The half of 
the said pecuniary penalty shall go to said Advocates, and 
the other half to our Arsenal." 

Letters patent containing this decree were re-issued on 
July 12th, 1512, oh ammissionem illarum. 

It is unfortunate that the " errors and inconveniences " 
which caused such pious horror on the part of the Govern- 
ment were not enumerated in detail. Whatever they 
were, there is little doubt that Agostino Contarini was one 
of the chief sinners, and he was irritated when the new 
law came into force in 1494. Casola reflects his feeling, 
for he naturally took the captain's point of view, and 
accepted his version of the facts. 

To return to 1480. One of the few documents belonging 
to the last years of the 15th century, in which the pilgrim 
galleys are mentioned records that in May, 1480, the 
Great Council granted the request of Ser Ambrogio 
Contarini, then Councillor in Cyprus, and on the ground 
of ill-health gave him leave to return to Venice on board 
the Jaffa galley, " whose Patrono is the Noble Ser Agostino 
Contarini, his brother." l 

When Felix Faber made his second pilgrimage in 1483, 
he found Agostino Contarini in command of one of the 
two galleys which went to Jaffa that year. 

In August, 1484, Fra Francesco Suriano returned to 
Venice on the pilgrim galley commanded by the same 
Patrono, and his account of the terrible storms they 
experienced, in which he — the Franciscan Friar — 
navigated the ship, does more credit to Contarini's 
generosity of sentiment than to his seamanship. Perhaps 
he was less jealous of Suriano than he would have been 
of another man, not a Venetian patrician like himself; 

1. Maggior Consig. Delib. Stdla, p. 2 6, 23rd May, 1480. 


Suriano was an old sailor too, and a humble follower of 
St. Francis. 1 

Although for many years documentary evidence is 
lacking, it may be safely assumed that from 1479 for 
the next seventeen years Captain Contarini took his galley 
the Contarini to Jaffa each year, with the pilgrims who 
never failed to assemble in Venice about Ascensiontide. 
In 1496 Malipiero noted in his famous diary that, " On 
the 21st of December the galley from Jaffa, Patrono 
Agostino Contarini, reached Venice in a bad state with 
all the pilgrims." 2 The weather had presumably been 
worse than that experienced by Casola, and the Contarina 
was two years older. The " bad state " may also have 
referred to the moral conditions on board, judging by a 
Senatorial decree of April, 1497, which will be noted in 
its place. This was Agostino Contarini's last voyage, and 
the reason for this may be divined from two decrees 
passed by the Senate in 1497. 

The first, dated January 14th, 1497 (M.V. 1496) ran 
thus : — 

"The frequent inconveniences which result from the bad 
faith of the Jaffa Patroni and which give rise to outcries, 
lamentations, and formal complaints on the part of the 
Signori pilgrims tortured by them, compel our Government 
to make due provision in this matter, not only for its own 
honour, but also in order to avoid the enmity of many 
provinces and places, which are stirred up against our 
Government, through no fault of its own, but solely on 
account of the bad behaviour of the aforesaid Patroni. 

" It is therefore decreed that henceforth, whoever wishes 
to go as Patrono of a galley or any other ship whatsoever 
on the voyage to Jaffa, must, in the first place, and before 
everything else, offer to our Advocates of the Commune 

1. See Note 76, pp. 384-386. . 

2. Chronicle of Domenico Malipiero, part ii. p. 635. Archivio Storico Italiano, vol. vn. 


four sureties in 250 ducats each (which, sureties must be 
ballotted for and approved in our College), for the 
observation of the terms and contracts made with the 
pilgrims in the office of the Cattaveri, and these shall be 
guarantees that the said Patroni will not do, or cause to 
be done, any injuries or acts of violence or outrage to the 
said pilgrims, but that they will treat them well and take 
care that they are well treated wherever they go. 

"If, however, the said Patroni violate the said contracts, 
the said Advocates must, without delay, compel the said 
sureties to provide for the satisfaction of the said pilgrims, 
in so far as the majority of the said Advocates are con- 
vinced that the pilgrims have been defrauded, or that the 
contracts made with them have not been duly observed. 

" Further, the office of each of the said Advocates is 
empowered to inflict a severe punishment on the said 
Patroni who have broken their contracts. 

" And it is declared that the aforesaid persons who 
desire to go as Patroni must — before they set up their 
benches — be approved in this Council, as the Patroni of 
the trading galleys are approved ; and in the same way 
they must be approved on their return. And any Patrono 
who is not approved on his return shall forfeit 200 ducats, 
to be given to the Advocates of the Commune, and shall 
not be allowed to go any more as Patrono on the said 
voyage." 1 

From a second decree, passed in the Senate on the 
1st April, 1497, 2 we learn that certain of the pilgrims 
who went to the Sepulchre the previous year, 1496, on t lie 
galley of the Noble Ser Agostino Contarini, had made 
accusations against the said Ser Agostino to the Advocates 
of the Commune as soon as they got back to Venice. 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. xiv. p. 1126. 

2. Idem, p. 118. 


Unfortunately no clue is given to the nature of the 
complaints made, though from what Casola and other 
pilgrims relate, the principal ones at least may be safely 
inferred. Even Casola, who always tries to make out a 
good case for the Patrono, implies that in certain res- 
pects the pilgrims had reason to be dissatisfied. 

Although he was not expressly named in the decrees of 
January, 1497, and July, 1493, as he was in that of 
April, 1497, they were all evidently directed chiefly against 
Agostino Contarini, who had been oftener to Jaffa than 
any other Patrono since at least 1479. The outcome of 
the legal proceedings cannot be traced in the documents. 
Was it unfavourable to the Patrono or did he now de- 
cide that at his age— well over sixty as he was — it was wise 
to retire from a business which brought much fatigue and 
worry in its train? At any rate, Contarini did not go any 
more to the Holy Land, and in June, 1497, Sanuto wrote : 
" The Jaffa galley left this city commanded by the new 
Patrono, Ser Alvise Zorzi, and went to Jaffa with the 
pilgrims." 1 

Before he left, however, there was a curious incident 
which showed that the new Patrono, like the old, had a 
keen eye to business. 

In June, 1497, many noble pilgrims of various nations 
appeared before the Cattaveri and complained that the 
berths assigned to them by the Noble Lord Alvise Zorzi, 
Patrono of the trireme on which they were to sail, 
were so small that it was impossible to lie in them without 
extreme discomfort. Ser Alvise, on the other hand, 
declared that he was prepared to give them the same 
accommodation as had been given to all pilgrims in times 
past. The magistrates went on board the trireme, inspected 
the berths and heard the opinion of the officers and of 

1. Sanuto, Diarii, vol. i, p. 645. 


the experts appointed to examine the pilgrim ships before 
they were licensed. Then, " in order that in the future 
all should know what sized berths they were entitled to 
have on the triremes going to Jerusalem, and especially 
considering that notable persons and powerful lords go on 
this voyage, who, although they may go incognito, deserve 
to be well treated in every way," they ordered that the 
berth allotted to each pilgrim was to be precisely a foot 
and a half wide and long enough for him to lie at full 
length ; and that all the old signs of division were to be 
removed from the galley, and the new signs placed there a 
foot and a half apart. 1 

Hans von Mergenthal evidently did not exaggerate when 
he complained of the heat and the crowding in 1476, 
although things were better even then in this respect than 
in the old Crusading days. On the vessel of Saint Louis 
of France it was stipulated, for example, that two should 
sleep in the place of one only, " each with the feet towards 
the head of the other." 

The voyage of the Zorza was an eventful one, and 
I hope to give the details on another occasion. Suffice it 
to say here, that, although Venice was at peace with the 
Sultan, the galley was attacked on the outward voyage 
not far from Modone, by a Turkish squadron of nine sail, 
commanded by the famous Arigi or Erichi, ex-Corsair, 
who, although the Patrono hoisted the banners of the 
Holy Sepulchre and St. Mark, pretended not to recognise 
the pilgrim ship. After a hot fight, in which the Zorza was 
damaged and had many killed and wounded on board, 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 104, 26th June, 1497. The enactment begins: "Comparve- 
runt coram spect. et. generos. Dominis Cathavere complures Domini peregrini diversorum 
nationum profecturi ad loca sancta se condolentes, de Patrono Triremis, qui eis dare 
intendit modicum quod stationis pro quolibet in qua non est possibile quem'"° posse per- 
manere nisi cum maxima incomoditate." The magistrates therefore ordered " quod omnis 
statio cuiusque peregrini proficiscientis et de cetero profecturi ad viagium Hierusalem 
cum Triremi, sit et intelligatur per Latitudinem pedis unius cum dimidio Integra et 
precise, et per Longitudinem quantum est usque stantes . . . . et removeri ex Galea 
omnia signa stationum vetera : et fieri nova signa cum hac mensura pedis unius cum 
dimidio inter quelibet signa." 


the Turkish ships were obliged to retire. Erichi tried 
hard to make Alvise Zorzi take on himself the responsi- 
bility of the so-called " error," and failing, excused himself 
after a fashion 1 

The Duke of Pomerania, one of the pilgrims, and the 
Patrono specially recommended nine of the crew to the 
Senate for having bravely defended the galley at the risk 
of their lives, and as a reward each of the nine received 
the appointment to two posts as crossbow men, one a year, 
for any voyage they chose, " in order that they may enjoy 
the fruit of their good deeds," and " inspire others in 
similar circumstances to bear themselves valorously." 2 

It is probable that Captain Zorzi undertook the voyage 
to the Sepulchre next year also; for in May, 1498, Sanuto 
noted that several German nobles had arrived in Venice, 
amongst them a nephew of the Duke of Saxony, Lord 
George "da Torre," and other pilgrims going to Jerusalem; 
and that Alvise Zorzi, who owned the Jaffa galley, having 
been appointed Governor of Gradisca, did not want to 
undertake the voyage. But the pilgrims, in order to 
induce him to do so, offered 70 ducats a head, while 
he said he would resign his position and go if they gave 
him 80 ducats each. 3 Sanuto promised to give the result 
of the negotiations later one, but he forgot. However, as 
a new Venetian representative was sent to Gradisca in 
June, it may be inferred that Alvise Zorzi had come to 
terms with the pilgrims, and was then on his way east- 
ward." 4 

In 1499 war was renewed between Venice and the Turks, 
and continued up to the peace of October, 1503. In 1500 
the Republic lost Corone, Modone, and other important 

1. Sanuto, Diarij, vol. i. pp. 702, 728, and Malipiero, Diario in the Archivio Storho 
Italiano, Tome vii. part i. p. 154. 

2. Senato Mar., Reg. xiv. p. 150, 31st March, 1498. 

3. Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. i. p. 959, May, 1498. 

4. Idem, p. 985, June, 1498. 


places in the Morea. The diarist Priuli wrote at this 
time : " The City of Venice is in great trouble for fear of 
losing the maritime supremacy upon which the riches and 
prestige of the Venetian State depend. For its fame and 
glory have been built up by the voyages and by its 
reputation at sea. Therefore there can be no doubt that 
if the Venetians should lose their shipping and their 
maritime supremacy, they would also lose their reputation 
and their glory, and little by little in a very few years 
they would be consumed." l 

On account of the disturbed state of affairs in the 
Levant, there was apparently no galley for Jaffa in 1499. 
Indeed the Doge advised many pilgrims to turn back on 
account of the danger from the Turkish fleet. Neverthe- 
less, in June, Ser Marco, the owner of the Nave Malipiera 
e Giustiniana, offered four sureties who were ballotted for 
and accepted by the Senate, and two days later the 
Patrono Francesco Vasallo was approved in the same 
Council. 2 They were ready to take the risk of carrying 
pilgrims to Syria. 

In March, 1500, Sanuto mentions that a beautiful galley 
was being built for the Jaffa voyage by Ser Bernardo 
Boldu, aided by other persons, because Ser Bernardo was 
poor, and he added : " What will happen I do not know." 
In June, when some important French pilgrims arrived, 
the galley was not ready, and the Senate solemnly 
reproved Ser Bernardo. On account of the war between 
the Republic and the Turks, the Doge advised the pilgrims 
to give up their project. In August many French pilgrims 
complained to the Government that Ser Bernardo Boldu 
refused, either to go to Jaffa or give back the 700 ducats 
they had paid him. A month later the galley was sold to 

1. Romanin, Storia Docurnentata di Venezia, vol, v. p. 150. 

2. Sanuto, Diary, vol. ii. p. 688 (7th May, 1500) ; 779—81 (3rd June, 1499) ; and p. 792 
(5th June, 1499). 


Ser Jacopo Michiel for 1,010 ducats. Eight hundred 
ducats were returned to the pilgrims, and out of the rest 
the Advocates of the Commune were ordered to pay those 
who had worked on the galley, and who, " cried out every 
day " for their salaries. Sanuto's doubt as to the success 
of the enterprise was justified. 1 

Whether there was peace or war with the Turks the 
danger from pirates in the Mediterranean was a constant 
one. Having heard that there were Corsairs at sea, the 
Venetian citizen Bernardo di Marconi and the patrician 
Marcantonio Dandolo, joint owners of the galley licensed 
to go to Jaffa in 1515, asked the Government in June for 
the loan of two pieces of artillery, " which throw stones, 

to place at the prow for the security and 

ornament of the galley and for the satisfaction of the 
pilgrims on board," and offered to give security for the 
value. The Senate consented, and required, in addition 
to the offered security, that the partners should lend 
50 ducats to the Arsenal, to be returned to them when the 
pieces of artillery were given back at the end of the 
voyage. 2 

Next year the noble Marcantonio Dandolo, " Patrono 
of the pilgrim galley," asked the same favour once more. 
But while some Senators were willing to consent on the 
same terms as before, others thought he ought to buy the 
cannon outright. 3 Ser Marco then asked the Government 
to deign to sell him the two pieces of artillery for the 
price of the metal, and offered 200 ducats down and the 
rest on his return. The Senate thereupon ordered the 
heads of the Arsenal to sell them for the price of the 
metal plus the expenses of casting, and to accept 200 ducats 

1. Diarij di Sanuto, vol. iii. pp. 139, 140 (3rd March, 1500); pp. 367, 368 (2nd June, 
1500) ; p. 546 (26th July, 1500) ; p. 596 (10th August, 1500) ; p. 790 (17th September, 1500). 

2. Senato Mar., Reg. xviii. p. 70 6, 22nd June, 1515. 

3. Idem, p. Ill, 7th June, 1516. 


down and sureties for the payment of the remainder when 
the galley came back. The money was to be used for 
casting two new cannon. 1 

From a decree of the Senate, June, 1517, we learn that 
two nam were then on the point of sailing with pilgrims. 
The Patroni had offered to carry to Cyprus free of 
charge a quantity of artillery and ammunition, and the 
ships were to leave as soon as the cargo was stowed away. 
For greater security the Senate ordered the navi to sail 
together under the supreme command of Ser Fantin 
Michiel, whom the Patroni were required to obey. But 
it appears that for some reason not given the order was 
revoked. 2 

An important statute of 1518 marks a return to the 
policy of 1441 — 1552. The preamble runs thus: — 

" For the spiritual commodity of faithful Christians, 
and for the honour and profit of our State, our forebears 
have always arranged that a galley should sail from our 
city every year on the pilgrim voyage. Since, therefore, 
the galley engaged in the said navigation has been 
dismantled it is convenient to replace it, for the honour 
of our Government, and for the greater satisfaction of 
Christian princes who desire that their subjects may be 
able to go on their pilgrimage in all security." It was 
then enacted : — 

(1) That the heads of the Arsenal were to put up to 
public auction at the Eialto and sell to the highest bidder, 
whether citizen or patrician, the licence to build, outside 
the Arsenal, a large galley at the expense of the purchaser 
of the licence, for the transport of pilgrims. The money 
was to be paid in to the Arsenal within a month, and the 
galley ready to sail by Ascensiontide 1519, otherwise the 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. xviii., p. Ill b, 11th June, 1516. 

2. Senato Mar., Reg. xix. p. 13, 9th June, 1517. 


owner would be liable to a fine of 500 ducats. The 
Patrono was to present himself for approval in the first 
meeting of the Senate after the auction, and also every 
voyage afterwards. 

(2) That until the galley to which the monopoly was 
now granted had made twelve voyages, no other galley was 
to be built for or engage in this trade. At the same time, 
pilgrims were free to go either on the licensed galley, or 
on a nave, or on any other vessel they pleased. 

(3) The Patrono who bought the monopoly was to 
equip his galley according to the requirements of the 
existing laws, and treat the pilgrims according to the 
regulations preserved in the office of the Cattaveri. 

Ser Luca Trono, one of the Councillors, proposed as an 
amendment that, considering the immense importance 
of this measure, which needed mature consideration, a 
decision had better be deferred, and the matter brought 
up again in another meeting of the Senate. But the 
majority of the Senators were against him, and the 
proposal to renew the monopoly for twelve voyages was 
approved by a large majority. 1 

Unfortunately I have not been able to find any 
documents which record who bought the new monopoly, 
or if it was bought at all. Two things are very noticeable, 
however, in the decree just summarised — first, that the 
monopoly was to be sold to the highest bidder, " whether 
citizen or patrician." In the fifteenth century the Patroni 
of the galleys were always Venetian patricians. The new 
concession, together with the contemporary difficulty in 
disposing of the merchant galleys which were often now 
put up to auction several times before finding a purchaser, 
whereas in earlier times they were taken as soon as offered, 
is symptomatic of the change coming over the Venetian 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. xix. p. 61, 13th July, 1518. 


spirit. From a variety of causes — the advance of the 
Turks, the loss of Venetian possessions in the Mediter- 
ranean, the discovery of the sea route to India and the 
transfer of the spice trade to Portuguese hands, the 
acquisition of territory on the mainland, and many others 
— the patricians were beginning to withdraw their energies 
from trade and the sea traffic which had made their 
fathers rich and glorious, and which Venetian legis- 
lators, in the preambles to innumerable statutes, had 
always declared to be " the chief foundation of the 
greatness of their city." Less than fifty years before, 
when Malipiero commented on the election as Doge of the 
wealthy Ser Andrea Vendramin, he said : " He was a 
great merchant in his youth, and when he was in partner- 
ship with Luca, they used to load a galley and a half 
between them for Alexandria, and he has had many agents 
who have become rich in managing his business, and, 
amongst others, Giacomo Malipiero, son of the late 
Tommaso of Santa Maria Formosa, and Piero Morosini, son 
of the late Giovanni of San Cassiano." 1 Such notices 
abound. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the 
best and wisest spirits deplored the abandonment of the 
old ways. 

The other significant point is that in former auctions 
three, or at least two, galleys were provided for the 
pilgrim transport, in addition to any navi or other vessels 
which were licensed by the Cattaveri. Now, however, one 
galley was considered sufficient, and this shows that the 
number of pilgrims who came to Venice was decreasing. 
The decline was no doubt due in part to the cooling of this 
particular form of religious enthusiasm, but it was also 
due to the fact that Venice had begun to lose her possessions 

1. Diario di Malipiero. Archivio Storico Itnliano, vol. vii. part ii. p. CC6, 6th March, 


in the Mediterranean, and her commercial and naval 
supremacy there, and was continually threatened by the 
advance of the Turks. The fears Priuli had expressed were 
being realised. 

In May, 1520, the Government needed two ships to carry 
soldiers, artillery, ammunition and wood to Corfu and 
Cyprus, and could not find any nave to hire for the 
purpose. Some were not ready, and others were already 
engaged for the pilgrim service. 

At this time the Turks, who had conquered the 
Mamelukes of Egypt in 1517, were preparing the great 
armament which attacked and took Ehodes in 1522, and 
Tenice was obliged to limit her efforts to the defence 
of her most important remaining possessions. 

Three Patroni of pilgrim navi — Ser Marco Dandolo, 
Patrono of the Coressa; Bartolomeo Boza, Patrono 
of the Cornera; and Gabriel da Monte, Patrono of the 
Dolfina, made an offer to the Senate in which, after 
declaring that it was necessary to place public affairs 
of the present importance before any others whatsoever, 
they proposed that the Doge should cast lots to decide 
which of the three should abandon the transport of 
pilgrims to serve the State. The nave chosen — the 
Dolfina — was to receive compensation from the other 
two. At the same time, arrangements were made with 
a certain Ser Galeazzo Simiteculo, to provide the 
second nave needed for the transport of troops and mili- 
tary stores. On this occasion the Senate expressly 
declared that no pilgrim was to be charged over fifty 
ducats for his passage, food and other expenses. 1 

Maitre Denis Possot, with Messire Charles Philippe, 
Seigneur de Champarmoy et de Grandchamp and others, 
went on a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1532. They 

i. Senato Mar., Keg. xix. p. 12S6, 1st May, 1520. 


left Venice on the 14th of May, on the Santa Maria, the 
largest ship sailing under the flag of St. Mark, owned by 
two patricians whose names are not given. The captain 
was Paulo Bianco, and the destination Cyprus. At Cyprus 
the pilgrims arranged with a certain Constantin de Fyo 
to take them to Jaffa, and thence to the Holy places and 
back for 45 ducats, half to be paid down immediately and 
the other half on the return. When they got back to 
Jaffa after visiting the Holy Sepulchre, instead of entering 
the Grippo 1 of Constantin de Fyo, they made — for reasons 
not given — a new arrangement with George of Naples, 
who took them on his galley for a ducat and a half to 
Candia. The writer does not mention the sum paid for 
the return voyage from Candia to Venice. 2 

After a long interval, in which the registers are silent, 
the last document I have been able to find which legislates 
for pilgrim traffic is an enactment of the Cattaveri, who 
had for so long been charged with the supervision of all 
matters relating to the trade. It is dated June 6th, 1546. 

From it we learn that for some time past many 
unpleasant incidents and even disasters had happened to 
pilgrims who went to Jerusalem on Venetian ships, and 
notably the last year (1545) when, " determined to have 
their own way," they had hired an unsuitable ship, with 
the result that on the voyage back the ship went down 
and all the pilgrims were drowned. " It was therefore 
necessary," the magistrates said, " for the honour and 
glory of God, for the credit of this our city, and for the 
comfort and advantage of the pilgrims themselves, to 
regulate that voyage in order to encourage many more 
persons to go on that holy and blessed pilgrimage." And 
so, after confirming all previous legislation, they enacted : 

1. See Note p. 188. 

2. Le Voyage de la Terre Sainte compose" par Mattre Denis Possot et achtv&par Mrssire 
Charles Philippe seigneur de Champarmoy et de Grandehamp. Published by M. Charles 
Schefer, Paris, 1890. 


That no pilgrim could be taken on board any Venetian 
nave or navilio, in Venice or elsewhere, and passed off as 
an ordinary passenger or as a merchant, and carried to 
Candia, Cyprus, Jaffa or any other place. But that in 
future, " at the time when pilgrims usually come to this 
city, that is, about Ascensiontide," the pilgrims, 
immediately on arrival, were to give in their names at the 
office of the Cattaveri. When forty names had been 
received, the magistrates were to invite the Patroni of 
navilii of 400 tons or more, prepared to go to Jaffa, to 
send their names to the same office, and after the vessels 
offered had been carefully examined, if they fulfilled the 
requirements of the law, as many as necessary were to be 
licensed for the voyage — one at a time. The best was to 
be chosen first, and the one whose Patrono offered the 
cheapest and most advantageous terms to the pilgrims. 

The Patrono was then to give adequate bail for the 
fulfilment of his obligations, and if he broke a contract 
and the pilgrims exercised their right of complaint on 
their return to Venice, the Cattaveri were to administer 
summary justice and compel the sureties to compensate 
the pilgrims. A Patrono who once offered to convey 
pilgrims and had been accepted, must go on the voyage, 
and if he refused for any reason whatever, he must com- 
pensate the pilgrims for damages. Poor pilgrims were to 
be charged less than the others. 

No other ship could sail from Venice with pilgrims 
until eight days after the departure of the first selected. 

Finally, under a severe penalty, the Tholomarij or guides 
and the agents or missetce were forbidden to negotiate for 
passages with the Patrono of any ship not entered in 
the books of the Cattaveri. 

1. Cattaveri, Reg. iv. p. 105, 6th June, 1546. 


It is clear from the above that the disasters deplored 
were largely due to the fact that passages had been given 
to pilgrims, not as pilgrims, but as ordinary or merchant 
passengers. In this way the legislation which protected 
their interests and sought to ensure their safety had been 
evaded, and they had been conveyed to the Levant on 
unlicensed ships. Probably on these the passage cost less, 
and the pilgrims who had " determined to have their own 
" thought it worth while running the risk. So far 



L 6 

as I know there is no record of the loss of a whole ship- 
load of pilgrims before 1545. 

It is noticeable that the statute does not mention galleys 
or triremes, but only nam (the largest kind of sailing ship) 
and navilii. In this period of declining trade with the 
East, it is clear that the galleys did not compete any more 
for the pilgrim transport. 

In spite of this last attempt to so regulate the voyage to 
the Holy Land that many persons might be induced to 
undertake that blessed pilgrimage for the good of their 
own souls and the pecuniary benefit of the subjects of the 
Serenissima, the numbers of pious travellers so diminished, 
that towards the end of the sixteenth century the annual 
voyage was abandoned; no pilgrim ship sailed any more 
from Venice after the Corpus Domini, and the Prior of 
Mount Sion gave up going to Jaffa to meet the pilgrims 
and conduct them to Jerusalem, as had been the custom 
from time almost immemorial. 

Eriedrich Eckher and Karl von Grimming, two German 
pilgrims, who arrived in Venice on the 26th of March, 
1625, found that the pilgrim ships which used to sail about 
the Corpus Domini, had not gone for over twenty years, 
and they and three Capucin friars took their passage to the 
Holy Land on a Dutch ship. 1 

1, Rohricht, Deutsche Pilyerreisen nach dem Heiligen Lande, p. 294. 


Pilgrimages did not go quite out of fashion even with 
the opening of the seventeenth century, but they changed 
their character, and pilgrims reached the common goal by 
various routes. Some went overland by way of Constanti- 
nople now that the Turk had a firm footing in Europe; 
and though Venice was not entirely abandoned, she had 
to divide the ever decreasing profits of what had once been 
such a lucrative branch of trade with many other ports in 
Italy and the Western Mediterranean — Marseilles amongst 
the number. 

A record of what had once been, was preserved to the 
downfall of the Republic in the Corpus Domini procession, 
when in later times, the Senators no longer paired with the 
pilgrims, each walked with a poor man on his right hand 
in sign of humility. 

Note. — In the translation of Casola's Voyage, the division into chapters 
each jn-eceded by a summary of the contents, has been adopted for 
convenience in reading. It does not exist in Casola's MS. which is 
continuous from beginning to end. 


Determination to undertake a Pilgrimage to Jeru- 
salem.— Casola receives the Benediction from 
Archbishop Arcimboldi in the Cathedral at Milan, 
May 14th, 1494.— Leaves Milan, May 15th, and 
travels by Caravaggio, Calci, Brescia, Lonato, 
Peschiera, Verona, Vicenza, Padua to Venice, 
where he arrives May 20th. 

Many years ago, as I was invited by a citizen of Milan to 
accompany him at his expense on this holy voyage, I 
accepted very gladly. But afterwards the citizen named 
changed his mind, and gave up the idea of accomplishing 
what he had proposed; so I remained very doubtful in 
my mind, as my purse could not satisfy my new-born 
desire. Nevertheless a great longing always remained 
with me to visit those holy places beyond the sea, although 
in my youth I was unable to satisfy it, being continually 
hindered by some cause or other. Since, however, the 
most high God by His Grace, freed me in my old age from 
every impediment and provided me with all I needed, it 
seemed good to me to renew the determination to go on 
this holy voyage. And in order that I should have no 
opportunity of becoming lukewarm any more, I bound 
myself by a vow, two years ago, to go at all costs, although 
I was then between sixty and seventy years of age. 

I began therefore to arrange to undertake the journey 
together with certain monks and fellow countrymen, so 
that I thought to have both a large and agreeable com- 
pany. And as I always had fair words from them, I set 
about putting my affairs in order, so that if anything hap- 


pened to me, they would not be left in confusion. But as 
the time of departure drew near, all my companions became 
indifferent as regards our project, so that at the beginning 
of this year I found that I must start alone, and I felt 
troubled. Nevertheless I turned again to the Most High 
God and prayed that He would not let me lose courage, 
and — although I was frustrated by the company — that He 
would not let me lack the company given to Tobias when 
he wanted to go to Rages of the Medes. 

As God sustained me in the resolution to accomplish 
this journey, I spoke much every day about my departure 
(although, because of my age, I was not believed) ; and 
all this I did to stir up some company if it were possible. 
But this time not a single Milanese could be found. I 
was not alarmed, however, on this account, and in order 
that I should be bound more straitly, and that I should 
not let myself be conquered by the enemy of human 
nature, not only did I preach the pilgrimage constantly 
throughout the city, but on Easter Day, when the people — 
given into my care for the administration of the Sacra- 
ments — were gathered together to receive the Holy 
Communion according to the general Commandment, I 
declared publicly that, God willing, after the Feast of the 
Ascension of Our Lord Jesus Christ, I intended to go to 
the Holy Sepulchre. At the same time, by means of 
friends in Venice, I informed myself as to the time of the 
departure of the galley, which usually goes on the voyage 
to the Holy Land, and prepared everything necessary for 
the journey, according to the instructions given me by 
those who had been there in previoiis years. Then, still 
finding myself alone, I resolved, as is the duty of all 
pilgrims, to furnish myself with spiritual weapons for my 
protection on the journey by land and by sea. 

On the 14th of the month of May of the present year, 


which was a Wednesday, and the third day of the 
Rogations or Litanies, according to the Ambrosian ritual 
(Note 1), when the service was ended in the Cathedral 
Church of Milan (Xote 2), in the presence of the people 
not a few, I went up to the high altar, where the most 
Reverend Lord, Don Guidantonio Arcimboldi, the most 
worthy Archbishop of Milan, stood, according to custom, 
to bless the people. And I begged his most Reverend 
Lordship to bless the emblems of my pilgrimage — that is, 
the cross, the stick or pilgrim's staff, and the wallet — and 
to bestow his blessing on me, according to the order and 
the ancient institution to be found written in the pastoral. 
Notwithstanding that he was veiy weary, because of the 
long office of the said Litanies, the said most Eeverend 
Lord blessed me very graciously and with great solemnity 
in the sight of all the people, and gave me the emblems 
of my pilgrimage. 

When the benediction was over, his Lordship embraced 
me Avith no ordinary tears, and kissing me most 
affectionately, left me with the peace of God, surrounded 
by a great crowd, from which I had some difficulty in 
separating myself, for everyone wanted to shake hands 
with me and kiss me. Nevertheless, as well as I could, 
I got away from the multitude, and shut myself in the 
Sacristy, where the Venerable Chapter of my Reverend 
brethren the Lord Canons was gathered together, of whom 
I took the most tender and loving farewell. Then I went 
home as secretly as I could, for at every step I had to 
stop, shake hands and kiss the company. 

On Thursday, the 15th of May, after saying Mass at the 
altar of St. Ambrose (Note 3), our most glorious patron — 
where lies not only his sacred body, but also the bodies 
of the most glorious martyrs Protasius and Gervasius 
(Note 4), I returned home, that is, to Sancto Victore al 


Pozzo, 1 and took the necessary refection with certain of my 
dear friends. Then, leaving all the company, by the grace 
of God I began my journey on foot as a pilgrim, and 
visited on the way our principal Church. 

From there I went to St. Dionysius', 2 where I found 
certain friends, who, contrary to my wish, were waiting 
for me. There I mounted on horseback, and thus we rode 
together as far as a village called Pioltella, where the 
greater number, yielding to my entreaties, saying " God 
keep you," turned back. With the rest I went that day to 
Caravaggio, a very fruitful place, though not indeed 
beautiful considering the number of gentlemen who live 
there, where I was lodged very honourably by the 
Magnificent Don Fermo dei Sichi. 3 

On Friday, the 16th of May, I remained in the said 
place, as I had been warned that on account of the rain 
during the night, the passage of a neighbouring torrent 
named the Cerro* was not safe. In the morning, I went 
to the Chapel of our Lady of the Fountain, and there said 
Mass in honour of the aforesaid blessed Virgin. 

On Saturday, the 17th of May, I continued my journey, 
and stopped to rest at a place called Calci, as I had been 
invited to do by the aforesaid Magnificent Don Fermo, 
who has large farms in the said place. After dinner was 
over I rode into Brescia, an ancient city built near a hill. 

Amongst those who have written about its origin, I find 
a great variety of opinion, and therefore I leave the subject 
alone. I can say, however, with reason, that it is a very 
beautiful city, and strongly walled. It has a fine strong 

1. M. S. Casola, "Sancto Victore al Pozo." This was one of two churches in Milan 
dedicated to St. Victor, both of which have been demolished. It stood not far from Saint 
George's Church (in via Torino), in the district of Porta Ticinese. 

2. In Casola's time the church of St. Dionysius was outside the city near Porta 
Orientale. According to popular tradition it was built by St. Ambrose, on the spot where 
St. Barnabas first preached Christianity to the Milanese. It has been destroyed. 

3. Don Fermo dei Secchi. 

4. i.e., The Serio. 


castle, situated on the summit of the said hill. In the 
city there are beautiful houses for the citizens, and so 
many artificers 1 of every kind that I almost seemed to see 
Milan. There is a beautiful palace elaborately adorned, 
where the Governors of the city live. It is well supplied 
with munition, and especially with land weapons of every 
kind ; it is a thing worth seeing. The Loggia, begun in 
front of the Piazza, will be a beautiful sight when it is 
finished. There are many beautiful piazzas in the said 

I visited the Cathedral Church, which, in comparison 
with the city, is not beautiful. As to the other churches, 
I saw nothing worthy of notice. In this city, however, I 
saw something very praiseworthy — that is, a large, long 
and ample space, very clean and well ordered, where the 
butchers are gathered together. The cleanliness and order 
gave me great pleasure, and there is an abundance of meat 
of every kind. The said place astounded me, because I 
had never seen the like anywhere else. Further on I saw 
a piazza full of fish of every sort. I used to think that 
only in the market at Milan could fish be found in such 
a great quantity. 

I refrain from describing the fortifications which adorn 
the said city, beecause there are too many of them. Every- 
thing good can be said of the said city ; and I must not pass 
over in silence the many pleasant fountains there — public 
ones in the piazzas and private ones in the houses. In 
truth I used to think that in Italy, Yiterbo had the 
greatest number of fountains; now I have changed my 
opinion. He who called this city " Brixia Magnipotens " 
made no mistake, because it is so opulent. It was formerly 

1. Casola writes : "In la citade belle caxe per citadini, e spessa de ogni artificio, ita 
che me pariva veder quasi Milano." He may therefore have meant that the houses were 
beautiful, numerous, and of every style ; but I have preferred the reading given in the 



held, together with the surrounding country, by whoever 
obtained the dominion of Milan; now it is subject to the 
Signoria of Venice. 

On Sunday, the 18th of May, the day of Pentecost, 
called Pascha Roxata, 1 after hearing Mass, I took the road 
again, with two good rests — first at Lonato, and then at 
Peschiera. These are prosperous and beautiful places, 
little less than cities. They were formerly subject to the 
Lords of Gonzaga, as appears still from certain arms I 
saw on a tower at the entrance to the place. Finally, in 
the evening, I arrived at Verona. 

To be brief, this is a large and long city, and beautiful 
considering that it is ancient. There are various opinions 
as to who built it, but in a few words it may be said that 
it has been the delightful habitation of remarkable men, 
because in it I saw many tall, beautiful and ornate palaces, 
and these seemed numberless to me, for it takes such a 
long time to pass through the said city that I became 
confused. At the present time, in building palaces and 
even ordinary houses, they delight in adding numerous 
balconies to the facades — some of iron, and some with 
little columns of white and delicate marble. 

I also saw the Colosseum, now called the Arena, which 
is built, in my opinion, in the likeness of that at Pome, 
though it is in a better state of preservation. It is held 
in little honour, however, to judge by the filth it is deputed 
to receive. 

It must be said that this has been, and now is, a 
magnificent city. I went to see some of the churches. 
It seems to me that, beginning with that of the mendicant 
friars, they are more sumptuous than our Milanese 
churches in every respect, I leave aside the one which 

1. In Italy the Feast of Pentecost is also called "Pasqua delle rose," or Pasqua 
Rosata," that is, ■' Easter of the roses," because the roses generally come into bloom about 
that time. 


never will be finished — that is, the Cathedral — and I speak 
of all the others. Another thing I must not omit to 
mention is the great magnificence of their funeral 
monuments — the ancient as well as the modern — so that 
it seems to me there is nothing to add. 

I had better say nothing about the beauty given to the 
said city by the great river called the Adige, which passes 
through the centre, and is crossed by so many and such 
fine bridges, lest I should err in overpraising. There is a 
great abundance in the said city, though less than at 
Brescia. Formerly it was subject to various Lords, but 
now it is ruled by Governors, sent by the Signoria of 
Venice, 1 who have two beautiful palaces for their habita- 
tion. As I did not frequent the society of the inhabitants 
of Verona, I have nothing more to say. As I was there on 
a holiday, I saw many beautiful women, very handsomely 
dressed and adorned. 

On Monday, the 19th of May, after hearing Mass at 
Verona, I directed my steps towards Vicenza, and arrived 
there early. According to the opinion of many people 
this city was first built by the Franks. 2 It is very fine, 
but not equal to Verona. I saw nothing very notable 
there except a palace opposite the inn where I lodged, 
which, however, is a fine building. 

The said city has a great trade in silk. As I rode 
through the country I was shown the whole process of 
making the silk, which is very interesting. Very few 
other trees are to be found there save mulberry trees, 
which are stripped of their leaves to feed the worms that 
make the silk. I saw many women looking after the said 
worms, and they explained to me the great care they 
needed by day and by night, It was a very pleasant 

1. i.e., the Government of Venice. 

2. The word used in the MS. is " Franzosi," commonly employed in medieval docu- 
ments to describe the inhabitants of France. Casola may have meant the Oauls. 


thing to me to see such a great quantity and in so many 

On Tuesday, the 20th of May, I left Vicenza, and set 
out towards Padua. The road was disagreeable on 
account of heavy rain the night before ; but at length 
I reached Padua, a very ancient city, which, according to 
the common belief, was built by the Trojan Antenor 
after the destruction of Troy. 

The city is not only large, it is immense. I do not know 
why, but it pleased me less than the other places I had 
seen. I went about here and there to see what I could 
of it ; but I did not find either palaces or houses worthy of 
its size or of the great reputation it has among Christian 
people. It seems to me that there are three cities, and 
when a man thinks he is outside, nevertheless he is then 
inside, and vice versa. 

I saw the Cathedral. It did not appear to me worthy of 
the large income enjoyed by the Bishop and Canons of the 
said church. I saw the Church of Saint Anthony. It is 
a wonderful building, and very ornate, especially in the 
chapel, where the body of the said saint is honoured. 
There is a beautiful choir furnished with very beautiful 
stalls. There is a large convent of Franciscan friars 
who administer the said church. In front of the church 
there is a large piazza, in which the Signoria of Venice 
has placed a statue of Gattamelata of Narni on horseback 
(Note 5). He was formerly a good captain for the 
Venetians. I saw also the monument of the said Antenor, 
the builder of Padua (Note 6). It is impossible not to 
praise the said city, considering that, in the University 
maintained there, so many great and good men of so many 
nations have been educated. The city is abundantly 
supplied with victuals, from what I could learn. 

After dinner I recommended my horse to the care of 


the innkeeper, as is the custom (Note 7 ), and entered the 
boat to go to Venice, where I arrived at the twenty-third 
hour. 1 I was taken by a courier to the house of the 
Master Courier of the Milanese merchants, and went at 
once to rest, being too weary to seek the friends to whom 
I had letters of introduction. In truth, I was somewhat 
agitated — so much so indeed that, fearing I could not 
endure the sea, and yielding to the enemy of well-doing, 
I thought of turning back. Nevertheless God willed to 
lend me grace to accomplish this holy voyage in spite of 
my unworthiness. I was lodged very courteously by the 
said master of the couriers, and well treated by him. He 
understood my needs so well that in the morning I felt 
quite restored. 

1. The first hour of the day began an hour before sunrise. The third hour or Ora di 
Terza was two hours after sunrise. This was the time when the Magistrates usually 
assembled. Vespers was always two hours after midday. The twenty-fourth hour marked 
the sunset and the close of the day. 



May 21st, Casola Introduced to Agostino Contarini.— 
Visit to the Milanese Ambassador.— Situation of 
Venice.— The Ducal Palace and Plans for the 
Restoration.— The Sforza Palace. — Piazzas. — Mer- 
chandise and Warehouses. — Provisions. — Flour 
Market and Bread Shops.— Meat— Fowls.— Fish.— 
Fruit and Vegetables.— Wine. — Drinking Water.— 
Splendour of Venetian Edifices.— Casola's Meeting 
with Fra Francesco Trivulzio and his Friends. 

On Wednesday, the 21st of May, I took one of the Milanese 
couriers to guide rne about Venice, and went to the houses 
of the merchants for whom I had letters, and to each one 
I gave his own. Then, as I was afraid of not finding a 
place in the galley, I was immediately introduced to the 
Magnificent Don Agostino Contarini, 1 a Venetian patrician 
and captain of the Jaffa galley — thus the galley is 
named which carries the pilgrims going to Jerusalem— 
and he ordered my name to be written in the Pilgrims' 
Book. 2 At this time I found that I had been in too great 
a hurry to leave home, and that I must wait several days 
before the departure of the said galley. 

In order that the tediousness of waiting should not 
make me desire to turn back and do as the children of 
Israel did when they went into the Promised Land, I 
determined to examine carefully the city of Venice, about 
which so much has been said and written, not only by 

1. See Introduction, pp. 95-101. 

2. The Pilgrims' Book was the Register of the Contracts, between Patrom and 
Pilgrims, kept in the office of the Cattaveri, 


learned men, but also by great scholars, that it appears 
to me there is nothing left to say. And I did this solely 
to amuse myself during the time I had to spend in such a 
great port. I wanted to see everything it was possible 
for me to see ; and I was aided continually by the company 
given me by the Magnificent Doctor and Cavalier, the 
Lord Tadiolo de Yicomercato (Note 8), Ambassador to the 
aforesaid Signoria of Venice for our most illustrious Lord 
the Duke of Milan. I paid him a visit, as was my duty, 
as soon as I arrived, and from him, although I did not 
merit it, I received more than common attention. 

Before going further, I must make my excuses to the 
readers of this my itinerary, if it should seem to them 
that I have overpraised this city of Venice. What I 
write is not written to win the goodwill of the Venetians, 
but to set down the truth. And I declare that it is 
impossible to tell or write fully of the beauty, the 
magnificence or the wealth of the city of Venice. Some- 
thing indeed can be told and written to pass the time 
as I do, but it will be incredible to anyone who has not 
seen the city. 

I do not think there is any city to which Venice, the 
city founded on the sea, can be compared; nevertheless 
I appeal always to the judgment of every person who has 
been there some time. Although this city is built entirely 
in the water and the marshes, yet it appears to me that 
whoever desires to do so can go everywhere on foot, as it 
is well kept and clean. Anyone, however, who does not 
want to endure the fatigue can go by water, and will be 
entreated to do so, and it will cost him less than he would 
spend elsewhere for the hire of a horse. As to the size 
of the city, I may say that it is so large, that, after being 
there so many days as I was, I made but little acquaintance 
with the streets. I cannot give the dimensions of this 


city, for it appears to me not one city alone but several 
cities placed together (Note 9). 

I saw many beautiful palaces, beginning with the 
Palace of St. Mark, which is always inhabited by the Doge 
and his family (Note 10). The facade of the said palace 
has been renovated in part with a great display of gold ; 
and a new flight of steps is being built there — a stupendous 
and costly work — by which to ascend to the said palace 
from the side of the Church of St. Mark. The lower 
portico on the ground floor is so well arranged that no 
more can be said ; it is true, however, that it is spoiled 
by the prisons, which are not well placed there (Note 11). 
The portico, which goes round above, looks partly over the 
piazza, partly over the Grand Canal, partly over a small 
canal, and one part towards the Church of St. Mark, and 
all this portico has its columns of marble and other 
beautiful ornaments. In these porticos many Courts are 
established with their benches, and at every bench there 
are at least three assessors or hearers all together. At the 
time of the hearings many cries are heard there, as also 
happens at Milan at the Broletto (Note 12) at the time of 
the trials. Among the said tribunals there is that of the 
Lords of the Night (Note 13), who employ in their 
hearings the torment, called in our tongue the Curio. 1 

Besides the other notable things in the said palace, I 
saw a very long hall whose walls are painted very 
ornately. And there is painted the story how Frederick 
Barbarossa drove away Pope Alexander the Fourth, 2 who 
fled in disguise to Venice, and was recognised in a 
monastery called the Monastery della Carita (Note 14). 
The whole story is represented with such richness and 
naturalness in the figures that I think little could be 

1. The Curio is the axis of a well, round which the cord is wound ; on this account 
the word was applied to the torture of the cord or rack. 

2. Barbarossa's opponent was Pope Alexander III. 


added. The ceiling of the said hall is decorated with 
great gilded pictures. Seats are placed round the said 
hall, and in addition there are three rows of double seats, 
in the body of the hall, placed back to back. There are 
two magnificent gilded seats, one at each end of the said 
hall; I was told they were for seating the Doge, one for 
the winter, and the other for the summer. In this hall 
the Great Council is held — that is, the Council of all the 
gentlemen, who, it is said, are two thousand five hundred 
in number. 

The Council called the Council of the Pregadi (Note 15) 
is held in another hall. I will say little about it because 
it is not adorned like the others. The hall where the 
Doge and his Councillors hold audience constantly is not 
very large, but it is magnificently decorated, with its 
gilded ceiling and its painted and storied walls. The 
throne on which sits the Doge, also called by the Venetians 
the " Prince," is all gilded and much higher than the 

With regard to the magnificence and decoration of the 
habitation of the aforesaid Doge — as I have seen many 
other princely palaces in this our time both in Italy and 
abroad, beginning at Rome — I venture to say that it is 
the most beautiful in Italy. It is so rich in carved work 
and everything gilded, that it is a marvel. One of the 
pages of the aforesaid Doge showed me everything, 
beginning with the bed in which he sleeps, and proceeding 
even to the kitchen, and in my opinion nothing could be 
added. The decorations are not movable, but fixed. There 
is no lack of marble and porphyry and woodwork subtly 
carved, and all is of such a nature that one is never weary 
of looking. 

The said palace is being renovated, and in the new part 
the arms of the immediate predecessors of the present 


prince are to be seen. But after seeing the said palace 
several times, and especially after looking at the plan for 
the renovation, I hope the aforesaid Venetian gentlemen 
(who want to have the reputation of never sparing expense 
in carrying out their will), who have commenced the 
restoration of the said palace will pardon me if I say, 
that they have done ill in not enlarging it beyond the 
minor canal, for they will spend a great sum and never- 
theless, because it is not extended on the side I name, they 
will never be able to build courtyards worthy of the said 
palace. And the only reason for this is that they have not 
wanted to spend enough. Several gentlemen with whom 
I discussed the matter as we stood on the balcony of the 
said palace agreed with me. 

I will not attempt to describe the number of large and 
beautiful palaces splendidly decorated and furnished, 
worth, some a hundred, some fifty, some thirty thousand 
ducats, and the owners of the same, because it would be 
too hard an undertaking for me, and better suited to 
someone who had to remain a long time in the said city 
of Venice. On the Grand Canal there is the most remark- 
able beginning of a palace for the Sforza family, and 
for the honour of the Milanese I am very sorry it has 
not been finished (Note 16). For after seeing the said 
foundations, I am sure that the palace would be very 
magnificent if it were completed. 

The said city, although it is in the water, as I said, 
has so many beautiful piazzas, beginning with that of 
St. Mark, that they would suffice for any great city placed 
on the mainland. It is a marvel to see how long and 
spacious they are. I have observed that the said city is so 
well ordered and arranged, that however much it rains, 
there is never any mud. 

Something may be said about the quantity of 


merchandise in the said city (Note 17), although not 
nearly the whole truth, because it is inestimable. Indeed 
it seems as if all the world flocks there, and that human 
beings have concentrated there all their force for trading. 
I was taken to see various warehouses, beginning with that 
of the Germans (Note 18) — which it appears to me would 
suffice alone to supply all Italy with the goods that come 
and go — and so many others that it can be said they are 
innumerable. I see that the special products for which 
other cities are famous are all to be found there, and that 
what is sold elsewhere by the pound and the ounce is sold 
there by canihari l and sacks of a moggio 2 each. And 
who could count the many shops so well furnished that 
they also seem warehouses, with so many cloths of every 
make — tapestry, brocades and hangings of every design, 
carpets of every sort, camlets of every colour and texture, 
silks of every kind ; and so many warehouses full of spices, 
groceries and drugs, and so much beautiful white wax ! 
These things stupefy the beholder, and cannot be fully 
described to those who have not seen them. Though I 
wished to see everything, I saw only a part, and even that 
by forcing myself to see all I could. 

As to the abundance of the victuals, I can testify that 
I do not believe there is a city in Italy better supplied 
than this with every kind of victuals. This time my own 
city, which I used to think the most abundant, must 
forgive me, and so too all the other cities in Italy and 
also abroad where I have been, because, whether it is 
due to the good order or other cause I do not know, but 
I never saw such a quantity of provisions elsewhere. 

1. The Cantarium was a weight varying in different parts of Italy. At Naples it 
equalled 25 lbs., at Genoa 150 lbs., and elsewhere even a quintale (200 lbs.) or nearly two 
hundredweight. Du Cange. Glossarium. 

2. According to Martini (Manuele di Metrologia) the Moggio in Medieval Venice 
contained 333-268 &c. litres. That is about li English quarters. The Milanese Moggio 
contained 146'234 &c. litres or about J an English quarter. 



I went to the place where the flour is sold wholesale; 1 
the world at present does not contain such a remarkable 
thing. When I saw such abundance and beauty around 
me I was confused. The bakers' shops, 2 which are to be 
found in one place specially, namely, the piazza of 
St. Mark, and also throughout the city, are countless and 
of incredible beauty; there is bread the sight of which 
tempts even a man who is surfeited to eat again. In my 
judgment Venice has not its equal for this. 

With the meat they give a great piece of bone. When 
I saw the place where the meat 3 is sold, I thought I had 
never seen such a miserable place in any city, or more 
wretched meat to look at. It drives away the wish to buy. 
I do not know the reason for this, unless it be that the 
Venetians are so occupied with their merchandise, that, 
they do not trouble much about what they eat. It is 
enough to say that in that place you could not have a 
good and fine-looking piece of meat whatever you were 
willing to pay, or at least in the quantity to be had at 

For the time of year I was there, there seemed to be a 
great abundance of fowls and other kinds of eatable birds, 
though they were somewhat dear. There was a great 
abundance of cheese or caxi,* and butter — more, I can 
assure you, than at Milan, which ought to be the great 
centre for these things, and which used to be. 

It is superfluous to try and recount the daily abundance 
of fish, especially in two places — at St. Mark's and at the 

1. The Fondaco della Farina or public flour warehouse was erected 1493, and restored 
in 1584 and 1717. It stands close to the present steamer landing stage at Calle Vallaresso 
(San Marco). In the 18th century the upper rooms were used as a picture gallery. Since 
1810 the building has been the seat of the Capitaneria di Porto (Harbour Master's Office). 

2. Besides the bakers' shops distributed over the city, two places were specially set 
apart for the sale of bread ; one at St. Mark's close to the Campanile, the other at the 
Bialto. In the former place there were 19, in the latter 25 shops. As the bread sold here 
was chiefly of the coarser kind, the rolls were large, which was what the people desired. 

3. The meat market was transferred to the Kialto in 1339 and located in the Palace, 
confiscated from those of the Querini family, who had taken part, in the famous conspiracy 
of Baiamonte Tiepolo, 1310. 

4. Cacio, which Casola writes Caxi, means cheese in Italian, from the Latin, Caseus. 


Rialto, as it is commonly called. There is never a dearth 
of fish, though in truth, as to the excellence of the quality, 
it is not on a level with that of certain other cities. All 
the time I was there I never saw a fine fish and never ate 
a good one, although my hosts took great trouble to 
procure good fish. 

As to the fruit. During the time I was awaiting the 
departure of the galley- — not having anything else to 
do — I went several times very early in the morning to 
St. Mark's, and also to the Rialto, to watch the unloading 
of the boats which arrived from time to time. There were 
so many boats full of big beans, peas and cherries — not 
indeed of every kind as at Milan, but every day in such 
quantity, that is seemed as if all the gardens of the world 
must be there. The number was so great that I declare 
that after seeing them, when I turned my back I hardly 
believed my eyes. There is an abundant supply of good 
vegetables of every kind — verdure, as we say — and they 
are cheaper than in any place I ever visited. I heard 
that they come from a distance of twenty-five miles. 1 I 
went several times in the morning to watch the unloading 
of the boats, and the vegetables looked as if just taken 
from the gardens and very fresh. I know it is difficult 
for anyone who has not seen these things to believe what 
I say, because I have fallen into the same error myself — 
that is, I used not to believe what was told me about them. 

I may recount the abundance of wine of every sort — so 
much malmsey, so many muscatel wines, Greek wines, 
white wines of every kind and also red wines, — but it is 
almost incredible. Although they are not so perfect as 
ours, nevertheless they are good — I speak of the red wines 
— and owing to the heavy duties they are dear. I wanted 
to count the wine shops of every kind, but the more I 

1. That is from Chioggia and the neighbourhood. 


counted the more I became confused, for they are indeed 

One thing only appears to me hard in this city; that is, 
that although the people are placed in the water up to 
the mouth they often suffer from thirst, and they have to 
beg good water for drinking and for cooking, especially 
in the summer time. It is true that there are many 
cisterns 1 for collecting the rain water (Note 19), and also 
water is sold in large boatloads — water from the river 
called the Brenta, which flows near Padua. In this way 
indeed they provide for their needs, but with difficulty 
and expense, and the people cannot make such a business 
of washing clothes with fresh water as is done elsewhere. 

The splendour of the edifices, especially the public 
buildings, may be described by one who has examined 
them carefully, but it is hard of belief for anyone who 
has not seen such a quantity of marble of every kind and 
colour, and so well carved that it is a marvel. They carve 
wood of all kinds so well and produce such natural figures, 
that a man passing by without considering what they are 
will mistake them for living persons. 

While I was thus anxiously waiting for the time of 
departure, which was put off from day to day, I heard 
of the arrival, a few days before me, of the venerable 
religious and most remarkable evangelist of the Word 
of God, Don Frate Francesco Trivulzio (Note 20), 
belonging to the order of the observants of St. Francis, 
and of Frate Michele of Como, who came with him. They 
had been joined in Ferrara by Giovanni Simone Fornaro 
of Pavia (Note 21), and Giovanni Luchino of Castelnuovo, 
and I hoped to be added to the company. So, in order to 
discharge my duty to the fatherland, and also to his 

1. That is the wells or Pozzi, 


exceptional virtues, I paid him a visit and gave him to 
understand that, like him, I intended to go on the voyage 
to the Holy Land. "We became good friends at once, and 
to while away the tedious time of waiting for the day of 
departure, we arranged to visit certain monasteries much 
talked about in Venice. 



Visits to Various Monasteries, &c. — Sant' Elena. — 
Sant' Antonio. — San Cristoforo. — San Giorgio 
Maggiore. — Sant* Andrea. — San Francesco delle 
Vigne.— Frari and Milanese Chapel.— Santa Maria 
dei Servi and the Chapel of the Lucchese. — La 
Carita. — San Salvatore. — Carmine. — San Nicolo 
del Lido. — San Giorgio in Alga. — Madonna dell' 
Orto. — Convents. — San Zaccaria. — Virgini. — Zeles- 
tre.— Churches.— San Pietro. — San Marco.— Parish 
Churches. — San Giovanni e Paolo. — Scuola di San 
Marco. — San Domenico. — Miracoli. — Arsenal. — 
Ships. — Gondolas. — Murano. — Glass Industry. — 
Gardens. — Venetian Gentlemen. — Their Dress. — 
Venetian Women. 

The first visit we paid was to the Monastery of Sant 'Elena, 
belonging to the Camaldolese Order (Note 22). As far as 
we could learn it was first built and endowed by a certain 
Alessandro Borromeo, who has a splendid tomb in a chapel 
at the side of the church. The body of Saint Helena 
was shown to us and many other relics. The church is 
beautiful, and has a choir adorned with very magnificent 
stalls, in which pictures are inlaid representing all the 
cities under the dominion of the Venetians ; it is a most 
beautiful piece of work. The monastery is as beautiful as 
could be described. 

I visited the monastery of Sant 'Antonio of the Order 
of Monte Oliveto (Note 23); it is so beautiful that it lacks 
nothing. The church is beautiful, and in the said church 
there is a very wonderful thing — a Christ taken down from 


the Cross and placed in the lap of our Lady, with the 
Maries at the side, St. John, Joseph of Arimathea and 
Nicodemus. It is sculptured with such art and genius 
that, setting aside the figure of Christ, all the others seem 
more alive the nearer you approach them. Then I saw the 
Monastery of San Cristoforo of the Order of the 
Eremitani (Note 24). I did not see there anything much 
worth mentioning except the process of making white wax 
in one of the gardens ; indeed, there was such a quantity 
that it seemed to me it ought to suffice for all the world. 

I saw the Monastery of San Giorgio Maggiore (Note 25) 
of the Order of Santa Justina, which is too beautiful to be 
in the place where it is. It appears to me that the monks 
have begun a most stupendous thing. I visited the 
Monastery of Sant 'Andrea (Note 26) of the Carthusian 
Order, which is beautiful and well ordered. The monks 
are re-building their church, which will be very fine when 
it is finished. I saw the Monastery of San Francesco 
delle Yigne (Note 27), where the aforesaid Don Frate 
Francesco was lodged; it is a most notable place. 

The Monastery of the Conventual friars of Saint Francis 
is beautiful (Note 28). Their church is very ornate in 
the choir and everywhere else. In the principal chapel 
there are two very splendid tombs, one opposite the other, 
to two Doges, Foscari 1 and Trono. 2 In the said church 
there is also a chapel dedicated to Saint Ambrose, set 
apart for the use of the Milanese, who hold their congrega- 
tion or school at the side of the said church. 

I visited the Church and Monastery of Santa Maria dei 
Servi (Note 29), a most remarkable place. The natives of 
Lucca have their chapel at the side, and they make a 
great festival on the day of the Corpus Domini. I visited 

1. Francesco Foscari. Doge, 1423 — 1457. 

2. Nicolo Tron. Doge, 1471—73. 


the Monastery della Carita (Note 14), belonging to the 
Order of the regular Canons of Saint Augustine, and also 
another belonging to the said Order called San Salvatore. 1 
In the said Monastery della Carita, Pope Alexander the 
Fourth was discovered and recognised when he fled in 
disguise before Frederick Barbarossa, and he bestowed 
many privileges on the said Monastery. I visited the 
Monastery of Santa Maria, 2 belonging to the Carmelites, 
and also so many others that it would take too long to 
write about them all : — -San Nicolo del Lido (Note 30), 
San Giorgio in Alga (Note 31), Santa Maria dell 'Orto 
(Note 32), — the last two are both of the same Order. 

As I had heard a great deal about certain Monasteries 
for women, I went — also in company — to visit a few of 
them, especially the Convent of San Zaccaria (Note 33). 
There are many women there, both young and old, and 
they let themselves be seen very willingly. They have a 
beautiful new church and many relics in the altar. I 
think it is their first church, because they have their choir 
there. They are said to be very rich, and they do not 
trouble much about being seen. Another is called the 
Convent of the Virgins (Note 34). There are many 
women there, and they are rich. It is said that only 
Venetian women are received as nuns there. They have a 
beautiful church with the choir in a prominent position. 
There is another Convent of the " Donne Zelestre " 
(Note 35). I went to see it, and found that the nuns 
dress in white. In addition to these there are many other 
convents 3 in which there are women who are secluded 

1. Casola saw the old church of San Salvatore or St. Saviour ; the new church was 
begun early in the 16th century, and completed 1534 ; the present facade was added after 

2. That is the church commonly known as the Carmine. 

3. Probably Casola had in mind here the distinction between the "Conventuals" and 
the "Observants." The expression he uses " Monasteri pure de done serrate 
et anche da serrare " (Convents also in which are women who are secluded and to 
be secluded)— might therefore be translated more fully— Convents in which there 
are women who are secluded, that is the observants ; and who ought to be secluded, but 
are not, that is the Conventuals. 


and to be secluded (Note 36). I will leave them to attend 
to another matter, because I must descend to most special 
praise of these Venetian gentlemen. 

I have been to Eome, the chief city of the world, and I 
have travelled in Italy, and also very much outside of 
Italy, and I must say — though I do not say it to disparage 
anyone, but only to tell the truth — that I have not found 
in any city so many beautiful and ornate churches as 
there are in Venice. It would take too long to name them 
all; nevertheless I will mention one or two, especially of 
those I saw. 

The patriarchal Church or Cathedral is called the 
Church of San Pietro. 1 It has not many ornaments. I 
think that Saint Mark, who was his disciple, must have 
stolen them. The Church of Saint Mark, who was the 
disciple of Saint Peter, at first sight seems a small thing, 
but the man who examines and considers everything about 
it carefully, will find that it is a grand church. I think 
it has no equal, adorned as it is within and without with 
so many beatiful and subtle mosaics. It would take too 
long to describe the beauty of the facade and the doors — 
beginning with the four horses in metal which are over the 
great door, — and so many rows of columns on every side. 
Suffice it to say that for its size it is one of the most 
beautiful Christian churches. The campanile is separate 
from the said church, and the piazza is in front of it. 
I cannot estimate the value of the great treasure in relics, 
and of the pala of the altar; it seems to me infinite. The 
church is adorned with two large and beautiful organs, 
one on the right side and the other on the left of the high 
altar. It is excellently served by singers and priests 
furnished with beautiful vestments, as is becoming to 

1. St. Peter's was the Cathedral Church until 1807, when the title was transferred to 
St. Mark's. 


the city and the place. They say it is the chapel of the 
Prince, and therefore cannot be too rich or too ornate. 

I am afraid in particular to speak of the beauty and 
decorations of the parochial churches, otherwise called in 
the Venetian speech " Plebanie," because I could not give 
the details without offending someone, especially at Milan. 
I will only say, speaking generally, that the poorest parish 
church of Venice is more ornate than the finest at Milan. 
Almost all the Venetian churches — the parish churches I 
mean — have a beautiful choir and an organ, and no 
expense is spared to decorate them; everything is gilded, 
and they are well served. This makes me think strongly 
that the Venetians must be greatly aided by God in all 
their affairs, because they are very solicitous with regard 
to divine worship in all their churches (Note 37). 

As I said above, there are all sorts of monks and nuns 
in the city who have beautiful churches and monasteries. 
The Order of Saint Dominic, which I have not mentioned 
above, has a church called San Giovanni e Paolo (Note 38). 
It appears to me so beautiful that nothing could be added. 
It is large and lofty, its pavement is all in white and red 
squares ; it has a beautiful organ, and the choir has stalls 
on which neither gold nor carving has been spared. In 
that church, in splendid tombs, many princes or Doges 
of Venice and other remarkable persons belonging to 
various families have been buried. At the side of the 
said church there is a school of laymen, called the Scuola 
di San Marco. The facade is very beautiful and richly 
adorned with marbles and gold, and the decoration inside 
is worthy of the outside. I will explain what the said 
school is another time. The monastery, being ancient, has 
not the pleasing aspect of the modern ones. There is also 
a church dedicated to Saint Dominic (Note 39) where 
the observant friars are established. The monastery is 
beautiful and adorned with all it needs. 


It appears to me that I should now make an end of 
praising the city as regards its churches, and leave the rest 
for another. As, however, I several times visited a church 
called Our Lady of the Miracles (Note 40), which is a 
handsome building, especially outside, I will say a little 
about it. The said church is a great object of devotion 
in Venice, and was built with the daily offerings, which 
are administered by certain gentlemen. There is a 
convent there for nuns belonging to the Order of St. Clara. 
I heard from several men worthy of credence that since 
the said church was begun only a few years ago, the 
offerings have amounted to over forty thousand ducats. 
I saw many other things worthy of record, but I will omit 
them for fear of wearying my readers too much. Never- 
theless, having been several times to the Arsenal, as it is 
called (Note 41), which is an almost incredible thing to 
one who has not seen it, I will say a few words about it. 

I may mention briefly that it is a large place surrounded 
by walls as if it were a fortress, where so much water 
enters that every galley, large and small, can go in and 
out. In the first place, it is a marvel to see so many long 
halls arranged with perfect order and full of munition 
for the equipment of the galleys and the navi — covered 
and uncovered cuirasses, 1 swords, ranghoni, (sic) 
crossbows, bows, large and small arrows, headpieces, arque- 
buses, and other artillery suitable for the purpose. In 
short, it appears as if all the munition of the world for 
furnishing galleys and navi 2 were collected there. 
Then there are three large sheds, Cassine, 3 as we say — 
and one much bigger than the others — where the galleys 

1. The cuirasses were sometimes of metal, sometimes of leather ; and some were 
covered to conceal them, with damask, &c. 

2. By "Navi" Casola probably meant all other vessels not galleys ; but as "Nave" 
was also the term applied to a ship of a special form— the largest kind of sailing ship— I 
have preferred to leave the exact word he uses. 

3. In the Milanese dialect the term Cascine is applied to the various outbuildings of 
a farm, sometimes also to the farm proper and outbuildings, &c, all taken together. 


are placed all together to preserve them when they are 
lifted out of the water, and also when they are new. One 
of these Cassine has eighteen divisions, which are so 
large that under each one of them there was a large 
galley and a small one. Under another eassina of twenty 
compartments there was one galley only, but a large one, 
in each compartment; and under the other cassine there 
were other ships 1 of different kinds, and both large and 

In one part of the Arsenal there was a great crowd of 
masters and workmen who do nothing but build galleys 
or other ships of every kind. There are also masters 
continually occupied in making crossbows, bows and large 
and small arrows; and all by order of the Signoria. 2 In 
one great covered place there are twelve masters each one 
with his own workmen and his forge apart; and they 
labour continually making anchors and every other kind 
of iron-work necessary for the galleys and other ships. 
There seems to be there all the iron that could be dug out 
of all the mountains of the world. Then there is a large 
and spacious room where there are many women who do 
nothing but make sails. 

Within the walls of the said Arsenal, above the water 
which enters, there is a most beautiful contrivance for 
lifting any large galley or other ship out of the water, 
with little fatigue, and also if necessaiy for putting it 
back again. Outside the said Arsenal, but near the walls, 
there is a place where they make all the ropes used at sea 
on the galleys and all the other ships — that is, the cables 
which the Venetians call " gomene " and eveiy sort of 
rope. It is a place all covered below, and so long that I 
could hardly see from one end to the other. The number 

1. Casola here uses the word " Navilii " — and the phrase runs in the text : — " E sotto 
le altre cassine, stavano de altri diversi navilii, grandi e picoli." 

2, The Venetian Government, also called the Serenissima. 


of masters and workmen who are constantly employed 
there is amazing. No one would buy any ropes of 
importance, especially those for casting the anchors, 
anywhere else than there, because there are certain officers 
whose duty it is to give guarantees of their quality. And 
there are certain persons who sort the hemp when it is 
brought in. 

This Arsenal has many officials, and two gentlemen are 
at the head. These principals told me that every Saturday 
the Signoria 1 paid out at the least one thousand two 
hundred ducats, and sometimes more, for the labour and 
work done in the said Arsenal. They have already built 
the main walls of another Arsenal which will be a fine 
place when it is finished. 

I fatigued myself very much by trying to find out if 
possible — and with the aid of people very familiar with 
Venice and the surrounding places — the number of all the 
ships, both large and small, to be found in Venice, 
beginning with the boats otherwise called gondolas, up to 
the largest nave and galley in the Grand Canal. I 
commenced the work; but, although the days were long, 
because it was the month of May, I found it was no task 
for me any more than for Saint Augustine — as they 
recount — to write about the Trinity (Note 42), for the 
number is infinite. I find also that it is a great expense 
for the inhabitants of Venice, because almost every citizen 
keeps at least one gondola, which costs at the lowest 
fifteen ducats, and is a greater expense to maintain than a 
horse. I leave alone those who keep large and small boats 
for gain, by crossing the ferries or letting them out on 
hire. I leave out also the galleys and nam for 
navigating long distances because they are numberless. 
When I inquired of experienced persons who have seen 
many maritime cities which are great seaports, they told 

1. i.e., The Venetian Government. 


me that there is no city equal to Venice as regards the 
number of the ships and the grandeur of the port, and 
this I can fully believe. 

Having abandoned the business of counting the ships, 
I accompanied the Venerable Don Frate Francesco 
Trivulzio to Murano, a place situated in the sea by itself, 
although it is a part of Venice. There are many furnaces 
there for making glass, and work in glass of every colour 
is carried on there constantly. All the beautiful glass 
vases which are taken throughout the world are made 
there. I stood to watch the work at the various furnaces, 
and I saw, above everything else a glass chalice, the price 
of which was ten ducats. It was noble and very subtly 
worked, but I would not touch it, fearing it might fall out 
of my hand. 

In the said Murano there are seven convents for women, 
and amongst them, one, where building is continually 
going on by order of the present Doge the Lord Agostino 
Barbarigo, who has two of his daughters in the said 
convent. 1 Much more might be said about the said place 
and its beauty and pleasantness and how it is situated in 
the water and has beautiful gardens, but I will leave 
something for another to say. I cannot refrain from 
repeating, however, that there is nothing which astonished 
me more in this city built on the water, than the sight of 
the many beautiful gardens there are there, especially in 
the monasteries of every Order. 

As the day of our departure was drawing near, I 
determined to leave everything else and study the owners 
of the many beautiful things I have noted — that is, the 
Venetian gentlemen, who give themselves this title. I 
have considered the qualities of these Venetian gentlemen. 
For the most part they are tall, handsome men, astute and 

1. Santa Maria degli Angeli, or Saint Mary of the Angels. 


very subtle in their dealings, and whoever has to do 
business with them must keep his eyes and ears well open. 
They are proud — I think this is on account of their great 
dominions — and when a son is born to a Venetian 
gentleman they say themselves, " A Lord is born into the 
world." * They are frugal and very modest in their 
manner of living at home ; outside the house they are very 

The city of Venice preserves its ancient fashion of 
dress — which never changes— that is, a long garment of 
any colour that is preferred. No one would leave the 
house by day if he were not dressed in this long garment, 
and for the most part in black. They have so observed 
this custom, that the individuals of every nation in the 
world — which has a settlement in Venice — all adopt this 
style, from the greatest to the least, beginning with the 
gentlemen, down to the sailors and galeotti (Note 43). 
Certainly it is a dress which inspires confidence, and is 
very dignified. 2 The wearers all seem to be doctors in 
law, and if a man should appear out of the house without 
his toga, he would be thought mad. The Milanese do the 
same, except, that if a lark, from one hour to the other, 
should come from the ends of the earth and bring some 
new fashion in dress, all, or the majority, both of those 
who can afford it and those who cannot, would want to 
follow the fashion ; so that a Milanese cannot be distin- 
guished from a Spaniard. I need say no more. 

When the Venetian gentlemen take office or go on some 
embassy, they wear very splendid garments ; in truth, they 
could not be more magnificent. They are of scarlet, of 
velvet, of brocade, if the wearers hold high office ; and all 
the linings of every kind are very costly. In order not to 

1. "E le nato un Signore al Mondo" (Casola MS.) 

