Skip to main content

Full text of "Capt. John Smith: President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England : Works, 1608-1631"

See other formats

This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 
to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 
publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 

We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google . com/ 


fcijc (i?nglt)3l) ^cDoiar'jx libra rv of 
I €>ID anD iHoDcni moxfufi 

'apt. JOHN |MITH 

uf Wnipughby by Alford, Lincolnshire; President 
Virginia, and Admiral of New England 



1 608- 1 63 1 J 





TO THE uNivEKsrrY or 





VrI 1898 


mmt/oycnott, includinj; the (oWtiwinsi Illiuinilivc Docuincftis 


,4«ly .to3. j 

^^^^ 161.1. 

'live London Virginia Company. Inttrttetifiiu by way t^mtvUt £r*c, 

R. Tl^PALI., Gunner. Ltttrr ta Frinit Hf.SKY 

A Gentleman of the Colany. A rtlntyanfif tlu Ditc»0€wy ^»mr Ritttr&'€. 

I). Caki-KTon. L«tUr if yotl.S CitJiUBEHLA/ff « 

Itic Hon. G. Pekcv. Kxuacuby Kcv.S. Pukchas from Tkg PlamitUiem 

0/ titt SetitMrrng C»ttitii£ ^e. ^ 

K.M. WiNGnBU>. A Discmrtt ^ VirfimM... .„ ... , 
.CiiAUDesiAiN. L*$urto Dudley cari.etos ... ™ 

.OtAMBaBLAIN. LttUr to liVDl.EY C ARU-TO.S' 

tJa|Hain O. ArciIBK. Lttirr OHmamtcimg arriwil if/ the Tkiwd Stt^fy .. 

i:ApUiin I. RATCLirnt. L/tfcr fa tiu EartofSAUSBVKY 

The tarl ofSooTHAHrroN. Lttter to tJu Eart »/ SauSBURY ... 

Capuiti H. SrKtMAM. RelatifH cfVit^nem „ 

Capuio J. Smith. Letttr to Lcrd Bacon 

1607-to July iiSog, The Kpk period of the Jntno river ScttJecncnt... . 





Suii.*oc«AMtv, includins 

U, jSbMoL ^ llic T«n .(/a/« of Shitm's AVw Ei^Umd Map 



vNE». Description o( the origino] punting of PocAlioNTAS 

J. SMtm. A True Relation &c, [June-Aug.] 1608 

T* A* C'JuiieoU4 (trader 

uf >ut.h occur icntts and acctdeots of note, Ac> 


A Map of Virginia, &c.^ 1612 

J. Smith {pakt 

T.Atf««yl TpflieHnod 

pr*<rtrt|rt«rindian WordA. &C.I ... « .„ 

t' iJliiiM SMfTit. Th* Des< ripti^tt ^Vifffnitk 

uwdfc dlinE^ which are naiurQn in V irximia ontl how they VM tbcm » 

uf llMfa flantcd ftuith iu i'VrjiMid and bow ihcy Vhe them .,, 

iW OMHKodities in t'irximi* or ihai may be hod by Intlasltic ... ^ 

nrthAMluntll lrthaUt.-uil&of ;7r£i'f(i« _ 

Of <b*i» ^'jl'B'on ... 

Of tW mtttiaci of the Virgiuixiu I'ovetneinent ... 

Rev. W. SiiiMoxDS, D.a {par r //.) 

T- •MifUIV. Tothe Reader 

'GlMf' I* t'I'he amrat of the Colony tn l-'it-ri'iia] 

^^ It. Vv 






vit haini«.n. 1] ihc ftMt Hipp 



firit 5upply with iheir prucecdinjpi and (the Ships] retiirac 
f'furniji, htr rtrturnv, and ut)icr uccidciiUt ... ... ... 

lappcned in the Di»cnvtne of the ha^y {<d Ciuaa/ta£k\ ... 

[cndic'j to Master .Vcmv-jvrr. What happened ihc second 
r tJ.c (lay 

cridred lo Captoine Smiths The arrivall and r«tumc of 

: and what h:ippeocd 

eTTerio the Trea^urar and Coundt of Viwgiiu^p^ 44>]* 
i.[ii' V to Pamavnkf _ 

, 1 1 -':ng at /*«/KdPn^r ... ... ». ... ... .. 

< ..I IV Mibicct lo the Ensltsh 

three moitihes hauin^ vicluoll. Tht vtore deuourcd b 



94. »( 

100, 4M 

■OS. 40C 

109, 41s 

... 116,411 

^^^^^ A4 t> nai w:i« iio.ic in t.'iree moitlhes hauin^ vicluoll. lilt Vtore tieuourcci Iiy 
^^^^K rats. How we liucd j tn<inthc%or<kUc}i natumtl fruit^n^lIiccounljriGafTvrded 

^^^P XII- The Arriual of ihc third iiupi'ly 

L (llie C»int1u»ion) 

1«T. Df. 3(HMOND&' Po^Uctipt 

>'«. 431 

X3r, 44t 
"39. «5* 


<6i. 47l 



C O N T E X T .? , 

, . Smith, A Description of New England &c. [June] i6<6 

i, Smith. TKe EpUlle l>»tJtcaiQri' to Prince Chmrles ... ... 
> SuiTH. Epittlv xo iha l^jrd", &c., uT H.M. CcninccH for «tl PUnutionkt Ix, 
. Smith. Epuile lo the Ri^ht Warthifafull Advtoiturcia. &c. 

\.x»iplimcntary Ver»ei ... 

Capuinv Smith. A lytscnpiion o( J\^rtv En^/arid/ ... „. 

Mjr first vUit to A'ro' Erig/aud „ „ 

Th» Description of .Vn.- /CMffttmt „, .„ 

My second nyyngt to iVriv £ttgtami 

ITte examinalioit of Danirl Bakrw bte Steward to Captatne /Mu S$nith 

[My captivirramon^ the Frrmch ptratc«] ,., , 

Cooiplimtntarv Ver»e« ... ... ». 

Th« additional pag« {tn j»i cxxaiv) only (oaad in •omt oepiet ... 



J. Smith. New Englands Trials. [Dec] 1620 

. S%iiTrt. Eptillc tc the Rishl Huiiur.iblr ami Wunhy atluenterK, &c. 

. Smith. £ dim k to the riKhn*onEer» Company of iCMH/nw ... 

. Smith. ^e» EHii»tut» Trials ^ 

J. Smith. New Englands Trials. [Ocl] 162: 

i. SmrTH, Kpt 
. Smith. Kim 
. ^MITH. !vr\ 

Epistle to Prince t'■^^r/« 

iMule to the Right Hon. and Right Worthy Aduentnrcrs 

frtv /inglamds 'I'rUls and Present li^taic 

A Plantation in Jvritf A>///i>i^ 

Wji.ijam Hiltok. Letter from Xeif PfjmflHik fabcmt 13 Dec. 1631] 

J. Smith. An Abktract of Letter* tent from the Collony (1.^.. .V<r:i* Ptym»uth\ in .Vm* 
EngiAHiit July 16, i6?B .. „. ... ... ... 

\ J. Smith. The General Historie of Virginia &c. [July] 1634 175 

The cnffravcd Fronti«piece of the General HiBtor>-. To fare/, a?:. 

{.SMtrii. Dedication to the DitchcM of A/i'ft/Mii//)/ „^ •«, .^ *|f 

.Smith. A Preface of foure Poynu _ ',.. .• fil 

'Amplinienlary Vc:fM-« .. ... », m* •«* 

The ContcnUof the UcneniU History ». ... tV^ 

Thr First llnoKtt. 'llie Em^Uth voyages to (he old I'ireiHim 

rrhe voyagcof Captainet /'. ^«M5^Mand-^. /i«r/>wv, 1584! .... 

Sir Huhttrri C*r*fuUts w>'asr to yirgimin, lot Sir H^alirr Aa/n'fA, tjRs 

The conkpimcy of Pemnta/mM ', the Discouery uf it ; and our retume for EmgitL»4 wHH 

"Sit hrmmit UraJit » >r$ 

Thomas Hariot. Ob-wniaiioni in ihii Voyaite ... ... .. ... -. «. ... y»« 

How Sir Kiihani Crmx'tit ■mtnl to relitmc Incm «. «. 

Three Shi|v» morr itcnt (o rclicuc them by Mtuter IVkitt ... ». »• 

JoHH White. The fift Voyage to /Vrfwa 

JoHM HKrnrroN. A briefe Relation of . . . ElttaAe^ He, discovered in i6os by 

tmin ^. Csumaii «• 

KnitERT Saltarkr. a Voyage of Oipiaiite Mmrtin P'^n^, 1603 

Jambk RosifiK. A rebtion ol a Diicovery ... by Caplaine Gtorgt Waym^nih^ 1605 ^ 557 

The Si;ci'Kl> Booke. Of Virj^n now planted m. 341 

A reprint, with v.-uiationi., of the First Part by Captain /M« Smftk, uf Mapof yiiximia, aXf^ 44H 
The Map of Old Virginia wlUt the figures of Uie Saviges, To face /.341b 
1 hM Tmihu Bookk. Of tlie Proteedlnss and AccidrnL*. of the Engtisk in I 'irrinia «, 
A rcprinl, with variatiDtu, of the Second Pan of the Map of I 'irpmn^ edited by Rev. ItiUiam . 
Shntttontis, at ^/. 89-1J4. 
The Map of the country of Virginia, now planted. To face/. 384. 

lalBWiated reprint of Complimentarv VcTKJ *• 

"^ I. T H n o II K E. 1'he Proceeding! of the Eu^Us/k after the alteration of ttw 

f yifx'"'" • •■■ •>• " ■"• 

i^iied II) the firkt gouemmcnt after the alteration, 1600-10 

llif ^itiit^rnmcDt resigned to Sir Tk*mnt Cain, i6to ^. ... ^^ 

'Xl|oi>*uernin<:iit devolued to the Lord la IV^trr, t6t(t 

•pit girt t em men t left agsine to Capiaine C^me Pffritt ifin 
<lllfDucniiiiciU5iirr«Ddr^ to Sir Tkamas Vaitf i6ti 





The foutTDintBt returned aninc to Sir Thittntu Cm/et, i6: : 

The jjou#n)m«ii left to Sir TAtvnai DaU^ if'i^ 

I Content* of th« iJecUration of the Lotler)*, ihxU 

The goucmmcni left to CaptAtnc J>rtr/(rj', 1616 

.S>UTM. i^lJUion to tjae*n -^««^<■of /'.*-oA^n/ii/, itfi6 

TlwaoDemnient tVruoIu^d to L'iiniainc Sattntel Argalf, 1617 .... 

A nfitioa from Matter /i'Ah A'ci^i', lune IS, 161B ... 

ThejOtiemment ^urrerJred to Sir (7A»y? »<tr/o'. 1619 ... 

A dcipsm Sea-^ght betwivt iwn S/ami'iA men or warre and ih« Marearrt ttmi takn^ i6aa... 
Th« winitsof (he .AHucnlun-Tii for I'irgimia, i6»o .,. _ 

Extracts from (JounccU leltcrt for /Vrjfriifd, 1630-1 , , , 

\lMs/uej St9ckkatn'% RcIaUoo. i6bi ... 

The Bouemment of Sir Francit It'yat^ 1611 ... 

Gift* t*nd Patenii) „, 

J. PoBV. Ohicrufttions in hit trattcls, ifiat „ ^ ^. 

Capt. 7iaeh Mill to build a Fort to secure the Couatrey, t6n .^t ^t 

The Massacre ujwn the 37_March. 1633 ,. „, „ 

The numbcn that wrre ttairic in tliosc teurrall PU[il;itioiu, 1633 ... ^. ^. 

I. 5wtT»l. Project and offer 10 the Lomian \ 'if^inia Company, i6xa 

\ (Mrticular of 9iich n«ct«aricj* . . . f<i prouiile 10 ijoe lo I'trgiHia, i^r^ ... 

J. Smith. A briofe relation to Hi« Maiu,tt»Camiiiihuunenrurthorefonnatian of l^'irgimia, iCn 

J. Smith. Aiuwer* to the iwvcn queationi of the Coinmi*>ioners, ilS^tf ... .^ 

Tmic FirT»i UooKE. The Gcnerall HUtorw of the HeriHt^tu 

The Map of the Somer Itlea «nd fortrestei. To (ace/. 6*4. 

The <lwcriptk>ci of the ^www'yrr lie* and their notumll cuminodilic* ,_ ,„ 

A tncf« relation oftheihipwracke of ///-nr-jf ^rt_;.. S>J» ..- 

The firu Engluh ship kiwwue to hauc tteene cait avay vpon Ihe tUrmndas „ ^, 

The first beginning of a Cotonie in \\\tS>>Mer |le», i6ia ... „. 

The rule of the lix frtiucrnrtn, 1^15 «. 

The l>uuernineiit uf L'upciitie Danui Ttti-ier, ifiifi ,„ «,, 

R. NoiffcMiiJ. l*he diuLvion of the SHtamrr lln into Tribes, i ftiS 

The Gouemnent of Lnptninc MUet Kt/uiaU, 1618 ... 

Th« GoBernipeni of Capt.iine .A''.i/-4a«/>/ /i.**//rr, 1619 

\im%terf/^M fl^rminf tcni to l>c liixicntour. ifVw 

What hapncti in Ihe fooemincnt of .Matter /Mm //arrt'svH, i6.'j . 
Reprint (/(..unitiUmcntary Mrwss 

■Jiiit Si»Tii DooKE. The Cenertll Hiitorie of .\'<iv-Emgi.imii 

The Map of New England. \Statt w. Me/. cixavI. To face /. w** 

A reprint with »aritttioii* of— 

I. ^I'liM. Dit^i-if^ti.-'i <^/Xew Eitgttuui. iti^,2i/f. tZj'tttf 

r- r 

'i TrUI», 1690, at//. »33-»48 
i'- ii'fl in Nrw Kngiaud^ 1670 

1'"' L'.ideraliorr*!, 16)4 ... « 
' ' :if>K o(shi|»N 1577 
*. " "^ i« [a% to the AV^/riNffi/AlMif G«heriecli lC»a 
The |ri«*c>'U c*iM« nJi X^u^VlimiUk^ 1634 ... „. .,k M. 


5 IS 









74 > 


J. Smith. An Accidence for Young Seamen, &c. [Oct.] 1626 785 

J. '■■ ' 'i/.Tirjry lo all the Rl. Hun, and most geiieruu* Lord* nX Emfittud, &C- ... 787 

]■ "^ i.:Aiorv 10 the reader ; all gencroiu and noble Aducnturersoy fca, &c.... ;8S 

Ai. ^ .Scimvn, &c. _ 789 

.\ i;AM(ru< rrojxiniani for the UK of gml Ordimace ... Soi 

J.Smith. The True Travels, &c. [August 1629] 1630 

rill/, (^re\ Part. Tkc Travels and Adventures ofCaptedne Sufrt/.] 

Jr- 1.1 (jf Arms 

\.' lie Uedicaiory to the EarU of Pfmhroit, Liti4sfy, aiiJ Davtr ... .,, 

The I . .,,^,n. ,.i ihc4«vcnill Chapter* [which tee] « 

CompJimtmary Vcr^e^ 

For the cortteiitk itf Chaptem l.-XX., «v//. aii-di;i. 
The Plate lllustraiing The true Tmx>4li, Toface/.a?©. 
of ihe Patent or Safe Conduct ot SiciimumfMi .^i/f^rr'. sraniinff him hi* Coat of Arm*, on o 
' — . 1603; add iu ic{£i>lr4lion by Sir U'ii'iairt Segar, parter Kang oi Arna,uti tg Aug. tOz^ 




O JV T E N T S, 

(The second Part. The Travells and Observntions ofCapfafm S^fTTfl.'] 

Cmai*. XXI. Ih* Conuntutt«northe (ieneralt HUloneof f/Vjf/MM, i6»4-i6j9 

XXII. The proceedings of the Smrimtr lies, i6j4-i6>9, and tnetr prviicnt «ftau 
XXI U. The proceeding* of A'r«i' Engiaiul, 16*4-1699, aod iKeir prcMint eu«i« 

XXIV. A briefe diKounc of dtveri voyages nude into (<'«/<M4 „ 

XXV. The begbninc and proceeding o* the plaouitonof Sl Ckritu^htr 

XXVI. The fml plnnlint; of the ^flrsit//*vf „ _. 

XXVI I. lYie fitsl planutton of the lie oK Mct'h tNevU) 

XXVIII. The IwuJ life, qtulilic.*, and conditions of P)Tat», &€> 

J. Smith. Advertisements for the unexperienced Planters 
of New England, or any where, &c. [Oct 1630] 1631 ... 

The toftt of Atrn»or AVtt' /r.FjArfM/ „ 

J> Kmith. Kpiitte iJcduutury to the Archbuhops of CBM/Zf^r^aotl K<ivi( ... _. ... 
. Shitii. To the Kcttiicr «. ... ^., ,„ 
^ . Smith. (Poem on hini«l(|The Sea Mnrite 

'Ilie Cortienu [of ihe •mrni LiiaptcT* : which seel 

AdvettiiemcnU : or the Path-way to Experience, ftc ». «. 



The Last Will, and the Epitaph of John Smith 

The IdM Will, dftled the day ofhis death, tt Jnne. 1631 ... 
'llie Epitaph crecied to htm in Si. S*fukhr'ti L'hmch, Z.9mJiin 

Index T.. ... ,.. 1 


The Writers 

of the Poems 

in the Text. 








ntcuAiP Brathwait 



Enaigii i'HPMAS Carlton 

... 531, 69 J 


Thoma« Macarmilssk, a 


M. Cartmbr 


Lincolmhirc tnui 


John L'<>nRiNTOK. 



Richard Mkai>k 

(he [lancr or MiJdIel 



TcmpU, London 

... iBi, 491 


BkiAN O'Roubk-r 


Rai noK Crashaw 

- *^ 49i 

1 MiL'tiAttL Pkrttivlack,^ 


11. C.t 

K-. p.,r ■ 




\ KiCMAHD WirFINb \ 


John DAviRs,orKere< 


Kev. Sa»ii'F-I. Pukckas 

ford _. 

... i8t,49t 

1616. Scrscutt Ki'WAHU RotiiKsaw 





UoHN Smith rj 



•.;; ?sJ 


N. SuiTii, crnuln of 


William Grkmt ... 

the Author „. 



... iS:. (KiD 


Solomon Tanner 


MA[TiiBwr| Hawkins 



T. T 


Ktm-ARu Ingham ... 



David WfpriK... 


Ditto ... 



GhtkCK WiTitra... 





The Preser 

It Edition. 


■IP. *»*, 

The text of the nine books, originally printed in different styles, has herein 
been normalized as to style of printing ; and also broken up into convenient 
paragraphs, according to the sense. The punftuation has been harmonixcd 
with this ; and also occasionally altered (though always with reluctance), 
wherever il plainly conflicted with the sense. 

Fer all matter between square brackets,[ ], except on pp. ci-cxiv,the present 
Editor is responsible. 

Some of the dates so inserted on pp. 821, S22 in this first small paper impres- 
sion are wrong, and should be corrected by the date of Georoe Smith's Will 
at/, xix; and the entries from ■Willpughby parish register, at p. xxi. 



HE present Volume is intended to be a Literary 

Monument of one of the best and bravest of 

Englishmen. But though it may be regarded 

rather as a collection of materials for the Life 

and Ohservaiions of an English Captain in the 

reign of James I., than any adequate Story of 

our colonization cf Virginia, Bermuda, New 

England, Newfoundland, and some of the West Indian islands: 

3*et there will be found in it, a large amount of irrefragabh 

information, at first of* second hand, respecting the first English 

Settlements in the New World. 

Two hundred and fifty years have now passed away since Johm 
Smith of Willoughby in Lincolnshire, accomplished his noble 
life ; and yet in his native land he is unsung in Song, uncom- 
memorated in stone or metal. Indeed, some, of late, would have 
liim to be the Baron Munchausen of his Age; others, its 
swaggering and boasting Pistol : but this unmerited cloud of 
detraction and discredit, with this Volume, passes away for ever; 
and with a fuller knowledge, we delight to contemplate this hero 
of many fights, not only as the experienced and clear-headed 
practical man of business, but in his unstained character as an 
English Gentleman and Officer. 

What Sir Franxis Drake was in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, 
that was Captain John Smith in the reign of her successor. The 
I times -were changed. It was easy for Dkakb to equip fleets with 




wealth acfiuircd by. captures at sea; a career that Smith would 
have only been too glad to have followed : but Colonial Pioneering 
brought with it no gains ; so that the victory therein lay rather 
in the endurance of starvation and hardships, in patience and 
self-forgctfulness, and in the unfaltering pursuit of a noble work 
through all losses and disparagements. 

For want of an accessible Collected Edition of his Writings, 

popular ignorance has fastened itself upon one small fact in 

Smith's career, that nuiuvah qtutrt dlieure about the 3rd of 

January 160S, when Pocahontas saved his life; so that Smith 

of Virginia without Pocahontas, would be like William Tell 

without the Apple storj'. Whereas, that narrow escape formed 

but. a mere incident- in a life, which till then, and for some lime 

afterwards, was simply replete with similar desperate hazards of 

all kinds. If he were now living, he would, we think, say that 

too much had been made of that Pocahontas matter : and that 

the terror of it was nothing like that of those fifteen days* flight 

on horseback from Nalbrits to ^copolis. in the autumn of 1603 ; 

or that dreadful night in an open boat off the He de Re in 

November 1615. \As an actual fact, Smith took no particular 

notice of this short sudden jeopardy and his fortunate escape 

(having been daily carr}*ing his life in his hand for years past, 

with an Englishman's usual delight in perils and adventures)^ 

until in the General History of 1624, he felt himself bound to do 

so, in order to giv.e in its completeness the whole story- of the 

James river Colony,/*/. 85, 383. To have dwelt upon it in his 

earlier books would have been thought, at the time, an exhibition 

of personal vanity, in making too much of one out of many narrow 

escapes : his first five Works not being intended so much as records 

of persona! adventures, as wholly consecrated to the advocacy and 

history of English colonization and fishing on the North American 


For our part, we should say that we had no special knowledge 

the sayings and doings of this Lincolnshire Captain, before we 

sgan this Collection of his Writings ; this reprint of which is 




P K E F A C E , 



but a part of a general design to make the Eye-witness Accounts 
of the hrst English Settlements in the New World, a section 
of our modern English Literature. 

In the Second Volume of ^« English Garner, we have reprinted 
Prinxe's New England Chronology (1736-1755); which is a kind 
of Primer of the whole subject down to 5 August 1633. 

The present Text deals largely with Virginia, Bermuda, and 

cw England. 

In the Ninth Volume of An English Gamer will be found a 
number of Eye-witness Accounts of the Settlements in Massa- 
chusetts Bay. &c. 

We have already announced in this English Scholar's Library, 
the Works of William Bradford, the second Governor of the 
Pilgrim Fathers : and it is our hope to follow that up with the 
{{'orks of John \Vinthrop, which give us a full account of the 
Massachusetts Planting of 1629-30. 

This series of reprints will therefore give such an insight into 
our early colonial struggles, as is possessed at present by very few 
Englishmen ; and will also restore to us a lost chapter of our 
general Literature. 

Therefore, as it is our purpose to do justice to all sides of this 
fascinating subject, we have approached the present Text perfectly 
free from any kind of partisanship. Inasmuch however as the 
''^accuracy of some of Captain Smith's statements has, in this 
generation, been called in question; it was but our duty to 
subject every one of the nearly forty thousand lines of this book, 
to a most searching criticism ; scanning every assertion of fact 
most keenly, and making the Text, by the insertion of a multitude 
of cross-references, prove or disprove itself. 

The result is perfectly satisfactory. Allowing for a popular style 
of expression, the Text is homogeneous; and the nine books 
comprising it, though written under very diverse circumstances, 
and at intervals over the period of twenty-two years (1608-1630), 
contain no material contradictions. Inasmuch, therefore, as 
wherever we cati' check Smith, we find him both modest and 
accurate ; we are led to think him so, where no much check is 



possible, as at Nalbrits in the autumn of 1603, and on the Chic 
hominy in the winter of iCoj-S* 


One cannot read the foHowmg Works, without seeing that John 
Smith was something more than a brave and experienced soldier- 
Not only in his modesty and self-restraint* his moderation and 
magnanimity, his loyalty to the King, affection for the Church, 
and love for his Country-, did he represent the best type of the 
English Gentleman of his day; but he was also a man of singula^f 
and varied ability. His manysidedness is seen, as he is a Captaiil^ 
of Artillery at Stiihlwessenberg and at Kanizsa, in Hungary, in 
1601 ; or while "managing the fights " of the French pirate ship, 
off the Azores, in 1615 : as he is a Captain of Cavalry in the 
plains of Girke in Hungary in 1601, and the battle of RothenthuiTn 
in Transylvania, in 1602: as he is a Promoter, and the Saviour 
of the London or Southern Virginia Company in 1605-g : as he 
is the masterly Surveyor of inland Virginia in 1607-S : as he is the 
Discoverer of the Chesapeake Bay in 160S, and of the New 
England coast in 1614: as he is the enthusiastic Advocate and the 
eloquent Historian of English Colonization in America, 1614-30 : 
as he is the hrst landsman who ever described in print all th|H 
parts, and all the working, of an English ship ; and who wrote ounl 
fust Sta Grammar in 1626 ; not to speak of the History of the Sea 
which he did not live to complete, and which is apparently now lost. 
^ Put all this beside the one single Pocahontas incident by 
which he is popularly remembered, and one sees that the real 
John Smith is a far greater man than the mythical one. ^m 

It is not too much to say, that had not Captain S&fiTH of 
Willoughby, strove, fought, and endured as he did, the present 
United States of America might never have come into existence. 
It was contrary to all probability that, where so many had suc- 
cumbed already, the Southern Virginian Company's expedition of 
1606-7 should have succeeded. The Spaniards under De Soto, 
and the French under Laudonni6re had fa^d. The men sent 
out tweiity years before by Sir Walter Raleigh, had never be< 

P R E FA C E . 


neard of : and the corresponding attempt of the Northern Virginian 
Company to Sagadahock, in that same year 1606, came to nothing. 

To what one single cause, under GOD, can be assigned the 
preservation of the James river Settlement after the early death 
of Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, on 23 August 1C07, but to the 
fortunate presence of this English Captain, so self-denying, so ener- 
getic, so full of resources, and so trained (by his conflicts and 
captivity in Eastern Europe) in dealing with the savage races? 
Ratcliffe, Archer, and Martin, with all the rest of those who 
opposed him, lived in a fool's Paradise ; and paid for their folly with 
the loss of their lives, after Smith came home : when, in spite of all 
that he had done, the Colony went to rack and ruin, all through 
that terrible winter of 1609-10, known as The Starving Twte, 

If Smith had died, or left, earlier than he did; the James 
river Settlement must have succumbed : for manifestly he was 
the life and energy of the whole Plantation. If the Third Supplj", 
on their arrival there, in August 1609 [pp, xcvi, xcviii] had found 
sm abandoned, or a destroyed Colony : that they alone could not 
have succeeded, where Smith would have failed, is quite evident 
from the fact that they did all but perish through The Starving 
Time, in spite of all the following resources, which he left ready 
to their hands, at his going home, after he had been accidentally 
blown up by gunpowder, on the 4th of October i6og. 

Leaving vs thus with three ships^ seaven boaiSt commodities rendie 
to trade, the harvest newly gathered, ten weeks provision in the store, 
foure hundred nintie and od persons^ twentie-foure Peeces 0/ Ordnance, 
three hundred Mttskeis Snaphances and Firelockes ; Shot Powder and 
Match sufficient; Curais Pikes Swords and Morrio[n]s, more then 
vien ; the Salvaj^eSy their language, and habitations well knowne to 
an hundred well irayned and expert Souldiers ; Nets for fishing; 
Tooles of all sorts to worke ; apparcll to supply our wants ; six Mares and 
a Horse; fine or sixe hundred Swine; as many Hennes and Chickens ;^ 
some Goals ; some sheepe. What was brought or bred there, remained. 

Besides lames towne that was strongly Pallizadoed, containing some 
fifiie or sixtie houses, he let fine or sixe other severall Forts and 
i "S" ; though they were not so sumptuous as our successors 

r-^ , I hey were better tlnn they provided any for cs. All this tims^ 

xiv Preface. 

\ue had but vne Carpenter in the Countrcy, and three others that could 
doe little, but desired to be learners ; two Blackstniths ; two sayUrs ; 
and those we write Labourers were for most pari Footmen^ and such as 
they that were Adventurers brought to attend them, or such as tJ$eiy^m 
could perauade to goe with them, tluit muer did know what a day3^ 
workc was : except the Duich-mcn and Poles, and some dozen other. 
For all the rest were poore Gentlemen, Trad[e^smcn, Serving-men^ 
libertines, and such like, ten times more fit to spnyle a Common 'Wealthi 
then either begin one, or but helpe to maintaine one. For wk 
neither the fcarc of God, nor the law^ nor shanu, iwr displeasure 
their friends could rule them here [in Englandj, there is small ho} 
ever to bring one in iwcntic of the m rjcr to be good tJiere [in Virginia] 
Notwithstanding^ I confesse divers amongst them, had better mindi 
and grciv much more industrious then was expected ; yet ten g( 
workemen would haue done more substantiall workc in a day^ then tei 
of them in a weeke. Tlierefore men may rather wonder how wc coul 
doe so mttch, then vse vs so badly because we did no more, but lea\ 
those examples to make others beware ; and the fruits of all, we knot 
not for whom. pp. 486-7. 

If, then, this James river Colony had failed before Aufjust i6og»" 
when the Third Supply arrived ; the Colony at Bermuda would 
never have been attempted ; and the Pilgrim Fathers would not 
have gone to New England ; but, if anywhere, to Guiana, to perish 
among its forests and swamps. So that, for about a couple of 
years, all the glorious possibilities that are still wrapped up in the 
words, Unttcd States of Americaf hung, as on a slight thread* 
upon the liardened strength and powers of endurance, the self- 
forgelfulness and public spirit of this enthusiastic young English 
Captain. He has therein given us a noble example, not to flinch 
from duty or sacrifice ; for wc never know the great results that 
may come through our doing the one, or making the other, .^m 

It need hardly be said that this Colonizing section of our English 
Literature has been a life study to such authorities as Henry 
Stevens, Charles Deane, Justin Windsor, R. A. Brock, the 
Hon. J. Hammond Trumbull, and many an other American 
Scholar now living; who have probably forgotten more of this 

P X E F A C E 4- 


subject than wc ever knew. Still it is a gain to have the entire 
V^'orh^ of Captain Smith made accessible in one volume for ever. 
AH that can be hoped is, that the entire amount of information here 
given may be found substantially accurate, so far as it goes. It 
by no means exhausts the subject. The History of the English 
Colonies in the New World has yet to be written ; in the meanwhile, 
this Volume may be regarded as a Grammar thereof. 

At last, then, the reader possesses all the Writings of Captain 
John Smith, with all the repetitions, &c. ; which were inevitable, 
because the earlier books went so soon out of print, and our Author 
felt himself bound to keep the facts constantly before the public. 

For some portions of the Stor>', there are three Versions ; for 
o<her portions, two: a minute study of these successive accounts 
will shew additions and omissions of facts, but no material 
contradictions. As an example of this, one would think there comW 
no\ be much variation in the two Versions, at pp. 221, 734, of the 
same Deposition by Daniel Baker, Smith's Steward, as to his 
Captain's abandonment in 1615, by his ship*s officers and crew, 
among the French pirates; and yet there is variation, but no 
contradiction. In the same way, Smith's later account of those 
three months* imprisonment on board the French pirate ship, al 
p' 736, contains a number of facts not to be found in the earliei 
one at p, 224- Once wc are assured of the integrity and 
unboastfulness of the Writer (and of that, there can be no doubt 
as regards Smith), these differences are so much gain to posterity, 
as aHbrding us additional details for the filling up of the picture. 

Another point to be observed, is that the periods of time given, 
arc to be taken popularly, e,g., broken weeks at the beginning 
or end of a period are counted as whole weeks. Sometimes, also, 
it is evident that by mere failure of memory after the lapse of 
years full of incessant work, periods of time are roughly and 
inaccurately given : as the '* six weeks " of his capture by 
OrEciiANCANOUGH, when it could not, as will be seen at p, 531, 
have exceeded three weeks ; though it might have seemed a much 
longer period to one who was looking for his death at every 


P a H FA CM'^ 

monaent. Wc have endeavoured, wherever possible, to 
precise dales in tlwTcxt between square brackets [ > 

The large number of cross-references will help to cpake the Text 
telf-intcrprctinj^; yet it has not been possible to make thcj 
cross-references so complete as we should have liked. 

For fully one-third of the Text, Captain Smith is not directly 
responsible : he is therein but abJidglng and editing the Relations 
of others, making running obsei*vations on the same, from time to 
time, in order to assist the reader, therefore, the name of the 
author and the approximate date of publication or writing of the 
matter on each page, will be found in its headline, as on p. 334, 
^'ow**»S']* ^^^ ia\y^t inasmuch as the Text goes backward and 
forward in time, a catch date like [1606]. [1621], has been put 4^ 
the top of each side column, to shew the date of the history on thfli^l 
particular page- Furthermore, references like ilS], il34], [2011, 
have been inserted in the Text itself, to the pagination of the 
original editions (where there has been any), shewing where such 
original pages bo^in. S 

Bibliographical and other information will be found on the rcvera^^ 
of each of the nine original Title pages : and the General History 
being of itself so bulky^ seven sectional Title pages have been 
inbcrtcd, one before each of its Six Books, and the seventh at p. ^S\ 

In this way, it is hoped that this bulky Text, with its multj 
tudinous detail, will have been made thoroughly accessible. It si 
too much, however, to expect that, despite the care that has be< 
lavished on it, the reprint is quite free from enx)rs; any intimati< 
of which will be gratefully received. 

In the ioWoYfing Introductioftt our purpose is to give a number 
of somewhat disjointed observations and hints towards a better 
understanding and appreciation by the English reader, of the Text 
that follows. American scholars, like those we have mentioned, 
with all their fulness of local knowledge, could do this to much 
better advantage. The subject matter itself, however, possesses 
an endless fascination. Inadequately as it is here of necessity 
Ueatcd, it is nevertheless a Story of bravery and cowardice, o| 



trudence and folly, of misery and thankfulness, of pathos and 
tiffering, fit for any Poet. Man is seen struggling, and often 
itruggling in vain, among the great forces of Nature ; which 
vcre then, many a time, a ten-or to the human spirit. In this 
ige of Science, Nature has been robbed of much of her horror, 
ind is becoming more and more the Slave of the Lamp for the 
service and help of Man. This difference of outlook should never 
be forgotten by the reader. 

There now remains but the pleasant duty of returning grateful 
thanks. First and chiefest, to Henry Stevens, Esq., F.S.A., of 
Vermont, now of London, and to his son, H. N. Stevens, Esq. ; 
not only for the loan of original editions, but also for help and 
guidance in the reproduction of the six Plates or Maps, which but 
for these gentlemen had not been done. If Mr. Henry Stevens 
wonid only print all he knows on the subjects of this Volume, the 
World would be a great gainer. To Henry Bradshaw, Esq., 
M.A., F.S.A., Librarian to the University of Cambridge, for the 
loan of the very rare original of the True Travels Plate facing p, bzo ; 
and for other help. To Charles Deane, Esq., of Cambridge, 
Mass., U.S.A., for a photograph of the extremely rare page 
reprinted at^. 232, and for much bibliographical help on a subject 
that he knows so well that he has it all at his fingers' ends. To 
Justin Windsor, Esq., the eminent Librarian of Harvard College, 

ass., U.S.A., for the various States of the Smith's New England 

ap. To G. E. Cokayne, Esq., M.A., F.S.A., Norroy King of 
s, for the inspection of Sir William Seoar*s official rcgistra- 
ion of our Author's Coat of Arms, pp. S07, S42-43. To Mrs. 

ERBERT Jones, of Sculthorpe, Fakcnham, Norfolk, for the 
islory of the Gorleston painting of Pocahontas. To C. H. 

GOTE, Esq., of the Map Department of the British Museum, 
or mach valuable topographical help. To Major Jed. Hotch- 
tiss. Topographical Engineer, of Staunton, Va., U.S.A., for a 
copy of his, the best existing. Map of Virginia, dated 1874. To 
R. A. Brock, Esq., of Richmond, Va., U.S.A., Corresponding 
Secretary of the Virginia Historical Society, for important 
guidance and information. 

ff.W. Scff, LiB, No. le. B 


P K E I- A C E . 


With these helpers should be associated J. F. Hunne%vell' 
Esq., of Charleston, Mass., U.S.A., the present possessor of the 
Speltnan Manttscripi, reprinted at pp. ci-cxiv. 

In conclusion, the reader will please ever to remember tha 
this book is rather a Biography than a History; and it will, 
we think, be found that Captain John Smith's h'fe was but a 
realisation of that nobleness of character, which he thus so we 
described in 1G16. 


Who can dnirc more cmiUnt, that hath stnall meatirs; or but only 
his merit to aduancc his foritmc, then to ircadt and plant that grou 
hce hath purchased by ike hazard 0/ his life? If he haue but the ta 
of virtue and ma^ttanimitie, what to such a ininde can bee mo 
plcinanty then planting and building a foundation for his Posterity 
gottc from the rude earth, by Gods blessing and his cwne industrh 
•without preiudice to any? If liee )iaue any graine of faith or ze 
in Religion ^ what can hec doc lessc hurtfull to any, or more agreea 
to God: then to sccke to conttert those poore Saluages to knovj Chrv, 
and humanitie, whose labors with discretion will triple requite t 
charge and puines ? What so truely sii'j.ies with honour and honestu 
as the discouering things vnknownc ? erecting Townes^ peopling Countric. 
informing the ignorant, reforming things vniust, teaching virtue ; and 
gainc to our N atiue tnother-countrie akingdomtoattendhcr : finde imploy^ 
7ncnt for those that are idle, because they know not what to doe: sofa 
from wronging any^ as to cause Po'iteritte to remember thee ; and rente 
bring thee, ettcr honour that remembrance with praise ? pp. 20S-9. 

Then seeing we arc not borne for our selues, but each to hdpe other', 
and our abilities are much alike at the houre of our birth, and the 
minute of our death: Seeing our good dccdcs, or our baddt, by faith 
in Christs merits, is all we haiu to carrje our soules to heauen, or hell : 
Seeing honour is our lines ambition ; and our ambition after death, to 
hauc an honourable mcmoric of our life : and seeing by noe meanes wee 
would bee abated of the dignities and glories of our Predecessors ; let 
vs imitate their vertues to bee worthily their successors, p. 229. J 

May Almighty GOD, of His mercy, make us all, in our day, as 
worthy in character, as skilful in action, and as eloquent with th< 
pen, as was Captain John Smith of Willoughby. 

EJ^itasfott, Birmingham^ EdWARD Arb: 

10 y////<", 18S4. 



A. Early Life. 159 3-1 604 a . d . 

V'incere esi vivere. Accordixmus. 

Ohn Smith ."descended of ye Family of Cttardly in 
Lancashire" is therecordof Sir William Slgar, Garter 
King of Arms, in 1625, sec/, xxiv. 

As our Author never went to any University, the most 
reliable information respecting his family will be found in 
his father's Will, and the entries in the parish registry of 
Willouehby ytf.;Ai Alford, in Lincolnshire. 

Mr. JOHN Swan, the present District Rcffistrarof the 
Probate Court, at Lincoln, states there arc no Wills in his 
charge, of any SMITH at W'lUoughby in 1592 or 1593 ; 
and has obligingly furnished the following copy of Georue Sm ith's Will of 1 596. 

In the Name of God, Amen. In the thyrtyth day of Marche 
a thowsande five hundreth ninety six I George Smith of 
IVilloHgbic juxta Al/ord on Marisco in the Countic of Lbuolnc 
bcinge of good and perfect memorie I thanke God for Itt 
thoughe in bodie weake and paynde doe ordeyne and make 
this my last Will and Testamentt in maner and forme follow- 
inge Fytst I bequeathe my Soule into the mercifull hands of 
th[e]almightie God in the mediation of Je&iis Chryst mync 
alone and all sufficientt saviour, and my bodie to be buried 
within WilloHghbic Churche 

JUm I give to Lincoln Minster vji. 

lUm to yc poore of ye foresaide Willoughhie il'js. iiiji. 

JUm I give to ye Rij^'ht Honorable my Lord Willoughhie under 
whome I have many yeares lived as his poore tennant as a 
token of my dewtifull goud will the best of my two yeares old 

lUm I geve and bequeathe unto Alice my Wyfe ye ferme which I 
now dwell in which I houlde by coppie of Court rowle as ye 
grant of ye Right Honorable my foresaide good Lorde duringe 
her widdow hoodc accordinge to ye cuslome of his Lordshippe 
manner of Willoughbie; and if it shall please God that my saide 
Wyfe doe marry agayne and take a second husband, then my 
Will is that my saide ferme shall come to John Smyth my 
eldest Sonne whome I chardge and command to honoure and 
love my foresaide good Lord Willoughhie duringe his lyfe 

Item I geve to Alice Smyth my Wyfe tenne pounds of good and 


I N T K D U C r I iV, 

lawfull currant mony of England to be paide unto her ai 
quarter off a yeares end next after my deathe 

Item I will and bequeathe unto ye saide Alice my Wj-fe a bed- 
steade in ye first Chamber with a fetherbedd a coveringe a 
paire of lynne[n] sheets one blanckett a bowlster with pillow 
and pillowe beare 

Item I geve to Alice Smyth my doughter tenn pownds of good 
and lawfull currant monie of England^ with a bedstead in the 
parler and a fetherbedd and coveringe and a blanckett a paire 
of lynneinj sheets and a pare of hempen sheets with boulstCi|fl 
pillow and pillow bcares ^1 

Item I give to the saide Alice my doughter halfe of all my 
pewter and brasse And if ye saide Alice my daughter doe dye 
before ye age of eighteene yeares, I will that all her parte and 
porcion aswell of money as of other things be equally devided 
betweene myne executors 

Item I geve and bequeathe to Robert Smyth my Kynsman fourty 

shillings of good and lawfull currant monye of England to b 
given him within one halfe yeare next after my death 


Item I geve to John Smyth mine eldest sonne and to ye heir 
of his body lawfully begotten Seaven acres of pasture lyenge 
within ye territoare of Charkton Magne 

Item I geve to Frauncis Smyth my younger sonne and to ye 
heires of his bodic lawfully begotten my two tenements and 
one Little Close in a certeyn Streete in Lowthe called West- 
gate And if ye saide Frauncis dye without issue of his bodie 
lawfully begotten I will that ye saide tenements and close 
remaine to my said sonne John Smyth and his issue of his 
bodie lawfully begotten 

All ye rest of my goods nott yett given nor bequeathed aswell 
moveable as unmoveable ; my debts paied and my bodie 
honestly brought to ye grounde I will shall equally be 
devided betwixt my saide two sonnes John Smyth andFr<jimm 
Smyth whome I make the Coexecutors of this my last Will 
and Testament ; and I hartely and earnestly entreate my goode 
Frende Master George MetthaWy to be ye supervisor of this my 
last Will and Testament to whome I give in consideracon of 
his paynes xs J 

Wittnesses to this last Will and Testament 1 

Thomas Scarboroughe and Bartholomew Lawrence 

\EatnuM from thi DiHHit JS^gufry mtittchgJ tm tkt PrebaU Divinam ef tkt High Court mf 



The parish register of Willoughby by Alford in Lincolnshire bc^ns in 1 538 ; 
but the earlier portion of it is ver>' worn, and in parts, very illegible. In the 
sevenicenih century, however, a transcript was made of this earlier portion, 
trhich still exists. 

By the kindness of the present Rector, the Rev. John S. Warrem, MJl^ 
«e arc enabled to give the following information of our author's family. 

lohn the sonne of Gcorgt Smyth was baptized the ixth daie of 
lanuarye [1579? or according to the ntodern reckoning 1580]. 
This occurs in the original register thus. 

lohes smith Jilius Georgic sinith bahtixaius fuit ixth die lanuaric 
Anno supradicto, 

Fra7icis the sonne of George Smyth was baptised the vi daie of 

Nouember [15S1J. 

Ricluxrd, the sonne of George Smyth was baptised the xvi daie of 
lulie 1 1586;. 
Richard Smith was burLied] ye xxvi daie of lulie [1586]. 

Alice the daughter of George Smith was baptised the first daie of 
flcbruarie [1589J. 

Georgle^ Smyth of Willoughbi was bur[ied] ye iij day of April 


The original registry of this entry is not now extant. 

With these entries we may associate another, which perhaps refers to some 
jBuicccion with our Author's family. 

* Grace the daughter of lohn Smyth was, baptized the x dale of 
November [1581], 


only there u oo pUasure ramparkbta to ihaz of a scocraiu spirit ; u Rood eraploymcnt in ooble 
I, cs|wcut1y amongu Turki, Heathens and lofulet* ; to Me daily new counines, people, fuhlon^^ 
idlCiiU. stralagcms ; to relievo the opurcsicd, comfort his fricntu, pus mUcric^, lubtluc cncmietf. . 
iimr« upoti any fciutbic dancer for GOD and Country. It is true, 11 u a hnripy tiling to b*: bom to 
wealih, and hunour ; tut tlut which \t. got by prowcM aod maeniuiiiBity u the truett luktrv : 
can ihe he-*t diatinguitli Conlcni, ihal h;ivc cvcapcd most lionaur*trlcdanj;cr»; a* if, coil uf every 
iiy. be found biouclf new bora to a new life* to learn how to auicad aad inaimain hU Age 

J. Smith, )6|o, >. gfia. 
TIm wart ia Rorape, Aaia, and Afiica tanght rae bow to sabdue tbe wild tavoce* in Virginui aod New> 
KacteMl ia AjBetia. J . Smith, t6jD, /. 9x5. 

Ir Robert Cotton, that most learned Treasurer of Anti- 
quitie, having by perusall of my Generall Historie, and 
others [ix,^ his other earlier publications], found that I 
had likewise undergone divers other as hard hazards in 

the other parts of the world, requested me to fix the whole course 

of my passages in a booke by it selfe. /. 80S. 


I NT R D U C T / y. 

These " Tr:ivels," Smith dedicated to the Earls of Pembroke, Lindsev, and 
Dover : the second of whom, Kouert Uertie (who succeeded to (he lAarony 
of WlLLOUCHUY D'Eresby in 1601, and who was created on the 26th Novem- 
ber 1626) Earlof LiNDSKV, had. with his brother, twiccmet our Author during his 
wanderings abroad: viz., at Orleans, in 1596,^.823; andat Siena, in 1601./. 827. 

We know enough of London society in the year 1629, and of the Episcopal 
censorship of the English press at that time, to be quite sure that no man would 
have dared to have offered to Sir Robert Cotton and those three Earls as fru£ 
irmfch, a deliberately made up story of adventures which never happened. This 
atone is sufticicnt to shew that these true travels is an honestly written narrative 
of personal experiences. 

2. That narrative however is fully corroborated by a number of incidental 
details and minute points, such as the following, occurring in his Works long 
before he has any thought of writing it. 

In July 1608, Smith exploring Chesapeake Ray in an open boat, named 
headland, Point Ployer, fp. 110, 414, in memor>* of the great kindness of E 
Plover of Brillimy to him, eight years before,/. 825. This name tin»t appe: 
in his Map of Virginia printed at Oxford in 1612, 

In May — June 1614, he named the present Cape Anne in New England, Ca 
Tragbigianda, //. 204, &c., in memory of the kindness, if not the personal affe- 
lion shewn him, while a Christian slave at Constantinople in 1603, by Charat 
Tragabigzand.^, PP* 276, 853, 866 : whose brother, Timor the Pasha o 
Nalbrits, he afterwards, in pure self-defence, killed ; escaping away in his clothe^ 
and on his horse, across the steppes to the Russian outposts. At the same ti 
in 1614, he najncd three islands, off Cape Anne the Three Turks He.ids,/. 2 
in memory of his famous passaj^'c of arms at Regal in Transylvania in i 
/. 83S. Both designations were first published in his Description ojKcio En^la 
in June t6i6, long before he designed to print his travels. 

The allusions to what he had seen In his travels in his earlier Works at 
pp, %f\ 59, 62 cgme in naturally, arc true as to fact, and could hardly have 
been invented. 

In this connection maybe considered our Authors general reticence about 
himself in the Tnxi'efs, Evidently his personal adventures are rather under- 
stated than overstated therein. He was surely not idle on board the Breton 
ship, in that fight in 1601, in the Strait of Otranto, when she took the Venetian 
argosy, /t*. 826-7 ; or in that other sea-fight in 1604, off Cape Bojador, when the 
English ship (in which, by stress of weather, he made an involuntar>' cruise), 
under the command of Captain MERHAM.whom he so delightedly calls "the old 
fox," fought two Spanish men-of-war at once,/!/. S78-SS0 : yet of the personal 
help, which we arc sure he gave on both these occasions, he says not a word. 
So generally, while he is proud of his strategy .ind devices, he tells us %ery 
little of his personal bravery in the various battles in Eastern Europe in which 
he took part: with the exception of the succession of duels that he fought at 
Regal in 1603 ; which he could hardly have left out, seeing he bore the three 
Turks' heads in his coat of .irms, 

3. Whatever difficulty there may be about that manuscript Hislory or 
Biography of Francisco Farnese, p. 7S8, there is no doubt that Kev, S- 
PtfRCHAS had it, or a copy of it, in his hands about 1623, or 1624. 

"... The Earle of J/^A//*//^^, with whom [.yw/ZA] going to Vicnnaxn Austrin^ 
hec made him Captaine of two hundred and fiaie Souldiers, vndcr whos<* 





Regiments how he spent his time, this insuing Discourse will declare, as it is 
written in a Booke intituled. The VVarres ot Tfansiiuania, WalLtchi\ti\ and 
MoMauia^ written by Framisco Feriteza a Learned /ta/ian, Secretaric to 
Sinsmuruius Bathor the Prince," ii. 1363-61, Ett 1625. 

'PURCHAS then gives what in the present Text forms the greater part of 
n»aplcrsiv.-xl, at}v^, 829-85;, as '* Extracts of Captaine iVni'Mj Transyluamnn 
Acts^ out of />. Tvr. his tjtonc ; " which account SMITH says, at p. 853, PuRCH AS 
himself translated, apparently from the Italian. Schor Don PascL'AL DK Gavan- 
OOS has seen a printed Spanish translation of this Italian hlMorj', rendered into 
Spanish by a Montalvo : but the manuscript History itself is apparently lost. 
Teat it existed, and that a copy of it was in PUKCUAs's hands there can be no 
doubtf as he thus distinctly refers to it at ii. 1366, "as the Historic at large will 
plainly shew, the times, place, chicfe Commanders, with the manner and order 
of their battels, and fights ; to which I refer you." It is also to be noted that 
though Vol. ii. of PURCHAS's Pii>^riitu's is dated 1625. it was in hand two or 
three years ; so that this translation being made by him in 1623 or 1624, is fully 
five years eiirlicr than Smith's True Travels. 

It may also be pointed out that Smith, with his usual modesty, in giving 
this portion ofhis adventures, especially in the account of his fights with the three 
Turks, at pf*. 829-852, mainly reprints Purchases '* Extracts '' from FarneSE, 
ie.^ he chierty uses the words of another person, and that person a foreigner. 

4. A third corroboration of the truth of the Travels will be found in the Com- 
ftimcntary Verses^ first printed in his Description of New Ertji^/a/af/m }un& 
1616, pp, 230-1. These IWses arc written by two old Officers ol his company, 
of 250 men, one of the four making up the regiment of 1,000 horse, in whici 
OttT Author served under the Karl of Mkldri, in Eastern Europe ; of which 
regiment, after the victorious combats at Regal, the Earl made Smith, Major, or 
second in command, />. 84a 

The writers of these Verses, were his Ensign, Thomas Carlton ; and his 
Sogcant, Edward Robinson : who were the only two Entjlishmcn out of the 
twelve present, /. 852, who escaped alive from the battle of Rolhenthurm 
(kottcnton) in Transylvania, on' the iSth of November 1602 ; when Smith was 
left sore wounded on thebatlle-fieId,onlyto become afterwards a Turkish slave. 
The testimony as to the Writers* personal knowledge and admiration of otir 
Author contained in these Verses is precise and valuable. 

5. Mr. J. G. Palfrev, in his famous note on the 7'rue Travels^ in his History 
i>f New Eth^hmi^ \. 89, Eii. 1 858, is simply laughable for his ignorance of the regu- 
lated condirions of publishing books in London during the lifetime of our Author. 
He stales that "hack-writers abounded in London at the time. SMITH was 
Just such a person [!], as, for the salcablcness of his narratives, would naturally 
fall into their hands, and into the hands of their masters, the booksellers. . . . 
On the whole, the reader perhaps inclines to the opinion that John SMITH was 
not the sole author of his books." 

Mr. Palfrey errs in applying? to the lifetime of our Author, the mendacities 
of the Grub-street era of GKORtiE I. and II. Not only were there no "hack- 

iters," at that time, for books of colonization, Ac. ; but Smith manifestly wrote 

)stof his books for nothing, and between i6i6and 1620 "divulged to my great 
lur.cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes and Maps,"/. 941. As 
_iinatter of fact, the Genernt History^ for which he issued a Prospectus signed by 
faimsclfj in which he said, **nor shall the Stationers have the copy for nothing/* 








J" t 



/. cxxvi, did not sell well ; as is proved by the succession of fresh title 
1626, r627, and 1632 to the same text Mr. Pai.FRF-Y's view of our Author is 
degrading opinion of one of the most highmindcd of men, eminently posscssin 
that keen sense of honour which was usual in an English Officer at that time 
and whose perspicuous honesty, had we space^ could be demonstrated throng 
every line of the present Text. Yet, in spile of his prejudice, in this s.»me non 
Mr. Palfrey is compelled to admit the substantial agreement of SmiT] 
account of his Eastern experiences with the known facts of history. 

So far from the following Text having been written bj* anonymous hi 
\vritcrs in Smith's name, it will be seen that no one could have been moi 
scrupulously careful than he was, in naming the authorities for ever^-thing fa 
prints : so that^as the headlines of the present edition will shew, we have hard! 
any difficulty ir. assigning the authorship and date of composition uf every /rtj 
in the Text. The only exceptions to this, are those bits of verse scatterc 
throughout the General History v;\\\c\\ arc intended to ** point the moral" 
the Stor^', and which we must attribute to Smith's deep religious feelings 
reading, and not ver>' great poetical powers. 

For our own p^rt, bcgmning wuh doubtfulness and wariness, we hi 
gradually come to the unhesitating conviction, not only of Smith's truthfulnes 
but also that, in regard to all personal matters, he systematically undersi 
rather than exaggerates anything he did. 

Why New England writers should attack our Author (after the manner of 
E. D. Neill. who says "his writings are those of agascon and beggar,**^. 2r 
Hist. 0/ Vin^'m'a Co.^ ^c.y 1869) is simply amazing : seeing that Smith prefcrre 
New England, as a colony, to Virginia or any other part of the world,/. 193 
that he tried so hard, for years, to go out and end his days there, pp. 205, 21I 
732 ; and that he actually did effect more, by his advocacy and publication 
towards its colonization, than ever he was able to accomplish for Virginia, wit 
all his money, personal services, dangers, and magnanimity. Only Virginia wr 
England's forlorn hope in colonization in James I.*s reign, and was therefoi 
generally the more perilous enterprise ; especially ns James town was 32 n 
inland, and the New England settlements were on the coast. 

6. We have, by the kindness of G. E. Cokayne, Esq., Norroy King of At 
and H. F. Bijrke. Esq., Rouge Croix, personally inspected, in April, 1884,! 
the official register of Sir WILLIAM SegaR's Grants cf AnnSy at the Hei 
College in London, ilic following record of the Arms granted to our Authoi 


To John Smithy descended of ye Family of Cuardly in Lai 
Captaine of 250 Soldiers vnder Henry Volda, Earl of Mcldriich, 
A Grant of these Arms in Memory of ihre Turks heades whic 
with his Sword before y*^ Town of Rcf^al he did overcome, kill an 
cut off, in the Province of Trausiluanta, This granted in a LetU 
of safe conduct, by Sigismond Balthori, Duke of Transtlvaniay g Dm 
1603. p. 371 of a volume labelled S^^/tr*s Grunts. E. D. N. 57, M 

There is also in tlie Heralds College, an unofficial copy (in ViNCEJTf's Co/IM 
anca^ 169, p. 131), of the Latin Patent and Certificate printed at pp. 842-3. fl 
has, however, some variations from the text as given by SMITH, which wc U 
noted in the margin. ^ 





Of the authenticity therefore of this Grant of Arms, and of the all-important 
corroboration that it affords to the True Travels, there is no doubt at all. 

Therefore though they may olTer not a few points which have yet to be 
cleared ^^p^ the general credibility of the Travels is beyond question ; and in 
its clear, graphic and condensed style, the narrative is among the very best 
written English books of travel printed in Smith's Jifctirae. 

II I. 

Ur Author's intinerartes come next for consideration. Except in 
Eastern Europe, &c., they present but Utile difficulty. The names, 
where he wrote down phonetically, wc have here placed in round 

JOHS Smithes earlier travels on the Coitiincnt. 
1596-1600 A.D. ; at, 16-21. 


p. 832. 



1596 A soldier in the French army. 
1596^ A soldier in the Dutch army. 
1600 Enkhuisen {Anodsan). 

1600 Shipwrecked at Holy Island or 
Lindisfam. /. 832. 


Leith {Uthe), 

? {Ripute/h), p. 823. 

? {Broxmot/i). 


John Smith's later Travels on ike Continent, until his arrival at 

1600-1601 A,D, ; at, 21-22. 

160a Tattcrshall. p- S23. 


St. V'aiery sur Somme. /, S24. 

Caodel>cck (Cai/^frfci), 
Honflcur [HumfyJila]. 
Pontaudcmer {ronnidemer)* 

Pontorson {Pounterson). /. S25. 
St. ^falo. 
Mont St. Michel, 

St. Brieuc {Siit^dr^iici), 
Tonquedeclc ( Tuncaticck\ the 

residence of the Earl of 

PlouKa {Phyer), 

160O; Guingamp {Gij^an), 
Rennes (kaynes). 

Beziers {Pessrs), 

Marseilles (Afarce/fos), 

A 825. 



i6oc.'ni« I&le of Si. Mary, near 

i6cr. Leghorn (^/wnw); /. £27. 

Nice. /. 825, 


Corsica. >. «2(*. 


^B SariiiDia. 

V iter bo. 

^H Cape Don (Itana). 


^^M Lainpedusa Y^w/^i7f/i?ji2). 

CiviuWhia. f^tiU 

^^1 Cape Rosctta 'Rosttia), 

Naples. ■ 

^H Alcxandrix 

Capua. ^1 

^^B Scanderooo. 

Rome. ^^^H 

■ ^^L 

FIorcQcr. ^^^H 

^H The Archtpela^. 

Bolognia. ^^^^^ 

^^1 Crete [C^itufia]. 

FerTai:a. ^^^^| 

^^B Greece. 

Maniux ^^^^| 

^^1 ZephalonU. 


^H The Strait of Ouanto. 


^H Calabria. /. S27. 

Malamocco. ^^^^| 

^B Sicitv. 
^H SarcUnia. 

Raguza. ^^^H 
Capo d'Istria. ^^^H 

^H Corsica. 

Laybach {LubHan^), ^^^^| 

^H Antibes in Piedmont {AttU'bo in 

GraU {GritUs\. ^^^^H 

^^^^^ Pcamoh]. 

Vienna {I'iennc) ^^^^| 

\ John Smith's Hwerary in Ea\ 

/*-r» Europe, &c., until the hatiS^ 

^^ of Roihcnthnnn Pass^ in Tra 

mylvania, 18 November 1602. ^| 

^m 1601-1602 A. 

D.; aL 22-23. ^ 

Here the names of places, as written 1 

ay ntr Author, present some difficulties ; 

inasmuch as ni-iny of the towns had, and still have, two or three nnmes — one 

German, another Hungarian, and poss 

bly a third Sclavonic: however, many 

can be identified. We give the usual, 

ivhich is often the German name, first : 

and the countries where they will now be found. '^ 


1601. [Komom (AV/Tf^ena).] AS35. 

l6of . Ober Limbach ; in Ifftrt' 

^^L garian, Fclso Landre. 

TjiAXSVLrAA'/A, ^ 

i C02. ? ( r^m/ ofZarkam) p. 837" 
? {Rex^iii). 

? {Vtraiio). /• 84U 
? (So/mos). ■ 
? {Kuprortka). ^| 
Eisctiburg, jVi Hun^ariaH ^| 

^^H Stuhlweissenbcr}^; in 

^^H Ijiiin Alba Kegalis. 
^^1 {Slowlleiuescnbtir^) ^.831. 
^^H Komoi-n. {Comoro) p. 852. 
^H The plains of ? (Oirl^e), p. S3J. 

^^H [/;/ ////r/tT^r/ff/iTzigcivar. 

Vasvar. {Esentmrj^ ^| 

^^1 i/^jQ-e/i/n)] 

^^M ^arian Kanizsa. i(^aniza)\ 
^^H [Gran. {Stn_sonium)\ 

[Tcmesvar. (rw/rJtt/<inr;]/.S47- 


The river Aluta {Alius). /. 847. 



1602. Rimnilc {Rebrirtlf), p. 847. 

Retch {Ra::a\. 
Arjish, on the river of the 

sanie name (Argts/i). p. 848. 
Pitesti [PeUski), 

1602. Longenaw {Lan^ana'i!\. p. 849. 
Rolhenthurm, in Hun- 
garian \'"erres Torony 
{Roiienion). A Pass iii 

JOHS Sahtu's Itinerary in Turkey, Tartary, /?t«sm, &c,^ till 
his return io HcnnannsLidt in Transylvania, 
1602-1603 -4.-D.; a:t. 23-24, 



EWier Tchemavda or 
Rasso wa on tke Danube 

A 853. 

A 854. 


? iSandrr), 
Serai {Scre^e\, 

? (Panassa), 

? (Afusa). 
Lascitlo {/Ms/i//a)» 

The Black Sea. 
Cape (Trtj/r). 
Cape (f Widths). 
Strait of Kertc'h (AV^vrj. 
Sea of Azov {Diisaktcca), 
Simu (Susax), 
Tcherkr^h on the river Uon 

? (Cun/sJtf). 

? {Bruitpo), 


77te Combra of AfsR- 
c A TO ft iCtwidia). p. 854- 

T/te Nalbrits 0/ AfER- 
CATOR {NiUhrtts). /. 855. 

(Oa the Don, yEcopoiis.) p. 867. 




{Donka in Cohgske.) 

{Bemiske ) 
{Neu'groii ) 
[Resec/na on the Aiptr,) 

In Selicria), 


Hermannstadt {HcrmonsUtO. 

{0 strode 

p. 868. 
In Vo/on/a.) 

r In Fodolia.) 

John Smith's return home from Transylvania, 
1602-1604 A.D.: at. 23-25. 


xOoj. Fillcck {Fikck \ 

Tokay {Tocka) ( In High 

Kaschaw(Crt-fJf»7'/Vi) I //unt^ary.) 
Alv&{0'nii^trrartKoay)} p, 869. 


ClmUtz {Ulmicht in Mora- 
t/im). p. 869. 


1603. Dec I^ipsic In Lower Saxony 
{Upi-n'ick in Miunlatui.) 

A £69 

1604. Magdeburg, 

? [Hatmi), 

The Uhmc Valley {Pa/a/ina/ey 



1604. Nancy. /. 869. 


Down the Loire. 




The EscoriaL 




Ciudad Real. 

Seville {Civiil). 

Xeres {Chiryes), 

Cadit {Calfs). 

San Lucar de Barnimeda (Saint 

1604. Gibraltar. 



Ccuta {Cmia), 

Tangier ( Tangfr), 

Saffi {Sajge). 

Trip 10 the town of Marncco 

(107 miles inland from Satti), 

and back. 


Smjth^s /yyoLUNTAxr crvtse. 


The Canaries. 

Cape Bojador. 

Santa Cruz. 

Cape Chir {Goa). 



Home at Last, 



A 880. 



It will be seen that these Itineraries are perfectly consistent, that the Au: 
is always moving fonvard. 

PURCHAS thus gives us some more particulars as to Smith's return home. 
'*Then vnder^tanding that the Warres of Multy SkaJi and Mully Scdan^ the 
two Brothers in Barbitrii of Fes and Moroco (to which hee was animated by 
some friends) were concluded in peace, he imbarked himselfe for F^ngland with 
one thousand Duckets in his Purse, which after with a great deale more hee 
cmplo)'ed, in searching more dangers in the West Indies^ and the vnknowne 
parti of vnciuilizcd -^wr/r/rii." ii, 137a 

It would also seem that Smith, after his return home, made a u'alking tour 
in Ireland. 

WiNGFtELD, in his recrimination./. Ixxxix, says of him : 

It was proued to his face, that he begged in Ireland like a rogue, 
without a lycence. 

Of course, this is a distortion. To a man who had tramped or ridden ove^H 
nearly all Europe, a tour on foot in Ireland would be a small matter. ^H 

Not satislicd with all this adventure:, our Author next turned his attention 
to the river Oyapok in South America. 

In the yeare 1605. Captaine Lty, brother to that noble Knight 
Sir Olivtr Lcy^ with divers others, planted himselfe in the River 
UVrt/»oco, wherein 1 should have beene a partie; but hee dyed, 
and there lyes buried: and the supply miscarrying, the rest escaped 
as they could. /. £96. 

From this it is clear, that as he had hitherto followed the Wars w-hercver be 



trand them ; so now, the times having changed to peace, he p^ave himself to 
Colooiraiion : and that having missed going to South America, and Virj^inia being 
the next Attempt that offered, he went to Virginia. The James town Settlement 
did not convert him to the Colonizing Effort to which he henceforth gave 
his entire energies ; but was his second endeavour in that new life which wa& 
DOW opening to him 

B, Virginia, i 605-1612 a.d. 


It u not a work for every one to plant a Colony ; but when a boose U built, U it no Iiard matter to dwel? ' 
IB it. 'X\\n rcquiicth ati the lic&t port^ of Art, J^udgcmcnt, Courage, HotiMty, Coit«t»nu-Y, Diligence, and 
Espeneiicc, to do but ncailly] wtU : and there is a sreat ditlcnnce betwccti Saying and Doing. 

J. Smith, tbao.^. 144. 
Tbenr «nu a little city, and few men within it : and there came a great kmg agaiint it, and bcMcgcd it, 
ad built peat bulwarks against iu Now there wa-« found in it a poor wiu man, and he by liti wtvlum 
delivered tne city \ yet no man rctncmbcred that SAcnc poor man. EceUiiatln tx. 14. 15. 

Hen Captain SMITH went to Virginia, the most adventurous part of 
his life had passed away. He was often, while there, in most im- 
minent danger ; but nothing that he faced or endured in America^ 
came up in peril and dread, to that which he had already undergone 
in Eastern Europe and Tarlary. By this time, he was a hardened 
lier ; a wary, foreseeing, and energetic Officer : so that he already possessed 
experience of savage and scmi-savagc life than any other man in the 
inia expedition of 1606-7. Indeed, in his exceeding wariness, he seems 
to bave over-estimated the military skill of the Virginian Indians, by making 
those forts of which he thus writes m 1629. 

The Forts Captaine Smith left a building, [are] so ruined, there 
is scarce mention where they were. p. 888. 

Yet had he to find out for hin%self a way to manage the Virginian Indians^ 
respecting which others wrote, in 1612. 

Though the many miserable yet generous and worthy adven- 
tures he had long and oft indured as wel in some parts of Africa 
and Anurica, as in the most partes of Europe and Asia, by land or 
s€a, had taught him much: yet, in this case, he was againe to 
Icame his Lecture by experience; which with thus much a doe 
having obtained, it was his ill chance to end when hee had but 
onlic learned how to begin, pp, 159, 160, 

In October 1623, he wTotc himself — 

For Virginia, I kept that country with 38, and had not to cate 
but what we had from the sauages. When I had ten men able to 
go abroad, our common wealth was very strong; with such a 
number I ranged that vnknown country 14 weekcs ; I had but iS 
10 subdue them all, with which great army I stayed six weekes 

T 2 O 

icir greatest Kings habitations, till they -had gathered 
icr all ihe power they could ; and yet the Dutch-men sent at 
llesse excessiue charge did heipe Powhatan how to betray me. 
their numbers we were vncertaine; but them two honorable 
cmen (Captaine George Percic and Captainc Francis West, 
f the PhittipluccSt and some other such noble gentlemen and 
ite spirits bore their shares with me, and now liuing in Englaftd) 
56' me take this murdering Opcchankattoufik now their great 
by the long locke on his head ; with my pistole at his breast, 
him among his greatest forces, and before we parted made 
ill our Bark of twenty Tuns with corne. When their owne 
\ was such, I haue given them part againe in pittie, and others 
bought it againe to plant their fields. 

r wronging a souldier but the value of a peny, I have caused 
aiam send his owne men to lames Townc to rcceiue their 
hment at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremitie 
shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that 
tooke me prisoner ; yet God made Pocahontas the Kings 
iter the mcanes to deliuer me : and thereby taught me to 

their trecheries to preserue the rest. 

was also my chance in single combat to take the King of 
.]icgh prisoner: and by keeping him, forced his subiects to 
5 in chaines till I made all the country pay contribution ; 
ig little else whereon to Hue, 

^ise in this time I was their President, and none can say in 
at time I had a man slaine : but for keeping them in that 

I was much blamed both there and here : yet I left 500 
id me that, through their confidence, in six monthes came 
to confusion, as you may reade at large in the description of 

nia [pp. 170,49^1- 

hcn I went first to these desperate designes, it cost me many 
gotten pound to hire men to go; and procrastination caused 
[to] run away then went, //. 262-3. 
I again: 

hinke it more strange they should taxe me before they haue 
as much as I haue both by land and sea, as well in Asia and 
a, as Europe and America^ where my commanders were actors 
ectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I neuer needed 
iportunate, n[or] could I euer learne to beg : what there I got, 
ic thus spent. 
tesc sixteen yeares I haue spared neither paines nor money 



according to my abilitie, first to procure his Maiesties Letters 
patients, and a Company here to be the means to raise a company 
to go with me to Virginia^ as is said ; which beginning here and 
ihere cost me ncare 5 yeares [1604-1609] worke, and more then 
500 pounds of my owne estate, besides all the dangers^ miseries, 
and incumbrances I endured gratis ; where I stayed till I left 500 
letter prouided than euer I was : from which blessed virgin (ere I 
reionied) sprung the fortunate habitation of Somcr lies. 

This Virgins sister, now called New England^ an. 1616. at my 
bumble suit by our most gracious Prince Charles, hath bin neare 
as chargeable to me and my friends : for all which I neuer got 
shillings but it cost me many a pound, yet I thinke my selfehappie 
to see their prosperities. ^. 266-7. 
Once more, in 1624, he wrote : 

Hauing spent some Sue yeares [1604-1609], and more than fiue 
hundred pounds in procuring the Letters Patents and setting 
forward, and necre as much more about New Englafid, Sec. Thus 
these nineteene yeares [1603-1624] I haue here and there not 
spared any thing according to my abilitie, nor the best aduice I 
could, to perswade how those strange miracles of misery might 
haue beene preuented, which lamentable experience plainly taught 
me of necessity must insue. but few would beleeue me till now too 
deerely they haue paid for it. Wherefore hitherto I haue rathef j 
left all then vndertake impossibilities, or any more such costly^ 
t&skes at such chargeable rates: for in neither of those two 
Countries haue I one foot of Land, nor the very house I builded, 
nor the ground I digged with my owne hands, nor euer any content 
or satisfaction at all. And though I see ordinarily those two 
'Countries shared before me by them that neither haue them nor 
knowes them, but by my descriptions : Yet that doth not so muchi 
trouble me, as to heare and see those contentions and diuisions' 
which will hazard if not ruine the prosperitie of Virginia, if present 
remedy bee not found, as they haue hindred many hundreds, who 
would haue beene there ere now, and makes them yet that are 
willing to stand in a deraurre. 

For the Books and Maps I haue made, I will thanke him that 
will shew me so much for so little rccompence ; and beare with 
their errors till I haue done better. //. 613-4. 

For our Authors own arcount of his Virginian experiences, the reader should 
firet carefully read his Report &c. to the Royal Commissioners in 1624, ai 
f^* 610-620 ; and his final review of the whole matter in his Aihf^tisimcn/i of 



1630, 9Xpp, 937-931. He wtU then see things with S)ifTH''s eyes, and from 

Id the second of these accocnts, oar Author speaks of '" I with my party "* in 
the lames river Settlement. TT\e Colony soon broke into two dh-isions, that 
headed by Ratcuffe, Martin, and Archfr ; and that which followed SMxru. 

As everything relating to that Settlement in the present Text, might ihc^cvcr 
true in itself) be antecedently prejudiced on the ground that it was an ex p^trte 
statement ; the manifesto of a Party that did net perish, nhen the other side d;d ta 
Til* ^/oriVif ^' 77/m* of 1 609- 1 o : we have prin ted i n the foJiowing pages of this /jTrnp- 
A$ctiffH all the Eye-witness testimonies we could find, of the state of the Colony 
dnrii^tbe nearly thirty months our Author was there ; he having arrived with the 
Expedition in Chesapeake Bay on the ^h April 1607, and left James town, after 
having been injured oy gunpowder, for England on the 4th October 1609. 

Here again the result is perfectly satisfactory. These Eye-witness Accotznts 
simply OS with a lot of new and most interesting information ; and, above ay, 
aflord us a number of important dates on which to pi^-ot the history of those 
thirty months. 

Seeing therefore that all this inustrati>-e material only brings out the geoetal 
truthfulness of the Text at large ; once more, from this fresh test, we accord to 
our Author a fresh measure of confidence. Undoubtedly, Smith was 
Savioar of the James riTer Settlement 

Before u*e give these most valuable contemporary dr)cuments, it may be 
to touch upon the false charge of an imaginary mutiny, which nearly coM. 
Author his life while on the ro)'age oat to Virginia. 

It does not appear that SMITH actually did anything at aU. 

WiNGFiEU> sutcs, p. bucxiii, that on 17 SepiembCT 1607, he was 
the Colony to pay ^200 [= /800 rtacL''] to Captam Smith, /. 3S9, 

for that I had said bee did conceale an intended mutany. 
Master Smyths quarrcll, [u-itb cne, was' because his name 
mencioned in the entended and confessed mutiny by Galthropp, p. 
Stephen Galthorpe died on tj Aug. 1607, see/. Ixxi. 
This accusation appears to have been made at Domtnica, on the Z4th ^far^ 
1607, /5. Ivii-lviii ; and during the six da>-s [28th Mar.-2 Apr. 1607] the Ex- 
pedition suyed at Nevis,/, lix, our Author says: 

Such factions here we had, as commonly attend such voyages, 
that a paire of gallowes was made ; but Captaine Smith, for whom 
thcj' were intended, could not be perswaded to use them : but not 
anyone of the inventcrs but their lives by justice fell into his 
power to determine of at his pleasure; whom with much mercy 
he favoured, that most basely and unjustly would have betrayed 
him. p. 91a 
The exact nature of the wild charge against SMrrH will be seen at/. 588L 
He however remained a prisoner until the Gentlemen in the Colony havinir 
on Jnne 6, p. Uii, put up a petition to the Council, he was su-om of the Couacfl 
on the loth June 1607, p, hv ; or as he puts it at//. 93, 388, he was imprisoned* 
ffbr nothing :] 13 weeks. 


^I LL us TRA r/ yE D O C UMENTS.'\ 

The London Virginia Company. 

Instructions by way of , advice j for the 
intended Voyage to Virginia. 

In ihe Library of the Con(jress» at Washington, D.C., in two folio 
volumes, is a copy of the original Minutes of the London or Southern 
\*irginia Company, between 1617 and the date of its dissolution 16 
June 1624^ In the same volume arc copies of documents relating lo 
an eirlicr period of the Colony ; and amon^ these, ihc following /«- 
xtrucfio/Uf which have been printed in a modernized form by Mr. E. 
D. NeilL at /. 8 of his History of the London Virginia Company^ 
AUnoy, N.V*. 1S69 ; from whence we have here given iheau 

Instructions given by way of advice by us whom it 
hath pleased the King's Majesty to appoint of the 
Counsel for the intended voyage to Virginia, to be 
observed by those Captains and company which arc 
sent at this present to plant there. 

S we doubt not but you will have especial 
care to observe the ordinances set down 
by the King's Majesty and delivered 
unto you under the Privy Seal ; so for 
jour better directions upon your first 
landing we have thought good to recom- 
mend unto your care these instructions 
and articles following. 
When it shall please God to send 30U on the coast of 
Virginia, you shall do your best endeavour to find out 
a safe port in the entrance of some navigable river, making 
£MC Jc/r. UB, No. le. C 


xxxiv \InsirHctions by way of Advice &c. 

TTi* Vin 

[1606] choice of such a one as runneth farthest into the land, and 
ifyou happen to discover divers portable rivers, and amongst 
them any one that hath two main branches* if the difference 
be not great, make choice of that which bendeth most 
toward the North-west for that way you shall soonest 
find the other sea. ^ 

When you have made choice of the river on which ydl 
mean to settle, be not hasty in landing your victuals and 
munitions; but first let Captain Newport discover how far 
that river may be found navigable, that you [may] make 
election of the strongest, most wholesome and fertile place ; 
for if you make many removes, besides the loss of time^ 
you shall greatly spoil your victuals and your casks, a^| 
with great pain transport it in small boats. ^B 

But if you choose your place so far up as a bark of fifty 
tuns will float, then you may lay all your provisions ashore 
with case, and the better receive the trade of all the 
countries about you in the land ; and such a place you 
may perdiance find a hundred miles from the river's 
mouth, and the further up the better. For if you sit down 
near the entrance, except it be in some island that is 
strong by nature, an enemy that may approach you on even 
ground, may easily pull you out : and if he be driven to 
seek \*oa a hundred miles [in] the land in boats, you shall 
from ixjth sides of the river where it is narrowest, so beat 
them with your muskets as they shall never be able to 
prevail against you. 