2. " Habito certo pieno de fede e de gravita." (Casola MS.) 


praise the Venetian gentlemen at too great length, I want 
to mention one thing more which pleased me very much, 
and that is, that they keep all their offices and profits for 
themselves, and do not give them to strangers except in 
the case of the first Secretary (Note 44), who is not a 
Venetian. 1 The other offices they distribute among 

Their women appear to me to be small for the most 
part, because if they were not, they would not wear their 
shoes — otherwise called pianelle — as high as they do 
For in truth I saw some pairs of them sold, and also 
for sale, that were at least half a Milanese braccio 2 in 
height. They were so high indeed that when they wear 
them, some women appear giants ; and certain also are not 
safe from falling as they walk, unless they are well 
supported by their slaves. As to the adornment of their 
heads, they wear their hair so much curled over their eyes 
that, at first sight, they appear rather men than women. 3 
The greater part is false hair ; and this I know for certain 
because I saw quantities of it on poles, sold by peasants 
in the Piazza San Marco. Further, I inquired about it, 
pretending to wish to buy some, although I had a beard 
both long and white. 4 

These Venetian women, especially the pretty ones, try 
as much as possible in public to show their chests — I 
mean the breasts and shoulders — so much so, that several 
times when I saw them I marvelled that their clothes did 
not fall off their backs. Those who can afford it, and also 
those who cannot, dress veiy splendidly, and have 
magnificent jewels and pearls in the trimming round their 

1. Casola means evidently not a Venetian Patrician. 

2. The Milanese braccio = '594936 metres, or just over half a metre. 

3. A glance at the pictures of Carpaccio and Gentile Bellini shows that it was the 
fashion then for the men to wear their hair cut over their foreheads, while the women 
wore theirs smoothed back and knotted behind. 

4. In his portrait Casola is represented as clean shaven. He had allowed his beard 
to grow, as was the custom for obvious reasons, before starting on his pilgrimage. 


collars. They wear many rings on their fingers with 
great balass rubies, 1 rubies and diamonds. I said also 
those who cannot afford it, because I was told that many 
of them hire these things. They paint their faces a great 
deal, and also the other parts they show, in order to appear 
more beautiful. The general run of the women who go 
out of the house, 2 and who are not amongst the number of 
the pretty girls, go out well covered up and dressed for 
the most part in black even up to the head, especially in 
church. At first I thought they were all widows, and 
sometimes on entering a church at the service time I 
seemed to see so many nuns of the Benedictine Order. 
The marriageable girls dress in the same way, but one 
cannot see their faces for all the world. They go about 
so completely covered up, that I do not know how they can 
see to go along the streets. Above all — at least indoors — 
these Venetian women, both high and low, have pleasure 
in being seen and looked at; they are not afraid of the 
flies biting them, and therefore they are in no great hurry 
to cover themselves if a man comes upon them unexpectedly. 
I observed that they do not spend too much in shawls to 
cover their shoulders. Perhaps this custom pleases others ; 
it does not please me. I am a priest in the way of the saints, 
and I had no wish to inquire further into their lives. I 
thought it my duty, as I said above, to seek out the 
churches and monasteries and go and see the relics which 
are very numerous; and this seemed to me a meritorious 
work for a pilgrim who was awaiting the departure of the 
galley to go to the Holy Sepulchre — thus finishing the 
time as well as I could. 

1. The balass ruby is becoming now more and more rare. It was much used and 
appreciated in medieval Venice, and is frequently mentioned in inventories, wills, &c. In 
value it ranks after the oriental ruby, and before the Spinel and the Siamese ruby. 

2. That is women belonging to the class of the " Popolo." 




Festival of the Corpus Domini. — Service in Saint 
Mark's. — The Five Great Schools. — Procession 
Round the Piazza.— New Contract with Agostino 
Contarini. — Preparations for the Departure. 

On Thursday, the 29th of May, there was the great festival 
of the Corpus Domini (Note 45). I had heard from those 
who knew, that all the pilgrims were expected to assemble 
in the Church of St. Mark to join the procession. In 
order therefore, not to neglect my duty, and fearing lest 
otherwise I might not find a place, I went early in the 
morning to the palace of St. Mark, thinking to be among 
the first. There I found the royal and ducal ambassadors 
already congregated, and several bells were ringing 
continually in the bell-tower of St. Mark's. About the 
eleventh hour the most illustrious Doge descended from 
the palace to go into the Church of St. Mark. His name 
is the Lord Agostino Barbarigo (Note 46). He is a 
handsome old man, with a fine white beard, and wore 
his tiara on his head and a mantle made in the ducal 
fashion, as he always does when he appears in public. He 
was accompanied by the Reverend Father, the Lord Nicolo 
Francho, Bishop of Treviso (said to be the Papal legate), 
by the magnificent ambassadors aforesaid, and by a great 
number of Venetian gentlemen. These were dressed, one 
better than the other, in cloth of gold — each more beautiful 
than the other — crimson velvet, damask and scarlet ; and 
each had his stole over his shoulder. As they entered the 
Church of St. Mark all the noises of the bells and every 
other noise ceased. 


The aforesaid Doge was conducted to his seat (Note 47), 
which seemed to rue very much in the background ; that is 
to say, it was behind the choir; however, it was draped 
with cloth of gold. He was accompanied by the 
Ambassadors only. I was told that that is not his usual 
place, but only for that day in order to see the whole of 
the procession. The other gentlemen were all seated in 
the choir. 

The musical Mass began, and was chanted by the most 
Reverend Lord the Patriarch of Aquileia, named the Lord 
Nicolo Donato (Note 48), because the Patriarch of 
Venice, whose name is the Lord Tommasoi Donato 
(Note 49), and who belongs to the Order of the Preachers, 
was infirm. The aforesaid Lord of Aquileia was assisted 
by a large number of deacons and sub-deacons. A great 
silence was maintained — more than I have ever observed 
on similar occasions — even in seating so many Venetian 
gentlemen ; every sound could be heard. One single person 
appeared to me to direct everything, and he was obeyed 
by every man without a protest. This filled me with 
astonishment, because I had never seen such perfect 
obedience at similar spectacles elsewhere. 

The ceremonies of the Mass seemed to me much less 
solemn and impressive than the Milanese or Ambrosian, 
when the Mass is sung by our most Reverend Lord of 
Milan; nor did I see anything worth noting except that 
when the Gospel was ended, after the Patriarch had kissed 
the place of the Gospel, two deacons and as many sub- 
deacons went to the Excellent Doge and offered to him 
also the place of the Gospel to kiss. I did not notice any 
other unusual ceremony, save that when the Gloria in 
Excelsis, the Patreni Omnipotentem, the Sanctus and the 
Agnus Dei are said, four of the priests of St. Mark in 
their surplices and hoods go and stand before the Doge 


and there they repeat everything with him, as the 
Ordinaries of the Cathedral of Milan do before the Most 
Reverend Lord the Archbishop or some Papal Legate. 

The Mass closed with the benediction, and after the 
declaration of the Indulgence, which was for forty-two 
days, the procession was set in movement by the organisers 
and directors in the following way : — It entered by the 
great door of the said church, and mounting upwards into 
the choir, went close to the high altar, on which the body 
of Christ was placed in a transparent pix shaped like 
a golden throne. It stood upon a chalice, the largest I 
ever saw; they said it was of gold; it was very beautiful. 
Then the said procession turned to the right of the altar to 
leave the choir, and passed in front of the Doge and the 
Ambassadors, so that they saw it all without impediment. 

The first to set out was the Scuola della Misericordia. 1 
The brethren were all dressed in long white over garments, 
which had a small red sign on one side containing the 
name of the Misericordia. Certain of them, to the 
number of fifty-six, went in front, each carrying a 
beautiful gilded wooden candlestick; I mean like the long 
ones commonly used by the friars when they go in 
procession at home. They were so beautiful that I do 
not think anything could be added. For every candlestick 
there was a doypiero 2 of at least two pounds weight each, 
of green wax, and all lighted. Behind these walked a 
man who carried a very ornate cross — with a certain little 
painted banderole — on which the gold had not been spared 
to make it beautiful. Many boys followed after him, and 
I think there were some girls as well, to judge by their 
heads, arranged as they arrange the little angels. Each 

1. The Schools or " Scuole " were pious confraternaties and mutual aid societies. 
The most important were known as the "Scuole Orandi dei Battuti." These were Jive in 
number, as Casola relates, until the year 1552, when the School of St. Theodore (founded in 
1268) was declared by the Council of Ten to be the sixth and last of *,he great schools 

2. A Doppiero is a torch formed of several wax candles fastened together. 


one of them carried in the hand a confectera or bowl of 
silver or some other vase such as they could carry, full of 
flowers and of rose leaves, and when they came where the 
aforesaid Doge was seated with the Ambassadors and the 
other gentlemen, they scattered the flowers over all of them, 
and there was a very sweet smell. After these children 
walked as many as five hundred brethren, all belonging to 
the said school, all dressed in white garments, as I said 
above, all in pairs, and each one of them carried a large 
lighted candle of green wax weighing six ounces. But 
before these brethren passed after their cross, there were 
certain singers who sang many praises by the way, and 
who— when they came to the altar opposite the Sacrament 
of the body of Christ — knelt down, and there they 
continued to sing praises until the said brethren had all 
passed ; then they got up and followed the said school. 

Next came the brethren of Our Lady of Charity, 1 as 
they are called, in the order aforesaid, and wearing a 
similar dress, except that the red sign was different. In 
front, there were forty brethren with candlesticks as 
beautiful as the first. Their doppieri were of the same 
weight, but they were red. Behind them was their cross 
with its banner, and behind the cross many children 
arranged and adorned like the first; and they scattered 
flowers like the first. Then followed the singers, who did 
as was said of the first. After them walked five hundred 
brethren, each carrying a large candle, six ounces in 
weight, of green wax. 

The Scuola di San Marco went next. All the brethren 
were dressed as has been said above — that is, in white 
garments — and the sign they wore on their breasts was a 
small St. Mark in red. Before their cross walked at least 
thirty-six brethren with their candlesticks, made as was 

1. Scuola Grande della Carita. 


said above, and the doppieri they held were of the same 
weight, but they were of white wax. There followed a 
great company of children adorned as I said above, and 
throwing flowers in the manner above mentioned. Then 
came their singers, who observed the order observed by 
the first. Behind them, there were at least five hundred 
brethren, each Avith his big lighted candle of white wax 
weighing also six ounces. 

Behind these walked the brethren of the Scuola di San 
Giovanni, preceded by twenty-eight of their number 
dressed, as is said, in white, and having a red mark 
different from the others. Their candlesticks were made 
like those above, and their doppieri were similar in weight, 
but of yellow wax, that is, the natural colour. Next to 
these came their cross with its banner, and behind the 
cross there was a great company of little angels, who 
threw flowers in the way described above. They were 
followed by at least two hundred brethren in white 
garments also, each carrying his great candle of six 
ounces, which was also of the natural colour. They were 
preceded by singers like the foregoing schools. 

Finally, behind these walked the brethren of the Scuola 
di San Rocco, dressed like the others, though the red sign 
they wore was different from the others. Before their 
cross there Avere at least thirty-four of the brethren with 
magnificent candlesticks like the others, and as far as I 
could see their doppieri were grey, other people said they 
were black; be that as it may, they were of the same 
Aveight as the others. Then came their cross, as was said 
of the other schools ; then many little boys dressed as little 
angels, who threAv flowers as described above; then the 
singers, who did as the other singers did; and behind 
them at least tAvo hundred brethren dressed as was said 
above, and each of them with his great candle of black or 
grey wax, also lighted. 


After these schools there followed eveiy kind of 
observant and conventual friars; from the Gesuati 
(Xote 50) to those of the congregation of Santa Justina l 
there was not one lacking. Their number was counted up 
to eight hundred ; really there were a few more, but not 
many. All, or the greater part of them, carried white 
doppieri or at least lighted candles in their hands, and 
they all wore the most beautiful vestments they possess. 
So beautiful were they that we cannot come even after 
them. For I saw certain pluvials that between the 
border 2 and the cape had so many and such large and 
beautiful pearls that they appeared to me worth all the 
vestments in our city. I cannot describe the abundance 
of the brocades of every kind, because there were so many 
that my eyes became confused, and I lost count. After 
the friars all the clergy followed in good order with their 
crosses well adorned, but their vestments were not rich; 
indeed, they seemed to me veiy old-fashioned and of 
small value. The only other observation I will make about 
the Venetian clergy is, that they are few in number 
compared with our clergy ; for, comparing them with the 
clergy of Milan, even the Stradioti 3 — who are those 
without benefices — are more numerous than all the clergy 
of Venice. 

The clergy were followed by sixty men in togas — twelve 
for each of the above-named schools, which are five in 
number — and each one of them had in his hand a large 
and heavy doppiero. I think the weight of each must 
have been not less than thirty-six or forty pounds, and 
there were twelve of every colour used by the said schools, 

1. Santa Justina or Giustina was a Paduan of Royal birth, martyred as a Christian 
under Maximian. She was a Saint of the Benedictine Order. 

2. That is the border which goes round the neck and down the front. 

3. The light cavalry, formed of Albanese, Dalmatians, (Ireeks, <&c, and employed by 
the Venetians in their wars were known as "Stradioti." Perhaps from a certain quaint 
analogy Casola applied the term to the unbeneficed clergy, who were frequently to be seen 
hurrying along the streets (Strade) from one church to another to say mass. 


as I said above. When I asked what order they belonged 
to, I was told that they were twelve brethren of each of 
the said schools, and all Venetian gentlemen, and they 
went thus in procession two by two. 

When all these had passed by, the aforenamed most 
Reverend Lord the Patriarch, who had chanted the Mass, 
took up the Sacrament of the body of Christ arranged as I 
said, and followed after them. He was accompanied only 
by those who had assisted him at Mass, and the canopy 
was carried by priests only. Thus he commenced to walk 
after the procession, which, proceeding as I said, went out 
by the door which led to the palace of St. Mark, and 
passed through the court of the palace. Behind him, 
the aforesaid Doge took his place, together with the 
Ambassadors, and after them the Lord Councillors and 
the other gentlemen. The pilgrims who were there, being 
very courteously invited to do so, followed, and were 
paired with the aforesaid gentlemen as long as there were 
any pilgrims unaccompanied. At the said door of Saint 
Mark's, by which the procession went out, there were two 
priests, one on the right side and the other on the left, 
who offered a white lighted candle of six ounces and more 
to each person, beginning with the aforesaid Doge down 
to the end, and to the pilgrims as well as the others. 
And so they went in procession. 

It must be noted that the said procession did not go 
further than out of the door of Saint Mark's, as I said, 
and all round the piazza, which was covered the whole 
way it went with white cloths. At the side of the course 
taken by the procession many oak trees — otherwise called 
rovere l — and other kinds of trees were planted in such 
numbers that it would have sufficed if they had had all 

1. A very hard kind of wood (Int. Robur). 


the woods of Bachano 1 over the doors. And another 
magnificent thing; beside the said trees many large 
candlesticks of every kind stood, which contained lighted 
doppieri. Thus the procession returned to St. Mark's 

"When the Sacrament of the body of Christ had been 
restored to its place, the Doge was accompanied by every 
man to the palace, where he placed himself at the head of 
the staircase until all the gentlemen had mounted with 
the pilgrims ; and then, saluting all the company, he went 
into the palace to his own apartments, and each one 
returned to his own house or hostel, for it was dinner 

On Friday, which was the 30th of May, as I was 
assured that the Magnificent Captain of the galley did 
not intend to depart for four days, I employed the time 
in visiting the sights of Venice until the following Sunday, 
which was the 1st of June. I still hoped that some 
Lombard would arrive with whom I could join for the 
living on the galley, but no one appeared. I had the 
benefit of the advice of a certain Don Giovanni Toretino, 
a merchant of Lucca, settled, however, in Venice, who, 
by reason of the letters of Don Jacobo Rotuli, of Fra 
Ghiringhelo, and of Don Francesco di Roma, had received 
me into his house, and treated me very hospitably. 

On Monday, the 2nd of the month of June, I went with 
the aforenamed Don Giovanni to see Don Agostino 
Contarini, Patrono of the pilgrim galley, and, although 
I had previously arranged to pay him forty-five ducats, 
I gave up that bargain, and agreed to pay sixty gold 
ducats of the Mint of Venice. For this he undertook to 
keep me by sea and by land and take me as far as the 

1. The forest of Baccano, 27 kilometres north-west from Rome, served in the middle 
ages as an asylum for numerous bands of brigands. 


River Jordan if I wished to go there, and give me a place 
at his own table. I paid down, then and there, thirty 
ducats in advance. 

On Tuesday, the 3rd of June, I bought a chest and a 
mattress and sent them and also my other things aboard 
the galley, which was being loaded for the departure. 
That evening, out of regard for me, the aforementioned 
Don Giovanni invited the Venerable Don Frate Francesco 
Trivulzio to supper, and I did the cooking Milanese 
fashion, especially a pasty. 



Casola and the other Pilgrims go on Board the 
Jaffa Galley. — Description of the Galley. — The 
Officers and Crew. — The Number of Pilgrims. — 
First Day at Sea. — Parenzo. — The Cathedral.— 
Absenteeism of the Clergy. — The Franciscan 
Monastery. — Church of St. Nicholas.— Voyage to 
Zara — Cathedral. — Franciscan Monastery. — Church 
of St. Simeon.— Relic of that Saint— Sermon 
Preached in the Cathedral at Zara by Fra. F. 
Trivulzio. — Departure from Zara. 

On Wednesday, the 4th of June, at sunset, having taken 
leave first of the Magnificent Don Tadiolo Vicomercato, 
the ducal Ambassador, and also of the other friends, I 
entered a boat in the company of the aforesaid Fra 
Francesco and certain other pilgrims and non-pilgrims 
to go to the galley. This had gone outside the port to a 
place called " Above the Two Castles," x five miles distant 
from Venice they say, and there we went on board the 
galley, which was called the Jaffa Galley. 

Outside it has the shape of the other Venetian galleys. 
It is eighty braccia 2 long, and where it is widest it is only 
twenty braccia. There is a platform all round outside, 
projecting from the body of the galley, more than a 
braccio wide, which is supported by numerous brackets 
attached to the body of the galley. On this platform 
many bales of merchandise and also many barrels and 

1. Beyond the two Castles of Sant' Andrea and San Nicoletto at the entrance to the 
Lido Channel. 

2. The Venetian Braccio (for measuring wool)= •6S339fc> metres. 

,, ,, (for measuring silk) = '638721 „ 
The Milanese „ =-594936 


casks of wine are packed. Towards the bottom the galley 
is almost round, and diminishes from the middle down- 
wards. From the middle, where it begins to diminish 
downwards, three out of the four parts are full of sand 
and gravel in order that the galley may draw enough 
water and stand firm, and in the sand many barrels and 
casks of wine were stored for the majority of the pilgrims. 

Over the said sand there was a floor of boards which 
could be taken up if necessary, and on the said floor there 
was built a kind of hall almost sixty braccia long, which 
stretched from the mizzen mast to the prow. The ceiling 
of this hall, between one extremity and the other, was 
supported by strong columns, and it formed the deck of 
the galley. The said deck was made of strong planks and 
well tarred, so that the rainwater and the seawater could 
not penetrate into the room below. 

The fourth part of the galley — that is, from the mizzen 
mast backwards — was divided, first, into a place called the 
poop, which has three divisions. The lower is called the 
pizolo — a place conceded to distinguished men for 
sleeping, and also reserved for the storage of munition 
and of merchandise belonging to the captain and others 
at the discretion of the captain. In the middle region, 
which is called the poop proper, the tables are spread for 
meals, and there is also a small altar where Dry Mass 
(Note 51) was said for the captain ; and at night many 
mattresses were spread here for sleeping, according to the 
distribution of the places amongst the pilgrims or other 
passengers. Many weapons, too, are attached to the roof 
of the said place — crossbows, bows, swords and other kinds 
of weapons — for the defence of the galley in case of need ; 
and in that place all the tackle of the galley is made. 
Above the said poop proper there is a place called the 
Castle, where, for the most part, the captain lived, and also 


any great persons, if such there happened to be aboard. 
It is floored with tarred planks, so that however much it 
rains, no water can enter the poop. The navigating 
compass was kept in the castle, and on the voyage this 
castle was covered, first with canvas and then with a 
curtain of red cloth on which the ensign of the Sepulchre 
and also the arms of the Contarini family were 

Behind the aforesaid castle a place is arranged for 
managing the rudder of the galley, which is moved by 
the force of men's arms alone. Several times, when there 
was a great stonn at sea, more than two men were needed 
to manage it, and it is moved by means of a thick rope. 
Further behind, there was a place where two terra-cotta 
vessels full of water were kept, and also a place necessary 
for purging the body : and these all projected outside the 
body of the galley, on timbers well tarred and well joined 
together. I cannot well describe the great size and weight 
of that rudder, but I may say that when we were in the 
port of Rhodes and it was in need of repair, several men 
were required to drag it ashore, and it was a grand 
instrument to look at. 

About ten braccia outside the poop there was a fixed 
mast — that is, one which is never moved — about as large 
as could be embraced by a tall man; the sail-yard was 
fixed to it with the sail called the Mezzana, 1 and there 
were cords on both sides which were always pulled on the 
side away from the sail according to the direction of the 
wind. After passing the said mast, on the right side, 
there was the captain's canteen, where not only water, but 
every kind of wine was kept ; and in that same place there 
was a store of cheese and sausages of every kind — that is, 
of meat and also of fish. 2 Opposite the door of the said 

1. The mizzen sail. 

2. Fish sausages are still made in Milan. 


canteen there was the kitchen, called the Fughone, 1 
which extended towards the side of the galley and 
contained many utensils and necessaries for cooking. 
There were numbers of large and small cauldrons, frying- 
pans and soup-pots — not only of copper, but also of 
earthenware — spits for roasting and other kitchen utensils. 
Further along that side there were two places, one over 
the other, where the live animals were kept which were 
killed in case of need when fresh meat could not be 
obtained on land. They were fed on barley, but very 
sparingly, so that at the end of the voyage there was 
more skin than flesh. From here to the end of the galley 
many benches were fixed, called balestnere, 2 and between 
one bench and another there was space for two oars which 
after all were very little used. 

After passing down the centre of the galley, going 
towards the prow, there was a large mast fixed, which 
in its lower part could only be embraced by three men, 
and it reached to the bottom of the galley. I was told by 
the master who had bought it, that it was more than 
sixty braccia long. There was a cage at the top, and 
below the cage the yards, made in three pieces, hung down. 
A great sail called the artimone? made entirely of white 
canvas, was usually hoisted there. Many cords hung 
from the said mast, and on each side there were twelve 
ropes fastened to the side of the galley which were drawn 
on the side opposite the sail according to the weather and 
the winds. The said mast had also another very long rope 
hanging down, and still another, called the angel, that 
was often used to hoist something up to the top of the 
mast. There was another sail called the cochina. The 

1. i.e.. The " big fire." 

2. Strictly speaking the " Balestriere " were openings in the bulwarks— between the 
benches at which the Oalleotti sat to row— for the " Balestre " or crossbows. 

3. The main sail. 


artimoiie and the mezzana were pointed; this was square, 
and was only used in a great storm. At the head of the 
galley — that is, at the prow — there was a small mast with 
a square sail; it was called the trinchetto, 1 and was 
often hoisted and often taken down. 

On the said galley there were so many heavy cables 
called gomene used for various purposes, and also others 
of medium thickness, that they were worth a thousand 
ducats, according to what I was told. I could easily 
believe it, because when I was talking to the captain he 
told me that he had paid a hundred and fifty ducats for 
one cable alone for casting the anchor into the sea, and 
he had two others. It was enormously thick and six 
hundred and twenty-five feet 2 long. I doubt whether 
two Milanese waggons with two pair of oxen to each 
waggon could have carried all the ropes there were on the 
said galley. 

On the left side of the said galley, beginning at the 
poop and proceeding towards the prow — on deck I mean — 
there was no other impediment except the benches called 
balestriere with the oars as I said above — and this as far 
as the prow. 

On the deck of the said galley, beginning at the poop, 
as far as the main mast of the galley, there were a row 
of large cases (Note 52) down the centre, each of which 
was two braccia wide, over two braccia long and two 
braccia high, and all were tarred outside so that the water 
might not damage them. They were so well arranged one 
after the other that they made a raised platform down 
the centre of the galley called the corsia. There were 
other similar cases from the said mast as far as the prow ; 
but these last were always covered with the heavy cables 

1. The fore sail. 

2. A Venetian foot = '347735 metres. 


for casting' the anchors. Around the said mast some of 
the cases were disposed so as to form a small platform 
called the extimaria; and there, the officers appointed 
for that purpose administered justice to the galeotti. 

There were six anchors on the said galley, and the 
lightest weighed one thousand two hundred pounds. For 
the defence of the said galley there were thirty-six pieces 
of artillery and good provision for them — that is, powder 
and stones. There were also many stones amongst the 
munition above and below deck. 

On the said galley there was the aforenamed Magnificent 
Don Agostino Contarini, a Venetian patrician, the prin- 
cipal Patrono, who had four young men to serve 
him. There were with him two Venetian gentlemen, 1 
assigned to him by the Signoria (Note 53) ; but Don 
Agostino gave them so much a month and maintained 
them at his own table. The said captain had an officer 
called the comito, who, after the captain, was obeyed 
by all, in what concerned the government of the galley. 
There was another officer called the parono, who looked 
after the provisionment of the galley, and was usually the 
first to leave the galley when anything had to be done. 
Then there were other eight companions, 2 to whom more 
than to the others the management of the galley was 
entrusted ; and these, together with several others, were 
called balestrieri (Note 54). Finally, there were many 
other men called galeotti, and altogether for the manage- 
ment and defence of the galley there were a hundred and 
forty persons. Amongst these were men of every existing 
trade and craft, and when the sea was not stormy they 
followed their trades. The majority of them, and especially 

1. These were apprentices to the sea. Each galley was obliged by law to take a 
certain number in proportion to its size. 

2. i.e., The Patrician Balestrieri — as distinguished from their non-noble fellow 


of the experienced sailors, were Sclavonians and Albanians ; 
there were also a few Lombards, but not many. There 
was not a single man of them who had not some kind of 
merchandise on the galley, according to the terms of the 
agreement made when they were engaged; and 
when the galley entered a port they took the said 
merchandise ashore and established a sort of fair. There 
were more than three thousand pieces of cloth alone on 
board, and so much other merchandise besides, that, unless 
he saw it, no man could believe that the galley was capable 
of carrying so much cargo in addition to the passengers 
and crew. Nor without seeing them could anyone believe 
that the galeotti were so obedient as they were, for at a 
whistle from the comito all the men raised their heads 
and asked, " What's your will ?" There were three 
trumpets and good trumpeters, and besides the aforesaid 
persons there were one hundred and seventy pilgrims, 
counting men and women, 1 friars, priests and hermits, 
Ultramontanes and Italians; and all had places assigned 
for their chests on which they slept if there was room 
enough. Much more might be said about the said galley, 
but I will leave something for another time and return to 
when I went on board the galley for the first time. 

The greater number of us, both pilgrims and also the 
friends who accompanied us, were already upset by the 
sea, and I more so than the others because I had never 
been to sea before. I was therefore obliged to make up 
my mind to go and take possession immediately of the 
place assigned to me below deck; and God willed that I 
should find myself neighbour to a Lombard, called 
Bernardino Scotto (Note 55), who, although we were not 
otherwise intimate, was nevertheless a good neighbour to 

1. The Germans, Bemmelberg and Parsberg, who went on the same pilgrimage, 
mention that amongst the company there were " 24 monks and 20 women." Deutsche 
Pilgerreisen, Rohricht, p. 183. 


me. Behind us, so they said, was the place of the 
magnificent captain. 

On Thursday, the 5th of June, having passed through 
my share of the tribulation due to the sea, I went on deck 
at the second hour of the day, leaving my companions 
below; and I stood to watch the spreading of all the sails 
of the galley to the sound of the trumpets and the chanting 
of several friars and other pilgrims. It was a very 
interesting sight, especially for a person who had never 
seen the like. At first we had a favourable wind, so that 
at the eighteenth hour the mariners said we had made as 
much as sixty miles going towards the city of Parenzo. 
This particular part of the sea is called the Gulf of 
Trieste. After the said hour, however, there was a calm 
at sea which so fixed the galley that it remained quite 
still until night. Then a slight wind sprang up accom- 
panied by rain, and the mariners, thinking it might 
favour us, spread all three sails, hoping to reach Parenzo 
at least by the morning. But they were disappointed, for 
the wind changed, and there was nothing to do but 
await a change in the weather, and meanwhile let the 
galley go as it would, thus drifting out of the path and 
drawing nearer the coast. 

On Friday, the 6th of June, at the sixteenth hour, we 
arrived opposite Parenzo (Note 56), and had it not been 
necessary to procure a supply of mutton for the galley the 
captain would have passed by without stopping. However, 
he made the port, but he refused to allow any of the 
pilgrims to go on land ; nevertheless, yielding at last to the 
entreaties of many, especially of the preacher, Father 
Francesco Trivulzio, he gave them license for an hour. 
Those who wanted to go had to hire the boats from the 
fishermen and pay them well. In order to see as much as 
possible I joined the aforesaid preacher very gladly, 


because in truth lie was treated with great respect, and 
everything was shown to him without much difficulty. I 
did the same all the voyage as long as he was well, and 
his Reverence also liked to have my company. Thus we 
entered the city of Parenzo, situated in Istria, which they 
say is a hundred miles from Venice. 

It is an ancient city; it appears to me to be a citadel 
situated in the plain, which has been re-built. I do 
not know to what I can compare it for size; if I say to 
the city of Corbetta * it is too little, if I say Abbiategrasso 2 
it is too much ; it is collected there what little there is. 

We went to the Cathedral. It is an ancient church, 
and I think it must have been very beautiful, judging by 
the mosaics of the tribune and by the pavement which 
shows some signs still of having been worked in mosaic. 
Now, owing I think to the absenteeism of the pastors, the 
church has a neglected appearance. Amongst others, I 
saw one thing which showed me that there are very 
honest people in that city — more so than at home — for 
in the choir of the said church there was not a stall (it 
is true there were not many of them) which had not the 
surplice of a priest thrown over the back. I asked who 
they belonged to, and was told they belonged to the 
Canons. I am certain that if I left one of mine at our 
Cathedral or at the Church of St. Ambrose I should find 
either two or none when I got back. The said church has 
a little atrium in front, as the churches at Rome have 
and also our Saint Ambrose — and the baptistery is at the 
end. I think few persons go there because everywhere 
the grass is long. 

Amongst others, I saw the Convent of St. Francis. 

1, Corbetta, a small place IS kilometres west of Milan, near the road to Magenta 
anil Novara. 

2. Abbiategrasso, on the Ticino, south of Magenta, and south-west of Milan. It was 
famous for the Castle of Filippo Maria Visconti, Duke of Milan. 


It is a miserable place ; I did not see a single friar there. 
Suffice it to say that the aforesaid Don Frate Francesco 
said it would be better if there were none. From what I 
could see, hear and also taste, the said city has red wines 
which are good and pleasant to look at; there seems to be 
a dearth of all other victuals except mutton. 

We went to visit a church dedicated to Saint Nicholas, 
built on a rock in the sea opposite the said city. It is very 
beautiful, and was built with the offerings of sailors, to 
whom it is a great object of devotion. It is administered 
by two monks and two lay brothers of the Order of the 
Observants of Saint Benedict, who have a beautiful olive 
grove on the said rock, said to be their only source of 
income. The said city is subject to the Signoria of 

We stayed there until the twenty-second hour, and then, 
notwithstanding that the sea had calmed down, all the 
sails were spread and turned, now to this side, now to that, 
to catch the different winds that sprang up — now bonanza, 1 
now yrovenza, 2 now garbino, 3 now scirocco* And thus 
we went, turning now to the right and now to the left 
through the sea called the Sino Fanatico, and passed many 
towns and villages on both sides. Anciently the people of 
these parts were called Liburnians. Continuing thus as 
I said, we came to a certain gulf called the Quarnero, 5 very 
difficult to navigate. 

As we had not a favourable wind that night or on 
Saturday, the 7th of June, we did not make much progress, 
in spite of the efforts made to hasten, now with the sails 
and now with the oars, though not much with the oars 
because they were of little use with that galley. 6 All on 

1. A calm at sea. 

2. West wind. 

'A. South-west wind, otherwise called Libeccio or Africano. 

4. South-east wind. 

5. ?'./>., The Gulf of Fiume. 

6. There were only two oars to each bench. If, as seems probable, the galley was a 
Trireme, it would have had three oars to each bench, when it was of more importance to 
increase speed than to keep down expenses. 

ZARA 165 

board were anxious to reach Zara, and as many of us 
were new to the sea it was more disagreeable to us than 
even to the sailors. 

On Sunday, the 8th of June, by the grace of God, we 
arrived at Zara (Note 57), the right name of which is 
Jadra, at the ninth hour of the day. As many small 
boats came alongside we all landed with great joy, and 
went to hear Mass and afterwards to dinner. And as the 
captain had landed to furnish the galley with certain 
things, I set about seeing the said city, having nothing 
else to do. It is in a plain, and not very large, but it is 
bright and clean, and has some beautiful buildings. It 
has no moat round it nor any drawbridges ; but it is 
surrounded by fine high walls. There is a castle at one 
angle which has very much the appearance of a fortress 
as far as can be seen. All the city is paved with little 
hard pebbles in such a way that many of our Milanese 
(I mean those who have gouty feet) could not walk about 
there very comfortably. I did not see a single fine palace, 
but only humble houses, and as I said fine walls. There 
is a small square piazza before the place where the 
Governors sent by the Signoria administer justice; 1 I did 
not see any other piazza. 

I went to the Cathedral of the city, which is dedicated 
to Saint Anastasia. The body of the church is very fine. 
The centre is high and in the shape of a galley, and 
there is a long, round, vaulted roof made of wood on which 
the Old Testament story has been painted by good masters. 
There is a choir well adorned with stalls after our fashion ; 
they are beautiful, and rightly so, for it is the archi- 
episcopal church. There are no vaulted chapels in the 
body of the church, but there are altars at the sides, well 

1. The Count or Governor of Zara, in 1494, was Ser Paolo Erizzo, son of the late 
Ser Antonio. The captain was Ser Michael Salomono. See "Segretario alle Voci," 
Reg. vi. 


adorned with altar pieces — majestate x as we call them. — in 
relief and well gilded. Over the choir, high up between one 
wall and the other, besides the crucifix, which is in the 
middle and very ornate, there is a beam which supports 
fourteen very large figures all covered with gold ; they are 
beautiful and very natural. 

I saw the Franciscan Monastery belonging to the 
Observant friars ; it is very beautiful, and so also is the 
church. Being in the city, the friars have not a large 
garden in which to take their recreation as they have in 
many other places. 

I went with the other pilgrims according to arrange- 
ment to the Church of Saint Simeon, where after Vespers 
were sung the body of Saint Simeon was shown — a very 
remarkable relic — certainly the most beautiful I ever saw, 
either at Rome or elsewhere. The body is perfectly 
preserved, there is nothing in the world lacking, either in 
the face or in the hands or in the feet. The mouth is 
open, and in the upper jaw there are no teeth; I was not 
surprised at that, because he was very old when he died. 
He it was to whom the Holy Spirit declared that he should 
not see death until he had seen the Son of God, and he it 
was who took our Lord Jesus Christ in his arms when he 
was presented in the Temple by our Lady, and who said : 
" Nunc dimittis servum tuum Domine, secundum verbuni 
tuum in pace, etc." 2 I went several times to see the relic 
because there was a great crowd of pilgrims and also of 
people belonging to the city and country round who came 
there because it was a holiday. And the more I looked 
the more it seemed to me a stupendous thing, most of all 
when I remembered the time of his death which could 
not be less than one thousand four hundred and ninety- 

1. See Note, p. 173. 

2. " Lord now lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace according to Thy word."— 
Luke, ii. 29. 

ZARA 167 

three years ago. The body was very carefully guarded ; 
the Governors of the city — Venetians as I said — keep the 
keys. The church is very beautiful. In the choir there 
are as many as ten very handsome stalls. The choir is 
only finished in one part. I calculated that they will 
finish the rest in time because what is already finished is 
new. High above the place where the said most holy 
relic is kept there is an arch, all of silver-gilt, on which the 
presentation of Christ in the Temple is sculptured. In 
the middle of the said arch there is an inscription in 
Latin which records how a Queen of Hungary caused it to 
be made. The pilgrims offered many oblations there, and 
touched the said relic with rosaries, rings, etc. 

In the said city there is a good abbey belonging to the 
Order of Saint Benedict, dedicated to Saint Chrysogonus 
the Martyr. It is held in commendam and goes like the 
others. There are also several other churches in the same 

On Monday, the 9th of June, I heard Mass and also the 
sermon preached by the above-mentioned Don Fra 
Francesco in the Cathedral. It was very beautiful — 
concerning the conversion of sinners. He took for his 
text " Gaudium Magnum erit, etc." x 

After dinner the order was given to the pilgrims by a 
trumpeter, who went throughout the city sounding and 
saying that every man must return to the galley, because 
a wind called scirocco — which had kept us all the 
preceding night and up to the eighteenth hour of the 
above-named day — had dropped. When all had come 
aboard, the galley sailed away at the nineteenth hour. It 
is said to be over three hundred miles from Zara to Venice. 

1. " Great joy shall be in heaven over one sinner that repenteth." — Luke, xv. 7. 



Voyage continued among the Rocks of Sclavonia. — 
Pilot runs the Galley on to a Sandbank.— Alarm 
on Board but no Damage done. — Island of Lissa. — 
Trau. — Spalato. — Lesina. — Curzola. — Melita. — 
Arrival at Ragusa.— Description of that City.— 
The Cathedral. — The Patron Saint Blaise. — Fran- 
ciscan Convent and Church.— Dominican and 
Benedictine houses. — Palace of the Governor. 
—The Arsenal. — Water Supply of the City. — Forti- 
fications. — Productions.— The People and Customs. 
— The Government. — Sermon Preached by Fra. 
F. Trivulzio in the Cathedral. — The Galley leaves 

After navigating slowly, with only a little garbino, 1 it 
was found that — amongst those rocks of Sclavonia, which 
are numberless and very arid and stony — we had gone 
seventy miles from Zara up to the following Tuesday, 
which was the 10th of June. Then the sea — or one might 
rather say among those rocks, the canal, because it did not 
appear to me wider than the River Po in Lombardy — 
settled into a calm. 

On Tuesday, at the third hour of the day, the scirocco 2 
rose again, and drove the galley backwards. All the sails 
were hauled down, and the anchors had to be cast, to the 
great perturbation of the captain, who wished as much as 
the pilgrims did to continue the voyage. Thus we 
remained until Wednesday morning. 

1. The south-west wind — otherwise called Libeccio or Africano. 

2. The south-east wind. 


On Wednesday, the 11th of June, at sunrise, he ordered 
the sails to he spread, as he thought that a favourable 
wind had arisen ; but the weather suddenly changed, and 
all the sails being again furled he ordered the anchors to 
be cast once more. It was found that only one mile had 
been made all that morning, and the captain and also his 
councillors thought of returning to Zara because the bread 
began to run short, and already it was necessary to begin 
on the biscuits ; and although there is a dwelling here and 
there amongst those rocks, nevertheless there is no bread 
to be had; nothing in fact but a little mutton and also a 
few goats. Further, seeing that he could not proceed on 
the voyage because the adverse wind continued, the captain 
thought it would cost less to turn back and put into Zara, 
for there was no other place in which he could take 
refuge. We were very near the city of Sebenico, but he 
could not go there because the galley was so large, as I 
said, that it could not be propelled by the oars. So we 
remained thus with great inconvenience to the pilgrims, 
great loss for the captain, who had all the expense and 
could not proceed on the voyage, and extreme fatigue 
for the galeotti, who had to spread the sails and furl them 
so often and throw the anchors and heave them again. It 
excited one's compassion to see so much weary work, 
hardly to be believed by one who has not seen it; 
nevertheless things remained thus. 

On Thursday, the 12th of June, at sunrise or shortly 
after, a favourable wind arose. The main sail and also 
the mizzen sail were spread, and, thanking God with 
words and also with the sound of the trumpets, we set 
out on our journey, passing still among those rocks of 
Sebenico in Sclavonia. 

At dinner time when the greater part of the pilgrims 
were at table, some above and some below, there was a 


great uproar on board the galley. All the sails were 
lowered at once, and it seemed as if we were about to 
founder. Everybody was terribly alarmed, and no one 
understood what had really happened save the sailors; 
nevertheless those who understood and those who did not, 
left their dinner. Those who were below deck, as they 
did not understand what had occurred, had no further 
fear. I was amongst those who were afraid, because I 
was at the captain's table with others assigned to the 
same table, and the peril was only realised by those above. 
It was of such a nature that we thought we should all be 
drowned. This is what had happened. It is the rule 
for this galley to take a guide — a person with much 
experience of the sea — who begins at Venice and goes as 
for as Parenzo. At Parenzo, another is taken as far 
as Modone. At Modone another is taken as far as 
Jaffa. It appears that the guide or pilot, as they call 
him, taken at Parenzo had lost his way among those 
Dalmatian rocks, and had allowed the galley to drift on 
to a shallow, so that the helm bounced three times out of 
the helmsman's hand, and it was thought that a hole had 
been made in the bottom of the galley. But God had 
mercy on the many souls who were on the said galley, 
and especially on so many religious of all kinds as there 
were aboard ; and on examination it was found that 
whereas it had been thought that the ship had struck on a 
rock, it had only touched mud or sand. Thus we passed 
the danger, and although we were in great peril, no 
damage was done. 

When the mariners breathed freely again they put up 
the sails once more, as we had the wind in our favour, 
and thus pursuing the way, we passed many islands on 
our right hand, amongst which was the island called the 
island of Sant' Andrea, barren and uninhabited. After 


this came the island of Lissa, which is fertile and 
excellently supplied with good wines and other fruit, and 
has also a great trade in sardines. I think they are those 
fish they sometimes sell for anchovies to those who do 
not know the difference. On the left side of our course 
after leaving Sebenico we passed the city of Trau, and 
also the city of Spalato, as it is called, which is a very 
flourishing city; and all are subject to the Signoria of 
the Venetians. At length, by the grace of God, at the 
third hour of the night, we arrived at the city of Lesina, 
otherwise called Fara (Note 95). As it was night the 
pilgrims were not allowed to land, nor were the requests 
of the galeotti — who wanted some provision for the galley 
— granted. Nothing was taken on board but a little 

On Friday, the 13th of June, we left the canal of 
Lesina after sunrise and made sail with a veiy slight 
wind; but as the day advanced the wind improved and 
we came opposite the citadel of Curzola (Note 58), which 
is beautiful to look at from the outside. The captain did 
not wish to stop there for fear of losing the favourable 
wind, and thus we passed by, and could only admire the 
place from the outside; it is said to be sixty miles from 
Lesina. The captain related that a few years ago King 
Ferdinand, the former King of Naples, sent his fleet there 
to try and steal it from the Venetians, but he failed 
completely because the people of Curzola were valiant, 
and defended themselves from that attack without 
additional help from the Signoria of Venice, to whom 
they are subject. 

On the morning of Saturday, the 14th of June, we found 
ourselves opposite an island of the Eagusans, on the right 
hand, called Melita, having passed the other islands of 
Curzola during the preceding night. On the left hand, 


on the mountains also belonging to the Ragusans, there 
was a very large place called Stagno, they said. From 
the galley nothing could be seen save the top of one bell- 
tower, on account of the various mountains. The aforesaid 
captain, whom I often questioned as to the things we saw, 
told me that the said place was as large as Ragusa, but 
not so populous. Salt is made there, and they said that 
the Ragusans gain every year over forty thousand ducats 
from the salt, besides the salt they use themselves; it is 
beautiful and white. 

Thus pursuing our course with a good wind we came 
to Ragusa (Note 59), a city of Dalmatia, at the twentieth 
hour, and entered the port with a great display of banners 
and signals from the mortars and trumpets. Mauy 
Ragusans flocked on to the quay of the port, and many 
boats came to the galley to take off the pilgrims and also 
the galeotti, who carried away their merchandise to do 
their business as they desired in the market of Ragusa. 
All the pilgrims went ashore, especially those who were 
well enough to move; and with a great longing to refresh 
themselves, they entered the said city of Ragusa, in 
Dalmatia or Sclavonia. 

For its size the city is beautiful in every respect. It is 
on the seashore, and has very strong walls, especially on 
the land side. The said walls are twenty-four feet x thick, 
so I was told. I measured them in several places, and 
they did not exceed twenty feet; perhaps that was due to 
the fact that the measure I used was larger than the 
others. There are many towers on the walls, and one at 
an angle towards the mainland is larger than the others. 
I climbed the said walls with the aforesaid Don Fra 
Francesco, who was accompanied by many friars of his 

1. The Venetian foot equalled '347735 metres. The Milanese foot equalled '435185 
metres. Casola, no doubt being a Milanese, used the Milanese measures. 


Order. From that tower the plan of the said city can 
be seen very well. The said city appears to me to be 
triangular. On two sides it is washed by the sea; on the 
other, which is the land side, there is a high mountain. 
One street begins at the gate, which is entered from the 
port, and goes the length of the city to the gate where 
stands the Franciscan Convent ; and on both sides of 
the said street there are shops of all kinds. The said city 
is flat in the centre, and all the rest seems to me to ascend. 
The houses are beautiful in appearance, and they are 
numerous and close together, so that nothing could be 

The chief church, dedicated to Our Lady, is small for 
an archiepiscopal church. Nevertheless it is very beautiful, 
and more beautiful outside than inside. Outside it is 
built of stones white like marble, and there is a beautiful 
arcade — with beautiful little columns — by which one can 
walk all round the exterior of the church. One can go 
round inside as well, and even the women go there above 
the side naves of the said church. The choir of the said 
church is small, but it has a beautiful majestd, 1 after our 
fashion, with several figures in silver gilded over. 
I did not see any other handsome object in the said 
church. The patron saint of the Ragusans is Saint 
Blaise, 2 and I think he is greatly venerated because many 
of the said Ragusans and also many Sclavonians outside 
of Ragusa are called Blaise. The Ragusans have another 
church near the Cathedral and also near the piazza. For 
its size it is very ornate, and built of beautiful marble 
within and without. 

1. i.e., An altar-piece of wood or metal with figures of the saints, &c., in relief. 

2. St. Blaise was Bishop of Sebaste in Cappatlocia. He is the Patron Saint of Wool 
Combers, and of all who suffer from diseases of the throat, and also the patron saint of 
wild animals. He was martyred in 289. As the patron saint of Ragusa, he was represented 
in his episcopal robes on the coins of the city, holding in one hand a crosier, and in the 
other an iron comb such as wool combers use. See Mrs. Jameson, Sac. and Leg., Art ii. 


In the said city there is a Franciscan Convent. The 
friars live in good observance, and Frate Francesco 
Trivnlzio lodged there with his companions. Considering 
it is in this city of Ragusa, it is, in my opinion, the most 
beautiful I have seen on this journey — I mean outside 
of Venice. It has a beautiful church. The altar has a 
majestd in silver gilt containing two rows of large figures 
with twelve figures in each row. In the upper row, in 
the centre, there is a God the Father; in the centre of the 
lower row there is Our Lady Avith her Son in her arms ; 
and, as I said, everything is of silver. For greater 
ornament there are many jewels of every colour, and they 
are so large that I doubt strongly that they can be 
genuine, because if they were genuine, there would be a 
great treasure there, little guarded. I did not find 
anyone who could remove that doubt from my mind. On 
the left side of the said church there is a little chapel 
which was also a beautiful majestd with several figures 
in silver gilded over. The said church has a large and 
beautiful choir, and it has a beautiful sacristy very well 
furnished with certain relics covered with silver. Amongst 
other notable things, I saw five volumes of books which 
contain the Psalter; I think there are none more beautiful 
among Christian peoples. 

The convent could not be improved. It has a 
beautiful cloister and a chapter house which contains 
three very ornate altars, and also refectories, dormitories, 
etc. Everything belonging to such a place is ornate. 
Amongst other things there are three gardens — each one 
higher than the other by at least eight steps — planted with 
oranges, pomegranates and other notable things ; these 
gardens dominate all the buildings. Then all the friars 
are the most warm-hearted and hospitable I ever met, for, 
besides the affectionate attention they showed to the afore- 


said Fra Francesco and his companions, they showed the 
same also to me; and I hear that they constantly offer 
hospitality, especially to foreigners and Italians. 

The said city has a beautiful priory belonging to 
the observants of Saint Dominic. It has also several 
convents for women observants. Outside the city, on a 
rock in the sea, there is a monastery of the Order of 
Saint Benedict, belonging to the congregation of Santa 
Justina. Certainly it is a place adapted for monks, and 
full of every charm — they are remote from all society, 
they are surrounded by the sea, and they have beautiful 
gardens. If the building is finished as it has been begun 
it will be a most beautiful place ; the work is continually 
going on there. 

For its size the said city has a beautiful palace constantly 
inhabited by the Governor, called the Captain. Inside, 
amongst other things, there is a beautiful hall, built in 
the likeness of the hall at Venice, where the Venetian 
gentlemen hold their Great Council, and with similar 
benches. It is true that the seats are not gilded, as they 
are at Venice, for seating the Great Council; the ceiling, 
however, is adorned with gold and fine blue. Then there 
is a certain very ornate hall, where the aforesaid Governor 
holds audience together with the ten wise men. In the 
said palace there is an armoury, where, among other 
things, they showed a certain quantity of arms sent as a 
present by the Most Illustrious Lord the Duke of Milan. 1 
The said Eagusans have, moreover, like the Venetian 
gentlemen, a place built towards the port, which they call 
the Arsenal, where they also construct galleys and sailing 
ships. At that time there were four there partly finished 
and partly unfinished. 

1. Probably the present was sent during the war between Venice and Ferrara, 1482-84, 
when Milan took the side of the latter against the Venetian Republic. 


The Ragusans have an aqueduct of fresh water which 
comes from a long distance, and by means of that 
aqueduct they turn nine mills in various places outside 
the city; then entering the city it supplies many places, 
especially two where there are two public fountains — one 
which has many mouths at the gate of the Franciscan 
Convent, and the other near the piazza, also with several 
mouths. The people flock there to draw the water. The 
said aqueduct also supplies the Franciscan friars. In the 
said city there are many cisterns for collecting the rain 
water which is better for drinking purposes than the water 
of the said aqueduct. 

On the land side the Ragusans have a great many 
beautiful gardens, in which they have very ornate houses, 
and they go there for amusement. They have a quantity 
of vines, and they make good malmseys and many other 
wines, according to the locality. 

They have a castle outside the city on a certain small 
hill near the sea. I do not know what use it could be 
to them, nor do I understand how it could receive succour 
from the city if by misfortune it were taken by assault. 
When I asked a Ragusan what good it would be to the 
city if an army were there and no succour could be given, 
he said that help could be given from a certain tower in 
the city by means of a cord. It appeared to me a very 
absurd answer, and I gave the matter up. I will only 
add that they change the Governor of the castle every 
day, not by the popular voice but solely at the will of the 
Governor for the time being. A guard is also posted on a 
hill which dominates the city on the land side. 

From what I could hear they do not produce enough 
grain for their needs, and they import what is lacking 
from Apulia. As I said, they make good red wines and 
excellent malmseys; they say they are better than those 


of Candia, but I have not been able to pronounce this 
judgment. The Ragusans produce a great quantity of 
wax, and also much fruit. Owing to the poverty of the 
country round, the peasants flock to the city on Saturdays 
and Sundays, and with what they bring earn a few 
bagattini. 1 I think that the concourse of people on 
this occasion was also due to the arrival of the galley 
full of pilgrims who bought a quantity of things, especially 
for eating and drinking. Nevertheless I could not see or 
taste good bread. The bread appears to me to be 
unleavened, made without raising material such as we use. 

The men of this city are generally handsome, and the 
younger they are the taller they seem to be ; all, both old 
and young, and even the boys, wear togas in the Venetian 
fashion. There were crowds of them. Perhaps they made 
a special effort to show themselves to so many foreigners 
while the galley was there. In truth, they are very polite 
and pleasant to foreigners, at least in words. As far as I 
could judge from seeing their churches, they are very 
devout, and they give large subsidies to the monks, 
especially to the observants and amongst the observants, 
especially to the Franciscan friars. 

They are content with their Government or Signoria. 
This seems natural to me, because they are free, and do 
not pay tribute to other than the Turk. It is twenty 
thousand ducats, and before the end of the year it becomes 
twenty-five thousand, and this is every year — in truth, 
they are near neighbours. Every year also they send a 
present of five hundred ducats to the King of Hungary, 
by whom they are protected. I could not discover that 
they have any other charges at present. They are 
occupied in building a port, which they intend to fortify, 

1. The "Bagattino," otherwise called the "danaro" or il piccolo," was a small piece 
of copper money, first coined in Venice, according to Sanudo, in 12S2. Its value depended 
on that of the " Soldo," of which it was a twelfth part. Twenty Soldi formed a Lira. 



and in enlarging the moat of the said city on the land 
side. It will be a beautiful fortress when it is finished. 

The women of Ragusa look very strange, because for 
the most part they wear a strange dress. I do not know 
how to describe it, but I can assure you that their dress 
is more than decent. For not only do they wear their 
dresses very high and cover themselves to the neck, but 
they have a certain thing which looks like the tail of a 
fat ram, which goes in front right under the chin and well 
over the hair behind. Considering the importance of the 
city, I saw, specially on the holiday, some beautiful 
women, though not many, but those I saw were veiy 
beautiful and well adorned with jewels. They were 
dressed in the fashion aforesaid and resplendent with gold 
and silver and pearls. They are pleased to be looked at 
even by foreigners; they go about, however, with the 
greatest modesty out of doors. From what I could hear 
they are not very fond of work or of gaining their living. 

In truth, when I heard of the customs of the Ragusans, 
they all pleased me, except this, that not a man can keep 
wine in his house even though it is produced on his own 
property. When they want some, they must send for it 
to the tavern ; and their women and servants, if they want 
it, must secretly do the same, and on that account also 
they are more lukewarm about working. Probably the 
Ragusans maintain this custom for some reason I could 
not divine, and perhaps if this custom were observed at 
Milan there would be fewer gouty people than there are 
there, both men and women. 

The Signoria or free government of the Ragusans is 
administered thus : — Every month they nominate a 
Governor, who lives in the palace, like the Doge at Yenice. 
He does not go out of the palace during the said month 
save for urgent reasons ; if, however, he is obliged to do so, 


lie goes with eight pairs of pages before him and the other 
officials behind. There are ten Councillors who are always 
present when the aforesaid Governor holds audience, and 
what is decreed by the said ten is law. These ten hold 
office two years, and they have a secretary who writes 
down everything pertaining to the State ; he is a 
Cremonese by birth, and enjoys great credit. It is a 
pleasing thing. 

On Sunday, the 15th of June, I landed with the 
magnificent captain (because even if we were in port I 
always returned to sleep on the galley), and accompanied 
him first to hear Mass in the Church of St. Francis. After 
Mass I went a short walk outside the city, and then I 
turned back to go on board the galley, but finding a great 
company I left them and went to the Cathedral Church 
to hear the sermon already begun by the Venerable Don 
Fra Francesco, who gave great satisfaction to the people 
by preaching that sermon, and they showed him so in fact 
by sending him a great quantity of presents. The sermon 
was very useful to those who understood it, because they 
are Sclavonians and I do not think that all understood 
the language. They know Latin well, but I do not think 
the women understood much; nevertheless the church was 
full. He took his subject from the Gospel of the day 
according to the use of the Court of Rome, which 
mentions how Jesus Christ entered the ship of Simon and 
prayed him " Ut reduceret eum a terra pusillum." ] 
There he compared our faith and life to a ship, and spoke 
of what was needed in a ship, referring always to our 
galley, and he concluded by saying that whoever wished 
to be saved must enter with Christ in this ship. It was a 
beautiful discourse. I took away my part of it, for, 
amongst other things, he explained the reason why in the 

1. " That he would thrust out a little from the land." — Luke, v. 3, 


seven canonical hours, at the first hour and at compline, the 
shorter creed is said softly, and at the Mass it is said 
aloud — and many other noteworthy things. "When the 
sermon was over I went with him to the Franciscan 
Convent, and there I stayed with his companions to 
dinner; then I went back to the galley to write some 
letters home. 

On Monday, the 16th of June, I said Mass in the 
sacristy of the said Franciscan Convent out of con- 
sideration for the aforesaid Don Fra Francesco, who felt 
rather fatigued. After the Mass — while the magnificent 
captain sent the trumpet round to give notice to the 
pilgrims and galeotti that after dinner everyone must 
return to the galley because he intended to set sail — I 
dined at the Franciscan Convent with the companions 
of the preacher. The dinner was veiy well prepared and 
with great hospitality by the friars. After dinner, with 
the permission of the aforesaid preacher, I entered a boat 
together with his companions and went to the Monastery 
of Santa Maria, belonging to the Order of Saint Benedict, 
which is built on a rock, as described above. On the way 
back I stopped at the galley, and his companions went to 
fetch the preacher and certain other friars who wished to 
come to Jerusalem. When every man had entered the 
galley we set sail at the seventeenth hour with little wind. 



Great Storm which Drives the Galley near the Coast 
of Apulia, and back towards Ragusa.— Voyage to 
Corfu. — Casola meets there Andrea Lanza, who 
shows him about the City.— Description of Corfu. 
— Cochineal and other Products.— Additional Pas- 
sengers go on Board the Galley. — Amongst others 
a Spanish Prince, and Edward de Camar- 
dino, a Knight of the Order of St. John.— Depar- 
ture from Corfu.— Vigil of St. John Baptist. — 
Sermon from Fra. F. Trivulzio. — Illuminations. — 
St. John's Day. — Fra. Francesco finishes his 
Sermon. — Zante. — Galley reaches Modone. — Silk 
Industry there. — Franciscan Friary. — Wines, &c, 
of Modone. — Government. 

On Tuesday, the 17th of June, we found ourselves only 
twenty miles from Ragusa, and a terrible scirocco began 
to rise, very unfavourable for our journey. Nevertheless 
the captain wished to follow the course against the will 
of the winds, and was thereupon carried towards Apulia, 
at least two hundred miles out of the course, in a raging 
sea. The storm continued until night, and increased. 

On Wednesday, the 18th of June, the storm began to 
show all its grandeur, and so upset, first the pilgrims who 
were not used to the sea, and also many of the experienced 
sailors, that it was pitiful to see them. On this occasion 
great restitutions were made, both of what had been well 
taken, as well as of what had been ill taken, and without 
any intermission. There was also one of the number who 
during his life had preached restitution hundreds of times, 


and yet this time lie did not want to follow his own 
precept — that is, the venerable preacher. I was exempt 
that time also, although I saw the restitutions made by 
the others; but I must confess that as this day was the 
vigil of the Saints Protasius and Gervasius, the first 
patrons of Milan, I fasted as well as the aforesaid preacher, 
and in the Moorish fashion (Note 60); I did not taste a 
thing in the world all that day, for I had neither stomach 
nor head for eating. 

The storm constantly increased with great tossing of the 
sea up to the following night, and it had increased so 
much that owing to the great blows given by the sea, the 
water was beaten under the decks where the pilgrims lay, 
and the galley, twisted by the fury of the storm, made a 
noise so that it seemed as if she would break up. Such 
were the cries of the pilgrims below deck, because of the 
great mass of water which came through the hatches that, 
being inexperienced, I thought I had finished my voyage 
that time, nor did I expect to celebrate the feast of Saint 
Protasius then, nor on any other occasion. Many vows 
were made publicly and secretly by every man, including 
the sailors. And who would not have done and believed 
what I did and believed, hearing the creaking of the 
galley, and the water coming in during the night, and 
the great cries of men and women (of whom there were 
several belonging to various nations) who cried aloud 
for mercy? Although I did not cry out, nevertheless I 
stayed with my mind turned to God with all my might, 
for I believed surely, that I had done, what I had often 
talked publicly of doing and laughed at the idea— that is, 
chosen a fish for my sepulchre. The storm was very terrible, 
and the terror of those who had never been out on such a 
holiday was beyond all description. "When I was talking 
with the captain about this calamity he told me that, 

CORFU 183 

although he had been to sea forty-two years, he had never 
experienced such a storm at this season, or one which 
lasted so long, and that where he thought to advance, 
relying on his past experiences, he only lost ground. 

On Thursday, the 19th of June, the day of Saint 
Protasius, as the said weather continued, he turned back 
towards Ragusa, and sailed back again the two hundred 
miles from there to Apulia. He desired to make a port 
out of compassion for the pilgrims, who suffered greatly, 
and he wanted to make the port at a fortified place called 
Budua, near another called Antivari. But when the sails 
were already furled and the anchor prepared for casting, 
the weather suddenly changed — and this was indicated by 
certain small flags hung over the castle of the poop — and 
a most remarkable yrovenza 1 sprang up. So amidst the 
loud shouts of the mariners and others thanking God, all 
the sails were spread and we went on our way at a great 
rate. This feast of Saint Protasius was very sad for me 
and also for many others, both pilgrims and galeotti, we 
were so much shaken by the storm. 

On Friday, the 20th of June, we sailed at the rate of 
over twelve miles an hour, and from what I heard we 
could have made over eighteen, but the captain ordered 
the mizzen sail and the fore sail, which were both spread, 
to be lowered. On the left hand we passed several fortified 
places subject to the Signoria of Venice, and entering the 
Adriatic Gulf we passed many cities of Albania. When 
we reached Corfu the officers of the galley and the captain 
calculated that after leaving Ragusa we had made over 
seven hundred miles ; they said it was three hundred miles 
from Ragusa to Corfu. 

On Saturday, the 21st of June, before sunrise, we 
arrived at Corfu (Note 61), the capital of the island and 

1. West or north-west wind. 


the beginning of Greece. It was anciently called Corcyra, 
and is a city subject to the Signoria of Venice. We 
arrived there to the great joy of the pilgrims, who had 
suffered more than I can say from the storm above 
mentioned. It was necessary to provide the galley with 
fresh water, which already began to run short, and the 
company also hoped to get some good wines that would 
put the disordered stomachs in order. 

The magnificent captain entered the port, giving 
license to the pilgrims until mid-day, and the greater part 
landed as they could, for there was a dearth of boats to 
carry the company ashore. For the most part the pilgrims 
were disappointed in their expectations, because there was 
no good wine to be found at the taverns, no good water, 
no fruit. The water had to be fetched from a place two 
miles away called the " Cardaro," x and it was very hot 
there, and besides, on one side of the port, there is a large 
suburb, a good distance away, where the market is held on 
appointed days, and where there are all the inns and 
taverns; in truth, it was better to stay on board the 
galley — I mean for the majority. 

Against my will I was very fortunate this time, 2 for 
when I left Milan the very Reverend Lord the present 
Bishop of Piacenza 3 gave me certain letters to present 
to a certain Andrea Lanza, whom I sought out in order 
to please the aforesaid Lord. I found he was the son of 
the Venerable Doctor Don Pietro Lanza, Archdeacon of the 
Cathedral of Corfu, and Vicar of the Archbishop of Corfu. 
When he had read the letters of the aforesaid Lord Bishop 
he gave me such a welcome as I did not merit, nor could 
he have done more, I think, had I been the aforesaid 

1. Probably a corruption of the word " Caldaio," that is the boiler. 

2. Probably Casola meant that he would willingly have avoided consigning the letter 
on account of the heat. 

3. The Bishop of Piacenza then was Fabrizio Marliani, a Milanese who was trans- 
ferred from the See of Tortona to that of Piacenza in 1476. He died at Milan, 1508, but 
his body was taken to Piacenza and buried in the Cathedral. — Porro. 

CORFU 185 

Lord Bishop in person — so much good wine, fruit and 
other good things did he offer us. My good fortune was 
shared by another pilgrim, a native of Friuli, who hap- 
pened to be with me when I presented the letters. And be- 
cause the aforesaid Don Pietro Lanza is greatly esteemed 
by the Venetian gentlemen, many important under- 
takings, temporal as well as spiritual, are entrusted to 
him, and the said Andrea his son has also great under- 
takings in his hands, and he is a very experienced person. 

After dinner he showed me the position of the city and 
also the customs. This city of Corfu is placed on a hill, 
and has a large suburb in the plain, as I said. It has two 
veiy strong castles, situated a bowshot one from the other, 
and the one which is furthest west is higher than the 
other. They are built on two rocks, the one loftier than 
the other; indeed, the whole city is built on the rock. 
There are few inhabitants in the said castles which 
dominate the city and the suburb very notably. They 
have a good store of provisions, especially of water, 
which is collected in large cisterns dug out of the rock. 
There is also a mill very cunningly contrived. I was 
told it can grind three Venetian staia l of grain every 
hour, and it is worked by two horses and three men. It 
is a beautiful contrivance to look at. 

The buildings of the said city are very numerous, and 
so close together that the roof of one touches the roof of 
the next, and the sun does not give too much annoyance 
to the people. There is a dense population of men and 
women, both in the city and in the suburb; but for the 
most part they are of a low class, although there are some 
of gentle birth. The said city, together with the suburb, 
used to be like a small island. Now the Signoria has 
separated the city from the suburb by a very thick wall 

1. A Venetian Staio=-83-317200 litres ; a Milanese Staio = lS-2792S7 litres. 


made of square blocks, and the said city will be an island 
by itself, and by means of a moat which is being 
constructed to strengthen the said city it will be possible 
to circumnavigate it, though not with large ships. The 
work is constantly going on under the direction of the 
aforesaid Don Pietro. 

I went into the Cathedral, but I will not write more 
about it because I did not find anything there worthy of 
record, for there is no single vestige of a choir in the said 
church, nor sign of its being a collegiate church. In the 
said church, as I was told, the body of Saint Arsenius re- 
poses under the altar. I saw two bells in a window ; I think 
that must be the bell-tower, because there is no other. 
The archiepiscopal dwelling does not seem to me worthy 
of such dignity, nor even of the merits of the person who 
lives there — that is, of the aforesaid Don Pietro, the Yicar. 
The deficiencies must be attributed to the person who 
enjoys the revenues and does not provide what is necessary. 

The streets of the said city are so very narrow and dark 
that, exploring them alone, as I did, I was afraid at first. 
The said city is governed by an official called the Bailo, 1 
aided by two councillors and treasurers sent by the 
Signoria of Venice every three years. The Governors of 
the two castles are changed every sixteen months. From 
what I could hear, the men of the said city are very skilful 
sailors, and there are always a great many away at sea. 

This city has an island a hundred miles long, and the 
said island produces grain, wines in perfection — such as 
malmsey — and every kind of fruit. The chief product is 
grana, 2 of which a great quantity is gathered — I mean for 
dyeing cloths, and while we were in port it was being 

1. At the time of Casola's visit, the Bailo and Captain of Corfu was Ser. Alvise 
Venerio. The two councillors for the first half of li'M weri» Ser. Alvise de Canali and 
Ser. Girolamo Diedo, who were superseded by Ser. Domenico Vallaresso and Ser. Quintino 
Tagliapietra. Segretario alle Voci, Register vi. , Venice Archives. 

2. Cochineal. 

CORFU 187 

collected. The said grana is made with great care. I 
watched how they extract, first, the fine powder, then the 
second and the third, and how there then remains what is 
sold as grana. I wanted to understand how it is collected, 
what the plants are like, which are not higher than the 
brugh (Note 62) at home, what the leaves are like which 
resemble those of the oak, and by whom it is gathered — 
that is, by poor men. What is gathered looks like the grains 
of buckwheat at home. After it is carried with great care 
(for in a moment the sun would spoil it) by the women 
to the buyers, the first powder is extracted, et cetera, and 
each kind as I said, and without great care the said seeds 
would become worms. The said island produces cotton 
and silk, and there is also a great quantity of a seed 
called valania 1 used for tanning leather, and there is a 
great trade in that. 

In the said city I saw a great many ugly faces, and also 
some pretty ones, as in Venice. As I had no more time 
because the trumpet was sounding and hurrying the 
pilgrims aboard, I did not learn any more about the said 
city, but I hoped on the return to see it better. And as 
all were being hastened od board the galley, the aforesaid 
Don Pietro, or rather his son Andrea, who had never left 
me, and who had shown me all he could, took a boat on his 
own account with certain slaves, and loaded it with much 
fruit and young geese — he wanted also to put in wine and 
oxen, but I would not let him — and he took me to the 
galley and bestowed the very generous present on the 
captain of the galley — for thus I wished. Then embracing 
me many times, he recommended me to the aforesaid 
captain, who promised to go to his house on our return. 

Several additional passengers came on board, who had 
been waiting for the galley. Amongst these there was 

1. Valania = nut gall. 


one said to be a nephew of the King of Spain. He was 
very young and magnificent, and said that he also wished 
to come to Jerusalem and then return to Rhodes to take 
the habit of the Jerusalem friars, for he was expecting 
a very large and rich benefice in Spain. He had been in 
Naples, and King Alfonso had given him some horses and 
certain falcons, and he had everything in a greppo x 
brought from Ancona, which followed at the side of the 
galley. "With him there was another Lord called the 
Lord of Longo 2 (an island near Rhodes), whose name was 
Eduardusde Camardino (Note 63). He is a Genoese, and 
has a commendam called the Commendam of Longo, 
worth, it was said, eight thousand ducats. He is a person 
of importance on sea and land, and is held in repute by the 
Order of Saint John. As I had formerly made his 
acquaintance at the Court of Rome, I made myself known 
to him, and he showed me many attentions both on sea 
and on land. These two Lords had left Rome together to 
join the pilgrim galley for greater security. Because 
of waiting for these two Lords we stayed longer at Corfu 
than we expected ; nevertheless at the twenty-third hour 
we set sail. 

By Sunday, the 22nd of June, at sunrise, we had made 
little progress. The island of Corfu was continually on our 
left hand, and on the right hand the island of Cephalonia,' 5 
belonging to the Turk, and other islands, belonging to the 
Signoria of Venice. We sailed through the Ionian Sea, 
leaving Arcadia on the one side and the Morea on the 
other; and we suffered greatly from the heat, 4 because 

1. A Greppo or Grippo was a fast sailing trading vessel. It had one mast, and was 
sometimes of fifty tons burden. 

2. Longo or Lango was the Cos of the ancient Greeks. It lies north-west of Rhodes. 

3. In 1484 the Sultan restored Zante to the Venetian Republic, but kept Cephalonia. 

4. An old Venetian chronicler quoted by Gallicciolli (Bk. i. p. 79(i) wrote : "In the 
year 1494, on the 20th of June, it was so hot that the fish died in the water." 


there was a great calm at sea, and the galley could not be 
moved with the oars because it was too heavy. 

On Monday, the 23rd of June, the Vigil of Saint John 
the Baptist, we found in the morning that we were opposite 
a mountain called the Capo del Ducato (Note 64), in 
Turkey; and there was still a great calm very contrary 
to our purpose. As the pilgrims and also the sailors were 
very discontented because the barrels of fresh water were 
beginning to run short, and many other things also, and 
we were all very weary, the Venerable Father Don Frate 
Francesco Trivulzio, who in truth was a holy man, and 
had a wonderful library in his breast, at the seventeenth 
hour, by means of the comito of the galley, invited the 
company to a sermon in order to cheer the discontented 
on the occasion of the said vigil. 