And to the end that you be not surprized as the French 
were in Florida by Mclindus, and the Spaniard in the same 
place by the Fren<^h, you shall do well to make this 
double provisioa. First, erect a little stoure at the mouth 
of the river that may lodge some ten men; with whom 
\*ou shall leave a light boat, that when any &cet shall 
be in sight, they may come with speed to give you warn- 
ing. Secondly, you must in no case suffer any of the 
native people of the countr>* to inhabit bet^-^ien you and 
the sea coast ; for you cannot carry ^'ourselves so towards 
them, but they will grow discontented with your habitation, 
and be ready to guide and assist any nation that shall 
come to invade you : and if you n^lect this, you De;glcct 
yoor safety. 

tVtf0iua Co. 

Instructions by way of Advice &ci\ 


When you have discovered as far up the river as 
you mean to plant yourselves, and landed your victuals 
and munitions ; to the end that every man may know 
know his charge, you shall do well to divide your six 
y:ff:t. men into three parts: whereof one party of them 
you may appoint to fortilie and build, of which your 
first work must be your storehouse for victuals; the 
othcr(s] you may imploy in preparing your ground and 
sowing your com and roots; the other ten of these forty 
you must leave as centinel at the haven's mouth. 

The other forty you may imploy for two months in 

discovery of the river above you, and on the country about 

you; which charf^e Captain Newport and Captain Go5«o/rf 

may undertake of these forty discoverers. When they 

do espie any high lands or hills, Captain Gosnold may 

tike twenty of the company to cross over the lands, and 

canrying a half dozen pickaxes to ti-y if they can find 

any minerals. The other twenty may go on by river, and 

pitch up boughs upon the bank's side, by which the 

other boats sliall follow them by the same turnings. You 

may also take with them a wherry, such as is used here 

the Thames ; by which you may send back to the 

ident for supply of munition or any other want, that 

Vou may not be driven to return for every small defect. 

You must observe if you can, whether the river on 

ich 3*ou plant doth spring out of mountains or out 

lakes. If it be out of any lake, the passage to the 

other sea will be more easy, and [it] is like enough, that 

out of the same lake you shall find some spring which 

run's i the contrary way towards the East India Sea; for 

the great and famous rivers of Volga, Tan[a\is and Dwina 

have three heads near joyn'Cjd; and yet the one falleth 

into the Caspian Sea, the other into the Enxinc Sea, and 

the tlurd into the Palonian Sea. 

In all your passages you must have great care not 
to offend the naturals, if you can eschew it; and imploy 
some few of your company to trade with them for com 
and all other lasting victuals if you [? tkeyl have any: and 
this you must do before that they perceive you mean 
to plant among them: for not being sure how your 
own seed corn will prosper the first year, to avoid the 



xxxvi [Imtructions by way of Advice &c. 







[1606] danper of famine, use and endeavour to store yourse 
of the country corn. 

Your discoverers that passes over land with hired gui 
must look well to them that thej' slip not from them : an 
for more assurance, let them take a compass with then 
and write down how far they go upon every point of 
compass; for that country having no way nor pat 
that your guides run from you in the p^reat woods 
desert, you shall hardly ever find a passage back. 

And how weary soever your soldiers be, let them n 
trust the country' people with the carriage of the 
weapons ; for if they run from you with your shott^ whic 
they only fear, they will easily kill them all with tbi 
arrows. And whensoever any of yours shoots before thai 
be sure they may be chosen out of your best marksmen ; f< 
if they see your learners miss what they aim at, they 
think the Aveapon not so terrible, and thereby will 
bould to assault you. 

Above all things, do not advertize the IdHing of 
of your men, that the country people may know it ; if the 
perceive that they are but common men, and that wit 
the loss of many of theirs they diminish any part of your 
they will make many adventures upon you. If the countt 
be populous, you shall do well also, not to let thei 
sec or know of your sick men. if you have any; wh|l 
may also encourage them to many enterpri/es. ^ 

You must take especial care that you choose a scj 
for habitation that shall not be over burthened v 
woods near your town: for all the men you have, 
not be able to cleanse twenty acres a year ; besides th 
may serve for a covert for your enemies round about. 

Neither must you plant in a low or moist place, becaof 
it will prove unhealthfull. You shall judge of the goo 
air by the people ; for some part- of that coast where th 
lands are low, have their people blear eyed, and 
swollen bellies and legs: but if the naturals be st 
and clean made, it is a true sign of a wholesome soil* 

You must take order to draw up the pinnace thai 
left with you, under the fort: and [to] take her sal 
and anchors ashore, all but a small kedge to 
least some ill-disposed persons slip away with hei 




hislruciions by way of Advice &c^ xxxvli 


Tb Voztoa Co. 


You must take care that your marriners that go for 
s, do not marr your trade : for those that mind 
to inhabite, for a little gain will debase the estimation 
of exchange, and hinder the trade for ever after : and 
irefore you shall not admit or suffer any person what- 
er, other than such as shall be appointed by the 

'resident and Counsel there, to buy any merchandizes or 
other things whatsoever. 

It were necessary that all your carpenters and other 
such like workmen about building do first build your 
storehouse and those other rooms of publick and neces- 
sary use before any house be set up for any private 
person : and though the workman may belong to any 
private persons yet let them all work together first for 
the company and then for private men. 

And seeing order is at the same price with confusion, it 
shall be adviseably done to set your houses even and by a 
line, that your streets may have a good breadth, and be 
carried square about your market place, and every street's 
end opening into it ; that from thence, with a few field 
pieces, you may command every street throuRhout ; which 
market place you may also fortify if you think it needfull. 

You shall do well to send a perfect relation by Captaine 
Newport of all that is done, what height you are seated, 
how far into the land, what commodities you find, what 
soil, woods and their several kinds, and so of all other 
things else to advertise particularly ; and to suffer no man 
to return but by pasport from the President and Counsel, 
nor to write any letter of any thing that may discourage 

Lastly and chiefly the way to prosper and achieve good 
success is to make yourselves all of one mind for the 
good of your country and your own, and to serve and fear 
God the Giver of all Goodness, for every plantation 
NN'hich our Heavenly Father hath not planted shall bo 
rooted out* 



Robert Tihdall, 
Gunner to Prince Henry. 

Letter to the Prince^ 
2 2 yune 1607. 

\fUrt. MS. 7007.^. i>p; in Ui« BritUli 


thought it no lesscthan my dutybeinpe 
imployed in this voyage of Verginia, In 
all humble mannor to make your 
Princclye sclfe acquainted with those 
accidentes which hathe happenned to 
vs in this our voyage. May it therefore™ 
please your grace to accepte at thefl 
handcs of your most humble and duti- 
full ftcrunntc a dcarnall of our voyage and draughte of our 
Kuicr hcaiincloscd by vs discouered where neuer christian 
before Imlhc bccnc, and also to let your grace vndcrstande 
woo arc safclyc arryucd and planted in this Contreye by 
the prouidcnce and mercyc of God, which wee finde to be 
in it Bclfc moKt fruitcfuIK of the whiche wee haue taken 
A Kcall nnd puhlickc possession in the name and to the 
vno nl ynur Koyall father and our gratious kinge and 
•(iueruij;ne : Thus ceasing for being too tedious and trouble- 
Home vnto your grace, 1 in all humble mannour committ 
your Princclye Rclfc to the protection of almightie God 
whomc on my knees I dayelye prayc (as I am bounde) 


Letter to Prince Henry.] 



blesse and prosper your godlye and vertuous proceedings ; 
From lames Towne in Virginia this: 22 of lune 1607. 
By your Graces most humble dutiful! 
and faithfull seruaunte and 



To the highe and Mightie Prince Henry Frederickc 
prince and heyre apparente of greate Brittaine Frauncc 
Ireland and Virginia. 


Tindall his H- gunner 
from Virginia. 




The above-mentioned "dcamall of our voyage," and "drawghte" of 
the James river (scc/i. \li) are apparently now lost. 

There is, however, a later draught by this Gunner, which now fonns 
C(t»/A ^15". Augustus I., VoL II. No* 46, in the British Museum; 
which is cniidcd 

The Draught by Koberte Tindall 
of Virginia. Anno 160S. 



A Gentleman of the Colony. 

Gabriel Archer.] 

[? Captain 

ji nlayton of the Discovery^ 
2 1 May — 2 2 yune 1607. 

3 time*H 
, refers ■ 


Tlii* »s 0"c of ihe many Relations that were written at this 
It w*ni »ccn by President Wingfield; who, the next year, i6oS, 
liilt i icc/. Uxvi. 

Out uf the five Gentlemen of the Colony named on the opposite 

1»ni!fi ***'• narrative would seem to have been written by Captain 
(AliHiKL Archek. The abridgement of the Hon. G. PtRCV's Relation 
(pvcring this period, we have Vk\ pp. Ivii-lxxiii. ^h 

The writer, whoever he was, took an important subordinate part in^| 
the expedition, discussing matters with the natives, &c. Speaking of^ 
the Chesapeake Indians, at/, xliv, he tells a Chief, on 23 May 1607, 

That we had warres with them also, shewing hurtcs 
scarce whole received by them, 

evidently referring to the attack, of the Chesapeake Indians on thoj 
36 April previous, when Captain ARCHER was hurl in both his hands,] 
p. Ixii : and he was the only one then present, so hurt on thai occaslonJ 
I'he way this sentence is written mates us think that Akchkk was] 
ij>eaking of his own wounds. If another person had been writing" 
of him, he would have mentioned Captain Archer's name. 

Another slight presumption ns to the authorship, is that, in the list 
of Discoverers, he puts his own name before Smith's ; and also that 
the scrivener has written his name in larger letters than he has used 
in writing those of the three following Gentlemen. 1 

\Statt Pit/m, Coiimimi. Vol. I. (i574-i«ji), No. 15.] ' 

A relatyon of the Discovery of our River, from lames 
ForU into the Maine : made by Captaine Chtistvfcr 
Newport; and sincerely writen and observed by a 
gent: of y^ Colony. ■ 

" '*^*'*^^"Hursday the xxith of May, Captaine 
Newport (having fitted our shallop with 
provision and all necessaryes belonging 
to a discovery) tooke 5. gentlemen. 4. 
Marynersand. 14. Saylours,\vilh whorac 
he proceeded with a perfect rcsolulyon 
not to returne, but either to finde y*= 
head of this Ryver,the Laake mentyoned 

A relaiyon of the Discovery of our River &€^ xH 


ICktif.C. Archer. 

n June 1607. 

by others heretofore, the Sea againe, the Mountaynes 
Apalatsi, or some issue. 

The names of the Dysco- 1 o„„i.„- r^r - * / at * » 
verorers are thes ] ^^^P^^'"^ ChrtstoM Newport. 

George Percy c esq, 
Captaine Gabriel I Archer 
Captaine Ihon Smyth 
^faster Ihon Brookes 
Master Thomas Woiton 

ffrancys Nellson 

John Colhon 
Robert Tyndall ^^ 
Mathcw ffyich 




1. lonas Poole, 

2. Robert Markham, 

3. lohn Crookdeck. 

4. Olyver Browne. 

5. Beniamyn White. 

6. Rychard Genoway. 

7. Thomas Turnbrydge. 

8. Thomas Godword* 

9. Robert lackson. 

10. Charles Clarke, 

11. Stephen. 

12. Thomas Skynner* 

13. Icrcmy DcalCn 

14. D any ell. 


Thus from lames Fort we tooke our leave about Noone, 
and by night we were vp the Ryver. 18. myle at a lowe 
meadow point, which I call Wynauh. Here came the 
people, and entertayned vs with Daunces and much 
rcioycing. This kyngdome Wynauh is full of pearle 
musklcs. The kyng of Paspciotih and this king is at odds, 
as the Paspeians tould me, and Demonstrated by their 
hurtes : hecre we anckorcd all night. 

ffryday, omitting no tyme, we passed vp some. 16, mylc May 22. 
further, where we founde an I let, on which were many 
Turkeys, and greate store of yonge byrdes like Black 
birdcs, wherof wee tooke Dyvers, which wee brake our fast 
wilhall. Now spying. 8. salvages in a Canoa, we haled 
them by our worde of kyndnes; Wingapohj and they came 
to vs. In conference by signes with them, one seemed to ,.. ,,5;;^ 
vnderstand our intentyon, and offred with his foote to »iv»».iv.j' 
Describe the river to vs : So I gaue him a pen and paper 
{shewing first y* vse) and he layd out the whole River 
from the Chesseian bay to the end of it so farr as passadg'e] 
was for boats: he tolde vs of two Iletts in the Ryvcr we 
should passe by, meaning that one whereon we were, and 

9klti [M wU(^ii e/'M* Discovery of our River &c. , cnpL'G?A^^S: 

>3 June 160;. 

(IfOtI then come to an overfall of water, beyond that of two 
kvnKdomcs which llie Ryver Kunes by, then a great 
liiht^ncc of f i,the Mountaincs^«/Vrt/iA as he named them: 
beyond which by his relation is that which we expected^ 
Tliin fellow parting from vs promised to procure vs 
whentc if we would stay a little before, and fur that intent 
went back againe to provide it : but we coming by the 
place where he was, with many more very Desirous of ojr 
Company, stayd not, as being eagre of our good tydinges* 
He notwithstanding with two wemen and another fellow 
of his owne consort, followed vs some sixc mile with 
haskctes full of Dr>'ed oysters, and mett vs at a point, 
where calling to vs, we went ashore and bartred with 
ihcm for most of their victualls. 

Here the shoare began to be full of greate Cobble 
stones, and higher land. The Ryver skantes of his breadth, 
a. mile before we come to the Ilct mentyoned which I 
call Turkey He : yet keepes it a quarter of a mile broade 
most comonly, and Depe water forshipping. This fellow 
with the rest overtooke vs agayne vpon the Doubling of 
another point: Now they had gotten mulberyes, little 
swcete nuttes like Acorns (a veiye good fruite), wheate, 
beanes and mulberyes sodd together and gave vs. Some 
of them Desired to be sett over the Ryver, which we dyd, 
and they parted. 

Now we passed a Reach of. 3. mile ^. in length, highe 
stony ground on Popham syde. 5. or, 6. fadome. 8. oares 
length from the shoare. 

This Daye we went about. 38. mile and came to an 
Ankre at a place I call poorc Cottage ; where we went 
ashore, and were vsed kyndly by the ]»eople, wee sodd our 
kettle by y- water syde within nighte, and rested aboorde. 

Max 23. Satterday we passed a few short reaches; and. 5. mile 
l^kvUi.) of poore Cottage we went a shore. Heer we found our 
kinde Comrades againe, who had gyven notice all along 
as they came of vs : by which we were entcrtayned with 
much Courtesye in every place. We found here a Wiroam 
(for so they call their kynges) who satt upon a matt of 
Reedcs, with his people about him : He caused one to be 
layd for Captaine Newport^ gave vs a Deare roasted ; which 

ic«ii!GrAShS. A relatyon of the Discovery of our River &c^ xliii 

t% June 1607. 



according to their Custome they seethed aRaine; His 
people gave vs mullberyes, sodd wheate and beanes, and 
\xt caused his weomen to make Cakes (or vs. He gave 
our Captaine his Crownc which was of Deares hayre, 
Dyed redd. Certifying him of our intentyon vp the Ryver, 
he was willing to send guydes with us. This we found to 
be a kynge subiect to Pawatah the Cheife of all the kyng- 
domes) his name is Arahatcc : the Country Arahatecoh. 

Now as we satt merye banquetting with them, seeing 
their Daunces, and taking Tobacco, Newes came that the 
grcate kyng Powatah was come: at whose presence they 
all rose of[f] their mattes (sauc the king Arahatcc) ; sepa- 
rated themselves aparte in fashion of a Guard, and with a 
long shout they saluted him. Him wee saluted with silence 
sitting still on our mattes, our Captaine in the myddest; 
but presented (as before we Dyd to king Arahaiec) gyftes 
of dyvers sortes, as penny knyves, sheeres, belies, beades, 
gtasse toycs &c. more amply then before. Now this king 
appointed. 5. men to guyde us up the River, and sent 
Postes before to provydc us victualK 

I caused now our kynde Consort that described the [//•-.««. 
River to vs, to draw it againe before kyng ArahaUCf who 
in euery thing consented to his Draught, and it agreed 
with his 6rst relatyon. This we found a faythfull fellow, 
he was one that was appointed guyde for us. 

Thus parting from ArahaUcs ioye, we found the people 
on either syde the Ryver stand in Clusters all along, still 
proferring vs victualls, which of some were accepted ; as 
our guydes (that were with vs in the boate) pleased, and 
gaue them requitall. 

So after we had passed some xo. myle, which (by the 
pleasure and ioye we tooke of our kinde interteynmcnt, 
and for the Comfort of our happy and hopefull Discovery) 
we accompted scarce. 5. we came to the second I let 
Described in the Ryver; over against which on Popham 
Ryde is the habitatyon of the greate kyng Pawatahi which 
I call Pawatahs Towre\ it is scituat upon a highe Hill by 
the water syde, a plaync betweene it and the water. 12. 
score r^'ards] over, wheron he sowes his wheate, beane, 
pcaze, tobacco, pompions, gourdes, Hempe, flaxe, &c. 
And were any Art vsed to the naturall state of this place. 

xlvii, lv.| 


xBv \A relatyon of the Discovery of 0HrRw€r&c. ToJtTcillSS 

it would be a goodly habitatyon : Heere we were con- 
ducted vp the Hill 10 the kyng, with whomc we found 
our kinde kinf; Arahaiec: Tbes. 2. salt by themselves 
aparte from all the rest (saue one who satt by Pottatah^ 
and what he was I could not gesse but they told me 
he was no Wiroans) : Many of his company satt on either 
side: and the mattes for vs were layde right over against 
the kynges. He caused his weomen to bring vs vittaileSp 
raulber>'es, strawberr>'es &c. but our best entertaynment 
was frendly wellcome. t 

In Discoursing with him, we founde that all the kyng-^ 
domes from the were frendes with him, and (to 

vse his owTie w^orde) Cheisc, which is all one with him or 
vnder him. Also wee perceived the Chtssipian to be an 
Enemye generally to all thes kyn^domes : vpon which I 
tooke occasion to signifye our Displeasure with them 
also: making it knowne that we refused to plant in ihcir 
Country; that we had warres with them aJso, shewing 
hurtes scarce whole received by them, for which we vowed 
revenge, after their maner, pointing to the Sunne : fifurther 
wc certifyed him that we were frendes with all his people 
and kyngdomes, neither had any of ihcm ofFred us ill, or 
vsed vs vnkyndly. Hereupon he (very well understanding 
by the wordes and signes we made ; the significatyon of 
our meaning) moved of his owne accord a leauge of fn,-nd- 
ship with vs; which our Captaine k\-ndly imbraced: and 
for concluding therof, gaue him his gowne, put it on his 
back himselfe, and laying his hand on his breast saying 
Wingapoh Chcmuzc (the most k>iide wordes of salutatyon 
that may be) he salt Downe. 

Now the Day Drawing on, we made signe to be gone, 
wherwith he was contented ; and sent. 6. men with vs : 
we also left a man with him, and Departed. But now 
rowing some. 3. myle in shold water we came to an 
overfall, impassable for boates any further. Here the 
water falles Downe through great mayne Rockes, from 
ledges of Rockes aboue. 2. fadome highe : in which fall 
it maketh Divers little Iletts, on which might be 
placed 100, water milnes for any vses. Our mayne R>'vcr 
ebbs and flowes.4. foote even to y« skert of this Downfall. 
Shippes of. 200. or. 300- tonne may come to within. 5. 

T&iiTiEShtr: A relatyonoj the Discovery of our River &c.'\ xlv 

IX June i6c7. 

myle hereof, and the rest Deepe inoughe for Barges, or [1607] 
small vessells that Drawe not aboue. 6. foote water. 
Having viewed this place, betweene Content and greefe 
■we left it for this night, detcrmyning the next Day to fitt 
our selfe for a March by Land. 

So we road all night betweene Pawaiahs Tower and that 
Ilet I call wheron is. 6. or. 7. families. One 

of our Guydes which we had from Arahatecs loy whose 
name was Nauiraus^ and now we found to be brother in 
Lawe to king Arahatec, desired to sleepc in the boate with 
vs: we permitted him, and vsed him with all the kyndnes 
we coulde ; He proved a very trustye frend, as after is 
Declared. Now we sent for our Man to Pawaiah, who 
coming told us of his entertaynment, how they had pre- 
pared mattes for him to lye on, gave him store of victualls, 
and made asmuch on him as coulde be/ 

Sonday, Whitsondayp our Captayne caused two pccces May 34. 
of porke to be sodd a shore with pease; to which he 
invyted king Pawatahx (or Arahatec perswading himselfe 
we would come Downe the Ryver that night, went home 
before Dynner, for preparatyon against our Coming, But 
in presence of them both it fell out that we missing two 
bullet bagges which had shott and D3'^vcrs trucking t<^^ 
in them : we Complayned to theis kyiiges, who instantly 
caused them all to be restored, not wanting any thing, 
Howbeit they had Devyded the shott and toyes to (at 
least) a Dozen severall persons; and those also in the Ilet 
over the water: One also havinjj stoUen a knyfe, brought 
it againe vpon his Comaunde before we supposed it lost, 
or had made any signe for it ; So Captaine Newport gave 
thanckes to the kinges and rewarded the theeves with the 
same toyes they had stollen, but kept the bullets : yet he 
made knowne unto them the Custome of England to be 
Death for such offences. 

Now Arahatec departed, and it being Dynner tyme, 
king Paivaiah with some of his people satt w'ith vs, 
rought of his dyet, and we fedd familiarly, without sitting 
his state as before ; he eat very freshly of our meat, 

ranck of our beere, Aquavite, and Sack. Dynner Done 
we enlred into Discourse of the Ryver how far it might be 


xlvi {Arclatyonoftlu Discovery of our Rivtr&c. tc-JSToASlS: 

xa JuDC 1607. 

[1607] to the head therof, where the>' gat their Copper, and their 
Iron, and bow many dayes lon^ye it was to Monanacah 
Rahctcacah and the Mountaines Quirank : requesting him 
to have guydes with vs also in our intended March ; for 
our Captaine Determyned to hauc travelled two or. 3. 
dayes lornye a fooie vp the Rj-^-er : but without Ky\*ing 
any answer to our Demaundes, he shewde he would meete 
vs him&elfe at the overfall and so we parted. This 
NatUraus accompanyed vs still in the boate. According 
to his promysc he [Pawatah' mett vs; where the fellow 
whome I haue called our kinde Consort, he that followed 
vs from Turkey lie, at the Coming of Fauatah made signc 
to vs we must make a shoute, which we Dyd, 

Now sitting vpon the banck by the ovcifall beholding 
the same, he began to tell %-$ of the tedyous travell we 
should haue if wee proceeded any further, that it was a 
Daye and a halfe lomey to Monamuah, and if we went to 
Quirafukt we should get no vittailcs and be tyred, and 
sought by all meanes to Disswade our Captayne from 
going any further : Also he tolde vs that the \iottaH4Mcah 
was his Enmye, and that he came Downe at the fall 
of the leafe and invaded his Countiye. 

Now what I coniecture of this I haue left to a further 
experience- But our Captayne out of his Discreyton 
(though we would faine have seene further, yea and 
himselfe as desirous also) Checkt his intentyon and re- 
tomed to his boate ; as holding it much better to please 
the king (with whome and all of his Comaund he had 
made so faire way) then lo prosecute his owne fancye or 
satisfye our requestes: So vpon one of the little Iletts at 
the mouth of the falls he sett vp a Crosse with this 
lM*«s*.7J inscription lacobus Rex, 1607. and his owne name belowe: 
At the erecting hereof we prayed for our kyng and our 
owne prosperous succes in this his Actyon, and pro- 
cla}med him k\-ng, with a greate showte. The king 
Pauatah was now gone (and as ue noted somewhat 
Distasted with our importunity of proceeding vp fuither) 
and all the Salvages likewise save yauirans^ who seeing 
vs set \*p a Crosse with such a shoute, began to admire; 
but our Captayne told him that the two Armes of the 
Crosse signifyed king PouataJi and himselfe, the fastening 

ICipt. G. Archer. 
u Jane 1607. 

A relatyon 0/ the Discovery of our River cS^r.] xlvil 

of it in the myddest was their vnited Leaug, and the [1607] 

shoute the reverence he Dyd to Pawatah, which cheered 
Xauiraus not a little. 

Also (which I have omytted) our Captayne before 
Pawatuh Departed shewed him that if he would, he would 
gyve the Wiroatts of Monanacah into his handes, and 
make him king of that Countr>', making signes to bring 
It) his ayde. 500. men, which pleased the king muche» 
and vpon this (I noted) he told vs the tyme of the yere 
when his enemyes assaile him. 

So fan* as we could Disceme the River above the over- 
fall, it was full of huge Rockcs: About a myle offj, it makes 
a pretty bigg Hand; It runnes up betweene highe Hilles 
which increase in height one aboue another so farr as wee 
sawe. Now our kynde Consortes relatyon saylh (which I 
dare well beleeve, in that I found not any one report false [//. xii. xKEi, 
of the River so farr as we tryed, or that he tolde vs ^""^ 
\*ntruth in any thing ells whatsoeuer) that after a Dayes 
iomey ormorc,this River Devydesit selfeintotwo branches, 
which both come from the mountaynes Qnirank, Here he 
whispered with me that thecr caqitassan was gott in the 
biles of Rockes and betweene Cliffes in certayne vaynes. 

Having ended thus of force our Discover)-, our Captayne 

ended to call of kyng Pawniahy and sending Nauiraus 
vp to him he came DowTie to the water syde; where he (//.ixix,?.) 
Went a shore single vnto him, presented him with a 
Hatchet, and staying but till Nauiraus had tolde (as we 
trewly perceived) the meaning of our setting vp the Crosse, 
■which we found Dyd exceedingly reioyce him, he came a 
boorde, with the kyndcst farewell that possible might be. 
Now at our putting ofi_fj the boate, Natiirans willed vs to 
make a shout, which we Dyd two severall times, at which 

Iking and his company weaved their skinnes about their 
fldes answering our shout with gladnesin a frendly fashion. 
This night (though late) we came to Arahatcc loy, where 
! found the "king ready to cntertayne vs, and had pro- 
led some victualls for vs, but he tolde vs he was very sick, 
d not able to sitt vp long with us, so we repaired aborde. 


shore to h 


he came 
m agayne. 

to the water syde, and we went a May 25. 
He tolde vs that our hott Drynckes 

xlviii [^A rehtyon of (1x4 Discovery of ottr River &c, '^f;^l^^\ 

■n Jone i6of — ^ 

[X607] he thought caused his greefe, but that he was well agaync^ 
and we were very wellcome. lie sent for another Deers= 
which was roasted and after sodd for us (as before) Que — 
Captayne caused his Dynner to be Dressed a shore also—^ 
Thus we satt banquetting all the forenoone. some of hl^s 
people led vs to their houses, shewed vs the growing olB 
their Come and the maner of setting it, gave us Tobaccd.^ 
wallnutes, mulbcryes, strawberryes, and Respises. One—— 

(jV- 74*3^1 shewed us the herbe called in their tongue whacany whicli^ 
they say heales poysoned woundes, it is like lyverwort or^:= 
bloudwort. One gaue me a Roole wherwith they poisons 
their Arrowes. they would shew vs any thing we^ 
Demaundcd, and laboured very much by signes to make^ 
vs vnderstand their Languadge. 

Nauiratis our guyde and this kings brother made a^ 
complaint to ArahaUc, that one of his people prest into^ 
our boate to[o] vyolently vpon a man of ours ; whict^v 
Captaine Newport (vndcrstandingthe pronenesof his own^s 
men to such iniur>xs) misconstruing the matter, sent ioxfH 
his owne man, bound him to tree before King ArakatccJ^ 
and with a Cudgell soundly beate him. the king perceive— 
ing the error, stept vpand stayde our Captaynes hand An(^ 
setting still a while, he spyed his owne man that Dyd th^^ 
iniurye : upon which he silently rose, and made towarde^ 
the fellow, he seeing him come, runn away, after ran thi 
king, so swiftly as I assure my selfe he might gyve any 
our Company. 6. score fyards] in. 12. with the king ran als< 
Dyvers others, who all returning brought Cudgel Is an< 
wandes in their hands all to be tewed, as if they had beatei 
him extreamly. 

At Dynner our Captayne gaue the kyng a glasse and 
some Aquavitae therin, shewing him the benefytt of the 
water, for which he thanckt him kindly : and taking our 
Lcaue of him, he promised to meete vs at a point not farr 
of: where he hath another house, which he performed 
withall, sending men into the woodes to kill a Dere for vs 
if they could. This place I call mtdbery sJtadc, He caused 
heerc to be prepared for us pcgatewk-A pyan which is bread 

l/^.uu.63.1 of their wheat made in Kulles and Cakes ; this the wcomen 
make, and are very clenly about it; we had parched meale, 
good; sodd beanes, which eate as sweete as 






rcaA*''^Af'crr* Arelaiyonof tkc Discovery of our River &€7\ xlix 

» June i6-j7. 

■filbert kernclls in a maner, strawberryes and mulberyes [1607] 
new shaken of the tree dropping on our heads as we satt : 
He made ready a land turtle which we eate, and shewed 

that he was hartely reioyced in our Company. He was ^ 

Desirous tn haue a musket shott of^fj, shewing first the ^ 
maner of their owne skirmishes, which we perceive is t/A 7^.3^1 
violent Cruell and full of Celerity; they vse a tree to 
Defend them in fight, and having shott an Enemy that he 

fall, they maull him with a short wodden sworde. Our ^ 

Captayne caused a gentleman Discharge his peece Souldyer H 

like before him, at which noyse he started, slopt his cares, H 

and exprest much feare, so likewise all about him ; some H 

of his people being in our boate leapt over boorde at the H 

wonder hereof: but our course-X)f kjndnes after^ and letting H 

him to witt that wee neuer vse this thunder but against H 

our enemyes, yea and that we would assist him with thes H 

to terrify and kill his Adversaryes, he rejoyced the more, H 

and we found it bred a better affectyon in him towards ■ 

vs ; so that by his signes we vnderstood he would or long H 

be with us at our ffoit. Captayne Newport bestowed on I 

him a redd wa[iJstcote, which highly pleased him, and so ■ 

Departed, gyving him also. 2. shouts as the boate went of[r, H 

This night we went some mile, and ankored at a H 

ce I Call kynd womans care which is mile from H 

uJbcry shade. Here we came within night, yet was I 

there ready for vs of bread new made, sodden wheate and H 

beanes, mullber^es, and some fishe vndressed more then H 

all we could eate. Moreover thes people seemed not to H 

craue any thing in requitall, Howbeit our Captain volun- ■ 

larily distributed guifts. S 

Tuesday we parted from kynd womans care, and by May. 25? 
Dircctyon of Nauiraiis (who still accompanyed in the boate 
with vs) went a shore at a place I call Quetne Apnimitccs 
hcwre. He car>ed vs along through a plainc lowe grownd 
prepared for seede, part whcrof had ben lately Cropt : 
and assending a pretty Hill, we sawe the Queene of this r//. ixv. 7, 
Country comminge in selfe same fashion of state as 'J*^' 
^awaiah or Arahatcc; yea rather with more maiesly : she 
an vsher before her who brought her to the matt 

lared vnder a faire mulbery tree, where she satt her ^ 

Mjix;. sen. LIU. No. 16. D ^| 

I the 

] [A rehilyon of the Discovery of our River &fc, t cap'^'cTA^chS: 

u June t6of. 

[1607] Downe by her selfe \N-ith a stayed Countenance, she would 
pcrmitt none to stand or sitt neere her: she is a fatt luslie 
manly woman : she had much Copper about her neck, a 
Crownet of Copper upon her bed ; she had long black 
liaire, which hanged loose downe her back to her myddle, 
which only part was Covered with a Deares skyn, and ells all 
naked. She had her wocmen attending on her adorned 
much like her selfe (save they wanted y*^ Copper). Here 
we had our accustomed Cates, Tobacco and wellcome. 
Our Captayne presented her with guyfts liberally, wher- 
vpon shee cheered somewhat her Countenance ; and 
requested him to shoote c^f] a peece, wherat (we noted) she 
shewed not neere the like feare as ArahaUc though he be 
a goodly man. She had much Corne in the grownd: she 
is subiect to Pawatah as the rest are ; yet within herselfe 
of as greate authority as any of her neighbour Wy[r]oauces. 
Captayne Newport stayd here some. 2. houres and Departed, 

Now leaving her, Nauiraus Dyrected us to one of king 
Pamannchcs howses some. 5. myle from the Queenes Bower, 

Here we were entertayned with greate ioyeand gladnes, 
the people falling to Dauncc, the weomen to preparing 
vitailes, some boyes were sent to Dive for muskies, they 
gaue vs Tobacco, and very kyndly saluted vs. 

This kyng [Opcchancanough] (sitting in maner of the 
rest) so set his Countenance str>^ving to be stately, as to 
our seeming he became foole. Wee gaue him many 
presentes, and certifyed him of our lomey to y*^ falles our 
League with the greate kyng Pawatahy a most ccrtayne 
frendship with Arahatcc and kynde entertaynment of 
the Queene : that we were professed Enemyes to the 
ChcsscpuzfiSf and would assist kyng Pawatah against the 
Monafiacans ; with this he seemed to be much reioyced ; 
and he would haue had our Captayne staye with him all 
night, which he refused not, but single with the king walked 
aboue two flight shott, shewing therby his trew meaning 
without Distrust or feare. Ilowbeit, we followed a loofc 
offj, and coming up to a gallant Mulbery trecj we founde 
Divers preparing vittaiies for vs : but the kyng seing our 
intentyon was to accompany our Captaine, he altered his 
pin*pose and weaved vs in kyndnes to our boate. This 
Wyrvnm Pamaunchc I holde to inhabite a Rych land of 

lOp^o^A^iS: ^ relaiyon of the Discoz'cry of our River &c.] li 

ra June 1&7. 

Copper and pearle. His Country lycs into the land to 11607J 
another Ryver, which by relatyon and Descriptyon of the 
Salvages comes also comes also from the Mountaynes 
Qttirank, but a shorter lorney. The Copper he had, as 
also many of his people, was very flexible, I bowed a 
peece of the thicknes of a shilling rounde about my finger, 
as if it had ben lead: I found them nice in parting with 
any ; They weare it in their eares, about their neckes in 
long lynckcs, and in broade plates on their heades : So we 
made no greatc cnquyry of it, neither seemed Desirous to 
have it. The kyng had a Chaine of pearle about his neck 
thrice Double, the third parte of them as bygg as pease, 
which I could not valew lesse worth then. 3. or. 400. li 
had the pearle ben taken from the Muskle as it ought to 
be. His kyngdome is full of Deare(so also is moste of all 
the kyngdomes :) he hath (as the rest likewise) many 
ryche fuixes. This place I call Pamannchcs paUacd how- 
beit by Nauiraus his wordes the kyng of WinauJi is 
posscsvsor hereof. The platt of grownd is bare without 
wood some. 100. acres, where are set beanes, wheate, ' 
peaze, I'obacco, Gourdes, pompions, and other thinges 
vnknowne to us in our tongue. 

Now having left this kyng in kyndnes and frendsliip : we 
crossed over the water to a sharpe point, which is parte of 
IVinauk on Salisbury sydc (this I call carclcs point). Here some 
of our men went a shore with Nauirans^ mett, 10. or. 12. 
Salvages, who offeringthem neither victualls nor Tobacco, 
they requitted their Courtesy with the like, and left them. 

This night wc came to point Wiuauk right against 
which wc rested all night. 

There was an olde man with King Pamannche (which I 
omitted in place to specify) who wee understood to be. 
110. yere olde; for Nauiraus with being with vs in our 
boate had learned me so much of the Languadg>], and 
was so excellently ingenious in signing out his meaning, 
that I could make him vnderstand me, and perceive him 
also wellny in any thing. But this knowledgfel our 
Captaine gatt by taking a bough and singling of the 
leaucs, let one drop after another, saying caiscJtc which lA*- 45. 38«-1 
is. 10, so first Nauiraus tooke. 11. beanes and tolde them 
to vs, pointing to this olde fellow^ then no. beanes; by 


fii [A relatyon of the Discovery 0/ our River &c. toA^oA?**' 

n June 

[1607] which he awnswered to our Demaund for. 10. yeares a 
beane, and also euery yere by it selfe. This was a lustyc 
olde man, of a steme Countenance, tall and strei^ht, had 
a thinne white beard, his armes over^owne with whitQ^ 
haires, and he went as strongly as any of the rest. H 

IU727. Wensday we went a shore at Point Winauk, where 
Nauiraus caused them to goe a fisshing for us, and they 
brought us in a shorte space good store : Thes seemed 
our good frindes but (the cause I knowe not) heere 

1//. 7, jp.i Nauiraus tooke some Conceyt, and though he shewed no 
discontent, yet would he by no meanes goe any further 
with vs, saying he would goe vp to kyng Arahatek, and 
then within some three dayes after he would see vs at 
our ffort. This greeved our Captayne ver\* Deeply, for the 
loving kyndnes of this fellow was such as he trusted 
himselfe with vs out of his owne Country, intended la 
come to our fforte, and as wee came he would make 
frendship for vs, before he would lett vs goe a shore at 
any place, being (as it seemed) ver>- carefuU of our safety. 
So our Captayne made all haste home, Determyning not 
to stay in any place as fearing some disastrous happ at 
our forte. Which fell out as we expected, thus. 


After our Departure they seeldome frequented our ffort," 
but by one or two single now and then, practising vpon 
oportunity, now in our absence, perceiving there secure 
Carj'adg^ej in the fort; and the xxvith of May being y*^ Day 
before our returne, there came aboue. 200. of them with 
their kyng and gave a very furious Assault to our fort^ 
endaun^ering their overthrowe, had not the Shippes 
ordinance with their small shott daunted them : They 
came vp allmost into the ffort, shot through the tents^ 
appeared in this Skirmishe (which indured hott about an 
hower) a very valiant people : they hurt vs, 11. men 
(wherof one Dyed after) and killed a Boy, yet perceived 
they not this Hurt in vs. \Vc killed Dyvers of them, but 
one wee sawe them tugg of[f] on thcr backes, and how 
many hurt we knowe not. A littleafter they made a huge 
noyse in the woodes, which our men surmised was at y*= bury- 
ing of their slayne men. ffoure of the Counsell that stood 

C.PU aA^«: A relatyon of the Discovery of our River df^.] liil 

23 June 1607. 

in front were hurt in mayntayning the fforte, and our [1607] 
president Master Wynckjcild {yi\\o shewed himselfe a valiant 
Gentleman) had one shott cleane through his bearde, yet 
scaped hurte. . 

Thus having ended our Discovery, which we hope may / 

tend to the glory of God, his Maiestes Renowne, our * 

Countryes profytt, our owne advauncing and fame to 

all posterity: we settled ourseluesto our owne safety, 

and began to fortefye ; Captayne Newport worlhely 

of his owne accord causing his Sea men to aydc vs in 

the best parte iherof. 