His Reverence went to the castle of the galley, where 
lived the magnificent captain and other distinguished men 
on the galley, both pilgrims and also passengers. All 
were congregated there, even the galeotti, who had nothing 
else to do because the galley was so becalmed. And 
beginning the said sermon in a way he had perhaps never 
done before — that is, sitting down — he took his text from 
the Dospel for Saint John's day, that is, "quis putas hie 
puer erit, etc." l Thereupon he began to show the com- 
pany that he had in his mind some remarkable things to 
offer in praise of Saint John, and divided his sermon into 
nine meditations to be made on the Saint. As all, 
however, were not suitable before the day of the nativity, 
he said a great deal suitable for the vigil, that is, of the 
prophecies of the said Saint made by the prophets and of 
the annunciation of him made by the Angel, and in what 
place. With his charming words he comforted all the 
galley there until sundown, and promised to give the rest 

1. " What manner of child shall this be? "—Luke i. 66. 


of the sermon he had prepared, the following day, if the 
weather did not prevent him. 

That evening the sailors made a great festival in honour 
of Saint John; they sounded the trumpets, let off many 
fireworks, fired off the mortars and made great illumina- 
tions. More than forty lamps lighted in honour of Saint 
John were hung up on the main mast of the galley. 

On Tuesday, the 24th of June, the day of the nativity 
of Saint John, the calm continued, and the galley made 
little progress. When the company therefore had risen 
and several dry Masses had been said, as is the custom at 
sea, the preacher above mentioned went to the place he 
had chosen the day before and proceeded to give the 
promised sermon. He continued to treat the meditations 
to be made on Saint John, and preaching from the same 
text, " Quid putas erit puer iste, etc.," he finished the 
exposition of the nine meditations he had laid down in 
the preceding sermon on Saint John. He preached for 
two hours, to the great satisfaction of every nation, and 
especially of the learned persons. Many who had never 
heard him before, although he had preached on land in 
the course of the journey, came to ask me afterwards who 
that venerable father was, and I — not only for the honour 
of the fatherland, but also that the truth should not 
remain hidden — told all I could about him. And the 
company, satisfied with this spiritual food, went to refresh 
the body to the sound of the trumpet. 

While the galley was so becalmed that she made hardly 
a mile an hour, we came opposite the island of Zante, 
which belongs to the Venetians. At nightfall we were 
still without a favourable wind, and every man went to 
sleep with a great longing to reach Modone. All com- 
plained of the extreme heat except the Germans and 
certain other nations, who — said the Venerable Don Fra 


Francesco in his sermon — ate and drank from morning 
till night and then went supperless to bed. These 
individuals did not feel the heat; the rest of us did 
unfortunately. And thus ended the day of St. John the 

On Wednesday, the 25th of June, we thought to have 
reached Modone by the morning, but when the company 
arose we found ourselves still in the Sea of Arcadia on 
the left hand, and near the rock of Prodano, eighteen 
miles from Modone. On the right side there was the 
Ionian Sea, and Sicily opposite, according to what the 
sailors said, and that is the way to go to Barbary. We 
were still sailing past a part of the Morea. On a rock 
seven miles from Modone there is a castle called Gionchio, 
on the borders of the Turk, which belongs to the Signoria 
of Venice. 

At length, by the grace of God, we arrived at Modone 
(Note 65) at the twentieth hour, and all landed in great 
haste, without waiting for the casting of the anchor, so 
great was the desire to go on land. Although, in truth, 
there was not much comfort in the way of lodgings to 
be found there for the pilgrims, beginning with the 
venerable father, who on leaving the galley went to the 
Franciscan Friary, and I followed him thinking to 
better my condition. But there was little to be had; it 
was as much as we could do to find a few eggs. I did the 
cooking as well as I could to restore the father preacher; 
anything was good enough for me. 

On Thursday, the 26th of June, we remained at Modone, 
the galcotti having landed with their merchandise to hold 
a fair, as is usual when a port is made. And because I 
never stayed to sleep on land, but always returned to the 
galley, I accompanied the captain in the morning to a 
certain small church outside the city, which is being 


restored with the offerings of sailors. After hearing Mass 
he performed his devotions, and returned to the galley 
without entering Modone. 

After dinner, seeing that he did not intend to set sail 
for that day, I went with certain companions to see the 
aforesaid city of Modone a little better. The said city is 
in a plain. The sea washes the walls, and it has a port 
capable of receiving the largest ships. It has strong walls 
with drawbridges at every gate, which are four according 
to my reckoning. It is well furnished with towers, and 
on the towers and the walls there are large pieces of 
artillery of every size. Towards the mainland it is very 
strong, and is being continually strengthened. The 
Signoria is adding there a large moat and a double line of 
thick walls, and it will be a stupendous thing and well 
placed when it is finished. 

There is a large suburb, also walled. It seems to me 
that the greater part of the silk industry is carried on 
in the said suburb; certainly many Jews, both men and 
women, live there, who work in silk. They are very dirty 
people in every way and full of very bad smells. Their 
society did not please me ; I speak, however, of those 
outside the city. Turning back, I entered the city, where 
I did not see either houses or palaces worthy of 
description ; for its size it has many houses, and they are 
close together. I think there are few inhabitants, for in 
the finest and widest street there, the houses appeared to 
be shut up for the most part, and when I stood in the 
market place I did not see many people. Those I saw, 
besides that they are Greeks — for they also belong to the 
Morea — are thin and ugly to look at. The majority of 
their houses, whether they are large or small — at least 
from the middle upwards and on the side facing the 
public streets — are built of timbers. In short, I did not 
see any other beauty there. 


The Cathedral, which is an episcopal church, can join 
the company of the other miserable churches, being badly 
kept in every way. I did not indeed see the Bishop, but they 
said he was in the city. His palace, such as it is, stands 
in front of the church, and the entrance to the said 
palace is a flight of steps of hard stone in the piazza. 
Certain of the pilgrims asked to see the relics — I mean 
those of the aforesaid church. Beginning with the care- 
taker — who seemed to me a cobbler, though he had a large 
tonsure — and then all the rest, it seemed to me a very 
wretched affair. At length the relics were shown us with 
a very poor light. We were shown the head of Saint 
Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria (I mean the greater) x 
who composed the creed " quicumque vult salvus esse, 
etc.," 2 and then the body of Saint Leo. I wanted to 
know who he was, and was told that he was a pilgrim who 
came from the Sepulchre and died on the galley, and was 
buried on the seashore. Afterwards he was revealed to 
the Bishop, who caused him to be brought into the 
church where he worked many miracles ; this is what I 
could find out about him. To tell the truth, the said body 
was kept in a wooden chest which was in a very bad 

I do not mention the other churches, because I saw 
nothing there worthy of remark. As I said before, I 
accompanied the Venerable Father Don Frate Francesco 
to the Franciscan Friary, which follows the rule of 
Saint Francis. It is poor and even more than poor, 
because when I sought firewood to make a little supper it 
was not possible to find any, and I had to make a fire with 
what material I could get. The said convent has no 
cloister and no refectory; the dormitory consists of four 
rooms made of planks ; in short, the friars are indeed poor. 

1. Alexandria in Egypt as distinguished from Alessandria in Piedmont, the 
"city of straw." 

2. " Whoever will be saved, &c." 


The said city has an abundance of wines and also of 
grain, and the wines are made strong by the addition of 
resin during the fermentation, which leaves a very strange 
odour. They say that the wines would not keep otherwise 
(Note 66). That odour does not please me. The wines 
are always dear on account of the many ships which come 
there for supplies of bread and wine. I did not see much 
good f ruit — a fig or two, but not many. The people prize 
greatly certain plums that at home with us are given to 
the pigs, and I made the captain laugh when I told him 
this. There are many Jong green water melons. There is 
a good meat market, especially for veal, beef and mutton. 
The meat is good, and so also are the fowls, but those are 
dear. There is a dearth of fish, although the people are 
in the midst of the sea. 

This city is governed by a Captain 1 and a Governor of 
the castle, who are sent by the Signoria, and they are 
changed every two years. Good malmsey, muscatel wines 
and Roumanian wines are also to be found there. 

1. In 14D4 the Governor of Modone was Ser. Antonio Venier, and the Captain of the 
Suburb Ser. Pietro Gradenigo. See Segretario alle Voci, Register vi. in the Archives at 



Galley leaves Modone. — Corone Sighted. — Islands of 
Cerigo, Cerigotto, Paros- — Great Storm. — Arrival 
in Candia. — Great Earthquake. — Procession. — 
Greek Rites and Ceremonies. — Description of the 
City of Candia. — Cathedral of St. Titus. — Fran- 
ciscan Convent and Church. — Bad Smells. — 
Wines. — Cheeses. — Galley Sails from Candia. — 
Death of a Priest at Sea. — Arrival at Rhodes. — 
Turkish Pirates. — Description of Rhodes. — The 
Great Siege of 1480. — Palace of the Grand Master 
and of the Governor of Longo. — Stories about 
some of the Islands belonging to the Knights of 
St. John. — Casola Visits the Grand Master. — 
Great Heat Experienced. — Relics Seen. — Depar- 
ture from Rhodes. 

On Friday, the 27th of June, about the twelfth hour, the 
magnificent captain, seeing that the weather was changing 
for the better, sent a trumpeter on shore to hasten every- 
where and tell the pilgrims and galeotti that they must 
return at once to the galley because he intended to set sail. 
And about the fourteenth hour he did so, though not with 
the wind he hoped for, and the galley sailed very slowly. 
By the evening we found ourselves only opposite Corone, 
also a city belonging to the Signoria. It seems to be 
situated in a plain, and the position is not less beautiful 
than that of Modone — I repeat what I heard. The distance 
between them is not more than twenty miles. We left 
Corone behind on the left hand. 

On Saturday, the 28th of June, the vigil of Saint Peter's 


day, we had made very little progress, and so at the 
sixteenth hour we came opposite an island called Cerigo 1 
on the left hand. Not far from there we passed a rock 
called Cape Malea, where the ^Egean Sea, otherwise called 
the Archipelago, begins. When we entered the said sea we 
passed another island called Cicerigo, 2 which is very 
unfruitful, and also another called the island of Paros, 
from whence the whitest marble in the world is obtained. 
There, various winds arose which drove the galley into the 
open sea, to the great perturbation of the stomachs of the 
pilgrims and sailors. It was very pitiful to see them, and 
especially the Venerable Era Francesco, who about the 
twentieth hour had come to the magnificent captain and 
given him to understand that, being a feast day, he 
wished to preach a sermon on St. Peter at supper time. 
As soon as the said weather began he was obliged to go 
and hide himself away like the rest. It was very sad to 
see a man like him so quickly placed in peril of his life, 
together with many others. For my part, reassured as I 
was by the magnificent captain, I had no more fear of the 
sea as regards seeing the storms, nor indeed as regards the 
stomach either. The said storm continued all the following 
night, and it seemed as if we must inevitably all go to the 
bottom, so terrible were the blows given by the sea and 
the great mass of water dashed over the galley. 

On Sunday, the 29th of June, which was the feast of 
St. Peter and St. Paul the Apostles, many of the seasick 
got up, thinking the sea had calmed down a little. They 
found it raging more furiously than ever, so that, 
notwithstanding that they had fasted on the vigil, many 
were also obliged to fast on the festival. Suddenly the 
wind changed and began to blow with such force in the 

1. Cerigo, the ancient Cythera, belonged to Venice from 1204 ; and every two years 
a noble was sent there as governor of the Castie. 

2. Cicerigo or Ceriijotto was the ancient Aegilia. It lies between Cerigo and Candia. 


direction of our route that, had it not been for the 
merchandise of the captain and of several other merchants 
who had business in Candia, we should have gone as far in 
two days as we had previously gone in fifteen; but it was 
decided at all costs to enter the port of Candia. And as 
the wind was contrary, it was necessary to lower the sails 
and stop some distance from the city of Candia, twelve 
miles out of our course. We were at the mercy of the sea, 
because when the anchor was cast with the largest cable 
on board called the gomena, which was six hundred feet 
long, it did not reach to the bottom of the sea. 

Thus, after we arrived at the said place, everyone was 
very dissatisfied, not only because of the disturbance due 
to the preceding storm, but also because we were 
disappointed in our great desire to go to the said city, 
which we saw, but which we could not enter. Certain of 
our company were courageous enough to face the stormy 
sea, and entered a small boat to go ashore, but several 
times, when I saw the waves wash over the boat, I thought 
they had foundered. And the fury of the sea continued, 
and the galley was struck by the waves with such force 
that at times it seemed as if she must break up. 

On Monday, the last day of June, the sea had not yet 
calmed down, and the weather continued as on the 
previous day. But several eager or rather rash spirits 
went ashore in that small boat. I chose to stay with the 
majority on the galley, fearing to make shipwreck other- 
wise — from what the magnificent captain said, with whom 
I passed most of my time. 

On Tuesday, the first day of July, at dawn, as the sea 
had somewhat calmed down, the necessary sails were 
spread — that is, the mizzen sail and the fore sail — with 
loud shouts from the sailors, who sweated terribly in 
pulling those cords, for it was difficult work, and great 


care on the part of the officers — that is, the comito, yarono, 
companion of the parono, and councillors. We finally 
entered the desired port of Candia (Note 67), which, 
because of the great fuiy of the sea, the large size of the 
galley and the narrow entrance to the port, could not be 
entered without peril. 

Although it was very early, there were so many people 
of every kind on the quay — some come to see the galley, 
which was adorned with many flags, and some to help — 
that it was a marvellous sight. When the galley was 
fastened in the port, everyone who wished to do so went 
ashore. There was not one of the pilgrims who was well 
who did not go on land. We found that those who had 
left on chance the day before, because of their desire to go 
on land, had not yet arrived in Candia. 

I accompanied the venerable preacher to his friary 
called San Francesco, where he was received by the friars 
with great cordiality, and we dined there together. After 
dinner — when the aforesaid preacher had gone to lie down, 
because he had suffered greatly from the sea, and I was 
enjoying the cool in a certain passage also in the convent — 
about the sixteenth hour, there was an earthquake of such 
a nature, that I was almost thrown from the seat on which 
I was sitting, to the ground. The friary seemed on 
the point of falling, the beams were seen to come out of 
their places, and made a great dust ; and the friars cried 
aloud " Misericordia," as did the others who were in the 
convent. I desired to flee with the rest, but it was 
impossible ; on one side were the convent and the 
church, from which came clouds of dust, and on the other 
side were the walls of the city, from which we could fall 
headlong and break our necks. There were dangers on 
every side, and we thought to have escaped the sea only 
to perish on land. What terrible experiences ! At last 


we got out of the friary, and heard all the city crying 
" Misericordia," some in Greek, some in Latin, and all 
the people were running to the open country. It was a 
pitiful thing to hear and to see. 

The said earthquake did much damage in the city to the 
bell-towers, the churches and also the private houses. A 
procession was at once formed to go through the city. 
It was joined by the priests, both Greek and Latin, and 
also by the friars of every kind, though there were only a 
few of them. Behind them went many men and women, 
who beat their breasts with their fists most miserably. 
It was said that there had been other earthquakes, but 
they had not lasted long or been so terrible as this 
one. All the people were terrified, the foreigners as 
much as the natives. And when I returned to the 
galley, because I was afraid, I found another thing 
which greatly alarmed the company. For the sea 
was stormier than when we had landed, and the great 
waves were dashing all the ships in the port one 
against another, so that it seemed as if they would all 
be broken to pieces ; and the water was of various colours, 
so that the company was stupified at the sight. The 
captain told me that he had never seen the like. 

This earthquake so frightened the company that many 
pilgrims who had decided to sleep in the city returned 
on board the galley to sleep; and then, whoever desired a 
stronger dose, drank another cup. For about the third 
hour of the night the earthquake was renewed with such 
violence, that people arose out of bed and fled to the open 
country. It was said that letters were brought to the 
Governors of the city from several places in the island 
which were destroyed by this earthquake. 

On Wednesday, the 2nd of July, I left the galley to go 
and see the city of Candia, and I happened to see the 


beginning of the procession made in consequence of the 
earthquake. It was a very pitiful thing to see and to hear. 
For in front of the great company of Greek boys without 
any order, who cried with a loud voice " Kyrie Elieson," 
and nothing else, those Greeks carried in the said 
procession many very large figures, painted on wood. 
There were crucifixes, and figures of Our Lady and other 
saints. There was a great display of handsome vestments 
on the part of the Greek priests. They all wear on their 
heads certain hats, of which some are white, some black. 
Those who have their wives living wear a white hat, the 
widowers wear a black one. The cords hang down like 
those of the cardinals' hats. The higher in rank the 
priests are the more beautiful is the hat. 

I was greatly astonished at the chanting of the said 
Greeks, because it appeared to me that they chanted 
with great discords. Nevertheless I think this was due 
to the motive of the said procession, which was the 
general sadness. And I think so the more, because 
of the custom of the Ambrosian Church, which takes its 
origin from the Greek, for in the service for the vigil 
of the saints or in the service for the dead they use many 
of these discords. At the end of the said procession 
walked the priests of the Cathedral, with the Archbishop's 

When the said procession, which I wanted to see 
entirely, was over, I set about seeing the city and learning 
its customs, especially with the aid of Don Nicolo de 
Domo a doctor and a good Milanese citizen, who, in order 
to earn a good income amongst those Greeks, exercises the 
profession of procurator and advocate. He has plenty 
to do. 

The city of Candia is in the Island of Crete, which, so 
they say, measures not less than eight hundred miles in 


circumference. In the said island there are several cities 
which have a bishop. Candia is the capital, and the seat 
of an archbishop. Anciently the said island was more 
thickly populated than it is at present, and the part which 
was most beautiful and most thickly populated is now 
destroyed. The true histories tell a great deal about this, 
and poets also have invented much; but it has nothing to 
do with our journey. I only want to speak about Candia 
because I was ten days there on the outward and home- 
ward journey. 

Candia is a very large, strongly walled city, situated in 
a plain. It has beautiful houses, although they have flat 
roofs in the Eastern fashion. It has a fine port, which 
is very narrow and somewhat dangerous at the entrance, 
especially for large ships. 

The Cathedral Church, dedicated to Saint Titus, is very 
beautiful. He is the Titus to whom Saint Paul wrote, 
and who was ordained bishop by Timotheus, a disciple of 
Saint Paul. There are many other smaller churches served 
by very ignorant Greek priests. The most beautiful is 
the Church of San Francesco, belonging to the observant 
friars. It is more beautiful than the Cathedral, and has 
a most beautiful choir with three rows of stalls beautifully 
carved and a beautiful convent. It is above the city 
wall. There are also two other Orders, but their churches 
and monasteries have not much dignity. 

The said city has a suburb on the land side which 
everyone would consider more beautiful than the city. 
It contains beautiful palaces, beautiful gardens and 
beautiful streets; and there is the place of the markets, 
especially of the provision markets. On account of its 
importance the Signoria of Venice, to whom the city as 
well as the whole island is subject, has begun to enclose 
the said suburb with a strong and thick wall. When it 


is finished it will be more beautiful than the city. Just 
outside the gate which leads to the said suburb there is a 
beautiful chapel of Our Lady governed by the Greek 
priests, whom they call " calogeri " ; but the Masses are 
also said there in Latin. 

However beautiful their palaces and houses are, as I 
said before, they appear nevertheless houses begun and 
not finished, because they have flat roofs, and they have 
not the necessary place for purging the human body; 
and this is a general want. In the houses the people 
have portable vessels which they employ during the day, 
then in the evening, at the sound of a bell in the tower of 
Saint Mark's, they all empty the vessels from the windows 
or the doors without taking any precaution. And once 
the said signal has been given, though the contents should 
fall on a person's head, no penalty is incurred; and there 
is a great stink. I can testify to this fact from what I 
saw. When I remember that the city is called Candia, 
with this horrible smell, I think the name must have 
been applied for antiphrase. Perhaps they trust the good 
odours they have, such as that of the cypress, to confound 
those stinks. 

There is an abundance of most excellent wines — 
malmseys and muscatels — in the said city, and not only 
in the city but also in the whole island, especially in a 
city called Rethemo. When a man asks for rough wine 
they give him malmsey. In the season there are good 
melons, grapes and other good fruit. The vines are left 
trailing on the ground as we leave the melons and water- 
melons ; and when they gather the grapes to make the 
malmseys and muscatels they crush them on chalk, 
because otherwise they could not extract the wine nor 
even preserve it; and that chalk gives them the great 
odour and perfume they have. A great quantity of 


every kind of wine is made all over the island, and all 
is brought to this city to be sold to the merchants. I 
inquired from experienced persons as to the quantity sold, 
and they told me that not less than sixty thousand botte 1 
of malmsey and muscatel are sold every year. And they 
said that the whole island produces at least as much milk 
as wine — I mean ewe's milk. 

They make a great many cheeses; but it is a pity they 
are so salted. I saw great warehouses full of them, and 
some in which the brine or " salmoria," as we say, was a 
braccio 2 deep, and the large cheeses were floating within. 
Those in charge told me that the cheeses could not be 
preserved otherwise, because they are so rich. They do 
not know how to extract the butter. They sell a great 
quantity to the ships that call there. It was astonishing 
to see the number of cheeses taken by our galley. 

As there are so many sheep there I asked if wool and 
cloths are made, and was told no, that there is no wool 
industry either in the city of Candia or in the island. I 
can well believe it. Several times I saw some of their 
sheep, and they had 

[a leaf is here missing from the MSS.] 

through the city telling all the pilgrims that they must 
be on board the galley by the eighteenth hour; and this 
was done — the company supplying themselves with what 
was needed for the voyage to Jerusalem. 

On Friday, the 4th of July, at dawn, with great 
difficulty we left the port of Candia and entered the open 
sea. All three sails were spread, but the wind was 
garbino 3 and rather contrary than otherwise, and in 
consequence many of the pilgrims were seasick. Never- 

1. A Venetian " Botte " = 751"170 litres. 

2. The Venetian ' ' braccio " = -683396 metres ; the Milanese " braccio " = "594936 metres. 

3. South-west wind. 


theless the galley made good progress, though with great 
fastings. Perhaps they were necessary because of the life 
we had led in Candia. 

The following night, towards Saturday, after even I 
had been upset by the sea, another trouble befell me. 
For a priest called Giovanni, belonging to the diocese of 
Lausanne, whose lodging was next to mine, and who was 
ill when he came on board the galley, died, and there was 
great distress and agitation until day broke. His fellow 
countrymen begged the captain to permit them to place 
the body in a case and keep it thus until the evening, 
because, being then, as was hoped, at Rhodes, they wished 
to buiy him on land. He consented, and thus sailing 
we passed on the left the island of Longo, 1 which belongs 
to the Rhodians — that is to say, it is held by a 
Commander of the Jerusalem Order, and, as I mentioned, 
the Commander of the said island was on board the galley. 
We also passed many other rocks, about which I will say 
something on the return. 

On Saturday, the 5th of July, at sunrise, we had made 
two hundred miles, and having now a stern wind we sailed 
smoothly, so that at the twenty-second hour we reached 
the port of Rhodes. 

There, we heard at once that certain ships of Turkish 
pirates, one of whom was named Arigi, the other Camalio 
(Note 68), had seized a nave and a caravel, loaded 
Avith merchandise to the value of sixty thousand ducats, 
which were coming from Cyprus to Rhodes. The news 
caused great alarm, especially amongst those not used to 
travelling by sea, and on this account the usual demon- 
strations with trumpets, mortars and flying banners were 
not made as we entered the port. When the galley was 
fastened in the port with the cables, the pilgrims, or at 

1. i.e., Cos. 


least the majority of them, went on land to refresh their 
bodies and visit friends, because at Rhodes, amongst the 
brethren of St. John of Jerusalem there are natives of many 
countries, and especially of Spain and of France. It was 
found that we had made three hundred miles since we 
left Candia until noAv. 

On Sunday, the 6th of July, I left the galley in 
company with the magnificent captain, and we went to 
hear Mass at Saint Augustine's. Then, as he joined the 
Prior or Commander of the island of Longo, who, as I 
said, had come on board the galley at Corfu to come to 
Rhodes, I left his magnificence and set about certain 
commissions I had to do for friends in Rhodes. After 
dinner I went to see Rhodes, especially what was said to 
be best worth seeing. 

The site of the city of Rhodes is very ancient, and it is 
the city to which Paul formerly wrote the Epistle to the 
Colossians. There are several reasons why it is now called 
Rhodes, but I omit them in order not to be too lengthy, 
and also because they are related by persons incomparably 
more learned than I am. It has always been very strong, 
and proved it a few years ago when it offered such a 
strenuous resistance to the Grand Turk in the year 1480. 

Many traces of the siege remain which stupefy the 
beholder ; it is an incredible thing to anyone who has 
not seen it. And, hearing the account, as I heard it, from 
those who were there during that war, one can more 
readily say and believe that it was a miracle than due 
to the power of man. For while the Rhodians believed 
they were going to their death, they gained the victory 
over the thousands of Turks who were besieging the city 
of Rhodes. I think the signs will remain until the day of 
the last Judgment. One cannot go about Rhodes without 
finding stones, and terrible ones, which were fired from 


the mortars. Some of them are so enormous that it seems 
incredible that they were thrown from the cannon. It is 
also an incredible thing that so many having been fired 
as have left their traces — that is, the stones I mentioned, 
which are of every size — the city still exists; and yet 
there it is, and it does not ever appear to have been 
besieged. It was said by those who were present at the 
siege that not less than five thousand were fired, between 
large and small. 

I went to see the palace of the Grand Master, who is a 
Cardinal Deacon, with the title of Saint Adrian ; his name 
is the Lord Peter Daubusson. I saw also the rest of the 
city from a height towards the land; it looked to 
me like a piece of Rome. There is no order, either in 
the palaces or in the circle of the walls. The city cannot 
be described as long or square or triangular. It is very 
strong, and is being continually strengthened ; work is 
constantly going on around the walls, especially towards 
the sea, at a tower called the tower of St. Nicholas. The 
palace of the Grand Master, together with the Church of 
Saint John, appears to ascend somewhat, yet everything 
is in the plain. I did not see any other palace worthy of 
remark. There are a few beautiful facades, especially 
going towards the palace of the Grand Master, but inside 
there is nothing very rich. 

The palace of the aforesaid Governor of Longo is 
handsome, though not more so than its neighbours, and 
it adjoins the city wall which looks towards the sea. I 
saw this palace all through, for the aforesaid Lord of 
Longo being, as I said before, a native of Genoa, 1 where 

1. In the 14th and 15th centuries Genoa had to struggle against the ambition of the 
ruling families of Milan and other enemies, and was not always strong enough to maintain its 
independence. From 1315-35 Genoa was under the protection of Robert of Anjou : from 
1353-56 and from 1421-35 it was subject to the Viscontis of Milan : from 1396—1413 and 
from 1458-G1 it was subject to the King of France : and from 1464-78 and from 1487-98 it 
was subject to the Sforzas of Milan. In 1494, therefore, Casola belonged to the dominant, 
and the Governor of Longo to the subject State. 


a very rich brother of his still lives, and I a Milanese, 
and I having made friends with him on the galley, he 
was pleased to invite me to dinner with him together with 
the Magnificent Don Agostino Contarini. At dinner, 
although we were the only guests, there was such a display 
of silver, such diversity of viands, and everything was so 
well decorated and served that it would have sufficed for 
any great lord, in spite of the fact that everything there 
is dear. 

After dinner he showed me the said palace very 
thoroughly and all the decorations, which were worthy 
of such a potent Lord. From what I could hear after- 
wards, he is the most esteemed Knight and Commander 
in Rhodes. Because I was a subject of the Most Illustrious 
Lord the Duke of Milan, he made me great offers, 
beginning with money, and pressed me to go to his house 
on my return. He did the same to the Venerable Fra 
Francesco Trivulzio, hearing that he was a Milanese and 
of such a noble family, and as the said Fra Francesco 
was lodged at the Monastery, he paid him a visit and made 
him a beautiful present. I went to his hospital. It is 
beautiful in appearance, and where the infirmary was, 
there was a great display of tapestry, and there are large 
offices also and other arrangements. When I saw it, there 
were very few sick people, and for that reason I think 
they spend little. 

The port of Rhodes seems to me the largest and 
strongest between Venice and Jaffa. It can be entered 
without danger because it is very deep. The said city has 
many windmills on the walls and also outside. I went to 
see these mills, which seemed to me beautiful contrivances. 
"When I asked how much they ground, I was told a 
quantity which I could not believe, because when I saw 
the result it did not appear to me to be likely. There is a 


way of regulating the amount of wind by enlarging and 
reducing certain sails which catch the wind. I counted 
sixteen of the said mills on the walls of the port ; the 
others, placed here and there, were more numerous. 

Rhodes is an island which has, they say, a circumference 
of a hundred miles. It is very sterile, and everything is 
dear; more so than at any other place visited on this 
journey. If, indeed, there is some merchandise there, 
everything is brought either from Turkey, as are carpets, 
or from Italy, as are cloths. 

The inhabitants of the said city are for the most part 
foreign Knights of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem or 
merchants of every nation under the sun. The Rhodians 
are Greeks. I saw some very beautiful women there of 
every nation. There are many and rich Jews, and they 
carry on the silk industry. The Rhodians live very long ; 
it may be, either because the air is excellent, or because 
they eat very sparingly. Men are to be found there aged 
a hundred years, a hundred and ten and a hundred and 
twenty, in excellent health and spirits; and I was told 
by persons worthy of credence that the air of Rhodes is so 
good that anyone who knew how to regulate his manner of 
living would have difficulty in dying. 

Besides the island of Rhodes, the Grand Master and his 
order have under their government several other islands, 
which, on account of their peculiarities, I must not omit 
to mention. I heard, from people who had seen it, that 
there is an island called the island of the Symie l 
where the air is so good, they say, that amongst the 
inhabitants there are men of a hundred, a hundred and 
ten, a hundred and twenty, and even a hundred and forty 
years of age. Another island is called the island of 

1. The island of Symi, north-west of Rhodes, situated in the Gulf of Symi. 


San Nicola de Carichi, 1 where they say that when the 
inhabitants marry their daughters, they do not give them 
in dowry anything but a spade and a hoe, and that these 
tools never wear out however much they are used. In the 
said island, tools of this kind are to be found in constant 
use, which are so old that no one can remember when they 
were made. The people of this island have another 
favour from Saint Nicholas — that is, if a foreigner should 
go to the said island and wish to steal, secretly, or with 
violence the value of a penny, he could never depart from 
the island without the leave of the person from whom 
he had stolen, or without immediately restoring to the 
owner what he had taken. To prove that this is true, 1 
was told that a few days before, a caravel of pirates went 
to this island and stole some sheep and other animals. 
Before leaving, they ate some of them ; but as soon as ever 
they had eaten, they vomited everything, which is contrary 
to the nature of pirates ; and, further, they were not able 
to depart, and they never could depart, until they had 
given satisfaction to the owners for what they had stolen, 
even to a hair. There is another island called Nissari, 
which produces many figs and also good wine. Another 
island is called Episcopia, 2 and there, a great quantity of 
excellent honey is made. Each of the said islands used 
to be governed by one who was called King, but a few 
days before, the Knights of Rhodes had put an end to this 
name of King there. I have written this short account 
of the Rhodians because I had nothing else to do. 

The same day, I went with the captain to visit the 
Grand Master, and presented several letters to him. He 
paid me many attentions ; I think that was partly because 
I brought him, from Milan, some money, which he is 

1. This is evidently the island of Kherki. a very few miles to the west of Rhodes. 

2. The island of Tilos or Piskopi is one of the Sporades, and lies between Rhodes and 
Cos or Longo. 



always glad to see. It was said in Rhodes that he did 
nothing else but accumulate, and that he was the chief 
merchant. While we were in the presence of his most 
Reverend Lordship, there came a messenger sent by his 
captain of the fleet, whose name is Frate Furiano, and 
who had gone to recover the nave and caravel 
stolen by the Turkish pirates, as I said above. The said 
messenger brought letters which related how he had 
recovered everything, but that he had not been able to 
take a single prisoner save Arigi's boy, whom he had cut 
in pieces (Note 70). The reason why he had not been 
able to seize any other persons was that the Turkish ships 
had entered a certain torrent where the ships of the 
Rhodians, which were larger, could not follow them 
quickly enough. However, everything had gone well ; he 
had recovered all that had been stolen, and had also taken 
the Turkish ships without the crews. This news completely 
reassured the captain, and the pilgrims also, when it was 
made known, because we had been very perplexed about 
going further on account of what had happened. 

On Monday, the 7th of July, we remained at Rhodes 
because the captain and also the galeotti had much 
business to do. The pilgrims who had no other occupation 
went about to see the place. They avoided the heat — 
which was in truth very great — as much as possible, and 
they drove away their thirst with those malmseys, watered 
as much as possible. I do not say anything about the 
relics shown to us, because they are ordinary ; there is that 
thorn which blossoms on Good Friday (Note 71). 

On Thursday, the 8th of July, after dinner, the 
magnificent captain, by means of the trumpet, sent to 
warn the pilgrims to be on board the galley by the 
evening, as he intended to depart. The pilgrims were 
obedient, and the galley was already outside the port with 


a favourable wind, and we were on the point of setting 
sail, when it was discovered that one of the noble deputies, 
whom I mentioned before, 1 called Don Alvise Morosini, 
was missing. As it was hoped he would come, the galley 
was left all night without the sails, thus drifting at the 
mercy of the water until the morning. We lost more 
than a hundred miles of the course, and on this account 
every man on board said Litanies, but they were in truth 
Spanish ones. 2 

1. One of the two Venetian gentlemen apprentices appointed to the galley by the 
Signoria. (See Note 53.) 

2. To say Spanish Litanies = to blaspheme. 



Voyage through the Gulf of Satalia. — Encounter with 
Seven Venetian Ships at Paphos. — Supply of 
Wood and of Water taken at Limasol. — Descrip- 
tion of the Ruins there.— Plague Raging at Fama- 
gosta and Nicosia. — Casola Visits the Famous 
Cornaro Sugar Plantations at Episcopia in Cyprus. 
— Cotton Growing. — Carob Beans. — Fresh News 
of Turkish Pirates. — Alarm of the Captain and 
His Efforts to Ensure the Safety of the Pilgrim 
Galley.— Voyage continued to Jaffa. 

On Wednesday, the 9th. of July, at sunrise, we set sail 
with what little wiud remained, and made good progress 
in that Euxine Sea, now called the Sea of Natalia, from 
a city held by the Turks, which is called Natalia. 1 When 
the sun was somewhat up, however, the sea so settled into 
a calm that every man feared to die of heat, and this 
continued until night ; then a fair provenza arose and good 
progress was made that night. 

On Thursday, the 10th of July, as the provenza 
continued, we sailed through that gulf, and at midday 
discovered the point of the island of Cyprus (Note 72), 
and came over against a fortified place called Paphos. 
There, seven Venetian ships, coming from Syria loaded 
with goods, had stopped, and because they had heard of 
the capture made by the Turkish pirates, of whom I spoke 

1. i.e., Sadalia or Atlnlia, a city on the south coast of Asia Minor at the head of the 
Gulf of Adalia. The Pilgrim who wrote the " Voyage de la Saincte Cyte' de Hierusalem " 
(14S0), relates, p. 54, that when they were passing through this gulf, Agostino Cor.tarini, 
the Captain-owner, " nous conta que ung foys en passant par devant ledict gouffre il fut en 
si grant danger et eut si grant paour que tout soubdainement sa barbe et cheveulx lui 
devindrent blancs et encoires a present sont tous gris." 


above, they were afraid of going further. When the 
captains of the said ships saw our galley a long way off, 
they sent the scribe or secretary off in a small boat. As 
we were not sailing fast and as he had good galeotti, he 
came up with us and, being aided by a rope, as is usual 
in similar cases, he climbed on to the galley and gave 
the messages of his captains to our magnificent captain. 
The latter encouraged them to continue their voyage, 
sending them back word of what had happened while we 
were at Rhodes — that is, of the good provision made by 
the Grand Master for what had occurred and of the 
victory gained by Frate Furiano. 

On Friday, the 11th of July, we arrived near Limasol 
at sundown, and the sails being lowered, we approached 
a certain place where preparations were made for taking 
a supply of wood and of fresh water. This water is 
obtained almost from the impossible. That night the 
men dug several large trenches some distance from the 
seashore. In the morning they were so many beautiful 
springs flowing into the sea, and all the galley was 
furnished with that water : I say all, because, besides 
the captain, many others kept a supply in barrels. 

On Saturday, the 12th of July, when the sun had risen, 
the magnificent captain made the port, and ordered the 
anchor to be cast off the shore of Limasol — an ancient city 
of the island of Cyprus — because there is no harbour there. 
All the pilgrims left the galley, thinking to refresh 
themselves with something good, for they were excessively 
afflicted by the heat which they had endured on the 
galley during the preceding days. But they were all 
disappointed in their expectations, not having found on 
the journey so far, a more arid place than Limasol. I can 
assure you that everything was lacking there, so that it 
was necessary for those who wished to dine on land, to get 


supplies at once from the galley. As both the magnificent 
captain and the Venerable Fra Francesco went ashore, I 
determined to go with them, fearing I should remain 
hungry if I went elsewhere, as in truth would have been 
the case. 

When we landed from the galley we went immediately, 
as was fitting, to the Cathedral, which is indeed still 
upright, but which is on the point of tumbling down. It 
is enough to say, that it has a good revenue, from what 
I could hear. For the service of the said church there is 
no one but a certain priest from Mantua who has learnt 
to speak Greek. 

After Mass and after dinner, taken in a certain house 
near the quay facing the sea, which appeared to me a ware- 
house — a storehouse for merchandise, because there were 
many bales of cotton and boxes of sugar there, which also 
served the company in the lack of other beds — I went to 
see this city or remains of a city. I saw from the ruins 
and beautiful walls, that it must have been a large and 
beautiful place, but there is not a single good house in 
the whole city. I saw the said church reposef ully, because 
in all Limasol there was not a place so suited for repose 
on account of the shade there. I saw nothing worth 
mentioning except the high altar. There is a beautiful 
altar-piece with certain figures in gilded wood, and the 
tomb of one of our Milanese named Fra de Corte, which 
has a Pieta painted above. All the other churches are in 

I saw that in the said city the inhabitants do not spend 
very much money in covering their dwellings, because 
they are covered with green boughs or with straw. If it 
rained there as often as it does in Lombardy perhaps they 
would adopt another system of roofing. It never rains 
there. I went to the castle, which is guarded by a soldier. 


Certainly it must have been a fine strong place ; neverthe- 
less it is also tumbling down, and nothing is being done 
to repair it. What little remains standing is a notable 
sight, and within, there is the best water to be found in 
that country. I drank some of it, albeit in a shoe, and 
it revived my spirits which were dried up in my body. 

When I asked the cause of the destruction of such a 
great city, I received various explanations. Some said it 
was due to the earthquakes, others attributed it to the 
many incursions of the Moors. The captain told me, 
when I spoke to him on the subject, that it had been thus 
destroyed by a King of England (Note 73) to avenge a 
niece who was oppressed by a King of Cyprus on the way 
from the Sepulchre. When I asked why the Signoria 
did not seek to repopulate it, standing as it does on the 
sea, he told me that people do not care to settle there on 
account of the earthquakes, and also because it is a very 
unhealthy place. The inhabitants have in truth an 
unhealthy appearance. They all appear to be ill. True 
there are only a few of them. 

I do not write about the size and wealth of the island 
of Cyprus, in which the city of Limasolis situated, because 
I could not get any reliable information; however, it is 
commonly said to be five hundred miles in circumference. 
I heard much about the abundance and delicacy of the 
sugar, cotton and other good things. I can say little 
about what I saw of the island. The captain would not 
give anyone leave to go to Nicosia or to Faniagosta, the 
principal cities of the island of Cyprus, because a guard 
at Limasol told him that the people were dying 1 there, 
and there was no prospect of improvement. Certain 
merchants who had come with us, went to Nicosia 
with their woollen cloths and proved the truth of what 

1. i.e., Dying of the plague. 


the guard said, for when we returned we found they were 

I can only speak of a great farm not far from Limasol, 
which belongs to a certain Don Federico Cornaro, a patrician 
of Venice, and is called Episcopia (Note 74), where they 
make so much sugar, that, in my judgment, it should suffice 
for all the world. Indeed it is said to be the best which 
goes to Venice, and the quantity sold is always increasing. 
It seems to me that no one ought ever to die there. It 
was very interesting to see how they make the sugar — both 
the fine and the coarse — and so many people at work. 
There were not less than four hundred persons there, all 
employed — some in one way, some in another. It was 
interesting too, to see such a number of utensils ; it was 
like another world to me. There were cauldrons of such a 
size that if I described them no one would believe me. 
One of the factors of the aforesaid Don Federico told me 
that every man was paid every Saturday. The said factor 
was an Italian, but he knew Greek. There was also a 
great quantity of cotton in the fields, but it was not yet 
ripe for gathering. It was also a great pleasure to see so 
many trees in the woods, loaded with carob-beans, bazane 
ultramarine, as we call them. They were still green, and 
the taste was bitter; when they are ripe they are sweet. 
Everything in that island pleased me, except that they 
make their wine with resin, and I could not drink it. 

I did not see any other people of the said island save 
certain peasants living in the neighbourhood of Limasol, 
who came to sell their fruits, which, however, were few, 
and to buy some of the things which the galeotti had 
brought to sell — -cloths and other goods. They speak 
Greek. I know little about the island, because I was 
afraid of endangering my life. 

While the captain was on shore, as I said, there came 


a messenger from the Captain of the island, 1 who showed 
him a letter received from the Vice-Consul of Tripoli in 
Syria (a city belonging to the Sultan), which informed 
the said Captain of the island that there were four armed 
light galleys belonging to Camalio, a Turkish pirate, in 
the river of Tripoli, and that he was expecting two others 
which were at Lisso, and that they were hourly waiting 
to go in chase of and plunder, anyone less strong than 
themselves, and that he (the Vice-Consul) had heard, 
amongst other things, that they were waiting for news of 
the arrival of the pilgrim galley in order to plunder it 
if possible. This letter made our captain very anxious 
and also many of the pilgrims who heard the news; they 
were few, however, because the rest were dispersed here 
and there among the ruins in order to remain in the 

After taking counsel with those who were present, our 
captain wrote back to the aforesaid Captain of the island 
at Famagosta, asking him to send word whether the galleys 
of the Signoria of Venice had been sent, as they ought to 
have been, to make the sea secure, in order that Venetian 
ships could go on their way in safety; and to reply at 
once so that he might know what to do. When the letter 
had been despatched, by the same messenger, our captain 
thought of another plan — that is, to re-write the letters 
and say to the Captain of the island that if the said 
galleys had not yet started, that he must despatch them 
at all costs, and that he himself would not depart until 
he received his reply. But it appeared to him that, 
without laying himself open to blame, he could not take 
such a course without the consent of the pilgrims, because 
four or five days would thus be lost and this was very 

1. In 1494, the Captain of Cyprus was Ser Cosmo Pasqualigo, son of the late Ser Paolo 
(v. Segretario alle Voci, Keg. vi.). The official residence of the Captain was at Famagosta. 


inconvenient on account of the dearth in the place and 
the lack of victuals. 

On Sunday, the 13th of July, having heard Mass in 
the chief church because there were no others, our 
magnificent captain, through the interpreter whom he had 
taken at Rhodes, as was the custom, summoned all the 
pilgrims before the door of the church and told them 
what he thought, and asked their opinion. When he had 
made his proposal — whether, because they did not under- 
stand, or for other reasons — the magnificent captain 
remained almost alone or at least with very few supporters. 
The rest of the company departed one by one, thinking 
some evil of the captain, and the only conclusion come to 
was, that he must do as he thought best, and this he did. 
For when he returned to his lodging, he wrote again to 
the Captain of the island, asking him at all costs to send 
the armed galleys for the protection . of the pilgrim 
galley, and he was much blamed for this. Many of the 
pilgrims, especially the Ultramontanes, murmured, saying 
that this was an invention made on purpose to extort 
many ducats from the pilgrims, as had been asserted 
already. In consequence, the captain, reassurred by his 
officers and galeotti, having sent the letter, determined 
to continue the voyage. 

Thus, at the hour of Yespers, the trumpet was sounded 
among those ruins to give notice to the pilgrims and 
to the galeotti who were outside with their goods to sell, 
that all must be on board the galley that evening. And his 
magnificence, together with Don Frate Francesco, and 
those belonging to his mess, having had supper, entered 
the galley, and so did the others. 

On Monday, the 14th of July, after sunrise, when the 
anchor was heaved, we set out and went to anchor at a 
place called La Canute, six miles, so the sailors said, from 


Liniasol, where there are many common woods, from what 
I could understand. Many galeotti, skilled in that work, 
were sent to cut down wood enough to supply the galley 
all the time it had to stay at Jaffa, because wood is not to 
be found there for love or money, and also to get a supply 
of water, because there were the springs freshly made, 
as I said above. Close by, there was a place called the 
Cape of the Cats, 1 where, as the persons said who knew it 
well, there used to be a hospital which kept many cats. 
Because that place was uninhabitable on account of the 
multitude of serpents, and many cats were brought there 
who destroyed the said serpents which infested those 

While we were there, the secretary of the galley or the 
scribe, as they call him, arrived at the twenty-third hour. 
He had remained at Limasol to await the reply to the 
letters written to the Captain or Yice-Governor of the 
island of Cyprus to secure our way, for the reasons above 
stated. He brought letters, in reply to those written, 
which said, in short, that our captain might confidently 
continue his voyage, and that those two galleys he had 
asked for, for his protection, had gone to recover the ship 
of the Commander of Cyprus (of which I spoke above 
when I described the events at Rhodes), which had been 
seized by Arigi, the Turkish Corsair, and that, finding 
it had been recovered, they would return towards Syria. 
When he had read this letter the captain ordered a mortar 
to be fired, and gave orders that every man must return 
aboard because he wanted to set sail, and this he did 
without losing any time in the world. 

On Tuesday, the 15th of July, we sailed through the 
great Gulf of Satalia with all the three sails spread to 

1. The ancient Cape Curias of Herodotus. There was a monastery there of Greek 
Monks of St. Basil who had charge of the immense swarms of cats (Porro). 


catcli the wind, which was garbino and not a stern wind. 
There was no land to be seen here save on board the 
galley; sky and sea were to be seen, nothing else, though 
the sailors comforted us continually with the assurance 
that on the morrow we should reach Jaffa. 

On Wednesday, the 16th of July, there was a calm at 
sea for a while, which did not at all please the company, 
beginning with the captain, because no land was to be 
seen in any direction, as had been hoped. After midday 
there arose a considerable war of words between the 
comito, the councillor and the pilot (or guide, as he may 
be called), who was taken by order at Modone. One said 
we were near our destination, another said no ; at length 
a galeotti was sent up to the masthead of the galley to 
look carefully if he could make out land on any side. 
And remaining thus, at the twentieth hour, two towers at 
Jaffa were sighted, which greatly cheered the company. 

While the captain was preparing letters to send to the 
Governor of Rama * and to the Governor of Jerusalem, we 
arrived at Jaffa, with the aid of a little good wind, which 
sprang up a little before the twenty-third hour. The 
scribe, bearing the letters, was at once put into a small 
boat and sent to Rama for permission to land, as is the 
custom, and all the rest of us remained on board the 
galley in the greatest heat I ever experienced in all my 
life. The Te Deum Laudamus was sung by the pilgrims, 
especially by the priests and friars, and many prayers 
said at the good pleasure of each one. 

1. The modern Ramleh, not far from Jaffa and close to Lydda. 



The Galley Anchored near Jaffa. — Sermon by Fra. 
F. Trivulzio. — Letters Received from Jerusalem.— 
Death of a Young- Pilgrim. — Another Sermon from 
Fra. Francesco. — Amusements Provided by the 
Captain for the Pilgrims. — Some Moors Visit 
the Galley. — Guinella. — Pilgrims Discontented. — 
Arrival of the Prior of Mount Sion. — Conference 
with the Deputy-Governor of Jerusalem. — The 
Moors again Visit the Galley. — Irritating Delays 
in Landing - . — Some Pilgrims go Ashore followed 
at Intervals by the Rest. — 3rd Sermon by Fra. 
Francesco. — The Governor of Nabule Extorts 
100 ducats from the Captain. — Arrival of the 
Governor of Gaza. — The Pilgrims Ransom Ten 
Slaves.— Death of a French Pilgrim. — Casola 
Lands. — His Description of Jaffa. 

On Thursday, the 17th of July, the anchors were cast, 
and the galley anchored near to Jaffa, because there is no 
port there. While we were waiting for the Scribe or for 
the permission to land, the Venerable Era Francesco 
Trivulzio, in order that every man — the galeotti as well 
as the pilgrims — should carry some good spiritual provision 
to the Holy Land, gathered all the company (both pilgrims 
and galeotti) together before dinner, by means of the 
comito of the galley, with his whistle, in his usual place, 
that is, the poop of the galley. And when there was 
silence he preached a beautiful sermon exhorting the 
company to prepare their consciences well, if they wished 
to gain the indulgences and the merit of that pilgrimage. 


He took for his text, certain words of the Gospel for the 
previous Sunday, according to the use of the Court of 
Eome; that is, "Omnis arbor qui non facit fructuin bonum 
excidetur et in ignem mittetur." x And there, in the first- 
place, he laid down what he wanted to say, namely, that 
belief is of the heart, confession of the mouth; and he 
concluded by saying that without the confession of the 
mouth faith has no merit. Then he proceeded to the 
sermon, comparing the tree to the Christian and repeating 
that he that bringeth not forth fruit is hewn down. And 
here, condemning sins in general and exhorting the 
company to amendment, he preached a very remarkable 
sermon, so that the indulgences might be obtained by 
every person. 

On Friday, the 18th of July, while we were waiting 
thus in expectation of being able to escape from this 
exile — which indeed appeared to us as hard as exile and 
very cruel — written papers were brought from Jerusalem 
together with a letter written by the Reverend Father the 
Prior of the Monastery at Mount Sion (Note 75) to the 
Venerable Father the preacher. These writings were 
signed in Moorish by the hand of one Abrayno Grasso, 
who, by the will of the Usbech, as he is called — that is, 
the chief Minister near the person of the Sultan, who is 
really, after the Sultan, the chief Lord of Jerusalem — 
administers like a Commissioner the affairs of Jerusalem 
as to the revenues, and is more powerful than all the 
others, especially the Governor of Rama. 

The said letters ran as follows, according to the transla- 
tion made into Latin: — The one, that the said Abrayno 
would set out and come to Jaffa according to custom, and 
that he would do all he possibly could for the Christians. 

1. " Every tree that bringeth not forth good fruit is hewn down and cast into the 
fire. "—Matthew, vii. 19. 


The other writing was addressed to the Custodian of Jaffa, 
called Marano, who knew Italian well, and ordered him to 
permit four friars of the Franciscan Order to go on shore. 
This was written because Fra Francesco had written to 
the Prior, asking him to provide animals for riding, and 
obtain permission for him to go on instead of remaining 
in this state of uncertainty. 

The said animals, however, did not appear at the time 
the aforesaid Fra Francesco hoped. At that hour the 
Governor of Rama, hoping to get something better in 
return, sent a present to the magnificent captain of the 
galley consisting of a young ox (at home we say a jucho), 
black and very thin, and certain very over-ripe apples, 
plums and grapes. It must be understood that the 
Governors, who will be mentioned in speaking of places 
subject to the Sultan, are like our Commissioners. The 
said Governorships are bought from the Sultan, and are 
given to the highest bidder, except that of Jerusalem. 

On Saturday, the 19th of July, we remained still in this 
exile, and there was nothing new, except that a young 
pilgrim, a Datian, 1 passed from this life. It was said that 
he had fallen ill at Candia through eating unripe grapes. 
The truth is that hardly enough money was found on him 
to bury him. With the permission of the Custodian of 
Jaffa, who represents there the Governor of Jerusalem, he 
was carried on land and buried in a cave on the seashore. 

On Sunday, the 20th of July, in order to provide some 
food to cheer the souls so vexed by that exile, Don Fra 
Francesco, by means of the comito of the galley, as usual, 
summoned every man to the poop, the accustomed place, 
to hear the sermon, which was announced by a whistle. 

1. C'asola wrote "Natione Datianus," but Eohricht in his summary of the voyage of 
Bemmelberg and Parsberg, who travelled on the same galley, says, " Before they left the 
ship however on arriving at Jaffa, one of the Pilgrims, Lorenz Heuglin from Denmark, died 
and was buried on Shore." Deutsche Pilgerreisen, p. 184. 


When the company was gathered together he preached 
a beautiful sermon, taking for his subject : " Facite vobis 
amicos de mammona iniquitatis, ut cum defeceritis 
recipiat vos in tabernacula sua." * And he took this from 
the Gospel appointed for the said day at Mass, according 
to the use of the Court of Rome. There he expounded the 
Gospel fully, and drew from it most remarkable moral 
lessons, beginning at the beginning : " Erat quidam homo 
qui habebat villicum, et cetera." 2 There was not a word 
which was not very well applied to the galley and those on 
board; and (he explained) who was that certain man. 
Although on account of the language all did not fully 
understand him, nevertheless he was understood by the 
majority, and after the sermon he was magnified by all. 

That evening a Mameluke arrived, who said he was sent 
by the Governor of Gaza for the protection of the 
Christians. It seemed to me that his protection would 
not be of much account, for he was barefooted; true he 
was dressed in camlet, and full of every virtue — Spanish 
ones I mean. In my opinion he had come rather to extort 
something from the Christians than for any other purpose, 
and the majority agreed with me. 

On Monday, the 21st of July, the Venerable Father Don 
Francesco, being eager to go ashore, left the galley with 
his companions. When he landed, a Mameluke of the 
Governor of Gaza 3 would not let him depart, and he 
returned to the galley. For, all those Governors, hearing 
that the pilgrims galley had arrived, had set out for 
Jaffa and pitched their tents opposite the galley, so that it 
appeared as if there was an army there, preparing to make 
war, as was the case — at least on the purses of the 

1. "Make to yourselves friends of the Mammon of unrighteousness, &c."— Luke, xvi. 9. 

2. " There was a certain rich man which had a steward." — Luke, xvi. 1. 

3. Gaza or Guzzeh is on the southern frontier of Palestine, three or four miles from 
the sea, and on the road leading to Egypt. 


Many Moors also began to come from the surrounding 
villages, who brought victuals to sell to the pilgrims ; and 
preparations were made to begin the fair — usually held by 
the Moors and galeotti, while the pilgrims remain in the 
Holy Land — which is carried on by means of barter and 
also with ready money. Seen from the galley it seemed 
a great affair. 

Nevertheless we remained, like they say Tantalus does 
in the Inferno. He has the water up to his lips and cannot 
drink. We saw the land we had come so far to enter, and 
those Moorish dogs would not let us go on our way. They 
made difficulties, now about one thing, now about another, 
as they had never done before, from what I could hear 
from those who had been there on previous occasions. 
However, it was necessary to tie everything up in the sack 
of patience, as we did not want to loosen the sack of 

Each one who goes on the voyage to the Sepulchre of our 
Lord has need of three sacks — a sack of patience, a sack 
of money and a sack of faith. The first two sacks had 
been used several times up to that hour; the third was 
still untouched. 

As no conclusion was arrived at, the captain sought to 
procure us a little amusement, and he permitted some 
fishing; he even allowed anyone who wished, to leave the 
galley and go to certain places where it was said Saint 
Peter used to fish. On this day, with certain contrivances 
of very strong cord and great hooks, an immense fish was 
caught. There was great difficulty in hauling it up out 
of the water, because it defended itself boldly and resisted 
with force all the efforts to draw it out of the water; so 
that it was necessary to hold it thus tied in the water until 
it was exhausted. The hook that caught it was so big that 
it took a large sheep's lung to bait it. The men wounded 



the fish with certain iron weapons suitable for the purpose. 
It made the sea so red that it seemed as if there had been 
great slaughter done, and the company enjoyed all this 
greatly, and the more so because they hoped to have 
something good to eat. Afterwards it was found to be a 
shark, and the mariners said it had such an evil nature 
that if anyone had courage enough to swim in the sea 
and met this fish he would be killed, because it is such an 
enemy to man. It was skinned. The hide was like iron. 
Some of the poor pilgrims, though only a few, ate some 
of it. It was a fearful thing to see both before and after 
being skinned. 

We had another pleasure that day. A turtle, called in 
our language a bissa scudelera, appeared in the sea and 
swam round the galley. It was so large that its case 
would cover the body of a man. If I had not seen it 
I would not have believed anyone who told me about it; 
yet so it was, and almost every day it showed itself as 
long as the galley remained there. We also took pleasure 
in watching certain long slender fish which went in great 
numbers and seemed like a great sea-wave when they were 
pursued by some large fish. 

At this juncture, while we were so occupied, the 
Venerable Father Don Fra Francesco Trivulzio returned 
to the galley and certain Moors came with him. We 
could not understand anything they said or did except 
certain actions; as, for example, when one of them, as 
soon as he arrived jumped on to the table where the 
captain was and those who ate with him — I also amongst 
them — and sat himself down on it as the tailors sit on 
their benches. He was barefooted, though he was dressed 
in camlet. 

Another action could be understood. Many pilgrims 
having gathered to see the said Moors, and to hear them — 

JAFFA 227 

for all the company hoped to have news of the end of that 
exile — one of the Moors, wishing to spit, opened the breast 
of his garment and spat within, in order not to spit 
amongst the company. It seemed to all a much more 
honest action than that of Guinella, 1 which someone 
recounted. Guinella was in the chamber of the Marquis 
of Ferrara, which was much decorated even to the pave- 
ment, and wishing to spit, he spat in the face of the 
Marquis, saying that in that room he had not been able 
to find an uglier place for spitting than the face of the 

On Tuesday, the 22nd of July, the day of Saint Mary 
Magdalen, the pilgrims began to murmur still more 
against the captain, as did the children of Israel against 
Moses when he was leading them through the desert into 
the country where we also desired to go. For it seemed 
to them that our delay in landing, prolonged beyond the 
usual time, was now out of all reason; and certain of 
them said that the captain was not using his accustomed 
diligence with the Moors, so that we might leave the 
galley and go on our way. Certain of them, especially 
the French, said many biting things to the captain's face ; 
and he very justly replied that he lost more than they 
did by the delay, because as long as they remained on 
the galley he was obliged to maintain them, and that it 
would be a good thing for him to end the journey quickly. 
As well as he could, he calmed the irritation of the 

On Wednesday, the 23rd of July, the Prior of Mount 
Sion came on board the galley, and talked with the 
captain a long time about the iniquity of the Moors who 
kept the pilgrims in such embarrassment. Then they 

1. A famous court fool at the Court of Ferrara in the 14th century. His real name 
was " Gonnella." See "Memorie di Ferrara," by Antonio Rizzi, vol. ii. p. 79S. 


went ashore to speak to Abrayno, whom I mentioned above, 
and another Sabbatino, 1 sent by the Governor of Gaza, 
and other Mameluke lieutenants who were encamped there, 
as I said before, and would not allow any of the pilgrims 
to land. 

When they returned to the galley, the only news they 
brought was, that the captain could put the pilgrims 
ashore if he liked, but they would not be allowed to 
depart before the arrival of the Governor of Gaza. When 
the captain came back late, without the Prior of Mount 
Sion, he gave notice to the Pilgrims, through the comito of 
the galley, that they must be ready to go on land in the 
morning. All were overjoyed at this, for the eighth day 
of this terrible exile was already ended, and happy he 
who was ready first. 

On Thursday, the 24th of July, the vigil of the day 
of Saint James the Apostle, very early in the morning 
the pilgrims, amid a great noise, shouting and rejoicing, 
prepared to leave the galley, each with his baggage, flasks 
and his wooden stirrups — I had iron ones and no others — 
each one according to his needs and his choice. It seemed 
a camp in movement ; one trod on the heels of the other 
in the anxiety to be first. When they approached the 
place where they were to get off the galley and enter 
the boats, it was found that the captain had changed his 
mind and did not wish any of the pilgrims to leave the 
galley. He said that they were better off where they 
were than they would be ashore, where they would have 
to suffer many hardships. Indeed he spoke the truth, and 
there were some who proved it, for they lost their lives 
because of their anxiety to be amongst the first and 

1. " Sabbatino " seems to be used in the sense of Commissioner or Deputy-Governor. 
Casola applied the term to Abrayno Grasso, the deputy-Governor of Jerusalem, and to the 
representative of the Governor of Gaza. 


because they would not listen to the orders or even to the 
persuasions of the captain. 

As the pilgrims remained on board, the captain sent 
renewed entreaties to those dogs to see if they would 
change their minds and let us go on our way according 
to custom, without waiting further for the Governor of 
Gaza, but those dogs would not listen to us. 

On this day the chief Moors came aboard the galley 
to amuse themselves, and a great festival was made. The 
ship was decorated with carpets and hangings, the 
trumpets were sounded, the cannon fired and the galeotti 
shouted, as is the custom of sailors. That Sabbatino 
presented to the captain some wax, sugar and a sexula — that 
is, one of the white cloths the Moors wear on their heads — 
and a large sack of snow. It was a great marvel to all 
the company to be in Syria in July and see a sack of 
snow. It was also a comfort to many, because some of 
the snow was put into the water — which was hot — and 
cooled it. 

Nothing else could be got from these dogs, except that 
when lunch was over, which had been prepared very 
sumptuously for them, Abrayno restored to the galley, in 
the sight of every man, what he had eaten on board the 
galley and outside. Then, throwing himself on the carpets, 
which were spread all over the poop, where they had been 
received on the galley by the captain, he stayed there to 
rest, with his slaves, for the space of two hours. The Sabba- 
tino and the other dogs who had come, departed immediately 
when they saw the festival of Abrayno, and went ashore. 

On Friday, the 25th of July, Saint James's day, in 
response to the earnest prayers of Era Francesco Suriano 
(Note 76), Prior of Mount Sion, and of the scribe of the 
galley, who was on land representing the captain, those 
dogs consented to allow the pilgrims to go on shore — that 


is, to suffer for lack of everything. But when two boat- 
loads had been sent, the rest were stopped because the 
Scribe of Jerusalem said he could not stay any longer in 
the sun to count the pilgrims, and that the others must 
wait until the following day. There was great distress in 
consequence, on the part of those ashore and those who 
remained on the galley, because we saw that we were 
ill-treated and separated, and we could not understand 
why. One thing was evident, however, that no pilgrims 
in that place had ever been so badly used as we were. 
Nevertheless, as well as possible, we laid hands on one 
of those sacks we had brought on board the galley — I 
mean the sack of patience. 

Many of the pilgrims, seeing how badly we were treated, 
told the captain that he should not hesitate to lay hands 
on the other sack if necessary — I mean that of the money 
— rather than surfer such torments. In truth he always 
treated the pilgrims courteously and with great considera- 
tion; and now he begged them to have patience, saying 
that he did not want to create bad precedents with those 
Moors, and that if we did not show them our teeth they 
would do worse. 

On Saturday, the 26th of July, the magnificent captain 
made the rest of the pilgrims get up early, thinking to 
send them all on land; and two other boat-loads went. 
In obedience to the advice given me the first day I 
entered the galley — that is, never to be among the first 
to go off the galley — I always let the Ultramontanes — who 
trod on each other's heels in their haste to leave — rush in 
front. When the boats returned for the rest, that often- 
mentioned Abrayno wanted to come on board the galley 
to see the merchandise which had been brought ; and when 
he had seen it, and also bought what he wanted, and, 
further, settled his accounts with his mouth as much as 


lie could (I speak as covertly as I can not to disgust the 
readers of this chapter), he departed, saying that he did 
not want any more pilgrims to be sent on land that day, 
as the sea had upset him and he did not feel he could 
attend to the counting of them. And this — to torment 
further the poor pilgrims who were already eleven days 
in this exile. 

On Sunday, the 27th of July, the rest of the pilgrims 
were put ashore save five, who, according to his wish, 
remained with the captain; amongst them were Fra 
Francesco Trivulzio and the priest Pietro Casola, both 

When the Dry Mass had been said, Fra Francesco 
caused the galeotti to be summoned to the usual place, 
and preached them a beautiful sermon, taking for his 
subject; " Et coepit ejicere vendentes et ementes in 
Templo." l He gave thereon a beautiful dissertation on 
trading— buying and selling — and what was lawful and 
unlawful in that connection, and he expounded everything 
very fully. 

On his return to the galley the captain was accompanied 
by the Governor of Rama and the Diodar 2 of Gaza, who 
remained on board looking at a great many cloth goods; 
then they went away about their business. 

On Monday, the 28th of July, the captain went ashore, 
and while he was there, an Arab chief (as they say) called 
the Governor of Xabule, 3 a place in Samaria, arrived, and, 
as the captain afterwards recounted, took from him by 
force a hundred ducats before he would let him return to 
the galley. The captain was in a very bad humour 

1. "And he began to cast out the buyers and sellers in the Temple."— Matt. xxi. 12 ; 
Luke. six. 45 

2. This appears to be the same person as the "Sabbatino" or representative of the 
Governor of Gaza, mentioned before. 

3. Shechem or Sichem, the original capital of Samaria, now called " Nablus," a cor- 
ruption of Xeapolis, the name given to it by Vespasian. 


because of the money and also on account of the wretched 
life he saw the pilgrims leading in those caves, where they 
were badly off for everything and could neither go on 
their journey to Jerusalem nor return to the galley, as 
they would have done very gladly. About the twenty- 
first hour the said Governor of Nabule came to the galley 
and bought certain cloths and other things. Still we 
remained in exile, on the galley and outside the galley, 
and this was the twelfth day. 

On Tuesday, the 29th of July, in the morning, the 
Governor of Gaza arrived at Jaffa with a large company, 
and established himself on the highest place there, which 
looks like a hill — really there are extensive ruins there 
which have formed a sort of small hill. At the sight of 
so many tents pitched, the parono and the scribe were sent 
from the galley; and having heard everything from the 
Prior of Mount Sion, they returned to the galley and told 
the captain that the Governor of Gaza wished him to go 
ashore to send off the pilgrims. As he delayed somewhat, 
the aforesaid Prior came to fetch the captain, and they 
went ashore together, and visited the said Governor of 

While they were arranging for the expedition, the 
Governor of Nabule, the Arab chief, departed, and went 
home with the hundred ducats he had taken from the 
captain. In the evening, the aforesaid captain returned 
to the galley, saying, that he had come to terms and 
arranged everything with the Governor of Gaza. 

On Wednesday, the 30th of July, in order that we should 
not go on our journey too quickly, certain mushrooms 1 
sprang up among those ruins of Jaffa which we had to eat 
before we could depart. For when the captain — who had 
gone with two boat-loads of different things to offer to 

1. i.e. , Difficulties, annoyances. 


the Moors according to custom in order to have the license 
to depart — was in the tent of the Governor of Gaza, the 
said Governor caused ten Christians, natives of Cyprus, 
whom he had taken prisoners, to be brought into his 
presence in chains. According to what they said, they had 
left Acre, otherwise Ptolemaida, in a ship loaded with 
merchandise; but a storm arose and the ship broke up. 
As, in the opinion of the sailors, there was nothing else 
to be done, they begged to be put ashore to save them- 
selves, and while they were in a wood they were found by 
the Moors, who seized them saying that they had gone 
there to steal. 

The Governor of Gaza said to the captain and also to 
the Prior of Mount Sion, that the pilgrims must redeem 
the prisoners, or that he would flay them alive before 
their eyes. As an altercation followed, he caused one of 
the prisoners to be stripped and stretched out by the 
executioner, and made as if he would have him flayed. 
The Prior — as a monk, and belonging to the Order he 
does — moved with compassion, put an end to the scene ; 
and thus, just as we ought to have arisen and gone on our 
way, it was necessary to stay there and bargain for those 
chained men, for whose ransom the Governor of Gaza 
demanded a thousand ducats. Finally he was brought 
down to a hundred and fifty, and the collection was made 
among the pilgrims, so that the prisoners were redeemed 
and taken naked and famished on board the galley. I 
was taxed a ducat, which I paid. 

Seeing that the ground was soft, and that the Christians 
were compassionate, those dogs brought in a Jew and a 
Frenchman, and the Governor of Gaza threatened to flay 
them if we did not ransom them. The captain told him 
he could do as he pleased provided he let us go on our way. 
The Jew was well beaten, and that coward of a Frenchman 
denied Christ, and the sexula was placed on his head. 


By this time, as the sun had almost set, they said we 
should depart in the morning ; for the present we remained 
there. The pilgrims suffered much in those caves, for 
they were not even at liberty to go out and make a little 
water, so many were there of those Moorish dogs there. 

On Thursday, the 31st of July, when we thought to set 
out, those dogs began to bark and to try and extort 
more from the captain — some one thing and some another. 
The trouble was two-fold — that of the captain who saw 
the outrages inflicted by the Moors, and the other of the 
pilgrims who suffered more than usual on land, and many 
were ill in consequence. 

That morning, one of the pilgrims — a Frenchman — died, 
and was buried on the seashore. This was the third 
pilgrim who died before we could go to Jerusalem. As 
the pilgrims saw that we were in great danger, at least 
from sickness, they said to the captain that he must either 
take them back to the galley or conduct them from that 
place; if not, proceedings would be taken against him for 
damages and interest. 

In the opinion of many, the said captain did his duty, 
and would gladly have departed or taken the company 
back on to the galley, but those dogs wanted nothing but 

Many pilgrims fell ill on account of the great privations 
of every kind they had to endure; and when anyone fell 
ill he had need to recommend himself to God, for there 
was no other remedy or medecine to be had. The captain 
remained on land that night, but I stayed on board the 
galley by his order, and felt compassion for those outside. 

On Friday, the 1st of August, in the morning, the 
captain received license to depart, having satisfied those 
dogs up to that point ; and he sent for me to go ashore. 
Taking the baggage I had already prepared, I gave the rest 
of my possessions in charge to a galeotto, and landed at 

JAFFA 235 

Jaffa, anciently called Joppa, which was built by the 
descendants of Ham, the son of Noah, who was cursed by 
his father. This country, inhabited by Canaanites, fell 
to him by lot when he divided the world with his two 
brothers, one called Shem the other Japhet. 

Saint Peter performed many miracles in Joppa ; amongst 
others he raised Tabitha from the dead. To judge by the 
ruins and also by the numerous marbles found there by 
the great Sultan — and used by him for building a new 
mosque which they say is a very beautiful building — the 
said Joppa must have been a beautiful citadel. It has a 
fine circuit of ruins, but one cannot understand what they 
were. Towards the sea there are certain vaults, one behind 
the other, where the poor pilgrims were lodged on the 
bare ground very uncomfortably. On the other side, that 
is, towards Rama, there are certain vestiges of a wall, as 
if the place had been surrounded by a wall. As I said 
before, what looks like a hill is formed by ruins which 
have fallen one on top of the other and made a sort of 
hill. The two towers there, were built for protection 
on the side facing the sea, because the Moors are always 
on the alert. This place or city was always without a 
harbour; there are continual tempests there, and it is 
dangerous to go among those ruins. 

I find that the Romans destroyed Joppa after the 
destruction of Jerusalem. When I inquired why it is 
called Jaffa and not Joppa, I learned that there is a large 
village near, with a population of perhaps a thousand 
souls, which is called Jaffa, and as Joppa has ceased to 
exist, the port has taken the name of Jaffa. Just as people 
speak of the port of Turbigo, 1 and yet Turbigo is some 
distance away, and sometimes that same port is called the 
port of Galliate. 2 There is nothing else to be said about 
this shore of Jaffa. 

1. Turbigo is on the west bank of the Ticino to the north of Magenta, and north-west 
of Milan. 

2. Galliate is on the east bank of the Ticino, almost opposite Turbigo. 



Pilgrims leave Jaffa. — Casola's Bargain with his Mule 
Driver. — Ride from Jaffa to Rama. — Hostel at 
Rama. — Sermon Preached by the Prior of Mount 
Sion. — Visit to Lydda. — Christians of the Girdle. — 
Description of Rama. — Death of Cypriano de 
Porri. — Ride from Rama. — Casola's Adventure. — 
Arrival at Jerusalem. — The Pilgrims' Quarters 
there. — The Captain's Lodgings. — Father Fran. 
Trivulzio Attacked by Fever. — The Prior of 
Mount Sion and His Treatment of the Pilgrims. 

At Vespers, with great shouting from the Moors and 
Christians, the pilgrims mounted — some on asses, some on 
mules, some on horses, and each beast had a pack saddle on 
its hack and a cord or chain round its neck. These animals 
were all provided by that Abrayno Grasso named above, 
in accordance with the agreement he had made with the 
captain of the galley. The captain paid him so much a 
head for the pilgrims, and he furnished the animals for 
them. In addition, the pilgrims had to give something 
to the owners of the animals; otherwise they cause you 
many annoyances, and are very disagreeable. Sometimes 
they make a rider tumble off his animal and then extort 
several rnarchetti 1 before they will help him up. 

Chance gave me a mule, and as I was advised to do so 
by the captain, I bargained with the owner of the mule 
to give him a ducat extra as a gratuity, 2 for the whole 
journey, with the understanding that I was not to pay him 

1. The Marchetto was coined by Francesco Dandolo about 1330. It was worth twelve 
piccoli, and was also called a soldo. (Gallicciolli, i. p. 580.) 

2. Casola uses the word " Cortesia." 


until he had brought me back to Jaffa. He was satisfied 
with this, and asked my name, and I asked his; he was 
called Balzi. In this way I had no further annoyance 
from those gratuities, though, truth to tell, the said driver 
was of little service, even to me, on the way. 

When all the Christians were mounted, and also the 
Moors — that is, that grand escort given us by Abrayno 
Grasso, of barefooted Mamelukes, armed with bows and 
quivers full of arrows — we set out, in the name of the Most 
High God, for the city of Rama through a beautiful plain. 
The heat was great and there was a great deal of dust. 
There was little shade by the way, and very few green 
boughs were to be found with which to drive away the 
flies. All the country round is cleared — that is, of trees, 
but very full of cotton, which at that time was beginning 
to ripen. Half way between Jaffa and Eama there is a 
place called Malcasale, because sometimes there are great 
robberies there. The said Mamelukes had a hunt through 
that country with horses only, and they caught a hare 
without dogs. 

In the evening, all sunburnt and dusty, we reached 
Rama, and those Moorish dogs made us dismount a good 
way from Rama because we had to pass by a place where 
they bury their dead ; and when we had dismounted, every 
man carried his baggage to the place where we went to 
lodge near the gate of Rama. 

The said place * belongs to the friars of Mount Sion, 
although there are not always friars there. It is taken 
care of by a Christian of the Girdle (Note 77) called 
Moyses. There is not a stool to be found in the place; 
it is like a disordered hospital. The entrance is like a 
square window large enough to admit one person. I felt 

1. The monastery at Rama was given to the friars by Philip the Good, Duke of 
Burgundy, so that they might give shelter there to pilgrims.— Porro. 


as if I were going into the Stinche (Note 78) at Florence. 
There was no order in the lodgings; he was wisest who 
seized a place first. There was nothing but the ground. 
Whoever was willing, however, to spend a few marcelli l 
could get matting from the Moors ; there was no straw. 

I followed the captain, to whom a certain wretched 
room was assigned, where he placed his mattress which 
he had caused to be brought from the galley. I 
accompanied him as his secretary ; he had no one else with 
him save me and his steward. I do not think he paid a 
tax for us two, by order, from what I could understand. 
My place in that poor room was a certain wooden plank, 
between a third and a fourth [of a braccio~\ thick, raised 
from the ground on two stones. As long as we were at 
Rama, both going and returning, my folded mantle wasmy 
bed, and under my head I kept my purse containing all I 
possessed. Poor Don Fra Francesco could not find a com- 
fortable spot. A certain place apart from the others was 
assigned to all the friars, but neither here nor there 
pleased him. A mattress brought from the galley was 
given also to him ; no other person had one. 

As soon as we entered the said place, as it was evening, 
many of the inhabitants of Rama came there, both Moors 
and Christians of the Girdle, as they are called. I could 
not find out with certainty the reason for this name ; some 
say one thing some another, so I leave the matter. These 
men brought bread, cooked eggs, much fruit and rice 
cooked in milk to sell to the pilgrims. Wine is not sold 
by the Moors; those Christians sell a little, but it is dear. 
Many barrels of it were brought from the galley and sold 
at a high price. In the said lodging there was a good 
cistern which greatly alleviated the thirst of the pilgrims. 

1. The Marcello was a piece of silver money coined first in 1472 or 1473. It was worth 
ten soldi, and seems to have taken its name from the Doge Nicolo Marcello, at whose 
election "Marcelli" were thrown to the populace. 

RAMA 239 

As to eating and drinking, I did not lack good things 
because I ate with the captain ; so did Frate Francesco, 
who was always summoned at meal times; and at table 
there was no lack of the best things that could be found. 

On the morning of Saturday, the 2nd of August, after 
Mass and a sermon preached in Latin by the Prior of 
Mount Sion, the said Prior ordered certain of his friars 
to direct the pilgrims, some on foot, some on horseback, 
to a certain little village (Note 79), where there was 
formerly a beautiful church built of square blocks, which 
contains an altar on which they say Saint George was 
beheaded. It is much venerated also by the Moors, 
according to what those Christians of the Girdle said. 
I am sure I do not know in what way, because when I 
saw the place it was very neglected. It is true that those 
Moors took a marchetto from each Christian who wished 
to enter. 

After gaining the indulgence, whoever wanted to mount 
there mounted ; whoever wanted to go could do as he liked. 
I was not in a hurry because we were near Rama, and I 
stayed a while to watch the cotton making (Note 80) 
because many of the Moors in the little village were busy 
at that work; nevertheless I was back at Rama as soon 
as the others. And after such a dinner as could be got, 
for there were no other provisions for the pilgrims save 
the hard-boiled eggs sold by the Moors, some went to rest, 
others went to see the place. 

I went to see what I could with certain of those 
Christians of the Girdle who knew a little Italian, only a 
little, but on that occasion I made good use of them. In 
the past the city of Rama must have been a beautiful city. 
It covers a large area, is situated in a plain, and has walls 
and gates, though they are not strong enough to resist the 
attack of an armed force. The gates are carefully closed, 


nevertheless they can be opened easily. There are many 
vestiges of what seem to have been fine houses there in 
former times, but now they are all tumbled down. There 
was a palace where Abrayno lodged which was very 
beautiful to look at, but it was partly in ruins. I pass 
over the dwelling of the Lord of Rama, which is beautiful 
and which has its mosque and a very beautiful bell-tower, 
on which during the night a man stood who, to my 
hearing, did nothing but yelp. 

In the said city I saw two beautiful streets called 
bazaars. In one street, on one side, nothing is sold except 
things to eat, both cooked and raw ; in the other there was 
their merchandise. This city has a more abundant supply 
of fruit than Jerusalem. From what I could understand, 
the supply of fruit came at that time from the city of 
Gaza ; and this I understood because the sellers frequently 
invited the buyers by saying that their wares came from 
Gaza. Indeed the Prior of Mount Sion said to me several 
times that they were the best fruits in those bazaars. He 
had been many years in those parts, both as a layman and 
as a friar, so that he knew the Moorish tongue well; and 
he told me further that he had seen bunches of grapes at 
Gaza which weighed thirty-six pounds of twelve ounces. 
As he belongs to the Order he does I took his word for 
this, although it seemed to me an extraordinary thing. 
I saw very large grapes, larger than I ever saw in our 
country, and much better than ours. Besides other fruit, 
Rama has a greater abundance of dates than any place 
I saw in the Levant. The pilgrims bought also a great 
quantity of melanzane, 1 cooked and well prepared. 

The houses have flat roofs which collect all the rain- 
water. Besides the tower I mentioned, which is called the 

1. The Melanzana is a herbaceous plant which bears white or blue flowers. The fruit, 
which contains a white pulp, is long in shape and violet in colour. It is generally fried. 


Governor's Tower, there are other very beautiful bell- 
towers. At night the priests or cathibissa, as they call 
them, go up and yelp like dogs. When I asked our 
interpreter what they said, he told me that after midnight 
they called to those who had wives to increase and multiply 
on the earth; whether that be true or not I cannot say. 
They have indeed many women for wives, so that they 
can increase in the world. 

The provision market is not bad. The bread is un- 
leavened, but otherwise good; there are fine cooked fowls 
for three marchetti each, and four cooked eggs cost a 
marchetto. I stood to watch all these things, though I 
bought nothing for myself. When the captain went to 
table I went also ; the rest of the pilgrims, however, fared 

On Sunday, the 3rd of August, after Mass, the Moors 
began to swarm into the hostel where we were, because of 
a great controversy which had sprung up since our arrival 
at Rama, between our captain and Abrayno on account of 
certain unusual extortions Abrayno wanted to make — and 
not a few either. For that reason a sermon which Father 
Fra Francesco wished to preach was prohibited, and thus 
we were delayed in port longer than usual. 

At Vespers one called Cipriano de' Porri passed from 
this life. He said he was a Milanese, and paymaster for 
Count Filippo Rosso, captain of some men-at-arms of 
the Signoria of Venice. He was buried in a certain place 
outside Rama, said to have been bought for that purpose 
by the pilgrims. The funeral service was held in the 
hostel, and then after a certain sum had been paid to those 
Christians of the Girdle, he was carried outside in the 
evening on a piece of matting as secretly as possible. 

In consequence of the disputes between the captain and 
the Moors the pilgrims suffered great hardships, sleeping 



on the ground, and many fell ill. As well as I could I 
kept myself on that plank mentioned above. 

On Monday, the 4th of August, after a great altercation 
with that Abrayno often mentioned — who provoked new 
ones every hour to extort money — which was calmed by 
the intervention of the Prior of Mount Sion, and after 
the pilgrims had been counted like sheep, at the hour of 
Vespers, we all — both those who were well and those who 
were sick — left Rama in immense heat. And those dogs 
compelled us to go a good way on foot in great disparage- 
ment of the Christian faith, because we had to pass by 
a place where they buried their dead. When we had 
passed that place, with loud shouts and contemptuous acts 
they made us mount the animals prepared for us by the 
said Abrayno according to the agreement made at Jaffa. 
As the sun continually beat down upon us, and as we 
rode through a plain where there was not a plant as long 
as a finger, we were consumed with the heat ; nevertheless 
this malady was doctored, though badly, by laying hands 
on the second sack I mentioned above. 

At sunset, when it was rather dark, the Mamelukes, who 
preceded us as an escort to defend us from the attacks of 
the Arabs, rode back towards the pilgrims in great haste, 
saying that they had been assailed by Arabs. They stopped 
the pilgrims, and it appeared as if they were doing great 
things for our protection; and that commotion was 
arranged with ten ducats. 

As night fell we began to leave the plain and to ascend, 
following the Moors who had large lanterns on the tops of 
long poles, so that we could see for more than half a mile. 
As we rode thus some trees could be seen, but we could not 
distinguish what they were. The way was very stony, so 
that the beaten track could not be recognised. One person 
went behind the other, and perhaps the animals we were 
riding knew the way. 


An adventure befel me. The Moor to whom my mule 
belonged had heaped so many sacks on its back, both for 
feeding the mule and also of the merchandise he was 
taking to Jerusalem to sell, that I was very uncomfortable, 
and could hardly move. As the mule had no bridle, but 
only a cord round his neck, I could not control him ; he 
went where he pleased. Besides this, in the evening the 
owner put a boy up behind me on the croup, who, he said, 
was his son. Thus riding, the boy fell asleep and tumbled 
off the mule, dragging me, the sacks and the pack-saddle 
to the ground, or rather on to a stone, and I hurt my arm 
and foot so badly that when I got back to Milan my 
wounds were not yet healed. 

As best I could I put my wallet and the stirrups on my 
back and went lamenting and limping behind the caravan 
in order not to lose myself, leaving the mule and all he 
had without any other guard. It was a piece of good luck 
for me that we were near the place where the Moors 
wanted the pilgrims to stop and rest in a large olive grove. 
With some difficulty I sought out the captain, who had 
kindly sent to look for me. When he heard my woes he 
could do nothing for me but console me by saying that I 
should not lack a mount. While we were waiting thus on 
the stones my arm swelled so that it was necessary to 
unsew the whole of the sleeve of my doublet. As well as 
I could I made use of the first sack — that is, of patience. 

On Tuesday, the 5th of August, at sunrise, the order 
was given to get on horseback, and in a moment all were 
mounted on their animals. By order of the captain I 
had already taken a horse, when suddenly the Moor 
appeared who owned the mule I had left behind and had 
a great dispute with the owner of the horse. Finally I 
was obliged to get off the horse and mount again on the 
mule, but I gave the owner to understand through the 


interpreter that I would not have a single thing on the 

Thus we set out towards Jerusalem by a very stony, 
mountainous and disagreeable road. By the way a few 
ancient but ruined houses were to be seen — habitations for 
goats. The country seemed to me very bare and wild; 
there was no fruit to be seen, nor did we come across any 
beautiful fountains. These are not like the countries of 

God willing, at an early hour we reached the Holy City 
of Jerusalem, almost dead of heat and thirst, and those 
dogs made us dismount outside the city near a castle 
called the Castle of the Pisans. It is said that the Pisans 
were formerly Lords of Jerusalem, and built the said 
castle. I have not found any authentic record of the fact, 
nor did I open the third sack on this account. 

When we were all gathered together and counted again 
we were conducted into the city by certain friars of 
Mount Sion who had come to meet us, and quartered in 
the Hospital of St. John, as it is called. When we 
entered, after asking for a little fresh water, we began to 
lie down on the ground ; then certain persons appointed 
by the friars gave each pilgrim a carpet to spread on the 
ground. The magnificent captain was in the habit of 
lodging with two persons in Mount Sion, which is a good 
way outside the city; but this Prior, however, in order 
to appear wiser than his predecessors, had taken him a 
house within the city * near to the Sepulchre. He went 
there to rest, and then in his goodness he sent to fetch 
me from the hospital, and made me lodge with him. 

The Venerable Don Fra Antonio Regna, a true and 
excellent friar, with whom I made good friends because 
he was a Milanese, seeing that my arm, foot and almost 

1. See Introduction, pp. 90-98. 


all my body were badly hurt, provided me with two carpets 
and a mattress as large as my person, and two leather 
cushions. A good room was assigned to me, which I 
shared with Don Simone Fornaro of Pavia and Giovanni 
Luchino of Montecastello, companions of the Venerable 
Father Don Fra Francesco, who, although he lodged with 
the friars in Mount Sion, could not obtain permission for 
these two companions to join him. In general they took 
their meals in Mount Sion, but at night they came to sleep 
in the room with me. 

I took rest for that day because I had need of it, but 
I did not lose courage. Father Fra Francesco at once 
fell ill of a fever; however, he lacked nothing in the 
world ; he had a good doctor and excellent medicine. We 
lived like lords in the house and at the table of the captain, 
but the poor pilgrims fared badly, and it was all the fault 
of that Prior who had little charity for the pilgrims; 
not a single person was satisfied with him, beginning with 
the captain. All the friars shrugged their shoulders and 
excused themselves because they could not treat the 
pilgrims as they used to do in the time of the former 
Priors. And worse befell us when he gave the order that 
we were not to go out of the house without his permission. 



The Pilgrims visit the Mount of Olives, the Valley 
of Jehoshaphat, and other Holy places. — Casola's 
description of Jerusalem.— The Great Mosque and 
the Temple of Solomon. — The Palace Miraculously 
Ruined. — Mount Sion and the Friar's Church and 
Monastery. — Castle of the Pisans. — The Inhabi- 
tants of Jerusalem. — First Visit to the Holy 
Sepulchre. — Death of a French Pilgrim. — Expedi- 
tion to Bethlehem. — Second Visit to the Holy 
Sepulchre. — Ten Knights Created there for whom 
Casola wrote Letters of Testimony. 

On Wednesday, the 6th of August, Mass having been said 
in the midst of the hospital, all the pilgrims set out early, 
guided by certain friars of Mount Sion, who were familiar 
with all the places to be visited by the pilgrims. 

Leaving Jerusalem and passing that torrent called in 
the Holy Scriptures the torrent Cedron, we came to a 
monument built in the ancient fashion which was said 
to be that of Absalom, the son of David, who was killed by 
Joab, David's captain, when he was hung up by his hair 
while he was pursuing his father. On seeing it, I thought 
it was more probably the monument of Helena, Queen of 
the Adiabene, because so I had read in Josephus' wars of 
the Jews. 

Then, going further, we visited all those sacred places on 
the Mount of Olives where the mysteries which preceded 
the passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ were shown to us : 
where he remained to pray, where the three disciples were 
when he prayed " Pater si possible est transeat a me calix 


iste," x and where he was apprehended. Then we mounted 
higher to where there was a small church, or part of one, 
and over the altar there was a stone still bearing the mark 
of the foot of Our Lord Jesus Christ when he ascended into 
heaven, and this was touched with the rosaries and other 
objects of devotion. In these places — because they are so 
despised by those Moorish dogs and are not otherwise 
venerated — it is necessary to open the third sack, called 
the sack of faith, otherwise the voyage would be made in 
vain. I do not mention that any antiphons or prayers 
were said there, because those Fathers did not say any; 
they only explained in Latin and in the vulgar tongue 
what those places were and nothing else. Many itineraries, 
however, both Italian and Ultramontane, written in the 
vulgar tongue and in Latin, mention that formerly anti- 
phons and prayers appropriate to the places visited used 
to be said. I can only say that in fact this was not done. 
I can well believe that as the friars were in such a hurry 
to show us those places, they omitted some of the usual 

Afterwards we descended the Mount of Olives and, 
turning to the right hand, we went into the valley of 
Jehoshaphat, who was King of Jerusalem. It is a small 
valley, nevertheless it is said that it will be the place of 
the Last Judgment of Our Lord Jesus Christ. In this 
valley there is a beautiful church containing the Sepulchre 
in which the body of Our Lady was placed by the eleven 
Apostles. The place of the Sepulchre proper is governed 
by the Latin friars — that is, by those of Mount Sion. 
In the same church there are several other altars served 
by Greek priests. The said church, from what I could 
hear, is held in great veneration also by the Moorish 
women. At the entrance to that church the Moors made 

1. " O my Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me." — Matthew, xxvi. 39. 


a charge for each person. I do not know how much it 
was because the captain paid. 

After the prescribed prayers had been offered in the 
said church, which descends many steps, we returned to 
Jerusalem by the gate called the gate of St. Stephen, 
where he was stoned. Above the torrent Cedron, outside 
the gate on the left-hand side of the entrance, there is 
what looks like a little church. When I asked a Christian 
of the Girdle what it was, he said that the Lord of 
Damascus had built it in memory of one of his sons who 
was buried there, and that he had placed there a reservoir 
of water for wayfarers, which is never empty; and this is 
the will of the said Lord, even though the water should 
have to be brought from Damascus. And all this he has 
done for the repose of the soul of his said son. 

Within the said gate, a house was pointed out which 
they said was the house of Pilate, and another which they 
said was Herod's. We went to a certain place said to be 
the pool of Siloam, where the blind man was sent to bathe 
his eyes. There is no water now, and the place is full of 

We went to see the Probatic pool. 1 This has running 
water, and there are even a few vestiges of the five porches 
which the Holy Scripture says were there at the time of 
Christ. This was a pool which had the virtue that an 
angel descended from heaven into the said pool and moved 
the water, and the first sick person who entered the pool 
after the moving of the water was cured of all his 
infirmities. Therefore, under those porches, there used to 
lie a great multitude of sick persons in order to be ready 
to enter the water quickly; and Christ with a word only 
healed one who had been there eighteen years. Now, as 
could be seen, the Moors washed there the hides which had 

1. The Pool of Bethesda.— John, v. 1-9. 


been in lime. Many of the pilgrims drank the water. 
When I saw that filth I left it alone, it was enough for 
me to wash my hands there. 

As it was on our way, we afterwards saw the Mosque 
which they say stands on the site of the temple of Solomon. 
It is a beautiful building to look at from the outside, and 
strong compared with the greater part of the habitations 
in Jerusalem. It is wonderful to see the courts — so well 
paved with the whitest marble — which are built around 
at the base of the Mosque. 

When we had seen what the friars wanted us to see — - 
opening the first and third sacks where it was necessary 
and where I judged it advisable to do so — we arrived at 
the hospital all hot and covered with dust, and took a 
little repose and also some refreshment, and whoever had a 
lodging went there. The Prior of Mount Sion now sent 
to tell the pilgrims that every man must be ready to enter 
the Holy Sepulchre that evening. But when he wanted 
to arrange for the entrance with Abrayno, who was the 
person in authority, he demanded first a thousand ducats. 
An altercation followed, and in consequence the project 
of entering the Sepulchre was given up. 

As the captain's house was frequented by a very 
agreeable Moor who had formerly been forced into slavery 
at Rhodes, and who knew a little Latin, to while away the 
time, I got him for a few marchetti to take me and 
certain other pilgrims to see as much as possible of the 
city; and I studied it as carefully as I could. 

The city of Jerusalem is very ancient. Its first founder 
was Canaan, 1 the grandson of Ham, son of Noah — that 
son as I said who was cursed by his father Noah because 
seeing him uncovered he mocked him. When the three 
sons of Noah — that is, Shem, Ham and Japhet — divided 

1. Canaan was the son of Ham. 


the world amongst them after the deluge, that part called 
Judea fell to the progeny of Ham, and in Judea Jerusalem 
has always been the chief city. 

At first it was called Solyma, 1 and was an insignificant 
place, but afterwards from time to time it was enlarged, 
as Rome was. Although it lies between various mountains 
or rather hills, it seems that there are many flat parts, 
nevertheless it is in the mountains. As is generally known, 
Titus Caesar in the second year of the reign of Vespasian 
destroyed it so completely that no one who looked on the 
ruins could have imagined that it had ever been inhabited. 
He did not leave there one stone upon another except in 
three towers preserved as a record that the Romans had 
subdued such a great city. I saw the foundations of the 
said towers ; they are very wonderful. They are on the 
way down from Mount Sion before crossing the torrent 

After a long time Hadrian caused the city to be re-built 
and wished it to be called Helias. 2 To judge by the ruins 
it was not re-built as it had been at first, and he gave it 
for a habitation to the Christians. Since that time it has 
been attacked very often — now by the Saracens, now by 
the Christians. As all the histories relate, Saint Helena, 
mother of the Emperor Constantine, caused all the 
mysteries of the humanity of Our Lord Jesus Christ to be 
adorned, but afterwards many of them were destroyed and 
few remain to us because those Moorish dogs will not 
permit any restorations to be made. 

As I went about the city I did not see beautiful 
dwelling-houses. There are a great number, and they are 
close together, but they are ugly. All the houses appear 
to be vaulted and have vaults above vaults. The roofs are 

1. That is " Salem," the City of Peace.— Psalms, lxxvi. 2 ; Genesis, xiv 18. 

2. JElid. Capitolina was the Roman name of Jerusalem. 


flat, and there is little woodwork inside. The more a man 
wishes to say about this city the less he has to say, except 
that such a famous city, called by Christians the Holy 
Place, is a great cavagniaza. 1 There are some very 
honourable dwellings, though not many. Among the 
number is the house of the Governor, who, as I said, is 
like a Commissioner. There is also the habitation of the 
Grand Cathibissa, or as they call him the Old Man of 
the Faith, 2 to whom honour and reverence is paid as if 
he were a saint. 

What pleased me most was the sight of the bazaars — 
long, vaulted streets extending as far as the eye can reach. 
In one of them all the provisions are sold — -I mean also the 
cooked provisions, as they sell the chestnuts at home. 
When I marvelled at this I was told that not a single 
person in Jerusalem does the cooking in the house ; and 
whoever wishes to eat goes to buy in the bazaar. However, 
they make bread at home — that is, flat cakes made without 
leaven; they are good when there is no other bread to be 
got. Leavened bread can only be had in the Monastery 
at Mount Sion. Cooked fowls, cooked meat, eggs and all 
other eatables are very cheap. I saw another long bazaar 
like the other, with both sides full of merchandise, and of 
the things the people know how to make, and this was a 
beautiful sight. 

The city has one beautiful building ; that is its Mosque 
(Note 81). Neither Christian nor Jew can enter there. 
Outside one can see what a beautiful place it is with those 
courts round it as I mentioned above. I heard from the 
Moors that there are neither paintings nor images inside. 
They say that there are a thousand lamps within, which 
on certain occasions are all lighted at the same moment. 

1. " Cavagniaza " = a market basket made of rushes. Casola's idea in applying the 
term to Jerusalem is not clear to me. 

2. The Turkish title •« Sheik-el-Islam " = the Old Man of the Faith. 


Many people say that this Mosque is the Temple built 
by Solomon. But I cannot believe it, because I have not 
found any writing which would give me a reason for 
believing this, or that it is on the site of the Temple of 
Solomon ; because the Holy Scripture relates that 
Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, caused the Temple of 
Solomon to be thrown to the ground. We know also that 
Ezra, with the permission of Cyrus, King of the Medes 
and Persians, caused it to be re-built from the foundations. 
Then in true histories we find that Herod the Great — 
the one who was King of Judea at the time of the birth of 
Christ — caused it to be rebuilt. And besides all that, the 
Temple of Solomon was built on a mountain, and on that 
mountain called Mount Moriah, which was pointed out by 
God to Abraham when he told him he must sacrifice his son 
Isaac. This was also the place where the sleeping Jacob saw 
in a dream the ladder which reached from earth to heaven, 
and the angels ascending and descending, and said : " This 
is the house of God and the gate of Heaven " ; and it was 
also the place where David saw the angel, sword in hand, 
striking the people with the plague, and prayed God to 
pardon the people and strike him instead. And God 
commanded him to build an altar there and offer sacrifices, 
and David did at once as God commanded him. He 
bought the site from Hornan, who was a Jebusite — that is, 
a Gentile ; and he commanded Solomon, his son, to build a 
temple there after his death, and this was done. Therefore 
this Mosque cannot be on the site of the Temple of 
Solomon because it is in the valley, and that was on a 
mountain. Further, there is authentic record that, after 
Titus caused the Temple to be levelled to the ground 
because it was the greatest fortress the Jews then possessed, 
— it has never been re-built. 

It appears to me that there are no vestiges remaining 


of the said Temple, and that this Mosque was built accord- 
ing: to the will of the Moors after the Christians had lost 
Jerusalem, which was in the reign of Saladin, Lord of 
Babylon, and they have never been able to recover it since. 
However that may be, like the other smaller one which the 
LTsbech — the present Governor of Jerusalem — caused to be 
built ten years ago, it is a stupendous thing ; and it appears 
to me that the Moors do not lack good master workmen 
for their buildings. I heard from certain of the friars at 
Mount Sion that he used many of the marbles which were 
found at Joppa— that is, Jaffa — buried under the ruins; 
and some were also raised out of the water. Our 
magnificent captain assured me that this was true, because 
a few years ago he was obliged with his boats to help to 
raise certain columns which were in the water there at 
Jaffa, and which were afterwards dried and taken to 
Jerusalem to be used in the building of the new Mosque 
about which we have been talking. So that, in my judg- 
ment, there is not a vestige left of the said Temple of 

At the side of this Mosque there is a beautiful dwelling, 
almost the most beautiful in Jerusalem, where lives one 
who is called the Old Man of his Faith. He is a handsome 
man, and besides the Faith he is worth looking at. He 
has the care of these mosques, and especially of this new 
one. It is not an article of belief or unbelief — what was 
said while our magnificent captain was with the said old 
man — that is, that in the said new Mosqiie there were a 
thousand lamps constantly burning. I wanted to find out 
for certain, but it was impossible. I saw nothing else 
beautiful in the said city. 

I saw indeed a thing worth recording; that is, a miracle. 
There is a palace ruined on one side. It is built in the 
modern style, rooms above rooms; in short, there is not 


its equal in Jerusalem. It belonged to a rich Moor. 
When the friars of Mount Sion were building at the side 
of their monastery a certain chapel of Our Lady, which 
was greatly venerated, the said Moor stirred up all the 
people on account of the said building to such an extent 
that all the Moors in a state of fury rushed there and 
destroyed the said chapel. And immediately the said 
palace was ruined, and no one has been able to re-build 
it since. I recount this because I saw both places, and 
heard the story from the Fathers of Mount Sion. 

The Mount of Sion is the highest in Jerusalem, and in 
ancient times it was called the rock or city of David. The 
said rock was so strong that the children of Israel — that 
is, the Jews or Hebrews — even when they had entered the 
Promised Land and divided it by lot could never conquer 
it until David became King, and even he was King several 
years before he could take it. At last he took it and made 
it his dwelling. Now the observant friars of St. Francis 
live there, and they have a very well kept convent, and 
as the friars say, if it were not for the prohibition of the 
Moors who will not let them build, they would make it 
much more beautiful. 

The friars' church is very beautiful, but it is not very 
large. They say that at the time of Our Lord Jesus Christ 
this church was the large room in which he ate the last 
supper with his disciples before his passion. Where the 
high altar stands was the place where, after supper, he 
first ordained the Sacrament of his Body and Blood and 
gave it to his disciples. At the right of the said altar 
there is another altar said to be the place where Our Lord 
Jesus Christ washed the feet of his disciples. In these two 
places, in spite of my unworthiness, I said Mass and 
prayed to God for all my friends. 

Outside the said church, on the right-hand side going 


in towards the habitation of the friars, there is the place 
where the Apostles were gathered together when the Holy 
Spirit descended upon them. Under the said church there 
is a certain little chapel, where it is said that Saint Thomas 
put his hand into the side of Our Lord Jesus Christ, when 
he said to him : " Be not faithless but believing." 

The convent is in good order considering that there 
are so few friars; they say there are always twenty friars 
who administer their part of the Sepulchre and also the 
place at Bethlehem. As I said above, if it were not for 
the prohibition of the Moors, the friars would do great 
things. As to building, they can do nothing, and if they 
do any repairs in the house they do them very secretly. 

At the side of the church there is a chapel of Our Lady 
which was destroyed by the fury of the Moors, as I 
mentioned before, and immediately the house of him who 
caused the evil fell down. 

The said friars have certain gardens round the monastery, 
but when we were there everything was dried up. When 
I went into the said gardens I saw many ruins all round, 
which showed that the city of Sion had been an important 
place in the time of the Kings. Near the said monastery 
there is what looks like a grand palace, and within the 
gate there is a little church belonging to certain Christians 
of the Girdle. They say that Saint James, who was said 
to be the brother of our Lord, was beheaded in that place 
by order of Herod, the son of that Herod who killed the 

A little further on, going towards the gate of Jerusalem 
— because the Mount called Sion is a good way outside 
Jerusalem — there is the castle of the Pisans. Seen from 
outside it appears to be strong. In my opinion no care is 
taken of it. I never saw a guard there, although I often 
passed that way, going from the lodging of the captain 


where I also lodged, to the monastery of the friars at 
Mount Sion. 

The said city, as I said above, has not strong walls nor 
any moat. I have not said anything yet about the place 
of the Holy Sepulchre because up to this day I had not 
seen it. 

Among the inhabitants of Jerusalem there are many of 
good condition and handsome men. They all go about 
dressed in the same way, with those clothes that look like 
quilts. 1 Many are white, others are made of camlet, and 
of other silks of the Moorish kind. According to their 
means they display great care and magnificence in the 
white cloths they wear on their heads. This cloth is called 
a sexida if it is all white, and moro naturale if there 
are some black stripes woven in the said sexula. 

Whether they are renegade Christians or true Christians 
of the Girdle, they all live in the same way, and eat on the 
ground on carpets ; they have a few white cloths, but they 
are rare. They do not drink wine — I mean in public — but 
if they get the chance they take a good long drink of it. 
They like cheese very much. They would not eat a fowl 
which had had its neck drawn, as is the custom with us. 
They always cut the fowls' throats ; otherwise they are 
clean in their cooking. For sleeping they have no place 
but the ground. They lie upon carpets, of which they 
have a great many. In their manner of eating they are 
very dirty; even persons of importance thrust their hands 
into the dishes. They do not use knives or forks or spoons, 
but they thrust their hands into everything. 

With regard to their prayers, I observed — from a 
window which overlooked certain Moors who slept in the 
open air because of the extreme heat — that in the morning 

1. Oasola writes : " Vano tuti vestiti a uno modo, con quilli panni pareno preponte : 
assaj ghe ne sono de bianche, ghe ne sono de zembeloti, e de altre siede a la morescha.' 


when they rose they went through so many genuflexions — 
throwing themselves all their length stretched out on the 
ground — that it was a marvel to see them. When I 
inquired further I learned that when they go to pray in 
the Mosque they go barefooted, and first they wash them- 
selves in certain places set apart for that purpose, but 
only from the waist downwards, and then they uncover 
their heads, which they never uncover even in the presence 
of the greatest lord in the world. It is great madness to 
talk to them about our faith, because they have no rational 
sentiment in them. They are very impetuous and easily 
excited to anger, and they have no gracious or courteous 
impulses or actions. And I declare that they may be as 
great and as learned as you like, but in their ways they 
are like dogs. 

In Jerusalem I was never able to see a beautiful woman ; 
it is true that they go about with their faces covered by a 
black veil. They wear on their heads a thing which 
resembles a box, a braccio long, and from that, on both 
sides, a long cloth, like the white towels in Italy, hangs 

I know nothing more about these Moorish people, except 
that they are very disagreeable to us Italians and to other 
kinds of Christians in asking for money, which is an 
extreme annoyance. On this account I was obliged to use 
a great deal of two of the three sacks. 

On Thursday, the 7th of August, all the pilgrims went 
to Mount Sion, and there many confessed and also 
communicated in that most holy place where this most 
Holy Sacrament was instituted ; and many said Mass there. 
We had amongst us sixty-three priests of different Orders. 
I said Mass and communicated one of our Milanese — 
Bernardino Scotto by name — and two Eagusans. Then 
the friars chanted very solemnly a Mass of the Holy Spirit, 



and a beautiful sermon was preached in Latin by one of 
the friars of Mount Sion, in which he expounded all the 
mysteries contained in the said church of Mount Sion. 
When Mass was ended a procession was formed to the 
places of the said mysteries ; and when the said procession 
was finished the said friars of Mount Sion refreshed all 
the pilgrims with a good dinner. 

After dinner all the pilgrims were advised to go and 
take a rest in order to be ready that evening either to 
enter the Holy Sepulchre or to go to Bethlehem. At a 
very late hour the order was given to enter the Sepulchre. 
And this was because of a new extortion which was 
invented out of the ordinary way. Thus in the evening, 
at the twenty-third hour, all the pilgrims congregated 
before the door of the church of the Holy Sepulchre in 
a little court very beautifully paved with slabs of marble. 
In the middle of the court there is a stone which is 
honoured because it is said that Christ rested there on 
the way to the place of his passion. 

The deputies who had been appointed to count the 
pilgrims were now ready. They were ten Moors — men of 
imposing appearance and not priests — who wore dresses 
as white as snow and had those large sexule on their 
heads. It made me feel very hot only to look at them. 
These men were seated on a certain small platform raised 
about two braccia from the ground and arranged with 
mats over the boards, because the said platform was made 
of wood ; and there they were all seated on their legs, like 
the tailors sit at home. They made, however, a fine 

We waited until sunset expecting the Moor who keeps 
the keys and who could not be found. You must know 
that although the Sepulchre is governed by the friars of 
Mount Sion and by other sects of Christians, as you will 


hear, nevertheless they cannot go in or out at pleasure, 
but must do so at the pleasure of that dog who always 
keeps the keys. He is the Moor who auctions the tolls 
on the pilgrims and on those who wish to visit the 
Sepulchre even at other times. It is indeed true that in 
the door of the church there are certain cracks through 
which victuals and other things can be passed to those 

The pilgrims were finally dismissed, as it was said that 
for that evening they could not enter, and the company 
therefore began to depart. The captain had already gone 
some distance when he encountered the man who had the 
keys. After much altercation and many words which I 
did not understand because they were in Moorish — 
although the Prior of Mount Sion understood them — we 
returned to the church of the Sepulchre and the door 
was opened to the praise of God. The deputies mentioned 
above began to count the pilgrims like sheep in Moorish, 
and the interpreter in Italian ; and by the grace of God we 
entered that Holy Church (Note 82). 

Because it was already night every pilgrim immediately 
lighted his candle, and the friars of Mount Sion who had 
come for that purpose began to form the procession, 
beginning at a Chapel of Our Lady where the offices are 
said continually by the friars who are shut up there all 
the year. In that place Christ appeared to his blessed 
Mother after the Resurrection. When an anthem had 
been chanted there and the appointed prayer said, one of 
the friars declared in Latin all the mysteries and relics 
contained in the said chapel; in which, besides the 
apparition I mentioned, a large piece of the Cross of Christ 
is honoured. It is placed in a window in the said chapel 
on the gospel side of the altar, and can be seen but not 
touched. On the other side of the said altar a large piece 


of the column at which Our Lord Jesus Christ was 
scourged is honoured. It is a wonderful relic, because the 
marks of the blows can be seen sculptured upon it; but 
they cannot be touched too much or they would disappear. 
This column may be touched with one hand, and also with 
a few rosaries. In all the places there are large indul- 

On leaving the said chapel the procession entered the 
body of the church and visited all the other places usually 
visited, and first the place where Christ appeared to Mary 
Magdalen in the form of a gardener. All the time the 
appointed anthems were being sung, and the Litanies 
chanted by the way. We then visited the place where 
Christ remained in prison whilst the hole was being made 
in which the Cross was erected. Then we visited the place 
where the garments of Christ were divided, and where the 
lots were cast for them. Then we went into the Chapel 
of Saint Helena, which goes down several steps, and after 
descending several other steps we saw the place where 
the Cross of Christ was found, which is below the place 
of the Calvary. Then returning above, we visited a chapel 
where there is the column to which Christ was bound 
when the crown of thorns was placed on his head. Then 
we mounted to the place of the Calvary, by a wooden 
staircase, with the greatest reverence. 

There a beautiful sermon was preached on the passion 
of Christ by one of the friars of Mount Sion, in such a 
way that I believe that if those Moorish dogs had been 
present, together with all the pilgrims, they would have 
wept. We stayed there for over an hour, and when the 
sermon was finished and the usual prayer had been chanted 
we descended to the Holy Sepulchre and entered one by 

When the offices commenced by the said friars were 


finished, the company set about refreshing themselves as 
well as they could — that is, those of the pilgrims who had 
laid in a store of provisions. I went with the magnificent 
captain to a small place belonging to the friars of Mount 
Sion, and had supper, although it was late, because he 
had made good provision. The other pilgrims stayed in 
the church on the floor, some in one place, some in another. 
When the refection was over some lay down on the ground 
to sleep, others did not. 

As soon as I saw that the crowd of Ultramontanes had 
diminished, I went again with my lighted candle to make 
all the visitations, and I touched the places and relics with 
my rosaries without any impediment. Then after the 
scrutiny had been made, and the number of the pilgrims 
taken by the friars — I mean of those who wanted to say 
Mass — they made out the clear lists, and we were divided 
between three places — that is, the Sepulchre, the place 
of the Calvary and the Chapel of Our Lady. Mass could 
also be said in the place where the body of Christ was laid 
when he was taken down from the Cross, while he was 
being anointed with the mixture brought by Xicodemus 
and by Joseph of Rama, 1 before he was laid in the 
Sepulchre. In that place anyone who wished could say 
Mass without any other order. According to this first 
arrangement I said Mass above the Sepulchre. 

On Friday, the 8th of August, at the third hour of the 
day, we were let out of the church of the Sepulchre, and 
each of the pilgrims went to his lodging to rest as well as 
he could. 

On Saturday, the 9th of August, early in the morning, 
all the pilgrims were gathered together in Mount Sion, 
and we were led by two friars of the monastery on a 

1. According to some authorities Rama is the ancient Arimathea, the country of 
Joseph, who buried the body of Jesus. 


pilgrimage — that is, to seek certain places usually visited 
by pilgrims, and which we had not yet visited. Mean- 
while the Venerable Father Don Fra Francesco was ill 
with the fever and suffering pain ; he was doubtful, but 
full of courage. 

After the said visitation we all returned to Mount Sion, 
and that day a Frenchman, also a pilgrim, who had been 
ill from the time we went on board the galley, was buried. 

Immediately after Mass had been heard, every man went 
to prepare to go to Bethlehem according to the order given 
by the friars, and thus at the nineteenth hour we set out 
in extreme heat, riding the usual animals; and we went 
along a very gay and beautiful road with beautiful gardens 
on both sides. In my opinion, the road from Jerusalem 
to Bethlehem is the most beautiful we saw in those parts, 
there are so many beautiful things there — grapes, figs 
and olives. By the way, we came to three springs. The 
Prior said that those springs began to flow when the star 
appeared to the wise men as they went from Jerusalem to 
Bethlehem to seek Our Lord Jesus Christ to adore him. 
Further on, near to Bethlehem, I saw the sepulchre of 
Rachel, the wife of the Patriarch Jacob, who died in 
childbed. It is beautiful and much honoured by the 

At the twenty-third hour we reached Bethlehem. It 
was the vigil of Saint Lawrence, and we went to the 
convent of the friars, which is a veiy comfortable place. 
Immediately the procession was set in order by the friars 
and we went into the grotto where Christ was born, and 
there a sermon was preached. Then we sought out the 
other places usually visited. 

After the devotions were performed, the pilgrims were 
lodged as well as possible. As I have said several times, 
thanks to the captain, I fared extremely well compared 
with the others. 


At midnight the pilgrims began to say Masses in the 
place where Christ was born, and where he was laid in 
the manger. The places are near together. In the same 
grotto, down several steps, there was the place where 
Saint Jerome made his dwelling for many years. Mass 
was also said there. I said my Mass where Christ was laid 
in the manger. 

On Sunday, the 10th of August, the Prior, having made 
instance, whoever wished to visit those holy places again 
could do so — that is, where Saint Jerome translated the 
Bible from Hebrew into Latin, where his body was laid, 
and where the Innocents were killed by order of King 
Herod, who sought thus to slay Christ, when he was 
deceived by the three wise men. 

The church at Bethlehem (Note 83) seems to me the 
most beautiful between Venice and Bethlehem. It is not 
only fine but extremely beautiful. Besides the body of 
the church in the centre, it has two shoulders, or as we 
say, two naves, each supported by eleven columns, so 
thick that one man alone cannot put his arms round them. 
They are very tall and all of one piece. The church is all 
adorned with most beautiful mosaics that look quite new. 
I was never tired of looking at the many beautiful pillars. 
I counted up to forty-four of them. 

The said church is inhabited by a sect called Armenian 
Christians, although it is administered by the friars of 
Mount Sion. The Armenians, both big and little, male 
and female, live there on the ground, like pigs. They did 
nothing but cry out all night without intermission. At 
the entrance to the church it is necessary to pay money 
to the Moors. 

From the ruins which are to be seen, the city of 
Bethlehem must have been a beautiful place. The country 
is fine and fruitful. There are few inhabitants now. A 


few families live there in certain ruins arranged for 
keeping cattle, which they keep even up to the door of the 
said church, to our great shame. 

When day broke and the pilgrims had finished saying 
their Masses, the order was given that every man must 
mount the animal assigned to him, and we went to the 
hills of Judea. There we visited a ruined church said to 
be the place where Saint Elizabeth greeted Our Lady, and 
wliere she made that canticle : " Magnificat Anima mea 
Dominum"; 1 and then another church. Although this 
last was not in ruins and was a fine body of a church, yet 
those Moorish dogs keep their animals inside, and make 
all kinds of filth. 

We visited the place where Saint John the Baptist was 
born, and the place wliere Saint Zaehariah, his father, 
made the canticle : " Benedictus Dominus Deus Israel quia 
visitavit, etc." 2 Then we departed from there and 
returning to Jerusalem by another way, we visited the 
Church of the Holy Cross, which is in very good order 
and served by certain Greek monks. They say that the 
wood was cut down there of which the Cross of Our Lord 
Jesus Christ was made. 

After this visitation we returned to Jerusalem to rest 
a little, because in truth the heat exhausted us greatly. 
The Venerable Don Era Francesco Trivulzio, who, as I 
said, was more ill than well, and who yet wanted to visit 
every place, remained behind in Bethlehem, saying that 
he did not want to ride in so much dust, and that he 
wanted to make that visitation with certain friars of 
Mount Sion. 

The rest of us went again that evening into the church 
of the Holy Sepulchre, but without the captain, because 

1. My Soul doth magnify the Lord, &c. 

2. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel for lie hath visited, &c. 


between age — for he is old — the great heat and the great 
trouble given him by those Moorish dogs, he was very 
sick. We made the visitations as we did the first time 
we entered, but without either procession or friars, and 
each one performed his devotions as his feeling dictated. 
A new list was made, arranging how Masses were to be 
said by the pilgrims, in order that there should be no 
confusion. I said Mass in the place of the Calvary 
because this was the order. 

That night ten knights were created in the Sepulchre 
(Note 84), and they belonged to every nation of Italy. 
One was Don Giovanni Simone Fornaro of Pavia, who, as 
I said, had come with Fra Francesco from Ferrara ; 
another was Don Giovanni de Burgho of Antwerp, in 
Burgundy; others were Germans and also Spaniards. As 
there was a dearth of scribes, I wrote several letters 
testifying that they had been created knights at the 
Sepulchre, according to the form given me by the 
Superior, and he sealed the letters. 



Visit to the River Jordan. — Jericho. — Fountain of 
Elisha. — Illness of Fra. Francesco Trivulzio. — 
Mountain of the Quarantina. — Return to Jeru- 
salem. — Some Pilgrims Arrested. — Accusations 
brought against them. — Casola remains at Mount 
Sion, and Visits the Sepulchre of Our Lady. — 
Mass celebrated there by Georgian Christians. — 
Difficulties arranged and the Pilgrims released. — 
Third Visit to the Holy Sepulchre. — Tombs of 
Godfrey and Baldwin. — Description of the Church 
of the Holy Sepulchre. — Casola Visits Bethany. — 
History of the Sultan and the Usbech. 

On Monday, the 11th of August, at the usual hour, we 
were let out of the church of the Sepulchre, and all the 
pilgrims were told that those who wanted to go to the 
River Jordan must be ready at the nineteenth hour. For 
my part, I was not anxious to go, because of the extreme 
heat, and also because it appeared to me that the expedi- 
tion was prompted rather by curiosity to see the country 
than by any sentiment of devotion. Nevertheless 
the aforesaid Don Fra Francesco, ill as he was, said he 
wanted to go at all costs, and I who was well and strong 
felt ashamed of myself and mounted the accustomed mule. 
At the twenty-first hour all those who wished to go were 
gathered together in Mount Sion ready mounted, and 
there we remained in the blazing sun until the twenty- 
third hour waiting for the escort, which the Governor of 
Jerusalem was to send to protect us against the Arabs. 
At last a Mameluke arrived with certain barefooted 


soldiers ; it is true that they had a bow apiece. And with 
this escort we set out, though many even at the last 
moment remained behind because of the intensity of the 

We rode fast because night was overtaking us, and we 
passed by Bethany without being able to see it. In 
response to the entreaties of one of the Venetian gentlemen 
deputies, whom I mentioned in the beginning, called Don 
Giovanni Bernardo Valessi, 1 who came with us instead of 
the captain, who had remained in the house with the 
fever, we stopped for a short time, as the pilgrims were 
already very tired, at a fountain called the fountain of the 
Apostles, and there we refreshed ourselves a little. "Why 
the said fountain was called the fountain of the Apostles 
I could not find out. At the command of the Mameluke 
every man mounted immediately, and riding through the 
night, it appeared to me that all the way we went was 
very wild and stony. 

At last we came to Jericho, that famous city which God 
miraculously destroyed in order to give it to the children 
of Israel. It was the first city taken by them in the 
Promised Land. As many of the pilgrims were much 
afflicted in consequence of the night riding — amongst 
whom was the Venerable Father Era Francesco, who was 
completely exhausted — those Moorish dogs were persuaded 
to let us stop there. And having stopped and dismounted 
we located the aforesaid Father as well as we could beside 
a tower there (there was no other dwelling), on the bare 
ground ; there was nothing else to be got save some chaff — 
that is, the part left when the wheat is purged. The 
aforesaid Father had already begun to repose when all at 
once those Moorish dogs began to bark that every man 
must mount, and it was necessary to obey, although with 

1. Don Giovanni Bernardo Vallaresso. 


great suffering on the part of the Father. We rode so 
fast that we came by many thorny and arid ways to the 
River Jordan, and there the order was given that whoever 
wanted to enter the river must do so quickly. The sun 
had not yet risen. 

Before sunrise on Tuesday, the 12th of August, we 
reached the River Jordan. I and many others who could 
swim entered the water naked; many, however, only 
washed their feet and hands there. Within the space of 
an hour the order was given to mount at once, and this 
was done. 

The River Jordan in that part is not wider than our 
Naviglio, 1 which comes to Porta Ticinese. It is deep and 
the mud is high and sticky, almost like bath mud ; 2 and 
the water is muddy, like that of the Po. When it is 
purified it is beautiful to look at. Many drank it from 
devotion, and I let them drink. 

We returned by the same way by which we had come. 
It was very clear, and we could see well and examine the 
country, which is flat as far as Jericho. There is not a 
fruit tree to be seen, nor any other plant save abominable 
thorns, both large and small. I made acquaintance with 
them, for the mule I was riding carried me off' the road 
among those thorns, and they tore my mantle and doublet. 
I showed the torn garments when I got home; my flesh 
was already healed when I arrived. 

As we passed by I looked well at that city of Jericho. 
There was nothing left but ruins and the tower I men- 
tioned above, and a hut or two propped up against the 
ruins. Neither bread nor wine is to be found there for 
money or as a gift. The men and women of that 
country are not black, but they are burnt and dried 

1. The Naviglio is the great canal which goes through Milan and connects the city 
with the Ticino, Lago Maggiore, and the Po. 

2. Casola was probably thinking of the mud-baths at Abano and elsewhere in Italy. 


up by the sun. This is all that can be said about 
Jericho. True, we read in the Holy Scriptures that 
when God had caused Jericho to be destroyed he laid a 
curse on anyone who should ever re-build it again. 

When we had passed by Jericho we were led to a 
spring of water called the spring of Elisha. It is a large 
spring, and the water gushed out through two large 
stones. It is cool and good to drink, and if it were in 
our country there would be good mills built there and 
many meadows around, but in that country it is not 
used. That fount is called the fount of Elisha be- 
cause when the Prophet Elisha lived in those parts the 
water was bitter, and especially the water of that spring. 
As he was prayed to do so by those who visited him — that 
is by the sons of the other prophets — he blessed all the 
waters, especially the water of that spring, and threw salt 
therein, and those waters became good to drink, as they are 
at present ; therefore this fount is called the fount of Elisha. 

When we got there both Moors and Christians wanted 
to rest and eat. We lodged the Father and his company 
under a certain plant that was covered with brambles and 
formed by itself a sort of pavilion. We laid him there as 
comfortably as possible. He was suffering greatly, and I 
doubted very much whether we should be able to take him 
back to Jerusalem, because he did not want to eat, but 
only to drink. With gentle words and also a little 
scolding we got him to take some refreshment, and then 
we covered him in order that he might sleep. 

After a good meal I left the company, and seeing some 
other pilgrims about to ascend a mountain near there, 
which is called the Mount of the Quarantina, and hearing 
that they were going to the place where Christ fasted 
forty days and forty nights, I also went there. Whoever 
wanted to go up had to pay certain marchetti to the Moors. 


When I saw those places they were very arid and desert. 
I saw many cells among the stones ; it was said they were 
places where in ancient times many hermits dwelt to do 
penance. One thing may be recorded, namely, that the 
day we were there it was so hot that the stones burnt my 
feet, although the boots I had on my feet had double 
soles. When I had visited the said Quarantinal returned 
to the company; then I refreshed myself in the said fount 
while waiting for those Moorish dogs to cry, " Get up." 

Thus, after midday, in the hour when the sun was 
hottest, we set out towards Jerusalem, where we arrived 
suffering greatly from heat and thirst at the third hour of 
the night, and dismounted in Mount Sion. We had 
difficulty in entering Jerusalem because the guards at the 
gates wanted money. Having calculated and collected 
the tax amongst us and paid, we were allowed to go in. 

Whoever had seen many pilgrims by the way and 
because of the extreme heat, drink water in which at home 
they would have disdained to wash their feet, would have 
been moved to great compassion. Some among them fell 
ill, and even died in consequence. 

On Wednesday, the 13th of August, the Prior of Mount 
Sion gave the order to enter the Sepulchre for the third 
time. The pilgrims were already in order for entering, 
when the Governor of Jerusalem sent to the hospital where 
the majority of the pilgrims, as I said, were lodged, and 
caused six of them to be seized and chained and cast into 
prison. Then he sent to the house where our magnificent 
captain lodged to seize him and conduct him chained to 
the prison, together with all the pilgrims found with him 
in the house, but because he was ill it was impossible for 
him to go. They chained all the pilgrims who were with 
him, however, and took them to the prison where the others 
were. At that hour I was at Mount Sion, where I had 


gone for certain affairs of mine. If I had been in the 
house I should have been led in chains like the others. 
Owing to this unexpected occurrence the project of entering 
the Sepulchre was given up for this day. 

Meanwhile the Prior of Mount Sion and Don Frate 
Antonio Eegna, a true Milanese, succeeded in inducing 
the aforesaid Governor of Jerusalem to release all the 
prisoners from the prison, which was in truth a wretched 
place, and send them all to the house of the captain, where 
they were guarded by certain Moors. The reason why 
those dogs had treated the Christians in this unexpected 
way was the following : — 

A Jew who lives in Jerusalem — a doctor, brought up in 
Italy, who had made great acquaintance with me, and 
with whom I had talked much because he speaks our 
tongue as if he were a Milanese — had accused the 
Christians to the said Governor, saying that certain of 
the pilgrims had refrained from going to the River Jordan 
in order to spy out and explore Jerusalem, and that he had 
heard certain of the pilgrims say that within two years 
the Christians would be masters of Jerusalem. Upon this 
accusation he caused those poor men to be chained. 

I remained in Mount Sion — though I was very un- 
comfortable, especially for the sleeping — because the said 
Don Frate Antonio Eegna advised me to do so in order 
to escape from the fury of those dogs, who appeared to be 
dogs indeed. 

On Thursday, the 14th of August, the vigil of the 
Assumption of Our Lady — as the said Lord of Jerusalem 
persisted in the wickedness of trying to rob more money 
than usual from the pilgrims for the reason above 
mentioned — we all remained dismayed and alarmed, and 
we had not courage to go and seek any indulgence in all 
the world. We were all prisoners, some here, some there; 


some at the hospital, some in Mount Sion and some at the 
house of the captain, which was guarded by Moors; so 
that Ave began to weary of this pilgrimage, although it 
procured us great merit in the sight of God — for all the 
time we drew on that sack of patience. 

On Friday, the 15th of August, the festival of the 
Assumption of Our Lady, as I had remained at Mount 
Sion and slept with some pilgrim friars, I got up before 
daybreak, together with certain friars of the place — that 
is, of the Friary of Mount Sion — appointed to say the 
offices, and went into the valley of Jehoshaphat to visit 
the Sepulchre of Our Lady. It is situated, as I said above, 
in a very well-kept church which goes down many steps 
below the level of the ground. I paid certain marchetti 
before entering, and then visited the aforesaid sepulchre 
and heard the Mass which was said over the sepulchre. 

Afterwards I stayed there a good while to hear another 
Mass chanted by a certain sect of religious called Georgians. 
They chanted it at an altar apart from the altar of the 
sepulchre. After watching their gestures and hearing the 
cries they made, I got tired of staying there, perhaps 
because I did not understand them as they were Greeks ; 
and as certain friars of Mount Sion were returning to the 
house I joined them, for it was not yet quite light. 

When we got back, having said my offices, I said Mass 
in the place where Our Saviour instituted the Sacrament 
of his body and blood. 

All this time the Prior, together with Frate Antonio 
Regna — who appeared to me to have much more experi- 
ence in dealing with the Moors than the Prior, but who 
did not speak their language ; he had been nine years there 
without being able to learn it—and the magnificent 
captain, used every effort to put an end to this exile, for so 
it might be called. The pilgrims were all inclined to go 


or send word to the Sultan rather than pay a single 
marchetto ; so for that day also nothing could be done. 

As it came into my mind that the captain had appointed 
me his scribe, I went into the city and returned to his 
lodging, and there I found the pilgrims guarded by the 
Moors like prisoners and the magnificent captain sick of a 
fever. He made me write several letters to Beyrout, in 
Damascus, and also to Cairo (where the Sultan lives), 
addressed to certain Venetians who live there, telling them 
of the ill-treatment and grievous injury he was victim of 
on the part of the Moors, and asking them to report those 
things to the Sultan, and to the Usbech Governor of 
Jerusalem; and then he sent a messenger who promised 
to go and return very quickly. After that, as my lodging 
was occupied by the prisoners, I wanted to return to 
Mount Sion, but I was obliged to remain— I also — as if I 
were in prison. Finally, by means of another Moor who 
frequented the house of the captain, I paid a tribute of 
certain marchetti to the guard and thus obtained permission 
to return to Mount Sion, for my lodging was occupied by 
those other pilgrims guarded as if they were in prison. 
And that Moor guided me by certain roads where I was 
somewhat afraid. 

Very early on Saturday, the 16th of August, the Prior 
and the captain, ill as he was, went to the Great Cathibissa, 
who is, as I said, the oldest [priest] of their faith. A 
word from him has more weight than that of any other 
Moor. They told him about the malice and iniquity of 
that Jew, and begged him to use his influence with the 
Governor of Jerusalem, so that he might let the pilgrims 
go on their voyage ; and they assured him that those who 
had refrained from going to the River Jordan had 
remained behind because they were afraid of falling ill, 
and not to spy out the city. They used their best efforts 



with the said Governor, doing their duty before the Old 
Man of his Faith ; but that dog of a Governor, who wanted 
to make extortions at all costs, would not give them any 
other reply for that time. All the pilgrims in consequence 
remained in great confusion and depression of mind, the 
more so because the said Governor had sent an order 
forbidding the captain to leave his lodging. Finally, at a 
late hour it was necessary to call in the help of the 
V r enerable Don Fra Antonio Regna, our Milanese, who has 
greater courage in dealing with those mastiffs than any 
other person who was there. When he has to deal with 
those Moors he seems indeed another Judas Maccabeus in 
word and sometimes also in act; and this I say from 
what I saw. 

They remained — that is, he and the Prior — to contend 
with that Old Man of his Faith and that Governor about 
the accusations made against the pilgrims. At last that 
business also was settled for money, the sum being reduced 
from a thousand ducats to twenty-five. Thus at the third 
hour of the night they arrived in Mount Sion and gave 
the good news to the pilgrims that everything was well 

On Sunday, the 17th of August, the pilgrims gathered 
together in the morning at Mount Sion and comforted 
each other again on account of the good news brought by 
the Venerable Fathers aforesaid. We had been afraid of 
being kept there until we were dead or at least half dead, 
because it had been decided to appeal to the Sultan rather 
than pay a quattriiio. 1 

When the magnificent captain arrived he gave notice to 
the company that they were to enter the Holy Sepulchre 
for the third time according to custom, and so we went 

1. The quattrino was a copper coin worth four bagattini ; that is to say, it was the 
third part of a soldo. 


there in the evening, and he also insisted on going, 
although he felt ill. The father preacher, too, was very 
sick. He had never been well since he returned from the 
River Jordan, and everyone advised him to remain in 
Jerusalem and doctor and nurse himself, and then come 
back with the trading galleys at Christmas. 

Before daybreak on Monday, the 18th of August, at 
the accustomed hour, I said Mass at the altar of Our Lady, 
where Christ appeared to her after the Resurrection. Then 
when I had visited and re-visited the sacred places, and it 
had become quite light, as the Masses which were being 
said by the pilgrim priests were not yet finished, I set 
myself to examine carefully that sacred Temple (Note 85) 
which contains so many beautiful mysteries of our 

The Temple is large. It has two doors, which seem 
to me to be in the middle of the body of the said Temple 
towards the west. One of the two doors is walled up, and 
only one is open ; nor is there any other entrance. On the 
left hand of the said door outside there is a beautiful bell- 
tower, but at present there are no bells. 

Immediately on entering the church there is the place 
where the body of Christ was anointed when it was taken 
down from the Cross. At the side there is the ascent to 
the place of the Calvary, which is governed by a sect of 
Christians called Georgians. Underneath there is a dark 
chapel, said to be the centre of the world. 1 In this same 
place there are two very humble monuments (Note 86). 
One is said to be that of Godfrey, who was the first King 
after the Christians had rescued Jerusalem from the hands 
of the Saracens. On the other there are certain Latin 

1. It was a general belief in the middle ages that Jerusalem was the centre of the 
earth. The belief was based on a literal interpretation of the words in Ezekiel, v. 5, 
"This is Jerusalem : I have set it in the midst of the nations and countries that are round 
about her." 


letters in the ancient style, beautiful still and legible, 
which set forth that there lies one Baldwin, who descended 
from the said Godfrey, and was King also. The inscription 
reads thus: — "Balduinus qui fuit alter Machabeus." x 
At the side there is the chapel, which goes down by many 
steps under Mount Calvary, and is administered by another 
sect of Christians called Armenians. Then there is 
another chapel, where Our Lord Jesus Christ was bound, 
when the crown of thorns was placed on his head ; it is in 
the hands of another sect of Christians called Abyssinians. 
There are other places also around the body of the said 
Temple which are governed by various sects of Christians 
called, some Syrians, some Maronites, some Golbites, and 
all have different services (Note 87). 

The cupola above the Holy Sepulchre of Our Lord Jesus 
Christ is very remarkable, and was built with great 
magnificence. It is indeed a miracle that those Moorish 
dogs have left it standing, but if God does not provide, 
I think it will tumble down. A piece has already fallen 
from the vault near the Latin friars, and those dogs will 
not allow it to be repaired, notwithstanding that the true 
Governor of Jerusalem — that is to say, the Usbech — 
obtained from the Sultan permission for them to make 
repairs ; so those friars told me who went for it. 

At the first glance the said cupola, seen from below, 
resembles that of Santa Maria Rotonda at Rome, because 
it also is somewhat low and decorated, and has a large hole 
in the centre which gives all the light, not only to the said 
cupola, but to all the rest of the Temple. After a more 
careful examination, however, the said cupola is seen to be 
built on the same plan as that of San Lorenzo the Greater 
at Milan, for below one can walk all round by means of a 
gallery, and the same above. 

1. Baldwin, who was a second Maccabeus. 


Below, towards the west, there are two square pillars, 
which, show signs of having been formerly encrusted with 
slabs of marble. Beside the said pillars, on the right as 
well as the left, there are three columns on each side as 
thick as two tall men could embrace. Behind these 
columns on both sides, in the same order and of the same 
size, there are two other square pilasters, which were 
formerly encrusted with slabs of marble. Then, in the 
order aforesaid, on each side, follow two columns of the 
same thickness as the aforesaid. Then, behind these, on 
each side, there are three columns a braccio thick, and 
almost all three together ; and over these six columns there 
springs a large arch : and the cupola remains round in 
this order. The gallery above is as large as that below, 
but its columns are a braccio thick, and arranged in this 
order — a column and a square encrusted pilaster alternately 
all round the circle. 

The Holy Sepulchre is in the middle. It is like a little 
round chapel, carved in stone, which has the diameter of 
the Sepulchre on which Mass is said; and when four 
persons are in the said little chapel there is no room for 
more. It is entered by a hole, as there is no door, and 
a man has to stoop greatly in order to enter there. In 
front there is a sort of square cell annexed to the said 
chapel, and there is a stone, somewhat raised, before the 
hole at the entrance to the Sepulchre. It is said to be 
the stone on which the angel was seated when he told the 
Maries that Christ had risen. 

Behind the said little chapel, there is a sort of chapel 
served by a sect of Christians called Jacobites. They have 
a very strange way of chanting the offices. At night I 
stood a while to watch their ceremonies and chants, which 
rather provoked the company to laughter than anything 
else. The calogeri, as their priests are called, had little 


hammers in their hands, and as they chanted they beat 
with the said hammers on a piece of iron. I could not 
understand why they did so. 

In the galleries which go round above and also below, 
the sects of Christians I have mentioned are lodged with 
their wives and families. They arrange their lodgings 
with matting and canvas, but everything they do can be 

After passing that arch which springs from those three 
columns on each side, as I said above, forming the cupola, 
there are two vaults higher than the cupola, which form 
the body of the church; and this is, as it were, the 
beginning of the Temple with its altar, which appears to 
be the principal altar. This body is surrounded by a wall, 
except the part towards the Sepulchre, which indeed has 
a wall, but ft is low. I think it has been left so 
in order to receive light from the hole which is in the 
cupola, because it cannot obtain light in any other way. 
This place is administered by the Greeks who chant their 
offices there. 

Outside one can walk all round this place, and there 
are certain chapels where various mysteries of the passion 
of Christ are honoured, as I said above. The habitation 
of the minor friars, who are called the Latins, may be said 
to be outside the circuit of this Holy Temple, although 
they have no other entrance or exit except that of the 
Temple. These friars have the care of the Sepulchre and 
of the little chapel in front. It is very commonly said 
that Saint Helena, the mother of Constantine, caused this 
wonderful Temple to be built, nor do we read anywhere 
that it was built by anyone else. 

On Monday, the 18th of August, when God willed— it 
was after the second hour of the day — notice was given to 
all the pilgrims to be ready at Vespers to escape out of 


the hands of those Moorish dogs who were never tired of 
tormenting the Christians, now about one thing, now about 

After dinner I went with certain others as far as 
Bethany to see the tomb out of which Christ raised 
Lazarus, the brother of Martha and of Mary Magdalen, 
when he had been dead four days. I had passed twice by 
Bethany, but I had never seen the said monuments. It is 
very well worth seeing. I had to pay a few inarchetti to 
the Moors in order to see the said monument. 

After this I returned to my lodging to get my baggage, 
and then went to Mount Sion, where the pilgrims were 
gathered together anxiously waiting for the animals for 
riding, and for the moment when those dogs would say, 
" Get out of this," so that one hour seemed a year to us. 

Finally, at the nineteenth hour, without entreaties from 
anyone, we all mounted the usual animals, and praising 
God, we left the Holy City of Jerusalem — about which so 
much has been written by saints and others — which is 
extolled in the sacred Scriptures, which has been the 
dwelling-place of so many holy men, and, finally, the habi- 
tation of Our Lord Jesus Christ, Our Saviour, in which he 
willed to endure so much opprobrium and so many blows, 
and, finally, a cruel death to redeem the human race. 
Now, owing to the great strife and discord among 
Christians, it is ruled by those renegade dogs, because no 
one can reign over the Moors who is not a renegade 
Christian. And if one of the renegades should take a wife 
and have sons, these sons cannot succeed the father in any 
dignity. Such sons as these are called sons of the people, 
even though they be the sons of the Sultan (Note 88). 

In the said office, when the holder dies, the man who 
has most influence with the soldiers, who are all renegade 
Christians, succeeds him, and the oftener he has abjured 


the more lie is esteemed. The present Sultan was seized in 
the field together with the Usbech, on whom he bestowed 
the Governorship of Jerusalem. They are Circassians, 
belonging to a country near the possessions of the Sultan. 
They both abjured the Christian faith and were sold as 
slaves several times in their youth. As they grew up they 
became sworn brothers, and so valiant in arms that the 
late Sultan set them over all his army. 

When he died these two sworn brothers were masters 
of the situation, because they had the army under their 
control. And when they were talking together — that is, 
the present Sultan and the Usbech — about this dominion, 
the Sultan said that if the Usbech would help to procure 
him this honour he should be Sultan as much as himself. 
These words were no sooner said than the Usbech went out 
and made all the Mamelukes proclaim the other, Sultan, 
while he himself remained at the head of the army and 
received the Governorship of Jerusalem. In course of 
time the Usbech, Governor of Jerusalem, sold this 
Governorship to another for many ducats, nevertheless 
he is still the Governor. 

The Usbech has a great friendship for the minor friars, 
and gives them large alms. Whenever they go to Cairo 
and whenever they appeal to him on account of any 
trouble given them by the Moors he inflicts heavy punish- 
ments on the Moors and fleeces those malefactors right 
well (Note 89). 



Pilgrims leave Jerusalem and reach Rama, where 
they are delayed. — The Governor of Gaza and 
the Ten Slaves. — Sermon from the Prior of Mount 
Sion and Warning to Intending Pilgrims. — 
Rumoured Night Attack on the Hostel. — Messen- 
gers sent to Jaffa. — Giovanni Simone Fornaro and 
his Parrot. — The Slaves Given up. — The Pilgrims 
leave Rama for Jaffa. — Death and Burial of a Ger- 
man Pilgrim. — The Galley sets Sail for the West. 

We left Jerusalem, as I said, and set out towards Rama, 
following the road to Emmaus, the castle where Christ 
appeared after his Resurrection to those disciples who 
said to him: " Tu solus peregrinus es in Jerusalem?" 1 
And he replied to them : " stulti et tardi ad credendum." 2 

When we reached the said castle, as there was a foun- 
tain there, the owners of the animals wanted to give them 
to drink. I looked at the place meanwhile. There are 
still a few dwellings there, but not many. 

Then when it was already evening Abrayno Grasso and 
his companions wanted to stop in the open country to sup ; 
and thus all the pilgrims dismounted to refresh themselves 
and wait for the moon to rise before starting again. Our 
lodging was on many stones, because in the open country 
there, there was nothing but stones. 

As soon as the moon had risen, we all mounted, by 
order of the Moors, and rode all night until we came near 
Rama. Here those dogs, making a great noise, thrust us 

1. "Art thou only a stranger in Jerusalem ? " — Luke, xxiv. 18. 

2. " O fools and slow of heart to believe." — Luke, xxiv. 25. 


off the animals' backs because they did not want us to ride 
past the places where their dead are buried. Thus on 
foot, dead with sleep, we carried our baggage on our 
shoulders as far as our lodging, and there the ground on 
which we could throw ourselves down and sleep a little 
seemed a great luxury to us because we were half dead 
and already the day was at hand. 

The Venerable Father Don Fra Francesco had insisted 
on coming with us, though he was ill. Certain sick 
persons, however, of various countries had remained be- 
hind in Jerusalem. 

On Tuesday, the 19th of August, when the company 
arose, the Venerable Prior and the magnificent captain 
began to make arrangements for going to Jaffa before any 
other obstacle arose, because some new mushrooms * sprang 
up each day. But our solicitude could not outrun the 
fury of those dogs who were not yet satisfied with what 
they had extorted from the Christians, so the arrangements 
came to nothing. 

On Wednesday, the 20th of August, the Governor of 
Gaza, who had come to Rama on hearing that the pilgrims 
had arrived there, invented another bewildering fraud. 
He said he wanted back the ten slaves who had been 
redeemed after we left the galley to go to Jerusalem, or 
that he wanted five hundred ducats. This was a more 
than diabolial invention, because there was no court of 
justice there, and the Sultan was ten days' march away, 
according to what people said. There was no remedy. 
However, on the intervention of the Prior the robbery was 
compounded for a hundred and twenty-eight ducats, and 
this was a great consolation to the pilgrims, who hoped 
to depart at least the following day. 