Thursday we laboured, pallozadoing our fort. 08. 

Frj'day the salvages gave on againe, but with more feare, 39. 
not daring approche scarce within musket shott : they hurt 
not any of us, but findingone of our Dogges, they killed him : 
ihey shott aboue. 40. arrowes into, and about the forte. 

Satterday, we were quyet. 30, 

Sunday they came lurking in the thickets and long 
grasse ; and a Gentleman one Eustace Clovell vnarmed 
straghng without the ffort, shot. 6. Arrowes into him, 
■wher>vith he came runinge into the ffort, crying Arme 
Arme, thes stycking still : He lyved. 8. Dayes, and Dyed. 
The Salvages stayed not, but run away. 

Monday some. 20, appeared, shott Dyvers Arrowes at Jtmel. 
randome which fell short of our fforte, and rann away. 

Tuesday 1 quyet and wrought upon fortification, Clap- 2. 

Wensdayl boord, and setting of Corne. 3. 

Tlmrsday by breake of Day. 3. of them had most 4. 

adventurously stollen under our Bullwark and hidden 
themselves in the long grasse ; spyed a man of ours going 
out to doe naturall necessity, shott him in the head, and 
through the Clothes in two places but missed the skynne. 

Fr\'day. quyet. 5. 

Satterday there being among the Gentlemen and all 6. 

thc Company a murmur and grudg^ej against ccrtayne 
preposterous prnceedinges, and inconvenyent Courses, 
Jlheyl put up a Petytion to the Counsell for reformatyon. 

Sonday. no accydcnt 7. 

r [/i re/afj'OH of the Discovery of our River &c. , cajTaTlwhS: 

■* B> June 1607. 

Wl Monday, Master Clovcll Dyed that was sbott with. 6» 

®- AiTOwes sticking in him. This aftcrnoone. 2. salvages 
presented themselues vnarmed a fair ofLf] Crying: 
Win^apvh ; there were also three more having bowe and 
arrowes : these we Conjectured came from some of those 
kingcs with whom we had perfect league : but one of our 
Gentlemen garding in the woodes and having no Com- 
aundement to the contrary shott at them : at which (as 
their Customc is) they fell downe, and after run away : yet 
farther of f] we heard them zxycWingupoh notwithstanding. 
0. Tuesday in cutting downe a greate oko for Clapboord, 
there issued out of tlie hart of the tree the quantity of two 
barricoes of liquor, in taste as good as any vyneger, save 
a little smack it tooke of the oke. 

10. Wcnsday the Counsell scanned the Gentlemans 

Petityon : Wherin Captayne AVu'/xjri shewing himselfe no 
lesse Careful! of our Amityc and Comb}'ned frendship, then 
became him in the deepe Desire he had of our good ; 
vehemently with ardent affectyon wonne our hartes by his 
fervent pcrswasyon, to vniformity of Consent, and Calimed 
that, out of our Loue to him, with ease, which I doubt 
without better satisfactyon had not contentedly ben caiycd. 
Wee confirmed a faythfuU loue one to another, and in our 
hartes subscribed an obedycnce to our Superj'ours this 
Day. Captaine Sviyth was this Day swome one of the 
Counsell, who was elected in England. 

u. Thursday, Articles and orders for Gentlemen and 

Soldyers were vpon the Court of Garde, and Content was 
in the Quarter. 

la. Fi^ day, Cutting downe another tree, the like accident 

of vineger proceeded. 

X3. Satterday. 8. salvages lay close among the weedes and 

long grasse : and spying one or two of our Mar>ners 
Master Ihon Cotson and Master Maihew ffitch by them- 
selves, shott Mathew ffytch in the somwhat dangerously, 
and so rann away this Morning. Our Admiralls [flag' 
ship*s] men gatt a Sturgeon of. 7. foote long which Captayne 
Newport gauc vs. 

14 Sondaye, two salvages presented themselves vnarmed^ 

to whonie our President and Captaine Ncn'parl went out. 
one of these was that fellow I call in my Relatyon of 


T CApt-- ('• Arrhcr. 

33 JuiK 1607. 

A relalyon oftlu Discovery of our River &c^^ Iv 


Discovery our kinde Consort, being hee we mett at Tnrhy 
lie. These ceitifyed vs who were our frendes, and who t//-xii,»iui 
foes, saying that Icing Pamannkc kyng Arahatec, the kyng ^™'* 
of Youghtamong^ and the 'king of Maiapoll would either 
assist vs or make vs peace with Paspciouk, Tapahmmuky 
Wynaiik^Apamatecoh andC/icsC(i;A%ourContracted Enemyes : 
He counselled vs to Cult Downe the long wecdes roundc 
about our fforte, and to proceede in our sawing: Thus 
making signcs to be with vs shortly agayne, they parted. 

Monday, we wrought vpon Clapborde for Enf{land. 15. 

Tuesday, two salvages without from Salisbury syde 16. 
being Tapahanauks Country, Captayne Ncuport went to 
them in the barge ymagining they had ben our Sonday 
frendes : but thes were Tapahanauks and cryed (treacher- 
ously) Wingapoh, saying their king was on the other syde 
of a point, where had our Barge gone it was so shold 
water as they mij^ht have effected their villanous plott : 
but our Admiral I tolde them Tupahanauk was viatah aud 
chirah, wherat laughing they went away. 


Frydaye. ^ 

Salterday. J 

Sonday£j_we_had_a-Xommunyon : Captaine Newport 
Dyned a shore with our Dyet, and invited many of us to 
Supper as a farewell / 




Capten Newports relation of Virginia 

fFrom this endorsement, it would seem that whoever wrote this 
"reUtyon," it was the official one presented by NEWPORT on his 
relum home.] 
This Relatyon is followed by 

The Discription of the now discovered River and Country 

of Virginia\ with the liklyhood of ensuing ritches, by 

Englandz ayd and industrj*, / 

A Breif discription of the People./ 


1 tfii^ 

Dudley Carleton. 

Letter to yoHN Chamberlain 

1 8 Augmt 1607. 

AsterC/tarn^rr/am^you may whilst you liuc 
confess your obligation to Sir H'.C'r 
And now you have all our dom. 
newes, for publike you shall \'nderstand. 
that Captaine Newport is come from out 
late adventurers to Virginia hauing left 
them in an Island in the midst of a 
river 120 mile into the land. They 
much commendations of the aire and the soile and the 
commodities of it: but siluer and golde haue they none, 
and they can not yet be at peace with the inhabitants of 
the cuntrie. They haue fortified themselfs and built a 
small towne which they call James-towne, and so they date 
iheyr letters ; but the towne me thincks hath no gracefull 
name, and besides the Spaniarih who thinck it no small 
matter of moment how they stile theyr new populations 
will tell us I dowbt it comes too neere Villiaco, 

One Captaine Waivian a spcciall favorit of Sir Walter 
Copes was taken the last weeke in a port in Kent shipping 
himself for Spainc with intent as is thought to have 
bctraied his frends and shewed the Spaniards a mcanes 
how to defeat this Verginian attempt. The great counsell 
of that State hath resolved of a dubble supplie to be sent 
thether with all diligence. The opinion is now generally 
that the Peace will be made in the low cuntreys. 
Sir Richard Spaicer saw not the king» etc, 
from London this i8lh of August. 1607. 

Yours most assuredly 
[AiUeii delow:\ DUDLEV CauLETO 

Master Porie tells me of a name giuen by a Duchnum who 
wrote to him in Latin from the new towne in Vcrginia, 
Jacohopolis, and Master Warner hath a letter from ^faster 
George Fcrcie who names theyr towne Jauus-Jort, which we 
like best of all the rest because it comes neere to Chcmcs-ford. 

le rally 




[Rev. Samuel P u r c h a s .] 

Observations gathered out of 

A Discourse of the Plantation of 

the Southerne Colonie in Virginia 

by ibe English, 1606 : 

Written by that Honorable Gentleman, 
Master George Percy. 

1 TfifMe kidt' 
uatfs art 
chiiffy hy 
tkt Rrv. S. 

[From ehc Rev. S. Plrchas's Piijpimes^ iv. 1685-1690. Ett 1625. 
U tt'ould be very desirable to find the manuscript, of the beginning 
of which PuRCHAS has here given us a Summary.] 

N Saturday the twentieth of December [1606-7] 
in the yeere 1606. the fieet fell [i.e., down 
ihc Thames] from London^ and the fift 
of January we anchored in the Downcs: 
but the winds continued contrarie so 
long, that we were forced to stay there 
some time ; where wee suffered p*eat 
stormes, but by the skilfulnesse of the 

Captaine wee suffered no great losse or danger. 

The twelfth day of February [1G07J at night, we saw 

a blazing Starre ; and presently [came] a storme. 

The three and twentieth day [of March 1607], we fell Th«-nexi 

(inj wilh the Hand d Matiatmtio, in the West Indies, //ir-'iV? 



f hi ugh 
■truer no 
mkIi oiAMer. 

TraiJs At 



WK«)r. the 


^ Discourse of ihe Planlaimi of the TtuiuS!*^ 

The fourc and twentieth day \of March]^ we anchor 
at Dominica, within fourteene dep*ees of the Line : a vei 
faire Hand, the Trees full of sweet and ^ood smels; [am 
inhabited by many Sauage Indians. They were at fii 
very scrupulous to come aboord vs. Wee learned of th< 
afteruards, that the Spaniarih had giuen them a gi 
oucrlhrow on this He; but when Ihey knew what 
were, there came many to our ships with their Canoj 
bringing vs many kindes of sundry fruites, as Pines, Pt 
toc», Plantons. Tobacco, and other fruits ; and Ki 
Cloth in, abundance, which they had gotten out of ci 
tainc Spanish ships that were cast away vpon that II 
We gauc them Kniues, [and] Hatchets for exchanj 
which they esteeme mucli. Wee also gauc them Bead< 
[andj Copper lewels which they hang through th^ 
nosthrils, ears, and lips, vcr>' strange to behold. 

Their bodies are all painted red, to keepe away ll 
biting of Muscetos [mosquitoes]. They goe all naked wil 
out coucring. The haire of their head is a yard loi 
all of a length, pleated in three plats hanging downe 
their wastes. They suffer no haire to grow on their fac< 
They cut [tattoo] their skinnes in diuers workes. They 
continually in warres ; and will cate their enemies wh< 
they kill them, or any stranger if they take them, Th< 
will lap vpmans spiiilc, whilst one spits in their mouth' 
in n barbarous fashion like Dogges. These people am 
the rest o( the Hands in the West Ir.dics, and Brasilia are 
i-rtlled bv the names of Cantbals, that will eatc ma 
flesh. These people doe poyson their Arrow heads, whi 
arc made of z fishes bone. They worship the Deuill 6 
their God, and haue no other beliefe. 

Whilest we remayned at this Hand, we saw a Wh 
chased by a Thresher and a Sword-fish. They fought ^ 
the space of two houres. We might see the Threslw 
with his flayle lay on the monstrous blowes which 
strange to behold. In the end, these two fishes broug 
the Whale to her end. 

The sLxe and twentieth day [of March, 1607], we 
sight of Mart a t;a!iinia : and the next day [27 March]j 
sailed with a slackc saile, alon,£^t the lie of Guaiialvfii 
where we went ashore, and iound a Bath which 

1 Southerne Colony in Virginia by the English. 


» hot that no man was able to stand long by it. Our [1607] 
dmirall Ihcre dcsx^naiing the Chief in command , not the 
igsliip], Captaine Newport, caused a piece of Porke to be 
rt in it ; which boyled it so, in the space of halfe an 
(ur, as no fire could mend it. Tlien we went aboord, 
d sailed by many Hands, as Moiinscrot [Montserrat] and 

Hand called Saint Christopher ; both vninhabited. 
About two a clocke in the afternoone [28 March], wee .v«;m. 
chored at the He of Mcuis [i.e., Nn'is], There the Cap- 
nelanded all his men. being well fitted with Muskets and 
ler conuenient Amies; [and^ marched a mile into the 
pods: being [where they were] commanded to stand vpon 
ir guard, fearing the treacherie of the Indians ; which 
an ordinary vse amongst them, and all other Sauagcs 

this He. We came to a Bath standing in a VaiJey natimi. 

wixt two Hils, where w^ee bathed our selues ; and 

nd it to be of the nature of the Bathes [mineral 

Ings] in England, some places hot and some colder : 

I men may refresh themselues as they please. 

i'^inding this place to be so conuenient for our men to 

)id diseases which will breed in so long a Voyage, wee 

amped ourselues on this He sixe daycs [2HMar-2 April [//.xxxii, 

>7], and spent none of our ships victuall, by reason our c-'ommodi- 

n, some went a hunting, some a fouling, and some a 'i'^^''"'^ 

ling: where we got great store of Conies, sundry kinds 

fow-les, and great plentie of fish. We kept Centinels 

1 Courts de gard [Pickets] at euery Captaines quarter, 

ring wee should be assaulted by the Indians, that were 

the other side of the Hand. Wee saw [met with] none, 

• were molested by any : but some few we saw as we were 

lunting on the Hand. They would not come to vs by 

f pieanes, but ranne swiftly through the Woods to the 

luntaine tops, so we lost the sight of them : whereupon 

made all the haste wee could to our quarter [cample 
fiking there had beene a great ambush of Indians there • 


i\'e past into the thickest of the Woods, where we had 
lost lost our selues. We had not gone abouc halfe a 
C amongst the thicke,but we came into a most pleasant 
rden : being a hundred paces square on euery side^ 
ling many Cotton-trees growing in it with abundance 



A Discourse of the Pianfaiion of the I" 

Die Huu. G. I'crty. 

r 1607. 



of Colton-wooll, and many Guiiicum trees. Wee saw the 
goodliest tall trees growing so thicke about the Garden, 
as though they had been set by Art : which made vs 
maruell very much to see it. 

The thircl day [of April, 1607], wee set saile from Meuis, 
The fourth day [April], we sailed along by Castuiia [SL 
Ensiatius] and by Saba, 

This day [4 April 1607], we anchored at the lie of Vir- 
gincSf in an excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred ,1686] 
Ships, If this Bay stood in England, it would be a great 
profit and commoditie to the Land. On this Hand wee 
caught great store of Fresh-fish and abundance of Sea 
Tortoises, which serued all our Fleet three daies, which 
were in number eii]jht score persons. We also killed 
great store of wilcle Fowle. Wee cut the Harkes of 
certaine Trees which tasted much like Cinnamon, and 
very hot in the mouth. This Hand in some places hath 
ver)' good ground, [antl| straight and tall Timber. But 
the greatest discommoditie that wee haue scene on this 
Hand is that it hath no Fresh-water, which makes tl 
place void of any Inhabitants. 

Vpon the sixt day [of Apriij,\ve set saile and passed 
Dccam [Bicquc]^ and by Saint lohn dc porto rico. 

The seuenth day [of April' ^ we arriued at Mona : wh( 
wee watered : which we stood in great need of, seeii 

Mffi/swMCT that our water [obtained at Nevis] did smell so vildly that 

lomJ"^' none of our men was able to indure it. 

Whilst some of the Saylers were a filling the Caskes 
with water, the Captainc and the rest of the Gentlemen, 
and other Soldiers, marched vp in the He sixe myles ; 
thinking to find some other prouision to maintaine our 
victualling. As we marched, we killed two wild Bores; 
and saw a huge wild Bull, his homes was an ell be- 
tweene the two tops. We also killed Guanas [lizards], in 
fashion of a Serpent, and speckled like a Toade vnder the 
belly. m 

Thesewayesthat wee went, being [were] so troublesomW 
and vilde, going vpon the sharpe Rockes, that many of our 
men fainted in the march : but, by good fortune, wee lost 

^ji/?r^i« none but one Edward Brookes Gentleman; whose fat 

thini)"' melted within him, by the great heate and drought 

Soutlurne Colony in Virginia by the English. Ixr 

laOnodoclioiL *1 
BflB. C. Ptccy. I 

T 1607-1 

the Countrey. We were not able to relieue him nor our 
selues ; so he died in that great cxtreamitie. 

The ninth day [of April]^ in the afternoone, we went off 
with our Boat, to the lie of Moncta, some three leagues 
from Mona : where we had a terrible landing^, and a 
troublesome getting vp to the top of the Mountaine or 
lie ; fit] being a high firme Rocke, ste[elp, with many 
terrible sharpe stones. After wee got to the top of the 
lie, we found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground, full 
of goodly grasse, and abundance of Fowles of all kindes. 
They flew ouer our heads as thicke as drops of Ha;i;ie. 
Besides they made such a noise, that wee were not able 
to heare one another speake. Furthermore, wee were not 
able to set our feet on the ground, but either on Fowles 
or Egges which lay so thicke in tlie grasse. Wee laded 
two Boats full in the space of three houres, to our great 

The tenth day [of April] ^ we set saile, and disimboged 
out of the West Indies ; and bare oure course Northerly. 

The fourteenth day, we passed the Tropicke of Cancer, ^ 

The one and twentieth day, about fiue a clocke at 
night, there began a vehement tempest, which lasted all 
the night, with winds, raine, and thunders, in a terrib'.e 
manner. Wee were forced to lie at Hull that night, 
because we thought wee had beene neerer land then wee 

The next morning, being the two and twentieth day^ 
wee sounded ; and [also' the three and twentieth, and 
foure and twent[ijeth day; but we could find no ground. 

The fiue and twentieth day, we sounded, and had no 
ground at an hundred fathom. 

The six and twentieth day of Aprill [1607], about 
foure a clocke in the morning, wee descried the Land of 

The same day, wee entred into the Bay of Chcsupioc 
directly, without any let or hindrance. 

There wee landed and discouered a little way ; but 
wee could find nothing worth the speaking of, but faire 
meddowes and goodly tall Trees ; with such Fresh-waters 
running through the woods, as I was almost rauished at 
the first sight thereof. 





Wc wet* 
driuen to 
liy {lit at 
KHtl\ that 

and by ihv 
WNC forced 
necre ihe 
shoarr : not. 
where wo 
They 1.1 tid 
in \'irttni-%»m 




^ Discourse of (he Plantation of tlu rTheHiSIc*?^ 

L * 1 1607! 

At night, when wee were going aboard, there came 
the Sauages creeping vpon all fourc, from the Hills, like 
Beares ; with their Bowes in their mouthes : [who] charged 
vs very desperately in the faces, [and] hurt Captaine 
Gahri[cU Archer in both his hands, and a sayler in two 
places of the body very dangerous [ly]. After they had 
spent their Arrowes, and felt the sharpnessc of our shot ; 
they retired into the Woods with a great noise, and so 
left vs. 

The seuen and twentieth day [0/ April 1607], wc began 
to build vp our Shallop. The Gentlemen and Souldiers 
marched ei;^ht miles vp into that land. We could not see 
a Sauage in all that march. We came to a place where 
they had made a great fire, and had beene newly a ro>]sting 
■Oysters. When ihey perceiued our comming, they fled 
away to the Mountaincs, and left many of the Oysters in 
the fire. We eat some of the Oysters, which were very 
large and delicate in taste, 

The eighteenth [or rather 28/A] day [of April], we 
la[u]nched our Shallop. The Captaine and some Gentle^H 
men went in her, and discouered vp the Bay. ^ 

Wc found a Riuer on the South side, running into the 
Maine [up into the mainland] ; we entered it and found it 
very shoald water, not for any Boats to swim. Wee wen1^| 
further into the Bay, and saw a plaine plot of ground^' 
where we went on Land ; and found the place fiue mile 
in compassc, without either Bush or Tree. We saw 
nothing there but a Cannow, which was made out of the 
whole tree, which was fiue and fortie foot long by the 
Rule. Vpon this plot of ground, we got good store of 
Mussels and Oysters, which lay on the ground as thicke 
as stones. Wee opened some, and found in many of them^ 
Pearles. fl 

Wee marched some three or fourc miles further into " 
ihe Woods, where we saw great smoakcs of fire. Wee 
marched to those smoakes, and found that the Sauages 
had beene there, burning downe the grasse; as wee thought 
cither to make their plantation there, or else to giue signes 
to bring their forces together, and so to giue vs battel!. 
We past through excellent ground full of Flowers of 
•diuers kinds and colours, and as goodly trees as I haul 

■m Hon.'ap^:] SoutherneColonyin\\rgm\2. by ///t'Englis 
? 1607. J 

scene, as Cedar, Cipresse, and other kindes. Going a 
Httle further, we came into a little plat of ground full of 
fine and beautifull Strawberries, foure times bigger and 
better then ours in Englami. [1687] All this march, we 
could neither see Sauage nor Towne. 

When it grew to be towards night, we stood backe to 
our Ships, we sounded and found it shallow water for a 
great way, which put vs out of" all hopes for getting any 
higher with our Ships, which road at the mouth of the 
Riuer. Wee rowed ouer to a point of Land, where wee 
found a channell ; and sounded six, eight, ten, or twelue 
fathom : which put vs in good comfort. Therefore wee 
named that point of Land, Cape Comfort. 

The nine and twentieth day, we set vp a Crosse at 
Ckempioc Bay, and named that place Cape Henry, 

Thirtieth day [0/ April , 1607], we came with our ships 
to Cape Comfort; where we saw fiue Sauages running on 
the slioare. 

Presently the Captaine caused the shallop to be manned ; 
so rowing to the shoare, the Captaine called to them in 
signe of friendship : but they were at first very timersome, 
vntil they saw the Captain lay his hand on his heart- 
Vpon that, the}^ laid downe their Bowes and Arrowes, 
and came very boldly to vs ; making signes to come a 
shoare to their Towne, which is called by the Sauages, 

Wee coasted to their Towne, rowing ouer a Riuer 
running into the Maine, where these Sauages swam ouer 
with their Bowes and Arrowes in their mouthes. 

When we came ouer to the other side, there was a 
many of other Sauages, which directed vs to their Towne, 
where we were entertained by them ver>' kindly. When 
we came first a Land they made a doleful! noise, laying 
their faces to the ground, scratching the earth with their 
nailes- We did thinke they had beene at their Idolatry. 
When they had ended their Ceremonies, they went into 
their houses and brought out mats and laid [them] vpon 
the ground : the chiefest of them sate all in a rank ; the 
meanest sort brought vs such dainties as they had, and 
of their bread which they make of their Maiz'e' or Gennea 
wheat. They would not suffer vs to eat vnlesse we sate 

h. Ixiii 







A Discourse of the Plantation of the f 

IIM7] d 



Mat right 

The Hon. C. l'«lc^ 



A lone 

own, wnicn we am on a iMai ngnt against ttiem 
wc were well satisfied, they gaue vs of their Tabacco, 
which they tooke in a pipe made arlifically of earth as 
ours are, but far bigger, with the bowlc fashioned together 
with a piece of fine copper. 

After they had feasted vs, they shewed vs, in welcome, 
their manner of dancing, which was in this fashion. One 
■rt of the Sauages standing in the midst singing, beating one 
hand against another; all the rest dancing about him, 
shouting, howling, and stamping against the ground, with 
many Anticke tricks and faces, making noise like so many 
Wolues or Deuils. One thing of them I obserued ; when 
they were in their dance, they kept stroke with their feet 
iust, one with another; but with their hands, heads, faces 
and bodies, euery one of them had a seuerall gesture : so 
they continued for the space of halfc an houre. When 
they had ended their dance, the Captaine gaue them 
Beades and other trifling lewells. 

They hang through their earcs, Fowles legs. They 
shaue the right side of their heads with a shell, the left 
side they weare of an ell long, tied vp with an artificiall 
knot, with a many of Foules feathers slicking in it. Thcv 
goe altogether naked, but their priuities are couered with 
Beasts skinncs beset commonly with little bones, or 
beasts teeth. Some paint their bodies blacke, some red, 
with artificiall knots of sundry liuely colours, very beauti- 
full and pleasing to the eye, in a brauer fashion then they.^ 
in the West Indies, ^k 

The fourth day of May [1607], we came to the King or^ 
Werowance of Paspihc i.e., Paspahegh] : where they enter- 
tained vs with much welcome. An old Sauage made a 
long Oration, making a foule noise, vttering his speech 
w ith a vehement action ; but we knew little what they 

Whilst we were in company with the Paspihes, the 
Werowance of Rapahanna came from the other side of the 
Riuer in his Cannoa. He seemed to take displeasure of 
our being with the Pasiphis, He would fainc haue had 
vs come to his Towne, ^but] the Captaine was vnwilling. 
Seeing that the day was so far spent, he returned backc. 
tp his ships for that night, 

made ora 


z>^H^t:'vi^'l\\SoHthernc Colony inV\xg\n\d. 6y i/ie English. Ixv 

The next day, being the fift of May, the Werowance of [16071 
Rapahanna sent a Messenger, to liaue vs come to him. 
We entertained llie said Messen^^er, and gaue him trilles 
which pica'=;ed him. Wee manned our shallop with Mus- 
kets and Targaticrs sufficiently: [and] this said Messenger 
guided vs where our determination was to goe. 

When wee landed, the Werowance of Rapahanna came 
downe to the water side with all his traine, as goodly 
men as any I haue scene of Sauages or Christians : the 
Werowance comming before them playing on a Flute 
made of a Keed, with a Crown of Deares haire colloured 
red, in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of hairc, 
and a great Plate of Copper on the other side of his head ; 
with two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Homes 
placed in the midst of his Crowne. His body was painted 
all with Crimson, with a Chaine of Beads about his 
necke ; his face painted blew besprinkled with siluer Ore tA4»8.i 
as wee thought; his cares all behung with Braslets of 
Pcarle ; and in either eare a Birds Claw through it, beset 
with fine Copper or Gold. 

He entertained vs in so modest a proud fashion, as 
though he had bcene a Prince of ciuill gouemmcnt ; hold- 
ing his countenance without laughter or any such ill 
behauiour. He caused his Mat to be spred on the ground, 
where bee sate downe with a great Maiestie, taking a 
pipe of Tiibacco : the rest of his company standing about 

After he had rested a while, he rose, and made signes 
to vs to come to his Towne. He went formost, and all 
the rest of his people and our selues followed him vp a 
steepe Hill where his Palace was settled. Wee passed 
through the Woods in fine paths, hauing [that had] most 
pleasant Springs which issued from the Mountaines. Wee 
also went through the goodliest Come lieldes that euer 
was seene in [1688J any Countrey. When wee came to 
Rapahannos Towne, hee entertained vs in good humanitie. 

The eight day of May [1607], we discouered vp the 
Riuer. We landed in the Countrey of Apatnatica. At 
our landing, there came many stout and able Sauages to 
resist vs, with their Bowes and Arrowcs, in a most warlike 
manner ; with their swords at their backes beset with 

£.\G. Slit. Llit. No. 16. £ 

[//. xWx. 7 




j4 Diic&urse of the Planiaium of ilu f^^ 

ftharpc stooeft^ and pieces of jTon able to cieaoe a man in ^ 
sunder. ■ 

Amoocpt the rest, one of the chiefest, standing before 
tbeoi cros^lcgs^ed, with his Arrow readie in his Bow in 
one haod, ax»d taktni: a Pipe of Tobacco in the other, with 
a bold vttering of his speech, demanded of \'s, [of] our 
being there, i»-iliing vs to bee gone. Wee made si^nes of 
peace ; which they perceiued in the end, and let vs land in 

The twelfth day 'of May], we went backe to our ships; 
and discouered a point of Land, called Archers Hope^ 
which was safficient with a httle labour to defend our 
sdiiea against any Enemy. The soile was good and fruit- 
fall, with excellent good TiraberTA There are also great 
store of Vines, in bignesse of a mans thigh, running vp to 
the tops of the Trees in great abundance. We also did 
see many Squirels, Conies, Black Birds with crimson 
winits, and diuers other Fowles and Birds of diaers and 
iundric collours of crimson, Watchet, Yellow, Greene, 
Murr}', and of diuers other hewes naturally without any 
art vsing. We found store of Turkic nests and many 
Bgges. If it had not foeene disliked because the ship 
could not ride necre (he shoare, we had setled there to all 
the Collonics contentment. 

The thirteenth day, we came to our seating place in 
Pa^ikas Countrey, some eight miles from the point of* 
Land [of^ which I made mention before ; where our 
shippes doe lie so neere the shoare that they are moored 
to the Trees in six fathom water. 

The fourteenth day [of May 1607], we landed all our 
men ; which were set to worke about the fortification, 
and others some to watch and ward as it was conuenient. 

The first night of our landing, about midnight, ther« 
came some Sauages sayling close to our quarter. Pre- 
sently there was an alarum giuen ; vpon that, the Sauages. 
ran away, and we [were] not troubled any more by themi 
that night. 

Not long after, there came two Sauages that seemed to 
be Commanders, brauely drest, with Crownes of coloured, 
haire vpon their heads; which came as Messengers from 
the Wcrouance of Paspiha, telling vs that their Werowanc^ 


^S!a Pci^H-S"^''^^^''''^ Colony in Virginia by the English. Ixvii 

? 1607. 


hi ^iveo. 

ntc nuitir- 

was comming, and would be merry with vs with a fat 

The eighteenth day, the Werowance of Paspihoi came 
Jimselfe to our quarter, with one hundred Sauages armed, 
■which garded him in a very warlike manner with Bowes 
and Arrowes ; thinking at that time to execute their 
AiUany. Paspihce made great signes to vs to lay our 
Armes away; but we would not trust him so far. He 
teeing he could not haue conuenient time to worke his 
^ill, at length made signes that he would giue vs as much 
land as we would desire to take. 

As the Sauages were in a throng in the Fort, one of p«e 
them stole a Hatchet from one of our company, which 
•spied him doing the deed; whereupon he tooke it from Jit^SS'* 
Jiim by force, and also strooke him ouer the arme. Pre- 
sently another Sauage seeing that, came fiercely at our 
min, with a wooden sword, thinking to beat out his 
traines. The Werowance of Paspiha saw vs take to our 
J^rmes, [and] went suddenly away with all his company. 
Id great anger. 

The nineteenth day, my selfe and three or foure more 
fralking into the Woods, by chance wee espied a path- 
ivay like to an Irish pace : wee were desirous to knowc 
tvhither it would bring vs. Wee traced along some foure 
miles, all the way as wee went, hauing the pleasantest 
Suckles^ the ground all flowing ouer with faire flowers of 
Sundry colours p.nd kindes, as though it had beene in any 
3ardcn or Orchard in En^^laud, There be many Straw- 
berries, and other fruits vnkno\\'ne. Wee saw the Woods 
lull of Cedar and Cypresse trees, with other trees [out ofj 
frhich issues our sweet Gummcs like to Balsam. Wee 
fcept on our way in this Paradise. At length, wee came 
lo a Sauage Towne, where wee found but few people. 
they told vs the rest were gone a hunting with the 

^^rownnce of Paspiha. We stayed there awhile, and had 
them Strawberries and other things. In the meane 
ic, one of the Sauages came running out of his house 

ith a Bowe and Arrowes, and ranne mainly through 

le Woods. Then I beganne to mistrust some villanie, 
he went to call some companie, and so betray vs. 

'ee made all haste away wee could. One of the Sauages 


A Discourse of the Plantalion of the T-^^ n^^^^J 

L 1 1607. 

brought vs on the way to the Wood side, where there was 
a Garden of Tobacco and other fruits and horbes* He 
gathered Tobacco, and distributed to euery one of vs ; 
[and] so wee departed. 

The twentieth day, the Werowcince of Paspiha sent fortie 
of his men with a Deere, to our quarter: but thej' came 
more in villanie than any loue they bare vs. They faine 
would haue layne in our Fort nil night, but wee would — 
not suffer them for feare of their treacherj*. m 

One of our Gentlemen hauinfj a Tarfjet which hee 
trusted in, thinking it would beaie out a slight shot, hee 
'set it vp against a tree, wilhng one of the Sauages to 
shoot : who tooke from his backe an An^ow of an elle long, 
drew it strongly in his Bowe, shoots the Target a foote 
thorow, or better : which was strange, being that a Pistoll 
could not pierce it. Wee seeing the force of his Bowe, 
afterwards set him vp a Steele Target : he shot again, 
and burst his arrow all to pierces. He presently pulled 
out another Arrow, and bit it in his teeth, and seemed to 
bee in a great rage : so hee went away in great anger. 
Their Bowes are made of tough Hasell, their strings of 
Leather, their Arrowes of Canes or Hasell, headed with 
very sharpe stones, and are made artificially like 1689 i 
(//. 68. 3^4ia broad An^ow : other some of their Arrowes are headed 
with the ends of Deeres liomes, and are feathered very 

Pasphia was as good as his word ; for hee sent Vension, 
but the Sawsc came within a few daycs after. 


K»-*r of 

At Port Coiage in our Voyage vp the Riuer, we saw a 
Sauage Boy about the age of ten yeeres, which had a 
head of haire of a perfect yellow, and a reasonable white 
skinne ; which is a Miracle amongst all Sauages. 

This Riuer which wee haue discoucred is one of the 1 
famousest Riuers that euer was found by any Christian..H 
It ebbcs and fiowes a liundrcd and threescore miles, ^ 
where ships of great burthen may harbour in safetie* 
Wheresoeuer we landed vpon this Riuer, wee saw the 
goodliest Woods as Beech, Oke, Cedar, Cypresse, 
Wal-nuts, Sassafras, and Vines in great abundance which 
hang in great clusters on many Trees, and other Tree* 





Wcc came 
ilawne the 

TbeH^Sf'S^Pc;?;.'! Soulhernc Colony in Virginia (^^ ///^English. Ixix 
1 1607. J 

vnknowTie ; and all the grounds bespred with many sweet [1607] 
and delicate flowres of diuers colours and kindes. There 
are also many fruites as Strawberries, Mulberries, Ras- 
berries, and Fruites vnknowne. There are many branches 
of this Riuer, which runne flowing through the Woods 
with great plentie of fish of all kindes; as for Sturgeon, all 
the World cannot be compared to it. In this Countrey I 
haue scene many great and large Medowes* hauing excel- 
lent good pasture for many Cattle. There is also great 
store of Deere both Red and Fallow. There are Bcares, 
Foxes, Otters, Beuers, Muskats, and wild beasts vnknowne|4^ 

The foure and twentieth day, wee set vp a Crosse at 
the head of this Riuer, naming it King^ Riuer, where we i/. kKI. 7.1 
proclaimed lames King of England to haue the most right 
vnto it. When wee had finished and set vp our Crosse, 
we shipt our men and made for James Fort. 

By the way, wee came to Pohatans Towre, where the 
Captaine [i*e.t Newport] went on shore, suffering none to goe 
with him. Hee presented the Commander of this place, i/» ^'viu 
with a Hatchet ; which hee looke iayfully, and was well 

But yet the Sauages murmured at our planting in the 
Countrie, whereupon this Werowance ms^dt answere againe 
ver\' wisely of a Sauage, Why should you bee offended with 
them, as long as they hurt you not, nor take any thing 
away by force- They take but a little waste ground, which 
doth you nor any of vs any good. 

I saw Bread made by their women, which doe all their 
drugerie. The men takes their pleasure in hunting and 
their warres, which they are in continually, one Kingdome 
against another. The manner of baking of bread is thus. 
After they pound their wheat into flowrc, with bote water 
they make it into paste, and workc it into round balls and t/.xKim 
Cakes ; then they put it into a pot of seething water: 
when it is sod throughly, they lay it on a smooth stone, 
there they harden it as well as in an Ouen. 

There is notice to be taken to know married women 
from Maids. The Maids you shall alwayes see the fore 
part of their head and sides shauen close ; the hinder part 
very long, which they tie in a pleate hanging downe to 

Dread liow 




A Discourse of the Plantalion of the rii«Hon!a p^. 

their hips. The married women weares their hatre all of 
a length, and [it] is tied of that fashion that the Maids are. 
The women kindc in this Counlrey doth pounce and race 
their bodies, legges, thighes, armes and faces with a sharpe 
Iron, which makes a stampe in curious knots, and drawes 
the proportion of Fowles, Fish, or Beasts ; then with 
paintings of sundry liuely colours, they rule it into the 
stampe which will neucr he taken away, because it is 
dried into the flesh where it is scja;red. 

The Sauages bcarc their ycarcs well, for when wee 
were at Pamonkics, wee saw a Sauage [who] by their 
report was aboue eight score yeeres of age. His eyes 
were sunke into his head, hauing neuer a tooth in his 
mouth. His hairc [was' all gray with a reasonable bigge 
beard, which was as white as any snow. It is a Miracle 
to see a Sauage haue any haire on their faces. I neuer 
saw, read, nor heard, [of any haue the like before. This 
Sauage was as lustie and went as fast as any of vs ; which 
was strange to behold. 

The fifteenth of lune I'lGoy^ wc had built and finished 
our Fort, which was triangle wise : hauing three Bulwarkes, 
[one] at euer)' corner, like a halfe Moone, and foure or 
fiue pieces of Artillcrie mounted in them ; [thus] wc had 
made our selues sufliciently strong for these Sauages. Wc 
had also sowne most of our Come on two Mountaines. It 
sprang [had sf>nm^\ a mans height from the ground. This 
Counlrey is a fnntfull soile, bearing many goodly and 
fruitfull Trees, as Mulberries, Cherries. Walnuts, Cedars, 
Cypresse, Sassafras, and Vines in great abundance. 

Munday the two and twentieth of lune [1607], in the 
morning. Captaine Newport in the Admirall departed from 
lames Port for England. 

Captaine Newport being gone from England, leauing vs 
(one hundred and foure persons) verie bare and scanlie of 
victuails ; furthermore, in warres and in danger of the 
Sauages. M'e hoped after a supply, which Captaine 
Newport promised within twentie weekes. But if the 
beginners of this action doe carefully further vs, the 
Countr)' being so fruitfull, it would be as great a profit to 

:*1 Souihernc Colony in Virginia by the English. 


Th* Hoik G. I*tny 


the Realme of EnglamU as the Indies to the Kin^ of 
Spainc, If this Riuer which wee haue found had beene 
discoucred in the time of wan-e with Spaine, it would haue 
beene a commoditie to our Kealme, and a great annoyance 
to our enemies. 

The seuen and twentieth of luly, the King of Rabahanna 
demanded a Canoa, which was restored. [He] lifted vp 
his hand to the Sunne (which they 1690] worship as their 
God), besides he laid his hand on his heart, that he would 
be uur speciall friend. It is a senerall rule of these people ; 
when they swere by their God which is the Sunne, no 
Christian will keep their Oath better vpon this promise. 
These people haue a great reuerence to the Sunne aboue 
all other things : at the lising and the setting of the 
same, they sit downe lifting vp their hands and eyes to 
the Sunne, making a round Circle on the ground with 
dried Tobacco; then they began to pray, making many 
Deuiliish gestures, with a Hellish noise, foming at the 
mouth, staring with their eyes, wagging their heads and 
hands in such a fashion and deformitie as it was monstrous 
to behold. 

The sixt of August [1607] , there died lohn Asbie, of 
the bloudie Flixe. 

The ninth day, died George Floure, of the swelling. 

The tenth day, died William Brusicr Gentleman, of a 
ound giuen by the Sauages, and was buried the eleuenth 


The fourteenth day, Jerome Altkock^ Ancient [(.c, Ensign], 
L died of a wound. The same day, Francis Midwinter [died], 
j^Hand] Edward Moris Corporall died suddenly. 
^■TThe fifteenth day, their died Edward Browne and 
^^^iephen Galthorpc. 