In the evening the captain went to take him the money, 

1. Difficulties, obstacles. 


but because the coins were his ducats called seraphs, that 
mastiff, the Governor of Gaza, would not take them, saying 
that he wanted ducats from the Venetian Mint. The 
captain and all the pilgrims were in despair, because our 
departure was retarded ; and the pilgrims were suffering 
great hardships of all kinds, especially lack of water, for 
the cistern in the hospital where we were lodged was 
exhausted and we had many sick among us. 

On Thursday, the 21st of August, as the pilgrims were 
cheated out of the departure, the Prior of Mount Sion 
said Mass very early in the morning. Then, wanting as 
well as he knew how, poor man, to comfort the company, 
he preached a sermon in Latin, racking his brains a 
prisiano [sic] as dexterously as he could, and exhorting 
the pilgrims to have patience under the tribulations 
inflicted on us every day by those Moors, and this with 
most excellent authority of the Holy Scriptures and also 
the examples of the saints, " quia oportet per multas 
tribulationes intrare in regnum Dei." x 

In the second part of his sermon he asked pardon of 
all the pilgrims if he and his friars had not shown them 
all the attention that perhaps they hoped would have been 
shown them both in Jerusalem and elsewhere. 

In the third part of his aforesaid sermon he admonished 
all the pilgrims when they returned to their countries and 
native places, to exhort all those who might have the 
intention of visiting the Holy Sepulchre, either because 
of a vow made, or out of devotion, not to go there for the 
next two years ; and he gave as a reason for this warning 
the great vexations inflicted on the pilgrims by the Moors, 
and said that they will do worse in the future until the 
Sultan hears about it and takes steps. 

After this sermon the door of the hospital was opened 

1. Since it is necessary through many tribulations to enter into the Kingdom of God. 


in order to admit all those who carried victuals to sell to 
the pilgrims. When dinner was over, the Venerable Prior 
had an interview with the aforesaid Governor of Gaza, 
and worked so hard that he finally persuaded him to 
accept the plunder already agreed upon, and instead of 
insisting on being paid in ducats from the Venetian Mint 
to take what could be found, in order that we might at 
length depart. 

When the captain went to pay the sum agreed upon, 
however, the said Governor of Gaza began to do as 
Pharaoh, King of Egypt, did to Moses when God wanted 
him to lead the people of Irael into the Promised Land 
where we were. He began a new tyranny, saying he did 
not want money for the slaves who had been redeemed 
and were on board the galley, but he wanted them back 
again. And now he said one thing, and now another, 
till both the aforesaid Prior and the captain were 
thoroughly perplexed, and we did not know what to do 
in order to satisfy that raging dog of a Governor of Gaza. 

Finally, it was agreed to send a messenger to Jerusalem 
to the Old Man of his Faith and await until his opinion 
on the matter was known. The messenger was sent, and 
for that day there was nothing else to be done. 

There was never a day of greater murmuring among 
the pilgrims, because the wine and the water had come to 
an end, and the heat was very great. A great company of 
Ultramontanes arose and went to the captain's lodgings, 
crying out as did the children of Israel against Moses 
when they lacked water in the desert. It was more painful 
than I can say to hear the words spoken by the pilgrims 
and to see the affliction of the captain who had so many 
men, as it were, in prison. As well as they could, the 
Venerable Father Don Fra Francesco, who had a great 
reputation among the pilgrims, and the Prior, comforted 


the company and told them that provision would be made 
as to the drinking, in the morning. The pilgrims calmed 
down, because the sun had already set and they had had 

At this juncture, I think it was a Christian of the Girdle 
who warned the captain that certain Moors intended to 
attack the hospital that night in order to rob the pilgrims. 
The captain summoned those who appeared of most 
importance as representing the different nations, and told 
them what that Christian had said, adding that he 
thought guards ought to be posted for the night, and 
this was done. 

About midnight one of the guards thought he saw 
armed men near the door of the hospital, and began to call 
out, and the cries so increased right up to the room of the 
captain, that at the first moment we thought we were all 
cut to pieces. 

I slept, as I said before, in the captain's room with 
certain others, and I was lying on a plank raised perhaps 
half a braccio from the ground. On hearing the noise, 
half asleep as I was, I fell from the plank to the ground 
in such a way, that there was not a single pilgrim who 
came to grief on account of those cries except Casola who 
fell off from his perch. There was no real cause for all 
the alarm, nevertheless everyone was very much frightened. 

When the company had breathed again somewhat, I 
began to laugh, saying : " And if there had really been an 
attack what resistance could we have made?" In all the 
hospital there was not a stick a braccio long to be found, 
nor a sword, nor a knife half a braccio long; in short, 
not a weapon of any kind. There were not even stones 
without pulling down the hospital. Every man said I 
was right, and we went back to rest on the beds several 
times mentioned, until the morning. 


On Friday, the 22nd of August, in order to give a little 
satisfaction to the company until the messenger came 
back from Jerusalem, certain barrels of wine were brought 
in and distributed among the persons there. While we 
were waiting thus in expectation, some messengers came 
from the Moors and urged the pilgrims to mount the 
asses, etc., at once to go to Jaffa. As we thought that 
Abrayno had given this order we rejoiced greatly, but 
immediately after we heard that it was not true, and that 
the Moors were only mocking the Christians. 

At that hour the messenger arrived from Jerusalem 
from that old Man of his Faith, who wrote to the Governor 
of Gaza and told him, that he was on no account to give 
up the redeemed slaves sent on to the galley, unless he had 
as many Moorish slaves in exchange, and that if he had 
received money for the slaves he should restore it. This 
was a great affliction for us and a great misfortune for the 
men who had been ransomed. 

The captain was now obliged to write with his own 
hand to the comito of the galley and to the scribe, ordering 
them to bind those poor men and give them up to the 
Mamelukes who carried the letters. 

While the Mamelukes went to the galley, in order that 
we should not find the delay tedious, Don Giovanni Simone 
Fornaro, a pilgrim belonging to Pavia, who had been 
created knight in the Sepulchre, was accused before the 
Governor of Gaza of having brought a fine parrot from 
Jerusalem, and the said lord sent a Mameluke to take it 
away by force. It was defended a good while by Frate 
Antonio Eegna, both with words and acts, but at last he 
was obliged to give it up to the Mameluke, who took it 
away with peril of a scandal and injury to the pilgrims, 
because those Moors sought nothing but some excuse for 
spoiling us. 


The captain immediately followed the man who carried 
the parrot, in order to make excuses for the disturbance 
made, and the said Giovanni Simone insisted on following 
the captain against the advice of his friends, who were all 
of the opinion that he ought not to go. When they were 
all in the presence of the said Governor, the Moors accused 
the said Giovanni Simone of having stolen the parrot in 
Jerusalem. The said Giovanni Simone sought to exculpate 
himself by saying that he had bought it, but he was told 
that he must either name the seller or lose his hand or 
pay fifty ducats; and with these words they put him in 
" cima," 1 as the prisons are called. However, the matter 
was arranged for ten ducats of the Venetian Mint, which 
he paid. He also gave certain maydini 2 to those who 
guarded him, and he left the parrot behind with that 
Governor for that time. But the game of the dogs was 
not yet finished. 

This was one of the festivals we enjoyed while waiting 
at Rama for the ten slaves to be brought from the galley. 
And worse befell us after the affair of the parrot, for 
at the third hour of the night, a Frenchman, who said he 
was of royal blood, passed from this life. He was buried 
in the place set apart by the friars. 

On Saturday, the 23rd of August, the Mamelukes who 
had gone to the galley to fetch the slaves returned with 
empty hands, because the officers of the galley, believing 
that the captain's letters had been extorted by force, 
refused to give the prisoners up. Before the said 
Mamelukes left the sea, they had put thirteen galeotti who 
happened to be on shore, in chains and placed them in 
custody in one of the two towers at Jaffa. 

1. Cima in Ital = the top, summit. 

2. The Maidino was a small piece of silver money whose value varied according to the 
place and the time. The Maidino of Cairo was worth twice as much as that of Damascus. 


When they arrived at Rama without the slaves, there 
was a great outcry amongst the pilgrims, who all thought 
that they would never escape out of the hands of the 
Moors, and from such hard exile, where everything was 
lacking except extreme heat. The Prior, Fra Antonio 
Regna and the captain went at once to the said Governor 
of Gaza, who was very angry on account of these things ; 
and, seizing the excuse that the officers of the galley had 
refused to give up the slaves on account of the galeotti 
who had been put in chains, they finally, with much 
difficulty, persuaded him to send once more. 

The Mamelukes were therefore sent back, accompanied 
by a certain Don Giovanni Bernardo — belonging to the 
Valessi 1 family, who was one of the gentlemen appointed 
to the galley by the Signoria — with the stipulation that if 
the slaves were not brought back by midday on the 
following day, the Governor of Gaza would exact two 
thousand ducats. They departed at the twenty-first hour, 
and the said Don Giovanni Bernardo said afterwards that 
they arrived at the sea at the second hour of the night. 
The said Don Giovanni Bernardo did all he had been 
commissioned to do by the captain in my presence, and 
vehemently abused and threatened the officers of the 
galley. He was in truth very much disturbed. 

On Sunday, the 24th of August, the day of Saint 
Bartholomew, when all the pilgrims had arisen and heard 
the Masses, and we had recommended ourselves to God, 
we waited in great anxiety of mind to know the result of 
the work of the messenger who had gone to the sea; and 
we remained on the roof of the hospital in the sun with 
that great desire to escape. 

By the will of God the messenger and the Mamelukes 
arrived before the hour fixed and brought those poor 

1. i.e., the Vallaresso family— one of the Venetian patrician families 


wretches of slaves chained. The poor men were weeping, 
and they had good reason, because they had been ransomed 
and now they found themselves again in the hands of the 
Moors. The hardest heart would have been moved to 
compassion at the sight of them ; even the Moors were 
sorry when they saw them behave in the way they did. 

The men of the galley sent word to the captain that he 
need not hesitate to add to the first sum paid because 
everything would be refunded, and they informed him 
that three of the slaves belonged to Candia and were well 
off at home. 

I spoke to them, and found that they knew Italian well, 
though whether they were from Candia or elsewhere I 
did not otherwise inquire. I was very sorry for one thing, 
and so were the other pilgrims, and that is, that when 
the slaves were ransomed I paid a Venetian ducat for my 
share, but when the money was returned, the captain 
would not give it back to me. 

As soon as those poor chained men had been handed 
over to those dogs, we had licence to go on our journey, 
and every man prepared himself until the animals were 
brought which we were to ride. Meanwhile the Governor 
of Gaza, who had kept the parrot and had received ten 
ducats from Don Giovanni Simone Fornaro, sent to say 
that he was to take that parrot away and that he wanted 
five braccia of scarlet cloth. When they heard this, the 
Prior and the captain went to the Governor of Gaza. I 
did not hear what they did, but the parrot was taken on 
board the galley by order of the captain. 

At this time the pilgrims were mounting in great haste, 
some on mules, some on asses. It appeared to us as 
if we should never escape from that cruel prison where 
we had been kept so many days contrary to custom. 

We departed without further delay, and arrived at 



Jaffa very early, so that if those dogs had been weary of 
eating our flesh the pilgrims could have gone on hoard; 
but they wanted also to gnaw the bones. We were weary, 
afflicted and a great many of us were sick; but that 
mastiff, Abrayno Grasso, compelled us to pass that night 
also on the seashore, on the bare hot ground. I really 
think that was our worst night, although we had many 
bad ones before which we had forgotten. The Venerable 
Father preacher alone, in consequence of the entreaties 
of the Prior and the captain, was allowed to go on board 
the galley with his servant, because he was ill. 

On Monday, the 25th of August, as those dogs were 
satiated, they consented to let the pilgrims be put on 
board the galley ; and thus by the grace of God we were all 
carried by the boats with great speed to the galley. 
Nevertheless, as long as the captain, who remained behind 
us a good while, was not also on the galley, it seemed to 
us as if we must be summoned on shore again. 

The officers of the galley and the galeotti gave us such 
a cordial and affectionate greeting that if we had been 
their brothers and sons they could not have done more. 

After the pilgrims were on board the galley the captain 
and the scribe were detained until the following night, 
and Abrayno did not let the captain leave his tent until 
he had got all he wanted from him. 

On Tuesday, the 26th of August, when the captain had 
been dismissed by those dogs and had entered the galley, 
he found that one of the German pilgrims l — one of those 
who had been created knights in the Sepulchre — was dead. 
It was necessary to come to terms with those dogs, who 
insisted on having ten ducats before they would let us 
bury him on land. He was buried on the seashore. This 

1. The name of this pilgrim was AVbrecht Maetsch aits Preussen, as we learn from 
Ludwig Freiherr von Greiffenstein, and two other German pilgrims, Reinhard von 
Bemmelberg, and Konrad von Parsberg. See Deutsche Pihjerreisen, by Reinhold Rohncht. 


pilgrim was rich and of noble family; he was buried as 
you have heard. 

"When the boat which had carried the body on land 
returned, the captain, to the great consolation of the 
living, decided to set sail before eating. The poor 
gentleman had been so maltreated by the Moors that he 
was in a great hurry to depart. Thus at the fourth hour 
of the day he ordered the anchors to be heaved, and to 
the praise of God and of our glorious Lady we set sail 
towards the West. 



Galley Carried out of its Course. — Arrival at the Salines 
of Cyprus. — Galley Touches at Limasol.— Contrary 
Winds. — Sermon from Fra Francesco Trivulzio. — 
Death of Andrea Alemano. — Last Sermon Preached 
by Fra Francesco. — Contrary Winds and Calms. — 
Fra Francesco complains of a Swelling on his 
Neck. — Fears of the Plague. — Precautions taken. 
— Beyrout Fleet Encountered. — News of the 
West. — Contrary winds and Storms.— Death of a 
Native of Zara and of Fra Francesco. — Arrival at 
Rhodes. — Burial of Fra Francesco Trivulzio. — 
The Galley leaves Rhodes. 

Although there was not a favourable wind, nevertheless, 
by tacking, we navigated so far that the towers of Jaffa 
were lost to sight. Then the sea began to rise so much 
against us that, between the hard times we had endured 
on land and the contrary sea, we almost all fell sick, and 
we felt better lying down than eating and drinking. 

Thus navigating against the wind from the aforesaid 
hour, the galley was carried so far out to sea that no land 
was seen again until the last day of August, which was a 
Sunday. On that day, at midday, a cape on the island of 
Cyprus was sighted, called Cape Greco. This greatly 
comforted the pilgrims because we believed that we should 
never again see land. Already the firewood began to run 
short, as the galley had remained at Jaffa beyond the 
usual time, and wood cannot be procured there because 
there are no woods. And we who sat at the captain's 


table had begun to use salt water for washing our hands — 
a thing which had never happened before — and the 
drinking water was so bad that it turned my stomach. 

The desire for many things made us cheer up a little ; 
but we were disappointed in our expectations, because we 
arrived very late at a place called the Salines of Cyprus 
(Note 90), where there was not a single thing to be had. 
Four other Venetian ships were there on their way to 
Beyrout, and they had taken everything. 

As the captain heard that at Nicosia, one of the 
principal cities of Cyprus, people were dying [of the 
plague] he made a general exhortation to the pilgrims, 
and advised them not to go to that city. There were, 
however, certain impatient Germans, who, when they heard 
that the captain had to stop there some time, went to see 
the island at their pleasure. I was obedient, being afraid 
of risking my life. Certain of the pilgrims also, who had 
suffered greatly from the sea, landed and went by land 
to await the galley at Limasol, where the captain intended 
to call, in order that whoever wished to buy and sell might 
do so, and also to get a supply of biscuits. 

We stayed so long at the Salines that whoever on the 
galley wished to do so got a supply of salt. The salt costs 
nothing there, and all the world could be furnished 
without exhausting the supply. There is a lake there 
like certain of our lakes of the Seprio (Note 91), which 
can be seen all at once. It is called the lake of San 
Lazzaro, and is said to have taken the name because of 
the favour he asked from God that salt might never be 
lacking there ; and thus the said lake appears always as 
if frozen, and it is the salt. The galeotti enter with 
hatchets or other tools and take out as much as they want 
and carry it away; when morning comes the lake is the 
same as ever. 


The whole island of Cyprus is supplied from there and 
all the ships that pass by, and the salt is never lacking. 
It appears to nie to be a miracle, though certain persons 
think it may be the nature of the place. The said salt 
is white as snow, and salts excellently. It cannot be 
taken to Venice, except in secret, under a penalty. In the 
galley they used the salt very liberally, and salted every- 
thing, even the skins of the animals which were killed. 

When the galley was supplied with the said salt, at the 
second hour of the night, a slight wind arose, and all the 
night we navigated as well as possible in the circumstances, 
making as much progress as a snail would have done. 

On Monday, the first day of September, we advanced 
very slowly on our voyage, because there was a calm at 
sea, and the galley could not be driven with the oars, as 
I have said several times, because it was too large a ship, 
so that I felt vexed that I also had not gone by land with 
many others as far as Limasol. Suffice it to say that we 
took eight days to go the two hundred and sixty miles 
from Jaffa to Cyprus. It is true, as the sailors said, that 
we really made more than eight hundred miles, because 
the course followed was in the shape of a great curve 
which carried us far into the high sea. There was no 
help for this on account of the wind, which was contrary 
to our path. 

On the above-mentioned day we came to a place called 
" A la Canuta," and there stopped, for there was such a 
calm at sea that the galley did not move. 

On Tuesday, the 2nd of September, as the galley could 
not proceed, the captain ordered the anchor to be cast, 
and many of the pilgrims went ashore to go to Limasol, 
thinking to procure some good refreshment ; but all were 
deceived. I took the advice of the captain, who said to 
me, " Don't go," and I bore the hardships patiently. 


Two hours before daybreak on Wednesday, the 3rd of 
September, they began to work the oars, because, as I said, 
there was a great calm at sea ; and the poor men worked so 
hard that we arrived at Limasol. 

The captain stopped there and fastened the galley with 
the anchors, because there is no port there to which the 
cables could be attached, but only the seashore. 

Every man went on land, where, however, provisions 
were not found to refresh the company as we had hoped. 
There was nothing but bread and a few grapes. The 
dearth was due to the fact that a few days before, a 
Yenetian galley, one of those of the guard, had put in 
there because the greater number of those on board were 
ill, and the galeotti had so harried the peasants — taking 
away their goods and refusing to pay for them — that they 
were afraid to show themselves. 

Nevertheless, on our arrival they were somewhat re- 
assured, and began to come with some things to sell, and 
bought some of the merchandise carried on land by the 
galeotti, though not as much as we had thought. There 
was an abundance of melons good for the teeth of old 
folks, not after the Lombard fashion where they like them 
hard ; there you could eat them with a spoon. 

The quantity of carobs or ultramarine beans was almost 
incalculable. A great trade was done in them, and the 
quantity brought on board the galley was stupendous. 
Whoever could find a place for them in the galley was 
lucky; a sack of a moggio was sold for three marcelli. I 
did not buy any, because I do not care for that fruit. It 
seemed to me that the carobs brought on the galley were 
sufficient to supply all the world; but after seeing the 
quantity held by the agents of certain Venetian merchants 
who live there, and which was all to be sent to Venice, I 
changed my opinion. I can assure you that the trade 


in this fruit is of immense importance and value, and I 
can say the same of the sugar I saw there. 

Although the captain had decided to depart that same 
day, he was unable to do so, because the supply of biscuits 
and the cattle he had ordered were not ready in time, so 
he was obliged to wait until the following day. 

On Thursday, the 4th of September, the pilgrims and 
the galeotti who had gone on land, some for one thing, 
some for another, were recalled by the firing of mortars 
and the blowing of trumpets. At the third hour of the 
night we set sail, and by the morning we had gone about 
forty miles. 

On Friday, the 5th of September, in the morning, 
the provenza, 1 a wind directly contrary to our path, was 
blowing, and so hard that although all the sails were 
furled it drove us back. As well as possible the galley 
was brought under control by means of the oars. All the 
sailors sweated copiously and shouted, because in truth 
they were exerting themselves beyond their strength. The 
sight of them roused one's compassion. At a place near 
what is called Cape Bianco 2 there is a certain stretch 
of quite white coast which forms part of the island of 

On Saturday, the 6th of September, the captain, seeing 
that he could not go ahead, ordered the anchors to be cast. 
We were then so near land that the galeotti were sent 
out in a certain little boat called a copano, and went to 
get wood and water, and also a few sheep. To obtain 
these, it was necessary to go some miles distance from the 

As this weather continued all Saturday and also all the 
following night, the captain and the pilgrims were very 

1. West wind. 

2. Cape on the south coast of Cyprus not far from Papbos or Baff. 


depressed, beause, as I said above, it had not been possible 
to supply the galley with what was necessary at Limasol 
on account of the other galley which had touched there 
and remained there so many days before us. 

On Sunday, the 7th of September, as the provenza had 
dropped and the sea was calm, the captain ordered all the 
sails to be spread as quickly as possible in order to leave 
the place where we were. We made so little progress, 
however, that it appeared to the company as if we were 
going back; nevertheless we really went ahead, at least 

In order to assuage in some degree the great sadness 
on board among the pilgrims and also the galeotti, due 
to the lack of what the company wanted — that is, some 
good victuals — the Venerable Don Era Francesco de 
Trivulzio caused all the company to be gathered together 
in the usual way, by means of the whistle sounded by 
the comito of the galley, and they came to the usual 
place in the poop at the second hour of the day. 

There he preached a beautiful sermon — the last but one 
preached by that holy man — and encouraged the company 
not to have so much anxiety about the things of the world 
as they appeared to have. It was all very well for him 
to talk, because he did not lack anything, but for many of 
his hearers, to whom they were lacking, talking was not 

He took for his subject : " Primo quaerite regnum Dei 
et justitiam ejus." * And in the first place, following the 
text, he expounded the Gospel which occurred in the Mass 
according to the use of the Court of Rome. Then he 
proceeded to his sermon by way of a question — namely : — 
Whether a person can be solicitous about temporal things 
without sin ; and this because Christ said : " Respicite 

1. " Seek first the Kingdom of God and his righteousness." — Matt., vi. 33. 


volatilia coeli quomodo non serunt neque nent " — that is, 
" Regard the fowls of the air, who toil not, neither do they 
spin." l There he quoted Alexander of Hales : and dis- 
tinguished between four kinds of solicitude, and said some 
very beautiful things. Finally, he concluded his sermon 
by saying that there could be solicitude about temporal 
things without sin, provided that it be not of such a nature 
as to cause the neglect of spiritual things. The sermon 
was very acceptable to the company. At the end he 
playfully told the company to go to breakfast, and named 
certain officers of the galley — very agreeable men — who 
took their meals very frequently. 

Before we left this place news was brought to the 
captain that one, Andrea Alemano, a knight, 2 from 
Cambray, in Brabant, son of the Governor of Antwerp, 
and the only son of his father, had passed from this life. 
As the galley was quite motionless and near land, the 
parono 3 with certain strong galeotti undertook to carry 
the body ashore and walk until they should find a church 
of some kind in which to bury him ; and this was done. 
When he returned the parono said, that he had gone more 
than four miles, and that he had found a poor little church. 
His compatriots could tell the father, who was very rich, 
so they said, that his son was buried in Cyprus. 

Two hours before daybreak on Monday, the 8th of 
September, which was the nativity of Our Lady, as it 
appeared to the comito of the galley that a little wind 
had arisen favourable for our journey, he at once ordered 
the anchors to be heaved and the sails spread ; but in 
spreading the artimone — that is, the main sail — a great 
rent was made, and it was necessary to let it down again. 
It was said that Our Lady wanted something from us. 

1. Casola confused here two texts . Matt. vi. '26 and 28, 

2. The phrase in the text is "Andrea Alemano Cavalero, fiolo del governatore de 
Anversa, Cameraoense in Barbantia. 

3. See p. 160. 


While it was being mended — for it was a long job — -the 
wind dropped, and the sea settled into a calm, and this 
made us very sad. 

Then the aforesaid Venerable Don Era Francesco caused 
the company to be summoned to the last sermon he ever 
preached in this world in the midst of the sea. When the 
company was gathered together he preached a beautiful 
sermon on the nativity of Our Lady, taking for his subject : 
" Exiet Virga de radice Jesse." Thereupon he said most 
beautiful things in praise of Our Lady, which greatly 
pleased the company. It was the last time he preached. 

During the whole of that day we did not go more than 
six miles towards Paphos, and it was necessary to cast 
the anchor, because the provenza, which was a contrary 
wind for us, began to blow so terribly. Nevertheless in 
the evening, as the sea had called down, the comito 
decided to trust to fortune, and ordered the anchor to be 
heaved and all the sails to be spread, saying that he 
wanted to navigate at all costs even if he had to go 

At sunrise on Tuesday, the 9th of September, we were 
found to be more than sixty miles out of our course, and 
when we had well boxed the compass and almost returned 
to land it was said that we had only gone eighteen miles 
on our way. Nevertheless in the evening the sails were 
turned to another side, and it was decided to navigate all 
the night, because, in that gulf of Natalia, there is no 
danger from rocks; by the grace of God it is wide and 
ampler than the gulf of Sclavonia. 

On the morning of Wednesday, the 10th of September, 
we were so far out at sea that the island of Cyprus could 
not be seen any more. Nevertheless, according to what 
the pilot, who was a Greek and an old sailor, said, we 
were right opposite Paphos. This was bad news, not only 


for the captain, but also for the mariners and the pilgrims, 
because the stores were running short. So many mouths 
as there were on that galley took some feeding. At that 
moment the captain had to provide for not less than four 
hundred persons, because every man looked to him. The 
company was the more alarmed, because the captain said, 
that such a thing had never happened to him before, in 
that sea. It really appeared as if God had determined to 
consume us in that gulf. 

After dinner the Father preacher, Don Era Francesco 
complained, when only the captain and I were with him, 
of a swelling l which had come on his neck. The 
captain and I examined it and told him not to touch it 
nor have it medicated. He said he would take our advice, 
but afterwards it was found that he had had it medicated, 
and that caused his death. 

As soon as the swelling on the neck Avas mentioned, the 
captain said he wanted to use every remedy in order not 
to perish together with the pilgrims, 2 and he sent criers 
to order all those who had brought water from the River 
Jordan to throw it into the sea. 3 The order was not 
much obeyed by certain persons, principally Italians. 
Then he had a search made to see if there was anything 
aboard which had been stolen from a church; and pro- 
ceeding further, together with the Father preacher, he 
proposed that a vow should be made to Our Lady in order 
to escape from this anxiety; but no ear was given to this. 
It appeared to me that that galley was full of all iniquity, 

1. Casola uses the word "Brusarola" (Ital : Brufolo), which may mean, according 
to circumstances, boil, carbuncle, tumour, &c. I have preferred, therefore, to adopt in 
translating the general term, "swelling." 

2. The captain evidently feared an outbreak of the plague on board. 

3. It was a superstitious medieval belief that Jordan water brought bad luck on 
board. For example Santo Brasca was told "that as long as there is any Jordan water on 
the Galley the sea always remains calm," that is, the ship is becalmed. The priest who 
wrote the voyage to the " Saincte Cyte " heard that as long as there was a drop of Jordan 
water aboard, it was useless to hope for a favourable wind, but he stigmatizes this as 
" foolishness." 


considering the places we were coming from, and that we 
deserved much worse than we got, because, although the 
wind was contrary, nevertheless we had not a storm. 
Although I was discontented like the others, I did not 
marvel in the least at what befell us, for the reason given 

Very late in the day three galleys were sighted belonging 
to the Levant Trading Fleet, which were on their way 
from Venice. The captain-in-chief was Don Juliano 
Gradenigo, and they were called the Beyrout galleys. 1 
They had a stern wind, which was unfavourable for us. 
They recognised us immediately, and when they came 
near, the two largest lowered their sails in order not to 
pass us by. At the second hour of the night we were so 
very near one another, that there was general rejoicing on 
the one side and the other; the cannon were fired, and 
there was much shouting, as is the custom of sailors. 

A small boat, or rather, as they say, a copano, was 
lowered into the water from one of the Beyrout galleys, 
and many persons came to visit our captain, and many 
letters were brought to him from Venice. They told us 
the news of the West, especially about the movements of 
the King of France; and, amongst other things, a 
Franciscan friar, belonging to the Zorzi family (Note 92), 
said, that in Venice, on the Vigil of Saint Lawrence, it 
was said publicly, that the King of France was expected 
at Milan on the 16th of August (Note 93), and much other 

They remained on board, and there was a great 
illumination for nearly an hour, and then, having taken 
leave of the friends, they returned to their galleys, which 
looked like the daughters of ours. We still remained with 

1. In the month of August or September every year, from three to five trading galleys 
went together to this Syrian port and returned about Christmas to Venice. The Patroni 
or Captain-owners were always Patricians. 


the wind contrary, and they went flying away with the 
wind in the stern. 

On Thursday, the 11th of September, the sails were not 
moved. We went on drifting until the evening with a 
violent wind, desiring indeed to come to some good place 
if God willed ; but we were not on our proper course. One 
person said we were in one place, another said we were in 
another. The mariners did not understand where we 
were at all. 

On Friday, the 12th of September, Saturday the 13th, 
Sunday the 14th, and Monday the 15th, I did not note 
down anything, because, although we were navigating 
day and night in that gulf with all the sails spread, and 
with a high though contrary wind, nevertheless the 
mariners had gone so far out into the high sea that no 
one knew where we were, and the many navigating charts 
on board were no help. The captain said one thing and 
the comito and the parono another, and the pilot another. 
There was great confusion in the said galley, and the 
pilgrims who saw this confusion felt very depressed. Then 
a storm arose so violently, especially at night, that it 
appeared as if the galley would split open and break up, 
and, as has been said, all the stores were running short. 

When the captain lost courage, as he showed by calling 
us all together and saying that if we thought it best he 
would return to Cyprus, I began to lose courage also to 
such an extent that I thought it was all over with me. 
Although, seeing so many Observant friars and other good 
people on the galley, it appeared to me too much to 
suppose that God would destroy so many souls all at once. 
It made me very low-spirited to see the Father Preacher, 
who, amid this general depression and because of his own 
special suffering from the swelling I spoke of above, had 
quite lost heart. I was accustomed to amuse myself 


alone, but this day I was quite unable to do so ; rather 
I said : " Casola, we are lost ! I shall never again see 
Rhodes, which I have so desired to see." Vows were made 
by every man. I never thought to see land again after 
so many days without seeing any. 

Two hours before daybreak on Tuesday, the 16th of 
September, the Most High God, wishing to show lis that 
all things are in his hands, and that he wills to be prayed 
to without any other expectation, sent a stern wind so 
favourable for our journey that it appeared a miracle. 

Immediately afterwards a headland was sighted which 
belongs to the Turk, and is called Phenice. 1 The galley 
approached it, which greatly cheered everybody. Thus 
navigating with a good wind, we passed a castle in the 
mountains of Phenice called Castle Rugi. Judging from 
the outside, it must be strong. It belongs to the King 
of Naples, though I think it is little use to him ; enough, 
however, that it is not possessed by the Turk. In those 
mountains there are two cities, one called Patera 2 and the 
other Saurinia. 3 In the one Saint Nicholas was born, and 
in the other he was afterwards bishop. They are far from 
the coast, however, and could not be seen from the sea. 

On this day there passed from this life a man, who said 
he belonged to Zara, that he had escaped from the hands 
of the Turks, and afterwards reached Cyprus. He had 
come on board the galley to go to his oavu country, but 
when he was on the galley he fell ill, and, as I have said, 
not being able to get remedies any more than the others, 
he died. The sea was given to him for his monument. 

On Wednesday, the 17th of September, it was said that 
we were making good progress, and although the company 

1. Casola seems to have confused Phenicia with Lyoia. From the position of the 
Galley it was evidently the mountains of Lycia which had been sighted at this point. 

2. Patera, Patara or Panthera, a city of the province of Lycia, where St. Nicholas was 

3. St. Nicholas was bishop of Myra in Lycia. 


had not all they desired, yet all took some comfort except 
Don Era Francesco, who had entirely let himself go. 

At the dinner hour, as he did not come as usual to the 
poop, the captain's servant was sent to tell him to come, 
but he sent word that he could not come, and that he felt 
very ill. The captain was much disturbed about his 
illness, and sent to ask him if there was anything he 
wished for, and ordered all his subordinates to take care 
that the Father did not want for anything there was on 
the galley. After dinner I went to see him, and stayed a 
long time with him. I discovered that he had had the 
swelling medicated and with medicines that were not 
suitable. I did my best to cheer him. He asked 
constantly if we were yet at Rhodes, and I replied that 
we should be there immediately. 

On Thursday, the 18th of September, we came near 
Rhodes very very slowly. In the evening, when we hoped 
to enter the port, such a terrible yrovenza arose, that, 
whereas we had been only eighteen miles from Rhodes, 
we were driven more than a hundred miles out to sea. A 
turn, however, was made which at last brought us into 

When I saw the violence of the wind I took leave of 
the Father Preacher, whom I had been visiting, and who 
was in a high fever and suffering greatly from thirst, and 
went to my own quarters, which were far away from his. 
He was at the prow and I was near the poop beside the 
canteen. About midnight I was summoned to go to the 
Father Preacher by one of his companions named Frate 
Michele da Como. I jumped up immediately, wrapped 
myself in my cloak, and went to see his Reverence, who 
was in the last agony. I could not get him to say even 
one word, nor to open his eyes. He raised himself unaided 
to render a service to nature, and then fell back again in 


a heap on his pallet. I got a Florentine hermit— who 
had also come out of sympathy to visit him at that hour — 
to take him in his arms. Then, as the other friars of 
every Order began to come to say the appointed offices, 
and as the place was small, I took leave of them and went 
in a very high wind to my quarters, carrying to my 
neighbours very bad and distressing news of the preacher, 
because he was loved and revered by all. 

When I had been resting a couple of hours or less, a 
galeotto came to tell us that he had passed from this life, 
and everyone felt very pained and sad. 

On Friday, the 19th day of September, at the second 
hour of the day, we reached the port of Rhodes; but as 
the other ships which had arrived before us had spread 
the news that in Cyprus, especially at Limasol, the people 
were dying of the plague, when the galley entered the 
port, the sanitary officers came at once and ordered that 
not a single person was to be allowed to leave the galley. 
While the matter was under discussion it came to their 
ears that the Preacher had died of a suspicious malady, 
which had manifested itself on the throat. On this 
account it was necessary to desist from going ashore. 

The news spread throughout Rhodes that the galley 
had come, and immediately the quay was crowded with 
friends, especially Ultramontanes, of whom indeed there 
are many there, come to visit their friends whom they 
were expecting eagerly. Finally, through the efforts of the 
friends, and especially of the Lord of Longo, a Genovese, 
about whom I said a great deal before, the Grand Master 
was persuaded to accept testimony to the effect that the 
galley was not infected, and that the Preacher had left 
Jerusalem with the fever. In consequence of these 
impediments the pilgrims left the galley very late. 

It must be confessed, that, in the matter of dinner, 



the aforesaid Lord of Longo made such provision at the 
captain's table as almost made me forget many wretched 
meals I had had during the preceding days ; for sometimes 
the only dish they had given me was red beans and 

As to the body of Fra Francesco, whom the magnificent 
captain and all the galley desired to honour, permission 
could not be obtained to carry it off the galley until the 
evening, when the pilgrims were already scattered here 
and Ihere about Rhodes with a great desire to eat a good 
meal. In the evening the body was taken off the galley 
and accompanied to a gate leading to his monastery, called 
Santa Maria della Vittoria, which is being restored. I 
think we were four Italian pilgrims who did him honour 
as well as we could. We did not go through the city 
because of the prohibition of the Grand Master. That 
great preacher was buried before the high altar with 
few words. 

On Saturday, the 20th of the month of September, we — 
that is, the magnificent lord our captain and many 
pilgrims of every nation — gathered together at the said 
church of Santa Maria della Vittoria, where the once great 
preacher was buried, and we remained there until the 
obsequies were over, and many Masses had been said ; then 
all went freely about the city occupied in restoring 
afflicted bodies and minds with good things and also in 
buying some carpets. 

As I had not much business to attend to, and also in 
order to fare better as regards living, I never left the 
captain, who received many attentions from many people, 
and especially from the Governor of Longo, who kept him 
to meals with him as long as he was on land, and Casola 
as well, because Casola is a Milanese and he a Genoese. 
He did not entertain us after the Ithodian fashion, but 


like a great noble and true Italian; there were banquets 
and very sumptuous ones every day. 

On Sunday, the 21st of September, in the morning 
after Mass was heard, as the captain had been invited, 
we went to do honour to a certain bride who was accom- 
panied to the church for the benediction and afterwards 
to her husband. 

When dinner was over at the house of the Lord of 
Longo, the captain ordered the trumpet to be sounded to 
give notice, that, at the hour of Vespers, every man must 
be on the galley, because he intended to set sail. But he 
changed his mind, because a great flaw was discovered in 
the helm of the galley, and on Sunday no master could be 
found who would repair it. The pilgrims were glad to 
have the chance of resting a little longer. 

On Monday, the 22nd of September, every man being 
supplied with carpets, which were numberless — I was told 
that between the galeotti and the pilgrims more than 
four thousand were carried aboard, though according to 
my reckoning there were seven thousand of them — and the 
helm of the galley having been repaired, the captain 
ordered the trumpet to be sounded and certain cannon 
to be fired to give notice to the company to come on board 
the galley, and he ordered all the cables to be loosened in 
order to set sail. But in spite of all his haste and the 
many signals given, he could not depart until it was 
already the first hour of the night. 

We Italians wanted to leave orders for a stone to 
be prepared with a few affectionate words and placed 
over the tomb of Fra Francesco, in order that some 
record should remain of him. The captain was of 
the same opinion, and I offered to leave the money it 
would cost, but the Governor of Longo, with whom these 
matters were discussed, would not agree to this. He said 


that the Grand Master himself wanted to erect the 
monument at his own expense, and that he did not wish 
for anything from us except the name of the Father's 
family and of his country. 

With the help of his companions, I put together a few 
words which were left with the Prior of the Monastery of 
Santa Maria della Vittoria, where he lies, with the request 
that he would hasten the matter. 

When this was arranged we entered the galley, and at 
the first hour of the night we set sail, heading towards 
Turkey, because the wind was not favourable for going 
in the direction of Candia ; though we hoped that as soon 
as we were out at sea some good wind would spring up 
for us. 



The Island of Cos or Longo Sighted. — The Watch 
Dogs there. — Galley in the Archipelago.— Contrary 
Winds. — The Island of Santorin. — The Galley 
Anchors at Enios or Ios. — Discontent of the 
Ultramontane Pilgrims. — Bad Weather. — Arrival 
in Candia. — Productions of the City and Island. — 
The Quails. — The Ex-Duke and Ex-Captain of 
Candia go on Board the Galley to return to 
Venice. — Departure from Candia.— Favourable 
Winds. — Modone. 

At sunrise on Tuesday, the 23rd of the month of 
September, we found that we had made forty miles 
towards Candia, leaving Turkey always on the right hand 
and on the left hand the island of Rhodes. After this, 
very little way was made until the evening on account 
of a great calm which came on at sea. 

When we lost sight of Turkey, the island of Longo, 
formerly called Choo 1 by writers, was sighted. As I said, 
it is subject to the knights of Saint John, and is a single 
commendam which is held by Don Eduardo de Camardino 
of Genoa, who, because I am a Milanese, did me such 
honour and made me such generous offers as I cannot 
describe. I think he was very demonstrative to me 
because the captain of the galley, Don Agostino Contarini, 
gave him to understand that I was a person of importance 
at Milan. However that may be, I fared well under this 

To return to our subject. The said island of Longo has 

1. Cos. 


amongst other things a beautiful castle, called the Castle 
of Saint Peter, which, as it is near the Turkish borders, 
has forty large dogs to guard it who are trained carefully 
and very intelligent. They go out of the castle without 
any guide in large bands by night and by day. They go 
a long way — two, three and four miles away — and if by 
chance they encounter one or more Turks in the woods 
they recognise them immediately, and if they cannot 
escape they worry them to death. If, however, they meet 
one or more Christians they recognise them at once and 
show great joy, and in their way lead them to the castle. 

Those dogs eat in a very orderly fashion. A bell is 
rung three times which can be heard a long way off. At 
the third sound all the dogs assemble there as if they were 
friars. If one should be missing, some of the oldest dogs 
immediately go outside and search until they find the 
missing one, and when he is found, after giving him a 
few bites, they conduct him to the others. They are 
worth their keep. I heard about them while I was in 
Rhodes at the house of the Lord of Longo, from one of 
his servants who had just come from Longo. Afterwards 
I heard about them also from the captain, who said that 
in his voyages he had been to that castle and seen this 

On Wednesday, the 24th of September, with calms and 
some contrary winds, we went thus navigating amongst 
the islands belonging to the Rhodians, and we greatly 
desired to enter the Archipelago, which, as the experienced 
sailors said, is otherwise called the Sea of Greece. 

On Thursday, the 25th of September, we finally entered 
the desired sea, which has so many rocks and islets that 
they cannot be numbered ; and there the sea, almost as 
if by a miracle, calmed down so completely that we 
remained where we were all Thursday, the Friday follow- 


ing, which was the 26th, and also a part of Saturday. 
The mariners did not know what to say, because usually 
the passage from Rhodes to Candia takes at the most two 
days and two nights, and we had already taken four. 
Further, we were in a difficult position, for, trusting to 
arrive quickly in Candia, very few provisions had been 
taken at Rhodes, where everything was dear, and so 
everything began to run short. 

Very late on Saturday, the 27th of September, a wind 
arose called garbino, 1 which drove the galley so much out 
of our course that the captain would gladly have 
approached an island called Santurin. 2 And there was a 
great dispute in consequence between the captain and the 
comito and the pilot, who said to the captain that it was 
not a suitable place to stop at — that is, to cast the anchor. 
The captain maintained that on other occasions he had 
anchored there ; and he related that one time when he 
was in the Canal of Santurin with several galleys, a storm 
arose in the West which continued for the space of three 
days, and was not only violent but very terrible — great 
thunder, great flashes of lightning, and noises as if there 
had been battle chargers there ; and all on board the 
galleys were so terrified that they did not know what world 
they were in. On the morning of the third day an island 
as black as coal made its appearance; and the aforesaid 
captain said that they made every effort to approach it, 
but could never discover the bottom, and that he had 
never been able to anchor there since. The comito and 
the pilot would have their own way, and we did not anchor 
near the said Santurin. 

On Sunday, the 28th of September, owing to the contrary 

1. South-west wind. 

2. Santorin or Thera is the most southern island of the group of the Cyclades. It 
was formerly united to the neighbouring islands of Therasia and Aspronisi, and the three 
together formed the crater of an immense volcano. The volcanic eruptions in the island 
of Thera have been numerous and violent. 


winds, which had increased so much that the company- 
began to be upset, it was necessary to take refuge beside 
an island called Nio, x in a place where there was an 
excellent port. Although it was not walled, nevertheless 
it was a safe port and capable of holding very large ships. 
It was almost surrounded by mountains, and had an 
excellent bottom right up to the shore. 

When the anchor was cast, those who desired to do so 
went on land, and the company climbed to a castle called 
Nio, high up on the summit of a mountain, and bought 
many necessary things except bread, because there was 
only badly made barley bread there ; some was taken, but 
very little. There were excellent wines of our kind, meat 
and fowls, good grapes, pomegranates and other things 
for whoever wanted to buy. For a short time it was very 
agreeable to stay at this place, especially in order to obtain 
a supply of water, because the water was excellent, both 
the spring water and that of a river which came down 
from the island. 

With many others I climbed up to the said castle in 
order to see several things. It is situated on a great rock, 
very difficult to get at. If it were in Italy, especially in 
Lombardy, it would be made into a very important 
fortress ; here it appears to me to be a pigstye. I should 
not have courage to stay a night there, for fear it would 
tumble down, because the walls of the houses are built 
without mortar : one stone is simply placed over another, 
and nothing more. Nevertheless there are a great many 
houses, and also many inhabitants. There are a great 
many females, both great and small ; one cannot imagine 
how so many persons can live in the said castle. Although 
the women are Greeks and live in such a remote place, 

1. Enios, the ancient Ios, said to be the burial place of Homer. 


they are beautiful ; also the men we saw were handsome ; 
there are only a few. 

The said castle is subject to a Lord called the Lord of 
Nissa, 1 an island near there and fertile. The said Lord 
had died a few days before we arrived there. He was the 
brother-in-law of our captain's brother. He left one 
young son, and the Signoria of Venice to whom he is 
recommended, has appointed his uncle as his guardian, 
according to what the aforesaid captain said (Note 94). 

On Monday, the 29th of September, Saint Michael's 
day, we were kept in the said port, to our great vexation, 
waiting for favourable weather in order to depart. 

On Tuesday, the 30th of September, the leaders of the 
Ultramontane pilgrims gathered together and came to the 
poop to see the captain, who at that time had finished 
dinner ; and when all the company were arranged according 
to their order and dignities the captain asked what they 
wanted. The first of them in order said that they had 
come on behalf of all the pilgrims to beg him to lead them 
out of that place, because they were not satisfied with a 
single thing, and especially with what was given them to 
eat. The captain replied very amiably, saying, in the first 
place, that he was not keeping them there for his pleasure, 
and that the greatest loss was his. He then explained 
that, because of the contrary winds and in order not to 
jeopardise both himself and them, he had made a port he 
never touched at, that he had done his best to leave there, 
but the weather had been unfavourable, and that the 
voyage as far as Candia could not safely be made at 
night on account of the innumerable rocks, because, as 
there was no moon and the winds were adverse, the ship 
might easily run into danger. Before the interview was 
over very injurious words had been said on both sides, 

1. Naxos, the largest of the Cyclades. 


because the pilgrims went on to speak of their discontent 
with the food given them to eat. I calmed the discussion 
as well as I could. There was right on both sides, and 
therefore a satisfactory sentence could not be pronounced. 
The matter remained undecided. 

When the aforesaid Ultramontanes had departed, the 
captain ordered two cannon to be fired to call back the 
company, both of pilgrims and of galeotti who were on 
land idling and amusing themselves, for there was no 
trade to be done there. The greater number were ashore, 
some in one place, some in another, but, owing to the 
dearth of boats, they could not return as quickly as they 
did in the frequented ports, where there are many other 
boats beside those of the galley. By the time the company 
was at last on board the sun was not less than twenty-two 
hours old. As the weather was very clear the captain set 
sail immediately, but many were afterwards very sick, for 
before the third hour of the night very bad weather came 
on, and then the captain chanted the Litanies, while the 
French stayed below deck and said never a word. 

On Wednesday, the 1st of October, we navigated against 
the wind, and went so far, that, according to what some 
said — but secretly so that the captain should not hear — 
we had passed by Candia, and were nearing Modone. But 
the captain, who wished at all costs to go to Candia, 
turned back because of the promises he had made to the 
Duke and Captain of Candia, and also in order to fulfil 
the agreements he had made with the galeotti. 

On the way we met some ships going from Candia to 
Venice loaded with wines. This made the pilgrims 
discontented, for they desired to go to their own countries 
and not to Candia to buy wine or malmsey. 

On Thursday, the 2nd of October, at sunrise, we reached 
Candia, to the great joy of the Candiots, who were 


expecting us eagerly, and especially also of Don Lorenzo 
Venier and Don LucaZeno. Don Lorenzo Venier had been 
Duke of Candia, and now, because his term of office was 
ended, he wanted to go home ; and so, too, Don Luca Zeno, 
who had been captain of the island of Crete, and lived 
in Candia, wanted also to return to the mother country; 
but in order to be safer they wished to return on board 
our galley. The Candiots were rejoiced at the opportunity 
of selling a quantity of malmsey and muscatel, many 
cheeses, and many articles made of cypress wood. 

As soon as we arrived in port it was marvellous to see 
the crowd that assembled. The pilgrims, who had suffered 
greatly from the sea, and had complained because they 
had not been taken to Venice without touching at Candia, 
immediately began to enjoy themselves a little with the 
good malmseys and muscatels and also with some rough 

On Friday, the 3rd of October, the feast of Saint Titus 
was celebrated all through Candia. The principal 
church bears his name, and he is the patron saint of the 
Candiots. For that day no other business was done. We 
visited the churches, our friends and also the taverns. 

On Saturday, the 4th of October, there was an even 
greater festival, that of Saint Francis, and neither the 
shops nor the warehouses were opened for trade. I 
remained the greater part of the day at the Convent 
of Saint Francis. In the morning all the magistrates, 
both new and old, came there and all the pomp of Candia. 

On Sunday, the 5th of October, the merchants began to 
examine the malmseys and muscatels in the warehouses. 
I, who did not want to trade, went to see what was being 
done, and I often went on the sea, 1 which was so agitated 

1. Casola writes : — "E spesso andava sopra el mare el quale era tanto turbato chel 
pariva non se dovesse maj piu quietare." He may have meant that he went to some point 
above the sea from which he could look down on the harbour and the shipping, and not 
that he went on the sea. 


that it seemed as if it would never again calm down. A 
wind called the bora l was blowing so hard that the ships 
could not leave the port. There were many in the harbour, 
loaded and ready to go to Venice, and the wind made them 
all tremble and dashed them one against another. 

On Monday, the 6th of October, all the shops of Candia 
were opened. They are filled with every kind of work 
they do there, especially cypress work, of which there 
is a great variety, and they do good business. The ware- 
houses of the malmseys and muscatels were also open, 
and many agents invited people to buy. The great ware- 
houses full of cheeses floating in the brine made me 
marvel greatly that the skin of those who stand in it with 
their legs bare did not crack on account of the salt. I 
spent the whole of this day in looking at these things in 
order to be able to tell about them, not with the idea of 

In the morning I went also to a gate on the land side, 
where there is a market for all kinds of victuals. It was 
a pleasant sight to see so much beautiful bread. I seemed 
to be in Italy. The bread is cheap. One thing displeased 
me greatly. I saw many barrels of quails, skinned and 
salted like the mullet or muzeri. 2 It was a pity to see them, 
with their white feet; they looked like zati 3 or toads. I 
and certain other Italians bought some to try if they could 
be made good to eat, but it was impossible; whether 
roasted or boiled they always tasted like a piece of leather 
prepared for eating. Seeing such a quantity of them I 
asked Don Nicolo de Domo, doctor-in-law, our good 
Milanese, who does excellent business in Candia, why there 
was such a quantity of quails, and all thus salted. He 

1. The Bora, Acquilone or Tramontane). A north-east wind, very dangerous at sea. 

2. i.e., the Muggine. another term for the " Mugil cephalus" or mullet. 

3. This word "zati " is probably a softened form of the Milanese "sciatt"— a rospo, 
or toad. 


said that that was not because a great many were not 
eaten fresh, but that a few days before we arrived, for 
eight days continually at a certain place in the island 
of which he told me the name, such a number appeared 
that two persons with a light caught four thousand of 
them in one night. Afterwards on the voyage out 
magnificent captain showed me the said place. This day 
I saw a great abundance of cheap fruit of every kind, 
especially pomegranates. They are sweet, though not as 
fine and good as those at Rhodes, where they are larger 
and finer than any I saw in any place during this voyage. 

On Thursday, the 7th of October, accompanied by the 
aforesaid Don Xicolo, I went to see all the different kinds 
of work done in cypress wood, and also the articles of 
devotion painted in the ancient style. Everything was 
shown to us out of regard for the aforesaid Don Nicold, 
who is much esteemed by the people on account of his 
profession which he exercises publicly before those Lords, 
the Duke and Captain and Councillors very boldly. 
Following the example of the other pilgrims, I also spent 
a few ducats on the articles of devotion and the things 
made of cypress. 

On Wednesday, the 8th of October, the pilgrims began 
to behave to the captain as did the children of Israel to 
Moses when they were in the desert, and, weary of the 
manna they had every day, they asked for meat and began 
to murmur. So did the pilgrims, satiated with so much 
malmsey and muscatel. They began to say to the captain 
that he must take them away from there, and that if he 
wanted to trade in malmsey or anything else he could do 
so at his good pleasure, provided he sent the company to 

He excused himself on the ground that the weather was 
very unfavourable ; but the company received the excuse 


with very high and injurious words. I was the judge 
of the controversies which arose between the pilgrims and 
the captain, and they said some hard things to me also, 
declaring that I supported the captain, because, even when 
we remained on land, he paid my expenses and not theirs. 
This was the truth, but I paid more than they did. 

On the morning of Thursday, the 9th of October, the 
weather changed, and immediately the captain gave notice 
to his friends, and sent word to certain Venetians who 
wanted to come to Italy, and by means of the trumpet 
warned the pilgrims who were on land, that every man 
must be on board the galley by the twenty-third hour, 
because if this weather continued he intended to set sail 
without fail. 

At the appointed hour no time was lost. First came 
the old Duchess — that is, the wife of Don Lorenzo Yenier, 1 
who, as I said, was the retiring Duke of Candia, and the 
wife of Don Luca Zeno, 2 the retiring Captain. They were 
accompanied by the wife of Don Domenico Bollani, the 
new Duke, and the wife of Don Francesco Foscarini, the 
new Captain, and attended by many ladies, so adorned 
and so magnificent that I seemed to be in Venice on a 
great festival; and they went first on board the galley. 

After them came the aforesaid retiring Duke and Captain 
preceded by the new Duke and the new Captain. All the 
magistrates of the island and an infinite number of 
gentlemen of Candia (if those can be called gentlemen 
who neither do nor want a single thing), and the trum- 
peters and the pipers escorted them to the galley very 
honourably and also with great dust. 

1. Ser Lorenzo Venier, son of Ser Marco, had been Duke of Candia since July, 1492. 
His successor, Ser Domenico Bollani, son of Ser Francesco, was elected on the 14th Sept., 

2. Ser Lucas Zeno, son of Ser Marco, knight, was apointed in September, 1492. His 
successor, Ser Nicolo Foscarini (and not Ser Francesco as Casola says), was elected in 
September, 1494. Both Duke and Captain held office for two years. Segretario alle Voci, 
Reg. vi. p. 80, Venice Archives. 


When the company heard that the aforesaid Duke and 
Captain with their families had gone on board the galley, 
all flew with their baggage on their shoulders, and no one 
looked behind. I was accompanied by the aforesaid Don 
Nicolo de Domo, doctor, and greatly recommended by him, 
more than I wished or needed, living as I did at the 
captain's table. In addition, he insisted on my accepting 
a barrel of excellent malmsey and some fowls, pomegranates 
and grapes. I kept the fruit for myself as I am very fond 
of it, the rest I gave to the galeotti. 

In spite of the firing of so many cannon and the many 
signals of departure given, it was past the second hour of 
the night before leave had been taken of all the friends. 
Then to the praise of God and of Our Lady, at the third 
hour of the night (it was moonlight), the cables and other 
fastenings of the galley were loosened, and at the fourth 
hour we left the port with great cries from the mariners 
and blasts from the trumpets, and set sail towards the 
West, although the wind was not favourable for our 
voyage, but rather contrary. 

On Friday, the 10th of October, God willed to give some 
little consolation to the pilgrims, so often troubled now 
by one thing, now by another, and he suddenly sent a wind 
so favourable for our journey and so strong, that without 
a single stroke of the oars it drove us between the said 
Friday and the Saturday following, right opposite Modone. 
The artimone (that is, the main sail) only was spread, and 
there was no need to move even a rope, so that every man 
was in good spirits. 

On Saturday, the 11th of October, at the eighth hour, 
it was found that we had passed beyond Modone, and if 
a calm had not come on towards Sunday, the captain had 
decided with that wind to go on Avithout putting in at 
the port ; but as the sea calmed down he ordered the 
anchors to be cast. 


On Sunday, the 12th of October, as the galley was 
already anchored, but some distance from the port of 
Modone, the captain gave license, to anyone who wished, to 
go ashore, especially to hear Mass; and he ordered the 
anchors to be raised because he wanted to approach the 
port and go and hear Mass also. But the moment the 
anchors were heaved such a favourable wind sprang up 
that nothing better could be desired. He was thereupon 
entreated by Don Lorenzo Venier not to trouble about 
landing there, but rather to go to Venice ; and being also 
urged to do this by the comito, he changed his decision, 
and at once ordered three cannon to be fired and sent a 
trumpeter on land to recall to the galley all those who had 
gone on land. In the shortest possible time every man 
was back on board, and without delay he set sail with an 
excellent stern wind, amid general rejoicing. We made 
more than ten miles an hour. 



Pilot left behind at Modone.— Don Bernardino Con- 
tarini goes on Board the Galley.— Zante Sighted. — 
Great Storm. — Curzola. — Lesina. — Description of 
this Island. — Franciscan Friary. — Sermon in 
the Cathedral.— Galley Anchored at La Murata 
near Sebenico. — Several Pilgrims leave the Ship. — 
Death of a French Pilgrim. — Zara. — Storm in the 
Quarnero.— Brioni. — Istrian Stone. — Church of the 
Four Crowned Heads. — Majority of the Pilgrims 
take small boats to go direct to Venice.— Parenzo. 
— Pilot taken Aboard and the Galley sets Sail for 

At Modone the captain left the pilot whom he had taken 
there on the way out, and he took on board the galley one 
of his relatives named Don Bernardino Contarini, who 
wanted to go to Corfu; but he and all the others who 
desired to go there were disappointed, because it was not 
possible to touch there on account of the weather. 

When the galley was well started in the name of God, 
and after dinner was over, the said Don Bernardino, who 
had dined with the captain and those other Venetian 
gentlemen, in reply to questions addressed to him, because 
he had just come aboard, began to speak of the affairs of 
the West — of the Pope, of the King of France and of our 
Lord Lodovico. I think he spoke of what he knew and 
what he did not know, and far from the truth ; nevertheless 
some of the things he said, which we did not believe, were 
afterwards found to be true. I appeared to believe them 
like the others, and the more so, when they redounded to 



the praise of the aforesaid Lord Lodovico, although he said 
them with another object. I supported what he said with 
good arguments, and they themselves — I mean the 
Venetians — remained silent. 

Thus we spent the time until late ; then the sky became 
very dark, and the company thought there would soon 
be heavy rain. The said weather began in the sea towards 
the North, and for the space of over an hour a tail of cloud 
was seen, like a great beam, which came from the heavens 
and entered the sea; it seemed to raise a great mass of 
water from the sea. All on board the galley, the mariners 
as well as the pilgrims, stood in great wonder to watch this 
thing. The captain said that it was a very evil beast 
called Scio, and that if it encountered a ship, no matter 
how large, unless that ship could get out of the way, it 
would be thrown upside down. However, at the third 
hour of the night the weather cleared, and good weather 
continued and also a good wind. 

On Monday, the 13th of October, in the morning, the 
island of Zante as it is called was sighted. It is a very 
fertile island, and subject to the Signoria of Venice. 
During the preceding night it was found that we had 
made over a hundred miles, although the weather was so 
good that we pilgrims, who had been crowded together 
below deck for fear of a storm, thought that the galley 
had never moved. We all declared, that on the whole 
voyage, we had never had such a good night before. But 
in truth we behaved as did the children of Israel when 
they waxed fat with the favour of God, and instead of 
praising Him they gave themselves up to idolatry, and did 
everything in direct opposition to his Commandments, 
until they provoked Him to do them some harm. Because 
of the good weather we had and the excellent passage God 
had granted us, we ought to have been occupied continually 


in good works and in praising God ; but all the contrary 
prevailed throughout the galley, and the good works were 
limited to a very few persons, so that within myself I 
marvelled greatly, that having experienced so many perils 
at sea, those on board had not become better and did not 
recognise the Divine Power in a very different manner. 

God, however, chastises whom He will at the right time, 
and like our excellent Father as He is, when He sees that 
of our ownselves we do not walk in the good way of His 
Commandments, at once He sends the punishments. Thus 
at the hour of Vespers, when we thought to reach Corfu 
that night, the weather was so good, and when we were 
already opposite the island of Jacinthos, commonly called 
Zante, a hundred miles from Corfu, such a terrible storm 
arose and of all the winds together — now scirocco, 1 now 
garbino, 2 now astro 3 — that the officers of the galley did 
not know what to do, and having furled the sails they 
waited to see what would happen. 

The following night the sea was so agitated that every 
hope of life was abandoned by all; I repeat by all. We 
were driven out of our course, and the galley was launched 
out into the open sea on chance, and a certain sail called 
the cochina was hoisted which had never been used all 
the voyage. The storm became so violent that every man 
fled below deck, and it was no use to say : " This is my 
place," because in that hour all things were common in 
our despite. Death was chasing us. 

During the night such heavy waves struck the ship that 
they covered the castle in the poop and the pizolo and 
the whole galley in general with water; not a single 
person was exempt, from the least to the greatest. The 
water came from the sky and from the sea; on every side 

1. South-west wind. 

2. South-east wind. 

3. South wind. 


there was water. Every man had " Jesus " and the 
" Miserere " constantly in his mouth, especially when 
those great waves washed over the galley with such force, 
that, for the moment, every man expected to go to the 

Thus the night wore away amidst such cries that it 
seemed as if all the souls tormented in hell were there, 
so to speak. From time to time, the galeotti, who remained 
on deck exposed to the weather in order to navigate the 
galley, came below drenched to the skin, and in such a state 
as to merit all compassion even if they had been more 
wicked than they were. 1 I gave up my place to them 
very willingly, in order that they might put on dry clothes. 
How many bargains were made with the Judge who will 
not accept frivolous things nor chatter ! I made very 
many, if they were only accepted ! That time there was 
no lack of vows, both general and particular. Amongst 
the general, it fell to me to draw out of a hat a written 
one, containing a promise to say certain Masses at Venice. 
I have not forgotten the private ones I made, and I will 
cany them into execution as soon as I can. 

As that terrible tempest continued, on Tuesday, the 
14th of October, by order of the captain and also of Don 
Lorenzo Venier, three pilgrimages were arranged — one to 
Our Lady of Loreto, another to Saint Anthony of Padua, 
and the third to Yenice 2 Much money was collected for 
the purpose, and many pilgrims volunteered to undertake 
these pilgrimages. 

During this storm we drifted at the mercy of the sea, 
with nothing but the sail I mentioned above. Three very 

1. The original runs : " De hora in hora venevano li galeoti sotto coperta, bagnati 
in tuto, chi staveno di sopra a la sparata a governare la galea, degni de ogni compassione 
vedendoli, se ben fosseno stati anche piii scclcrati die non erano." Though free men, the 
sailors were drawn from a low class, and their habits and language were no doubt calcu- 
lated to shock a priest like Casola. 

2. See Introduction, pp. 80 — SI. 


strong men remained always at the helm of the galley, 
and it was as much as they could do to manage it. I 
remained on deck because the sea did not upset my 
stomach as it did many of the others. 

I stood to contemplate the fury of the sea, which was 
greater than I can describe to anyone Avho has not seen it. 
When it was angry, those mountains, as they seem of 
water, appeared as if they would engulf the galley. I 
reflected that these were among the things I had not 
believed when I heard about them. When those mountains 
reached the galley they gave her such blows that it seemed 
as if she would break up, as indeed she would have done 
if she had not been so excellently built. The old and 
experienced mariners said that no other galley could have 
resisted so many and such terrible blows, and I shall 
always be able to testify to this from what I saw. 

The storm lasted until the following midnight. It was 
impossible in such weather to make a port, so we left 
Corfu behind, though it was desired by so many, beginning 
with myself. 

On Wednesday, the 15th of October, a little before 
daybreak, the sea began to mitigate its terrible fury some- 
what. At sunrise, the cochina was taken down and the 
artimone — that is, the main sail — was spread, and we 
began to make good way towards Albania, leaving the 
Morea behind us. At the twenty-third hour the weather 
began to change again, and in great haste the artimone 
was let down and furled and the cochina was hoisted 
again. Heavy rain came on with thunder and lightning, 
which lasted until the morning, when we found ourselves 
at the point of an island called El Sasino, in Albania. 

As I went about everywhere on the galley quite freely, 
I came to the conclusion that the past evils, and those we 
still feared to encounter, proceeded from the fact that 


there were too many commanders aboard. First, the 
captain ordered one thing; next Don Lorenzo Yenier 
ordered another, and insisted on having his own way ; then 
the comito, because of the altercations, flew into a passion ; 
and finally, in the midst of these disputes, the bad weather 
overtook us. 

At dawn on Thursday, the 16th of October, the cochina 
was taken down and all the other sails were spread, as the 
sea was somewhat calmer and a wind favourable for our 
journey had sprung up. More than twelve miles an hour 
were made, so the experienced sailors said, and with this 
weather we hoped to be able to touch at Ragusa, having 
passed by Corfu so much desired by the company ; but 
Don Lorenzo Venier, according to whose pleasure the ship 
was navigated, wanted to touch at a castle in Albania 
called Antivari, where one of his nephews was Governor. 

We passed Dulcigno, and a river called the Boyana, 1 
which comes from a lake and winds for two hundred miles. 
It generates terrible fish, especially eels of enormous size 
and other fish, and it is subject to the Turk. 

After all, as the weather was so steady and so much in 
our favour, it was impossible to stop and make the port of 

In the evening, in order to avoid running on a rock, 
for there are many in those parts, all the sails were taken 
down and the cochina alone was spread. With this, how- 
ever, the galley made such progress that it was a marvel 
and in the morning we found that we had left Ragusa at 
least sixty miles behind, to the great disappointment of 
many who wanted to leave the galley and go on board 
other ships, in order to cross to the kingdom of Naples. 

On Friday, the 17th of October, late in the day, we 

1, The Boyana issues from the south-east of the Lake of Scutari, and after a long 
sinuous course enters the sea between Dulcigno and San (Jiovanni de Medua. 


reached Curzola, 1 a citadel in Dalmatia, and as bright and 
clean as a beautiful jewel. It has no drawbridges, but it 
has strong walls, and it will be stronger still when a wall 
is finished which has been begun towards the sea. At first 
sight the said citadel appears to be flat, but one perceives 
on entering it that all the streets ascend a little. The streets 
are narrow and dark, but they are paved with stones. The 
city is built on a rock. Many of the houses are built in 
the modern style and are handsome enough for a great 
city. They are built of white stone like marble and 
sculptured. It was a marvel to me to see so many 
beautiful houses in that place. The Cathedral Church, 
considering its importance and also that of the city, is 
beautiful. It is entirely built of beautiful squared stones. 
The choir is beautiful and the church is well served. 

The said citadel is full of people. The men dress in 
public like the Venetians, and almost all of them know 
the Italian tongue. When I asked the reason, I was told 
it was because they often go to Venice. Their women 
cannot fear the cold. They go about with their chests and 
shoulders entirely uncovered from the breasts upwards, 
and they arrange so that their breasts hold up their 
clothes and prevent them from falling down on to their 

The place seems to me poor in everything save wine, 
which is abundant and good. The island is not much 
cultivated because the greater part of the men are galeotti 
and continually at sea. 

Most of the pilgrims landed, thinking to find a good 
supper. But there is no fish to be had there, although 
the place is in the midst of the sea, no eggs, no cheese. 
There was hot bread, for, as soon as the people heard of the 

1. In 1494 the Venetian Count or Governor of Curzola was Ser Simon Capello, who 
remained there three years, until January, 1496. Segretario alle Voci, Reg. vi. p, 68. 
Archives of Venice. 


arrival of the galley, every man ran to make bread in 
order to earn a little money; it was good, and so was the 
wine. There were dried figs and also some raisins, but 
everything was dear. 

We stayed there until the following morning, every 
man being warned, however, that if he wanted to come 
further, he must sleep on board the galley. Certain 
Ragusans remained behind and some friars who wished 
to return to Ragusa, which we had passed by owing to 
the force of the wind. 

On Saturday, the 18th of October, which was the festival 
of Saint Luke the Evangelist, we left Curzola. Only one 
sail, the terzarola, was spread, because there was a very 
high though favourable wind — that is, the scirocco, and 
with the said sail alone we made, according to the estimate 
of the mariners, fifteen miles an hour. 

It was a lordly sight, for anyone who did not fear the 
sea, to see such a great ship fly along. In four hours we 
went from Curzola to Lesina, and there made the port, in 
obedience to the wish of Don Lorenzo Venier, who was 
afraid of being carried further by the violence of the 
wind — although it was favourable for us — because the 
rocks were so numerous in Dalmatia. 

The anchors were thrown out on all sides of the galley 
because of the force of the wind, and as that was not 
enough they also threw on land certain cables called 
provexe. It seemed indeed as if all the world would be 
engulfed, such was the fury of the wind. 

When the galley was brought to and secured, the greater 
part of the pilgrims went ashore, hoping to find some 
refreshment besides the wind, but they did not find 
anything save wind and water — no eggs, no fish, hardly 
even a little bread and wine ; and all returned to the 
galley expressing great marvel that the captain had 


touched at such a place. As to provisions, they had fared 
better at Jaffa. Everybody was very astonished also that 
Lesina should be reckoned a city, when there is not to be 
found there lodging for a single person. 

This city of Lesina * is called in Latin, Fara. It looks 
a more important place seen from the sea than it is found 
to be when one is on land. It stands on two hills, one 
higher than the other. In my opinion, it must have taken 
its name because the higher part is built as a fortress and 
walled, and goes up to a, point like a lesina. 2 I think the 
lower part is more ancient, and it is called Fara because 
the Episcopal Church is there and the Bishop is called 
the Bishop of Fara and not the Bishop of Lesina. I 
inquired about this both on the galley and ashore, but 
I did not get any explanation. 

Suffice it to say that on entering this city it seems flat, 
nevertheless on two sides it ascends, and more on the left 
side than on the right, and the part on the left is walled. 
It must be said that the place is strong, for it has a large 
port on the right hand, and on two other sides — because 
it can be described as triangular — it is dominated by the 
hills. On the top of the left-hand side there is a castle 
which appears to overlook the whole sea. 

As to the buildings, I saw nothing beautiful there, 
except the palace of the Government. The other houses 
are very humble, and there are very few of them. There 
are some which have been begun above the seashore. They 
will be beautiful when they are finished. I heard that 
they belonged to certain Hagusans who went away because 
of the heavy taxes. The people are poor and of a bad 
condition. They are proud, even to the women, so that 
the officials do not know how to carry out their duty there. 

1. In May, 1494, Ser Alvise Barbo was elected Count or Governor of Lesina, and 
remained there until 1497. Segretario alle Voce, Keg. vi. p. 67. 

2. Lesina (Italian) = an awl. 


The longer a stranger remains there the more he lacks. 
There is wine there and not much else. The town has to 
live on the bread of Apulia. The Cathedral is in the 
lower part, and is dedicated to Saint Stephen. 

On Sunday, the 19th of October, we all went to hear 
Mass at the Church of Santa Maria delle Grazie, where 
the Observant friars of Saint Francis live. The Friary 
(Note 95) is being built with the offerings of sailors. It 
stands on a white rock, and when any building is added 
it is necessary to excavate the rock. 

The Church and Monastery were founded by a certain 
Don Giovanni Soranzo, because of a great miracle worked 
for him by Our Lady; and the sign is to be seen as you 
enter the church door. One night he was at sea in a great 
storm ; the ship's rudder broke ; he recommended himself 
to Our Lady, and found himself again safe at this rock. 
This was the origin of the building. It was afterwards 
enlarged, and in it there live as many as twelve friars. 
Don Lorenzo Yenier had a Mass chanted there because 
of the vow he had made at sea. 

After hearing Mass we went to the Cathedral to hear 
the sermon. It was not like those preached by the de- 
parted Don Fra Francesco Trivulzio, which stimulated a 
man to listen ; this instead incited one to talk and even 
to sleep. The day ended veiy sadly for the pilgrims, for 
the reason I gave above. 

On Monday, the 20th of October, we remained in 
port, with great loss to the pilgrims, who murmured, 
although the captain excused himself on account of the 
weather. It must be said that the sea had so calmed 
down during the night that the galley could not be moved. 
In order to remain on good terms with the captain, I went 
to see the sights and did not take part in any assembly 
that might displease him. Certainly, I also would have 


been glad to depart, nevertheless, by standing aside, I was 
always among those chosen to accompany the captain and 
the other gentlemen and go with them everywhere. 

Before daybreak on Tuesday, the 21st of October, we 
left the port of Lesina with a little favourable wind, 
and up to the second hour of the day we sailed along gaily 
enough. Then the sea calmed down so much, that, with 
much fatigue — for the oars had to be used — we were taken 
for safety to stop at a place called Cape Cesto, because it 
was feared that an unfavourable wind was about to rise, 
and there we remained. No one went on land, and there 
was nothing to be done save contemplate the sea, which 
was so quiet that it appeared a glass of water. 

On Wednesday, the 22nd of October, we departed from 
the said place, thinking to be able to navigate as a little 
wind had sprung up; but immediately there was a calm 
again, and afterwards a provenza arose which was un- 
favourable for us, and it was necessary to take refuge in 
a place called La Murata, where there was nothing except 
high and very bare mountains. It is called La Murata, 
because of a wall which the Signoria of Venice has caused 
to be made in the manner of a fortress with a drawbridge. 
It is said to have been made in order to fortify a certain 
islet, and that formerly, when the Turks harried those 
parts, the peasants used to take refuge in that islet and 
save themselves from the raids. Although it is such a 
desert place, vestiges of dwellings are to be seen there; 
they are also built of stone. La Murata is twelve miles 
from Sebenico. 

While we were in this place the fishermen came from 
Sebenico and from certain hamlets three or four miles 
distant, and brought on to the galley an abundance of 
good and cheap fish; there was nothing else to be had. 
With certain other persons I want wandering a long time 


on those mountains, because I wanted a salad. As I have 
said, they are so dry and bare that there was not a herb 
to be found the length of one's finger. 

On Thursday, the 23rd of October, we still remained in 
this straitness with great murmuring on the part of the 
pilgrims, who said that if we had not stopped at Lesina 
we should have already arrived at Venice with the weather 
we had. And murmuring thus, sixteen pilgrims of various 
nations left in several barques to go to Zara. Although 
I was invited to accompany them, I determined not to 
abandon the captain, even if it took up to Christmas 
to go to Venice ; and he strengthened me in this resolution, 
taking care, that, as far as the living was concerned, I 
should lack nothing. 

While we were at La Murata, this day, at the twenty- 
second hour, a French pilgrim passed from this life, and 
was buried beside the wall. 

On Friday, the 24th of October, when the moon arose, 
as there was a little Greco-Levante, we set sail ; but it left 
us very quickly, and it was necessary to anchor near a rock, 
suitable for the purpose, twenty miles from Zara. 

On Saturday, the 25th of October, at daybreak, the said 
wind having sprung up again, we set out with the intention 
of passing by Zara without stopping, in order to make up 
the time lost at the preceding rocks, but the opinion of 
Don Lorenzo Venier's wife, who wanted to visit certain 
relatives at Zara, won the day, and the port was made. 
The pilgrims who remained and those gentlemen with 
their wives went ashore, on the understanding, however, 
that every man must be aboard again by the evening, 
because it was decided to set sail before dawn. There we 
did nothing save stand and watch the partridges sold for 
six marchetti the pair. 

On Sunday, the 26th of October, at daybreak, we left 


Zara with such a strong stern wind that we made fifteen 
miles an hour quite smoothly. But at midday, when we 
were in a certain gulf called the Quarnero, 1 such a storm 
arose that it seemed as if we must founder. The captain 
was of the opinion that we had not yet had the worst, 
and already I began to envy the pilgrims who had left the 
galley and gone by other ships. The blows given by the 
sea were so heavy, and such a quantity of water was 
thrown on the galley, and came down through the hatches, 
that I thought we should be drowned below deck. 

For my part I considered that we well deserved it all, 
because, as at the pleasure of a woman we had entered port, 
so, in the judgment of God, we ought to have remained 
on land long enough to hear Mass on Sunday. Neverthe- 
less, when it pleased God, we approached a rock called 
the rock of Saint Jerome, twenty-eight miles from Parenzo, 
in terrible rain, which put an end to the violence of the 
bora which had sprung up so furiously. The anchors were 
cast there, and we waited the favour of God until the 
morning, for the wind was contrary. 

On Monday, the 27th of October, we took refuge, as well 
as possible, in a port very well protected from the violence 
of the winds, according to what I heard. On one side 
there was a village called La Fasana, on the other side 
another village called Briona. 2 I think the name has been 
altered, and that it should be " Priona," 3 because there 
are mountains of rocks and very beautiful stones of 
different kinds, although there are no marbles. They are 
like the stones of Angera, 4 and it seems really as if the 
veins of stones had been first squared before being put 
into those mountains, for they are all cut as if to measure. 

1. The Quarnero or Gulf of Fiume. 

2. The Istrian stone used for important buildings in Venice came principally from 
Brioni and Rovigno in Istria. 

3. In the dialect of Como " Prona " means a steep rock without vegetation. 

4. Angera or Anglera is on the south-east of Lake Maggiore opposite Arona. 


It is a very extraordinary thing to see those stones. The 
greater part of the stones used in Venice are obtained 
from there. 

At Briona whoever wished to do so went on land. I 
found there a man from Cremona, and another from 
Como, employed in stone cutting, and from them I learned 
about the nature of the place. 

The land is cultivated by the women, because the men 
are entirely occupied in cutting out the stones. I saw 
one thing in that place which I must not omit to mention, 
namely, that the greater number of their houses are built 
without mortar, and nevertheless there are some beautiful 
ones. The stones are so well put together one upon the 
other that the buildings are strong, though these are 
without cement. The cracks are filled up outside with 

The men are honest, and have had enterprise enough 
among them to build a beautiful church, called the Church 
of Saint Germanus and the four Crowned Heads, and they 
have had enterprise enough also to cause an altar piece 
to be made of the value of three hundred ducats, as they 
themselves say. There are five large figures made by the 
hand of an excellent master. They only lack the voice, 
otherwise they would be alive, and the gold has not been 
spared on them. At the foot, there is carved the history 
of the four crowned heads who were carvers in stone 
(Note 96). I have not seen an altar piece like it at 

On Tuesday, the 28th of October, as the contrary wind 
persevered, the captain and the other Venetian gentlemen 
left the galley, and I did not abandon them. It was very 
cold, and we were not ashamed to go to the good fires. 

As many pilot boats had come there, the majority of the 
pi]grims who suffered much from the inconvenience of 


the place, entered those boats and departed to go to Venice. 
For my part, not being too bold-spirited, I determined not 
to leave the galley, although I was anxious to depart. 

On Wednesday, the 29th of October, at the second hour 
of the day, as there was a little favourable wind, we 
departed, and sailed towards Parenzo, leaving on the right 
a city which looks large and beautiful seen from a distance. 
It is called Rovigno, and appears to have a beautiful 
church dedicated to Saint Euphemia, whose body is said 
to lie there. 

With this weather we arrived at Parenzo at the first 
hour of the night, and when the anchor was cast, the 
captain, urged by Don Lorenzo Venier, went ashore alone 
and took a pilot according to the regulations. When he 
returned to the galley bringing the pilot with him, as the 
air was clear, he set sail out of the usual order, for we 
thought to leave the galley here and go by a small boat 
as far as Venice. The galley set out towards Venice to 
the praise of God and of the glorious Virgin Mary, and 
to the great joy of those who remained board; they were 
only a few. 



Arrival in Venice. — The Custom House. — Festival on 
All Saints' Day. — Casola says Mass at the Frari. — 
Visits the Milanese Ambassador and meets Philippe 
de Comines. — Palazzo Delfini. — Dominican Con- 
vent- — Casola takes leave of Friends in Venice and 
goes to Padua. — Vicenza. — Abbey at Villanova. — 
Verona. — Peschiera. — The Muster. — Brescia and 
its Bishop. — Encounter with Friends from Milan. — 
Calci. — Caravaggio. — Casola Arrives in Milan. 

On Thursday, the 30th of October, about the first hour 
of the day, we reached a place called Sopra Porto, 1 said 
to be ten miles distant from Venice. There was a very 
heavy sea, and the captain ordered the anchors to be cast 

As the arrival of the galley had been announced by an 
English pilgrim who had left Zara in a barque, many pilot 
boats came to meet us, and other boats also came to take 
off the pilgrims, because, as I said, there was a heavy 
swell on, and the pilot thought it better not to proceed 
further for the present. 

The captain, who did not feel very well, took one of 
the boats, and permitted me to accompany him. I left 
all my possessions except my breviary on board the galley. 
That swell was a great comfort to me, so great was my 
desire to reach Venice. 

To the praise of God, at the nineteenth hour, I arrived 
in Venice, and found that the pilgrims who had left the 

1, This may have been what is now called " Pelorosso" on the sea side of Malamocco, 
where there is good anchorage. 


galley in various places before us, had not yet arrived 
because they had taken another route, nor did they arrive 
until the evening. When I had taken an affectionate 
leave of the captain and thanked him, I was received by 
the Italians, especially by my fellow countrymen, with 
great rejoicing, because I was the first Italian pilgrim 
who arrived. Everyone was glad to see me. Nicolo 
Delfinono, at whose house I had left the emblem of my 
pilgrimage, brought me and a certain native of Friuli 
back from death to life, so to speak, for we were both 
dying of hunger and thirst. We had an excellent meal, 
after which I set about paying the visits due, beginning 
with the Magnificent Don Tadiolo Yicomercato, the ducal 
Ambassador, who kept me with him until the evening, 
and even then he would hardly let me depart. 

On Friday, the 31st of October, the galley came into 
the Grand Canal of Venice to the Custom House (Note 97). 
Although it was raining heavily, as I found I could do 
so, I had all my things taken off the galley and put into 
a gondola. For this I paid certain marcelli to someone. 
I do not know who he was. Immediately after, by order 
of the Lord Advocates, the door of the Custom House — 
that is, the place where the merchandise was stored and 
where the pilgrims had slept — was sealed. This was very 
inconvenient for many pilgrims, especially for the Ultra- 
montanes, who wanted to go to their own countries. 

Inconsequence of this sealing — as complaining produced 
no effect in Venice — they had to stay there against their 
will more than six days. It excited one's sympathy to see 
those pilgrims go with so many complaints to the Signoria ; 
nevertheless the said door was not opened until it pleased 
the authorities. My experience proved that it helped 
matters greatly to shake one of the three sacks I had 
carried with me — I mean that of the money. 



Saturday, the 1st day of November, being the festival 
of All Saints, I went to Saint Mark's Church, and there 
found the Most Illustrious Don Agostino Barbarigo and 
the royal and ducal Ambassadors at the Mass for All 
Saints' day, which was chanted very solemnly with the 
usual ceremonies as I described above. 

When Mass was finished the aforesaid Doge ascended to 
the palace, accompanied by the aforesaid Ambassadors, 
and followed by so many gentlemen in couples that it was 
a marvel to see them. I counted up to a hundred of them, 
then I remembered the lesson read at Mass which spoke 
of the multitude which no man can number, and I gave 
up counting and contemplated their superb and sumptuous 
dresses — so many togas down to the ground of crimson or 
of scarlet as you please ; and they all walked two and two, 
as I said, after the Doge in perfect order. This is very 
different from the practices I have witnessed at many 
Courts, both ecclesiastical and secular, where the moment 
the Prince has passed all go pell-mell (as we say in our 
tongue a rub 6) and without any order. In Venice, 
both before and behind the Doge, everyone goes in the 
best order imaginable. 

After dinner, with the aforesaid ducal Ambassador, we 
went to hear very solemn Vespers at a Monastery for 
women, called All Saints (Note 98). 

On Sunday, the 2nd of November, as I was not yet 
ready to return to the mother country, although I greatly 
desired to do so, I went with certain Milanese to the 
Church of Saint Francis, or as it is called the Church of 
the Minor Friars, where the Milanese, as I said before, 
have a beautiful chapel dedicated to Saint Ambrose, and 
having borrowed an Ambrosian missal, I said Mass there 
in the Ambrosian fashion, not without exciting the 
admiration of certain Venetians who remained to hear it. 


Then I went to see the magnificent ducal Ambassador, 
who with great courtesy had sent to seek me, and for the 
rest of that day he would not let me leave his magnificence. 
After dinne,r he very kindly took me in his boat, together 
with the Ambassador of the French King (Note 99) and 
Don Girolamo Zorzi (Note 100) — a very good man and 
facetious, though somewhat deformed in his person, that 
is to say, slightly hump-backed — who had just been 
appointed Ambassador for the Signoria to the Pope. We 
went first to hear Mass at San Giorgio Maggiore, which 
was so disagreeable to listen to, because of the manner in 
which it was celebrated by the friars, that we were obliged 
to leave. 

We then entered the boat and went together to visit 
the wife of a gentleman of the Delfini family who was 
in childbed. I think this visit had been arranged by 
the aforesaid Don Girolamo to show the magnificent 
Ambassadors, and especially the Ambassador of the King 
of France, the splendour and great magnificence of the 
Venetian gentlemen. The aforesaid royal Ambassador 
said truly, that neither the Queen of France nor any 
French noble would have displayed so much pomp in 
similar circumstances. The ducal Ambassador said the 
same, and declared that our most illustrious Duchess would 
not have such ornamentation on a similar occasion. 

As the room was not capable of holding many persons, 
the aforesaid ducal Ambassador chose me specially to 
enter with him so that I might see and also report what 
I had seen elsewhere. While we were standing in the 
room he asked my opinion several times, now about one 
thing, now about another. I could only reply with a 
shrug of the shoulders, for it was estimated that the 
ornamentation of the room where we were and where the 
invalid was — I mean the permanent structure — had cost 


two thousand ducats and more, although the length of 
the chamber did not exceed twelve braccia. The fireplace 
was all of Carrara marble, shining like gold, and carved 
so subtly with figures and foliage that Praxitiles and 
Phidias could do no better. The ceiling was so richly 
decorated with gold and ultramarine and the walls so well 
adorned, that my pen is not equal to describing them. 
The bedstead alone was valued at five hundred ducats, 
and it was fixed in the room in the Venetian fashion. 

There were so many beautiful and natural figures and 
so much gold everywhere that I do not know whether in 
the time of Solomon, who was King of the Jews, in which 
silver was reputed more common than stones, there was 
such abundance as was displayed there. I had better not 
try and describe the ornaments of the bed and of the 
lady — that is, the coverings and the cushions, which were 
six in number, and the curtains — as I fear I should not be 
believed. They were in truth most wonderful. 

I must tell about one other thing, however, which is 
true, and yet perhaps I shall not be believed, though it 
is certain that the ducal Ambassador would not let me lie. 
In the said chamber there were twenty-five Venetian 
damsels, one more beautiful than the other, who had come 
to visit the invalid. Their dress was most decent, as I 
said above, in the Venetian style. They did not show, 
however, less than four or six fingers' width of bare skin 
below their shoulders before and behind. Those damsels 
had so many jewels on the head, neck and hands — that is, 
gold, precious stones and pearls, that, in the opinion of 
those who were present, these must have been worth a 
hundred thousand ducats. Their faces were very well 
painted, and so was the rest of the bare skin that could 
be seen. 

After staying a good while and contemplating the room 


and the persons in it, every man departed fasting; the 
custom in this respect differing from that observed at 
Milan, where at similar visitations a magnificent refection 
is provided. I think the Venetians consider that the 
refreshment of the eyes is enough; and I like the idea, 
because the refections offered at Milan on such occasions 
are a great expense, and those at Venice cost nothing. 

On Monday, the 3rd of November, being the day of 
the commemoration of the dead, there was a festival, as 
on Sunday. I went to the Observant Monastery of Saint 
Dominic. The friars are good men. Having borrowed 
vestments from them I said a Mass for the souls of the 

On Tuesday, the 4th of November, I went again in 
the morning to the Monastery named, and there I said a 
Mass in fulfilment of a vow which fell to me by lot during 
the storm at sea. After this, as the weather had turned 
very cold, I set about making a provision of warm clothes 
to protect me, and attended to certain other affairs because 
I wanted to leave for Milan. 

These things occupied me all Wednesday and the 
following Thursday, on which day I took leave of those 
to whom I was debtor, beginning with the Magnificent 
Don Tadiolo de Vicomercato, the ducal Ambassador, and 
then all the others, especially the Milanese. 

On Friday, the Tth of November, I heard Mass in 
the Church of San Salvatore, and then, after taking a 
meal in the house of Don Giovanni Toretino, a citizen of 
Lucca, who, by reason of the great courtesy he had shown 
me during my sojourn in Venice, both going and returning 
from this voyage, had been a most delightful host, I went 
on board a boat near the Kialto in company with two 
Milanese merchants ; and at the seventh hour, with the 
favour of God, we left Venice and set out towards Padua, 


where we arrived at the third hour of the night. We had 
a great deal of difficulty in entering the city. Finally, 
after mingling entreaties and gratuities, we were ad- 
mitted by a certain postern gate and went to lodge at the 
Sun Inn, where, because the inn was full and we were 
late, we fared as the proverb says : " He who comes late 
has a poor supper and a worse bed." 

On Saturday, the 8th of November, I took a horse on 
hire from the host, and having first dined, we set out 
towards Vicenza, which we reached at the twenty-second 
hour. There I found Raphaele da Palazzolo, a Milanese, 
who was on his way from the fair at Treviso, where he 
had bought three horses. He gave me one to ride as far 
as Milan, and I gave back the horse I had hired. 

We left Vicenza without further delay and went to 
lodge at a place called Le Tavernelle, for no other reason 
except that we wanted to ride before daybreak. 

On Sunday, the 9th of November, we left Le Tavernelle 
very early, and arrived in very good time at a place called 
Villanova, where there is an excellent abbey. 

After finding lodgings, we went to the abbey to hear 
Mass in order to do our duty. Although the abbey is 
rich there was only one friar to be found in the monastery. 
He had already said Mass, and if we wanted to hear Mass 
it was necessary for me to say it in very dirty vestments, 
to the shame of the person who holds the abbey in 
commendam. Enough ! I do not want to say any more ; 
but I marvelled greatly that the Signoria permits such a 
state of things. 

Having said Mass as well as possible, and commended 
ourselves to God, according to the Commandment of the 
Holy Mother Church, we went to restore our bodies which 
had need of refection. Then we mounted on horseback 
and went as far as Verona, where we lodged early. As it 


was a festival, and we were warned that if we went 
further there was no good lodging to be found for a very 
long way, we decided to put up at the house of a good 
innkeeper who had been recommended to us. Then we 
went about the city to see the things we had not yet 
seen until supper-time. 

On Monday, the 10th of November, we started out and 
made our first halt at Peschiera, where, because it was the 
Vigil of Saint Martin's day, and also because we saw a 
fine quantity of fish, we had a Lent dinner. Then riding 
on, we put up at a certain little inn called Saint Mark's 
Bridge, where we fared very badly. But we were con- 
strained to stop there as it were by necessity. We had 
planned to pass the night at Lonato, but we heard that 
the place was everywhere full of soldiers gathered there 
for the muster, and we thought it wise to keep away from 
such company (Note 101). 

On Tuesday, the 11th of November, Saint Martin's day, 
we rose early and rode to Brescia, where we dismounted 
and went to hear Mass at a little church situated in the 
Bishop's Court. A great festival was being held there in 
honour of Saint Martin, and a very solemn Mass chanted 
in the presence of the aforesaid Lord Bishop (Note 102). 
In my opinion he must have been very little at the Court 
of Rome to learn ceremonies and episcopal dignity, or if 
indeed he had learnt these things he practised them very 
little; and let that suffice. 

When we returned to the inn we found certain Milanese 
who told us that some of my friends, hearing at Milan 
that I had arrived in Yenice several days ago, had waited 
there two days to meet me, and that they had departed 
to return to Milan that very morning. 

After dinner we mounted on horseback and set out 
towards Milan. When we reached Cuchai, we found those 


wlio had come to Brescia to meet us. They had stopped 
there because they had heard from certain merchants that 
we had left Brescia. They received us very affectionately. 
Amongst them there was the Secretary of the Magnificent 
Don Fermo Secchi, sent by his Magnificence to conduct 
me to a property of his called Calci. So we left Cuchai, 
notwithstanding that it was evening, and went to Calci, 
where we were excellently lodged. 

On Wednesday, the 12th of November, after dinner at 
Calci, we went very early to Caravaggio, and how cordially 
we were received by the aforesaid Don Fermo I will 
not say, because it would have been oppressive for me 
to have accepted all he offered to me and to all my 
companions, for we were seven. If I had been a great 
prelate he could not have done more for me. And there 
I stayed until the following day. 

Very early on Thursday, the 13th of November, I went 
to fulfil a vow I had made at sea — that is, to say a Mass 
at Our Lady of the Fountain at Caravaggio. After Mass 
I returned to the house because I wanted to mount with 
the company, but the aforesaid Don Fermo insisted on 
our having dinner before we departed, although it was 

When dinner was over we took leave of the aforesaid 
Don Fermo and set out towards Milan, the city I had so 
greatly longed for both by sea and by land. When I 
heard, however, that his Excellency the Lord Lodovico 
Sforza, the new Duke of Milan, had made his entry at 
the eighteenth hour with the usual solemnities, I left my 
companions for several reasons, and especially because I 
did not want to enter Milan with so large a company — we 
were twenty horsemen — and remained alone at the Cassina 
di Rotuli in the house of Don Jacobo Hotulo, a Milanese 
Patrician. Although it was night and there was no one 


there save an old woman, nevertheless great honour was 
done me, and I rested there until the following morning. 

On Friday, the 14th of November, by the grace of the 
Most High and Excellent God, I reached Milan and 
entered the city by the Porta Orientale, in pilgrim's dress 
and alone, although many of my friends had come to meet 
me at an early hour. 

I first visited the principal church and thanked Our 
Lady for the notable help vouchsafed to me in the many 
perils I had passed through on this voyage, both by sea 
and by land. Then I went to see our Most Eeverend Lord 
the Archbishop, who, as I said before, had given me the 
cross and bestowed his blessing upon me. He received me 
in his chapel most graciously, and did and said over me 
all that is laid down in the Pontifical to be done to a 
pilgrim when he returns to the fatherland. Thus with 
his blessing I went home, and was very joyfully welcomed 
by my friends. 

If I have described this voyage at too great length I 
beg my readers to excuse me, because those who asked 
me to tell them about it wished me to write thus. 

I have not said anything about the voyage to Saint 

Catherine in Mount Sinai because I could only do so from 

hearsay. When we were in Jerusalem, I, and certain other 

pilgrims, had already made provision for the journey as 

to the expense, but the friars of Mount Sion told us 

that it was impossible to go there. They said that the 

Arabs had plundered the monastery which has charge of 

the body of Saint Catherine, and killed the abbot and 

certain of the monks, and that until the Sultan takes 

measures no one will be able to go there in safety. On 

this account we gave up the idea of undertaking this 


Praise be to Thee, Christ ! 



NOTE 1. 

The Ambrosian Liturgy. The local Milanese Liturgy attained its 
greatest splendour towards the end of the fourth century. The Oriental 
elements it contains may have been due to some one of the first bishops 
who had come from the East, or have been introduced by St. Ambrose, 
Bishop of Milan, 374 — 397. It was afterwards called the Ambrosian 
Liturgy, either because it was arranged and enriched by St. Ambrose, or 
because it had been used by a man of such great merits and authority. 
It was used in the Milanese Church all through the Middle Ages, and 
its continuity was never seriously threatened until the time of the 
Council of Trent, when it was decided to compile a universal liturgy. 
In consequence, the Roman Breviary was published in 1568, and the 
Roman Missal in 1570. The Curia was determined to impose the new 
liturgies on all the Latin Churches, and they prevailed by degrees 
everywhere save at Milan. In 1578 the then governor of the city 
obtained a papal letter authorising him to have mass celebrated daily 
according to the Roman rite, in any church he pleased. The Archbishop, 
St. Charles Borromeo, however, procured the immediate revocation of 
the brief, and since that time no attempt has been made to suppress the 
Ambrosian liturgy. 

NOTE 2. 

The Cathedral of Milan, in which Casola received the benediction of 
Archbishop Arcimboldi, was not the Duomo, but the Basilica of Santa 
Tecla, then called the Basilica Metropolitana Estiva or Summer Basilica, 
because the Archbishop and the Canons ordinary officiated there from 
Easter until the first Sunday in October. According to Count Giulio 
Porro, " there can be no doubt on this point, because Casola says that 
he was blessed on the third day of the Rogations after the services. 
Now we know from ancient documents and from Puricelli, who in his 
" Nazariana " gives us the description, that the procession on the third 
day started from the Summer Basilica of Santa Tecla, and after visiting 
the churches of Santa Eufemia, S. Celso, and others, returned to 
S. Tecla. In fact, in 1494, there were two cathedral churches in 
Milan, Santa Maria Maggiore and Santa Tecla. 1 " The Summer Basilica 

1. Note 3 to Porro's printed edition of Casola's voyage, Milan, 1855. 


of S. Tecla, also called S.S. Tecla and Pelagia seems to have been the 
older of the two. It was demolished in the fifteenth century, because it 
was threatening to fall from old age, and immediately rebuilt. It was 
finally destroyed in 1548. 

NOTE 3. 

St. Ambrose (Bishop of Milan 340—397) was born at Treves in 340, 
and in 387 he founded a new church at Milan on the ruins of a Temple 
of Bacchus. It was first dedicated to the Saints Gervasius and 
Protasius, whose bones were transferred there from the place miraculously 
revealed to St. Ambrose. After the death of Ambrose, who was laid 
between them under the high altar, the church took his name. St. 
Ambrose became the great patron Saint of Milan, and the Milanese have 
always been proud to call themselves 'Ambrosiani,' or Sons of St. 

NOTE 4. 

Saints Gervasius and Protasius were twin brothers, who suffered 
martyrdom at Milan under the Emperor Nero, a.d. 69. A good man 
buried their bodies honourably in his own garden, where they remained 
undiscovered until 387 a.d. In this year St. Ambrose had built his new 
church at Milan, and the people desired him to procure for it some holy 
relics. The Bishop thereupon went to pray in a neighbouring church, 
and fell into a trance in which the burial place of Saint Gervasius and 
his brother was miraculously revealed to him. The relics were borne in 
solemn procession to the new basilica, which was dedicated to them, and 
wonderful miracles were worked by them as they passed along the 
street. After the death of St. Ambrose, who was laid to rest between 
them, the church was called by his name. The bodies of the three 
saints (St. Ambrose in the centre), all dressed in gorgeous vestments 
and lying in a magnificent sarcophagus, may still be seen in the crypt, 
under the high altar of the remarkable old church, which preserves in 
the beautiful atrium and the facade, the form of the original building. 

NOTE 5. 

Erasmus of Narni (not Narma as Casola wrote) , surnamed Gattamelata, 
perhaps on account of the quiet catlike astuteness he displayed in his 
military strategy and tactics, was one of the most celebrated Condottieri 
chiefs in the service of the Venetian Republic during the fifteenth 
century. His most famous achievements were (a) the victory won at 
Rovato (July, 1438) over Niccolo Piccinino, who commanded the troops 
of the Visconti; (b) his skilful retreat with his troops, the same year, 
from Brescia towards Verona; for which he received generous gifts from 
the Republic, and his family was admitted to the Venetian Patriciate; 

NOTES 351 

(r) the battle he won near Arco (9 Nov., 1439) over the Marquis of 
Mantua and Piccinino. Gattemelata retired from active service 1440 to 
Padua, where he died 1443. An equestrian statue in bronze, the work 
of Donatello, was erected to his memory in the Piazza in front of the 
Church of St. Anthony. In the same church, his wife caused the 
chapel of the sacrament to be built, to contain the ashes of her husband, 
and of her son who died 1456. The bas reliefs in bronze which adorn 
the chapel were designed and executed by Donatello between 1446 and 

NOTE 6. 

Anterior. In 1274, while excavations were being made near the 
Hospital of the Casa di Dio at Padua, a cypress coffin was discovered, 
with a lead coffin inside it which, contained the body of a man with a 
sword lying by his side. Near the coffins two vases were also found 
full of gold coins of considerable value. The results of later research 
made it probable that the body was that of a Hunnish soldier. A 
certain Lovato or Lupato, however, promptly declared the corpse to be 
that of Antenor the famous Trojan, to whom legend attributed the 
foundation of Padua. He thereupon persuaded his fellow-citizens to 
celebrate the discovery with sumptuous festivals, and to build a tomb, 
magnificent for its day, to contain the remains. This tomb is still to 
be seen near the University and the Ponte di San Lorenzo. 

NOTE 7. 

The pilgrims, whether Italian or Ultramontane, who chose Venice as 
their port of embarcation, came on foot or on horseback as far as Pavia, 
or Padua, or Treviso, or Mestre, according to the route selected, and 
then performed the rest of the voyage to the Lagoon- City by river or 
canal. Those who had come on horseback generally either sold their 
horses, or left them with an innkeeper, or a friend, to be kept for them 
till they came back, others however sent them back home. Casola tells 
us that before entering the boat at Padua to go to Venice, he recom- 
mended the horse he had ridden from Milan, to the innkeeper, " as is 
the custom." Something must have happened to the animal, however, 
because on his return to Padua he was obliged to hire a horse from 
the host, which he gave up at Vicenza, having obtained another from a 
Milanese whom he met there. 

NOTE 8. 

Don Taddeo Vicomercuto. A large number of despatches sent by 
Don Taddeo (or Tadiolo, as Casola calls him) Vicomercato to Milan, 
while he was Milanese Ambassador to Venice in the years 1491 — 1496, 
are preserved in the Archives of his native city. There are few, how- 


ever, for the month of May, 1494, and Casola is not mentioned in them. 
On the 16th of June, 1494, Don Taddeo wrote to his master amongst 
other items of news : — " The mercantile galleys which leave Venice 
every year are twenty-two in number, including the pilgrim galley, 
which has gone on its way." l On the 31st of October, 1494, the 
Milanese Ambassador informed the Duke that " This morning the 
pilgrim galley arrived. Frate Francesco Trivulzio died on board of it, 
and was buried at Ehodes on the way back from Jerusalem. I have 
not heard anything else of sufficient importance to be worthy of being 
brought under the notice of your Highness." a Later on Don Taddeo 
was ambassador for Milan to Lucca, Imola, Bologna, Siena and Florence. 
He died in 1509. 

NOTE 9. 

The chapter in Sansovino, 3 which is devoted to a description of the 
private palaces in Venice, concludes thus : — " So many and such splendid 
edifices, with others near them of greater or less importance, form a 
most great and spacious city ; which to subtle observers reveals itself to 
be not one city alone, but many separate cities all joined together. 
Because, whoever looks at a plan in which the bridges are not marked 
will see that the city is divided into many large, fortified places and 
cities, each surrounded by its own canals ; and people pass from one to 
the other by means of bridges — whether of stone, as they are for the 
most part, or of wood — which bind the whole city together. The shops 
also, which are scattered over the whole body and circumference of the 
said city, also make it appear to be made up of many cities joined 
into one. Because every Contrada* has not one church alone, 
but several churches. There is also a piazza with wells ; and it has 
bakehouses, wineshops, the arts of the tailors, the fruitsellers, the 
grocers, the chemists, the schoolmasters, the carpenters, the shoemakers, 
and everything else necessary for the use of human beings in great 
abundance. The result is that on going out of one Contrada and 
entering another, you will say without doubt that you have gone out 
of one city, and entered another." 

NOTE 10. 

The Ducal Palace, begun by Angelo Partecipazio in 809 or 810, was 
in great part destroyed by fire during the revolution which led to the 
death of the Doge Pietro Candiano, and rebudt between 991 and 1009 
by the Doges Pietro I. and II. Orseoli. It afterwards suffered from four 
other great fires which did inestimable damage. The first of these great 

1. Archives of Milan, Potcnze Estcri, Venezia. 

2. Idem. 

3. Venezia descritta, da M. Francesco Sansovino, Venetia, 1(504. 
i. i.e., District or quarter. 

NOTES 353 

fires took place in 1106, but the damage was soon repaired, and the 
Palace enriched with the marble and other treasures brought from the 
East after the fall of Constantinople. In the second half of the four- 
teenth century the Hall of the Great Council was built. In 1422, on 
the proposal of the Doge Tommaso Mocenigo, it was decided to re- 
construct the rest of the old fabric facing the Piazzetta, in harmony 
with the work already carried out. 1 Thus under the Doges Foscari and 
Moro, the outside of the Palace was completed as it stands at present, 
but the eastern side of the Courtyard remained as in ancient times 
until the second great fire broke out on the night of the 14th of Sept., 
1483, according to Malipiero. 2 (Sanuto gives the date of the fire as 
1479.) This fire did great harm, especially to the Ducal apartments, 
which were completely gutted. When the question was raised, the 
majority of the Venetian Patricians "did not feel like spending more 
than 6,000 ducats in repairing the Palace, because of the hardness of the 
times." 3 Nicolo Trevisano, on the other hand, proposed to buy all the 
houses opposite the Palace on the other side of the Canal as far as the 
Calle delle Rasse, and build there a new residence for the Doge, with a 
large garden, and join it by a stone bridge to the Sala del Collegio in 
the old building, which was to be restored and used for purely business 
purposes. It was, however, finally decided to rebuild the original 
Palace with the addition of another story ; and it is this decision, which 
Casola, who was fascinated by Trevisano's scheme, so much regrets. 
Antonio Rizzo, the architect, was appointed at a salary of 100 ducats a 
year to direct the work. In 1494 Casola saw the so-called Giant's stair- 
case in process of construction, and the new facade of the Ducal apart- 
ments, which internally also impressed him with the splendour of the 
new furniture and decorations. It was only in March, 1492, that the 
Doge Agostino Barbarigo, after giving a dinner to a hundred poor 
people to celebrate the event, left his temporary residence in the Palazzo 
Diedo, and went to sleep for the first time in the " New Palace." In 
1498 Rizzo had already spent 80,000 ducats and only about half of the 
necessary work was yet done. As it was discovered at this time that 
he had embezzled 12,000 ducats, he fled, and died shortly after at 
Foligno. The work of restoration went on and may be said to have 
been completed in the middle of the sixteenth century. 

NOTE 11. 

Prisons. The chief prisons in Venice in the Middle Ages were in the 
Ducal Palace itself, though every " Sestiere" or sixth part of the city 
had its own separate prisons for debtors and persons guilty of slight 

1. See F. Zanotto in Venezia e le sue lagune, vol. ii. part ii. 

2. Malipiero, see Annals of, in the Archivio Storico Itaiiano, vol. vii. 

3. Malipiero, p. 673. 


offences. In 1321 ' and 1326 2 two decrees of the Maggior Consiglio 
ordered — the first the construction, and the second the enlargement of 
certain prisons " Desubtus Palatium " (underneath the Palace) — two 
houses which existed there, and the apartments of certain subordinate 
officials being devoted to this purpose. These details, together with the 
fact that the Ducal apartments and all the chief Government offices — in 
fact the Palace proper — were above the ground floor, remove all sus- 
picion that by the words " Desubtus Palatium," subterranean prisons 
are to be understood. No such prisons ever existed in the Palace, and 
it was the long, dark, narrow staircase, down which they were con- 
ducted, which gave prisoners the idea that they were going into the 
bowels of the earth. The "upper prisons" referred to in decrees re- 
lating to the prisons, were evidently those in the Torresella, which 
was probably the eastern tower of the original ducal palace, while the 
" lower prisons " were on the ground floor, and occupied part of the 
space now devoted to the lower of the two open arcades surrounding 
the courtyard. These latter prisons included the so-called Pozzi or 
wells, which still remain. On the upper floor of the Palace, on the 
side facing the canal, were the prisons popularly known as the Piombi 
or leads, though under the lead roof there was a wooden ceiling formed 
of heavy beams ; these Piombi, however, only began to be used as 
prisons in 1591. Casola refers to the "lower prisons," that is to the 
Pozzi on the eastern or canal side and to others on the south side 
known by quaint names such as the Liona (the lion), Forte (the 
strong), Orba (the blind prison, because it had no windows), 
Frescagioia (fresh joy), etc., and he must have been quite right in 
thinking that they spoiled the general effect of the Palace. Between 
1589 and 1602 the present prison building, connected with the ducal 
palace by the Bridge of Sighs, was constructed, and the prisoners were 
removed there. The outer walls of some of the old prisons were then 
thrown down and replaced by the pillars which form the lower arcade. 
See Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, vol. iii., pp. 74 — 78; iv., 
pp. 51, 52; vi., p. 75. Sansovino, Venetia descritta, p. 2516; Edizione, 
1604. Mutinelli, Lessico Veneto, p. 310. Tassini, Curiosita Veneziane, 
p. 157. Venezia e Le sue Lagune, vol. ii., part ii., p. 347e, 348. 
Codire Italiana alia Biblioteca Marciana, class vii., No. ccxcv. 

NOTE 12. 

Broletto was the popular name at Milan for the Palazzo di Corte, the 
early residence of the Visconti and the seat of the government offices, 
especially of the Courts of Justice. It stood on the site now occupied 
by the S. W. part of the enlarged Duomo (which it was destroyed 

1. Maggior Consiglio, vol. vii. 5th July, 1321, p. 19 6. 

2. Maggior Consiglio, vol. vii. 2nd March, 1326, p. 127. 

NOTES 355 

piecemeal to make way for), and by the modern Palazzo Reale. Brolo 
in the Milanese dialect (Broglio or Brogio in the dialect of Venice), 
means a garden. The Palazzo di Corte took its name from the 
Broletto, or small garden, which lay on its eastern side, as dis- 
tinguished from the Brolo Grande or large park which is believed to 
have extended behind the Palace from San Nazaro to Santo Stefano, 
and perhaps included the present Piazza Fontana. 

NOTE 13. 

The date of the institution of the College or Tribunal known as the 
Signori di Notte, i.e., The Lords of the Night, cannot be given pre- 
cisely. According to Marino Sanuto the elder, it existed before 1250, 
and this chronicler asserts that it consisted at first of one, and then of 
two persons, who divided the inspection of the city between them, 
until, in 1262, their number was increased to six, one being elected for 
each Sestiere of Venice. In any case from that time there were always 
six of them, and their duty was to watch over the safety of the city, 
especially at night, protect it from fire, and punish murderers, thieves, 
fornicators, bigamists, swindlers, tenants who did not pay their rents, 
etc. They were empowered to pronounce sentence of death, but there 
was an appeal, first to the magistrates known as Del Proprio, and 
second to the highest criminal and civil court, called the Quarantia. 
In 1544 the Maggior Consiglio created a second College of six Lords of 
the Night. Henceforth the older body was known as the Signori di 
Notte al Criminale, and dealt with criminal matters. The new body 
called the Signori di Notte al Civile, had jurisdiction in Civil cases, 
see Venezia e le Sue Lagvne, vol. i., p. 72, and p. 155. Mutinelli, 
Glossario, p. 370. Ferro, Diritto Comune e Veneto, vol. ii., p. 693. 

NOTE 14. 

The Church of S. Maria della Carita was one of the oldest in Venice, 
and built at first of wood. In 1120 the Patrician Marco Zulian offered 
all his substance to the Papal Legate to erect it in stone together with 
the Convent, which in 1134 received a certain number of Regular Canons 
of St. Augustine. Pope Alexander III. consecrated the church and en- 
riched it with indulgences ; whence arose the custom that every year the 
Doge and the Signoria went there in state on the 5th of April, to take 
advantage of the same. The church was rebuilt in 1446 and beautified 
in the following century. The famous congregation or Scuola della 
Carita, instituted 1260 in the Church of St. Leonard, erected its meeting 
hall in 1344, beside the Church and Convent of the Carita. Tradition 
relates that Pope Alexander III., fleeing before the Emperor Barbarossa, 
came to Venice in disguise 1177, and passed the first night, either on the 
bare ground near the Calle del Perdon at S. Appollinare, or as others 


recount, under the porch of the Church of S. Salvatore ; that he went 
the next morning to the Monastery of the Carita, and was received as a 
simple priest, or according to another version, as a scullion, and that he 
remained there six months. V. Tassini, Curiosita Veneziane, pp. 148, 
150 and 550. 

NOTE 15. 

The Pregadi [from Pregare Ital = to pray, to beg]. The Venetian 
Senate was also known as the " Pregadi," because in early times the 
Doges, on occasions of special importance were in the habit of sum- 
moning, and begging for the counsel of certain of the leading citizens. 
The number and the choice of the individuals depended entirely on the 
Doge's good pleasure. The citizens thus gathered together formed a 
purely consulting body; all real power being reserved to the Great 
Council. As, however, the latter generally accepted the advice of the 
Pregadi which was open to the suspicion of unduly favouring the policy 
of the Doges, it was decided, early in the thirteenth century, to replace 
the irregular and arbitrary body by a permanent one elected from the 
Great Council itself. The new Council was called the Senate; at the 
same time it kept the old name of " Pregadi," though the members were 
no longer invited but elected. 

NOTE 16. 

As the palace in Venice belonging to the Duke of Milan had been 
confiscated and sold during the wars which preceded the Peace of Lodi 
(1454), the Venetian Government bought a house at San Polo from the 
heirs of the famous Condottiere Gattamelata, and presented it to 
Francesco Sforza in 1458. A few years later (1461) the latter sold the 
house at San Polo to Marco Cornaro, father of Catherine of Cyprus for 
12,000 ducats, and at the same time bought from Marco Cornaro for 
20,000 ducats the foundations of a magnificent palace begun by Marco's 
brother Andrea in 1453 on the Grand Canal. The difference in the price 
(8,000 ducats) was to be paid by Duke Francesco in five annual rates of 
1,600 ducats each, beginning with the 1st of January, 1463. But Cornaro 
had to wait for his money. Finally Sforza decided to pawn the ducal 
jewels for 5,500 golden ducats to pay his debts in Venice, and through 
the intervention of the Doge, Marco Cornaro, received in February, 1465, 
two instalments. Not long after, Francesco Sforza died, and his son 
Galeazzo turned a deaf ear to Cornaro's requests for payment. In 1478, 
however, the Duchess Bona authorised Marco Cornaro to collect a ducat 
above the usual price (fixed in 1460 at ten ducats) on every moggio of 
salt brought into Milan from Venice — and this up to the extinction of 
the debt. The Palace begun by Andrea Cornaro, and designed by Master 
Bartolomeo Bono, the mason and architect, was described in the Act of 

NOTES 357 

Sale as " The house begun on the Grand Canal in the Contrada of Saint 
Samuel," etc. And with more precision by Marco Cornaro, in the descrip- 
tion he sent to Francesco Sforza as follows : — " The facade on the Grand 
Canal has two towers on that side, which are of marble cut diamond 
fashion, and the riva between the two towers has very large columns of 
marble." By these descriptions, the foundations, which never seem to 
have been carried any further, may still be recognised. For, after passing 
under the Academy bridge on the way to the station, there is to be seen 
on the right-hand side, at the corner of the Rio del Dura, and nearly 
opposite the Rio Malpaga, a group of very ordinary looking houses 
rising from a foundation evidently intended for a large and imposing 
palace. This is the Ca' del Dura, that is the House of the Duke, 
and according to the popular tradition the Venetian Government, alarmed 
at the size and strength of the building, stopped the construction. 
There does not seem, however, to be any authentic record of any such 
prohibition ; and the money difficulties of Francesco and his successors, 
together with the complications produced by the French Invasions, 
sufficiently explain why the building was not continued. In 1494, when 
Casola saw the beginning of the handsome structure and wished " for 
the honour of the Milanese " that it had been completed, it still belonged 
to the Sforzas ; and it is not certain when it passed out of their hands. 
Probably it was confiscated in 1499, when the Venetians, in league with 
Louis of France against Lodovico il Moro, conquered Cremona. On that 
occasion the Venetian " Provveditori," who were with the army — ■ 
Melchiore Trevisan and Marcantonio Morosini — brought home some 
famous marble trophies. Trevisan's grandson fixed two of these into 
the walls of the courtyard and garden of their house at the Gindecca; 
while Morosini built those that fell to his share into the wall of the 
courtyard in his house at Santa Giustina. Early in the 16th century the 
Cd del Dura, that is the simple building set up on the Colossal 
foundations of Andrea Cornaro and Bartolomeo Bon, was occupied in 
part by Master Bartolomeo himself ; and Titian kept models here for the 
pictures he was commissioned to paint for the hall of the Great 
Council. In the time of Francesco Sansovino it belonged to the Grimani 
family. (See Cronara Magna, Marciana, Venice. Sansovino, Venezia 
Deseritta, Edition of 1604, p. 2666. Tassini, Curiosita Veneziane, p. 241. 
Luca Beltrami, La Co! del Dura, Milan, 1899. Cantu, Srorsa cli un 
Lomhardo negli Arrhiii di Venezia, Milan, 1856.) 

NOTE 17. 

The large number of warehouses and the immense arrumulation of 
merehandise in mediasval Venice was due to the trading system pursued. 
The merchant galleys were not allowed to go directly, from a port where 
goods were bought, to the port of exchange ; but every voyage was re- 


quired to begin and end at Venice. Venice became, therefore, the place 
of deposit until at least the following year, when the new voyages were 
made; and foreign merchants crowded there to make their purchases. 
Two great events, however, which immediately preceded and followed 
Casola's visit very soon changed the current of trade and began to 
empty the Venetian warehouses. If the discovery of America in 1492 
had not made its due impression on the Venetians, things were very 
different when a few years later tidings came that Portuguese ships had 
circumnavigated Africa, arrived in India, and returned laden with spices 
and other Eastern products, which were sold cheaply at Lisbon. "All 
the city of Venice was greatly impressed and alarmed, and the wisest 
men held that this was the worst news that could ever come to the city 
.... Because the spices which came to Venice, passed through the whole 
of Syria and the countries subject to the Sultan, paying exorbitant 
duties in every place, so that when they arrived in Venice the value of 
an article which, in the beginning, was worth a ducat, was raised as 
high as sixty and even a hundred ducats. As the voyage by sea was 
exempt from these oppressive taxes, it came to pass that the Portuguese 
could sell the goods they brought at a much lower price." (Girolamo 
Priuli Diarii, p. 108, in Romanin, Storia Documentata di Venezia, 
vol. iv., p. 461.) 

NOTE 18. 

Fondaco dei Tedeschi. From very early times various nations such as 
the Germans, Greeks, Tuscans, etc., having extensive trading relations 
with Venice, had houses assigned to them for their representatives and 
their merchandise, by the Government of the Republic. From at least 
the thirteenth century, the Fondaco which stands to-day on the same 
site, was allotted to the Germans or Tedeschi; and in 1268 three 
Patricians called " Visdomini " were appointed to direct the affairs of 
the Fondaco dei Tedeschi. In 1505 a violent fire reduced the building 
to ashes; and during the reconstruction, completed in 1508, the senate 
lodged the Germans provisionally in the house of the Lippomano at 
Santa Fosca. The outer walls of the New Fondaco, were decorated 
with frescoes by Giorgione and Titian. The pilgrims to Venice were 
met as they entered the city by a crowd of agents who with noisy 
importunity extolled the merits of the hostels they represented. Some 
went directly to quarters bespoken in advance, at the houses of friends 
or agents. Priests and monks were received at certain of the monasteries. 
Knights and merchants established themselves at one of the inns which 
existed in Venice from very ancient times ; and amongst these there 
were several German houses. The chief of the German hostels was the 
Fondaco dei Tedeschi on the Grand Canal, just below the Rialto Bridge. 
Ordinary pilgrims might go where they liked ; but all German merchants 

NOTES 359 

were obliged to live here, and deliver up to the House Steward on their 
arrival, their weapons, their money, and their merchandise. Here the 
whole German trade in Venice was concentrated and placed under the 
control of the State officials, who in spite of their close protective 
system and high duties, favoured the German merchants on the whole. 
The Fondaco contained not only dwelling rooms and bed rooms, but also 
a large restaurant, where good eating and drinking was to be had. If, 
however, the Germans had little to complain of with regard to their 
treatment in general, the time limit imposed on the visits to the eating 
room formed a standing grievance ; they wanted it open night and day 
after the well-known German necessity — long ago noted by Tacitus — 
To take just one more drink. (See Rohricht, preface to Deutsche 
Pilgerreisen, Innsbruck, 1900.) 

NOTE 19. 

" Round the roofs " (of the palaces and houses) " run the gutters of 
hard stone, by which the rain water descends through hidden pipes into 
the wells" (which are provided with an ingenious system of filtration), 
" where it is purged of the grosser material and turns again to the 
benefit of man. Because as there are no rivers there (i.e., in Venice), 
nor foundations of solid earth where springs of sweet waters could be 
found, the cisterns are used, and their water is healthier and more 
easily digested than spring water, which is very crude. There are a 
great number of these wells or cisterns — both public and private — 
throughout the city, so that every piazza, or campo, or corte, ha3 its 
well, made at the public expense, and for the greater part on special 
occasions." (Sansovino-Venetia Descritta, p. 261.) The modern system 
of reservoir, aqueduct, and pipes in the separate houses has supplemented 
but not superseded the old system in Venice, especially for the poorer 
classes. The water carriers and water sellers formed themselves into a 
guild in the 14th century, and, elected as its protector St. Constantius, 
because this saint " caused the lamps to burn with water without any 
liquor or oil as Messer St. Gregory relates." ' 

NOTE 20. 

Fra Francesco Trivulzio belonged to one of the noblest of the aristo- 
cratic families of Milan. He was one of the five sons of Pietro Trivulzio, 
Lord of Codogno in the district of Lodi, by his wife Laura Bossi. 3 In 
the Trivulzian Library I saw an engraving of a portrait which bore the 
legend " B. Fran. Trivultius. Ord. Min. obyt 1482." The portrait is 
that of a gentlefaced, beardless friar, holding a lily in his hand, and 

1. Tassini, Curiositd Veneziane, p. 6. 

2. See notes on the life of Fra. Fr. Trivulzio by Carlo Trivulzio, inserted on loose 
leaves, in the MSS. copy of Casola's voyage, in the Trivulzian Library, Milan. 


bears a strong resemblance to the traditional portraits of Saint Anthony 
of Padua. The date is clearly a mistake. In the same library a book 
of the quattrocento is preserved, which contains a written inscription on 
the 1st page, stating that it was " For the use of Brother Francis de 
Trivulzio," and begging the reader to pray for the Soul of the 
Magnificent Lord Peter de Trivulzio — through whose bounty the book 
was bought, — who died on the 1st of December, 1473, when " I, brother 
Francis his first born was present, and I believe that through the 
mediation of the order of the Minor Friars he is saved because he closed 
his life well." l Francesco married Veronica dei Secchi, 2 but persuaded 
his wife to embrace the religious life. Francesco assumed the habit of 
the minor friars in the Convent of Sant' Angelo, then a mile outside 
Porta Comasina (Milan) ; and in time was appointed Provincial Vicar of 
his order for the province of Milan. Fra Francesco " was very frugal in 
his food, and very assiduous in his prayers, most vigilant in conserving 
his virginity perfectly pure, and of no ordinary perfection — skilled in 
both laws and endowed with a most profound and tenacious memory ; 
and he preached so unweariedly throughout Italy, that he became 
famous everywhere not only as an excellent, but also as a most saintly 
preacher. The people themselves rendered public testimony to his 
fervent preaching, his doctrine, his holiness, and his exemplary life 
when he drew sinners to repentance, reconciled enemies and excited 
those who were most inveterate in their vicious habits to amend their 
ways." 3 Fra Francesco's reputation for sanctity and eloquence is 
enthusiastically confirmed by Casola, who sought out " The venerable 
religious and most remarkable evangelist of the word of God, Don Frate 
Francesco Trivulzio " as soon as he heard that he was in Venice, and 
kept much in his company during the voyage " as long as he was well," 
" because in truth he was treated with great respect and everything was 
shown to him without much difficulty." On the voyage, although there 
were 63 priests among the Pilgrims, Father Francesco's sermons are the 
only ones Casola records, and presumably the only ones delivered. They 
were preached on land as at Zara and Ragusa; and in the midst of the 
sea, as when on the Vigil and the feast of Saint John, he expounded the 
famous nine meditations on the saint of the day; and so comforted the 
passengers and crew that he made them forget their sufferings from 

1. See " Panteologia seu Summa Rainerij " in the Trivulzian Library. The inscrip- 
tion runs thus : — Ad usum fratris Franeisci de Trivultio et pertinet loco Sei Johannis apud 
Lande. Recordare lector exorare pro anima Magnitici Domini Petri de Trivultio de cujus 
elemosyna emptua est liber iste, qui obiit anno Domini MCCCOLXXIII die prima Decem- 
bris in civitate Terdene (?) Ill'"' D»> Nostri (laleaz Marie Ducis Mediolan : quint) ultra 
Paduni tunc comissarius, ubi ego frater Franciscus primogenitus suus fill presens et credo 
quod niediante ordine Fratrum Minorum sit salvus quia vitani suam bene ftnivit." 

'2. It was don Fermo de' Secchi, a member of this family, who entertained Casola 
hospitably at Calzi on the outward and homeward journey. 

3. History of the Minor Friars in Milan, by Brother Pier Nicola Buonavilla, Milan, 

NOTES 361 

heat, bad weather, and bad and insufficient food, and preached for two 
hours at a stretch " to the great satisfaction of every nation, and 
especially of the learned persons, who came crowding round Casola 
afterwards to know who that Venerable Father was." "And I," 
writes Casola, with the pride of a fellow-countryman, " not only for the 
honour of the Fatherland, but also that the truth should not remain 
hidden, told all I could about him." At Lesina, on the way back, 
Casola regretfully remembered his lost friend when he went to hear a 
sermon in the cathedral there. " Not like those preached by the 
departed Don Fra Francisco Trivulzio which stimulated a man to listen ; 
this instead, stimulated one to talk and even to sleep." Father 
Francesco was not destined to see Italy again. Just as the ship entered 
Ehodes he died and was buried in the Franciscan Church of Santa 
Maria della Vittorie. 

NOTE 21. 

Don John Simon Fornaro of Pavia. In Register 61, in the State 
Archives at Milan, which contains the " Immunita, Salvo Condotti, 
Grazie," etc., for the years 1493 and 1494, I found on page 206, the 
following : — " The eve of the 22nd April, 1494. On the aforenamed 
day, letters of safe conduct, valid for two years, were granted to John 
Simon Fornaro, citizen of Pavia and Cubicidario, who intends to go to 
Jerusalem and the Holy Sepulchre, with six companions." Perhaps Don 
John Simon was chamberlain to the young Duke Gian Galeazzo Sforza, 
who died in the Castle at Pavia on October 20th, 1494. The unpleasant 
adventures which befel Don John Simon, through his desire to bring 
home a parrot as a memento of his voyage, are very graphically described 
by Casola (chapter xiv. of the Translation). 

NOTE 22. 

The church and monastery of Sant' Elena or St. Helena. Casola was 
mistaken in attributing the foundation of this church to Alessandro 
Borromeo in 1420. Between 1170 and 1173 or 1175, Vitale Michael, bishop 
of Castello, founded a monastery on the island which lies beyond the 
present public gardens, and a hospice was attached for poor persons and 
pilgrims. In the beginning of the fifteenth century, however, Alessandro 
Borromeo contributed, together with a certain Tommaso Talenti, to the 
building of a new church, which he enriched. Borromeo also erected a 
chapel (in the Church), begun in Nov., 1418, where he and several 
relatives were afterwards buried. He came from San Miniato (Florence) 
and was brother of Giovanni who settled in Milan and became the 
ancestor of Saint Charles Borromeo. The first persons who occupied the 
monastery of St. Helena were regular canons living under the Augustine 
rule. In 1407, as the monastery, hospice, etc., had fallen into decay, 


Pope Gregory granted it to certain monks belonging to the congregation 
of the blessed virgin of Monte Oliveto- — or Olivetani — founded by Saint 
Bernard Tolomei of Siena (born 1272). Casola is therefore mistaken 
also when he says that the monks of St. Helena belonged to the 
Camaldolese Order. The church of St. Helena has been turned to secular 
purposes in modern times. See Porro — Note 9 to printed edition of 
Casola. Cicogna, Inscrizioni Venete, vol. iii., p. 337. Mrs. Jameson, 
Legends of the Monastic Orders, p. 149.) 

NOTE 23. 

The church and monastery of Sant' Antonio or St. Anthony the Abbot 
stood almost on the extreme point of Venice, looking towards the two 
Castles of Saint Andrew and Saint Nicholas (on the Lido). The church 
was founded in 1346, and the building was occupied, first by the 
regular Canons of Saint Anthony, and after 1471 by the regular Canons 
of St. Saviour : not, therefore, by the Olivetani, as Casola declares. In 
1807 church and convent were destroyed to make way for the new public 
gardens. (Tassini, Curiosita Veneziane, p. 35.) 

NOTE 24. 

San Cristoforo delta Pace or Saint Christopher of the Peace. A certain 
Frate Simone (born at Camerino 1404) who was versed in philosophy and 
theology, and a man of handsome, dignified presence, and also of rare 
eloquence, founded a hermitage for the hermits of Saint Augustine on 
one of the two small islands between Venice and Murano, granted to 
him by the Senate for this purpose. (v. Commemorali, xii., 1436.) 
Saddened by the wars which desolated Italy, he made several journeys 
to Milan, and finally his efforts and those of Paolo Barbo, succeeded in 
bringing about the Peace of Lodi, 1454. Aided by the grateful Senate 
and by other devout persons, he built soon after, a church on the island 
which had been granted to him ; and church and island were known 
henceforth as St. Christopher of the Peace. The church and monastery 
were demolished in 1810. Later on, the canal which separated them 
having been filled in, the island of St. Christopher was joined to that of 
St. Michael, and the two together form the present cemetery of Venice. 
(See Sansovino, Edition of 1604, p. 175. Romanin, Storia Documcntata 
di Venezia, vol. iv., p. 225. Mutinelli, Glossario, p. 120. 

NOTE 25. 

S. Giorgio Maggiore or St. George the Greater. Casola did not see the 
existing church of San Giorgio. The rebuilding was begun in 1556 by 
Palladio, and finished in 1610. The monastery has always been occupied 
by Benedictine monks. 

NOTES 363 

NOTE 26. 

Sant' Andrea or S. Andrew. The church and monastery of Saint 
Andrew, belonging to the Carthusians, lay on an island beyond the 
island of St. Helena. The island of St. Andrew, otherwise called Sant' 
Andrea del Lido, was connected at low water with another island 
occupied by the fortress or castle of Saint Andrew, which as Casola 
writes, was about a bow shot from the other fortress or Castle of St. 
Nicholas, on the N. W. extremity of the Lido. 

NOTE 27. 

San Francesco delle Vigne or Saint Francis in the Vineyard. Among 
the many vineyards in Venice in early times the largest was 
that belonging to the Ziani family. This contained a tiny chapel 
dedicated to Saint Mark, because according to tradition this was the 
place where the evangelist passed the night to escape from a terrible 
storm, and where the angel appeared to him and prophesied the future 
foundation of Venice. The vineyard and chapel were bequeathed 1253 
by Marco Ziani, son of the Doge Pietro to the minor observant friars 
who erected a new church dedicated to St. Francis. This was the 
building Casola saw. As it was in danger of falling, however, at the 
beginning of the sixteenth century, it was decided to build a new 
church. The first stone was laid in 1534; and it was consecrated 1582. 

NOTE 28. 

San Francesco dei Conventuali, as Casola calls it, is Santa Maria 
Gloriosa dei Frari, which belonged to the Conventual Friars of Saint 
Francis, some of whom came to Venice as early as 1227. The convent 
which was called the " Ca' Grande," or the big house, because of its size, 
was founded in 1236, and rebuilt after a fire in 1369. The church began 
to rise in 1250. It seems to have been rebuilt as it is at present in the 
fifteenth century, and it is certain that it was consecrated in 1492 by 
Bishop Pietro da Trani. With other foreign merchants the Milanese had 
their Guild in Venice. Its hall was in the Campo dei Frari, and in the 
Friars Church they had a side chapel and altar on the left, dedicated to 
Saint Ambrose. The magnificent altar piece was begun by Bartolomeo 
Vivarini, and completed after his death by Basaite, 1498. It represents 
the Archbishop, Saint Ambrose, seated on his throne in his episcopal 
robes, with attendant saints. It is uncertain when the Milanese first 
took possession of the Chapel of St. Ambrose, but it was probably not 
long before 1421. 

ftOTE 29. 

The church and monastery of the Servants of Mary or Santa Maria 
dei Servi, were begun in 1318 by certain friars who had lately come to 


Venice from Florence, the cradle of their order. The church was only 
finished in 1474. Church and monastery were almost totally destroyed 
in 1813, and the few remains were incorporated in a modern building 
It was in this monastery that Fra Paolo Sarpi passed his life ; and he died 
here in 1631. Early in the fourteenth century a number of merchants 
and workmen driven from Lucca by faction, settled in Venice, where 
they perfected, if they did not found the silk industry. A certain part of 
the city was assigned to them for their residence. It lay between the 
well-known tortuous Calle della Bissa (or Snake) and the church of 
all the Holy Apostles. With the permission of the Venetian Govern- 
ment, they formed in 1360 a guild, under the protection of the " Volto 
Santo," the name given to a marvellous crucifix venerated at 
Lucca. In 1370 they obtained a piece of ground near the Church 
of the Servi, where they built an oratory with a cemetery at- 
tached. Finally in 1398 they secured from the Servite fathers a piece 
of empty ground opposite the Church of the Servi, where they erected 
their Guild Hall. 

NOTE 30. 

San Nicolo o San Niccoletto del Lido or Saint Nicholas of the Lido. 
Saint Nicholas the patron Saint of Sailors was naturally one of the patron 
Saints of Venice. The church dedicated to him at the entrance to the 
Lido port was built by order of the Doge Dominico Contarini, whose 
body was buried there. The monastery was filled with Benedictines 
from San Giorgio Maggiore. 

NOTE 31. 

The Monastery of San Giorgio in Alga or de Alga — that is Saint 
George among the Seaweed — stood on a small island between Venice 
and Lizza Fusina on the mainland. The first monks were Benedictines. 
They were replaced by Regular Canons of St. Augustine, with whom 
San Lorenzo Giustiniani, afterwards the first Patriarch of Venice, 
embraced the religious life. In 1690 the Augustine Canons were 
succeeded by Carmelite friars of the reform of St. Theresa. 

NOTE 32. 

Santa Maria delV Orto or Saint Mary in the Orchard, commonly 
known as the Madonna dell' Orto, was first dedicated to St. Christopher. 
In 1377, however, an image of the Virgin was discovered in a neigh- 
bouring garden, and placed in the church which took the name of the 
Madonna dell' Orto, or Santa Maria Odorifera. The monastery was 
first inhabited by the monks called the " Umiliati " — a congregation in- 
stituted at Milan by San Giovanni di Meda. They were expelled in 
1462 and replaced by some of the exemplary canons from San Giorgio in 

NOTES 365 

Alga. In 1668 the regular canons were suppressed and succeeded by 
Cistercians from Torcello. The church was erected towards the middle 
of the fourteenth century by Fra Tiberio of Parma. Though church 
and convent were restored, the facade of the church probably remains as 
it was built. 

NOTE 33. 

According to the legend, the church of San Zaccaria or St. Zaccharia 
was one of the eight churches founded in consequence of a revelation 
made to St. Magnus bishop of Ereclea. The annexed convent was filled 
with Benedictine nuns. In 1105 church and convent were burnt down; 
but they were soon rebuilt. About 1456 the modern renaissance church 
was begun, in which, part of the previous church, including the nuns' 
choir was incorporated. From a certain analogy in the style, it has been 
attributed to Martin Lombardi the architect of the School of St. Mark. 
The church was not completely finished until 1515. 

NOTE 34. 

Opposite the church of San Pietro or Saint Peter in Castello rose the 
Convent of the Nuns, called the Virgins, who professed the Augustine 
rule. On the 15th of November, 1487, Malipiero wrote in his diary — 
" The Convent of the Nuns, called the ' Verzene,' was burnt for the 
second time," and he added : " It has been rebuilt by public and private 
offerings, and by means of indulgences obtained at Rome." In the 
nineteenth century church and convent were destroyed, and the site 
included in the enlarged arsenal. 

NOTE 35. 

The Church and Convent of Santa Maria de Caelestibus, commonly 
called della Celestia, or the Zelestre, was begun in 1237 in Castello for 
the use of Cistercian nuns who came from Piacenza to Venice. In 1810 
the Church and Convent were absorbed into the Arsenal. 

NOTE 36. 

For the laxity of monastic discipline in Venice, see the Registers called 
the Raspe; various chronicles such as that attributed to Savina; and also 
Gallicciolli Memorie Venete II., and Tassini Curiosita Veneziane, pp. 174, 
175, 179, etc. 

NOTE 37. 

It is curious at first sight that Comines, the French Ambassador 
to Venice from October 1494, to May 1495, made the same observation 
in almost the same words : — " C'est la plus triumphante cite que j'aye 
jamais veue," he says, " et qui plus faict d'honneur a ambassadeurs et 


estrangiers, et qui plus saigement se gouverne, et ou le service de Dieu 
est le plus sollempnellement faict : et encores qu'il y peust bien avoir 
d'aultres faulte3, si croy je que Dieu les a en aide pour le reverence 
qu'ilz portent au service de l'Eglise." Memoires de P. de Comines. 
Liv : vii. Ch : xviii. It will be noted, however, that on his return to 
Venice from the Holy Land, Casola met the French Ambassador at the 
house of Don Taddeo Vicomercato the Milanese Ambassador, and passed 
a good deal of time in his company. On that occasion as Casola gives 
us to understand, they exchanged their impressions about many things 
in the city which was new and fascinating to both of them, and very 
probably discussed amongst other topics the attitude of the Republic 
towards religion and the Church. This probably explains why they 
expressed themselves in such similar words on the subject in writing 
their Memoirs. 

NOTE 38. 

San Giovanni e Paolo. In 1234 the Doge Giacomo Tiepolo gave to 
the Dominican friars a tract of land on which to build their church and 
convent. The latter was entirely finished in 1293, and its two centuries 
of life qualified Casola's admiration when he saw it in 1494. The 
church, begun in 1246, was only completed in 1430. It is dedicated to 
the Roman brothers and martyrs Saint John and Saint Paul, who were 
put to death by Julian the Apostate. The Dominicans who settled in 
Venice were emigrants from the convent of these saints at Rome. The 
friars of SS. Giovanni e Paolo (Saints John and Paul) granted in 1438 a 
piece of land beside their church to the brothers of the School of St. 
Mark, who built their hall there and went to it in solemn procession on 
St. Mark's day. In 1485 the Assembly Hall was accidently burnt. 
Malipiero the Chronicler writes : " In 1485, on the 1st of April, the 
evening of Holy Thursday, the brethren of the School of St. Mark, met 
in their Hall to go to the Church of St. Anthony, and departed, leaving 
the candles alight on the altar. The wind opened a window on the west, 
and blew the curtain on to the candles ; the curtain then set fire to the 
altar and the roof, so that in four hours everything was burnt. And it 
was fortunate that the Church of San Zuan Polo [SS. John and Paul] 
was not burnt as well. Afterwards, with the help of the Signoria and 
the brethren, the Hall has been rebuilt finer and larger than it was 
before." The architect was Martin Lombardi; and the work was 
finished not long before Casola visited Venice. 

NOTE 39. 

The Church of San Domenico belonged to the Dominican friars. 
Church and convent were built early in the fourteenth century with a 

NOTES 367 

legacy left by the Doge Marino Zorzi. In the beginning of the 
nineteenth century church and convent, like those of St. Anthony, were 
destroyed to make way for the public gardens. 

NOTE 40. 

The Church of the Madonna del Miraroli, or Our Lady of the 
Miracles. In 1480 Malipiero wrote in his diary : — "This year, has begun 
the adoration of the Madonna dei Miracoli, which was at the door of 
the Corte Nuova, opposite some houses belonging to the Amadi in 
Calle Stretta. Owing to the concourse of the people, it was necessary 
to take away the image and carry it into the Courtyard of the Palazzo 
Amadi. And great offerings of wax, statues, money, and silver were 
made, amounting to about 400 ducats a month. And the inhabitants of 
the Contrada created six Procurators, among the others, Leonardo 
Loredano, procurator. And in process of time 3,000 ducats were col- 
lected, and with them the Corte Nuova was bought from the Bembo, 
Querini and Barozzi families. And there, a most beautiful temple has 
been built with a monastery attached, and in the convent nuns have 
been placed from St. Clara at Murano." The miraculous Madonna re- 
ferred to was a picture of the Virgin which had been painted by order 
of Francesco Amadi, and put upon the wall near his house. The 
beautiful renaissance Church begun in 1480 was completed in 1487, and 
the image was placed there. 

NOTE 41. 

The Arsenal. In the Diary of Malipiero [part I., p. 662] there is the 
following notice : — " 1472 in the month of June, the 'Arsenate 
Nuovissimo " was begun — between the Arsenal and the Convent of the 
Virgins — in remembrance of Giacomo Morosini the uncle, patron of the 
Arsenal. It is capable of holding a hundred galleys ; and this place 
is called Babylon." Casola refers to this, the third extension of the 
Arsenal, which was transferred to its present site at the beginning of 
the twelfth century. The first extension was begun in 1303 or 1304, and 
continued up to 1390; the second, called the New Arsenal, was begun 
in 1325 ; the third in 1473 ; the fourth in 1538 or 1539 ; and the fifth in 
1564. Two centuries later, the Austrians twice enlarged the Arsenal, in 
1810 and in 1820 — 28. The place outside the Arsenal, where the cords 
were made, was called the " Casa del Canevo " [from " Canapa," hemp ; 
and " Canapo," a cable made of hemp] or the " Tana." It was not only a 
department of the Arsenal (though separate from the latter) ; but also 
the emporium, where all the hemp belonging to the State or to private 
individuals was warehoused. The best was chosen for the heavy ropes 
and cables of the ships of war and commerce ; and no one was permitted 
to manufacture ropes, having more than a certain thickness, elsewhere. 


Three Patricians who held office for 16 months, presided over the Tana. 
In the f ourteenth century they were called " Ufficiali alia Camera del 
Canevo " ; in the sixteenth century " Visdomini alia Tana." The 
Government of the Arsenal was entrusted to two distinct bodies of 
magistrates. The superior officials, called the "Sopra Provveditori," were 
chosen from among the Senators and united ripeness of judgment with 
the theory and practice of maritime affairs. They had civil and criminal 
authority over the employes ; observed and regulated the conduct of the 
Provveditori, over whom they formed a sort of inspectorship ; decided 
on the general line of policy to be pursued, and referred all matters to 
the Senate. In the beginning, that is in 1490, there were only two 
Sopra Provveditori (as Casola observed also in 1494) ; their number was 
raised to three in 1498. The second body, formed of what were called 
the " Provveditori," or " Patroni," that is the Directors of the Arsenal, 
was a very ancient magistracy. It consisted of three Patricians, not 
necessarily Senators, who had experience of naval affairs. By a law of 
1442, the Provveditori were obliged to reside, during their term of office 
of 32 months, in three separate palaces near the Arsenal, called, one 
Paradise, another Purgatory, the third the Inferno. The reason for 
these quaint names is not precisely known, though it is probably to be 
sought in the more or less advantageous positions of the palaces, and 
the more or less comfortable arrangements of the rooms inside. Each 
Provveditore had also to take turn in sleeping for fifteen nights inside 
the Arsenal and keep the keys by him. Besides the material custody of 
the Arsenal, the business of the Provveditori was to arrange and dis- 
tribute the work and direct its execution, manage the accounts, punish 
offences on the part of their subordinates and so forth. 