^" The si.xteenlh day, their died Thomas Gower Gentleman. 
[ The seuentecnth day, their died Thomas Mounslic. 
I The eighteenth day, there died Robert Penningion^ and 
■ John Martinc Gentlemen. 

r The nineteenth day, died Drue Piggase Gentleman. 
^^ The two and twentieth day of August [1607], there 
^Hjed Captalne Bartholomew Gosnold, one of our Councell : 
p^fC was honourably buried, hauing all the Ordnance in the 
\ Fort shot off, with many vollies of small shot. 





wcrifict t<t 



Ixxii A Discourse of ike Plantation of the V 



After Caplaine Gomo\\d\s death, the Councell could 
hardly agree by the dissention of Captai'ne Kendall ; which 
\w\w\ aftenvards was committed about hainous matters 
which was proued against him. 

The foure and twentieth day, died Edward Harington 
and George Walker ; and were buried the same day. 

The sixe and twentieth day, died Kcnelme Throgvwrtim, 

The seuen and twentieth day, died Wtlliafn Roods. 

The eight and twentieth day, died Thomas Sioodie, Cape 

The fourth day of September [1607], died Thomas lacob 

The fift day, there died Beniamin Beast. 

Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases, as Swell- 
ings, Flixes, Burning Feuers, and by warres; and some 
departed suddenly ; but for the most part, they died of 
nieere famine. 

There were neucr Englishnen left in a forreignc Countrey 
in such miserie as wee were in this new discouered Virginia. 
Wee watched euery three nights, lying on tlic bare cold 
ground, what weather soeuer came ; [and] warded all the 
next day : which brought our men to bee most feeble 
wretches. Our food was but a small Can of Barlie 
sod[den] in water, to fiue men a day. Our drinke, cold 
water taken out of the Riuer ; which was, at a floud, verie 
salt ; at a low tide, full of slime and filth : which was the 
destruction of many of our men. 

Thus we liued for the space of fiue months {Augttst 
1607-8 Jan. 1608] in this miserable distresse, not hauing 
fiue able men to man our Bulwarkes vpon any occasion. 
If it had not pleased God to haue put a terrour in the 
Sauages hearts, we had all perished by those vild and 
cruell Pagans, being in that weake estate as we were; our 
men night and day groaning in euery corner of the Fort 
most pitlifull to heare. If there were any conscience in 
men, it would make their harts to bleed to heare the pitiful! 
murmurings and out-cries of our sick men without reliefe, 
cuery night and day, for the space of sixe weekes [? 8 Aug 


ig Sept. 1607] 



times three or foure in a night; in the morning, their. 

"^"vt^^S^^^^^^i^^^^^ Colony /// Virginia ^y i/ic English. 




The Hon _ 


I)odies [being] trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges, to 
be buried. In this sort, did I see the mortalitie of diuers 
of our people. 

It pleased God, after a while, to send those people 
which were our mortall enemies, to releeue vs with 
victuals, as Bread, Corne, Fish, and Flesh in great plentie ; 
which was the setting vp of our feeble men : otherwise 
wee had all perished. Also we were frequented by diuers 
Kings in the Countrie, bringing vs store of prouision to our 
great comfort. 

The eleuenth day [o/S(r//f;«6fr, 1607], there was certaine (/-Uax-i 
Articles laid against Master Wingficld which was then 
President : thereupon he was not only displaced out of 
his President ship, but also from being of the Councell. 
Afterwards Captain Ivhn Raldiffe was chosen President. 

The eighteenth day [of Scptevtbcr], died one Ellis 
Kinisioue, which was starued \frozen] to death with cold. 
The same day at night, died one Richard Simmons, 

The nineteenth day [of September] , there died one Thomas 

William White (hauing liued with the Natiucs) reported 
to vs of their customes. In the morning, by breake of day, 
before they cate or drinke, both men, women, and children 
(that be aboue tenne yeares of age), runnes into the water; 
there washes themselues a good while till the Sunne nseth : 
then offer Sacrifice to it, strewing Tobacco on the water or 
Land, honouring the Sunne as their God. Likewise they 
doe at the setting of the ♦Sunne. isl^t^, 

being mor« 
fully Kt 
downe in 
S Ml it ha 

}U WM ft 

nude nuui* 




A' Discourse of Virginia 
per : Ed : Ma : wingfield. 

This recrimination, which is simply invaluable as regarOs the early 
history of the James river Settlement, occupies/^. 582-396 of Vol. 250 
of the Manuscripts at I-ambcth I*alace Ltbrar>-. It is written by a 
scrivener ; and was intended to be signed by its Author, sec next p:i^c. _ 

WiNGKiEi.D is herein most bitter against Captain Archer, who'd 
came home with him, in April 1608, in Captain NewpokVs ship^B 
//. 105, 408. After Archer, he chiefly attacks Ratcliffe. Smith 
and MARTlff come in least for his complaints. 

Most important for our present purpose, is the passage al//J. Ixxxv- 
Ixxxvi, which fixes the extreme dates of Smith's absence from Jan)C» 
town, on his Chick.ihominy expedition, when he first met Pocahontas, 
10 be from the loth Dec. 1607 to the morning of the 8th Jan. 1608. 

On the whole, it would seem that while this Apology for his Govern- 
ment of the Colony between the I3ih May and the loth September 1607, 
I«aii'li*M ] ^^^""^ that Captain WiNCFlELU did not prove liimaelf equal to the 
* ' occasion of that most trying lime; yet it is clear that he was an English 

Right worshipfnll and more worthy 

11^08] §U^!!^r^ "^ due respect to your selves, my allegiance 
(if I may so terme it) to the Virginean 
action, my good hecde to my poore repu- 
tacion, thrust a pcnne into my handcs ; so^ 
iealous am I to bee missing to any of them; if icB 
wandereth in cxtravagantes. yet shall they not bee 
idle to those Phisitions, whose loves have vndcrtaken 
the saftie and advancement of Virginia. ■ 

It is no small comfort that I spcakc before such 
gravitie, whose iudgemcnt no forrunner can forestall 
with any opprobrious vntruth[s]. whose wisedomes 
can easily disroabe malice out of her painted gar- 
ments from tht^ t-ver reverenced truth. 

I did so faithfully betroth my best indeavors to 
this noble entcrprize, as my carriage might endure 
no suspition : I never turned my face from daunger, 
or hidd my handes from labour, so watchful! a 
Sentinel stood my self to my self. 

I know we] a troope of errors continually beseege 



E. i"'^,r,t';j. ^ Discourse of Virginia?^ 

mens actions, some of them ceased on by malice, 
some by ignorance. I doo not hoodwinck my 
carriage in my self love, bnt freely and humblie 
submit it to your grave censures, 

I do freely and truely Anatomize the govemement, 
and governours, that your experience may applic 
medicines accordinglie ; and vpon the truth of this 
iournall do pledge my faith, and life, and so do rest 
Yours to comniaund in all service. 


[No name, 1 his Dedication was evidently 

intended to be signed by the Author.] 

ere follr/iveth what happhied in yames Tov;ne^ in 
Virginia^ after Capiaync Neioports departure 
for Englitmd\ 

aptayne Newport haueing alhvayes his 
eyes and eares open to tlie proceedinges 
of the Collonye, 3 or 4 dayes before his 
departure, asked the president how he 
thought himself settled in the gouern- 
mcnt : whose answere was, that no 
disturbance could indaunger him or the 
CoHonye, but it must be wrought eythcr 
by Captayne Go^itwltl, or Master /I rcV/irr; for the one was 
strong with freindes and followers, and could if he would ; 
and the other was troubled with an ambitious spirit, and 
would if he could. 

The Captayne gave them both knowledg[e] of this, the 
Prcsidentes opinion ; and mooued them, with many in- 
treatyes, to be mjndefuU of their dutyes to his Majestic 
and the Collonye/ 

June, 1607. — The 22th, Captayne Newport retorned for 
England ; for whose good passadge, and safe retornc wee 
made many prayers to our allmighty god/ 

June the 25th, an Indian came to vs from the great 
Poughuuitonwhh thcworde of peace; that he desired greatly 
our freindshipp ; that the wyrounnces, Paspahei}^h and 
Tapahana^h should be our freindes ; that wee sliould sowe 
and reapc in peace, or els he would make warrs vpon them 







nrscd vjr 


[^ Discouru of Virginia. 


with vs. This message fell out true ; for both those 
wyroaunces hauc ever since rcmayned in peace and trade 
with vs. Wee rewarded the messinger, with many ti^'flcs, 
which were great wonders to him./ 

This Poiratan dwelleih lo myles from vs, vpon the River 
Payttaonchej which lycth North from vs. The Pcu'atatt in 
the former iomall mencioned (a dwellar by Captain 
Ncwporis faulls) ys a \v\-roaunce, and vnder this great 
Powaton, which before wee knew not / 

July. — The 3 of July, 7 or 8 Indians presented the Presi- 
dent a dear from Pamaonke^ a w^TOuance, desiring our 
friendshipp. They enquired after our shipping; which 
the President said was gon to Croaiooii, They feare muc 
our shipps ; and therefore he would not haue them thin 
it farr from us. Their wyrounce had a hatchet sent hy 
They wear well Contented with trifles. A litle after th 
came a Dear to the President from the Great Powaian^ 
He and his Messingers wear pleased with the like trifles. 
The President likewise bought diucrs tymes dear of the 
Indyans ; beavers, and other flesh; which he alwayes 
caused to be equally deuided among the Collonye/ 

About this tyme, diuers of our men fell sick. Wee 
myssed aboue fforly before September did see us ; amongst 
whom was the worthy and religious gentleman Captain 
Bartholoffuw Gostwld, vpon whose lief stood a great part 
of the good succes and fortune of our gouernmcnt and 
Collony. In his sicknes tyme, the President did easily 
foretell his owne deposing from his Comaund; so much 
differed the President and the other Councellors in 
mannaging the government of the Collonye/ 

July. — The 7lh of July, Tapahauah, a wyroaunce, dweller 
on Salisbery side, hayled vs with the word of peace. The 
President, with a Shallopp well manned, went to him. 
He found him sytting on the ground crossed legged, as is 
theire Custome, with one attending on him, which did often 
saie, "This is the wyroancc Tapahanahx*' which he did 
likewise conflrme with stroaking his brest. He was well 
enough knowne ; for the President had sene him diuerse 
tymes before. His Countynance was nothing cherefull ; 
for wee had not seen him since he was in the feild against 
V5 : but the President would take no knowledg[e] thereof. 

^J Discourse of Virginia^ 


£. it, Wincfirld. 


and vsed him kindely; giving him a red wa[i]s[t]coat, which 
he did desire. 

Tapaliauah did enquire after our shipping. He receyued 
answer as before. He said his ould store was spent, that 
his new was not at full groath by a foote ; that as scone as 
any was ripe, he would bring it; which promise he truly 

The . . . of . . . Master/Ccwia// wasput of from beeing 
of the Counscll, and committed to prison; for that it did 
manyfestly appeare he did practize to sowe discord 
betweene the President and Councell/ 

Sicknes had not now left us vj able men in our Towne. 
gods onely mercy did now watch and warde for us : but 
the President hidd this our weakenes carefully from the 
salvages ; ncuer suffring them, in all his tyme, to come 
into our Towne. 

Septem. — The vjth of Septcm.ber, Paspahcigh sent vs a 
boy that was run from vs. This was the first assurance of 
his peace with vs ; besides wee found them no Canyballs, 

The boye obserued the men and women to spend the 
most part of the night in singinfj or howling, and that euery 
morning the women carrycd all the litle children to the 
rivers sides; but what they did there, he did not knowe/ 

The rest of the wyroaunces doe likewise send our men 
runnagates, to vs home againe, vsing them well during their 
being with ihem ; so as now, they being well rewarded at 
home at their retorne, they take litle ioye to trauell abroad 
without pasportes/ 

The Councell demanded some larger allowance for 
them selues, and for some sick their fauorites ; which the 
President would not yeeld vnto without their warrantes/ 

This matter was before propounded by Captain Martyn, 
but so nakedly as that he neyther knew the quantity of 
the stoare to be but for xiij weekes and a half, under the 
Cap Merchaunts hand. He prayed them further to con- 
itder the long tyme before wee expected Captain Ncwporics 
retorne; the incertainty of his retorne, if God did not 
iauour his voyage; the long tyme before our haruest 
would be ripe ; and the doubtfull peace that wee had with 
the Indyans, which they would keepe no longer therv 
opertunity served to doe vs mischeif / 





Ixxviii [^ Diuourse of Virginia, - rr "hMiiM 

(I9071 It wat then therefore ordered, that eucry meale of fish 
or ficiihc should excuse the allowance for poridg, both 
9^atn»t the uck and hole. 

The Counccil, tlicrefore, sitting a^ine vpon this propo- 
sition, instructed in the former reasons and order, did not 

^H thinkc fit to brcakc the former order by enlarging their 

^H lillowancc, as will appeare by the most voyces rcddy to be 

^H ithcwcd vnder their handes. 

^H Now wan the comon store of oyle, vinigar, sack, and 

^H aquavitc all spent, saueing twoe Gallons of each : the sack 

^^B rc'henicd for the Comunion tabic, the rest for such ex- 

^H treamityes as might fall upon us, which the President had 

^H oncly made know'nle to Captain Gostwld; of which course 

^H he liked well. '1 he vessells wear therefore boonged vpp. 

^H When Master Gomold was dead, the President did acquaint 

^H tlic rest of llic Counscll with the said remnant : but, Lord, 

^H how they then lonRcd for to supp vp that litlc remnant! 

^H fur they had nowc emptied all their owne bottles, and all 

^H other that ihcy could smell out/ 

^H A litle while after this, the Councell did againe fall 

^H vpon the President for some better allowance for them- 

^H tHclucSp and some few the sick, their privates. The Presi- 

^H <lcnt protested he would not be partial, but if one had 

^H any thing of him, eucry man should haue his portion 

^H according to their places. Nevertheles ttiat vpon their 

^H warrantes, he would dcliucr what pleased ihem to demand. 

^H Yf the President had at that tyme enlarged the proportion 

^H According to their request, without doubt, in very short 

^H tymc, he had starued the whole Company. He would not 

^H ioyne with them therefore in such an ignorant murder 

^H without their own warrant/ S 

^H The Prcsidetil well seeing to what end their ympacience " 

^H would growe, desired them earnestly and often tymes to 

^H bcstowc the Presidentshipp amonge themselues ; that he 

^H would obey, a private man, as well as they could comand. 

^H Hut they refused to discharge him of the place; saycing 

^H thc\ mought not doe it, for that hee did his Maiestie good 

^M scn'ice in yt/ jH 

^1 In tliis meane tyme, the Indians did daily relieue vsV 

^H ' with come and tleshe, that, in three weekes, the President 

^ k had reared vpp x.\ men able to worke ; for, as his stoare h 

A Discourse of Vti'^inia,'] 

EU M. Wiiiiificld. 

■ t 1633. 

increased, he mended the comon pott: hec had laid vp 
besides prouision for 3. weekcs, wheate before-hand. 

By this tyme, the Councell had fully plotted to depose \ 
Wingfeild, ihc then President ; and had drawne certeyne \ 
Artycli'S in flighting amongst themselues, and toke their J 
oathes vpon the Evangelistes to obserue them : th' effect^ 
whereof was, first/ 
'To depose the then President 

To make Master RatcUffXh^ next President 

Not to depose the one th' other 

Not to take the deposed President into Councell againe 
.^^ot to take Master Archer into the Councell, or any 
other, without the Consent of euery one of them. To theis 
they had subscribed, as out of their owne mouthes, at 
seuerall tymes, it was easily gathered/ 

Thus had they forsaken his Maiesties government sett 
vs downe in the instruccions, and made it a Triumvirat/ 

It seemeth Master Archer was nothing acquainted with 
theis arlyclcs. Though all the rest crept out of his noates 
and Comentai*yeslhat were preferred against the President, 
yet it pleased god to Cast him into the same disgrace and 
pitt that he prepared for another, as will appeere hereafter. 

Septcm. — The 10 of September, Master Ratcliff, Master 
Smyth, and Master Mayiynn, came to the Presidenlcs Tcnnt 
with a warrant, subscribed vnder their handes, to depose 
the President; sayeing they thought him very unworthy 
to be eyther President or of the Councell, and therefore 
discharged him of bothe. 

He answered them, that they had eased him of a great 
dealc of care and trouble; that, long since, hee had diuers 
t>Tnes profered them the place at an easier rate ; and, 
further, that the President ought to be remoued (as ap- 
peereth in his Maiesty's instruccions for our government) 
l3y the greater number of xiij voyces, Councellors ; that 
ihey were but three, and therefore wished them to proceede 
advisedly. But they told him, if they did him wrong, they 
must answere it. Then said the deposed President, " I 
amc at your pleasure, dispose of me as you will, without 
further garboiie." 

I will now Wright what foUoweth in my owne name, and 
giue the new President his title. I shall be the briefer 





[A Discourse of Virginia. 



being thus discharged. I was comytted to a Seneant, and 
sent to the Pynnasse; but I was answered with, ** If they 
did me wronge, they must answere it/" 

The I ith of September, I was sent for to come before the 
President, and Councell vpon their Court daie. They had 
now made Master ^r<:/irr, Recorder of Virginia, The Presi- 
dent made a speeche to the Collony, that he thought it fitt 
to acquaint them whie I was deposed. I ame now forced to 
stuff my Paper with frivilous trifles, that our graue and 
worthy Councell may the better strike those vaynes where 
the corrupt blood lyeth, and that they may see in what man- 
ner of government the hope of the Collony nowtravayleth/ 
Ffirst, Master President said that I had denyed him 
a penny whitle, a chickyn, a spoonfull of beere, and 
served him with foule come ; and with that pulled 
some graine out of a bagg, shewing it to the Company / 
Then start vp Master Smyih, and said that I had told 
him playnly how he lied ; and that I said, though wee 
were equal! heere, yet, if he were in England^ he would 
think scome his man [i.*., serving man] should be my 
company on/ 

Master Martyn followed with, " He reporteth that I 
doe slack the service in the Collonye, and doe nothing 
but tend my pott, spitt, and oven; but he hath stanied 
my Sonne, and denyed him a spoonefuU of beere. I hauc 
freindes in England shal be revenged on him, if euer he 
come in London,!'^ 
I asked master President if I should answere theis Com- 
plaints, and whether he had ought els to charge me withalK 
With that he pulled out a paper booke, loaded full witli 
Ariycks against me, and gave them Master Archer to reade. 
I tould Master President and the Councell, that, by the 
instruccions for our government, our proceedings ought tt> 
be verball, and I was there ready to answere ; but they 
said they would proceede in that order. I desired a Coppie 
of the ^r/iV/rs, and tyme giuen me to answere them like- 
wise by wrighting ; but that would not be graunted. I 
badd them then please themselues. Master Archer then 
read some of the artycles ; when, on the suddaine, Master 
President said, " Staie, staie I Wee know not whether he 



E. M";?^'Si": ^ Discourse of Virginia.'] 

will abide our Judgment, or whether he will appeale to the 
King ; " sayeing to me. *' How saie you : Will you appeale 
to the King, or no?" I apprehended presently that gods 
mercy had opened me a waie, throuf;h their ignorance, to 
escape their malice ; for I never knewe how I might 
demande an appeale : besides, I had secret knowledge how 
thje^y hadforeiudged me to paie fiue fold for any thing that 
came to my handes, whereof I could not discharge my self by 
wrighting; and that I should lie in prison vntil I had paid it / 
The Cape Marchant had deliuercd me our marchandi^e, 
without any noat of the perticularyties, vnder my hand ; 
for himself had rcceyued them in grosse. 1 likewise, as 
occation moued me» spent them in Trade or by guift 
amongst the Indians. So likewise did Captain Newport 
take of them, when he went vp to discouer the kinges 
river, what he thought good, without any noate of his 
hand mentioning the certainty ; and disposed of them as 
was iitt for him. Of these, likewise, 1 could make no 
accompt; onely I was well assured I had neuer bestowed 
the valewe of three penny whitles to my own vse, nor to 
the private vse of any other ; for I never carryed any 
fauorite over with me, or intertayned any thcar. I was all 
one, and one to all. 

V^pon theis consideracions, I answered Master President 
and the Councell, that his Maiestys handes were full of 
mercy, and that i did appeale to His Maiesties mercy. 
They then comytted me prisoner againe to the master of 
ye pynnasse, with theis words, *' Lookc to him well : he 
is now the kinges prisoner." 

Then Master Archer pulled out of his bosome another 
paper book full of Arlyclcs against me, desiring that he 
might reade them in the name of the CoUony. I said I 
stood there ready to answere any mans complaintt whome 
1 had wronged; but no one man spoke one word against me. 
Then was he willed to reade his bookc, whereof I 
complayned ; but I was still answered, " If they doe me 
wrong, they must answer it." I haue forgotten the most 
of the Artycles, they were so slight (yet he gloricth much 
in his pcnnworke). I know well the last: and a speeche 
that he then made savoured well of a mutyny ; for he 
desired that by no meanes, I might lye prysoner in the 

JRa-C- Sc/f. Lib. No. 10. F 



\^A Discourse of Virginia, 

£. M. Wiiifffwlri. 



JA Uiriv.) 

Ill S«pt. 
l/. Ijwx.] 

To\vne» least boatli he and others of the Collony should not 
giue such obedience to their comaund as they ought to doe : 
which goodly speech of his they easilye swallowed. 

But it was vsuall and naturall to this honest gentleman, 
Master Archer, to be allwayes hatching of some mutany ; 
in my tyme, bee might haue appeered an author of 3 
seucrall mutynles. 

And bee (as Master Pearsic sent me worde) had bought 
some witnesses handes against me to diuers artycUs^ with 
Indian cakes (which was noe great matter to doe after my 
deposall, and considering their hungar) perswations and 
threats. At another tyme, he feared not to saie openly, 
and in the presence of one of the Councell, that, if they 
had not deposed me when they did, he hadd gotten twenty 
others to him self, which should haue deposed me. But 
this speech of his was likewise easily disicitcd/ 

Msi^ier Cro/tcs feared not to saie,that, if others would ioyne 
with him, he would pull me out of my seate, and out of 
myskynn too. Others would saie (whose names I spare), 
that, vnless I would amend their allowance, they would 
be their owne carucrs. For these mulinus speeches I 
rebuked tlicm openly, and proceeded no further against 
them, considering therein of mens liues in the kinges 
service there. One of the Councell was very earnest with 
me to take a guard aboute me. I answered him, 1 would 
no guard but gods love and my own innocencie. In all 
theis disorders was Master Archer a ringleader. 

When Master President and Master ^rr/irr had made an 
end of their Artyclcs aboue mentioned, I was again sent 
prisoner to the Pynnasse ; and Master Kouiall, takeinge 
from thence, had his liberty, but might not carry armes/ 

All this while, the Salvages brought to the Towne such 
Corne and flesh as they could spare. Paspahcighcj by 
Tapahanncs mediation, was taken into friendshipp witli 
vs. The Councillors, Master Smyth especially, traded vp 
and downe the river with the Indyans for come; which 
releued the Collony well. 

As I understand by report, I am much charged with 
staruing the Collony. I did allwa^'cs giue eucry man his 
allowance faithfully, both of corne, oylc, aquivite, &c., as 




A Discourse of I 'irginial\ 

was by the Counsel! proportioned : neyther was it bettered 
after my tyme, untill, towards Ih* end of March [i6o8j, a 
Bisket was allowed to cuerj' workeing man for his breakefast, 
by meanes of the prouision brought vs by Captain Newport \ 
as will appeare hereafter. It is further said, I did much 
banquit and ryot. I never had but one Squirell roasted ; 
whereof I gaue part to Master Ratdiff then sick: yet was 
that Squirell given mc. I did never heatc a flesh pott but 
when the comon pot was so used likewise. Yet how often 
Master Presidentes and the Councellors spittes haue night 
and day bene endaungered to break their backes, — so laden 
"with swanns, geese, duckes, &c. how many times their 
^esh pottes haue swelled, many hungry eies did behold to 
their great longing. And what great Theeues and theeving 
thear hath been in the Comon stoare since my tyme, I 
<loubt not but is already made knowne to his Maiesties 
Councell for Virginia. 

The 17th daie of September, I was sent for to the Court 
I0 answere a Complaint exhibited against me by Jehu 
Robinson ; for that, when I was president, I did saie, hee 
with others had consented to run awaye with the Shallop 
to Newfoundland. At an other tyme, I must answere 
Master Smyth for that I had said hee did conceale an 
intended muiany. I tould Master Recorder, those wordes 
would beare no actions ; that one of the Causes was done 
without the lymits mencioned in the Patent graunted to 
V3 ; and therefore prayed Master President that I mought 
not be thus lugged with theis disgraces and troubles : but 
hee did weare no other eis or cares than grew on Master 
Archcr€% head. 

The lury gauc the one of them [».«., Robinson] looli and 
the other [i, c^Sinitht see p. ;iSg] twoo hundred pound damages 
for slaunder. Then Master Recorder did very learnedly 
comfort me, that, if I had wrong, I might bring my writ of 
error m London; whereat I smiled. 

I, seeing their law so speedie and cheape, desired iustice 
for a copper kettle which Master Croftc did deteyne from 
me. Hee said I had giuen it him. 1 did bid him bring 
his proofe for that. Hee confessed hee had no proofe. 
Then Master President did aske me if I would be sworne 
I did not giue it him. I said I knew no cause whie to 

|i 1 Qia noL 



l^A Discourse of Virginia. 

\h " 1 


sweare for myne owne. He asked Master Crofics if hcc 
would make oath, I did give it him ; which oathc he tooke, 
and wann my kettle from mc, that was in that place and 
tyme, worth half his waight in gold. Yet I did understand 
afterwards that he would haue given John Capper the one 
half of the kettle to haue taken the oath for him ; but hee 
would [have] no copper on that price. 

I tould Master President I had not known the like lawe, 
and prayed they would be more sparing of law vntill wee had 
more witt or wealthe ; that kiwes were good spies in a popu- 
lous, peaceable, and plentifuU country, whear they did make 
the good men better, and stayed the badd from being worse ; 
ytt wee weare so poore as they did but rob us of tyme that 
might be better ymployed in ser\'ice in the Collonye. 

The . , , daie of . . . the President did beat Jamc^ 
Readf the Smyth. The Smythe stroake him againe. For 
this he was condempned to be hanged ; but» before he was 
turned of[fJ thelather.he desired tospeakwith the President 
in private, to whome he accused Master Kendall of a mutiny, 
and so escaped himself. What indictment Master Recorder 
framed against the Smyth, I knowe not ; but I knowe it is 
familiar for the President, Counsellors, and other officers, 
to beate men at their pleasures. One lyeth sick till deaths 
another walketh lame, the third cr)eth out of all his 
boanes ; which myscryes they doe take vpon their con- 
sciences to come to them by this their Almes of beating". 
Wear this whipping, lawing, beating, and hanging, in Vir- 
ginia^ knownc in England, I fear it would driue many well 
affected myndes from this honourable action of Virginia, 

This Smyth comyng aboord the Pynnasse, with some 
others, aboute some busines, 2 or 3 dayes before his 
arraignement, brought me Comendacions from Master 
PearsyCf Master Walter, Master Kendall^ and some others, 
saieing they would be glad to see me on shoare. I 
answered him, they were honest gentlemen, and had 
carryed themselues very obediently to their gouomors. I 
prayed god that they did not thinck of any ill thing 
vnworlhie themselues. I added further, that v{)on Sundaie, 
if the weathiar were faire, I would be at the sermon. 
Lastly, I said that I was so sickly, starued, lame, and did 
lye so could and wett in the Pynnasse, as I would be 


M. WmL^fickl. 

t 1608. 

A Discourse of Virginia,'] 

dragged thithere before I would goe thither anj' more. 

^B^Sundaie proued not faire : I went not to the Sermon/ 

^^V The . . , daieof , . ., Master AV«f/rt//\vasexecuted ; being 

^H^hott to death for a mutiny. In th* arrest of his iudgment, 

^Hlie alleaged to Master President yat his name was Sickle- 

^Hfnortr, not Ratcliff; and so had no authority to pronounce 

^^ludgment. Then Master Martyn pronounced ludgment. 

I' Somewhat before this tyme, the President and Councell 

had sent for the keyes of my Coffers, supposing that I had 

some wrightings concerning the Collony. I requested 

that the Clearkc of the Councell might see what they 

tooke out of my Coffers; but they would not suffer him or 

„ any other, Vnder cullor heereof, they took my books of 

Accompl, and all my noates that concerned the expences 

I of the CoIion3\and instructions vnder the Cape Marchantes 

handc of the stoare of prouision, diuers other bookes and 

i trifles of my owne proper goods, which I could neuer 

I recouer. Thus was I made good prise on all sides. 

! The , . . daie of . , ., the President comaunded me to 

come on shore; which I refused, as not rightfully deposed, 

and desired that I mought spcake to him and the Councell 

in the presence of 10 of the best sorte of the gentlemen. 

With much intreaty, some of them wear sent for. Then 

I tould them, I was determined to goe into England to 

acquaint our Councell there with our weaknes. I said 

further, their lawes and government was such as I had no 

ioye to liue under them any longer ; that I did much 

myslikc their triumvcrat, haucing forsaken his Maiesties 

instruccions for our government, and therefore praied there 

might be more made of the Councell. I said further, I 

desired not to goe \nio England, if eyther Master President 

or Master Archer would goe, but was willing to take my 

fortune with the Collony ; and did also proffer to furnish 

them with loc/i towards the fetching home [of] the 

Collonye, if the action was given ouer. 

They did like of none of my proffers, but made diuers 
shott att mcc in the Pynnasse. I, seeing their resolucions,- 
went ashoare to them ; whear, after I had staied a while 
in conference, they sent me to the Pynnasse againe. 

Decern. — The loth of December, Master Sm_>'/A went vp 
the Ryuer of the Chechohomynies to trade for come. He 
was desirous to see the heade of that riuer; and, when it 




^A Discourse of Virginia. 


11007-3] was Dot passible with the Shallop, he hired a Cannow and 
an Indian to carry him \^ further. The river the high( 
grew worse and worse. Then hee went on shoare witbl 
his Kuide, and left Robinson and Emmery, twoe of our mcn^J 
in the cannow ; which were presently slayne by th< 
Indians, Pamao^ikc^ men, and hee himself taken prjsoneri 
and, by the meanes of his guide, his lief was saved ; am 
Pamaonche, haueing him prisoner, Carr>'cd him to his" 
neybors wyroances to see if any of them knew him for one 
of those which had bene some twoe or three yeeres before?^ 
vs, in a River amonRst them Northward, and taken awai( 
some Indians from them by force. At last he brought him U 
the great Powaton (of whome before wee had no know!edg)i 
whoscnthimhometoourTownetheviijthof Januar>;i6o8], 

During Master 5my//t^5 absence, the President did swej 
in the AriycUs agreed vpon bctweene themselues (befoi 
spoken of),and contrarytotheKingesinstruccions.and vvith* 
out Master MrtWv«s consent: whereas there weare no moi 
but the President and Master Mariyn then of the Councell /] 

Master Archer, being settled in his authority, soug] 
how to call Master Smyths lief in question, and hai 
indited him vpon a Chapter in Leuiiicus for the death 
his twoe men, Hee had had his trjall the same daie of 
his retornc, and, I believe, his hanging the same, or the 
next daie, so speedie is our lawe thear: but it pleaseiUH 
god to send Captain Newport vnto us the same eevenin^H 
loourvnspeakablecomfortes; whose arryuall saued Master 
Smyths Icif and mine, because hee took me out of the 
pynnasse. an'd, gaue me leave to lye in the Towne. Also 
by his comyng was prevented a Parliament, which ye 
newe Counsailour, Master Recorder, intended thear to 
summon. Thus error begot error/ 

Captayne Newport haueing landed, lodged and refreshed 
his men, ymploied some of them about a faire stoare house, 
others about a stove, and his Marjners aboute a Church ; 
all which workes they finished cherefully and in short tyme / 

January.— The 7 [? 17] of January [1608], our townc was 
almost quite burnt, with all ourapparell and prouision; but 
Captain Newport healed our wants, to our great comforts, 
out of the great plenty sent vs bv the prouident and 
care of our worthie, and most worthic Councell. 



A Discourse of Vtrgi7iia^ 

^^L This Vigilant Captayne, slacking no oportunity that 
might advauncc the prosperity of the Collony, haueing 
setlcd the Company vppon the former workes, took Master 
Sviyih and Master Scrife7jer(an other Councellor of Virginia, 
vpoa whose discretion liveth a great hope of the action), 
went to discoucr the River Panutonche^ on the further side 
whearof dwelleth the Great Powaton, and to trade with 
him for Corne. This River lyth North from vs, and 
runneth East and West. I haue nothing but by relation 
of that matter, and therefore dare not make any discourse 
thereof, lest I mought wrong the great desart which 
Captain Neufortcs loue to the action hath deserued ; 
especially himself being present, and best able to glue 

I satisfaccion thereof. I will hasten therefore to his retorne. 

March. — The 9th of Marche, he retomcd to James Townc 

with his Pynnasse well loaden with corne, wheat, beanes, 

and pease, to our great comfort and his worthi com- 


By this tyme, the Counsell and Captayne haueing 
intentiuely looked into the Carryadge both of the Coun- 

1 cellors and other officers, remoued some officers out of 
the stoare ; and Captain Archer, a Councellor, whose 
insolency did looke vpon that Htle himself with great 
sighted spectacles, derrogating from others mcrrites by 
spueing out his venemous libells, and infamous chronicles 
vpon them, as doth appeere in his owne hand wrighting ; 
iTor which, and other worse trickes, he had not escaped ye 
halter, but that Captain Newport intei^posed his advice t< 
the Contraryc/ 

April!.— -Captayne Newpnrtj haueing now dispatched all 
his busines and set tiie Clocke in a true course (if so the 
Counccll will keep it), prepared himself for /:;:/;M«i vpon 
the xth of Aprill, and arryued at Blackwall oa Sunday, the 
xxjlh of Mayc, 160S 





(A ix> 



humbly craue some patience to answere many 
scandalus imputacions which malice, more than 
malice, hath scattered vpon my name, and those 
frivolous greevanccs obiected against me by 




l/l Disccurse of Virginia^ 



the Prmdort ftnd CounccII ; and thoo^ uf cemstire sili 
be the ooeiy maske that can wll coucr my blmfaes, yett 
doe I DOt doobt but this my Appologie shall easily wipe 
tbeni awaic. 

It it Doy«cd that I combyncd whh the Spanniards to 
the dtttruccion of the Collony : That I ame an Atheist. 
W caot I canyed not a Bible'uith me, and because I did 
forbid the preacher to prcache : that I affected a King- 
dome; Thatldidhideofthecomonprouisionintheground./ 
I omfesse I haue alwayes admyred any noble vertue 
and prowesse» as well in the Spatmiardi (as in other 
Nations); but naturally I haue alwayes distrusted and 
disliked their nei^borhoode. 

I sorted many bookes in my house, to be sent vp to me 
at my goeing to Virginia ; amongst them a Bible. They 
were sent me vp in a Trunck to London^ with diuers 
fruile, conserues, and prescrues, which I did sett in Master 
Crc/U his house in Ratcliff. In my beeing at Virginia^ 
I did vnderstand my trunck was thear broken vp, much 
lost, my sweelmeates eaten at his Table, some of my bookes 
which I missid to be scene in his handes; and whethef 
amongst them my BibU was so ymbeasiled or mislayed by 
my seruantes, and not sent me, I knowe not as yet. 

Two or three sundayes mominges, the Indians gaue 
vs allarums at our towne. By that tymes they weare 
answered, the place about us well discoucred,and our devync 
service ended, the daie was farr spent. The preacher 
[R, Hunt] did aske me if it weare my pleasure to haue a 
sermon : hee said hce was prepared for it. I made 
answere, that our men were wear\* and hungr}*, and that 
he did see the tyme of the daie farr past (for at other 
tymes hce neuer made such question, but the service 
finished, he began his sermon) ; and that if it pleased him, 
wee would spare him till some other tyme. I never failed 
to take such noates by wrighting out of his doctrine as 
my capacity could comprehend, vnless some raynie day 
hindred my indeauour. 

My raynde never swelled with such ympossible mounte- 
bank humors as could make me affect any other Kingdcmc 
then the kingdom of heaven/ 

•uly as god liuelh, I gaue an ould man, then th 



E. M. Winsficld. 


A Discourse of Virginia7\ 



keeper of the private stoure, 2 plasses with sallet oyle 
which I brou<;ht with me out of Ungiand for my private 
stoare, and willed him to bury it in the ground, for that I 
feared the great heate would spoile it. Whatsoeuer was 
more, I did never consent vnto or knewe of it ; and as 
truly was it protested vnto me, that all the remaynder 
before mencioned of the oyle, wyne, &c., which the 
President receyued of me when I was deposed, theye 
themselues poored into their owne bellyes. 

To the Presidentes and Councelles obiections I saie, that 
I doe knowe Curtesey and Civility became a governor. No 
penny whitle was asked me, but a kniffe, whereof I had 
none to spare. The Indyans had long before stoallen my 
knife. Of chickins I never did eat but one, and that in 
my sicknes. Master Y'^a/c/i^ had before that time tasted 
of 4 or 5. I had by my owne huswiferie bred aboue 37, 
and the most part of them of my owne pouUrye ; of all 
which, at my comyng awaie, I did not see three liueing. 
I never denyed him (or any other) beare, when I had it» 
The come was of the same which wee all liued vpon. 

Master Smyth, in the tyme of our hungar, had spred a 
rumor in the Collony, that I did feast myself and my 
seruantes out of the comon stoare, >\nth entent (as I 
gathered) to haue stirred the discontented company 
against me. I tould him privately, in Master Gosnolds 
tent, that indeede I had caused half a pinte of pease to be 
sodden with a peese of pork, of my owne prouision, for a 
poore old man, which in a sicknes (whereof he died) he 
much desired ; and said, that if out of his malice he had 
given it out otherwise, that hee did tell a lye. It was 
proued to his face, that he begged in Irdavd like a rogue, 
without a lycence. To such I would not my name should 
be a Companyon. 

Master Martins payns, during my comaund, never 
stirred out of our towne tenn scoare; and how slack hee (//■ >vr. 
was in his watching and other dutyes, it is too well 
knowne. I never defrauded his sonne of any thing of his 
own allowance, but gaue him aboue it, I believe their 
disdainefull vsage and threats, which they many tymea 
gaue me, would have pulled some distempered speeches 
out of farr greater Pacyence than myne. Yet shall not 



\_A Discourse of Virginia, 



lA Uvl-J 



any revenging humor in me befoule my penn with their_ 
base names and liues here and there. I did visit Mastei' 
Pcarsie, Master Hunt, Master Drcwstcr^ Master Pickasse^] 
Master AUicock, ould Short the bricklayer, and diuersfr^ 
others, at seueral! tymes. I never miskalled at a gentle- 
man at any time/ 

Concerning my deposing from my place, I can well proue 
that Master RaUliff ^A, if I had vsed him well in his 
sickncs (wherein I find not myself guilty of the contrary), 
I had never bene deposed. 