NOTE 42. 

Saint Augustine and the Trinity. "The famous subject called in 
general, the Vision of St. Augustine, represents a dream or vision related 
by himself. He tells us that while busied in writing his discourse on 
the Trinity, he wandered along the seashore lost in meditation. 
Suddenly he beheld a child who, having dug a hole in the sand, 
appeared to be bringing water from the sea to fill it. Augustine in- 
quired what was the object of his task. He replied that he intended 
to empty into this cavity all the waters of the great deep. "Impossible !" 
exclaimed Augustine. " Not more impossible," replied the child Christ, 
"than for thee, Augustine, to explain the mystery on which thou 
art meditating." (Mrs. Jameson. Sacred and Legendary Art, vol. I., 
p. 313.) 

NOTE 43. 

The Galeotti. From early times, and certainly until nearly the middle 
of the sixteenth century, the oarsmen on board the " Biremi " and the 

NOTES 369 

" Triremi " — that is the Venetian Galleys which had had two or three 
men to each oar, were free men of Venice and of the subject territories. 
Every commune was obliged to furnish for the State ships a certain 
number of " Galeotti " between twenty-five and forty years of age ; and 
when they had completed this term on board, their places were taken by 
others. Amongst the peasants of the country districts, the obligation to 
serve at sea was very unpopular, because it took them far away from 
their homes, into unhealthy, unfamiliar climates, and to a life contrary 
to their habits — making them exchange the liberty of the open fields 
for the narrow limits of a mediaeval ship. It was quite different with 
men who belonged to Venice itself, or the Eastern shores of the Adriatic. 
And the Signoria, in course of time, came to draw its recruits more and 
more exclusively from the poorer districts in Greece, Dalmatia, etc., 
where as Cristoforo da Canale, one of the Vice-admirals, wrote in 1539 : 
" Either because of some special property which heaven has bestowed 
on those provinces, or because of the general poverty, or because the 
inhabitants are familiar with the sea from their childhood upwards, the 
largest number of suitable men is obtained." These men also formed 
the crews of the galleys and sailing ships equipped and sent out by 
private enterprise. When a ship was ready the Captains — with the 
permission of the Senate — set up a table or " banco " in the Piazza, and 
enrolled the Volunteer Crew. These Galeotti must be carefully dis- 
tinguished from the Galley slaves, or condemned criminals who were 
kept chained on board hulks in the " Bacino di S. Marco," opposite the 
Ducal palace and the piazzetta. In the pamphlet referred to of 1539, 
Messer da Canale asks the question : — " Whether it is better for a prince 
or a republic to equip the Galleys with Volunteers and free men as we 
do, or with chained Galley slaves " ? l The reply given by Messer 
Alessandro Contarini, the Procurator, who advocated the Galley slave 
system, is a confirmation of the fact, that up to that time (1539) Venice 
had not used condemned prisoners on board the National Galleys as 
she began to do soon after. 

NOTE 44. 

The Chief Secretaryship. Casola refers to the chief of the ducal 
secretaries called the " Cancelier Grando," and does not mean to imply 
that he was a foreigner in the sense of not being a Venetian, but that he 
was not a Venetian Patrician. This was the highest position open to a 
man of the citizen class which came between that of the nobles and the 
people. The " Cancelier Grando " was appointed for life by the Senate, 
and he was created Cavalier. In public documents he was addressed as 
" Magnifico," in private he was usually called " Eccellenza." He accom- 

1. Quoted in I Triremi, by Admiral L. Fincati. 


panied the Doge on all state occasions, and had the right of keeping 
his hat on in the ducal presence, while the senators were obliged to un- 
cover their heads. The election of the " Cancelier " was marked by 
great festivities which lasted three days ; and after his death a very 
magnificent funeral service was held in the Basilica of St. Mark. 

NOTE 45. 

The Corpus Domini. It was a very ancient custom in Venice for the 
Doge to go publicly in procession on certain days and visit certain 
churches. The oldest was the procession on St. Mark's day ; and one of 
the most important was the festival of the Corpus Domini instituted 
1295. On the 22nd May, 1407, ' it was decreed by the Maggior Consiglio, 
in order to make the festival more solemnly imposing, that : — " On the 
morning of the said day every year, a solemn procession should be 
made, and the body of Christ borne along under a handsome canopy 
supported by four poles, to be carried by four noble knights, and if 
there were no knights there, by four other nobles chosen by the Lord 
Duke and Councillors. At which procession should be present the serene 
Lord the Duke who approves, and the Councillors and other nobles who 
desire out of reverence for the glorious Jesus Christ our Lord, and to do 
honour to their country to take part in the said procession. At which 
procession should be present the Canons and other priests attached to 
the Church of St. Mark." The procession was to go out of the church, 
round the Piazza, and back to the church again. In 1454 
it was further decreed that : — " Every year on the day of the 
Corpus Domini, a regular and solemn procession should be made in 
St. Mark's — in which should take part, the Great Schools, the regular 
orders of friars and monks, the congregations of secular priests, and the 
Bishops and mitred abbots according to custom, all well in order and 
wearing their vestments and ornaments. And that the Piazza of St. 
Mark should be covered all round with cloths which should be furnished 
by those engaged in the woollen industry, and that the necessary poles 
should be contributed by those who worked in wood. And lest the 
Piazza should be broken, the Procurators are to cause hard stones to be 
prepared, which are to stand on the ground, and in which the Poles are 
to be fixed." 2 This is a summary of the scene Casola describes so 
graphically. As every year about this time, the pilgrims who were going 
to Jerusalem assembled in Venice, each Venetian gentleman appeared in 
the procession with a pilgrim on his right hand. After the throng of 
pilgrims ceased, towards the end of the sixteenth century, the nobles 
walked, each with a poor man on his right hand, and so kept alive the 

1. Maggior Consiglio deliberazioni. Leona. Carta 162 b. 

2. This decree is given by Oallicciolli. Mcmorie Venelc, Book ii. p. 272. 

NOTES 371 

memory of the old custom to the downfall of the Republic. In later 
times, on the evening of the Corpus Domini, after the services in the 
church in the Sestiere of Cannareggio, dedicated under this name, there 
was a " Fresco " — that is a Gondola procession in the neighbouring 

NOTE 46. 

Agostino Barbarigo was one of the five sons of Francesco Barbarigo, 
(surnamed the wealthy), Procurator of St. Mark's, by his wife, a daughter 
of Nicolo Morosini. 1 Three of Francesco's sons became in their turn 
Procurators of S. Mark's, and two of them, Marco and Agostino, doges. 
Agostino was born either in 1419 or 1420. In 1482 he was Captain for 
the Venetian Republic at Padua; from there he was sent to assume 
the government of Rovigo and the Polesine just conquered from Ferrara. 
Shortly after he distinguished himself as Provveditore of the Venetian 
army in the war against the Duke of Ferrara and his allies, until, falling 
ill, he asked and obtained permission to return home. In 1485 he be- 
came Procurator, when his brother Marco was created Doge. The 
Barbarigo family was so rich, so influential, and so popular in the city 
that there was a time when even three of the brothers were regarded as 
possible candidates for the dukedom. 3 Girolamo, who was also a 
procurator, died, however, in 1468 ; but at the death of Marco, in 1486, 
Agostino wa3 chosen to succeed his brother — an event so extraordinary, 
that it made a great impression on the writer Capellari, who qualifies it 
as an " unheard of occurrence." The Senator, Domenico Malipiero, 
described the new doge at the time of his election as " a man who in a 
short time has gained much experience in the government of this 
country ; but he is very obstinate in holding to his own opinion." Other 
chroniclers declare that the death of the doge Marco Barbarigo, was 
due to violent anger caused by his brother Agostino. 3 The events which 
marked the reign of Agostino Barbarigo, belong to the general history 
of Venice between 1486 and 1501. During the last months of his life, 
"As he had become decrepit from old age, he wanted to resign, but the 
Fathers of the City would not let him." 4 He died in 1501, "In worse 
repute," says Sanuto, "than any other doge since the time of Missier 
Christofal Moro. It was amazing to hear the maledictions everyone 
bestowed upon him for his arrogance, greed, obstinacy, and avarice, 
and for the way in which he used to accept presents." 5 After his death, 

1. Capellari. CampidogHo Veneto, Class vii. No. 8304. 

2. The Annals of Venice from 1457 — 1500, by the Senator Domenico Malipiero, pub- 
lished with preface and notes in vol. vii. of the Archivio Storico Italiano, by Agostino 

3. See note, p. 680, Annals of Malipiero, by Agostino Sagredo. 

4. Capellari, Campidoglio Veneto. 

5. Diario of Marino Sanuto, vol. iv. p. 113. 


the Government, not content with the revision of the Promissione 
Ductile, instituted an inquisition into the acts of the dead Doge. The 
result seems to have fully explained and justified his unpopularity. In 
his will Agostino Barbarigo left ten thousand ducats to complete the 
Church of Santa Maria degli Angeli at Murano, and twenty ducats a 
year each to his daughters who were nuns in the convent there ; while to 
each of his married daughters he left two hundred ducats a year. 

NOTE 47. 

The Doge's seat. " The ducal throne was usually placed within the 
choir, on the right-hand side and almost facing the high altar. It was 
made of carved, inlaid and gilded walnut wood. In the middle of the 
back there was a very fine piece of inlaid work representing Justice with 
the Sword in the right hand, and the scales in the left. The throne 
used to be draped with crimson satin ; but now instead of that it is all 
upholstered in cloth of gold." (Sansovino, Venezia descritta edition of 
1604, p. 33.) 

NOTE 48. 

Don Nicolo Donato was a son of Ser Bernardo Donate In 1491 he 
was elected patriarch of Aquileia, in opposition to Almoro Barbaro, 
nominated by the Pope. However, in 1494, after the death of Barbaro, 
Nicolo Donato was confirmed Patriarch of Aquileia by Pope Alexander 
VI. According to Ughelli he died in Cividale, 1497 ; others say in 1505. 
(Capellari, Campidoglio Veneto.) 

NOTE 49. 

Don Tomaso Donato was a son of Ser Almoro Donato, and belonged 
to another branch of the Donato family. He was a friar of the order 
of St, Dominic, and one of the most learned prelates of his time. 
He died 1504, and was buried in the Church of St. Dominic in Venice. 
(Capellari, Campidoglio Veneto.) 

NOTE 50. 

The Gesuati. The religious movement which led to the institution of 
the order of the Gesuati was begun at Siena by Giovanni Colombini (a 
contemporary of St. Catherine), who was born at Siena 1304, and died 
at Monte Amiata 1367. He was a merchant, married to the noble 
Biagia Cerretani, and already father of a son and daughter at the time 
of his conversion 1353. When his son was dead, he gave his substance 
to the Convent of Santa Bonda (corruption of the names of two saints 
Abbondio and Abbondanzio) outside Porta Romana— where he placed 
his daughter Angela — on condition that his wife should be suitably 
maintained by the convent as long as she lived. The letters of Colombini 

NOTES 373 

addressed for the most part to the Abbess and Nuns of Santa Bonda 
bear some resemblance to the flowers of St. Francis. Either in 1366 or 
1367 the order of the Gesuati was approved by Pope Urban V. It was 
suppressed in 1668. In the second half of the fourteenth century 
the Gesuati established themselves in Venice. S. Bonda is now a 
private villa. When at Siena, I heard the following legend : — Once 
upon a time, one of the nuns was in much distress about her soul. She 
was oppressed by the fear that her sins were so great that it was im- 
possible for her to obtain salvation, and she wept constantly. Her 
companions tried in vain to comfort her. In vain they reminded her 
that Christ is merciful, and the Blessed Virgin full of pity for human 
weakness. One day she was on the Loggia of the Convent, and in reply 
to the consolation offered by a friend, she said : " If this branch of olive 
can grow where I place it in this crack between the stones, then I will 
believe that my sins can be forgiven." The unexpected happened ! The 
olive branch took root and grew into a goodly tree. As it grew the nun 
dried her tears and lived happily in the conviction that she had found 

NOTE 51. 

"The Messa Seeca" or dry mass "was used for the services on board 
the ships." (Galliccioli, Memorie Fen, Lib ii., p. 437.) There were prayers, 
chants, etc., and the benediction, but the Host was neither consecrated 
nor consumed. A Catholic friend of mine suggests that probably the 
Dry Mass was ordered at sea, because of the danger of sea sickness. 
When the patient is in danger of vomiting, the consecrated wafer is not 
given even to the dying. 

NOTE 52. 

The cases referred to by Casola, which were arranged down the centre 
of the deck in the " Corsia," and round the main mast, contained goods 
belonging to the officers of all ranks aboard the galley. The common 
sailors and galeotti kept their boxes and chests under the benches where 
they worked, slept, and probably ate also. According to the earliest 
known maritime statutes, issued in 1229 by the Doge Jacopo Tiepolo,! 
it was provided that each merchant, sailor, knight or priest on board a 
Venetian ship should be allowed to have a chest and carry in it what he 
pleased ; no servant, however, was to have such a chest. This was con- 
firmed in the statutes of 1255. 3 In course of time the chests which were 
carried by the officers and crew so increased in size, number and weight, 
that they constituted a source of danger, especially to the galleys. In 

1. Gli Statuti Marittimi Veneziani fino al 1255, edited by R. Predelli and A. Sacerdoti, 
Venice, 1903. 

2. Idem. 


1418 1 the Senate ordered that the chief and petty officers alone were to 
store their chests on deck, that they were to have there only one each, 
and that these were not to exceed the ancient measures. In 1446 2 the 
Senate took up the matter again as the result of abuses on the Merchant 
Galleys and it was decreed that the chief officers were not to 
carry more than 2,000 lbs. weight each in their chests on deck ; the 
carpenters and calkers, not more than 1,500 lbs. each, and other officers 
having chests in the Corsia not more than 1,200 lbs. each. The cooks 
and stewards were not to carry more than 800 lbs. each in their chests 
on deck. "The rowers, however, who keep their chests under their 
benches, may not carry more than 150 lbs. each." All the chests were to 
be of the legal measure. The scribes on the large galleys were allowed 
to carry 2,000 lbs. weight, and on the small galleys 1,500 lbs. 3 In 
February 1418,* the pilgrim galleys were forbidden to carry merchants 
or cargo. The officers, etc., who were doubtful as to whether 
the prohibition applied to the goods they were in the habit of carrying 
in their chests, and in the appointed places, declared to the Senate, 5 
through their representatives, that unless they could carry such goods 
they "could not with their present pay maintain their families." It 
was therefore decreed that the comitos, sworn patrons, councillors, 
scribes, carpenters, calkers, and helmsmen of the said pilgrim galleys, 
in the matter of their chests, and the places allotted to them, were 
to be treated in the same way as similar officers on board the merchant 
galleys, except that they were not to carry goods which could only be 
carried by the ships of the regular trading fleets. The statutes of Jan., 
1418, and of May and August, 1446, applied therefore to the Pilgrim 
Galleys equally with the others. 

NOTE 53. 

The two gentlemen appointed to the galley by the Signoria, and whose 
names as we learn later were Don Alvise Morosini and Don Giovanni 
Bernardo Vallaresso, were what in modern times would be called mid- 
shipmen, if on a man of war ; or apprentices to the sea if on a merchant- 
man. In the Venetian Navy they were known as " Nobili di poppa," or 
Nobles assigned to the poop, where the Captain's quarters were. It was 
a very ancient custom to send a certain number of patrician youths to 
sea in this way to learn their business ; and was instituted and en- 
couraged by "our most wise ancestors," as a decree of 1493 states, 
" not only to obviate the many inconveniences and disorders which occur 

1. Senato MitU., Reg. 52 p. 72 fi, 27th January, 1417 (i.e., 1418, modern style). 

2. Senato Mar., Reg. ii. p. 143, 17th May, 1446. 

3. Senato Mar,, Reg. ii. p. 172 6, 26th August, 1446. 

4. According to Venetian reckoning February, 1417, because the new year began on 

5. Senato Miste. , Reg. 52. p. 86 6, 7th April, 1418. 

NOTES 375 

when our noble youths remain in this city ; but also to provide an open- 
ing for those who have no other means of supporting themselves, or of 
increasing the fortunes of their families." The number of young nobles 
each galley was to carry varied from one to eight, according to the epoch 
and the size of the ships. In course of time the practice was being 
abandoned ; and in 1493 the Senate declared that " The greater number 
of ships which ought to carry nobles of the poop, perform their voyages 
without them, against our orders." It was therefore decreed l that 
eight days after a captain-owner had decided to undertake a given 
voyage, he was to notify the fact to the Magistrates over the Armament, 
who would assign a certain number of young patrician apprentices to his 
ships, whom he was obliged to carry with him under a penalty, after 
giving in their names and surnames at the office before departure. The 
law had been so recently passed that whatever may have been his usual 
procedure, Don Agostino Contarini was pretty sure to have his right 
quota of apprentices on this occasion. 

NOTE 54. 

Before and for long after the invention of gunpowder and firearms, 
the Balestrieri or Crossbowmen, furnished a powerful arm to 
the Venetian fleet. All young men without distinction of caste 
were required to keep themselves in practice, and were eligible 
for appointment to a particular ship after attaining the age of eighteen. 
Targets were established on the Lido, and at various other places in 
Venice, and young men were expected to go there once a week if they 
belonged to the better classes, and on all great holidays if they were of 
poorer condition. Each armed galley or other ship carried a certain 
proportion of patricians among the Crossbowmen, and the importance of 
their position may be judged from the fact that in 1396, when permission 
was given to Ser Benedetto Delfino, one of the Captain-owners of the 
Beyrout fleet, to visit the Holy Sepulchre, he was ordered to leave one 
or two of his brothers in command during his absence ; or " in case his 
brothers were not with him, one of the Noble Crossbowmen who were on 
board the Galley." 3 For the protection of the Pilgrim Galleys the 
Senate decreed 1414, that for the future, each of the galleys carrying 
pilgrims should be equipped with two rowers to each bench and with 
20 Crossbowmen, of whom two were to be Noble. 8 The Crossbowmen 
were selected after having demonstrated their skill at the arsenal itself, 
as we learn from a decree of the Senate 1446. Ser Fantin Zorzi had 
been Balestriere on board a galley which had come to grief, and he had 
lost nearly all his goods. The Senate, therefore decreed that " the 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. 14, p. 6, 1493, 30th March. 

2. Senato Miste., Reg. 43, p. 135, 8th June, 1396. 

3. 1st March, 1414, Senato Afiste., Reg. n0 p, SO 6. 


said Ser Fantin Zorzi shall, according to custom, be taken as Crossbow- 
man, without shooting in the Arsenal, on the first ship that sets sail 
for the place where he wants to go." l As he had succeeded in one test, 
it was not considered necessary to subject him to another. Laws were 
repeatedly passed in the fifteenth century to compel young nobles to go 
as Balestrieri on the ships, as for example that of 1458 which supports 
the measure, " Because in this way, these gentlemen of ours, become 
expert in the sea which is the chief foundation and sustenance of our 
State." 2 The Balestrarie or posts as Crossbowmen were granted to young 
patricians by the highest Criminal Court, the Quarantia Criminale. " So 
that each of our poor gentlemen may have his share of such appoint- 
ments as is just and honest." It was found, however, in 1493, when 
as the decree states " there is a greater number of poor gentlemen than 
ever before," that these posts were begged from the Signoria for certain 
persons to the injury and exclusion of the poor nobles ; and that some 
of the Captain-owners bought the appointments and then sailed without 
filling them up — effecting thus, no doubt, a considerable economy. It 
was therefore decreed * that the appointments were only to be made by 
the Quarantia Criminale ; that each Noble Crossbowman elected was to 
go in person or send another noble in his place ; and that Captain-owners 
were not to buy such posts, or set sail without duly filling them up. 

NOTE 55. 

Bernardino Scotto. Porro says : " I could not find anything else re- 
ferring to this Bernardino Scotto son of Beltrame, save the inscription 
placed by his children over his tomb, which stood in the Church of the 
Peace. From this it appears that Bernardino Scotto was forty-seven 
years of age when he undertook the pilgrimage to Palestine. Scotto is 
mentioned once again by Casola, who on the 7th of August administered 
the Holy Sacrament to him and to two natives of Ragusa in the Church 
at Mount Sion. 

NOTE 56. 

Parenza and Istria generally. Istria and Venice had always an 
affinity of interests and customs, and from Roman times they were 
united in a single province. In 732 they were also united under the 
Jurisdiction of the Patriarch of Grado. Two centuries later the Istrian 
Cities asked for the friendship and alliance of the Republic of Venice, 
which were granted. But they did not observe their promises, 
and soon became nests of Pirates as of old. In 1150 a Venetian 
fleet reduced Parenzo, Pola, Rovigno and other cities to submission ; but 

1. Senate Mnr.. p. 174, 12th September, 1446. 

2. Register Regina M.C. 9th July, 14f>8, given by Romanin, vol. iv. p. 478. 

3. Senato Mar., Reg. 14, p. 6, 80th March, 1493. 

NOTES 377 

for a century their fidelity was not to be relied on. However, in the 
middle of the thirteenth century, the growing power of Venice induced 
the Istrian and Dalmatian Cities to place themselves under its protection 
and even accept its dominion. Parenzo yielded first 1267, and the other 
cities followed the example and received Venetian Governors. Parenzo 
became the great station for the certificated pilots, who took home-going 
ships through the intricate channels to Venice, and outward bound ships 
as far as Modone in Greece. There was much legislation regulating the 
admission of the Pilots and their duties. Their supervision was en- 
trusted to the magistrates known as the Cattaveri. 

NOTE 57. 

Zara and the Province of Dahnatia. Dalmatia was attached to the 
Greek Empire, though as the latter was unable to protect it, it drew 
always closer to Venice. In 998 Zara, Spalato and other cities placed 
themselves under the protection of Venice, entering at most into a con- 
dition of Vassalship, and the Doge Pietro Orseolo on his return to 
Venice was proclaimed Duke of Dalmatia, and the title was added to 
that of Doge of Venice. By degrees Venetian power increased, and 
Dalmatia became subject to the Republic ; though the cities from time 
to time tried to throw off the yoke and called in the King of Hungary 
to help them. After numberless revolts, Dalmatia, with the cities of 
Zara, Trau, Spalato, Sebenico, Lesina, Curzola, etc., was finally taken 
by the Venetians from the King of Hungary between 1409 and 1420. 
Each city had its Count or Governor sent from Venice, and a Provvedi- 
tore-Generale aided by a Council of Nobles was placed over the whole. 

NOTE 58. 

Curzola. The battle referred to by Casola took place in August, 
1483. During the war between Venice and Ferrara (1482 — 1484), King 
Ferdinand of Naples, in support of his son-in-law the Duke of Ferrara, 
sent a fleet against Curzola. It was defeated by the inhabitants under 
Giorgio Viario, the then Count or Governor. 

NOTE 59. 

Ragusa. This city came under the Venetian domination with the rest 
of Dalmatia in the time of the Doge Orseolo 998. In early times the 
Venetian power weakened in Dalmatia until it became a simple pro- 
tectorate, and the proof lies in the frequent renewal of the pacts between 
Venice and the Dalmatian cities, which on every propitious occasion 
freed themselves from foreign domination, and either governed them- 
selves independently, or placed themselves under the protection of some 
powerful neighbour. Between 1122 and 1152, and again between 1204 


and 1358 the Venetian Government was established solidly in Ragusa, 
and the series of Counts or Governors sent by the Senate is continuous 
for the latter period. In 1358, however, having made a secret treaty 
with the King of Hungary, the Ragusans, with his aid, established 
their independence of Venice and maintained it. In 1365 they placed 
themselves under Turkish protection, paying tribute, but preserving, as 
under the Venetians, their own proper laws. At the same time they 
frequently paid a small tribute to their nearer protector the King of 
Hungary. (Romanin, Storia documtntata di Venezia, vol. viii., p. 96 — 97 
and 455—465.) 

NOTE 60. 

Moorish fasting. Roberto di San Severino, in describing his journey 
to Mount Sinai, says : — " On Friday, the eleventh of August, as their 
' Ramatana," that is their Lent, was finished, and it was their Easter 
day, the Interpreters, Moors, Arabs, etc., wanted to remain where they 
were from the morning until Vespers. Their ' Ramatana ' lasts a month, 
and every day they fast. They neither eat nor drink until the evening, 
that is until the hour of the stars ; and this custom is followed by the 
Moors as well as the Arabs. Then all night they eat and drink as much 
and as often as they like until sunrise on the following day." 

NOTE 61. 

The Island of Corfu, with the rest of the Ionian Islands, was acquired 
by the Venetians 1205, as part of their share of the spoils of the Greek 
Empire destroyed by the Fourth Crusade. It was immediately let out 
as fiefs to certain Venetian nobles, each of whom undertook to maintain 
at his own expense twenty horsemen, forty foot soldiers, and pay a 
tribute in addition. Within ten years the Island was lost, however, and 
Venetian power was not established again there permanently until 1386, 
when Corfu was induced) to withdraw itself from the dominion of the 
King of Naples, and surrender to Venice. With the rest of the Ionian 
Islands it remained subject to the Republic until the end of the 
eighteenth century. 

NOTE 62. 

"Brugh." I succeeded in obtaining a specimen of the plant known in 
Milan and the neighbourhood as "brugh" through the courtesy of 
Monsignor Marco Magistretti, Canon of Milan to whom I am greatly 
indebted for much kind help, especially in the interpretation of words 
and phrases in the Milanese dialect, in Casola's voyage. I sent it to 
Miss Clotilde von Wyss of the London Day Training College. She kindly 
replied as follows : — " I knew the plant at once as 'Erica Carnea,' 
belonging to the natural order Ericaceae ; it is one of the heaths or 

NOTES 379 

heathers. It grows on the Alps and Fore-Alps up to a height of 2,600 
metres. I do not think it has been found at a greater height. In some 
localities, it is used as fuel, and I know that bees feeding on it are 
considered to produce very delicate honey. I am nearly certain I have 
found Erica Carnea in England ; but not absolutely so ; what I came 
across may have been only an allied species. I may mention that the 
plant chiefly grows in limestone regions ; but only this summer I saw 
a healthy patch of it on a conglomerate The 'brugh' certainly belongs 
to the class called ' bruyere in France." 

NOTE 63. 

"Eduardus de Camardino was as Casola states, one of the most dis- 
tinguished members of his order. In the great chapter of 1478, he was 
appointed ' Baglivo ' (Commendator) of Longo, more correctly called 
Lango. In 1481, after the famous siege of Rhodes, when the 
Council of Knights determined to conquer Mitylene, he was 
elected Captain-general of the troops ; but the enterprise was 
abandoned on account of the damage caused by various earth- 
quakes which devastated Ehodes during that year, and of the 
peace made a little later with the Turks. Camardino was one of the 
knights sent to escort the Sultan Zem, or Gem (son of Mahomet II.), 
who, hard pressed by the army of his brother Bajazet, had asked per- 
mission to take refuge in Rhodes ; and on several occasions he bravely 
defended his commendam against Turkish attacks. He died on the 
13th of October, 1495, and bequeathed the third part of his large 
fortune to the order to which he belonged. At his death, the island 
of Lango (the country of Hippocrates, the Cos of the ancient Greeks, 
now called Stanko by the modern Greeks, and Istankoi by the Turks), 
which had been conquered by the Knights of Rhodes in 1315, ceased to 
be granted in commendam, and was henceforth governed directly by the 
Grand Master. When the Knights lost Rhodes, Lango also fell into the 
power of the Mussulmans." (Note to the printed edition of Casola's 
Vcyage, 1855, by Count Giulio Porro.) 

NOTE 64. 

Capo del Ducato. After the fall of Constantinople in 1204 the Ionian 
Islands, Corfu, Zante, Cephalonia, and Leucadia or Santa Maura, etc., 
fell to the share of Venice. The Capo del Ducato, or Cape of the Duchy, 
was in Leucadia or S. Maura. The latter island was seized by the Turks 
in 1472 and recovered by the Venetians in 1502. It was restored to the 
Turks in 1573, and finally regained by Francesco Morosini in 1684. It 
was of great importance to the Venetians from its position between 


Corfu and Cephalonia, and close to the coast of Acarnania. Originally a 
peninsula of the mainland, it became an island when the Corinthians, 
in 665 B.C., dug a canal across the isthmus. 

NOTE 65. 

Moclone and Corone. In 1204 the Morea fell to Venice on the division 
of the Byzantine Empire. The chief strongholds of the Republic there 
were Modone and Corone. In 1500 they were seized by the Turks. 
Modone or MetJwne, 7 kilometres south of Navarino, was the Pedasus 
of Homer. Corone on the Gulf of Messina occupied the site of the 
ancient Asine. Both cities were in the ancient Messenia on the S.W. of 
the Peloponnesus. 

NOTE 66. 

Wines of Modone and Cyprus. The pilgrim who wrote the voyage to 
the " Saincte Cyte " in 1480, confirms Casola's opinion. He says : " II 
y a bon marche de pain et de chair " at Modone, " Mais les vins sont si 
fors et ardans, et sentent le poix si fort qu'on n'en peut boire." 1 Later 
on at Cyprus, Casola observed " everything in that island pleased me 
except that they make the wine with resin and I could not drink it." 
While the author of the " Saincte Cyte " remarked, p. 56 : — "In Cyprus 
sont les plus maulvais vins qu'on puisse trouver, et 1 sent si fort la poix 
qu'on n'en peult boyre." Modern travellers are equally displeased with 
the resinated wines of Greece. 

NOTE 67. 

Candia was assigned to Venice on the division of the Byzantine 
Empire, 1204. The island was invaluable to the Republic for its 
products and commerce, but the inhabitants did not easily tolerate the 
new dominion. The Venetians were obliged to repress many revolts, 
and to do so more easily sent several Colonies of Nobles and others, to 
whom land was granted on condition of defending it for the Republic. 
The chief authority was the Duke or Governor-in-Chief (elected 
by the Maggior Consiglio) who was also Commander-in-Chief of the 
forces. He was aided by two Councillors, and by a Council formed 
of all the Venetian and Cretan Nobles in the island. A Captain- 
general was sent from Venice to manage military affairs, and 
there were separate governors in the principal cities. The 
Cretan citizens had a share in the management of subordinate 
offices. The two religions, the Greek and the Roman Catholic, were 
equally protected. St. Mark and St. Titus were the two patron saints 

1, Le Voyage de la Saincte Cyt£ de Hierusalem . . . fait Van mil quatre eens vingtz, 
published by Ch. Schefer and Henri Cordier. 

NOTES 381 

of the island. In August 1645, Canea was taken by the Turks, who in 
June 1647 advanced on the capital, Candia, which was besieged and held 
out for twenty-two years. In 1669 the heroic siege came to an end, 
Candia surrendered, and the whole island passed into the hands of the 

NOTE 68. 

The Turkish pirates Arigi (also called Erichi) and Camalio were very 
famous in their day, and they and their exploits are frequently mentioned 
in the early volumes of Marino Sanuto, which refer to the years 1496 — ■ 
1506. In 1492 the Venetian Senate ordered the Admiral of the Gulf if 
possible "to seize the said Camali and others who have inflicted damage 
on our subjects, and drown them or hang them by the throat without any 
remission or regard ; for besides that they merit this treatment, the terms 
of the peace we have with the Signor Turk, provide that the Corsairs 
shall be taken and punished." ' Similar orders were also issued in 1493. 2 
In 1496 Camali was seized by Turkish officials at Negropont, and taken 
to Constantinople where it seems Arigi had preceded him. 3 He was 
well received by the Sultan, to whom he made acceptable presents, and 
after reproofs pro forma, and a solemn order " not to exercise the art of 
a Pirate any more " he was taken into the Turkish naval service and 
placed in command of one of the two largest ships. At the same time 
Arigi was given the command of a large galley. Sanuto remarks sar- 
castically, " In this way the Signor Turk has collected all his Corsairs 
in Constantinople, and he will make great men of them." Arigi and 
Camali did not seriously think of changing their occupation ; they only 
did their " Pirating " now in the interests of the Porte. In 1497 Arigi 
commanded one of a numerous Turkish squadron, which — in spite of the 
peace then existing between Venice and the Sultan — attacked the 
pilgrim galley of that year, commanded by Alvise Zorzi, near the 
Morea, on its way to Jaffa. The attack failed by a miracle, and Arigi 
presented his excuses and explained that he had made a mistake ; a 
mistake which cost the pilgrim ship much material damage in addition 
to numerous dead and wounded.* Camali was sent several times as 
Turkish Admiral against the Knights of Rhodes. 

NOTE 69. 

The Siege of Rhodes, llfiO. Santo Brasca who arrived at Rhodes, on 
his return from Jerusalem, on the 9th September, 1480, wrote : — " I 
went to see the damage done by those cursed Turkish dogs to that poor 
city," and then went on to describe the famous siege which had just 

1. Senato Secreta, Reg. 34, p. 132, and p. 144. 

2. Senato Secreta, Reg. 34, pp. 1(59, 171. 172. 

3 Marino Sanuto, Diarii, vol. i. pp. 10, S3, 625, 977. 
4. See Introduction, pp. 102, 103. 


been raised. The author of the " Saincte Cyte," who was a fellow 
pilgrim with Santo Brasca gives interesting details of the siege. In July, 
1522, Rhodes was again attacked by the Sultan with a formidable army. 
After several months resistance the Knights were obliged to capitulate, 
and the Grand-master embarked for Candia. The headquarters of the 
order of St. John of Jerusalem were afterwards fixed at Malta, granted 
to the Knights by the Emperor Charles V. in 1525. Together with 
Rhodes, eight other islands which had belonded to the Knights of 
St. John, including Cos or Lango, Leros and Telos fell into the hands 
of the Turks. 

NOTE 70. 

In the wars between the Knights of Rhodes and the Turks no quarter 
was given on either side. Robert of San Severino recounts under date 
Sunday, the 11th of June, 1458, that on the preceding day news had 
come that a galley belonging to the Knights of Rhodes had taken three 
Turkish ships which were to be brought to Rhodes that day or the next, 
"And as soon as they arrived, the captured Turks, two hundred and 
fifty in number, were to be cut to pieces or impaled, as is the custom 
to do to them when they are taken by the Knights of Rhodes. Because 
they do the same and worse to the Knights, when they happen to get 
hold of them." 

NOTE 71. 

Robert of San Severino relates that he and his companions went in 
1458, " to see the said thorn which is in the said Castle " at Rhodes, " in 
a chapel, and kept in a silver tabernacle. And every Good Friday — 
according to what the said Knights said, and also all the people of 
Rhodes, who have seen this miracle, — at the sixth hour, it begins to 
flower and remains in flower until the ninth hour." Santo Brasca saw 
the thorn in 1480, and relates : — "Amongst the relics, there is a 
miraculous thorn taken from the crown which was placed on Christ's 
head during his passion, and it lies in a crystal which is kept in a 
silver tabernacle. At the sixth hour on Good Friday, this most holy 
thorn begins to blossom and remains in blossom until the ninth hour. 
Then the flowers retire within the said thorn. This miracle has been 
seen by many witnesses, and it is certified by those gentlemen, the 
Knights, and by all the people of Rhodes. This miracle happens, they 
say, because it was one of the thorns, which pierced the most precious 
head of our Lord." 

NOTE 72. 

Cyprus. The first treaty between Venice and Cyprus was arranged in 
1306. The island was most important to Venetian commerce, because of 

NOTES 383 

its products (especially wine) and its proximity to Syria. There was 
a long fight to establish Venetian supremacy over that of the Genoese, 
her great rivals in the Mediterranean, until finally in 1472 King James 
of Cyprus married Catherine Cornaro, daughter of Marco and of Fiorenza 
Crispo (daughter of Nicolo Crispo, Duke of the Archipelago). After 
the death of King James, 1473, the Genoese renewed their efforts to 
oust the Venetians, by supporting the rival candidate to the throne. The 
island was also threatened by the Sultan of Cairo and the Ottoman 
Turks, and the Government of Catherine was too weak to cope with the 
situation. In 1488, therefore, her brother George Cornaro was sent to 
persuade her to resign and come to Venice, where she died 1510. In 
1489 the government of Cyprus was directly assumed by the Venetian 
Republic, which was confirmed in the possession of the island by the 
Sultan of Egypt. It was governed by a Lieutenant elected by the 
Senate for two years, who resided at Nicosia. He was aided by two 
Councillors. There was also a Captain, who resided at Famagosta. On 
the 3rd July, 1570, the Turks landed at the Salines, and in August of 
the same year they took Nicosia. Famagosta defended by Captain 
Marcantonio Bragadino was obliged to surrender August, 1571, after a 
resistance of two months. Bragadino and the other defenders were 
cruelly killed by the Turks, who violated the terms of surrender. 
Bragadino after the terrible tortures, was flayed alive in the Piazza of 

NOTE 73. 

Porro says : " The King of England who, according to Agostino 
Contarini, destroyed Limasol, must) have been Richard Coeur de Lion, 
because he was the only English King who went on a Crusade to 
Palestine. However this may be, in 1248, when Louis IX. of France landed 
there, the city was still flourishing. We find the real causes of its ruin in 
the History of Cyprus by Loredano. Speaking of the terrible hurricane 
which burst over the island on the 10th of November, 1330, he says that 
Limasol was entirely destroyed and 2,000 persons perished. The 
decadence of Limasol then probably dates from that period, and the 
wars, and invasions of the Moors, no doubt afterwards contributed to 
its total ruin." 

NOTE 74. 

Episcopia. "After the downfall of the Latin States in Syria, amongst 
other branches of industry transferred to the island of Cyprus, one of 
the most important was the cultivation and manufacture of Sugar. 
The plantations were scattered over the island, but the cultivation was 
principally concentrated in the districts of Baffo and Limasol. The 
Kings of Cyprus occupied themselves personally with this industry. 


The sugar was generally sold to Venetian merchants, though it was not 
refused to those of other nations. The great Venetian family of the 
Cornaro, possessed vast plantations at Episcopia (or Piskopi) near 
Limasol. Gistele calls them 'the chief factories for the manufacture of 
sugar in the whole island.' The Cornaro property touched that of the 
Casal de Colossi, belonging to the knights of Rhodes, who had extensive 
fields of sugar canes there." l When Roberto da San Severino reached 
Cyprus June 16th, 1458, he noted "A small castle called Episcopia, which 
produces large quantities of sugar. It belongs to a Venetian gentleman 
called Don Andrea Cornaro, who was banished to Cyprus by the Signoria 
of Venice." Don Andrea was a brother of Marco, and therefore uncle 
of Catherine, Queen of Cyprus. 

NOTE 75. 

The Prior or Guardian of Mount Sion was the Prior of the Franciscan 
friary there, as well as Superior-general of all the houses belong- 
ing to that order in the Holy Land, and Papal Vicar and Legate for all 
the countries of the East. When a pilgrim ship reached Jaffa it was 
always obliged to lie at anchor, until in answer to the captain's letters, the 
acting governor of Jerusalem, the Prior of Mount Sion or his deputy, 
and the Emirs of Rama and Gaza arrived. The Prior's duty was to 
accompany the pilgrims to Jerusalem and back to Jaffa, and to aid the 
Captain in making arrangements for their comfort, and for facilitating 
the expedition as much as possible ; though he was generally helpless to 
prevent a great many annoyances or worse, as Casola and other writers 
of pilgrim voyages plainly demonstrate. On shipboard, before they 
landed, or if not then, either at Jaffa or Rama, the Prior was in the 
habit of giving the pilgrims in Italian and in Latin, a series of rules 
for their guidance, which other pilgrims, or the interpreters attached to 
the party, translated for the benefit of those who did not understand 
these two languages. Although Casola does not distinctly say that he 
did so on this occasion, it is hardly likely that Fra Francesco Suriano— 
departing from the custom of his predecessors, — omitted to give the 
usual general instructions. 

NOTE 76. 

Fra Francesco Suriano was a Venetian patrician, a Franciscan friar, 
and the historian of the Franciscan Missions in the Holy Land. His 
Treatise on the Holy Land has been sympathetically edited in 1900 by 
Father Girolamo Golubovich. Suriano was born in Venice in 1450, and 
went on his first voyage to the Eastern Mediterranean at the age of 
twelve. Between 1462 and 1475 he accomplished at least sixteen 

1. Heyd, Hist, du Commerce du Levant, vol. ii. p. 687. 

NOTES 385 

voyages, always trading in the merchandise of his own father, as he him- 
self says. In 1475, at the age of twenty-five, he became a friar, and 
shortly after he went to settle in Umbria. In 1480 or 1481 Fra 
Francesco was elected Prior of the Franciscan convent at Beyrout. 
He remained at this post until 1483, when he went to join the brethren 
at Mount Sion, probably as secretary of the Prior. He returned to 
Venice in 1484 on board the pilgrim galley commanded by Agostino 
Contarini. The voyage took nearly five months and was full of peril. 
In a great storm which arose after leaving Candia, Suriano tells us that 
" as there were not many men on board the galley who thoroughly 
understood their business," he was obliged " to show his skill as a sailor 
somewhat " to the great astonishment of the company. In another 
storm he recounts that he tucked up his friar's gown and took the 
command of the ship which he brought safely to Corfu. After- 
wards he went to live in Umbria. There, at the request of the sisters 
of the convent of Foligno, where his sister was a nun, he wrote, in 1485, 
his treatise thus entitled : — "Incomenza lo tractatello de le indulgentie de 
Terra Sancta cum le sue dechiaratione. Compillato per frate Francesco 
Surian de I'ordine de li frati dcVObservantia de Sancto Francesco : ne 
Vanni del Signor: mile quatrocento otanta cinque: net loco de Sancto 
Anthonio de Piscignano de la provintia de Sancto Francesco, ad 
requisitione de una soa sorela carnale, monaca de Sancta Chiara nel 
Monasterio de Sancta Lucia de Foligno: chiamata Sora Sixta. In rnodo 
de Dialogo : Introducendo lei addimandare et lui ad respondere." The 
Treatise was revised by its author in 1514 and again in 1524. In the 
latter year it was printed and published in Venice by Francesco Bindoni. 
It appears probable that Suriano remained in Umbria until 1493. In 
May of that year, by the General Chapter of the Observants held in 
Florence, he was elected Prior of Mount Sion, and a few months later 
he embarked again for Palestine. Very likely Suriano himself obtained 
from the Venetian Senate, and carried with him on this occasion, the 
severe decree of the 12th of July, 1493, which forbade the Captains of 
the Pilgrim ships to take up their residence in the Monastery at Mount 
Sion, under a fine of 200 ducats. The new Prior passed the winter of 
1493 and 1494 in Egypt, where he went to appeal to the protection of 
Myr Isbech ; and he preached the Lent sermons in Cairo. It must have 
been on this occasion that Suriano undertook the journey to Sinai, of 
which he has left an interesting description, without however giving 
the date of his visit. On his arrival he found the twenty-six monks of 
the Monastery of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai in a state of consternation. 
They were beseiged by a crowd of armed Arabs, who had just killed their 
Abbot. It will be noticed that in the last paragraph of his voyage 
Casola explains why he did not visit Mount Sinai. The friars of 
Mount Sion told the pilgrims that it was impossible to go there, "because 


the Arabs had plundered the monastery which has charge of the body 
of Saint Catherine, and had killed the Abbot and certain of the Monks." 
No doubt the news of these events had been brought by Suriano him- 
self when he returned to Jerusalem in time for the arrival of the 
Pilgrims of 1494. In 1495 Fra Francesco preached the Lent Sermons at 
Damascus, and shortly after ended his first guardianship of Mount Sion. 
Little is known of his later life. In the years 1510 — 1512, he endured, 
with the rest of the friars of Mount Sion, a two years' imprisonment, 
and on his release he was immediately elected again Prior of Mount 
Sion. In this second period of office, the friars were victims of all 
the old abuses on the part of the Governors and the hostile population ; 
and Suriano had good reason to deplore the deaths of the former 
protectors of his house, Myr Isbech and the Sultan Kaiet-Bey. 
Towards the end of 1514, Suriano was sent as Papal Legate to the 
Maronites in Syria. It is not known when he returned to Italy, nor 
even the date of his death. Father Agostino di Stroncone, however, 
who wrote towards the end of the seventeenth century, mentions in his 
chronicle that Fra Francesco Suriano was twice Prior of the convent of 
Santa Maria degli Angeli, or Saint Mary of the Angels, at Assisi — on one 
occasion in 1528 and 1529. It is evident that Casola was not, on the 
whole, unfavourably impressed by the Prior of Mount Sion. The dis- 
paraging remarks he makes in the beginning are clearly a reflection of 
Captain Contarini's irritation at changes unfavourable to himself. Casola 
was a Milanese, and probably knew nothing about the decree of the 12th 
July, 1493, or of the "grave abuses" which had provoked it. In any case 
it was his policy to keep on good terms with Agostino Contarini. 

NOTE 77. 

"The Christians of the Girdle are so-called because their ancestors 
were converted by the miracles performed by Saint Thomas the Apostle 
with the girdle of the glorious Virgin Mary, which he received from her 
when she ascended into heaven. In remembrance of this, and in sign 
of devotion, when they enter the churches for worship, they put on a 
girdle made like those sold for the measure of the Holy Sepulchre. 
According to what people say the girdle they wear is exactly like that of 
the glorious Virgin." ' Santo Brasca and other pilgrims give similar 
accounts of the Christians of the Girdle. In enumerating the religious 
sects found in his time in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, Fra 
Francesco Suriano says 2 : — " The eighth are the Syrians, that is the 
Christians of the Girdle." 

1. Voyage to Jerusalem, undertaken by Roberto da Sanseverino in 1458. 

2. II Trattato di Terra Santa, by Fra. Fr. Suriano, edited by Father G. Golubovich, 
1900 chap, xxiii. p. 64. 

NOTES 387 

NOTE 78. 

The prisons called the Ancient Stinche were built by the Commune of 
Florence in 1303. They received this name because the first persons who 
were imprisoned there, were prisoners taken in an attack on a Castle of 
Val di Grieve, called Stinche. Later on the New Stinche were built. 
In these prisons were confined prisoners for debt and also those con- 
demned to imprisonment for life. 

NOTE 79. 

The " little village " in question was Lydda, " which is nigh to Joppa " 
It was called in Roman times Diospolis, and believed to be the place of the 
martyrdom of St. George of Cappadocia, the dragon slayer, the patron 
saint of England, and one of the patron saints of Venice. He was 
beheaded in the great persecution of Diocletian after suffering cruel 
tortures. The church built over his tomb was destroyed by Saladin 
1191. According to many mediaeval pilgrims it was rebuilt by a King of 
England. The Christians occupied the Eastern part of the church, while 
the Western part was converted by the Mussulmans into a mosque, with 
a very tall minaret. Felix Faber (1480 and 1483) remarks that this 
mosque, for its beauty and good order, seemed a paradise compared with 
the ruined Christian Church adjoining it. 

NOTE 80. 

Cotton Picking at Rama. " It is well known that after the fall of 
Acre, the hate of Mahometanism awoke with a new energy and that 
under the influence of this passionate sentiment Sanuto the elder, pro- 
posed to the Christian universe, to break off all communication with the 
Mussulman world. He pointed out that people bought certain articles 
(some very important) from the Infidels, whilst they could procure them 
in Christian countries. He gave as examples sugar and cotton — especi- 
ally cotton, which, according to him was produced in Apulia, Sicily, 
Crete, Greece, Cyprus, and Armenia. But in spite of Sanuto's appeal 
to Christendom, the traffic retook its course between Syria and the West, 
and the merchant ships of Europe went as regularly as in former times 
to load native cotton in Laodicea, Beyrout, Tripoli (in Syria), Acre, 
and Jaffa." (Heyd, Hist, du Commerce, vol. ii., p. 611.) 

NOTE 81. 

Porro says : — "The mosque of Omar rises in the midst of a vast 
quadrilateral, which occupies the Eastern part of the city, towards the 
valley of Jehoshaphat. This was the site of the Temple of Solomon, or 
to be more exact, the site of the Temple, which in place of the first 
destroyed by Nebuchadnezzar, was erected by Zerubbabel on the return 
from the captivity in Babylon — and entirely rebuilt by Herod of 
Ascalon. When Jerusalem was taken by Titus, the temple was also 
destroyed, and the few remains disappeared when, under Julian the 



Qucfra e lafo?m3 tzl i A fcpulcro %tmi 

This drawing of the Holy Sepulchre is taken from the last page of the 
"Voyage of Santo Brasca" in the Trivulzian Library. 

NOTES 389 

Apostate, an attempt was made to build another temple. From that 
time the area was abandoned until the year 635 when Omar seized 
Jerusalem. The Caliph began to inquire from the citizens of the 
conquered city, and especially from the patriarch Sophronius, where the 
temple of God destroyed by Titus used to stand. And the place being 
shown him he assigned a sufficient sum of money for the purpose and 
sent workmen there to build a mosque .... which was beautified by 
other Egyptian Caliphs who added vast structures round it. William 
of Tyre has left a description of this magnificent monument, well known 
to him because it was used for Christian worship during the dominion 
of the Latin Kings. The description is the more precious because 
Christians in later times were jealously excluded. He tells us amongst 
other details that the mosque was octagon shaped, the walls covered 
with marbles of different colours, and the cupola of gilded copper." ' 

NOTE 82. 

The Holy Sepulchre. "This is the plan of the Holy Sepulchre of 
Miser Jesu Christo. The circle is the sepulchre proper. Those two cells 
you see, one in front of the circle and one behind the circle, have been 
added since the time of the passion of Our Lord. The little cell in 
front of the sepulchre was made in order not to leave neglected and 
without reverence, that square stone which you see in the middle ; 
because it was the stone on which the angel was sitting when the Maries 
came and said : " Who shall roll us away the stone from the door of the 
sepulchre ? " The other small cell behind the sepulchre was built by 
the Ethiopian friars or Abyssinians, in order to sacrifice there, and recite 
their offices and prayers." (Santo Brasca, Viaggio al Santo Sepalchro 
editions of 1481 and 1497.) 
NOTE 83. 

The church at Bethlehem,. Porro says: — "The magnificent church at 
Bethlehem was built in the fourth century by Saint Helena, mother of 
Constantine the Great. ... In 1480, as it threatened ruin, it was re- 
stored at the expense of the Minor Friars. In 1672 it was newly restored 
under the direction of the Patriarch of Constantinople. The beautiful 
mosaics which adorned it . . . were finished in 1169 a. d., as a Greek 
inscription which was there declared. In this church Baldwin the first 
was crowned 1101." From Fra Francesco Suriano we learn that the 
roof was made of cypress, cedar, and other very notable wood from 
Mount Libanon, and covered with the finest lead. It had, however, 
been allowed to fall into decay in the fifteenth century. "But the Virgin 
Mary, who watches that church continually, did not permit it to be 
ruined completely. She granted grace to the Venerable father Fra 
Giovanni Tomacello, who was Prior of Mount Sion about the year of our 

1. Note to the printed edition of Casola, edited by Count Giulio Porro, 1855. 


Lord, 1479, to rebuild the said roof for his perpetual memory. Having 
sought licence from the Sultan, he sent for two shiploads of prepared 
wood from Venice, and new lead that the King of England had sent, 
and with the divine aid, in a few days* the old roof was taken down 
and the new one built. But it was a marvellous thing that the poor 
friars were able to bring so much wood to Jerusalem over the rough 
mountain paths." Suriano, Trattato di Terra Santa. 

NOTE 84. 

The Knights of the Holy Sepulchre. From the account of his voyage 
left by Ludwig Freiherr von Greiffenstein, who was a fellow traveller of 
Casola's, we learn that eleven of the company were dubbed Knights of 
the Holy Sepulchre by John of Prussia. And this is confirmed by 
Bemmelberg and Parsberg, who were also Pilgrims in 1494. 1 In 1458, 
two friends of Roberto da Sanseverino were created Knights in the Holy 
Sepulchre by the English Pilgrim John, earl of Exeter. Bernardo 
Giustinian 2 devotes a long chapter to the Knights of the Holy Sepulchre, 
and described minutely the ceremony of initiation. 

NOTE 85. 

The Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Descriptions of this church, such 
as that given by Casola are valuable, because in modern times great 
changes have been made. The church took fire in 1808. When it was 
restored by the Greeks, the architecture was changed. The columns were 
replaced by massive pillars, the form of the cupola was altered, and the 
mosaics which adorned the upper part of the church were not replaced. 
(Note by Porro to the printed edition of Casola's Voyage, edited by him 
in 1855.) 

NOTE 86. 

The tombs of the Latin Kings are described by Denis Possot who saw 
them in 1532 as follows : — " En ladicte chappelle dessoubz le diet mont 
de Calvaire, a senestre est le sepulchre de Bauldoin, et sur iceluy sont 
escriptz ces motz : — 

' Rex Balduinus, Judas alter Machabeus, 
Spes patrie, vigor ecclesie, virtus utriusque, 
Quern formidabant, cui dona tributa ferebant 
Cedar et Egyptus, Dan ac homicida Damascus, 
Proh dolor ! in modico clauditur hoc tumulo.' 

1. Rohricht, Deutsche Pilgerreisen, pp. 183-4. . 

2. Bernardo Giustinian, History of the Origin of the Military and Religious Knightly 
Orders, Venice, 1692. 

NOTES 391 

II est d'une pierre en facon de couverture de maison, trousse sur quatre 
pilliers. A dextre, est le sepulchre de Godefroy de Billon semblable a 
l'aultre et tout l'un devant l'aultre, sur lequel est eseript tel epitaphe : — 
' Hie jacet inclitus dux Godefridus de Billon que totam istam terram 
adquisivit cultui ehristiano. Cujus anima regnet in Christo. Amen ! ' 
C'est a dire : Cy gist le tres noble due Godefroy de Billon, lequel aequesta 
toute ceste terre aux chrestiens. De qui Fame puisse regner avec Jesu 
Christ." J The tombs were destroyed at the time of the fire in the 
beginning of the nineteenth century. 

NOTE 87. 

The Christian Sects, whom Casola found in the church of the Holy 
Sepulchre, were nine in number : — The Latins, Georgians, Armenians, 
Abyssinians, Syrians, Maronites, Golbites, Jacobites, and Copts. 
Francesco Suriano gives a good deal of interesting information on the 
subject in the various texts of his Trattato di Terra Santa. In the first 
text written in 1485 Suriano mentions eight christian sects living at that 
time in the Holy Sepulchre : — The Latin Friars or Franks, Greeks, 
Georgians, Armenians, Abyssinians or Indians, Jacobites, Syrians and 
Maronites. He mention the Copts, but says that they were not then 
there permanently. In chapter xxiii., p. 64, of the text revised in 1514, 
Fra Francesco wrote : — " In the afore-named Church of the Holy 
Sepulchre, ten kinds of religious, christians of different nations live. 
All celebrate divine service according to their own rite, and all have 
their habitations — separate one from the other — within the body of the 
church. They are the following : — The first are our friars, who are 
called Franks ; the second are the Maronites, who are orthodox Catholics ; 
the third are the Greeks; the fourth are the Georgians; the fifth are the 
Abyssinians, that is Indians ; the sixth are the Copts ; the seventh are 
the Jacobites ; the eighth are the Syrians, that is the Christians of the 
girdle; the ninth are the Armenians; the tenth are the Nestorians." 
In the printed edition of the Trattato (Venice, 1524) Suriano adds that 
the Nestorians were not continually in Jerusalem. Commenting on these 
various bodies, Suriano observes that the Maronites "Are very placable, 
polite and pleasant to deal with. They are descended from the Italians." 
That the Greeks " are cursed," and " our worst and most atrocious 
enemies." The Georgians "are abominable heretics, like to the Greeks 
and equal to them in malice." The Armenians "are handsome people, 
rich and generous." The Abyssiniajis "are vassals of Prete Jane who 
reigns in Ethiopia, which is eleven months of day's journeys from 
Jerusalem. This Signor Prete Jane is a christian and has seventy-two 

1. See p. 179 of Le Voyage de la Terre Saincte, compose par Maitre Denis Possot, et 
acheve' per Messire Charles Philippe seigneur de Champarrnoy et de Grandchamp, 1532. 
Published, with notes, by Charles Schefer. 


crowned Kings under his dominion. . . . The men and women [of this 
sect] dress badly ; they are very slippery, lascivious, and carnal people. 
. . . They are extremely fond of the Franks and especially of us 
friars. . . . They are abominable heretics, adherents of the Jacobites." 
The Jacobites " love the Franks greatly, and especially us minor friars. 
They hate the Greeks, and every other sect except the Abyssinians who 
have adhered to their heresies. . . . These Jacobites use singing and 
music in their services in this way. They hold in the hand a piece of 
thin polished iron, and strike on it with a little hammer, harmonising 
the blows and the words." With regard to the Copts he remarked : — ■ 
"As the Copts had left Jerusalem when I was there and gone to Cairo, 
I had no opportunity of talking to them, and so I cannot describe their 
abominable customs and rites as I have done in the case of the others. 
But to conclude, I can liken them to the other heretics and putrid 
members cut off from the most Holy Roman Church. The Copts are 
fewest in number of all the sects in Jerusalem, and as they are few, 
when the sons of their priests are born, they make them deacons and 
sub-deacons, and when it is necessary to chant the Epistle and Gospel, 
the fathers chant them in the name of their sons, holding the aforesaid 
infants in their arms the while." 

NOTE 88. 

The phrase "Sons of the people" ("fioli de la gente") used by Casola, 
is repeated many times by Marino Sanuto in the notices he gives of 
Egyptian affairs. It evidently means "sons of free men" — as dis- 
tinguished from the sons of those who were slaves. In August, 1496, 
Sanuto mentions a letter (dated May 26th) — which had been received 
from the Venetian Consul in Alexandria — giving the news that as the 
Sultan "Caithbei" (i.e., Kaiet or Qait Bey) was old and ill, he had sent 
for his son Mameth and named him Sultan " against their law," and 
consigned the Treasure to him. The Pachas and the Mamelukes were 
opposed to this " Because they did not want their rules to be broken, 
and that this dominion should pass to a person who was the "fiol d'% la 
zente," but only to slaves who had been bought and sold as it had 
always been." ' Another letter (dated July 22) from Damascus, an- 
nounced the death of the Sultan Caithbei, in whose place his son had 
been declared Sultan with the aid of powerful supporters, "but they 
say, he will not reign many days because he is a "fiol di la zente." 2 
After describing the origin of the Mameluke Dynasty in Egypt and 
Palestine, Suriano goes on to say : — " The first Sultan they elected had 
been bought and sold five times, and therefore, up to the present they 

1. Sanuto, Diarii, vol. i. p. 262. 

2. Idem, p. 288. 

NOTES 393 

observe this custom, that a person who has not been bought and sold 
five times cannot be raised to the dignity of Sultan. And if it should 
happen that a person whom they wished to exalt to this place, had not 
this qualification, they buy and sell him in one day all the times that 
are lacking. No one but a renegade christian can be Lord of this 
country." ' The Mamelukes were deprived of their Asiatic dominion by 
the Turks early in the sixteenth century. 

NOTE 89. 

The Usbech, the Sultan and the Minor Friars. In reply to the 
question addressed him by his sister : — "Are the friars at Mount Sion 
molested by the Moors ? " Fra Francesco Suriano wrote 2 : — "At the time 
when, as a Layman, I frequented those parts, the friars were very 
badly treated by the Moors, so much so, that very often they dared not 
go out of their convent, and they were forced to give food to all who 
came to the door, otherwise the Moors threw stones at the place. And 
they were in great subjection to certain Moors in particular, who had the 
audacity to enter and search the whole house ; and when in any 
cell they saw a good ' Schiavina ' " — a bedcover that is of coarse wool, — 
" they demanded it, and the friars dared not refuse for fear of offending 
them. Similarly they went and poked their noses into the cooking-pots 
in the kitchen, and if there was a piece of meat that pleased them they 
took it — and so on everywhere else in the building. Many times there 
were riots and the people spilled all the friars' wine, and did many 
other contumelious acts which it would take too long to narrate in 
detail. But at present " — that is in the year 1485 — " all this has ceased, 
the friars live in blessed peace ; and happy the Moor, either small or 
great as he may be, who is considered their friend." In chapter sixty 
of his Treatise, Suriano explains how the miraculous change alluded to 
in the last paragraph had been brought about through the influence of 
the Usbech and the Sultan. After their deaths Suriano was elected a 
second time Prior of Mount Sion, and he says : — " This second term of 
office appeared to me very hard and wearisome when I remembered the 
immunities we enjoyed during my first guardianship. Because we had 
returned to the former anxieties, oppressions, extortions and intolerable 

NOTE 90. 

The Salines of Cyprus. In the middle ages the chief products of 
Cyprus were sugar and salt, and perhaps the revenue yielded by the 
salt was larger than that derived from the sugar. The salt was ex- 

1. Suriano, Trattato di Terra Santa, 

2. Suriano, II Trattato di Terra Santa. Edited. 1900, by Father Girolamo Golubovich. 


tracted with little trouble from the salt pits near Limasol and Larnaca. 1 
In 1490 (July 11) the Maggior Consiglio of Venice passed the following 
decree by a large majority : — " The Salines of Cyprus are of the greatest 
importance (as everyone knows very well) for many reasons, and 
especially for the salt which is a great source of gain to our ships. It 
is therefore necessary to appoint a suitable governor for the place, whose 
duty it will be to see that the Salines are well kept, and to take care 
that the inconveniences which occurred last year, and have occurred also 
during the present year, are not repeated. For many of our ships, for 
lack of salt, returned empty from that Island with very great loss." It 
was decreed in consequence that " one of our Gentlemen " should be 
elected as Captain of the Salines of Cyprus ; that he was to stay at his 
post for two years, and receive a salary of five hundred ducats a year. 2 
In 1494 the Governor or Captain was " Ser Franciscus Mauroceno." s 
From Denis Possot we learn that these salt lakes were due to a 
"miracle du Lazare, lequel, une foys passant par la, et pour le chaleur 
qu'el faisoit, desirant appaiser la grand soif qu'il avoit, demanda a une 
femme qui la estoit, qu'elle luy donnast une grappe de raisin ou quelque 
liquer pour estancher sa soif ; laquelle femme luy donna de la terre 
salee, et pour ce, le lieu et pais est fertile et abondant de sel, et moins 
de vignes." * 

NOTE 91. 

The Lakes of the Seprio. In the early middle ages the Milanese 
territory was divided into " Contadi," so-called because the administra- 
tors, at first called " Giudici," afterwards obtained the title of Count. 
One of these divisions was called the Contado of Seprio. It lay to the 
East of the Ticino, between Lakes Maggiore and Lugano, and extended 
also considerably to the South of both. The group of small lakes to the 
South-east of Maggiore, of which Lake Varese is the largest, are the 
so-called Lakes of the Seprio. (" Descrizione della citta e della campagna 
di Milano nei secoli bassi," by Conte Giorgio Giulini, p. 87.) 

NOTE 92. 

Friar of the Zorzi family. Although it is not certain, the Franciscan 
friar in question may very well have been the celebrated Francesco Zorzi, 
a man of profound intelligence, versed in Hebrew and Chaldean, and a 
great student of Plato, who also wrote " De Armonia Mundi," and other 
works. He was born in 1460 and died at Asolo at the age of eighty. 
(Cappellari, Campedoglio Veneto, and Agostini's biographies of the 
Scrittori Veneziani." Tome ii., p. 332—362.) 

1. Heyd, Italian Commercial Colonies in the East in the Middle Ages, pp. 312-3. 

2. Maggior Consiglio, Register Stella, p. 103 b. 

3. Segretario alle Voce, Reg. vi. 1. 

4. Le Voyage de la Terre Sainte, par Maitre Denis Possot, 1532, p. 139. 

NOTES 395 

NOTE 93. 

Arrival of Charles VIII. in Italy, 11^9^. This is one of the notices 
given by Casola which enables the year of his pilgrimage to be fixed 
with absolute certainty. He carefully abstains from commenting on this 
important political event ; probably because he was much too wary and 
prudent to write anything which might cause him embarrassment in the 
future. As Lodovico of Milan had brought Charles into Italy, the topic 
was a dangerous one for the Milanese Canon. In the Spring of 1494, 
Venice was kept well informed of the projects on foot. In May, 1494, 
the new French Ambassador, Monseigneur de Citin presented his 
credentials to the Venetian Senate, and announced that his master had 
decided to come to Italy, and from there attack the Turks. He offered 
various ports and cities in the Kingdom of Naples to the Republic, if 
the latter — for payment — would furnish the French army with provisions. 
The Senate replied evasively and promised nothing. In July, 1494, in 
reply to the Neapolitan Ambassador who had come to find out the 
intentions of the Republic, the Senate assured him of Venetian friendship 
for Naples, and said that the French King lacked money, and that his 
preparations were not such as to excite alarm. Nevertheless, after 
passing the Summer at Lyons, Charles crossed the Alps, and on the 
9th of September entered Asti, where he met Lodovico il Moro. From 
there Philippe de Comines, Seigneur dArgenton was sent as the new 
Ambassador to Venice, to ask for a loan of 50,000 ducats, which he did 
not obtain. A month before Comines left Venice, that is in March, 
1495, he was informed of the league between Venice, the Pope, Spain, 
and Milan, etc., against his master, which gained the so-called victory 
over the French army at Fornovo on the Taro in July, 1495. From 
Asti Charles VIII. went to Pavia, where he saw the Duke Gian Galeazzo, 
who had been ill for some time, and his young wife Isabella of Aragon, 
who implored his protection for her husband and herself, and sought in 
vain to dissuade him from advancing further. Without delay, the 
French King — without visiting Milan — left for Piacenza, and soon 
after he reached there news came that the young Duke Gian Galeazzo had 
died. From Piacenza Charles went on to Florence, and then to Rome, 
which he entered on the 30th December, 1494. 

NOTE 94. 

The Duchy of Naxos, or the Duchy of the Archipelago of the 
Cyclades. On the division of the Byzantine Empire after 1204, the 
part which fell to the Venetian Republic formed a continuous line of 
ports on the mainland and in the islands from Constantinople to Venice. 
But in many cases the possession was purely nominal, and in order to 
relieve the State of the burden of conquering and maintaining the new 
acquisitions, it was decided to grant a large number, especially of the 


Islands, on feudal conditions, to those Venetian Nobles who were willing 
to conquer them at their own risk and expense. These feudatories were 
pledged to recognise the supremacy of the mother country, pay a tribute, 
defend the land they had won, supply a contingent of troops in the 
Wars of Venice, and grant liberty of trade to the Republic. In return 
they received a promise of protection. In this way Marco Sanudo 
obtained the lordship of Naxos, Paros, Melos, Delos, and other islands, 
and by the successor of Baldwin on the Byzantine throne he was created 
Prince of the Empire and Duke of the Archipelago. After six genera- 
tions the duchy passed out of the Sanudo family, by the marriage of a 
daughter of Giovanni Sanudo with a prince of Negropont, and later it 
came into possession of the Crispo family, a powerful Greek family 
which had aided the Republic in the war against the Emperor Michael 
Paleologos, and was included amongst the patrician families of Venice 
in consequence. The members of the Crispo family intermarried 
frequently with those of the most conspicuous Venetian families. 
Agostino Contarini's more famous brother Ambrogio, who was am- 
bassador to the King of Persia, 1474 — 1478, and wrote a very interesting 
account of his mission, married Violante, sister of Giovanni Crispo, 
Duke of Naxos and the Archipelago. Giovanni had died, as Casola 
reports, a few days before the pilgrim galley arrived there on the 27th 
of September, 1494. The tutor appointed by the Republic to govern the 
Duchy during the minority of the young Duke Francesco, was not his 
uncle Ambrogio Contarini, but Ser Pietro Contarini, son of the late Ser 
Adorni, a more distant relative of the same family, as I found on 
Consulting the Register of the elections, and also the Register of the 
general proceedings of the Senate. The latter contains the following 
decree addressed on the 29th of May, 1495, to the Admiral of the 
Venetian fleet in the Archipelago : — "As the noble man Piero Contarini 
has lately died, who was our Governor of Nixia" [that is Naxos] "where 
he had taken his wife and children ; it is convenient to grant a safe 
passage to his wife, so that she and all her possessions may be conducted 
to some safe place of ours" — the Admiral was therefore ordered to place 
a galley at the disposition of the wife of the defunct Ser Piero Contarini, 
so that she and her family and all her goods might be taken to Modone 
or Corfu. 1 In October, 1495, Ser Andrea Memo was elected Governor 
of Naxos, and he was succeeded in March, 1498, by Ser Ambrogio 
Contarini, son of the late Ser Georgio. 2 It is to be assumed that, after 
the latter's term of office expired, the young Duke took the govern- 
ment into his own hands. The Duchy of Naxos was taken by the Turks 
in 1566 and bestowed by the Sultan on a Jew. The Crispos took refuge 
in Venice. In 1579 the Duchy was incorporated in the Ottoman Empire. 

1. Senato Mar., Reg. 14, p. 64. 

2. Segretario alle Voci, Reg. vi. 

NOTES 397 

NOTE 95. 

The town of Lesina or Fara \Lat. Pharia] is in Dalmatia, on the 
western side of the island of the same name. Santo Brasca visited it on 
the homeward voyage in 1480. He writes : " On the 14th of October we 
entered the port of Lesina, a city in Dalmatia, and there we 
stayed two days waiting for the wind to drop and the sea to calm down 
a little. As there was no other lodging to be found, the very reverend 
Misser frate Pietro da Canedo and I went to lodge at the monastery of 
the observant friars of the order of St. Francis, who received us with 
such affection, such joy, and such humility as I have no words to 
describe, and in spite of their poverty they did us great honour. I must 
tell you that in the Levant there is no comfortable lodging to be found, 
whatever you would be willing to pay for it, except in the monasteries 
of the observant friars of St. Francis." At one time Lesina was the 
permanent station for about thirty light galleys of the Venetian fleet, 
and there was an Arsenal there. 

NOTE 96. 

San Germano ed i quattro Coronati or St. Germanus and the four 
crowned heads. Legend relates that in the reign of Diocletian 
there lived at Rome four christian brothers, who were cunning 
artificers in wood and stone, and excelled in sculpture and 
architecture. " In those days," says Gibbon, " every art and every 
trade that was the least concerned in the framing or adorning of 
idols was, in the opinion of Christians, polluted by the stain of 
idolatry " — a severe sentence since it devoted to eternal misery the far 
greater part of the community employed in the liberal or mechanical 
professions ; while those who refused to profane their art were as 
certainly condemned to poverty and starvation if not to martyrdom. 
This was the fate of the four crowned brothers. They refused to 
exercise their known skill in obedience to the command of the emperor 
and were put to death. Some time in the fourth century the bodies of 
four men who had been decapitated were found buried on the road 
leading from the Colosseum to the Lateran. Their names were unknown 
and they were merely distinguished as the " Coronati " — crowned that is 
with the crown of martyrdom. Afterwards their names and history 
were revealed to a holy man, and the church of the "Quattro Coronati" 
was built to their memory on the spot. They are the special patron 
saints of builders and stone cutters. (Mrs. Jameson, Sacred and 
Legendary Art, vol. ii., p. 624.) 

NOTE 97. 

The Custom House. In Venice, up to the year 1414, all goods were 
unloaded and weighed near San Biagio, in Castello. But as commerce 


increased the place became too small, and two Customs Houses were 
erected, one at the Eialto for goods which came from the mainland, the 
other on the site of the present Dogana for goods brought by sea. The 
old Dogana da Mar had a tower which is to be seen in the plan of 
Venice, in the year 1500, attributed to Albert Diirer. It was restored in 
1525 and rebuilt in 1675. From the thirteenth century the Custom House 
business was regulated by a body of Patrician magistrates called 
Visdomini da Mare, or Vfficiali della Tavola del Mare. 