Master Smyth said, if it had not bene for Master Archer, 
I hadd never bene deposed. Since his being here in the 
Towne, he hath said that he tould the President and 
Counceli that they were frivolous obiections they had 
collected against me, and that they had not doone well to, 
depose me. Yet, in my conscience, I doe believe him [Smith] 
the first and onely practizer in theis practisses. 

Master i^ff/t^rs quarrell to me was, because hee had n< 
the choise of the place for our plantation ; because 
misliked his leying out of our towne, in the pinnasse; 
because I would not sware him of the Counceli for Virginia, 
which neyther I could doe or he desei^ve. 

Master Smyths quarrell, because his name was mencioned 
in the eotendcd and confessed mutiny by Galthropp, ^H 

Thomas Wootton the Surieon, because I would no^l 
subscribe to a Warrant (which he had gotten drawne) to 
the Treasurer of Virginia, to deliuer him mony to furnish. 
him with drugges and other necessar>X's ; and because 
disallawed liis living in the pinnasse, haueing many of oui 
men lycing sick and wounded in our Towne, to wbo! 
dressings by that meanes he slacked his attendance. 

Of the same men, also, Captain Gosnold gaue me 
warning, misliking much their dispositions, and assured 
me they would lay hold of me if they could ; and perad- 
venturc many, because I held them to watching, warding^ 
and workcing; and the Collony generally, because I would 
not glue my consent to starue them. I cannot rack one 
word or thouj^ht from myself, touching my Canyadg in 
yirin'niat other than is herein set down. 

iv now, at the last, presume vpon your favours, I 
rablc suitor that vour owne louc of truth will 


z.iu^^. A Discourse of Virsinh.'] xci 

vouchsafe to releave me from all false aspertionshappining [16081 
since I embarked me into this affaire of Virgmia* For my 
first worke (which was to make a right choise of a spirituall 
Pastor), I appealc to the remcmbraunce of my Lord of t/wM 
CaunUrbury his grace, who gaue me very gracious 
audience in my request. And the world knoweth whome 
I took with me [R. Hunt : truljs in my opinion, a man not 
any waie to be touched with the rebellious humors of a 
popish spirit, nor blemished with ye least suspition of a 
factious scismatick, whereof I had a speciall care. 

For other obiections, if your worthie sclues be pleased 
to set me free, I haue learned to despise ye popular 
verdict of ye vulgar. I ever chered up myself with a 
confidence in ye wisdomc of grauc, iudicious Senatours; 
and was never dismayed, in all my ser\-ice, by any syn- 
ister event: though I bethought me of ye hard begin- 
ningcs, which, in former ages, betided those worthy 
spiritcs that planted the greatest monarchies in Asia 
and Europe; wherein I obserued rather ye troubles of 
Moses and Arotif with other of like history, then that 
venom in the mutinous brood of Ctidutus, or that harmony 
in ye swcte consent of Awphion, And when, with yc 
former, I had considered that even the betheren, at their 
plantacion of the Romaine Empire, were not free from 
mortall hatred and intestine garboile, likewise that both 
ye Spanish and English Records are guilty of like factions, 
it made me more vigilant in the avoyding thereof: and 1 
protest, my greatest contencion was to prevent contencion, 
and my chiefest endeavour to prcserue the Hues of others, 
though with 3*e great hazard of my own; for I neuer desired 
to enamell my name with bloudc. 

I reioice that my trauells and daungers haue done 
somewhat for the behoof of Jerusalem in Virginia. If it 
be obiected as my ouersight to put my self amongst such 
men, I can saie for myself, thear wear not any other for 
our consort ; and I could not forsake ye enterprise of 
opening so glorious a Kingdom vnto ye King, wherein I 
shall ever be most ready to bestow ye poore remainder of my 
dayes, as in any other his heighnes' dissignes, according 
to my bounden duty, with ye vtmost of my poore Tallent. 


John Chamberlain. 

"Letter to Dudley C arletoi^ . 
7 yuly 1608. 

\Stat< Ptt^n^ Damiettk. Jttmu 1. (1608) Vjl. 35, Xo. t>3 

commend youn 

11608] i^^^^S^^y^ iR.— I cannot but 

memorie that, etc. 

Here is a ship [^/i^ Phoenix um 
Captain Nelson] newly come from v/r- 
ginia that hath ben long missing, sh< 
went out the last yeare in consoi 
with Captain Noifortf and after mucl 
wandering found the port three oi 
fowrc days after his departure for Etxi^land, I heare not 
any nouelties or other commodities she hath brought moi 
then sweet woode. 
Sir Horace Vcre, etc. 
From London this 7th of July t6o8. 

Yours most assuredly 

John Chaubbrlain 

[Atfiircjsrii] To my assured goode frend 
Master Dudley Carletom 
gcuc these at Eaton. 


John Chamberlain. 

Letter to Dudley C a rleton. 
23 January 1609. 

\filat* Paptrt, D*mtttic. Jtumu I. (1609) Vol. 43, No. 39.] 

|IR, — You had heard from me on friday,^/f. 
The least of our East Indian ships 
called the pinnesse is arrived at Dari- 
month with a loo tunne of clones, 
Avithout seeing or hearing any thing of 
k^^^\'^^^ I^^^ ^^* consorts since they parted from the 
y^^^l^^y-^^^v^ coast of England. 

■J'^^ii^-^i^^^-'^-'^it^ Here is likewise a ship newly come 
from Virginia [itttdcr Captain Newport, sec p. 128] with 
some petty commodities and hope of more, as divers sorts 
of woode for wainscot and other vses, sope ashes, some 
pitch and tarre, certain unknowne kindes of herbs for dieng> 
not without suspicion (as they terme yt) of CucJicnilla, 
I must recall, etc. 
From London this 23th of January i6o8[-9]. 

Yours most assuredly 

John Chamberlain* 

lAddresscdl To my assured goode frcnd 
Master Dudley Carleton. 
gene these at Eton, 



Captain Gabriel Archer. 

Letter from Mantes Town. 
31 August 1609. 






iMUr of Masttr Gabribl Archar» touching th». 
Voyage of the Fleet of Ships, vkich ofriued at Virginia,! 
uritkcut Sir Thomas Gates and Sir Gborob 

SVU UERS, 1609. ^ 


Rom Woi^wichXhe fifteenth of May, 1609, 

scuen saile weyed anchor ; and came 10 
Plinunouth the twentieth day, where Sir 
George Soiturs, with two small Vessels, 
consorted with vs. Here we tooke into 
the Ble^in^ i^bcing the ship wherein I 
went) sixe Mares and two Horses; and 
the Fleet layed in some necessaries 
belonging to the action : in which businesse we spent 
time till the second of lune. And then wee set sayle to 
Sea, but crost by South-west windes, we put in to FauU* 
month, and there staying till the eight of lune, wc then 
gate out. 

Our Course was commanded to leauc the Canaries one 
hundred leagues to the Eastward at least, and to steere 
away directly for Virginia^ without touching at the West 
Indies^ except the Fleet should chance to be separated, 
then they were to repaire to the Bennuda, there to stay 
seuen dayes in expectation of the Admiral [flag ship]; 
and if they found him not, then to take their course to 


dlTo^iSSh^. Metier announcing arrival of Third Supply,'] xcv 

Now thus it happened; about sixe dayes after [ahotti 14 [1608] 
June] we lost the sight of Ef.glaudt one of Sir George The ship., 
Somen Pinnasses left our company, and (as I take it) menu'the 
bare vp for E}f^Iand ; the rest of the ships, viz. The Sea ''^""* 
Aduentute Admiral], wherein was Sir Thomas Gates, Sir 
George Somcr, and Captaine Nra:port : The Diaviond Vice- 
admirall, wherein was Captaine Ratdiffe, and Captaine 
King. The Falcon Reare-admirall, in which was Captaine 
Martiti, and Master Nellson : The Blessifig, wherein I and 
Captaine Adams went: The Vnitie, wherein Captaine 
IVoodt and Master Pett were. The Lion^ wherein Captaine 
Webb remained : And the Sicallo-d^ of Sir George Somers, in 
which Captaine Moone, and Master Saner went. In the 
Catch went one Matthew Fitch Master : and in the Boat 
of Sir George Somers, called the Virginia, which was built 
in the North Colony, went one Captaine Davies, and one 
Master Davics, These were the Captaines and Masters 
of our Fleet. 

We ran a Southerly course from the Tropicke of Cancer ^ siri 
where hauing the Sun within si::e or seuen degrees right uiiu?«' 
oucr our head in luly, we bore away West; so that by ^^' 
the ferucnt heat and loomes breezes, many of our men fell 
sicke of the Calenture, and out of two ships was throwne 
ouer-board tliirtie two persons. The Vice-admiral was 
said to haue the plague in her ; but in the Blessing we 
had not any sicke, albeit we had twenty women and 

Vpon Saint lames day [25 July]^ being about one Temt»« 
hundred and fiftie leagues distant from the West Indies, **"P'^ 
in crossing the Gulf of Bahama, there hapned a most 
terrible and vehement storme, which was a taile of the 
West Indian Horacono; this tempest seperated all our 
Fleet one from another; and it was so violent that men 
could scarce stand vpon the Deckes, neither could any 
man heare another speake. Being thus diuided, euery 
man steered his owne course ; and as it fell out, about 
fiue or sixe days [2 or 3 August] after the storme ceased 
(which cndure[dj fortie foure houres in extrcmitie (25-27 
j«/yj). the Lion first, and after the Falcon and the Vnitie, 
Kot si£:ht of our Shlppe, and so we lay away directly for Noi^. fj** 
Virgtnta, iinumgneitnercurrentnorwmdcoppuBitCjassome chju-fe^bis. 

xcvi \Ltiter announcing arrival of Third Supply, c-ii^cTASl^' 


Arrinall in 



31 Atog. i6o». 

haue reported, to the great charge of our Counsell ^^^ 
Aduenturers. ^| 

The Vnity was sore distressed when she came vp wI^F 
vs, for of seucnty landmen, she had not ten sound ; and 
all her Sea men were downe but onely the Nfaster and his 
Boy with one poore sailer: but we relieued them. And 
we foure consorting, fell into the Kings Riuer [ix,, James 
river] haply the eleuenth of August. In the Vnity were 
borne two children at Sea, but both died: being both Boyes. 
When wee came to lames Towne, we found a Ship 
which had bin there in the Riuer a moneth before we 
came [».«., about 10 July], This was sent out of England 
by our Counsels leaue and authority, to fish for Sturgeon; 
and to goe the ready way, without tracing through the 
Torrid Zoan, and shec performed it : her Commander was 
Captaine Argoll (a good Marriner, and a very ciuill 
Gentleman) and her Master one Robert Tindall [/^H 
xxxviii, xlij. 1| 

The people of our Colonic were found all in health (for 
the most part). Howbeit when Captaine Argoll came in, 
they were in such distresse, for many were dispersed in 
_ the Sauages townes, liuing vpon their almes for an ounce 

P of Copper a day ; and fourescore liued twenty miles from 

the Fort and fed vpon nothing but Oysters eight weekes 
IMij5.«") space, hauing no other allowance at all : neither were the 
people of the Country able to relieue them if they would. 
Whereupon Captaine Newport and others haue beene 
much to blame to informe the Counsell of such plenty of 
victuall in this Country, by which meanes they haue beene 
alacke in this supply to giue conuenient content. Vpon 
this, you that be aduenturers. must pardon vs, if you finde 
not rcturnc of Commodity so ample as you may expect, 
because the law of nature bids vs seeke sustenance first, 
and then to labour to content you aflenvards. But vpon 
this point I shall be more large in my next Letter- 
After our foure Ships had bin in harbour a fewe dayes, 
came in (15 Aug] the V'iceadmirall, hauing cut her 
n ' St oucr boord, and had many of her men very 

Kit i weake ; but she could tell no newes of our 

Goucmour: and some three or foure dayes after her 
' ' ramc in the Stvallowt willi bcr maine Mast 

Anil (iihar 
UUiut kUa 

ciii"<?*A«h™: Letter anno7incing arrival of Third Supply 

13 Aug. 1605. 

ouerboord also ; and had a shrewd leake, neither did she 
see our Admirall. 

Now did we all lament the absence of our Gouemour, 
for contentions began to grow, and factions, and par- 
takings, &c. Insomuch as the President \Qapia\n Smith], 
to strengthen his authority, accorded with the Mariners, 
and gaue not any due respect to many worthy Gentlemen 
that came in our Ships ; whereupon they generally 
(hauing also my consent) chose Master ^Vaty my Lord 
de la ]Var[r£]s brother, to be their Gouernour, or president 
d£ bene esse, in the absence of Sir Thomas Gates, or if he 
miscarried by Sea, then to continue till we heard newes 
from our Counsell in England, This choice of him they 
made not to disturbe the old President during his time 
[Captain Smith's year of office wotdd have expired in a few 
days after the writing of this letter, viz, ^ 10 Sept. 1609 : but he 
had already during this month of August once given up the 
Presidency to Captai?i Martin, who resigned it back to him 
again; see pp, 162,481]: but as his authority expired, then 
to take vpon him the sole gouefrlnment, with such assis- 
tants of the Captaines, as discreetest persons as the 
Colonic afforded. 

Perhaps you shall haue it blazoned a mutenie by such 
as retaine old malice; but Master West, Master Percicy 
and all the respected Gentlemen of worth in Virginia, 
can and will testiRe otherwise vpon their oathes. For 
the Kings Patent we ratified, but refused to be gouerned 
by the President that now is, after his lime was expired ; 
and onely subjected our selues to Master West, whom 
we labour to haue next President. 

I cannot certifie you of much more as yet, vntill we 
grow to some certaine stay in this our state ; but by the 
other Ships you shall know more. So with my harty 
commendations I cease. 

From lames Towne this last of August 1609. 

,] xcvii 



partly TaIu 




tion», are 

here left 



choow a 



IfiHC ilU 
Hence from 
the male- 
which tud 

in I'trsiniit 
before (ene- 
mies tu the 
raiung now 
ill rcporu 
at their 
him, anne 
t^iese stirs 
and the 
Riitcries in 
which this 
with almcMl 
the whole 


JTwR SCH. Lib, Xo. 16. 


Captain John Ratcliffe 

alias SiCKELMORE. 

Letter to the Earl of Salisbury 
4 October 1609. 


Tliis letter is written in a scrivener's handj and is merely signed by 
the Writer. 

{StaU Pm^tntC*iM%iai, (1574-1631. > Vol. t. Nol t^) ^m 

Ight Honorable, accordinge to your gratious 
fauour being bound I am bold to write the 
truth of some late accidcntes, be falne his Maies- 
ties Virginia coUonye. 
Sir Thomas Gata, and Sir George Summers Captaine 
Newport and iSo persons or ther about, ai'e not yet arrived 
and we much feare they are lost, and alsoe a small pinish. 
The other shipps came all in but not together; We were 
thus seperated by a storme; two shipps had great loss 
of men by the calenture ; and most of them all much 
weatherbcaten. At our arrivall we found an English 
shipp, liding at James towiic and Captaine Argoll hir 

\Vc heard that all the Counsell were dead but Captaine 
Smith the President, who reigned sole governer without 
assistanles and would at first admitt of no councell but 
486] himselfe. This man is sent home to answere some mis- 
deameanors, whereof I pcrswadc n:e he can scarcely clear 
him selfc from great imputation of blame. ■ 

Master George Pearcye my Lord of Northumberland^^ 
brother is elected our President, and Master West my 
Lord la warn brother, of the ctamcell, with me and Captaine 
Martine ; and some lew of the best and worthyest that 

capLTSiSfc -^^'//^^ to the Earl of Salisbur>\] 

4 Oct. 1609. 

inhabite at Jafnes iownc are assistantes in ther advise 
vnto vs. 

Thus haue we planted 100 men at the falls, and some 
others vpon a champion, the President is at James foXi*iic, 
and I am raysing a fortification vpon point Comfort^ alsoe 
we haue been bold to make stay of a small shipp for 
discouerye and to procure vs victalls, wherof we haue 
exceedinge much need for the country' people set no more 
then sufficeth each familye a yeare, and the wood is yet so 
thice, as the labour to prepare so much ^ound as would 
be to any purpose is more then we can afford, our number 
being see neccssarylie dispersed : soc that if I mit;ht be 
held worthyc to advise the directors of this busincs : I 
hold it fitt that ther should be a sufficient supply of 
victualls for one yeare, and then to be sparinge, it would 
less hinder the collonye. 

Thus fearinge to be too offensive in a tedious boldnes, 
I cease wishinge all hapines to your Honnor, yea wear it 
in the expense of my life and bloud. 

ffrom James (owne this 4th of October, i6og. 

Your Honnors in all obedience and most 

humble dutye. 

[Si^/t^ti] John RadClyeffe./S Comenly Called. 



[Aififr^ssftf] To the Right Honorable the Earle of Sah's- 
buiye Lord high Treasurer 0/ England 
ddiuer these. 

[/ewer dowrf[ 

from Virginia. 


I Gog 
4. Oc . . , - 

Captaine John Raddiff 
to my Lord from Virginia. 

Henry, Earl of Southampton. 

Letter to the Earl of S alisbury. 

1 5 December 1 6og. H 

I. <«e(9) VoL 90, No. 65.) 





[1609] ^3^lMA^lr45c^^P*^" Wedensday mominge [13 Du, 

went to Newmarkett and before the Kin 
went to dinner I deliuered vnto him what 
I rcceaued from your Lordship concern- 
inge, etc. 

And thus wishinge a longe contine* 
wance of your lordships happy fortune 
I rest 
Your lordships most assuredly 

to doo you ser\'ice 


The 15 of December [which^ in 1609, iros a Friday], 

Talkinge with the King [i.e., on Wednesday, 13 Dec] by 
[>^. cvis9, chance I tould him of the Virginia squirills which they 
say will fly, wherof there are now diuers brought into 
England [evidently in the sitip or ships which brought Ca^^adfl 
John Smith to England], and hee presently and vei^B 
earnestly asked mee if none of them was provided for him 
and whether your Lordship had none for him, saj'inge that 
hee was sure you would gett him one of them, I would 
not have troblcd you with this but that you know so well 
how hee is affected to these toyes, and with a little enquir>' 
of any of your folkes you may furnish your self to present 
him att his comminge io London which will not bee before 
wensday next : the monday before to TheobaVjd^ and the 
•rday before that to Roy 




E N R Y 

P E L M A N 

Relation of Virginea. 

This piece in broken English is a most important contribution to 
tlie history of the first colnny on the James river, inasmuch ;is it is the 
only Eye-witness account,/, civ, of the massacre of Captain Ratcliffe; 
and his company by Powhatan ; about Nov. 1609, p. ciii, or the 
beginning of the Sian-i/f^ Time of 1609-10,/. 498. 

Spelman was rescued by Captain ArgalL in SepL 1610,/. 503: 
but this narrative was evidently not written for some time after ; for 
the writer says at /. ex ; 

Concerninj^e ther lawes my years and vnderstandinge, 
made me the less lo looke after. 

We have therefore approximately dated the narrative 1613, as U was 
apparently written in England,/, civ. 

Henry Spelman was the third son of .Sir Henry Spelman, the 
antiquary. He afterwards returned to Virginia, and rose to be a 
Captain in the colony, and is referred to at//. 172, 498, 503, 528, 606. 

This manuscript (now in the possession of James F. Hunnewell, 
Esq., of Charleston, Massachusetts, U.S.A.) has only been recently 
printed, under the editorship of Henry StevenSj Esq., F.S.A., in an 
edition of 100 copies, London, 1872: to which impression, the reader 
is referred for an account of the singular adventures of the manu5Cript| 
until it was sold at Mr. Lilly's sale on 7 July 1871. 

Einge in displeasuer of my frendes, [1609] 
and desirous to see other cuntrj'es, 
After \%um \oc€hc^\ three moneths sayle 
we cum wi't/i prosperus winds in sight 
of Virginia wher A storme sodenly 
arisinge seauered our {%hip\ fleete, (w/i/ch 
was of X sayle) eucry shipp from other, 
puttinge us all in great daunger for vij 
or viij dayes togither. But y« storme then ceasing our 
shipp called y*= vnityc cam y« Il6j next morning saffly to tM.»rv. 
an anker at Cape Henry y*^ daye of October 1609, 

Wher we found thre other of our fleete, and about a 
:night after thre more cam thcther also. The residew 


Relation of Virginca 


went \si\h him, wher uppon I was apoynted to goe, w/i/ch 

the more willinglie did, by Reason that vitals were scarse 

[nvith us,caningc wiili me[19| sumcopperand a hatchet [wi^h 

rwj w/iich I had pjotten. {And\ Ctimming;e to the Great 

'owetan I presented to him such thinges as I had w/n"ch 

[he tooke, vsinge me w^xy kindly, \utixngc this Sanage and 

[fwc at his ounc Table messe]* And After I had bin w/t/( him 

about 3 weekes[?A^oy. 1609] he sent mebacke to our English 

bidding me tell them, that if they would bring ther ship, 

and sum copper, he would fraii^ilit hir backe whh corne, 

which. I hauing reported to our English and returning ther 

.answer to y'= Kinge, He before ther cumminge layd plotts 

fto take them, -which, in sum sort he affected, for xxvj or 

rtnj they killed w/;/ch cam towards land in ther long boate, 

and shott many arrows into y*^ shipp,^ w/ii'ch our men 

perseyuing and fearinge the worst, wayed anker and 

xetumcd. Now whil this busines was in [doingt] action 

|y« Powhatan sends me and one Samwell a Duchma^i To 

fa toune about xvj miles i20] of, caled Yawtanoone 

jU'illinge us ther to stay [till] for him, At his cumminge 

[thether we understood how althingcs had passed by Thomas 

[Sauage, as before is related, the Kinge in shew made still 

luch of us yet his mind was much declined from us w/i;'ch 

lade vs feare the worst, and hauing now bin with him about 

;«4 or 25 weekes [ ? Mar, 1610', it happned that the Kinge 

[{of Pasptan] of Patomeck cam to visitt the great Powetan, 

'her beinge a while with him, he shewed such kindnes to 

lauage Samuell and my self as we determined to goe away 

■it/j him, when the daye of his departure was cum, we 

lid as we agreed and hauenge gone a mile or tow on the 

•ay, Sauage fayned sum excuss of stay & unknowne to us 

[f^ent backe to the Powetan and acquaynled him wi't/i our 

[flcingc] departing wu/t y^ Patowomcck. The Powetan 

ircsenft]ly sends after us commandinge our returne : w/i?"ch 

rve [21] [not bclcuingc] refuseing went stil! on our way : 

ind thos[e] that weare sent, went still on w/t^ us, tilt one 

►f them findinge op[p]ortunity on a sudden strooke Samue!) f/. 487.1 

[ti';t7» an axe and killed him, wAfch I seinge ran a way 

rom a monge llie cumpany, they after me, the Kinge and 

lis men after them, who ouertake them heald them, till 

shifted for my self and gott to the Patomeckes cuntry. 

jRelation of Virginia. 

U. Spelrnan. 

flCOt-lOlWitA thisKingePatomecke I lived a year and more [?Mar.- 
S^pt. iCio* at a towne of his called Pasptanzie, until! such 

f/ 5«'.t 1 time as an worthy gentelman named Capt: Argall ariued at 

^JJ*"- a lounc cald Nacottawtanke, but by our english cald Camo- 

WT^ cacocke, whcr he understood/ that ther was an english boy 

■ named Harr^*. He desiringe to here further of me cam up 
I the river which the Kinge of Patomeck hearringe sent me to 
I him ant/ I goinge backe agayne brought the kinge to [him] 
m y*-* shipe, wher [22^ capt: Argall gaue the Kinge [sum] 
I copper for me, (and hej w/iich he receyuet/ Thus was I 
WkcM sett [free] at libertye and brought into England. 

K [Another version of this passage is given in the last leaf oj 

■ the Manuscript, which may be the original draught,] 

I [fraught hir backe corne which I hauing reported to our 

I English, and retumeing their answeare to y*^ Powhatan. 

I Captaine Ratclyff came with a shipp with xxiiij orxxvmen 

I to Orohpikes, and teauing his shipp there came by barge 

H wit/t sixteen men to y^ Powhatan to Powmunkey where he 

^^K very curtuously in shew received them by sending thefw 

^^M bread and veinson in reward [23] whereof Captaine 

^^m Ratclyff sent him copper and beades and such like Then 

^^1 Powhatan appointed Cap: Ratclyff a house for him and 

^^H his men to lye in during the time that thei should [traff] 

^^H traffique, not far from his owne but aboue half a mile from 

^^B the barge, and himself in the euening comcing to the 

^^H [ther] house slenderly accompanied) welcomed him thither, 

^^M And [after Cap, Rat^ returned leauing the dutch man, 

^^M Savage, and my self bchinde him. The next day the 

^^B Powhatan with a company of Saluages came to Capt: 

^^H RatclyfTr and caried our English to their storehouse where 

^^m their come was totrafRquc with them, giueing them pieces 

^^M of copper and beades and other things. According to y*^ 

^^B proportions of y*^ basketts of corne w/»"ch they brought but 

^^B the Indians dealing deceitfully by pulling or beareing vpp 

^^B the bottom of their baskets wit/i their hands soc thai y^ 

^^B [24^ lesse corne might [searue to] hll them. The English 

^^V men taking exceptions against it and a discontentment 

^^B riseing vppon it y^ king [convcted himself and] departed 

^^B taking mc and y*^ dutchman wit/t him and] his wiues 

^^B hence, And presently a great number Indians that lay 

kelman. I 

Relation of Virginca. 


H. Spell 

I »©t3- 

lurking in y*^ woods & come about began wttA an oulis and [1609-10] 
w'hoopubb and whilest our Knglish men were in hast 
carieing their come to their shipps the Indians //urMvere 
hidden in y^ come shott the men as they passed by them 
and soe killed them all saueing one William Russell and 
one other whoe being acquainted witA y^ cuntry escaped 
to James towne by land.] 1.26] 

Of ther servis io their gods 

giue sum satisfaction to my frends and con- 
tentment unto others, w/iich wish well to this 
viage. and are desirus to heare y* fashions of 
that cuntrj'e: I haue set doune as well as I 
can, what 1 obscrued in y^ time I was amonge them. And 
iherfore first conceminge ther gods, yow must understand 
that for y« most part they worship y*^ diuell, w/a'ch y* 
conjurers who are ther preests, can make apeare unto 
them at ther pleasuer, yet neuer y* less in euery cuntry 
they haue a seuerall Image whom they call ther god. 
As wixh the great Pawetan he hath an i26j Image 
called Cakeres w/irch most comonly standeth at Yaught- 
awnoone [i>i one of y^ Kinoes houses] or at Oropikes in a 
house for that purpose and with him are sett all the Kings 
goods and presents that arc sent him, as y*= Cornne, But 
y*^ beades or Crowne or Bedd wAfch >* Kinge of England 
sent him are in y"* gods house at Oropikes, and in their 
houses are all y*-" Kinge ancestcrs and kindred commonLv 
buried [commonly]. In y** Patomecks cuntry they haue an 
other god whom they call Quioquascacke, and unto ther 
Images they offer Beades and Copper if at any time they 
want Rayne or haue to much, and though they obserue 
no day to worshipe ther god: but uppon necessilye, yet 
onc[c] in the yeare, ther preests which are ther conlurers 
with y*^ \pcoph] men, weomen, and children doe goe into 
the woods, wher ther preests makes [27] a great cirkell of 
fier in y* wA/ch after many obseruansesin ther coniurations 
they make offer of 2 or 3 children to be giuen to ther god 
if he will apeare unto them and shew his mind whome he 
[will haue] desier. Vppon w/i/'ch offringe they heare a 

Muke Quia 

Rdation of Virginca. VT§^^ 

L Tt6i3. 

L609-10] noyse out of y*= Cirkell Nominatinge such as he will haue, 
whomc presently they take bindinge them hand and footte 
and cast them into >■* circle of the tier, for be it the Kinges 
Sonne he must be giuen if oncfej named by ther god, After 
)^ bodies w/ii'ch are offered are consumed in the fier and 
ther ccrimonees performed the men depart merily, the 
Nveomen weaping. [28^ 

I// c, si>. 

Of the cuntry of Virginia 

He cuntry is full of wood {and^ in sum partes, 
and water they haue plentiful!, they haue 
marish ground and smale fields, for come, and 
other grounds wher on ther Deare, goates, and 
stages feadeth, ther be in this cuntry Lions, Beares, 
woulues, foxes, muskc catts, Hares "fleingc squirells, and 
other squirels beinge all graye like conyes, great store of 
foule only Peacockes and common hens wanting: fish in 
aboundance wher on they Hue most part of the Summer 
time They haue a kind of wlicat cald locataunce and 
Pease and Bcanes, [29] Great store of walnuts growing in 
euery place. They haue no orchard frutes, only tow kind 
of plumbes the one a sweet and lussius plumbe long and 
thicke in forme and hknes of A Nutt Palme, the other 
resemblinge a medler But sumwhat sweeter yet not Stable 
till they be rotten as ours are. [30j 

Of ther Tounes & buildinges 

Laces of Habitation they haue but feaw for y* 
greatest toune haue not aboue 20 or 30 houses 
in it, Ther Biuldinge are made like an ouen 
wit/i a litell hole to cum in at But more 
spatius wixh in hauinge a hole in the midest of y* house 
for smoke to goe out at, The Kinges houses are both 
broader and longer then y*^ rest hauinge many darke 
windinges and turnings before an)'^ cum wher the Kinge 
is, But in that time when they goe a Huntingey^ weomen 
goes to a place apoynted before, to build houses for ther 


h"sKII:1 Rclalion of Vzrginea. 

husbands to lie in att night carienge matts\vit/( [31] them [1609-10] 
to couer ther houses with all, and as the men goes furthur 
a huntinge the weomen [^ocs before] follows to make 
houses, always carrienge ther mattes wilA them ther 
maner of ther Huntinge is thiss \wlver] they meett sum 2 
or 300 togither and hauinge ther bowes and arrows and 
euery one w/t/i a tier [sti] sticke in ther hand they besett 
a great thikett round about, \v/(('ch dunn euery one sett 
ficr on the ranke grass [and] which y^ Dcare seinge fleeth 
from y*^ fier, and the menn cumniinge in by a litell and 
lille incloset/t ther game in a narrow roome, so as with 
ther Bowes and arrowes they kill them at ther pleasuer 
takinge ther skinns w/nch is the greatest thinge they 
dcsier, and sume flesh for ther prouision. L32] 

Ther maner of mar ting 

.He custum of y*^ cuntr>' is to haue many wiues 

and to buye them, so ///at he which haue most 

copper and Beads may haue most wiues, for if 

he takelh likinge of any woman he makes !oue 

to hir. and secketh to hir father or kindsfoike to sett what 

price he must paye for hir, wAich beinge on[c]e agreed on the 

kindred meett and make good cheere, and when the sume 

;reed on be payd she shall be deliuered to him for his 

fife, The cerimony is thus The parents bringes ther 

LUghter betwene them i^33] (if hir parents be deade then 

lume of hir kinsfolke, or whom it pleaseth y*^ king to 

apoynt (for y'^ man goes not unto any place to be maried 

But y*= woman is brought to him wher he dwellelh). At 

lir cummingc to him, hir father or cheefe frends ioynes 

ic hands togither and then y*^ father or chcef frend of y** 

lan Bringeth a longe stringe of Beades and measuringe 

his armes leangth therof doth breake it ouer y'^ hands of 

,lhos ihdX are to be married while ther handes be ioyned 

jgcther, and giues it unto y*^ woman^ father or him thai 

►rings hir, And so wit7i much mirth and feaslinge theygoe 

igither, When y*^ Kinge of y^ cuntry will haue any wiues 

acquaintes his chcef men w/tA his purpose, who sends 

for] into all paites of y*-' cuntry for y* fayrest and cumliest 




Relation of Virgifiea. 





7 1613. 

mayds out of w/j/ch y* Kingc taketh his choyse f^iuen to 
ther parents what he pleaseth. If any of y*^ [34] Kings 
wiues haue onc[e] a child by him, he [netier lieth w\t\\ hit 
more] keepes hir no longer but puts hir from him giuinge 
hir suffitient Copper and beads to mayntayne hir and the 
child while it is younge and then [it] is taken from hir and 
mayntayned by y^ King[s charge], it now beinge lawful! 
for hir beinge thus put away to marrj'- with any other, 
The Kinge Poetan hauinge many wiues when he goeth a 
Huntinge or to visitt another Kinge vnder him (for he goeth 
not out of his owne cuwtry) He Icaueth them wit/t towould 
men who haue the charge on them till his returnc. 

It was my happ to be leaft at one of >* Kings Pasptanses 
Howses when he went to uisitt another Kinge and two of 
his wiues wear ther also, after the Kings departure, one of 
them would goe visitt hir father, [xvhos] hir name was 
Paupauwiske, and seinge me, willed me [35] to goe wiih hir 
and to take hir child and carjx him thether in Jiis] my 
armes, beinge a [long] days iouyrnye from y« place wher 
we dwelt, [but] which I refusinge she strook me 3 or 4 
blows, but I beinge loith to bear to much gott to hir and 
puld hir doune giuinghir sum blows agayne w/tich y*= other 
of y* Kings wiues pcrseyuinge, they both fell on me beat- 
inge me so as I thought they had lamd me, Aftenvarde 
when y* Kinge cam home : in ther presents I acquainted 
him how they had used me, The King with out further 
delay tooke vp a conwascohocan^ which, is a kind of paringe 
Iron, and strooke at one of them wixh such uioIenc;ej,as he 
feld her to the ground in manor deade. I seinge //m/, fled 
to a Nej'ghburs house, for fcare of y*^ Kings displeasuer. 
But his wife cummingagaine to hir self : sumwhat apeased 
his anger so as understandinge wher I was |36. by his 
brother, he sent me his younge child to still, for none 
could quiet him so well as my selfe, and about midnight 
he sent for him againe. The next day morninge the King 
was erlye vpp, and came to the house wher I was : loith 
I was to see him, yet being cum to him instead of his 
anger, I found him kind to me, asking me how I did, and 
whether I was affrayd of him last night, bycause I rann 
away from him, and hidd my sclfe, I being by his speeches 
sumwhat boulder. Asked him for his Queene, He answered 



Introdoction. "1 

Relaiion of Virginea. 


all was well, and that I should pjoe home wrt/i him tellinge [1609-10] 

me he loued me, and none [should] should hurt me. I 
though loilh went with him, wher at my cumminge y*' 
Oueene looked but discontentedly on me, But hoping on 
the Kinges promise, I cared y*-' less for others frownes, 
knowinge well that y*^ Kinge made y^ more of me in [37] 
hope 1 should healpe him to sum copper, if at any time 
our english cam into thos parts, which I often had 
promised him to doe, and which was by Capt; Argali 
Bountifully performed. [38j 

How f^^y] name ther children 

Fter the mother is deliuered of hir child wixh in 
sum feaw dayes after the kinsfolke and neyburs 
beinge intreated ther unto, cams unto y^ house : 
wher beinge assembled the father, takes the 
child in his armes: and declares that his name shall be. 
as he then calls him, so his name is, w/:/ch dunn y^rest of 
y* day is spent in fcastinge and dauncinge. [39] 

Ther maner ofuhttinge the sicke with yefation of 
ther buriall if they dye^ 

Hen any be sicke among them, ther preests cums 
unto the partye whom he layeth on the ground 
uppon a matt And hauing a boule of water, 
sett betwene him and the sicke partye ; and a 
Rattle b)' it, The preest kneelinge by the sick mans side 
dipps his hand into the boule, w/>tch takinge vp full of 
watter, he supps into his mouth, spowting it out againe, 
vppon his oune armes, and brest, then takes he the Rattle, 
and \si\}\ one hand takes that, and [40] witA the other he 
beates his brest, makinge a great noyes, w/n*ch hauinge 
dunn he easilye Riseth (as loith to wake the sicke bodye, 
first wit/i one legge, then w/t/t the other, And beinge now 
gott vp, he Icaysuerly goeth about y*-* sicke man shak- 

Relation of Virginca, 

[1609-10] ingc his Rattle uery [easily] softly ouer all his bodyc : and 
\\i\h his hand he stroketh y*^ greaued parts of the sickc, 
then doth he besprinkell liim wit/j water mum[b]linge 
certayne words ouer him, and so for that time leaue him. 

But if he be wounded after thescerimonysdunn unto him 
he wit/j a litle flint stone gasheth the wound makinge it to 
runn and blecde w//ich he settinge his mouth unto it suckes 
out, and then apHcs a certayne rootc bctten to powter unto 
y*= Sore. 

If he dies his buriall is thus ther is a scaffould built 
about 3 or 4 yards hye from the ground and the deade 
bodye wraped in a matt is brought to the place, whcr 
when [41| he is layd ther on^ the kinsfoike falles a weop- 
ingc and make great sorrow, and instead of a dole for him, 
(the poorer people beinge gott togither) sum of his 
kinsfoike flinges Beades anionge them makinge them to 
scramble for them, so Mat many times diuers doe breake 
ther armes and Icgges beinge pressed by the cumpany, 
this finished they goe to y*-' parties house wher they hauc 
meat giuen them w/iich beinge yElcn all y** rest of the day 
they spend in singinge and dauncinge vsing then as much 
mirth as before sorrow more ouer if any of y^ kindreds 
bodies w/j/ch haue bin layd on y*^ scaffould should be con- 
sumed as nothing is Icaft but bonns they take thos bonns 
from y*^ scaffould and puttinge them into a new matt, 
hangs them in ther bowses, wher they continew whille 
ther house falleth and then they arc buried in the ruinges 
of y' house[.] what goods [42! the partye leaueth is deuidcd 
amonge his wiues and children. But his house he giueth 
to the wife he liketh best for life : after her death, unto 
what child he most loucth. [43] 

The yustis and gouerment 

pncerningc ther lawes my years and under- 
standinge, made me the less to looke after 
bycause I thought ihzX InHdels wear lawless 
yet when I saw sum put to death I asked the 
cause of ther offence, for in the time that 1 was w»t/i y*= 
Patomecke I saw 5 executed 4 for murther of a child (id 

Relation of Virginea. 

H?s?;;£:l iUianon oj ytrgtnea. cxi 

T 1613. J 

est) y« mother, and tow other /Aat did the fact witA hir [1609-10] 
and a 4 for consealing it as he passed by, beinge bribed to 
hould his pease, and one for robbinge a traueler [44j of 
coper and beades for to steale ther neyburs corne or 
copper is death, or to lye one w:t/t anothers wife is death 
if he be taken in the manner. [45] 

The manor of execution 

■Hos that be conuicted of capitall offences are 
brought into a playne place before y'^ Kingcs 
house wlien then he laye, w/iich was at Pomun- 
keye the chefest house he hath wher one or tow 
apoynted by the Kingc did bind them hand and foole, 
w/](ch being dunn a great fier was made, Then cam the 
officer to thos that should dye, and wu/i a shell cult oftf] 
ther long locke, w/n'ch they weare on the leaft side of ther 
heade, and hangeth that on a bowe before the Kings house 
Then thos for murther wear Beaten wiih staues till ther 
bonns ^46] weare broken and beinge aliue weare flounge (//.81.3774 
into the fier, the other for robbinge was knockt on y'^ 
heade and beinge deade his bodye was burnt. [47] 


'he manor of settinge ther corne with f gatheringe 
and Dressing, 

^.Hey take most commonly a place about ther 
howses to sett ther corne, which if ther be 
much wood, in that place the[y] cutt doune the 
greate trees sum half a yard aboue the ground, 
\ and y*^ smaller they burne at the roote pullinge a good 
part of barke from them to make them die, and in this place 
I they digg many holes w/i(ch before the English brought 
them scauels and spades they vsed to make wixh a crooked 
peece of woode beinge scraped on both sides in fation of 
a gardiners paring Iron, they [48j put in to thes holes 
ordenarily 4 or 5 curnels of ther wheat and 2 beanes like 



Relation of Virginea, 


irod action. 

r J613. 

[1600-10] french beanes, wAich when the wheat doe growe vp hauinge 

a straw as bigg as a canne reede the beanes runn vp theron 

I like our hopps on poles, The eare of y*^ wheat is of great 

^—^ bignes in len^jht and cumpace and yet for all the greatnes 

^B of it euery stalke hath most commonly sum fewer or fiue 

^H cares on it, Ther corne is sett and gathered about the 

^H time we vse, but ther maner of ther gatheringc is as we 

^H doe our [aplse] apells first in a hand basketts [putti] emtiinge 

^H them as they are filled into other bigger basketts wherof 

^H sum arc made of the barkcs of trees, sumc of heampe 

^H which naturally groweth ther, and some of the straw 

^H wheron y^ wheat groweth, Now after y*= gatheringc, they 

^H lave it uppon matts a good thicknes in the soun to drye & 

^H ;49] euery night they make a great pile of it, coueringe 

^H it ouer wiih matts to defend it from the dewe, >v/xjch] and 

^H when it is suf1itien[t]ly weathered they pile it up in ther 

^H howses, dayly as occation serueth wringinge the eares in 

^B peises betwene ther hands, and so rubbinge out ther come 

^B do put it to a great Baskett w/itch taketh upp the best 

^M parte of sum of ther howses, and all this is cheefly the 

P weomens worke for the men dne only hunt to gett skinns in 

^ winter and doe tewe or dress them in summer. 

I But though now out of order yet let me not altogither 

forgett the scttinge of y* Kings cornc for wAr'ch a day is 

apoynted wherin great part of y« cuntry people meete 

who W(tA such diligence worketh as for the most part all 

I y« Kinges come is sett on a daye After w/iich setting the 

Kinge takes the croune which y*= Kinge of England sent 

him beinge ^60j brought him by tow men, and setts it on 

his heade w/uch dunn the people goeth about the come in 

maner backvvardes for they going before, and the king 

followinge ther faces are always toward the Kinge exspect- 

inge when he should Hinge sum beades amonge them 

wAich his custum is at that time to doe makinge thos 

w/n'ch had wrought to scramble for them But to sume he 

fauors he bids thos //tat carry his Beades to call such and 

such unto him unto whome he giueth beads into ther hande 

and this is the greatest curtesey he doth his people, when 

his corne is ripe the cuntry people cums to him againe and 

gathers drys and rubbes out all his corne for him, w/»'ch 

is layd in howses apoynted for that purpose. [61] 


laoodnrtion. 1 

H-Speliiuui. I 

T 161). J 

Relation of Virginea. 
The settinge at meat 


I Hey sett on matts round about y« howse y^ men [1609-10] 
by them selues and y"^ weomen by iher selues y*^ 
weomen bringe tceuery one a dish of meat for 
the belter sort neuer eates togither in one dish, 
■when he hath eaten what he will, or that w//rch was giuen 
him. for lie looks for no {mca{\ second corse he setts doune 
his dish by him and mumiblleth ceaiiayne words to himself 
in maner of {et saying grace] giuinge thankes, if any leaft 3* 
weomen gather it up & ether keeps it till y^ next meall, or 
gives it to y*" porer sort, ii any be ther. ^52] 

T/ie differences amonge tJiem 

Pie King is not know by any differenc'e] from 

other of y*^ {hctlcr\ chcfe sort in y« cuntry but 

only when he cums to any of ther howses they 

present him w/t/i copper Beads or Vital!, and 

shew much reuerence to him 

The preest[s] areshauen on y*= right side of ther head close 
to the scull only a litle lockc leaft at y*' eare and sum of 
thes haue beards But y<^ common people haue no beards 
at all for they pull away ther hares as fast as it growes. 
And they also cutt y*^ heares on y<^ right side of ther heade 
that it might not hinder them by flappinge about ther 
bow [53] stringc, when they draw it to shoott, But on y*= 
other side they lett it grow & haue a long locke hanginge 
doune ther shoulder. [64] 

The Armor and wepon with, discipline in war 

S for Armoure or dissipline in ware Ihe'y] haue 
The weopons they vse for offence are 

^^m Si^^^ not any, 

^H Cft^rAw Bowes and Arrowes wit A a weopon like a 
^^ SBiSTLpir hammer and ther Toraahaucks for defence 
r \shizh are shields made of the barke of a tree and hanged 

on ther leaft shoulder to couer that side as they stand 

forth to shoote 
k They neuer fight in open fields but always ether 

I £NC. Set/. LIB. No. 16. H 




Relation of Virgiftea. 



-10]amonge reedc or behind trees takinge ther oportunitie to 
shoot at ther enimies and <S5' till they can nocke another 
arrow they make the trees ther defence 

In y*^ time that I was ther I sawe a Battell fought be- 

'JJ'j twene the Patoineck and the Masomeck, ther place wher 
they fought was a marish ground full of Reede. Beinge 
in the cunlry of the Patomecke the peopel of Masomeck 
wearc brought thether in Canoes wA/ch is a kind of Boate 
they haue made in the forme of an Hoggs trowgh But 
sumwhat more hollowed in, On Both sids they scatter 
them selues sum litle distant one from the other, then take 
they ther bowes and arrows and hauinge made ridie to 
shoot they softly steale toward ther enimies, Sumtime 
squattinge doune and priinge if they can spie any to shoot 
at whom if at any time he so Hurteth that he can not flee 
they make hast to him to knock him on the heade, And they 
that kill most of ther enimies are heald [66] the cheafest 
men amonge them ; Drums and Trumpetts they haue none, 
but when they will gather thcmsclues togither they haue a 
kind of Howlinge or Howbabub so difTeringe in sounde one 
from the other as both part may uery aesely be distin- 
guished. Ther was no greater slawter of nether side But 
y^ massomecks hauing shott away most of ther arrows and 
wantinire Vitall [u-as] weare glad to retier; [67j 

The Fastimes 

Hen they meet at feasts or othen\'ise they vse 
sprorts much like to ours heare in England as 
ther daunsinge, w/ii'ch is like our darbysher 
Homepipe a man first and the« a woman, and 
so through them all, hangiwg all in a round, ther is one 
w/i;eh stand in the midest wit/; a pipe and a rattell wit/* 
w/i/ch when he bcginns to make a noyes all the rest Gigetts 
about wriinge ihcr neckes and stampinge on \* ground 

Theyvse beside football play, w/»'chwemenanff young boyes 
doe much play at. The men ncuer They make ther Gooles 
as ours[68' only they ncucr fight nor pull one another doune. 
The men playwtt/ia litel balle lettinge it fall out of ther 
hand and striketh \i with the tope of his foot, and he that 
can strike the ball furthest winns that they play for. 




,0 deny the truth of the PoaMiONTAS incident is to create more 
difliculiics than are involved in its acceptance. 

Ten men (/. [4) left James town, on the loth of December 1607, 
p. Ixxxv, in the barge, for the discovery of llic head waters of the 
Chickahominy ; six only of tliese returned with the barge, three of 
the others were slain to ihe certain knowledge of all the Colony, Why then 
was John Smith not slain too ? 

He had left seven in the barge at Apocant, 

With expresse charge not any [one] to go ashore til my 
retume. p. 14. 

But hee was not long absent, but his men went a shore, whose 
want of government gaue both occasion and opportunity to the 
Salvages to surprise one George CasscHf whom they slew and 
much failed not to haue cut of[fJ the boat and all the rest. p. 395. 
The Salvages hauing drawne from George Cassen whether 
Captaine Smith was gone, prosecuting that opportunity they 
fallowed him with. 300. bowmen, conducted by the King of 
Pamavnkce^ who in diuisions searching the turnings of the riuer, 
found Robimon and Emry by tlie fire side : those they shot full of 
arrowes and slew, pp, 395-6. 

It will be seen at//.lii,Hii,lxxi,lxxii, how manyofihe colonists had already been 

\ slain by the Indians ; and the frightful death to which diey afterwards subjected 

George: Cassen, described at;i/>. 82, 377, is hut an example of their innate ferocity. 

Supposing then thai the account of the Pocahontas incident to be altogether 

untrue, from first to last ; how is the return of Smith with Powhatan's 

favour to be accounted for, when each of the other three men that came into 

the power of the Indians at tiie same time, perished? Up to the very moment he 

.arrived at the Fort, our Author momentarily expected death, />. 401. Evidently 

j^Qme interposition had occurred in his favour, and his own relation of that 

interposition was strikingly confirmed by the appearance and presents of the 

hitherto unknown young Indian ^jirl. 

lames towne with her wild traine she as freely frequented, as her 
fathers habitation ; and during the time of two or three yeeres 
i{i6o8-9], she next vnder God, was still the instrument to preseruc 
[this Colonie from death, famine and vtter confusion; which if in 
[those times, [it] had once beene dissolued, Virginia might haue 
[line \Iain] as it was at our first arriuall to this day. //. 531-2 ; s^a 
\ii/st)pp. 401,403. 

Every man in the Colony therefore must have believed Smith*s account of 
her rescue, when he thus saw PocAHONT/VS and her supplies of food. The 
subsequent uniform and unwearied friendship shewn by the Indian girl to the 
colony at large, and to Smith in particular, is the strongest possible confirma* 
tion of his narrative ; and is othcnvisc quite inexplicable. Indeed bis story waf 
never questioned in his lifetime. 



In troduction 

' ' '■ it itself is not an extraordinary one in the sequence of recordecl 

apes from Indian tribes. Powhatan, a polygamisl, nearly sixtv 

; J ..,,i tfi 1608,//. 80, 376; with no special love for any one woman, and 

n'<ne of whose sons can be heir to his throne, having also by no wife more ihau 
Ki.i; I liild, p, cviii, has constantly fixed his heart on a pet child (like aa old man's 
'I with us) ; so that when POCAHONTAS was taken in April 1613, he 
■ther of twelve years old, which he sold for "two bushels of Rawrenoke," 
/. 518, respecting whom he said in 1614, *'he delighted in none so much as shce, 
whom if he could not often l>ehold, he could not possibly live, which living with 
us he could not do/'^. 519. There was nothing miraculous in Powhatan's ihus 
yielding 10 the soliatations of such a pet child. 

On tiic whole, therefore, we see no occasion to doubt the two accounts givco 
by our Author of this peril 

1616. 1624. 

Ha\'ing feasted him after their 
best barbarous manner they 
could, a long consultation was 
held, but the conclusion was, 
two great stones were brought 
before Powhatan : then as many 
as could layd hands on him, 
dragged him to them, and there- 
on laid his head, and being 
ready with their clubs, to beate 
out his braines, Pocahontas the 
Kings dearest daughter, when 
no intreaty could prcvaile, got 
his head in her amies, and laid 
her owne vpon his to saue him 
from death : whereat the Empe- 
rourwascontented heshould Hue 
to make him hatchets, and her 
bells, beads, and copper; for they 
thought him aswell of all occupa- 
tions as themselues. For the 
Kinghimselfe will make his owne 
robes, shooes, bowes, arrowes, 
pots; plant, hunt, or doe any 
thing so well as the rest. /. 40a 
In Jict, the only possible way of resisting ihe story is to regard Captain SvrrB 

as a confirmed liar ; which is quite contrary to everything we know of him. 
Savages have often shewn such sudden revulsion of feeling ; and POwhataW 

before that year 160S was out, returned to his frenzied attempts to kill Smith ; 

who seemed to him and his tribe, to bear a charmed life among them. 

At the minute of my execu- 
tion, she hai:arded the beating 
out of her owne braines to saue 
mine; and not onely that, but 
so preuailed with her father, 
that I was safely conducted to 
lames townc : where I found 
about eight and thirtie miserable 
poorc and sicke creatures, to 
keepe possession of all those 
large territories of Virginia ; 
such was the weaknesse of this 
poore Commonwealth, as had 
the Saluages not fed vs, we 
directly had starued. And this 
rcliefe, most gracious Queene. 
was commonly brought vs by 
this Lady Pocahontas^ /. 531. 




At the time of the rescue, Smith was about 28 years of age, and PocAHONTAS 
about 13. It is quite clear tliat there was no love affair between them. He 
astonished her with his wonderful luiowledge, and won her friendship %vith kind- 
ness, and gifts of things that to her seemed very precious. He looked upon her 
goodwill as a political factor for the salvation of the Colony ; and with the high 
notions of kingship prevailing in his day, he considered himself beneath her in 
social position ; for when, at Brentford in Middlesex, in 1616, she wouU C9X\\\\tTi 
father (not s-Wietheart^ or c\cn /nduf)^ he writes — 

Which though I would haue excused, I durst not allow of that 
title, because she was a Kin^s daughter, p. 533. 

W. PHrniPLACE who certainly, and R. PoTS who probably, arrived at 
James town on the cvcningof the day (S January 1608) on which Smii H arrived 
from Werowocomoco, /;>. Ixxxvi, 101, 404 ; and who therefore were personally 
acquainted with the entire connection of POCAHONTAS with the Colony, thus 
rebut this out of the m^x\y foul sJandcrs that followed their beloved Captain home. 

Some prophetical! spirit calculated [that] hee had the Salvages 
in such subiection, hee would haue made himselfe a king, by 
marrj'ing Pocahontas, Powhaiaits daughter. (It is true she was 
the very' NomparcU of his kingdome, and at most not past 13 
or 14 yeares of age. Veiy oft shee came to our fort, with what 
shcc could get for Captaine Smith ; that ever loued and vsed all the 
Countrie well, but her especially he ever much respected ; and she 
so well requited it, that when her father intended to haue surprized 
him, shee by stealth in the darke night came through the wild woods 
and told him of it [p, 455]. But her marriage could no way haue 
intitled him by any right to the kingdome, nor was it ever suspected 
hee had ever such a thought ; or more regarded her, or any of them, 
than in honest reason and discreation he might. If he would, he 
might haue married her, or haue done what him listed ; for there 
was none that could haue hindred his determination.) //>. 168-9. 

As to the argument that this Deliverance is not true, because it is not men- 
tioned in the 7'rue J^eiation of 1608 ; it need only be said, that that Heiation was 
not intended for publication by SMITH. It is clear from the foregoing pieces at 
pp. xxx%-iii-xci that very many written Relations must have gone home with NEW- 
PORT in June 1607, and again in his second return in April 1608; as this particular 
one by Smith, did in Captain Nelson's Phtrm'Xf in June 1608. Of them all. 
Smith's was the only one that came to the press ; and that not by his own act 
I. H^ who edited it, confesses that "somewhat more was by him written, which 
being a^ 1 thought fit to be private, I would not adventure to make it public,"/*. 4. 
But these probably refer to the details of his 13 weeks* false impristmment, and 
to his narrow escape from being hanged at Nevis, ;5. 910: and not to his personal 
adventures with the savages. We arc quite content to suppose he never men- 
tioned the Pocahontas incident at all in the manuscript from which this 
abridged ReUtioii was printed ; as aUo that he may not have mentioned 
Opechancanough's previous deliverance of him, when he was tied to the tree 
to be shot, p, 396. # 


I y T Ji D V C T T O H. 



''•' 'jn 24 Feb. 18S2, fumished answers to many poinu of attnck 

^ Ottj Author » veracity : but wc w iil not avail ourselves of tliein. We ouly say, 
•• gcaeral grounds, non scquihtr (the circumstances considered) to any argo- 
OMbt that would assert that all that occurred /«//j/, of nccessit)', have been 
recorded in Smith's manuscript relation ; or else it did not occur. In confirma- 
Uoo of this, wc may point to the variations (but not contradictions) in the two 
Relations cxtcndin-^ over not tnore than the u^eeky 31-27 ^'*'»y 1607, of the same 
boot expedition up the James river ; the one by Captain Archer at pp. xl-Ui ; 
the other by the Hon. G. PERCV^ at pp. Ixviii-Ixix. And it is only popular 
ignorance of his career th<it has fastened upon Smith's danger at Wcrowocoraoco 
as the chief peril of his life ; and which has therefore exaggerated its importance 
far beyond his own opinion of it. The marvel is that he wrote so much and so 
well, while the /'//frw/'x was loadinij for home, in May, i6o3, under the pressure 
of so many other ihinjjs on hand, pp. 34-39 : and the personal sclf-forgctfulnoss 
with which it is tt-ritten is only characteristic of the man. 

To conclude, then, it would seem that the advent of Smith was a momen- 
tous event in Pocahontas's life, but a very small one in his own ; so small 
mdecd that he did not sec occasion to dwell upon it. They saw one another 
occasionally over a period of at most 21 months ; between January 1608, to the 
date of his return home 4 October 1609: after which, she never visited James 
town till Argal brought her thither, as a State prisoner, in April r6i3. 

Pocahontas will ever be a most intercsiini; character. She n-as, under 
GOD, the means of keeping the Colony alive. She admired, perhaps revered, 
Smith; but as Pheitiplace and Pots wrote in 1612, "nor n^s it c\xr 
suspected he . , . more regarded her, or any of them, than in honest reason 
and discrcalion he mi'L^ht,"/. 169. 

Mr. Charles Ueane (who has done so much and so well towards the repro- 
duction of our Author's Works) is responsible for the attack on S-MITH's veracity 
as regards the Pocahoni as incident, by the notes to his reprint of Tk4 True Rota- 
tion, in 1866. Mr, H. B. Ahams, in his review of the same, in the Xort/t Amcn'taa 
Hevirw, No. io4, January 1867,15 a study of Smith's life and w^rk, upside down. 
* Our American friends seem sometimes to fall into the error of considering 
any newly-found manuscript as of greater authority than the old printed books: 
thus WiNOFU-LU is opposed to Smith ; and yet that there is no contradiction 
in his recrimination, to our Author s text, the reader may sec for himself, as wc have 
reprinted the Discourse of Vir^nia at pp. Ixxiv-xci. In like manner, StraCHEY, 
who arrived in the Colony in June 1610, is opposed to SMITH, who left on the 
4 October 1609, as to the conoiict of I'ocahontas anterior \a October 1609. 
So, Mr. Deane's reprinting of the True Relation was like the bringing to light 
of a lost manuscript. He did quite right in pointing out its variation from the 
General History : and any doubt he may have raised will be set at rest by the 
present edition. Precision and scicntiHc .accuracy is not to be found in any of 
the nine books forming the present Text ; but of the unspotted integrity of the 
writer, and of the care and moderation with which he wrote, there is therein, 
wc think, abundant testimony. ^Vs he says himself, at /. 622, 

I thanke God I neuer vndertookc any thing yet [wherein] any 
could tax me of carelcsnesse or dishonesty, and what is bee to 
whom I am indebted or troublesome ? 



In t r d c c t / y, 

V I 

OR the story of those firet thirty months of the James river Settle- 
ment, we nuist refer tlie reader to the Text itself It is brim fuU of 
fascinating interest : but this Volume consists rather of materials for 
a Biography of a Life than the History ofa Colony, so we p.iss on. 

Two points only we shall acid. 

Major J ED. HOTCH KISS, Consulting Mining? Enginecr,Staunton,Va.,U.S.A., who 

llsthegreatcst livingauthorityon the gcogmphy of that Stale, thus writesjunder date 

»0f October 5,1883 : ** I am sorry to say that about the only information wc have con- 

irningthelocaiionof Indian tribesat the lime of the settlement of Virginia is lobe 

)undon Smith's Map — a marvel of results in representation of outlinccompared 

rith the time occupied in procuring infonnation. The same region is shewn on 

he small map ! send you, from the actual surveys ofa centurv [1774-1874], yet 

[Mnn had alUhc important fcalurcsof our wonderfully developed coast well she wn." 

There is an interesting connection between our Author and HENRY HUDSON 
le navij^ator, of whom he speaks so highly in 161 4, at/;*. 191, 704. 
After he discovered Chesapeake Bay, SMITH evidently sent to HUDSON, with 
le //wVi/ return of Captain Newport, about November 160S, a duplicate of the 
Mappe of the Bay and Rivers" {p. 444), which he then sent to the Council 
London, under cover of the letter printed at p, 442. NEWPORT reached 
London in January i6og,/. xciii ; soon after which HUDSO.V went to Holland, 
from whence he set sail on his Third voyage on 25 March 1609 (G. M. ASKER, 
He.VRy HVDSON tkf Navtj^ator, f. ccii, Hakluyt Soc. :(;6o). 

Emanuei, van Meterf.n, in his Historic Her Ncdcr-Lanscher^ states, "This 
idea had been suggested to HUDSON by some letters and maps which his friend 
Captain Smijh had sent him from Virginia; and by which he informed him 
that there was a sea leading to the Western Ocean by the north of the southern 
English colony" {/oI.(iZ%£d. 1614 ; and M/tf/. 674 of the French edition 1G18). 


Ur Author seems to have returned home from Virginia, by December 
1609 ; thereby escaping the peril of The Sta7-:ini^ Time^ as that 
dreadful winter in llie Colony was called. So far, therefore, as he 
was concerned, his laceration by gimpowdcr was a merciful Provi- 
dence to him ; as he would have probably perished that winter in 
if not from mutinies, from starvation. 
Then for two years he is quiet. He is waiting and watching. He makes no 
blic vindication ofhis Governorship and the true service he "and his party "had 
ndercd to the Colony, until the English Settlement there is on an assured footing. 
Then the Map of Viti^ima appears in 16:3, containing first his own Map 
and full Description of tnc country : and next the Vindication of himself and 
is party, condensed by the Kev. Dr. Simmonos from the interrogatories of 
" n*ivors and the writings of the dead, and written with a strong self-rcsiraint, 
nsidering that most, if not all, the other side were known, by this lime, to have 
rishcd in the colony. Dr. SimmoNDS wrote at the end of this summary : 

Captaine Smith I returne you the fruit of my labours, as Master 
Croshaw requested me, which I bestowed in reading the dis- 
courses, and hearing the relations of such which haue walked and 

the Colony 



Iat/^od UC Ti OS. 



observed the land of Virginia with you. The pains I took was 
great : yet did the nature of the ari^uraent, and hopes I conccaued 
of the expedition, giue me exceeding content. I cannot finde there 
is any thing, but what they all affirme, or cannot contradict- p, 174. 

It is very singular indeed that this book, ihe Map of Vir^nia should have 
come from the Oxford press ; which did cot usually produce books of travel. 

As Vir^sian matters progressed, the Council in London broke up into factions. 

One of the most important private collections of papers relating to Virginia, 
Bermuda, &c, is in the possession of the Duke of Manchester. Mr L. Owen 
Pike's catalogue of them will be found in the Appendix (Part 11.) to the Ei^kik 
Jiffcrt cj t)u Royal Conutiiishn on Historical Manuscripts^ London, 18S1. 

Mr. Pike states — "The Virginia Company about the year 1619 was l>ecomiiig 
divided into two hostile factions, the chief leaders in which were to be, on the 
ooe side, the Ear! of Warwick, Sir Nathan'iel Rich, and Aldcnnan Johnson; 
and OD the other side, the Earl of Solthamptov, Lord Cavendish, and Sir 
EiiWARD Sackville. One party supported Sir Thomas Smith, who bad been 
Goremor or Treasurer of tne Company for the previous twelve years [1606- 
1618I tbc other Sir Edwin Sandys, who was cleaed his successor. The papers 
formerly in the State Paper 06[icc represent, in the main, the case of Sir E. 
Sandys ; the papers in the Duke of Manchester's collection represent, but 
lar more in detail, the case of Sir J. Smith." p. 4. 

Capfatn Smith briefly refers to these £ictions at /. 7S4. He kept oat of them 
altogether, and spe^cs of the leaders of both sides with an equal respect. 

With the publication of this Vindication, Swntl practically turned away from 
Virginian matters ; which had now passed into the hands o( Peers of the Realm, 
like Lord Delaware, and other Noblemen and Gentlemen, hx abo\-e the rank 
of a mere Army Captain. He and his work were slenderly regarded. While 
thcreibre he continued deeply interested id every pan of the English coloninn^ 
movement; he now turned his pergonal efTons towards Xorumbega, "wbca 
nothing was knowne, but that there was a vast Land.'//. 242-3, 266, 77 1. 

On 2 May 1621, our Author petitioned, apparently without success, the 
Vtrglttia Company for a rewartl, ** as he hath not oii^y aduenturcd money finr 
the jEOod of the Ptantacion, and iwise built lama Tffvrmt^ and fower other 
porliCBlar PUntacions, as he alledgeth ; but for that be discouercd the country, 
and relcaoed the Colony willingly three ycares with that which he gott ixom the 
Sau^ges with ^reat perill and hazard of his hfc.*' Neilx, History Jcc /. 215* 
Ed, 1869. 




C N E w 


A^flfanilBfawfmiorilK WofUtei I fan* 

I 6 I 3-1 6 I 9 A.D. 

woe iiAaliilrd : caJd I haiw^ bat 

CnUny. 1 'w«^d adicr b«« ben I&tAmm P^umttmtJ mmd Cmpt C*df AVw FmeUmJ^ ^kmm 

Aptaia Sxmi, in 1614, spent 80 days on theCoastof New Englaivl, 
from Pennobscot to Cape Cod, vit, from 30 April 10 iS July both 
inclasri'e, /- 256 ; so that he was, in all, about 32 months on the 
American Continent, frcin first to last. 

He made an astonisIiini;Iy good use of his time. For though he 




failed to found a colony himself; he shewed the way to others, as the Pilgrim 
Fathers of 1620, pp, 749, 892, 941, 943, and the Massachusetts Planters of 1629- 

30, 3>A 926. 947, 950. 

He however established the fishing: at Monahigan, ^, 206, 720, or whhin a 
square of two or three leagxics of it, pp, 244, 26S, 773 : which brought into the 
realm, with the furs obtained by traffic with the Indians, j£ 100.000 [=^300,000 
now] within ten years,/. 7S4. 

Sea-fishing, with him, was but the stepping stone to Colonization. How 
eloqucnily he writes of ii ! how reasonable and practical arc his suggestions ! 

And lastly in 1630, he wrote — 

Thus you may plainly see, although many envyinj^ [that] I 
should bring so much from tlience, where many others had beene; 
and some, the same ycare, returned with nothing, reported the 
Fish and Bevers I brought home, I had taken from the French 
men of Canada^ to discourage any from beleeving me, and excuse 
their owne misprisons ; some onely to have concealed this good 
Country (as is said) to their private use ; others taxed me as much 
of indiscretion, to make my discoveries and designes so publike 
for nothing, which might have beene so well managed by some 
concealers, to have beene all rich ere any had knowne of it. 

Those, and many such like wise rewards, have beene my rccom- 
pences; for which I am contented, so the Country' prosper, and Gods 
Name bee there praised by my Countrymen, I have my desire. /. 944. 

In 1618, our Author wrote in a little manuscript book by the handof ascrivenerj 
the germ of AVw England Trials of 1620, with the following, 

Letter to Lord Bacon. 

\SUit Paptn, CcUhIaL (1574-1631) Vol. t-. No. 4a.] 

To the Ki^ht Honorable Sir ffrances BacotVy Knight, Baron of 
Vcrolam and Lord High Chauncellor of England. 

Right Honorable, 

[aving noe better meanes to acquaint your Lordship with 

my meaning than this paper, the zeale love and dutic 

to God, my Countrie and your honor, I humbly craue 

may be my apologie. 

This 19 yeares (1599-1618', I hauc encountred noe fewc dangers 

to learnc what here I write in these fewe leaves, and though the lines 

they conlaine are more rudely phrased then is meetc for the viewe 

of so great a iudgcment, their fruites I am certayne may bring both 

wealth and honor for a Crowne and a Kingdom to his Maiestic^ 



posterity./ Tlie profitts already returned with so small charge 
and facilitie according to proportion emboldens me to say it./ 

With a stock of 5000// I durst venture to effect it, though more 
than looooo// hath bene spent in Virginia and the Bc:rmuda% to 
smaJ] purpose, about the procuring whereof many good men 
knowes I haue spent noe small tyme labor nor mony; but all in^ 
vaine. Notwithstanding within these fower years '1614-18I ifl 
have occasioned twice 5000/1 to be imployed that way. But great ™ 
desyres to ingross it, bath bred so many particular humors, as 
they have their willes, I the losse, and the generall good the wrong,/ 

Should I present it to the Biskayjicrs, French, or Hollanders, they 
have made me large offers. But nature doth binde me thus to 
begg at home, whome strangers have pleased to make a Com- 
mander abroad. The busines being of such consequence, I hold 
it but my duty to acquaint it to your Honor, knowing you are not 
only a chcife Patron of your Countrie and state, but also the 
greatest favourer of all good designcs and their Authors. ^ 

Noe more, but humbly beseeching your goodnes to pardon my^ 
rudenes, and ponder my plaine meaning in the ballance of good- 
will, I leave the substance to the discretion of your most admired 
judgement, ever resting Your honors ever most truely devoted, 

[This signature is autographic] J O SMITH. 

Then follows the substance, up to year 1618, of New Ertgiands Trials 1630^ 
with the follouing paragraphs omitted in that tract. 

Theworstis of these i6.shippes.2orthreeofthem have bene taken 
by Pyrates, which hath putt such feare in poore fishermen, whose ^ 
powers arc but weake. And the desyre of gaine in Marchants saS 
violent : every one so regarding his private, that it is worse thert 
slaverje to follow any publique good, and impossible to bring 
them into a bodye, rule, or order, vnles it be by some extra- 
ordinary power. But if his Maicstic would please to be pcr- 
Bwaded to spare vs but a Pinnace, to lodge my men in and 
defend us and the Coast from such invasions, the space of ei.£;ht or 
tenn raonethes only till we were seated [1.^., the colony settled i» 
Xew England], I would not doubt but ere long to drawe the most 
part of Newfound Land men to assist us, if I could be so provided 
but in due season : for now ere the Savages grow subtle and the 
Coast be too much frequented with strangers, more may be done 
with 20/r than hereafter with a xooli, . . . 

How I haue lived, spent my tyme and bene employed, I am 




I N T R D u c r r O .V, 


not ashamed who will examine. Therefore I humbly beseech 
your Honour, seriously to consider of it; and lett not the povertie of 
the Author cause the action to be lesse respected, who desyres noe 
better fortune than he could find there./ 

In the interim I humbly desyre your Honour would be pleased 
to grace me with the title of your Lordships servant. Not that I 
desyre to shut vpp the rest of my dayes in the chamber of ease 
and idlenes, but that thereby I may be the better countenanced 
for the prosecution of this my most desyred voyage : for had 1 the 
Patronage of so mature a iudgment as your Honors, it would not 
only induce those to beleive what I know to be true in this matter, 
who will now hardly vouchsafe the perusall of my Relations, but 
also be a meanes to further it to the vttermost of their powers 
with their purses. 

And I shal be ever ready to spend both life and goods for the honor 
of my Country, and your Lordships service. With which resolucion 
I doe in all humility rest. At your Honors service 

It is to be regretted that this application was not successful. 

ll is quite clear, that our Author ofTered lo lead out the Pilgrim Fathers to 
America, and that they declined his scnices "to save charfjcs,"^. 941, "saying 
my books and maps were much better chcapc to leach them, than my selfc," 
p^ 892. We cannot think that this was the ivhole reason. In 1620, politics and 
religion in England usually went together, and there were three great Parties in 
the State, known as the Protestant, the Puritan, and the Papist. Smith was a 
Protestant, and his argument at /. 959 for a strong ecclesiastical government, 
based on his experiences in Eastern Europe, is certainly a very reasonable one: 
hut the Pilgrim Fathers were the " head and front " of the Puritan revolt against 
the Bishops. No doubt, our Author would have been supremely faithful to them ; 
but he could not long have stood their independence of all religious authority. 

Now since them called Brownists [the Pilgrim Fathers] went 
(some few before them also having my bookes and maps, pre- 
sumed they knew as much as they desired). /. 946. 

So l>ai our Author exercised a great, though an indirect, influence on the 
colonizing enterprise of England from 1620-1630. Indeed it would seem that 
the influence of his pen was greater than the result of liis personal actions. He 
grieved over his mishaps and ill-fortune in 1615 and i6t7, but posterity may be 
glad that he nc\cr did get to New England again. That work was carried on 
by other hands : and wc rejoice thereby to possess the AWf En^^Iands Triah^ 
1620 and 1632 ; the General History^ 1634 ; the Accidence, 1626 ; the Travels^ 
1639; and \}s\^ AdvertisetnentSy 1630: all of which would never have come to 
the press, had not Man and Providence, the poltrocns in 1615 and the three 
months' westerly wind in 1617, frustrated all his attempts to go and settle in 
Cupawuck,//. 205, 218, 732. 


D. Advocate and Historian of Englis 
Colonization in America, and of Sea 
Fisheries there as a means thereto. 
I 6 I 9- I 6 3 I A.D. 


My grcAteit error in thU, U but a. dcsir« to do Eood: whkh disease hath erer baaated me rinca 
childhood ; *nd all the miMries and insraiUudeii 1 have endured, cannot yet divert me from that reiolutioa. 

J. Swiiii, leaC,/. 768. 
Hbtory U the racmury of Time, the life of the Dead* and the hapfuneu of the Living. 

J. Smith, t63Q,>. tuS. 
^jcpenenccbut them^wroTmbi 
which indeed i* (tie vcrjr grcond of Reasuci ; and he that cooictnnb her in tbo*m at^tionft, may find ' 

Vou may ea&ily know them hy thdr aheolutcDcss in opinions; holding Kxperienccbut themothcri 

enough to ukc all ihe wil and witdom be haili. to correct his own folly. 

" .^ . . .■ 1 .- . _ 1 i> cca*e ! J ever intended ray actions should lie u 

J. Smith, ift»o,/. 956. 

For my celf, kt Kntulntion and Envv ccaw ! I ever intended ray actions should lie upright : now [(« 
tMe "Cfmrai Hittif'j'"\ my care bath been thai my Relatitms should give even' man they concern, nit 

J. Smith, 1684, /, ^t^. 

Ow compteicly our Author identified himself with this Colonixing 
movement, from ihe intended voyage to ihe river Wcapoco, in 
1605, />. 896, to the last day of his life, is illustrated by the folloW' 

ing passages. 

In 1C22 he thus wrote — 


Thus you may see plainely the ycarely successe from iVi 
Enf^land (by Virginia) which has bin so costly to this kingdome 
and so deare to me, which either to see perish or but bleed, 
pardon me though it passionate mc beyond the bounds of modesti«^H 
to haue bin sufficiently able to foresee it, and had neither powefV 
nor meanes how to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with 
them, I may call them my children; for they haue bin my wife, 
my hawks, my hounds, my cards, my dice, and in totall my best 
content, as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to my right : 
and notwithstanding all those miracles of disasters [thatl haue 
crossed botli them and me, yet were there not one English man 
remaining (as God be thanked there is some thousands) I would 
yet begin againe with as small means as I did at the first. Not 
for that I haue any secret encouragement from any I protest, 
more then lamentable experiences; for all their discoueries I can 
yet heare of, are but pigs of my owne sowe; .... except th) 
relations of Master Dinner, p, 265. 

Again, in 1629, he wrote— 

Those Countries Captaine Smith oft times used to call hi 
children that never had mother; and well he might, for few 
fathers ever payed dearer for so little content ; and for those thatj 





would truly understand, how many strange accidents hath befallen 
them and him ; how oft up, how oft downe, sometimes neere 
desperate, and ere long flourishing, cannot but conceive Gods 
infinite mercies and favours towards them. /. 893. 

And thus it was, that to carry 011 the Colonizing ElTort he undertook his 
General History. 

The following Minute of the London Virginia Company at p. 210 of Mr. 
E. D. Neill^S History^ Ed. 1869 (see /. xxxiii) is the earliest information we 
have of our Author's Largest Work. 

April 12, 1621. Mr. Smith moued, that for so much as >-<= 
lottaries were now suspended, which hitherto had continued the 
reall and substantial! food, by which Virginia hath been nourished, 
that insteade thereof shee might be now preserued by divulginge 
faire and good report as shee and her worthy vndertakers did well 
deserve : declaring that it could not but much advance the 
Plantacion in the popular opinion of the Common Subjects to 
haue a faire and perspicuous history, compiled of that Country, 
from her first discouery to this day : and to haue the memoi-y and 
fame of many of their worthies, though they be dead, to Hue and 
be transmitted to all posteritie ; as namely : Sir Thomas DalCj Sir 
George SomerSf Sir Walter Rawhigh, the Lord De-la-warr, Sir 
Thomas Gates, and diuers others whereunto were it not for 
suspition of flattery, he would wish also the name of many her 
other worthies yet liuinge, and some of them now present in 
Court, might haue also their honorable and good deseruinge 
commended to eternall thankfullness; for that our inabilities had 
as yet no trevver coyne, wherewith to recompense their paines and 
merritt. Affirming also, that the best now planted parts of 
America under the Spanish government, nor their Annals or 
histories of those times, in their like age of ours, nowe 12 years 
[1609-1621] old Virginia afforded better matter of relacion than 
Virginia hath donn : and doth. With what effect such a generall 
history, (deduced to the life to thisyeare), would worke throughout 
the Kingdome), with the generall and common subject, may be 
gathered by the little pamphletts or declaracions lately printed: 
[i.e.yby ihc London Virginia Company]. And besides fewe succeeding^ ' 
yeares would soon consume the lives of many whose livinRe 
memories yet retayned much, and devour those letters and intelli- 
gences which yet remaine in loose and neglected papers. For which 
boldness, in mouinge hereof, he prayed his Lordships pardon, ledd 


ZaV r^ o J? a c T / o s\ 

A copy of tlift fbur^fNiee Praspectis intended for the NobOity and Gentry 
th€ Ceturti His$0rf is So, 309 of tbe CoOcctioa of Brosdskfes of the Sodely< 
Antimufiesof London. It wats evidently israed in 1633, «bkb according I 
the ok! way of rcdrooiag would extend to the 24. March 1624. It begins thiu 

T The geacntli Hisldry of Virginia, the Somer lies, and New 
Emgimidt vrhh the names of the Adaenturers, and their 
aduenttiiTS. Also a Catalogue of their names who \ixre 
the &rst Treasurers hcere, and planters and (joaemours 
there; and how they haue yecrely succeeded, from their 
first beginning 15S4. to this present 1623. with the procee- 
ding of these seueraJl Colonies, and the accidents that 
befell them in all their ioameys and discoueries, H-ith the 
Slappes and descnptions of those countries, commodi- 
ticSy people, goi>emment, cnstomes. and Religion yet 
knome, lor the generall good of all them who belong to 
those Ptaotatioas and all their posterities. I 

or collected by Captaine I o . S H 
XfW Engiamd. 



ytvcty ocany as 

of snaO trpe^the mh.. 
BTdt at ^319-900. 