NOTE 98. 

The Festival of All Saints. Sansovino * notes in chronological order 
twenty-two occasions during the year on which the Doge, accompanied 
by the Signoria, went in state to High Mass at St. Mark's. "The first 
time is on Christmas Eve . . . and the twenty-second and last is on the 
solemn day of All Saints which is celebrated on the first of November." 
In 1472, on the site of the present Church of "Ognissanti" (All Saints), 
behind the Zattere, the Cistercian nuns of Santa Margherita in Torcello — 
who had abandoned that island, where the air was becoming every day 
more unhealthy, — settled in a poor convent, to which was added a 
wooden church, dedicated to the Virgin and all Saints. In the year 
1505, certain miracles were worked by an image of the Virgin placed in 
an obscure part of the convent. It was brought into the church, and so 
generous were the gifts of the faithful that a new church and convent 
were commenced. The church was consecrated in 1586. 

NOTE 99. 

The Ambassador of the King of France in Venice between October 
1494, and May 1495, was Philippe de Comines, Seigneur d'Argenton. 
His 1 account of his entry into Venice is in his Memoires, Liv. vii., ch. 
xviii. Elsewhere I have called attention to the probable consequences 
of his meeting with Casola at the house of Don Taddeo Vicomercato. 

NOTE 100. 

Girolamo or Hieronimo Zorzi, surnamed the " Gobbo " or the hunch- 
back, was the son of Francesco Zorzi. He became Senator and Knight, 
and enjoyed a great reputation because of the various legations success- 
fully sustained by him, amongst others to the Sultan, the King of 
France and the Pope. 

NOTE 101. 

The Muster. This may have been a review of the mercenary troops 
in the service of the Kepublic, but it was more probably a gathering of 

1. Sansovino, Venezia descritta, 1604. 

NOTES 399 

the " cernide " or country militia raised for home defence in proportion 
to the population, and amounting to twenty-five or thirty thousand men. 
These were under obligation to appear for practice once a week in the 
separate communes ; and once a month there was a general muster in 
each district. The men were only paid when called out for active 
service, otherwise they remained at home and pursued their ordinary 

NOTE 102. 

The Bishop of Brescia. Porro says : " In 1494 the Bishop of Brescia 
was Paolo Zane, a noble Venetian who was appointed bishop in 1481, at 
the age of 22, on condition that he was not to exercise his functions until 
he reached the age of twenty-seven. ... In spite of the accusations 
made against him by Casola, he was a pious man, and very devoted to 
the Blessed Virgin, in whose honour he erected, at his own expense, the 
Church of S. Maria delle Grazie in Brescia. He died on March 12, 
1531, and was buried in the Cathedral at Brescia." 


A I 


Documents relating to Pietro Casola which exist in 
the State Archives of Milan. 

Document A. — Ducal rescript confirming Pietro Casola 
in the possession of the Benefice of Saint Victor at Cor- 
betta, Milan, 13th August, 1467. 

" Ducissa Mediolani, etc. Annuere volentes requisi- 
tion! nobis facte per presbyteruni Petrum de Casolis, qui 
sicut nobis exposuit, obtinuit a sedde appostolica bene- 
fitium prepositure Sancti Yictoris de Corbeta Medio- 
lanensis diocesis prout vidimus, per bullas Sanctissimi 
domini nostri Pape, concedimus quantum in nobis est 
eidem tenore presentium plenam et liberam licentiam et 
facultatem quod in assecutione huusmodi (sic) preposi- 
ture juribus suis uti possit iniungentes quibuslibet 
offitialibus et subditis nostris ad quos spectat quatenus 
prenominato presbytero Petro seu procuratori suo in pre- 
missis patientiam prestent omnimodam et favoribus 
quibuscumque assistant opportunis licitis tamen et 
honestis, iniungentes et mandantes etiam Filippino 
Burro, yconemo ut dicitur dicte prepositure, quatenus 
dictam preposituram liberam et expeditam sine ulla 
exceptione dicto presbytero Petro vel eius procuratori 
relaxet et dimittat, ac de administratis eidem rationem 
reddat et amplius se de dicta prepositura neque de bonis 
dicte prepositure se intromittat. In quorum, etc. 
Datum Mediolani, die xiij Augusti, 1467." 

Taken from the " Volume of Privileges and Exceptions 
of the Duchess Bianca for the years 1466, 1467 and 1468. 
Registro Ducale, CC, f. 199 a . Milano, Archivio di Stato. 


Document B. — A supplication addressed by Pietro 
Casola, priest and canon of Milan Cathedral, to the Illus- 
trious Princes and Lords of Milan, asking for authority to 
exercise his rights as canon of Santo Stefano in Brolio, 
and of the church of Corbetta, both of which had been 
usurped by others. The form of the address shows that it 
was written after the death of Galeazzo Sforza (1476), 
during the regency of Bona of Savoy, and before Lodovico 
Sforza took all power into his own hands — -that is between 
1476 and 1480, and most probably soon after the death of 
Galeazzo. The writing seems to be identical with that of 
the Manuscript of Casola's Voyage in the Trivulzian 

" Illustrissimi Principes et Excellentissimi Domini : 
per parte del fidelissimo servitore et dele Excellentie 
Vostre et a Dio oratore per quelle prete Petro Caxola 
Canonico ordinario de la Chiesia Maiore de Milano, se 
expone : che essendo piu mesi passati richesto in siema 
con molti altri preti, e chierici de questa cita, per parte 
de le Illustrissime Signorie Yostre ad prestare jura- 
mento de esser fidelli alo Stato Vostro et a Vuy benche 
non bisognasse el procuratore che richedeva tal jura- 
mento : disse, che essendo como he debito fideli subditi e 
servitori de le Celsitudine Yostre, ne serebbe facto quello 
debito tractamento se sole fare dali principi ali soy sub- 
diti, per il che confidandossi el prefato oratore che le 
parole et promesse deli principi non hano esser vacue, 
maxime non domandando lui senon justitia, se ricorre 
humelmente ale P te Yostre Excellentie e suplicale se 
dignano de darli licentia possa in questa vostra cita de 
Milano uxare le rasone sue in uno Canonicato de Sancto 
Stephano in Brolio, et unaltro nela chiesia de Corbetta, el 
qual gia piu anni he unito ala prepositura de dicta 
chiesia de Corbeta; li quali Canonicati gli sono ocupati 


contra ogni rasone e justitia e prega le P<* Yostre Celsi- 
tudine non vogliano denegare la justitia achi la richede 
per scaricho de le sue conscience e como lie di costuma 
e debito dele Illustrissinie Signorie Yostre, e como crede 
firmissimamente sia el volere e la mente sua, Benche li 
occupatori de li dicti canonicati per dare ad intendere 
altro che la verita a quelle siano defensati in la occupa- 
tione de dicti canonicati dale sue littere. Attento che, 
se le P te Yostre Excellentie farano ministrare equal- 
mente la justitia ali soy subditi precipue in queste cosse 
ecclesiastice, non bisognara siano may in timore de tur- 
batione de stato, per che lo altissimo Dio, el qual lha in 
protectione el conservara in perpetuo; e cossi pregara 
esso oratore nele sue messe dice de continuo il faccia : 
Attento etiam che qualuncha de quisti duy occupatori he 
inhabile ad havere dicti canonicati ; quello de Sancto 
Stephano perche la eta gliel denega, essendo lui uno 
puto : e bisognando sia prete chi debbe obtegnire dicto 
Canonicato de Sancto Stephano; e quello occupa lo 
Canonicato de Corbeta sia apto ad ogni altra cossa che 
esser prete ; unde anchora in questo le P te Yostre Excel- 
lentie hano a provedere che ale chiesie sia proveduto de 
persone ydonee ali loro benefitij. Esso oratore non ri- 
corda altramente chel sia xvi. anni chel sta in Corte de 
Roma ali servitij de questo stato; perche domandando 
justitia dali soy Signori gli pare non gli debia esser 
denegata, essendo la prima cossa che debbe fare li 
principi ali soy subditi : et indistincte f aria adminis- 
trare achi la domanda humelmente." Milano. Archivio 
di Stato. Sezione Storica. Famiglie, Casola. 

On the back of the parchment there is the following : — 
"Suplicatio Presbyteri Petri Casole Canonici Ordinarij 
Ecclesie Maioris Mediolani." 

The supplication bears no date. 


Document C. — Minutes of a letter from the Milanese 
Ambassador at Eome dated August 14th, 1477, in which 
he mentions Pietro Casola who was probably one of the 
Secretaries to the Milanese Legation there. 

" Eome, xiiij Augusti, 1477. 

Illustrissime. Le Yostre Illustrissime Signorie me 
scripseno per sue littere como era vacata la prepositura 
de Marliano e imposono la facesse suspendere donee 
deliberasseno a chi la voleno fosse conferita, e cosa fu 
facta lambassata, sucedete che un prete Bernardino de 
Robiate persona ben costumata, ben che altramente io 
non lo cognoscesse et, ut dixit, nepote de domino Bartho- 
lomeo de Calcho, Secretario de le Excellence Yostre, 
partito de Milano, vene qua batando con speranza de 
questo benefizio o de qualche unaltro, et dete supplica- 
tione de questa prepositura, como se fa per tentare la 
sua fortuna, e capitando in le mane al Reverendissiino 
Monsignore de Tirasone in caxa del quale sta un prete 
Johanne Maria de la Mayrola, quale mera (sic) io e con 
difficulta al tempo de la sua promotione [e non senza 
difficulta],* como subdito de la Excellentia Yostra; E 
costuy temerariamente, vista tal vacantia, fece duy in- 
convenienti, l'uno de ocultare la supplicatione de questo 
Bernardino, l'altra de impetrarlo senza licentia de le 
Celsitudine Yostre. So [or questo] non pecco per ignor- 
antia, et havendo io notitia de questo, manday per luy 
et ammonillo a desistere de la impresa, ricordandoli il 
suo bisogno; deteme bone parole e pur a proceduto a la 
expeditione de le bolle secretamente guardandosi da mi ; 
e quando ho inteso questo, de novo a la presentia de 
domino Augustino Roso ho remandato per luy, e pur 
persisti in sua temerita. De poy anchora li ho facto 

* These words are written thus and then cancelled in the original. 


redire per pre(te) Petro Casola, et infine pare chel se 
confida havere de la persone chi lo adiutarano, apresso a 
le Celsitudiue Yostre e che vole niandare le sue bolle, e 
clie scriva che anche luy scrivara. E questo e il merito 
che'l me rende per haverlo misso in quella caxa, che 
me arguisse sia una persona molto temeraria ; e in questo 
modo el scrivere ha facto le Excellentie Yostre perquello 
de Serenio, per questa prepositura non so havere loco. 
Ho voluto che le Yostre Excellentie intendano el tuto, 
per che mandando luy de la le sue bolle a li sui parenti, 
esse li faciano quelle provisione li parira. Che la in- 
gratitudine sua di qua per la miaparticularitaremediaro 
io, non per farli male, perche de mia natura, et etiam 
como prelato non voglio fare male ad alcuno : ne etiam 
cociezare con li pari sui. Bono e chel vincha." 

Archives of Milan. Potenze Estere. Roma. 

Documents D. — Copies of two letters from the Dukes of 
Milan to Don Andrea de Fagnano, Canon of Milan Cathe- 
dral, ordering him to hear and settle a dispute as to the 
possession of the Chapel of Santa Maria de Cepis, claimed 
by Pietro Casola on the one part and on the other by 
Ambrogio de Cepis and Girolamo Cazaniga. The first 
letter is dated August 1478. The second February 1479. 

Letter I. — " Yenerabilis doctor nobis dilecte, vertitur 
controversia super quadam capella Sancte Marie de Cepis 
inter Yenerabilem presbyterum Petrum Casolam et 
Hyeronimum Cazanigam, quorum dispendio parci 
cupientes de ipsarum partium consensu vobis iniungimus 
ut dictam controversiam, visis videndis et auditis 
audiendis, que partes producere, dicere et alegare volue- 
rint sumarie, etc., terminetis providendo ut super posses- 
sione dicte capelle neutri fiat iniuria. Ambo in doctrinis 


et sineeritatis vestra confidunt, et nos optiniaru opinionem 
habemus. — Mediolani, tertio Augustij, 1478. Cicbus. 1 
Venerabili doctori, domino Andree de Fagnano, ordin- 
ario, Mediolani, Nobis dilecto." Milano. Arcbivio di 
Stato. Sezione Storica. Faniiglie. Casola. 

Letter II. — " Venerabilis dilecte noster, cum non 
pauci agantur menses quod commissa vobis fuerit ver- 
tens controversia inter Hyeroniinum Cazanigani, et 
Ambrosium de Cepis pro una, ac presbyterum Petrum 
Casolam ex altera, ob earn causam que in vestra est 
commissione expressa putabamus in banc diem expe- 
dictam per vos fuisse, sed quantum nuper intelleximus 
controversia ipsa adbuc inexpedicta esse videtur; et 
quia quo magis in longum cause protrabantur eo gravi- 
oribus partes afficiuntur sumptibus et incomodis, quibus 
semper occurendum est, ideo vos et ortamur et oneramus, 
ut cuiusmodi expediende controversie absque ulteriori 
dilatione incumbatis juxta commissionem vestram, quo 
tandem debitum finem capiat nee indecissa diutius 
futura sit in maximum partis utriusque dispendium. 
Datum Mediolani, die xvij Februarij 1479. Cicbus. 
Venerabili dilecto nostro, domino Andree de Fagnano, 
decretorum doctori et ex ordinarijs Ecclesie Ma j oris 

Milano, Arcbivio di Stato. Sezione Storica — from a 
packet of papers relating to tbe Casola family. 

Documents E. — Extracts from documents relating to 
tbe Cathedral of Milan, in which tbe names of certain of 
the Canons are given for several years between 1481 and 
1504. Those have been selected in which Casola's name 

1. i.e., Cichus or Francesco Simoneta, the famous Milanese 


appears. The extracts are taken from Volume III. of the 
"Annali della Fabbrica del Duomo di Milano." 

P. 1. — "1481. Ordinarij. Guido de' Castiglioni arci- 
prete, Filippo de' Calvi, Pietro de' Casoli, Andrea de' 
Fagnano, Lantelmo de' Majno, Giovanni de' Menclozzi, 
Leonardo de' Plati, Zanotto Visconti prevosto." 

P. 73. — "1492 Arcivescovo Guido Antonio Arcimboldo. 
Ordinarij, Filippo de' Calvi, Pietro de' Casoli, Modesto 
de' Cusano e Giovanni de' Menclozzi." 

P. 85.— "1496. Ordinarij. Carlo Baldo, Pietro de' 
Casoli, Gabriele della Croce, Cristoforo del Pozzo, e 
Giovanni Ambrogio Visconti." 

P. 119.— " Ordinarij 1502. Petro Casola, Modesto 
Cusano, Taddeo Morone, Cristoforo del Pozzo e Gian 
Pietro Visconti." 

P. 124.— "1503. Ordinarij. Carlo Baldo, Pietro 
Casola, , Modesto Cusano, Taddeo Morone, e Gian Pietro 

P. 127.— "1504. Ordinarij. Pietro Casola, Modesto 
de Cusano, Taddeo Morone, Giovanni Stefano Olgiak, 
Francesco de' Parravicino, e Stefano de' Tosi." 

Documento F. — Register of the death of Casola, taken 
from the " Registri Mortuarij (m. 81)," in the State 
Archives of Milan. 

1507. Die Sabbati Sesto mensis Novembris. 

Porte Ticinensis, Parrochie Sancti Victoris. 

Reverendus dominus presbyter Petrus Casolus annorum 
LXXX ex gattarro prefocante egritudine non suspecta 
judicio Magistri Ambrosij Varisij Roxati. 1 

1. Printed in the article " Morti in Milano dal 1452 — 1552," 
by Emilio Motta. See Introduction, p. 14. 





Abbiategrasso, 163. 

Abbondio, 372. 

Absalom, 246. 

Abyssinian Christians, 276, 389, 

Acre, 6, 25, 39, 43, 44, 45, 53, 

54, 233, 387. 
Adalia, 212. 

Adiabene, Queen of the, 246. 
Adige, 121. 

Adrianople, Treaty of, 60. 
Advocates of the Commune, 97, 

98, 99, 100, 105, 337. 
Africa, Circumnavigation of, 358. 
Agents (Missetae), 40, 42, 48, 49, 

51, 52, 72, 111. 
Agostini, Biographies of, 394. 
Agram, Bishop of, 32, 33. 
Albania, 161, 183, 325, 326. 
Albanian Sailors, 161. 
Alemano, Andrea, 298. 
Alexander, 298. 
Alexander III., Pope, 126, 136, 

Alexandria, 4, 30, 45, 59, 108, 

193, 391. 
Alexandria Trading Galleys, 32, 

46, 59, 60. 
Alfano, Bishop, 6. 
All Saints, Festival of, 338, 398. 
Amadi, Francesco, 367. 
Amain, 4, 6. 
Amat di S. Filippo, Pietro, 3, 6, 

Ambrosian Breviary, 17, 18. 

Library, 18. 

Liturgy, 117, 349. 

Mass, 147. 

Missal, 338. 

Ambrosiani, 350. 
America, new route to, 358. 
Amorea (Amorgo), Island of, 83. 
Ancona, 5, 52, 54, 86, 188. 
Anfosio (Alphonso) of Portugal, 

46, 47. 
Angel, 158. 
Angera, 333. 
Anjou, King of, 78. 

Antenor, 122, 351. 
Antiphons, 247. 
Antivari, 183, 326. 
Antoninus, Martyr, 5, 6. 
Antwerp, Governor of, 298. 
Antwerp, Johanne de Burgho 

of, 265. 
Apostles, fountain of the, 267. 
Apulia, 176, 181, 183, 330, 387. 
Aquileia, Patriarch of, 147, 152, 

Arab Chief, 231, 232. 
Arabs, 242, 266, 345, 385. 
Aragon, Isabella of, 395. 
Arcadia, 188, 191. 
Archbishop of Milan, 8, 9, 18, 

117, 345. 
Archipelago, 196, 310. 

Duchy of, 383, 395, 396. 

Duke of, 383, 396. 

Arcimboldi, Giovanni, 8. 

Guidantonio, 8, 9, 17, 91, 

117, 345, 409. 

Nicolo, 8. 

Arco, 351. 

Arduina (Galley), 33, 36. 
Arena (Verona), 120. 
Argelati, 8, 13. 
Arigi, 102, 103, 204, 210, 219, 

Arimathea, Joseph of, 261. 
Arimondo, Nicolo, 63, 64. 
Armenia, 387. 
Armenian Christians, 263, 276, 

Arsenal, 66, 68, 71, 75, 79, 86, 

98, 105, 106, 139, 141, 365, 367, 

368, 397. 

Experts, 86. 

Heads of the, 141, 368. 

Artillery, 105, 106. 

Artimone, 158, 298, 319, 325. 

Ascalon, 388. 

Ascensiontide, 29, 86, 99, 106, 

111, 116. 
Asine, 380. 
Asolo, 394. 
Assisi, Saint Francis of, 6. 

Santa Maria degli Angeli 

at, 386. 



Assumption, Festival of the, 271, 

Asti, 395. 
Astrology, 8. 
Auction of Licences for Pilgrim 

Ships, 69, 75, 106. 

of State Galleys, 55. 

Augsburg, 96. 

August Voyage, 69, 71, 75. 

Autumn Voyage, 25, 76, 78. 


Babylon, 387. 

Baccano, forest of, 16, 153. 

Bachino, Francesco, 38. 

Baffo (Paphos), 212, 299, 383. 

Bag of Money, 10, 13, 230, 337. 

Faith, 1*3. 

Patience, 10, 13, 230. 

Bailo of Acre, 25. 

of Corfu, 186. 

Bajazet, Sultan, 379. 
Balass Rubies, 145. 

Baldwin, King of Jerusalem, 

276, 389, 396. 
Balestrieri, 56, 63, 79, 84, 85, 

158, 159, 160, 375, 376. 
Balestrarie, 376. 
Balla d'oro, 95. 
Balzi, 237. 

Banchum, ponere, 59, 65. 
Barbarigo, Doge Agostino, 142, 

146, 147, 152, 338, 353, 371. 

Giovanni, 37. 

Girolamo, 371. 

Doge Marco, 371. 

Barbaro, Giosafatte, 96. 
Barbarossa, Emp. Fred., 126, 

136, 355. 
Barbary, 25, 59, 191. 
Barbo, Alvise, 329. 

Paolo, 362. 

Basaite, Marco, 363. 
Bavaria, Dukes of, 31. 
Bazane Ultramarine, 216. 
Belgioioso, Galeotto di, 9. 
Bellini, Gentile, 20. 
Beltrame, Luca, 357. 
Bembo, 35. 

Lorenzo, 48. 

Bemmelberg, Reinhard von, 2, 

Berths, measurement of, 102. 
Bethany, 267, 279. 

Bethlehem, 258, 262—264, 389. 
Beyrout, 4, 32, 33, 39, 43, 45, 

46, 47, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 

65, 77, 273, 385, 387. 

Beyrout Fleet, 32, 33, 39, 

43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 55, 56, 
59, 60, 67, 74, 77, 78, 80, 82, 
301, 375. 

Bianca, Duchess, 14, 403. 

Bianco, Cape (Cyprus), 296. 

Bianco, Paolo, 110. 

Bindoni, Francesco, 385. 

Biremi, 56, 368. 

Birsa, Nicolaus de, 47. 

Bissa Scudelera, 266. 

Black Sea, 5, 59. 

Bohemia, John Sartor from, 60, 

Boldu, Bernardo, 104. 
Boleyn, Queen Anne, 36. 
Bolingbroke, Henry, 33, 34, 35. 

See Derby. 

Bollani, Domenico, 318. 
Bologna, 3, 352. 
Bona, Duchess, 15. 
Bonanza, 164. 
Bono, Bartolomeo, 357. 

Guglielmo, 37, 39. 

Nicoletto, 38. 

Borromeo, Alessandro, 134, 361. 

St. Charles, 18, 349, 361. 

Bossi, Laura, 359. 

Botta, Leonardo, 9. 

Botte, 203. 

Bouillon, Godfrey de, 275, 391. 

Boyana (river), 326. 

Boza, Bartolomeo, 109. 

Brabant, 298. 

Braccio (measure), 144, 155. 

Bragadino, Antonio, 33. 

Marcantonio, 383. 

Brasca, Santo, 6, 8, 9, 10, 13, 93, 

96, 381, 382, 388, 389, 397. 
Brenta (river), 132. 
Brescia, 118—121, 350. 

Bishop of, 343, 399. 

Breviary, Ambrosian, 17, 18. 
Brindisi, 5. 

Briona, 333, 334. 

Broletto, 126, 354. 

Brolio, San Stefano in, 404. 

Brown, Rawdon, 34, 35. 

Bruges, burgomaster of, 47. 

Brugh (plant), 187, 378. 

Buatello, Jacobello, 39. 

Bucentauro or Bucentoro, 32. 

Budua, 183. 

Burgho, Johanne de, 265. 



Burgundy, 63, 265. 

Philip the Bold, Duke of, 


Philip the Good, 74, 77, 78. 

Nobles from, 63. 

Butigella, Giov. Matteo, 7. 
Byzantine Empire, 5. 

Ca' del Duca, 357. 

Ca' Grande, 363. 

Cairo, 7, 273, 280, 383, 385. 

Calcho, Bartolomeo de, 406. 

Calci, 118, 344. 

Calogeri, 202, 277. 

Camalio, 204, 217, 381. 

Camardino, Ed. de, 188, 205, 

206, 309, 379. 
Cambray, 298. 

Camerino, Fra Simone da, 362. 
Canaan, 249. 
Canala (Galley), 63. 
Canali, Cristoforo, 369. 

Francesco, 36, 38. 

Girolamo, 64. 

Vito, 45. 

Canceller Grando. 369. 

Candia (Crete), 18, 22, 37, 42, 
71, 83, 110, 111, 197, 198—203, 
289, 311, 314—319, 380, 381, 
382, 385, 387. 

Duke of, 314, 315, 318, 319. 

Captain of, 314, 315, 318, 


Candiano, Doge Pietro, 352. 

Canea, 381. 

Canedo, Fra Pietro, 397. 

Canevo, Casa del, 367. 

Canteen, Captain's, 157. 

Canthari, 129. 

Cantu, 357. 

Canuta, la (Cyprus), 218, 294. 

Capella (Galley), 46. 

Capellari, 371, 372, 394. 

Capello, Andrea, 46, 47. 

Simon, 327. 

Capitulum peregrinorum, 25, 27. 
Capodilista, Gabriele, 6, 7. 
Cappadocia, St. George of, 387. 
Caravaggio, 118, 344. 
Cardaro (Caldaio), 184. 
Cardinal Federico, 18. 
Carducci, Giosue, 3. 
Carob-beans (Cyprus), 216, 295. 
Carpaccio, Vittorio, 20. 
Carpets (Rhodes), 307. 

Casanigo, Girolamo, 17, 407, 408. 
Cases on the Galley, 159, 373, 

Casola, Pietro, Life and MS. of, 


meeting with Fra F. Tre- 

vulzio, p. 132. 

with Agostino Con- 

tarini, 124, 253. 
with Andrea Lanza, 


with Ed. of Camardino, 

188, 206. 

Visit to the Cornaro Sugar 

Plantations, 212. 

Accident on the journey 

from Rama to Jerusalem, 243. 

Adventure at Rama, 285. 

Cassine, 139, 140. 

Castelli, Francesco, 19. 

Castelnuovo, 132. 

Castiglione, Girolamo, 7, 10. 

Castles, above the two, 155. 

Castle of the Galley, 156. 

Castle Rugi, 303. 

Cathibissa, 241, 251, 273. 

Cats, Cape of the, 219. 

Cattaveri, 40, 41, 43, 44, 
50, 51, 52, 54, 60, 61, 
72, 73, 75, 79, 87, 88, 
100, 101, 102, 107, 108, 110, 
111, 124, 377. 

Cavagniaza, 251. 

Cavallo, Francesco, 59. 

Caxi, 130. 

Cedron, 246, 248. 

Cepis, Ambrogio de, 17, 407, 408. 

Santa Maria de, 407, 408. 

Cephalonia, 188, 379. 
Cerigo, 196. 

Cernide, 399. 

Cerro, 119. 

Cesto, Cape, 331. 

Chalk, 202. 

Charles V., 382. 

Charles Philippe, Messire, 2, 109, 

Chioggia, 5. 

Chitrow, Madame de, 2. 
Choo (Cos), Island of, 309. 
Cicerigo, 196. 
Cicogna, Emmanuele, 362. 
Circassians, 280. 
Citin, Monseigneur de, 395. 
Cividale, 372. 
Civrano, Pietro, 49. 
Cleves, Duke of, 77. 
Cocha (Cocca), 38. 


62, 69, 
89, 90, 



Cochina, 158, 325, 326. 

Colla, Paulo, 37. 

Colombini, Giovanni, 372. 

Colosseum, 120. 

Colossi, Casal de, 384. 

Colossians, 205. 

Comines, Philippe de, 20, 365, 

366, 395, 398. 
Comito, 12, 160. 
Como, man from, 334. 

Fra Michele of, 132, 304. 

Conder, Lieut. -Col., 3. 

Confectera, 149. 

Constantine, Emperor, 250, 278, 

Constantinople, 1, 2, 5, 6, 60, 

113, 353, 381, 389, 395. 
Contarina (galley), 81, 82, 84, 85, 

86, 87, 99, 155—161. 
Contarini, Agostino, 3, 9, 23, 56, 

94, 95, 96, 99, 100, 101, 124, 
153, 160, 168, 169, 171, 179, 
181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 195, 
196, 197, 199, 205, 213, 215, 
217, 218, 219, 220, 223, 225, 
226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 
233, 234, 236, 238, 239, 241, 
243, 244, 253, 259, 261, 262, 
267, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 
282, 284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 
294, 300, 304, 306, 307, 309, 
311, 313, 314, 317, 320, 321, 
324, 326, 330, 331, 332, 335, 
337, 375, 383, 385, 386, 396. 

Ambrogio, 95, 96, 98, 396. 

Alessandro, 369. 

Alvise (Luigi), 96. 

Andrea, 81, 83, 84, 85, 86, 

87, 95. 

Benedetto, 95. 

Bernardo, 74. 

Bernardino, 22, 321. 

Doge Domenico, 364. 

■ Girolamo, 95. 

Hector, 71. 

Lorenzo, 60. 

Luca, 95. 

Marino, 65. 

Pietro, 396. 

Zaccaria, 71, 72, 95. 

Conventual, monks and nuns, 

Cook's Agency, 22. 
Copano, 296, 301. 
Copts, 391, 392. 
Corbetta, 14, 15, 16, 163, 403, 

Corcyra, 184. 

Cordier, Henri, 2. 

Coressa (Nave), 109. 

Corfu, 42, 109, 183, 185, 186, 188, 

323, 325, 326, 378, 385, 396. 
Cornara (Nave), 109. 
Cornaro Andrea, 356, 384. 

Catherine, 383. 

Federico, 216. 

Giorgio, 383. 

Giovanni, 64. 

Marco, 356, 383. 

Sugar Plantations, 212, 216, 


Corner (Cornaro), Federico, 30. 

Francischini, 31. 

Corono, 42, 103, 195, 380. 
Corpus Domini, 29, 78, 112, 113, 

135, 146—153, 370. 
Correr Museum, 21. 
Corsia, 159, 374. 
Corte, Fra de, 214. 

Palazzo di, 354. 

Cortese, Martino, 39. 
Cortesia, 236. 

Cos (Lango, Longo), Island of, 
188, 204, 209, 309, 310, 379, 

Cotton growing (Cyprus), 216. 

picking (Rama), 387. 

Couriers, Milanese, 123. 
Cremona, 357. 

man from, 334. 

Creta, Pietro de, 38. 
Crete. See Candia. 
Crispo family, 396. 

Fiorenza, 383. 

Francesco, 396. 

Giovanni, 396. 

Duke Nicolo, 383. 

Violante, 396. 

Cronaca Magna, 357. 
Crossbowmen. See Balestrieri. 
Crusaders, 5. 

Cuchai, 343. 

Curias, Cape, 219. 

Curio, 126. 

Curzola, Island of, 171, 327, 328, 

Cyprus, 30, 31, 46, 54, 63, 64, 
77, 82, 87, 90, 92, 96, 109, 110, 
111, 204, 215—219, 233, 293, 
295, 296, 298, 305, 316, 317, 
356, 380, 382, 383, 384, 387, 

Captain of, 217, 218, 219. 

Cypress Work at, 316, 317. 

Galleys, 82. 

King of, 30, 215, 383. 



Cyprus, Pilgrim died at, 298. 

Plague at, 293, 305. 

Queen of, 356. 

- Salines of, 293, 383, 393. 

Sugar Plantations at, 212, 

216, 383, 384. 

Wines of, 380. 


Dalmatia. 327, 328, 377, 397. 
Damascus. 56. 248, 273, 386, 392. 

Lord of, 248. 

Damietta, 6. 
Dandolo, Andrea, 32. 

Marco, 109. 

Marcantonio, 105. 

Daubusson, Peter, 206. 
David, King, 254. 
Delfini, Palazzo, 339. 
Delfino, Francesco, 37. 
Delfinono, Nicolo, 337. 
Delos, Island of, 396. 

Derby, Henry, Earl of, 33, 34, 

Diedo. Baldesar, 81. 
Discords, musical, 200. 
Diocletian, 387. 
Diosopolis, 387. 
Dogs of Longo, 310. 
Dolfina (Nave), 109. 
Domo. Nicolo de, 200, 316, 317, 

Donatello, 351. 
Donato, Nicolo, 147, 372. 

■ Tommaso, 147, 372. 

Dono, Lorenzo, 37, 39. 
Doppiero, 148. 

Dry Mass. 156, 190, 231, 373. 
Duca, Ca' del, 357. 
Ducato, Capo del, 189, 379. 
Duracino, Nicoletto, 38, 39. 
Diirer, Albert, 20, 398. 
Duyni, Dominus, 31. 


Easter Yovage, 25, 53, 69, 71, 75, 

Earthquake at Candia, 198 — 200. 
Eckher. Friedrich, 112. 
Egypt, 60, 385. 

Sultan of. 30. 36, 60, 66, 

73. 75. 76, 94. 222, 273.274, 
276, 279, 280, 282, 283, 345, 
383, 386, 392, 393. 

Elia, Antonio de, 39. 
Elisha, Well of, 269. 
Ellis, Sir Henry, 35. 

Emmaus, 281. 
England, 3. 

Henry IV. of, 35. 

King of, 7, 47, 387, 390. 

Niece of King of, 215. 

Pilgrims from, 47, 336. 

Eichard, King of, 35, 383. 

Episcopia, 64, 209, 216, 383, 384. 
Erasmus of Narni. See Gatta- 

Ereclea. 365. 
Erichi. See Arigi. 
Erizza (Galley), 56, 57. 
Erizzo, Donato, 56, 57. 
Ethiopia, 391. 
Ethiopian Friars, 389. 
Exeter, John, Earl of, 7, 81, 390. 
Extimaria, 160. 
Ezra, 252. 


Faber, Felix, 9, 92, 96, 98, 387. 
Fagnano, Andrea de, 17, 407, 

408, 409. 
Faith, old man of the, 251, 253, 

274, 284, 286. 
Famagosta, 215, 217, 383. 
Fanatico, Sino, 164. 
Fara, 171, 329, 397. 
Fasana, la, 333. 
Ferrara, 132, 227, 265, 377. 

Duke of, 377. 

Marquis of, 227. 

Ferro, 355. 

Festivals of, All Saint's, 338, 

Assumption, 271, 272. 

St. Bartholomew, 288. 

Corpus Domini, 29, 78, 112, 

113, 135, 146—153, 370. 

S. Francis, 315. 

St. Gervasius and Protasius, 

182, 183. 

St. James, 228, 229. 

St. John, 189, 190. 

St. Lawrence, 262, 301. 

St. Luke, 328. 

St. Martin, 343. 

St. Mary Magdalen, 227. 

St. Michael, 313. 

The Nativity, 298. 

St. Peter and St. Paul, 196. 

S. Titus, 315. 

Fino, Pietro, 37. 
Flanders, 48, 49. 
Flemish Pilgrims, 83. 




Florence, 352, 361, 364, 385, 386, 

Florentine pilgrims, 6. 
Fondaco dei Tedeschi, 40, 129, 

Foligno, 353, 385. 
Foreigners, Judges of the, 41. 
Fornaro, Giovanni Simone, 132, 

245, 265, 286, 287, 289, 361. 
Fornovo, battle of, 395. 
Foscari, Doge Francesco, 135, 

Foscarini Francesco and wife, 

Fountain, Our Lady of the, 118, 

France, 2. 

Charles VIII. of, 22, 395. 

King of, 301, 321. 

Louis of, 102, 357, 383. 

Queen of, 339. 

Francho, Nicolo, 146. 
Franciscan Friars, at, Candia, 

198, 201. 

Lesina, 330, 397. 

Modone, 191, 193. 

Parenzo, 163. 

Eagusa, 173, 174, 177, 180. 

■ Rama, 237. 

Ehodes, 306, 308. 

Venice, 135, 338, 363. 

Zara, 166. See also Mount 

Sion. Friars of. 

Franco, Pietro, 86. 
Franks, 391. 

French Ambassador, 20, 339, 365, 
395 398 

Pilgrims, 36, 78, 104, 227. 

Pilgrims, deaths of, 234, 

262, 287, 332. 

Frescobaldi, Leonardo, 6. 
Friuli, Pilgrim from, 185, 337. 
Furiano, Frate, 210, 213. 
Fyo, Constantino de, 110. 


Gaeta, 5. 

Galeotti, 56, 58, 79, 143, 160, 189, 

231, 234, 290, 368, 369. 
Galliate, 235. 
Gallicciolli (Mem. Ven.), 365, 

Garbino, 164. 
Gattamelata, 122, 350, 356. 

Gaza, Diodar of, 231. 

Fruit from, 240. 

• Governor of, 224, 228, 229, 

232, 233, 282, 283, 284, 286, 

287, 288, 289, 384. 
Genoa, 4, 5, 53, 54, 57, 63, 206, 

309, 383. 
Georgian Christians, 272, 275, 

German Pilgrims, 36, 83, 89, 103, 


Pilgrim, death of a, 290. 

Gesuati, 151, 372, 373. 
Ghiringhelo, Fra, 153. 
Gibbon, Edward, 397. 
Gilforth, Duke of. See Guild- 
ford, Thomas, Duke of. 
Gionchio, Castle of, 191. 
Giorgione, 358. 
Girdle, Christians of the, 237, 

238, 239, 241, 248, 255, 256, 

285, 386, 391. 
Giulini, Count Giulio, 13, 394. 
Giustiniana e Malipiera (Nave), 

Giustiniani, Bernardo, 390. 

Francesco, 87, 96. 

Giustiniana, 98. 

San Lorenzo, 364. 

Godfrey of Bouillon, Tomb of, 

275, 391. 
Golbites, 276, 391. 
Golubovich, Girolamo, 3, 384, 

Gomene, 140, 159. 
Gondolas, 141. 
Gonnella (Guinella), 227. 
Gonzaga, Lords of, 120. 
Gradenigo, Juliano, 301. 

Doge Pietro, 29. 

Gradisca, 103. 

Grado, Patriarch of, 376. 

Grana, 186, 187. 

Grasso, Abrayno, 222, 228, 229, 

230, 236, 240, 241, 242, 249, 

281, 286, 290. 
Greco, Cape, 292. 
Greece, 25, 75, 387. 

Sea of, 310. 

Greek Christians, 278, 391. 

Empire, 5. 

Monks, 264. 

Rites, 18. 

Greiffenstein, Ludwig von, 1, 

Greppo (Grippo), 110, 188. 
Grimani, Nicolo, 65. 
Grimming, Karl von, 112. 



Gritta (galley), 67. 
Gritti, Andrea, 67. 

— Marino, 67. 

Guides, Piazza (Tholomarij), 39, 
40, 41, 49, 50, 51, 60, 61, 62, 
72, 73, 87, 88, 89, 111. 

Gastaldo of the, 60, 61, 72, 


Guildford, Thomas, Duke of, 35. 
Guinella (Gonnella), 227. 

Hadrian, Emperor, 250. 

Hakluyt's Voyages, 3. 

Havere Capse (Havere Capselle), 

58, 63. 
Helias, 250. 
Hermits, 362. 
Hermit, Florentine, 305. 
Herod, 248, 255, 387. 

House of, 248. 

Heughlin, Lorenz, 223. 
Heyd, William, 387, 394. 
Hierusalem, Voyage to, 2, 9, 92, 

96, 380. 
Hippocrates, 379. 
Holy Land, History of, 7. 

Voyage to the, 7. 

Homer, burial place of, 312. 
Hornan the Jebusite, 352. 
Howard, Thos., Duke of Nor- 
folk, 36. 

Hungarian, Andrew the, 52, 60. 

Pilgrims, 36. 60. 

Hungary, King of, 177, 377, 378. 

Imola, 352. 

Incantus Galearum Peregrinorum, 

69, 75. 
India, new route to, 338. 
Indians, 391. 
Inferno (Arsenal), 368. 
Innkeepers and Inns, 52, 89. 

Sun Inn, 342. 

Instructions to Pilgrims, 10. 
Ionian Islands, 378, 379. 

Sea, 188. 

Ios, Island of, 310. 
Istankoi, 379. 
Istria, 163, 376, 377. 

Stone Quarries of, 333, 334. 

Italian Pilgrims, 5, 6. 

Republics, 4. 

Voyages, 3. 

Itinera Latina, 2. 
Itineraires Francais, 2. 
Itineraires Russes, 2. 

Jacob the Patriarch, 252, 262. 

Jacobite Christians, 277, 391. 

Jacinthos, Island of, 323. 

Jadra. See Zara. 

Jaffa, 9, 12, 32, 33, 37, 38, 39, 
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 53, 54, 58, 
60, 70, 75, 77, 78, 81, 84, 85, 
86, 89, 93, 99, 101, 104, 110, 
111, 112, 170, 220, 221—235, 
253, 287, 290, 381, 384, 387. 

Custodian at, 223. 

Fair at, 225. 

Galley, 8, 76, 96, 98, 101, 

103, 104, 105, 124, 155, 162. 

German Pilgrim died at, 


St. Peter at, 225, 235. 

Jameson, Mrs., 362, 368, 397. 
Jehoshaphat, Valley of, 247, 272, 

Jericho, 267, 268, 269. 
Jerusalem, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 

92, 102, 103, 110, 112, 124, 

224—279, 381. 

Godfrey and Baldwin, 

Kings of, 275, 276, 391. 

Governor of, 220, 222, 253, 

266, 270, 271, 273, 274, 276, 

Hospital at, 6, 244, 272. 

Miracle at, 254. 

Pilgrims left at, 282. 

Joab, 246. 

Joppa (see Jaffa), 235, 253. 
Jordan, river, 90, 153. 

Visit to, 266—268, 271, 273. 

Jordan Water, 300. 

Jorga, Mons. N., 2. 
Josephus' Wars of Jews, 246. 
Jucho, 223. 

Judas Maccabeus, 274, 276, 390. 

Judea, Hills of, 264. 

Julian the Apostate, 366, 388. 

Knights of the Holy Sepulchre, 

265, 290, 390. 
Knights of Rhodes (St. John). 

See Rhodes. 
Kaiet Bey, Sultan, 386, 392. 



Lanza, Andrea, 184, 187. 

Pietro, 184, 185, 186, 187. 

Larnaca, 394. 

Latin Friars. See Mount Sion. 

Empire, 5. 

Kings, tombs of the, 275, 

390, 391. 

Lausanne, Johanne de, 204. 
Lazarus, tomb of, 279. 

Miracle of, 293, 394. 

Leghorn, 1. 
Lent dinner, 343. 
Leros, Island of, 382. 
Lesina, Island of, 171, 328, 329, 
330, 331, 377, 397. 

Bishop of, 329. 

Leucadia, 379. 
Levant, 4, 54. 

Trading Fleet, 301. 

Liber Plegiorum, 24. 
Liburnians, 164. 

Lido, 363, 375. 

Limasol, 213—218, 295, 383, 394. 

Lissa, Island of, 

Lisso, 217. 

Litanies, 18, 19, 117, 211, 314. 

Lodi, Peace of, 77, 356, 362. 

Lodovico il Moro, 15, 321, 322, 

357, 395. 
Lombardi, Martino, 365, 366. 
Lombardy, 7. 
— — Sailors from, 161. 
Lonato, 120, 343. 
Longo (Lango), Island of, 188, 

204, 309, 310, 379, 382. See 


Governor of, 205, 206, 305, 

306, 307, 310, 379. 

Loredana (Galley), 67, 81, 82. 
Loredano, Antonio, 67, 72, 76, 
77, 81. 

Bartolomeo, 65, 66, 68. 

Daniele, 67, 72. 

Jacopo, 83. 

Leonardo, 367. 

Lorenzo, 65, 66, 67, 68. 

■ Pietro, 68. 

Loreto, Pilgrimage to, 52, 324. 
Lovato (Lupato), 351. 
Luchino, Johanne, 132, 245. 
Lucca, 8, 153, 341, 352, 364. 

National Library at, 8. 

Merchants from, 135, 364. 

Ludolph, Heinrich Wilhelm, 1. 
Lumiarez, Antonio di, 21. 
Lupato. See Lovato. 
Lydda, 239, 387. 


Maccabeus (Machabeus), 274, 

276, 390. 
Maetsch, Albrecht, 290. 
Magagnis, Jacobinus, 30. 
Magistretti, Monsignor Marco, 

Majestate (Majesta), 166, 173, 

Malcasale, 273. 
Malea, Cape, 196. 
Malipiera e Giustiniana (Nave), 

Malipiero, Domenico, 99, 108, 

353, 365, 366, 367, 371. 

Giacomo, 108. 

Giorgio, 63. 

Marino, 36. 

Tommaso, 108. 

Malta, 382. 

Mamelukes, 109, 224, 237, 242, 
266, 267, 280, 286, 287, 288, 
392, 393. 

Mameth, 392. 

Mantella (Nave), 78. 

Mantua, Francis Gonzaga, Lord 
of, 46. 

John Francis Gonzaga, first 

Marquis of, 351. 

Priest from, 214. 

Marano, 233. 

Marcelli (Coins), 238, 337. 
Marcello, Marcello, 48. 
Marchetti (Coins), 236, 239, 249, 

Marconi, Bernardo di, 105. 
Maritime Statutes, 23, 24, 26, 55, 

Maronite Christians, 276, 291, 

Marseilles, 113. 
Mauro, of Amalfi, 6. 

Lorenzo and Antonio, 71. 

Maydini (Coins), 287. 
Mayrola, Johanne de la, 17, 406. 
Meda, San Giovanni di, 364. 
Medes, Cyrus, King of the, 252. 
Meissner, Dr. H., 1. 
Melanzane, 240. 
Melech-el-Daher (Sultan), 76. 
Melita, 171. 

Meloria, 4. 
Melos, 396. 

Merchants, Consuls of the, 26, 
40, 56. 

Council of the, 56. 

Mergenthal, Hans von, 91, 93, 




Messa Secca, 156, 190, 231, 373. 
Mestre, 351. 
Mezzana (sail), 157. 
Methone, 380. 
Michiel, Fantin, 106. 

Francesco, 37, 38. 

Jacopo, 105. 

Midshipmen, 374. 
Migliaia, Migliaio, 24. 
Milan, 7, 9, 15, 17, 21, 22. 

Archbishop of, 8, 9, 18, 117, 


Archives of, 13. 

St. Ambrose, Bishop of, 

117, 135, 349, 350. 

Churches of St. Ambrose, 

117, 163. 

S. Celso, 349. 

St. Dionysius, 118. 

Santa Eufemia, 13, 349. 

San Lorenzo, 276. 

S. Maria de Cepis, 407. 

S. Maria Maggiore, 349. 

Metropolitan Church at, 13, 


San Stefano in Brolio, 15, 404. 
■ S. Tecla, 349. 

- San Vittore, 14, 117. 
■ Diocese of, 14. 

Duchess of, 339. 

Duke of, 7, 8, 63, 175, 344, 

394, 407, 408. 

Duomo, 17, 117, 349. 

Annals of, 408. 

Canons of the, 117. 

Gates, Porta Ticinese, 14, 


Porta Orientals, 345. 

Milan, King of France expected 

at, 301. 

Noble Families of, 13. 

Patron Saints of, 117, 182, 

183, 350. 

Registri Mortuarij, 13. 

Milanese, Ambassador to Venice, 

9, 20, 125, 339, 340, 341, 351, 

Rome, 16, 406, 407. 

Merchants in Venice, 18, 

123, 135, 363. 

Pilgrims, 7. 

Misseta, 40, 42, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53. 
Mitylene, 379. 
Mocenigo, Andrea, 29. 

Doge Tommaso, 353. 

Modone, 22, 42, 53, 67, 87, 102, 

103, 170, 191—194, 314, 319, 

320, 321, 380, 396. 

Modone, Fair at, 191. 

Wines of, 380 . 

Moggio, 129. 

Money, bag of, 10, 13, 230, 337. 
Monte, Gabriele da, 109. 
Morea, 104, 188. 
Moorish Fasting, 182, 378. 
Moors, 83, 92, 225, 226. 229, 230. 
Moro, Doge Cristoforo, 353, 371. 
Morosina (galley), 82. 
Morosini, Andrea, 36, 38, 83. 

Alvise, 211, 374. 

Dardi, 37. 

Francesco, 379, 394. 

Giovanni, 108. 

Marcantonio, 357. 

Piero, 108. 

Mosque, 249, 251, 252, 253, 257, 

Motta, Emilio, 14, 409. 
Mount Lebanon, 389. 
Mount Moriah, 252. 
Mount of Olives, 246, 247. 
Mount Sinai, 7, 32, 345, 385, 386. 
Mount Sion, 254, 257, 266, 270, 

271, 272, 273, 274, 279. 

Church of, 254. 

Friars of, 348, 391, 393. 

Monastery of, 96, 97, 244, 

251, 255, 256, 385, 386. 

Prior of, 93, 97, 112, 222, 

227, 229, 232, 233, 239, 240, 
242, 244, 245, 249, 259, 261, 
270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 282, 
283, 284, 288, 289, 290, 384, 
385, 386, 389, 393. 

Mowbray, Thomas, Duke of 

Norfolk, 35. 
Moyses, 237. 
Mudacio, Andrea, 60. 
Murano, 142, 372, 367. 

Church of Sta Maria degli 

Angeli, 142, 372. 

Murata, la, 331, 332. 
Muratori, 18. 
Museum, Correr, 21. 
Mushrooms, 232, 282. 
Muster, the, 343, 398. 
Mutinelli, 41, 354, 355, 362. 
Myra, Nicholas, Bishop of, 303. 
Myr Isbech. See Usbech. 


Nabule, Governor of, 231, 232. 
Nadal, Bernardo, 37. 
Nali Bernardino di, 7, 8. 





Naples, 5, 77, 171, 188, 303, 377 

George of, 110. 

King of, 303. 

King Alfonso, 77, 188. 

King Ferdinand of, 


Narma (Narni), Erasmus 

See Gattamelata. 
Nassau, Count of, 75. 
Natalia, 55, 212, 219, 299. 

Gulf of, 299. 

Navarino, 380. 

Navi and Nave, 11, 75, 78, 

106, 108, 109, 110, 111, 
139, 141. 

The Santa Maria, 110. 

Pilgrim Navi, 109. 

Naviglio, 268. 

Navilio and Navilij, 111, 112. 

Naxos. 313, 395, 396. 

Duchy of, 395, 396. 

Nebuchadnezzar, 252, 387. 
Negropont, 84, 381, 396. 
Nero, Emperor, 350. 
Nestorians, 391. 
Nicodemus, 261. 
Nicolai, Zanino, 38. 
Nicosia, 215, 293, 383. 
Night, Lords of the, 126, 355 
Nio, Island of, 312. 
Nissa, Lord of, 313. 
Nissari, 209. 
Noah, 249. 
Nobili di poppa, 374. 
Norfolk, Thomas 

Duke of, 35, 36. 
Normans, 4. 

Notte, Signori di, 126, 355 
Nuremberg, 96. 


Observants, 136. 
Odorico of Pordenone, 3. 
Omar, Mosque of, 387. 
Ongaro, Andrea, 52, 60. 
Orient Latin, Societe de 1', 2. 
Orseolo, Doges Pietro I. and II., 
352, 377. 

Padua, 122, 132, 341, 342, 351. 

Pilgrimage to, 324. 

Palazzolo, Raphaele de, 342. 


Paleologos, Emperor Michael, 

Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, 

Palladio, 362. 

Pandolfo, Lord, 48. 

Pantaleone of Amalfi, 6. 

Papal Legate, 146. 

Paphos (Baffo), 212, 299, 383. 

Paradise (Arsenal), 368. 

Parenzo, 162—164, 170, 333, 335, 
368, 376, 377. 

Parma, Fra Tiberio of, 365. 

Parono, 160. 

Paros, Island of, 196, 396. 

Parrot, Affair of the, 286—289. 

Parsberg, Konrad von, 2, 390. 

Partecipazio, Doge, 352. 

Pascha, Roxata, 120. 

Pasqualigo, Lodovico, 83. 

Patera, 303. 

Patience, bag of, 10, 13, 230. 

Patrono, Patroni, Patronus, 11, 
23, 49, 54, 55, 57, 59, 62, 65, 
66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 
75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 
83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 
91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 
101, 102, 103, 106, 107, 111, 
153, 160. 

Pavia, 132, 265, 286, 351, 361, 

Pelorosso, 336. 

Pentecost, 120. 

People, Sons of the, 279, 392. 

Pera, 84. 

Peregrinorum, Capitulum, 25, 27. 

Peregrinorum, Incantus galearum, 
69, 75. 

Persia, Ouzoun Khassan, King 
of, 96, 396. 

Pesaro, 38. 

Peschiera, 120, 343. 

Phenice, 303. 

Phidias, 340. 

Piacenza, Sant' Antonino of, 6. 

Bishop of, 184. 

Nuns from, 365. 

Charles VIII. at, 395. 

Pianelle, 144. 

Piazza Guides. See Guides. 
Piccinino, Nicolo, 350, 351. 
Piis, Ugolino de, 48. 
Pilate, house of, 248. 
Pilgrimages to Loreto and 

Padua, 52, 324. 
Pilgrimage, emblems of, 117, 




Pilgrims Books, 43, 44, 52, 124. 

- Complaints of, 313, 317, 

on the Contarina, 161. 

Contracts, 51, 89, 90, 124. 

Datian, 223. 

English, 47. 

Expenses, 94. 

Flemish, 83. 

Florentine, 6. 

French, 36, 78, 104, 227, 

234, 262, 287, 332. 
■ Galleys, 3, 11, 22, 146, 381, 

384, 385. 
German, 36, 83, 89, 103, 

112, 290. 

Hungarian, 36, 60. 

Instructions to, 10. 

Italian, 6, 7. 

Navi, 109, 110. 

arrested as Spies, 270. 

Pilot and Pilots, 170, 220, 299, 

321, 325, 377. 
Pioltella, 118. 
Piombi (Prisons), 354. 
Pirates, 91, 93, 105, 204, 209, 

210, 212, 217, 219, 376, 381. 
Pisa, 4. 

Pisan Castle, 4, 244, 255. 
Pisani, Filippo, 37. 
Piskopi, 384. 
Pius II., Pope, 82. 
Pizolo, 156, 328. 
Plague at Cyprus, 293, 305. 
Plebanie, 138. 
Plegiorum, Liber, 24. 
Plimsol, Mark, 24. 
Po, river, 168, 268. 
Pola, 376. 

Ponere Banchum, 59, 65. 
Ponte, Zaccaria da, 56, 57. 
Pontifical, 345. 
Pope, Alexander III., 126, 136. 

Alexander VI., 321. 

Ambassador to, 339, 398. 

Pius II., 82. 

Urban V., 30. 

Poppa, Nobili di, 374. 
Pordenone, Odorico of, 3. 
Porri, Cipriano di, 241. 

Porro, Count Giulio, 15, 21, 22, 
349, 362, 379, 383, 387, 389, 
390, 399. 

Porta Ticinese, 14, 268. 

Orientale, 345. 

Portugal, King John of, 46, 47. 

Alphonso of, 46, 47. 

Possot, Maitre Denis, 2, 109, 390, 

391, 394. 
Pozzi (Prisons), 354. 
Praeneste, Bernardo of, 6. 
Praxitiles, 340. 
Predelli, Riccardo, 23, 24, 26, 

Pregadi, Council of the, 127, 

Prester John (Prete Jane), 391. 
Priola (galley), 59. 
Priuli, Girolamo, 104, 109, 358. 

Marino, 76. 

Priona, 333. 

Prisoners, Christian, 233, 282— 

Probatic Pool, 248. 
Prodano, rock of, 191. 
Promissione ducale, 372. 
Provenza, 164. 
Proveri (galeotti), 12. 
Prussia, John of, 390. 
Ptolemaida, 233. 
Purchas's Pilgrims, 3. 
Purgatory (Arsenal), 368. 
Puricelli, 349. 


Quails (Candia, 316. 

Quarantia, Council of the, 43, 

47, 355, 376. 
Quarantina, Mountain of the, 

Quarnero, 164, 333. 
Quattro Coronati, 334, 397. 
Quirina (galley), 55. 
Quirini, Andrea, 55. 


Rachel, tomb of, 262. 
Rages of the Medes, 116. 
Ragusa, 172—179, 181, 183. 326, 
328, 377, 378. 

Ragusans, 257, 328, 329. 

Rama, 220, 237—242, 281—289. 

Cotton-growing at, 239, 387. 

Governor of, 220, 222, 223, 

231, 240, 384. 

Hospital at, 285. 

Joseph of, 261. 

Ramatana, 378. 
Ramleh, 220. 
Ranghoni, 139. 
Raspe, 365. 
Rationale, 18. 

Registri Mortuarij (Milan), 13. 



Regna, Fra Antonio, 244, 271, 

272, 274, 286, 288. 
Renegade Christians, 279. 
Resin in the Wine, 194, 216, 380. 
Rethemo (Candia), 202. 
Rhodes, 21, 30, 31, 54, 57, 64, 

65, 73, 77, 82, 83, 109, 204, 

205, 304, 305, 307, 311, 352, 

379, 381, 382. 

Grand Master of, 30, 206, 

209, 213, 305, 308, 382. 

Knights of, 73, 82, 83, 188, 

205, 208, 209, 305, 309, 379, 
381, 382, 384. 

Sanitary Officers at, 305. 

Siege of, 381. 

Church and Monastery of, 

Santa Maria della Vittoria, 
306, 308. 

Rimini, 61. 
Rizo, Virgilio, 37. 
Rizzo, Antonio, 353. 
Robiate, Bernardino di, 406. 
Rogations or Litanies, 117. 
Rohricht, Reinhold, 1, 2, 3, 8, 

359, 390. 
Roma, Francesco di, 153. 

Mario di, 39. 

Roman Breviary and Missal, 349. 
Romanin, S., 354, 358, 362, 378. 
Rome, 16, 17, 52, 61, 62, 120, 

127, 137, 188, 297, 343, 365, 


Milanese Embassy at, 406, 


Church of Santa Maria 

Rotunda, 276. 

Roso, Don Agostino, 406. 
Rosso, Filippo, 241. 
Rovato, 350. 
Rovere, 152. 
Rovigno, 335, 376. 
Rotuli, Cassina di, 344. 

Jacobo, 153. 

Russian Palestine Society, 2. 

Voyages, 2. 

Sabbatino, 228, 229. 
Sacerdoti, A. 23, 24, 26, 373. 
Sack of Faith, 225, 227. 

— Money, 10, 225, 230, 237. 

Patience, 10, 225, 230. 

Saint Adrian, Cardinal deacon 

of, 206. 

Ambrose, 117, 135, 349,350, 


Andrea, Island of, 170. 

Arsenius, 186. 

Augustine, Vision of, 141, 


Athanasius, 193. 

Blaise, 173. 

Charles Borromeo, 18, 349, 


Catherine (Mount Sinai), 

345, 386. 

Elizabeth, 264. 

Euphemia, Church of, 335. 

George, 239, 387. 

Gervasius and Protasius, 

117, 182, 183, 350. 

Germanus, 334, 397. 

Helena, 250, 260, 278, 361, 


- — - James the Apostle, 255. 
■ Jerome, 263, 333. 

John Baptist, birthplace of, 


John, Knights of. See 

Knights of Rhodes. 

Leo, 193. 

Mark's Bridge, 343. 

Nicholas, Bishop of Myra, 


Paul the Apostle, 205. 

Peter, 225. 

Stephen, gate of, 248. 

Titus, 201, 315, 380. 

Thomas, 255, 386. 

Zachariah, 264. 

San Lazzaro, Lake of, 293. 

Nicolo di Carichi (Rhodes), 


Santa Maura, Island of, 379. 

Maria (Nave), 110. 

Saladin, 253, 275, 387. 
Salem, 250. 

Salerno, Alfano, Bishop of, 6. 

Salines (Cyprus), 293, 383, 393. 

Salmoria, 203. 

Salonicco, 60. 

Salt, 293, 393, 394. 

Sanitary Officers (Rhodes), 305. 

Sanseverino, Roberto da, 3, 6, 7, 

81, 378, 382, 384, 386. 
Sansovino Francesco, 352, 354, 

357, 359, 362, 372, 398. 
Santurin, Island of, 311. 
Sanudo, Giovanni and Marco, 

Sanuto, Marino, 8. 36, 101, 103, 

104, 105, 353, 355, 371, 381, 

387, 392. 



Saracens, 4, 6, 12, 29, 30, 49, 

Sarpi, Fra Paolo, 364. 
Sasino, El, Island of, 325. 
Satalia (Sadalia). See Natalia. 
Saurinia, 303. 
Savij, 47. 

Savina, Chronicle of, 365. 
Savoy, Bona of, 404. 

Duke of, 48, 82. 

Savoyard Nobles, 63. 
Saxony, Duke of, 91, 103. 
Scanderbeg, 84. 
Schefer, Mons. Charles, 2. 
Scio, 322. 

Scirocco, 164. 

Sclavonia and Sclavonians, 32, 

161, 169, 179. 
Scotto Bernardino, 161, 257, 376. 
Seat, Doge's, 372. 
Sebenico, 169, 331, 377. 
Secchi, Don F., 118, 344. 
Secretary, Chief, 144, 369. 
Seprio, lakes of the, 293, 394. 
Sepulchre, Holy. First visit to 

the, 259—261. 

Second Visit to the 264— 


Third Visit to the, 274— 


Christian Sects at the, 391. 

Church of the, 275—278, 


Knights of the, 265, 290, 


Plan of the, 388, 389. 

Sepulchre of Our Lady, 272. 
Serio, 118. 

Sermons by Fra. F. Trivulzio 

at Zara, 167. 
- — — at Ragusa, 179. 

on St. John's Eve, 189. 

on St. John's day, 190. 

at Jaffa, 221, 222, 224, 231. 

at Sea on the return voy- 
age, 297, 298, 299. 

at Bethlehem, 262. 

by Friars and the Prior of 

Mount Sion, 239, 258, 260, 283. 

at Lesina, 330. 

Sexula, 229, 233, 256, 258. 
Sforza, Francesco, 6, 356. 

Galeazzo, 404. 

Gian Galeazzo, 15, 361, 395. 

Lodovico, 8, 15, 321, 322, 

344, 357, 395, 404. 

Sforza palace in Venice, 128, 356. 
Sichi. See Secchi. 

Sicily, 387. 

Siena, 352, 372, 373. 

Signoria of Venice, 121, 141, 160, 
165, 171, 184, 186, 188, 191, 
192, 194, 195, 217, 313, 322, 
331, 337, 342, 366, 369, 384, 

of Ragusa, 177, 178. 

Sigoli, Simone, 6. 

Silk Industry, 121. 
Siloam, pool of, 248. 
Simiteculo, Galeazzo, 109. 
Sinai. See Mount Sinai and 

Saint Catherine. 
Sino Fanatico, 164. 
Sion, Mount. See Mount Sion. 
Smith, Lucy Toulmin, 33. 
Snow, 227. 

Sophronius (Patriarch), 389. 
Solomon, Temple of, 249, 252, 

253, 387. 
Solyma, 250. 
Sopra Porto, 336. 
Soranzo, Giovanni, 330. 

Nicolo, 33. 

Spain, 8, 188. 

Nephew of the King of, 


Spanish Litanies, 211. 

Spalato, 171, 377. 

Spies, pilgrims arrested as, 270. 

Spring Voyage, 25, 76. 

Stagno, 172. 

Staia, 185. 

Stella, Raphaeletto de, 38. 

Stinche, 238, 387. 

Stone Cutters, 397. 

Stone quarries, 333, 334. 

Stradioti, 151. 

Strapontino, 11. 

Stroncone, Father Agostino di, 

Sugar Plantations, 216, 383, 384. 
Sun Inn, 342. 
Suriano, Fra Francesco, 3, 7, 93, 

95, 98, 229, 384, 386, 389, 390, 

391, 392, 393. 
Symie, Island of, 208. 
Syria, 5, 25, 27, 37, 39, 43, 53, 

54, 58, 60, 67, 80, 212, 219, 

383, 386. 
Syrian Christians, 276. 386, 391. 

Tabitha, 235. 
Tacitus, 359. 



Talenti, Tommaso, 361. 

Tana. The, 367. 

Tantalus, 225. 

Tari, 4. 

Tassini, 354, 356, 357, 359, 362, 

Tavernelle, le, 342. 
Tedeschi, Fondaco dei, 40, 129, 

358, 359. 
Telos, Island of, 382. 
Terra Santa, Trattato di, 3. 

Viaggio in, 3. 

Terza, Ora di, 123. 
Thera, 311. 

Tholomarius, Tholomarij. See 

Thorn, Sacred, 210, 382. 
Tiberio, Fra, 365. 
Ticinese, Porta, 14, 268. 
Tiepolo, Doge Jacopo, 24, 55, 


Lorenzo, 65, 76. 

Statute, 27, 373. 

Timotheus, 201. 
Tirapello, Zanino, 36. 
Titian, 357, 358. 

Titus Caesar, 250, 252, 388. 

Tobias, 116. 

Tobler, Titus, 1, 3, 6. 

Toga, 143. 

Tolomei, Bernardo, 362. 

Tomaeello, Fra Giovanni, 389. 

Torcello, 398. 

Toretino, Johanne or Giovanne, 

153, 154, 341. 
Torre, George da, 103. 
Torresella. 354. 
Trani, Bishop Pietro da, 363. 
Transylvania, Voyvode of, 32. 
Trau, 171, 377. 
Trevisano, Domenico, 76. 

Melchiore, 357. 

Nicolo, 353. 

Stefano, 65. 

Zaccaria, 76. 

Treviso, 46, 146, 342, 351. 

Bishop of, 146. 

- Fair at, 342. 

Triduan Litanies, 18, 19. 
Trieste, Gulf of, 162. 
Trinchetto, 159. 

Trinity. St. Augustine's Vision 

of, 141, 368. 
Tripoli (in Syria), 217, 387. 

Consul of, 217. 

Triremes, 56, 83, 101, 102, 103, 

Trivulzian Library, 7, 15, 21, 

388, 404. 
Trivulzio, Carlo, 21. 

Donna Evelina, 21. 

Fra Francesco, 21, 132, 135, 

142, 154, 155, 162, 164, 167, 
172, 174, 175, 179, 180, 182, 
189, 190, 191, 193, 196, 198, 
207, 214, 218, 221, 222, 223, 
224. 226, 231, 238, 239, 241, 
245, 262, 264, 266, 267, 269, 
275, 282, 284, 290, 297, 299, 
300, 302, 304, 305, 306, 307, 
308, 330, 352, 359—361. 

Gian Giacomo, 9, 91. 

Pietro, 359, 360. 

Trono, Luca, 65, 107. 
Turbigo, 235. 

Tucher, J., of Nuremberg, 96. 

Turks, 30, 55, 60, 82, 83, 84, 91, 
96, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108, 
109, 113, 177, 188, 190, 204, 
205, 210, 212, 303, 310, 326, 
331, 379, 381, 382, 383, 393, 
394, 396. 

Tyre. William of, 389. 

Tyrol, Sigismund, Count of, 7. 


Umbria, 385. 

Ughelli, 372. 

Umiliati, 364. 

Urban, v. (Pope), 30. 

Urbino, 38. 

Usbech (Myr Isbech), 222, 253, 

273, 276, 280, 283, 293, 385, 

386, 393. 


Valania, 187. 

Vallaressa (galley), 63. 

Vallaresso (Valessi), Giov. B., 
267, 288, 374. 

Varese da Rosate, Ambrogio, 14, 

Vasallo, Francesco, 104. 

Veglia, Count of, 31. 

Vendramin, Doge Andrea, 108. 

Luca. 108. 

Venice. Castles, 155, 362, 363; 
Chief Secretary, 144, 369; 
Churches and Monasteries of : 
All Saints, 338; Sant' Am- 
brogio, 135, 338; Sant' Andrea, 
135, 363; Sant' Antonio, 134, 
362; San Cristoforo, 135, 362; 



Carmine, 136 ; San Domenico, 
138, 341, 366; Sant' Elena, 134, 
361 ; San Francesco delle 
Vigne, 135, 363; San Giorgio 
in Alga, 136, 364, San Giorgio, 
Maggiore, 135, 339, 362; San 
Giovanni e Paolo, 138, 366 ; 
Santa Maria degli Angeli, 142, 
372 ; S. Maria de Caelestibus, 
136, 368 ; S. Maria della Carita, 
126, 136, 355; S. Maria dei 
Frari, 135, 338, 363; S. Maria 
dei Miracoli, 139, 367; S. 
Maria dell' Orto, 136, 364; S. 
Maria dei Servi, 135, 363; San 
Marco, 137; S. Nicolo del 
Lido, 136, 364; San Pietro 
(Castello), 137, 365; San Salva- 
tore, 136, 341; Virgins, 136, 
365; San Zaccaria, 136, 365; 
Custom House, 337, 397, 
398; Ducal Palace, 126—128, 
152, 352 ; Ducats of, 4, 10, 153, 
283, 284, 287, 289; Gentlemen 
of, 142, 143; Hostels, 358; 
Islands of Murano, 372; S. 
Michele, 362 ; Mint of, 13, 153, 
283, 284, 287, 289; Maritime 
Legislation, 23, 24, 26 ; Monas- 
tic Orders of S. Augustine, 
136, 355, 361, 362, 364, 365; 
Benedictines, 145, 364, 365; 
Camaldolese, 134, 362; Carme- 
lites, 136, 364; Carthusians, 
135, 363; Cistercians, 365, 398; 
St. Clara, 139; Dominicans, 
138, 366; Eremitani, 135, 362; 
Franciscans, 135, 335, 363; 
Gesuati, 151, 372, 373; Santa 
Giustina, 135, 151 ; Olivetani, 
134, 362; Servites, 364; Umi- 
liati, 364; Palace of the 
Sforzas, 128, 356; Parochial 
Churches, 138 ; Patriarch of 
147, 152; Piazzas, 128; Prisons 
353, 354 ; Provisions and Mar 
kets, 129—132; Great Schools 
138, 148, 149, 150, 355, 363 
366 ; Trading Fleets, 59 ; Ware 
houses, 129, 357, 358; Wells 
359; Venetian Women, 142— 
Venier, Doge, 35. 

Francesco, 68. 

Lorenzo, 315, 318, 320, 324, 

326, 328, 330, 332, 335. 

Santo, 68. 

Verdure, 131. 

Verms, Jacopo del, 33. 
Verona, 120. 342, 343, 350. 
Vespasian, 250. 
Vespers, 123. 
Viario, Giorgio, 377. 
Vicenza, 121, 342, 351. 
Vicomercato, Vadiolo de, 125, 

155, 337, 341, 351, 352, 366, 

Villanova, Abbey of, 342. 
Visconti, Filippo Maria, 63, 77. 
Viterbo, 119. 

Vivarini, Bartolomeo, 363. 
Volto Santo, 364. 
Von Wyss, Clotilde, 378. 
Voyages, in August, 69, 71, 75. 

Autumn, 25, 76, 78. 

■ at Easter, 25, 53, 69, 71, 75, 


in March, 71. 

in Spring, 25, 76. 

in Winter, 25. 

Wax, white, 80, 129, 135. 
Wurtemburg, Eberhard of, 92. 

Zaffo, Agostino dal, 95. 
Zangola, 11. 
Zane, 35. 

Paolo, 399. 

Zante, 36, 190, 322, 323, 379. 
Zara, 165—167, 168, 169, 332, 
336, 377. 

Relic of S. Simeon, 166. 

Death of a pilgrim from, 


Zanino, de cha de, 36, 37. 

Zecchino, 4. 

Zelestre, 136, 365. 
Zem, Sultan, 379. 
Zeno, Carlo, 53. 

Luca, 315, 318. 

Doge Rainiero, 26, 55. 

Statute, 27, 28. 

Zerubbabel, 387. 

Ziani, Doge Pietro, 23, 363. 

Marco, 363. 

Zorza (Galley), 102. 

Zorzi, Alvise, 101, 103, 381. 

Friar of the Zorzi family, 

22, 301. 

Fra Francesco, 394. 

Girolamo (Jeronimo or 

Hieronimo), 339, 398. 

Doge Marino, 367. 

Znlian, Marco, 355. 



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