' lacanAraKcr fir my 

I k^ mimti mils: «W W 7 m^ 


h m i n fmi k ■■■ K i 0f ^mnmhU 

a iii r Mii tfgt ktsi m Aommad skitta : 

m lau Am tiMf Jiart; Usida flU flbw Jf^s, 

lit 0^ [miiwrucii pt: far 

im f tiu im^ mmilwmirbtd 
*«l Aif IW SbvT 


I .y T R O D U C T J O N^ 


Ery touching is the Poem at /. 922 on his own career, likening 

himself to a Sen Mark. Still, a devout Christian all his life, as he 

gci5 older his language becomes one of thankfulness to Almighty 

GOD : and his style is ofien very Biblical 

With two Summaries of his career by himself, we conclude. 

In 1629, he wTote, 

Now to conclude the travels and adventures of Captaine Smith ; 
how first he planted Virginia, and was set ashore with about an 
hundred men in the wilde woods ; how he was taken prisoner by 
Jhe Savages, by the King of Pamaunkc tied to a tree to be shot to 
death, led up and downe their Country to be shewed for a wonder; 
fatted as he thought, for a sacrifice for their Idol! ; before whom 
they conjured him three dayes, with strange dances and invoca- 
tions; then brought him before their Emperor Poichatan, that 
commanded Iiim to be slaine; how his daughter Pocahontas saved 
his life, returned him to James towne, releeved him and his 
famished company, which was but ei;;ht and thirty to possesse those 
large dominions; how he discovered all the scverall nations upon 
the rivers falling into the Bay of Chisapeacke ; stung ncere to 
death with a most poysoned taile of a fish called Stingray: how 
Ihe drave] Powhatan out of his Country, tooke the Kings of 
Pamaunkc and Paspahegh prisoners, forced thirty nine of thos6 
JCings to pay him contribution, [and] subjected all the Savages : 
pow Smith was blowne up with gunpowder, and returned for 
jLn^land to be cured : 

Also how hee brought our new England to the subjection of the 
^ingdome of great Britainc ; his fights with the Pirats, left alone 
amongst a many Fnnch men of Warre, and his ship ran from 
him ; his Sea-fi[;hts for the French against the Spaniards, their 
bad usage of him, how in France in a little boat he escaped them ; 
^vas adrift all such a stormy night at Sea by himselfe, when 
thirteene French ships were split, or driven on shore by the lie of 
^ce, the generall and most of his men drowned, when God to whom 
be all honour and praise, brought him safe on shore to all their 
iadmirations that escaped: you may read at large in his generall 
history of Virginia^ ihe Sumnferltes, and New England, pp, 911-912. 

And again in 1630, his heart overflows in this, our final quotation : 

Now if you but truly consider how many strange accidents have 
J)efallen those plantations and my selfe; how oft up, how oft 
Sowne, sometimes neere despaire, and ere long flourishing; how 
bany scandals and Spanolized English have sought to disgrace 




them, brinpT them to ruine, or at least hinder them all they could f 
how many have shaven and couzened both them and me, and 
their most honourable supporters and well-willers: [you] cannot 
but conceive God's infinite mercy both to them and me. 

Having beene a slave to the Turks, prisoner amongst the most 
barbarous Salvages, after my deliverance commonly discovering 
and ranging those large rivers and unknowne Nations with such a 
handfull of ignorant companions that the wiser sort often gave 
mee [up] for lost, alwayes in mutinies [r.?,, of others] wants and 
miseries, blowne up with gunpowder; A long time [a] prisoner 
among the French Pyrats, from whom escaping in a little boat by 
my selfc, and adrift all such a stormy winter night, when their 
ships were split, more than a hundred thousand pound [=jf 400,000 
now] lost [which] they had taken at sea, and most of them drowned 
upon the lie of Rce^ not farre from whence I was driven on shore 
in my little boat &c. And many a score of the worst of winter 
moneths [have] lived in the fields: yet to have lived near ^j, 
yeares [1593-1630] in the midst of wars, pestilence and famine, 
by which many an hundred thousand have died about mee, and 
scarce five living of them [that; went first with me to Virginia ; and 
[yet to] see the fruits of my labours thus well begin to prosper: 
though I have but my labour for my paines, have I not much reason 
both privately and publikely to acknowledgeit and give God thankes, 
whose omnipotent power onely delivered me, to doe the utmost of 
my best to make his name knowne in those remote parts of the 
world, and his loving mercy to such a miserable sinner. //. 944-945. 
At length, while his thoughts are engaged on yet Another Work, his History 
tif the Sea, he dies, somewhat suddenly, at the comparatively early age of s'l 
on the 21 June 1631, and uas buried at St. Sepulchre's Churdi, London. Hi 
Will and Epitaph will be found at//. 969-72. 

X I 


He reader of the foregoing will now be able rightly to understand 
what manner of man Captain John SMrrii was ; will have read 
most of what was written against him, in his own day ; will be able to 
distinguish the malice from the truth ; and will thus come 10 share 
our own high regard for his character, and admiration of his work. 
Whenever generous spirits served under him, they learned to love and 
admire the man : as witness herein, Ensign Carlton and Sergeant Robinson 
in Transylvania in 1603,//* 330-231 ; the brothers PhettiplacE, and RiCKARD 
WiFFiNC,;5. 1S5 ; Isaac Codrington,/. 181 ; Raleigh Crashaw,^. 184; who, 
with others of the thirty or forty gentlemen under him, saved Virginia. 

So, at Icn.^th, posterity will learn to do the like ; and see in him a noble example 
of what a Christian Gentleman and Officer may be, may do, and may endure. 



The Epic period of the James rjver Settlement. 

26 April 1607 — 10 July 1609. 

tiaw this our younif CommonweiiUh in Virginia, a* you have r«aJ, once comUted I)u( - r 1 * 

sWt In two yean iDcreo.«c<l bui 10 s-^*. ■ . . I> wc tmly conMider our pnx'cedin^s with ihv - 
the Rat, w« liav« n<> reason to ilc^ixtir ; fcir, with *o ^mnll char^, they r>»ver haclei'thfr grciH 
%vith«tK:h certain truilii of mure MvenI coiiunciditicAf ihfui, xa Ltii> ihort lime, lutli been rcLjinLJ liuiti 
Vtraiaia* ftod by miic)i te$s mun<. R. Pots, W. 7'ankard. the Hon. G. Pkrcv,/. ^SS. 

tome bnd conditiont will extol rhe xctinni of soy nation but their own ; y« ii" we may give 

crvdit to the >paniArd»', I'oitugali' aod FrtiKh'» wriliD|;s, ihcy cmlorcd u miuiy toucncs ; mid yet uol in 
twenty yuii dlcctcd M much, nay, sCArce \a furty. J. SxiTIl, /. 7^9. 

Hat were the precise numbers in the Colony before the arrii'al of 
Argal's ship about to July, and of the Third Supply or reinforcc- 
ment in the following month of August i6og ? 

Smith, in 1624, wrote to the Royal Commissioners, 
We had but six ships to transport and supply vs, and 
but two hundred seuenty seuen men, boies, and women,/. 612. 

According to the figures below, the number should be 395 ; but as they are 
round numbers, and SMITH was here writing deliberately and at leisure, the 
277 is probably correct. We have marked the six ships (ij, (a), (3), &c. 

The Instruciions of 1606,/. xxxv, contemplated the number of Colonists to 
be sent out at "six score men.", PH^mtx iv. 1705, Ell. 11^75, thus cnnmcrate^ the fint Expedition. 

(1) .Vnjom Constant, icn font. AiJmiral \i^.. flme Mp\. Captain NKvrrOkT, whh 71 
^ ^*^ JiAvx/t 40 torn. Vice Admirul, Caplaio U. (.•OSXOLD, with 5a 

Ij) A Pioitkoe, *o lou^, Rc&r Aiimintl, CAftUiin J. RATCLiFrs, with «i 


All thcte we Imlce to b« (he ColonitU Cex*:Iusive of Sailor*) that left EnRlantl in December l^5*. 
pBBCV ttjilei,^. bt, thai CO 4 April (607, at the Itle of Virfiiu, they numbered " eight kok 
'l*hi« we take to mcluile Suilun, as well it\ ( 'ol' )iiivi» ; kume of the Uttei having died. 
If the Cuttmitl* t^t!ii onsinally nunibcicil <<ii 4 At>nl 1607, 144 

there had died, or reEumcd, by tt liinc 1&07 39 


ror, DO ibai day, Nt-^vroirr left in the S«ttlciiKiit 

There died of those before the arrival of the FinC Sapply 

So that, on the rnornlagoTS Jan. 1608, Ute Colony cotutiatcd of 

(4} 8 Un. i<«e, the fins part of Flnt Supply arrived i« Captain 

NMWivNr'ft thip 
(j) w April 1606, the ncond part arnred in Captain Nelson'* 

Total Firet Supply 

Than UmA. between the Fini and Secoad Supply 

^6)10ct.} t4ot. The Scooad Supply arrived, in CApt&inNKvrroRT'» 

iNoT.l 1608. Captain Nrwpokt left 

By Smith's great care, U' chcM, be«ides tho»e drowned with 

Master S^ uivK><ait (//. 14J, 460) ibercdted pot aboVBAOf 7* 

Aucirt. i<->9. Til.,- 'n>in] Supply 1*1 out with 500 penon-i, //. 
Ill vrccKcdat Kerinudn): wit' ' 

I I joo. Thcrvforc, whtn b)! 

f \ ,. , 1 hut about 60, ^. 4'>3, in tin; 1 

KTifH. SCtt. Uf^ No, IB. I 



/. 93: 104,/. lax; 
looy /. 369. 

//. txjucvi, 403, 459. 
S3>, 6x1, 919. 

jV- bcaxvi, aj, too, 403. 

M 33. »05, 4c?9> 
M toy, 4(1, 

ijo //.in, 434. 

70 //. 119, 44S* 
— wo //. it9, 455. 

^//. iS7. 473* 

175 {t>r wl,;..!'. • ;n, //, 


'HR reader of this Hiblioyraphy will but shnre our admiration of the scholarshm, 
antl reprinting clVorts over more than the last quarter of a centur)". in th's early 
Colonial litcralurc (as in so many other periods of American literature)^ of that 
most diMinguished American scholar, Ciiakles DtANE, Escjuirc, of Cambridijc, 
Ma^sa,. U.S.A. ; who hitherto has done more than any man hving, to perpetuate 
the name and fume of Captain John Smith. 

Mr. IJkaNK was the proper person to have brought out this Collected Edition 
of Caotain Smi IH's Works \ and we would have urged him thereto : but that we 
thoujint mi En^^lish edition with an English editor, would ensure a more ready 
recnjfnilion of our Author in his native land, and would therefore better secure 
tUo special object we have in view, viz., the restoration of his WniinjiR, for ever, 
to the general modern literature of Great Uritain and her colonies. 

A true Relation &c. z6o8. 

Loodoo, 4to. Sccltltcat/. i. U.M. prcunuirk, C. 33. c. 3s *> C.71JI 

ItiMioti, Maau., 4I0. A tnit Rtlntii>H ff Vh^inia by Capcain JotixSwmii With' 
an Introduction ami Notes by 1)ilam:. 315 copirt primed* 

O.M. promafli. 960a. bbk? 


lAuffua] i&oS. 




10 Junt tEE^. 





liirmingham, Encland, 8vo. TMe£mgBxhScMmr*» Lilmtwy. Th« 

An ifarid^nMiit of ihc ^o/ ^ ^'ifgimim 
B.M. pnsunvk, 679. H. i». 

A Map of Virginia &c. i6z2. 

Oxford, 4tQ. Sec title ai fi. 41. Il.M. prcMmarlc, C S3*c< iS; O. 7110* 

l^iKlon, foi. Rev. S. PuiiaiAS, PiUrimti. 
CKCun ill VyU II. 

5 10 JuDc iSe4. Itiniiincliam, Enslaiid, 8vu. Tkt Emgtitk ScMaf^t Lihrmrj. I'be prescst unprcMoni | 

A Description of New England ftc. x6z6. 

1 l3-»S Janel 1616. London, 410. Setuilc at/. 175. 

h.M. prcMnurk*. C tj-a. 11 <a); C. 33.C.13; C.71M. 

6 >6l7. Fmnlcfort, 4ta LliviNVS Hl'laii 11. A DtKripttfn formt the XIV. Voj-age. 
B lyoT' I-«yd«n, 8vo. P. v*ki>W(Aa. KaaMkturixt Vmnmetine. Vol. lai, contains an 


7 lo Jmi« 1S84. 

abndscmcnt of A Dtscri/iioH Av. IJ.M. {ircKMnork, 979. f. a (j.) 

Bo»ion, Maxio., U.5-A., Svo. Celirtthtt rf thi Maumhmrtti Iff*ti*Hcmt Spcietf^ 
jrd Series. Vol. VI. conuiiu A VrjKn/itffn •>■■. D.M. prc^tmadc, Ac. 8400. 

Wa'hitigton. r.C. U.S.A.. 8va PmriiK Fobci, C^iiKiittM ,-/ HitU'»icnl T*<acts. A 
Ducri/ti«n £fi. is the fint tract in VoL II. CM. iireaunarlt, 13x4. £. 

Itmlon, Mn*«a., t'.S.A., 4IO. A Pttcri^iMm rf Xne F.ngltmti ; Ofum^ti.'mt and 
Vmtntriei m tMf iS'frffi I'f Amrrim in tht y-far i>f ottr Lard \h\^. U-'ilA fA^Sntrra$ 
^ six Skt'/t that went the mtjti y*ar^ 1615. ify Captnia John .Smith (A^ttrti 
Iff tUttt Ci>ttMt*y), With .1 FncKimilc of the Otminui Map. [^rr /. cxxxhr.J ; 
couia printed. l*uMJ»hcd hy Wii i.iam Vf.aj!IC. 

Ihc Prelace to this rvpruti waa wtitieo by Charues Dkakb, Em]., in the name 
of ilw Pabtiiher. B.M. pRMinarlc, 10411. dd. 

Dinninghom, England, Svo. TMt Ens^tiih Sih«t,tr't Library. Thn prtwni iinjai liiuii 



New England's Trials. z6ao. 

IDecJ i6»o. London, 410. Sec title at /. jjj. 

B.M. prcumaHs C jj.c, ij 

IJuly] 187J. Camhridee. Ma»., 4to. Srw EnftntuTt Tria.'t written by Captain Johi* SmiTi 
A reprint of the rare lir%t edition of 169a. With a J^relalory Note by Cma 

to June iSSf. 

Dkamk. The Preface U dated 1 July tS;^. 50 copiet printed. 

B.M. prcMmark, 10^ UU^ 
Birmmghanif England, Sv«. Tkg EngiaMSckclmf'tLiimrj. The; 



New England's Trials. 162a. 

1 lOdobcr] 16*3. Loodotii 4b>. See tU1< al/> 349. and pasngr fixing ttic moothin whlrh tt wii« written 
iit^ •64. li.M. preumarkik, C aj. c 5; lOiSi. a. »i li); O. 7197- 

B iPjS. WMhington, D.t- U.S.A., 8vo. TETEft Kouce, CoiUetiim ef Ilhiat-ical Tructi, 

^Vnv SneioiuCt Tri^tU. 1633 U ihc Mcond Tract in Vol. II. 

B.M. prcMBiArk, 1334. f. 

3 [Aprfl] 1S67. Providence. R.I., U-SA. A>n' KuetmmJ't Trioh id-rt. A facsimile reprint iuued 
by the late Mr John Cavtva Rmowm, with the Tolluwiit^ prcfatury note. 

"llie iatemt connccteO with all the ivritings of C'atitatn Juiin SMrr •[ "il 

the owner of the prc«-etit ir\ct, cnc of ttic rarest .nnd IcASt Cncwn of 1' 
to print a few copin for distribution among the collector^ of bookc retai 

The rcpriat tsa faciiinilc, ps^e for pace, inctudiou the wood-cut ornojnc 11 1>, mi' ilic 
jinnl, which is the second edition. No copy of the ' 
the notice of the po»«uorof the present copy. 

10 Jl 

oritrinnl, which is the second edition. No copy of the finl edition has fallen under 

- ■ ' J.C.B. 

PriKiJeme, R.I., .-ifirt^ii6j, 6u copin printed. D.M. preumark, 10410. f. 

18&4. Birmingham, EncUnd, Svo. 7*Ar Engiiih Schrfar't Library. The present iiriprekuon. 

The General History of Virginia, Summer Isles, and 
New England 1624. 

Uttiy] i6>4> London, fol. (a) See tiilo on engraved frontupiece, which. In tin* present Tmpioslan. 
form* a folding plate opp>Mite /. 37a. B-M. preMmark, O. 70J7. 

'.* The engrsvinec of the Duchcas of Richmond and Matoaka (/. cxxxvi) did m't 
form pans of this original edition. 
1696. London, fot. (b) TttU tditien only. The lame tcjkt iuued wtih a fresh title pac^ 

D.M. presstnark, 601. U 8. 

1637. I^adon, fol. (0) TiUe tditi.'n mly. D.M. preaamaric, floi. 1. 9. 

s6}3. London, fo). (d) Tiilt tMtiifn only. B.M. praaunark, 9B4. f.17. 

rtja. London, fol. (e) TUU fiiiti^n »miy. B.M. prdunark, 147- d. x. 

iti3. London, 4I0, J. PisKruTOH. A genrmt C(*ilecH«n »/ . . . t^i>y^et {f'c. Vol. i? 

cuDtaina the GtHtral Hiitary. ILM. prcaamaik, 3037. iT 

1I19. Kichmond. Va^ U.S.A., 8vo, The Ctnrml Hhtary t^ inwned in the midst of a. 

irprint of the Tru£ TravtU. B.M. preiunark. 1447. g. 17. 

loJunci&&4. Uirtninchamt England, 8vo> Tii€ Etiflith Schtlmr's Librmry. Thepreieni imprcMion. 

An Accidence for the Sea, i^z^^or The Seaman's Grammar, 1627. 

There are two Ven>iori« of lliii Work. Tlie earlier one as S-MtTil wrote it, and here prinicd at//. 78$- 
^ ; the laicTi in which it was rcaut nltogcihcr and mnch enlarged by B. F. 

The First V e k s i o n , 

X iftJlS. London, 6vo. Sec title at /. 78s> B.M. presssnarks 533. tf. 3 (t): 533< L bi ('V 

% 1637. London, 8vo. TMf S^iMnn's Crrtmmar, 

No copy at present tit the Uritlsh Muicum. 'Itiere is* copy tn the Bodleian. 
8 itfjfi. Ijondon, Rvo. Ah Aaidtiue far tht Sta Ci*s. Willwut auv name of autiior. and 

with a new Preface hy U. F. CM. prtumaik* 554. a. 33. 

T l»JWMttt4. Birmingham, England, 8vo. T/tt EngtiiA S(hptar'$Lflir»ry. Tbepracntimprenion. 

The S e c o ff d V k ft s t o ^r, 

4 (6 KoT. 1653.] tAs'f. I.ondnn. 4(0. Th* Sramnn't Cmttimnr. A leomnced and much enUrge'I 
edition of Smith's tract, now divided iniu 1 j Chaptcn. B.M. prcasmark, 1l. 679 <9)i 


U.M. pressmark, $1. c 8* 
B.M. prcMmark, 5)3. d. 3(3). 

& 1691. I/>iid'Jti, (tu (k) Tf*r Sftimnn^t Gramiitar, 

1691. London, 4to(b| /'i7/r4«/fV/>H0«^. 

The true Travels &c. 1630. 

X iCas* Lotldirfl, f»'l. Rev. S. riKcn.\s's Pi/rnmrt. TTic >ub9iAnce of oor Author'* 

wandcTiiig^ flm appeared, abridged, in Vol. It. of the Fil£ritMH. 

U.M. prcMinaik, 679. h. ts. 




See tiiic u/. &>}. U.&L(«ei«nwi«,)6th(. i(i); B.«Ta10;G^: 



BlM. proHMfc, 979> c. «l U 

IfMtukn»Hgr yfrtrnmriing. Vol. lo. 
D.M. prcttnuiv. 


Lcrdca* foL P. VASi rai Aa. j<aj»i»hi 1kn»wmmr\fint» Zt*. DmI 5. 


t. sM^ 1. r- 

1732. London, fet. A. ft J. CHCwnuLL. C^titttUm^Voimcts^bH* 7%* Trw Tpwrvn 
occortin Vol. II. B->t.|irt»miirle. 5^ k- 7' 

1744. Lt4Mloci.foL A.&J. Chcrcuill. Oi//ir/M<« 4/i^>riv'*i^^- Th« /*r«tf T'^'os*// 

occurs in VoL IL BJI. prcaamark. «s5. f. 1. 

i;5t. LoQcioo. foL A. & J. Cmukchiu. Cotttetitm ^ yffi^m, A'f- Tlw rmv TrmvvU 

ocean in VoL II. B.M. [weuiBark, >t5. e. «. 

ilig. Kichmoad, Va^ U.S.A.,ST<kTli*7'riwr/»>«&w«n|)cialadvilhihsGf«rvW//i>«My. 

B^. pnMBwk. S44T- C. <T- 
Juoe ifi&|, BinaiagKun, £aKUrMl,Bvo. Ti4 EmfJiiM &cMat*0 tilt^try. ThcprtiaKi 

Advertisements to Unexperienced Planters Ac. 1631 

lOz. 1630] 1631. Ixndoii^ 4to. SeclfUcai/. ot;. B.M. preMuurk, C ]>. c 

1833. BflMon. Mum., U.S.A., 8vj. QMtctifns p/tiu ifaMA,:hnxtlit // iitartcaJ S* 

3rd Soiob VoL III. cQBtaini Uie Aifv^rtittrntntt Av. H.M. piOkinArk. Ac &«0Ok ' 

t&6s. Boston, Massa., U.S.A., 4(0. AJzfrlistmfnt*. B.M. HOBt^fk, 104S> 1^ 

loJttnet&34. Birmincham, England, 8vo. T^ En^UskStki'laf''* Lthnjry. llie prescot i 

Lives of Captain John Smith. 

lySa. Barlin, Sto. Cant FitiauxiCH StMfcjRLUB. Jitiifn, EHtiinkmngmMttd Vntt 

mmngeM Hts Seki/t [1] C^itAim /-aJLut SdUuide. UM. prcssoiaHc, tojj. d. 

i8j4. Boston. Maua.« U.S.A. J. Sfanks. Tir LtZ-rmryi^ Amfrycam Hcgm^ttty. 7%i 
Li/0 4rCa^^M JQH.W SM/rttthy OmomM S. Hillakd, » tn Vol. IL 

E.M. iraamark* 9040. a. 

(sfi4].) Kew Vofk. U.S^ TIU Lffi P/CmftAiu JOHK SiltTH, lir W. Giutouft Simus. 

B.M. pressmark. io6Sa c* 

sill. N«r York. 1/3JL Lwt i*f AmwritMi U'artkift. Ca^mn JOfr/fSM/f^, . 

Mtmdy 0/ hit Life i\tui H riti»gj,hyil.H\m.\.\A L>tuLrv Wammbk. 

^l^4,. Lundoa, 8vo. Tk* Lift ef Caf tain JOHS SWTH^hy }o»}t AsiiTON. 

ji short chronologkal List of English books^ co-crdinate^ 
or supplementary to tJu present Text. 


(All iHcM Worki wrrt tiublhhcd in Laodon, unlcJii othcrwiic slalcd. from ihc lime oor Author 
Vireinia ; and will be found helpful to the further tiudy of the History of our Fini KnctUh C 

Up to Captain Smith's death. 1631. 

IKGO-I6&O. LcviNUf HuLSivit, &c. CciUetian */ l-'ofiAfti. In German, ftc FranLlort, ftc.... 

1160^1646. Governor William Bradpdrd. Of J'iimotA i'UuitAiian, Ma«». Hue Soc 
^M/M, 1856] ... ... «. 

1000< KcMDiiCAMito UE Soto, yirgimin rit hljr vaIhM, Tran*. by Kev. R, HakiCvx „. .„ 

KloBEKTl OIKay]. a e»<ittSf>*ttt U Viriiima « 

Rev, Wiluam SvMOHi'is. .Sermon preached on as Apr. 1609 « 

Mkkc LKMTAMItnT. fk'fTviit J-'rancta &.'(. Traio. by K EIkokoells) ... 

[R. 1.1 AWvi /Irit.iHmia OJfcrtHgt If'e. 

1610. (k. Rich. Nrmti from k'iiri^ia.. In Verw. 1865.! 

Wiu.iA»i Crakmaw, B.D> A Scimon preached ofi -Ji Fel*. i6og(-ioI .« ^ 
Council of Vireinia. A true timd simerr liec/nraiifin 4/ tfu /nr/M* nmd rWc ^ Iks 
PUNtAtt1fH&\ " « 

CoUQCil for Virginia. A tn$t Dttinrmiieu </" the Eitate t/ Itu CMmi* im Virtimm^ 6v. 

PT wvntl^^l 





llGIO-ldlft. William Stsachkv. Hittery nfT'tmrnlte into yirginia Sniamnia. Haldnyt 

S**-. I?43-t 

1611. iMcMAb \v>jrr, LordDtLA-WAiiKE, A'rAi/zrfff. t^rs. ' ,„ ^ ,„ 

laiX |R. I.J The Hew Li/*9fVxr£ittt.\. (Put II. of .V.T'4 5/7V<tf'Alvt.1 

IWd.i.nM SrKACUcv.J J'pr tht Coiimy in I'lr^'Hitt iirttniiHua, I.nw€t (tiainr, mormJi 

MttJ martiafl .. ... ... 

1013. Kcv. SAMi'itL Pl'rchas kit PitgritHfigf. (ind Ed. ui 1614 ; 3rd Hd. in 1617 ; 4th Ed. in ifo4.) 

W. C. A fUtimt DetcH^iOHP/ th* Barmndns .. - 

Kc». Alexa>deu WmrTAitEB. Gmui nran frvnt Virginia. With a J'rt/ktg by W. 
Cka«haw ... 



iCOl'irT. A Refittian «f ** Voyage fn Cuiana 
■I'.. A truf DiiCtfurtt of tht frettnt Eitatt of yirginut 
'•^'ailtr KttlwifK : H'ith the iTtie Dr%ir!*>{i<ni "f Cnimna 

A Sfte If/ tAr SAt/*tng 6^-. ttnt ttt I'irpiuiM ... 

Awther SeU ^ tht liMtpfiHg 6r'e, Kn'th thr Hoitus ofOu Adotu- 


Cuiiiiiii i.'i '. ifguiia. 

Counci: Tot Vtrpnia. 


1620. fVjiinril T^t Virijinii. A Dcclamtian of the Stnle f/tkt Coh'Ny, -23 ynnr 1630 

t.;!"->« f'-t Virj;it-ii». A Dtclarriti^m . . , t^nehin^ the ^reient titaf^, k> Sefit. ifijo ... 

Kickahh \\Hi riioLRNK. A Oitcpurte atui OtiCi^ery <}/ XfA-/cuHtiUuui 

i'Uhop JoH.>* Kiiij;. A Scrmoii preached on 6 Mofcb i&ao ... .,. ... .,, ... 
10fl3. Kluuuirr] CIl'shman]. .\ .'^<■^nolt prcAithed «t Ncv^ Hlimouth, 9 Dec i6at 

HerTmnl."i Onierr anri C<>nxttttiffi'nt i^i: t Fri lOril-a] ^ 

V* - !■ — K Cui'LANO. A Sermon preached ^n the i2 April i6» , ... 

' ■'ilN*iLPV.| A Cf^v/ttticmfyr Dttr (•rat'ininr S'r/ttw/r ... ... ... ... 

I it.L.1 Hii }tai«iliei ^acivNi Letttr. AliuuL Silk NVorVs mnd Vine* 

I-.. M..I 1; ■ i A Retatien «r Ji<urmul f/ Vie leginHim^ »/ , . . Xevi PiUMffMth 

KowARU Watt RHni se. A DexlamiioH ^ the State of tht Ccieny . . . VHtk A ReUi' 

tipM t^ the fmritMn'tit Miuta^re 

Xc«. J0H.N Donne, 1>.D. A Sermon preached on 13 November i6aa 

7 A hrirf fi-fnticH ^\f ih^ Uisim-ery y/ .\'cv EhxMh//, i6o7-i$j» 

Rrcii*nnWHtTiwii'KKK. A tcvimg itt\>itatitynfifr . , the i'latitittt'an tu Sew/nt$t^fnnd 
1024. Sb Wfi.i.iAM Ai-fXANDBB, ^fienkBrdf iuirl of Stcvlinc, Ah Smotrugemmt t» tht 
C->^*M£t, 4ta. Titte Eiiiluiit in 1615 and 1630. 

tlL>\%.\r.(>| WliWitLOw]. Cvtid .\'cttfetfrimt New England 

lOri th« jBiH July itn,. iho foUjwing was -nteretl Kt Suiioocrs' Hall, London (Tr-uwrr/^/, 

iv. ti» ; f'.d. 1^77). I'll querv if crer publjbhcil : 
I'.iplaii JniiN JerFiJKlBS. ^'rtutfrx'm l-'ir^mia, vr yirjmin ttript naked* 

jaae. r 




PuitcHAS kit Ptl^met 
-I MoKKKLL. Nru> Eu^tttn^ &*€, Iii Lolln and English VetM 

iffir. Emglands Exchequer . . . ccni:erHittg PlMlintiims 

>r (Sir WiLl-iAM VaI'chan1._ The Ce^tHen f'feece . . ,/fam NtwfiHHdlanH 

LtvETT- A \'oy4i^* into AVw England, \b-3y-\ 

ngrr) H[avma!<i]. Quniiihets/rvm NewfmdMiflnnd 

r ^^■.^l-. HiGr.iK!>nN.) A'fit' En^UfiJi PlanUtton. ('iTiree ediitons in thi* yew].., 
loHN WiiJTB-I Tht PtAntet*s t'tea ; or, tht CrvuHtlt pf PlantMien eMtmtHett ... 
5oii.*< CoTTOH.] Gi>ds protttisei for tht PtautAtian in A'tn* £nj; ... „ 

Later Works. 

1G3X t A ^uHkalitm f/Giiiana'i Phtntatwn^ i5y, 

1639. \V*tLiM»i Wooo. Sra.' Englamd i'fviftit 

1635. Like Fox. Narih-ivett F^x ; tr, Fo.K/t\-m the Nfirtk--!uett ^tap%gt 

H - - - - ^ 



1660. 1 i.i.t.»;.AS„..';" 

1060. NaFM ^v|;.i M,i|. 
1677 WH LIAM ir 111 •■ 

1706! in"i>"-i>:i I >'-M 
1730-65. kev. 1 I'l ■% 
1747. Wii 11 VI >rir.l. 

lus. ilistoria Mumdt, A'C. Trans, by Wye Saltuns-tall 

i'TOK. .\'etv EM^liikCaiUuxH 

r. The Enginh AmeticmH . , . cr n Xrti- Sunvy «>/ tkd fVttt Sttdit* 

tNSo.'J.l A fiittory- 0/ New Emgfiimi, 169^1652 

i!").,!.-.. .'.t'lr-ct f..\iHtttS ta the Lift. 4 Parts 

ii-j. '.'. :r ! in-lafuft MrMti*riai >.• .» ... 

I. V .'-. /*'. ,-ut State ffNetu En^lanH 

IV]. J::.!.-ry and Prtseni Stutt of ytrgiMtn. (snd Ed. in 17M) 

I .( I '.« '.. i'gical Hittory '>/ Xnv Ltf^iami. Jiintfn. JHmj*a. ^ 

.'/i,i,"\ . f the First Dit£fvery fy^cef i ifittiiin. li'illiMmtl'Mrx, V^ 


1660. < 

1861. I 

1669. < 
1971, 1 

Tkt S/tttttttt at Ltkrgt . . * f/ yirgim^frem . . . 1619. ij VoU. 
jlistcfy c/ the Ceiotty and Ancient I?amimt>m of P'iriiHta. 

W. Hfnjwg. 
fn."i.-f, y/i. ... 

^^M hHl.U 

-I, P*. 

. ! Mkade. Oid Ckfrc&ti, Miniiters, an*/ FatHi/its in I i»%i'MUi, X Vol*. 

SeiLu HUtoryaftke yirgimtA Camfony *•/ L^Hdm. AttrnHj, t^^V. 
> NCILI- Tht EHiUtk C^lOHttiytioH ^ Amtriem ... .•• 


















Jami.'. J-i.noa, fiiAKi-Ks Di-ANi-, and JrsTiN WiNSOcr-^ 
Tlic Ten SiaUs of Smith's Ncu.' England Map. 

Atr. yr.srfy //'/.woa', ttf ^. 52 of the first x'olume of the noble Me! 
IliMory of Hiihtoii, Massa. 4 I'ols, 1880-1, has ji^ven the following^ which is ~ ~ 
jHUt'\t ttiii>tt/i/ of the vtin'otts issvrs of the New Kngland Map, 

Smi'IIIi iiiap, 311 ihc rr;il rmmdation of our New England cartography, dl 
)iaiiii'iiljr ntifiiihiii. 'I'o ilii* «1rnft which he nimle he affix«l the Indian names, or nach 
iiii whim hml inninjiinl him In ^ivi* while hv siirvcyol the shores. 7*herc it rar^j 
liHitiil iiir(i|iii>s lit till- /*/»iu///.>ii of AV;*« /.«;,•/.»«./ a loaf \setp. 23a], printed oa one side 
tiitlv, whirh irutUns r»n«iw< : ** Itti'.iuscthc lt<K>kc wasprintcfl ere the Prince his Highnessc 
hdil iilieiiHl ihr niuncK, I iniriMtv ihcUfatler peruse this schedule; which will plainly stiew 
lihii ihr I'niri'upitnili'm'i' of l)u> old nnnu's to the new.'* Ilelow this are two columns, 00c 

(living' ihc nlil ii.uiu ••« thr oihfi the ni*w onei : the latter such as Prince CHARLES, then 9^ 
iitl 111 liltrrn, h.iit ;iirt\>><l In ilu' ililfciont {Hnnt^i. ttnys, rivers, and other physical features* 
whrn SMt I II shiiuiNl him ihi> \\\\\\ As enj^ravixU the map has the Prince's nomendatnie ? 
itii* iHNik hill Smmii'!* i<i ihv eailici ; thiN rare leaf is to make the two matuall)^ 

Siil.u a^ \s kmmn lo me, iliis m.ip evi-l* in ten Stales of the plate, and I porposenoiT 
III Hole ihi'ii ihslnutixi' Kmiiiu">. In thit siiuly I make use of some memoranda of Mr- 
jAMti 1,1 NOV .\n*l Ml. rit\s. OrxNK, pnr.iovl xt^ Ncricn's Literary Caxtte, neW 
will-*, i. liSS4l 1.14. -I'*: '*"* 1 •*»'.l i»iicoon.hti»MMVni.) to their enumeration. 

I, 111* mutiiAl (oiuliit.Mt .'I il(f MAY W.,'.-^ ii: i!i.- '.«<■! Vf^ tianj r-'nier. Simtm Pomtum wem^dt; 
A\'\*f « .'4' ... I. \.*'j/.- uii.l iM i!,i- l..»,i ii^'ii !i,f.,; , -. ,,. .'.'«.!.•«. l*rimUtiiy <»««r: Lrte. llw dtls 
NKW I N«.i \M>t^ i.i l.)it.i- 1. tiii«..i I'l.- 1.>|., i.tilir ;i^!-.; .-i i; ihr KnclUh.iims andbmeschil. jTAt awv' 
• t*ii4*v«<'''" At»/» iU> •>■■•'.. .1' .*« ■-;, 1(^-^ .i»f m.i. ..» , •.•..^■i.'HAKLES. i'rimtt fifgrwmt Britaimt. 
III.' I,iiiui.l. t«nMiW(HUtii iW iKhi hAii.l -.MconK i'-..-. a;.- n.^ tnarU of lonKiiiulc. Boittoa Harbciri* 
111.I1. .1I1.I l-x .1 Ki\ Miih vii;l»i i\'..ii'.!«, .irJ .» jvHiM ti" I,.;.; i \;rnt;tn); l'r\«i the vouthwot within it. The 
A'a-," . 1 I*... tvlcn.N iiiUit.l ti.'tn iIi<p ti.-ilVwr*! ^-.v;-.. ; .-t if-r l\iv. .1 t-ViK-n i{t«tance. A whale, > shtpi ^ 

.tit.l .\ iVii .lit- u-| iv.t'iii. .1 I.,-.'.! (':•■ », .». I'sviv I* n.' . ,.i. U:v.Mh shc ti^Xt. There mi* many namcioB ^ 

> ;.-.T t Var-iicc in the later impresHaoi, ai will 

:* prriranrniN- attached 10 the localitict, and ^ 

.* .-t >'.'. .'. .-ft.-i. which the nadvcs callfld _^^ 

"(Ml-; :'.„r.e. ^tcn <<t eight >-«ani later ; C«>/r _»> 
» V.-.o,c:- -, -Ar.;« \f: k%\ ; and The Kittr 

. ...... '. ;^ ;■*- A",f« ittf h» 

* . . ...•*. >■ :■ -iT-.y^ihcT v-ell-known jS 

.... .>e-: .-.-. ili.j.:-. r. It nuppboud ^^ 

■ ^'. ' ■ .« * :'c C.r-tam'* names «tr« ^^ 

'^ • ., v-t T. ;* j'-it ujon the ihOTC J- 

l.tUi •* ti.'t \.l iiituHlti. .-.1. .1 

i.i.i *-»iiK' ol \\\\ I't.'*.;-; . .i V. 

.■ .»i »»«,;•*■.!. '.Mil tViv* **c.Ji' 

iSi*. .111-. ■■. ■ ^ I 1.- 1' . - 

i «.:■■., S 1 ;i «vt ; MV J" ;. . 

* .. V -.■.-. « -1. ^ r .- 1 . ^ 

. ■-* ..» .Il.'.ll..! l." y..\A \-\ v .. 

J-*, t.., wSi, *\ N» .... I,.t, » .. 

. *!,■... iS.- i»t".*i«; ■..•.,■,- 

« ■".•*.. I m'.i. ', N (,i N. ■ i".» .. 

..-.» fc •• w ,1 .1* '" :,..i. „ 

....;.. .,-,.... i.-,-.. r .. !i. 

'■. .• V. \.>'.\i i '. IK 1 ■v .. .. 

1 . t<. . -■•.... I*.,. ,*!,.■ 1 - - - 

. ;..■'..-.» .f,» . 

vi«. ) I- ... 1.' I .'>iN « .-. 1 .« 

\'. ,-..•..• i -. 1 . 

Ns 1 :. « •' > • . -..<.. 
»«!**..■.; 1.'... . >.-.-.... 

■ « .' . ^ . .\ . 

»^ .>f • .*. >.vv 1 ■■ ... N 

T*^...-. ...... .^»..V/. ... 

* \ N«». , .. . : ^...... . ^ '. 

> * . * • \ . s .' . 

U ..-.. !;... ., - 

. i- »>.--■ .*. 1 .v.- i . , .*■ 

*.Ov . \;\ ft ^. .. . i 

> j^ .A . , .*,..,,, • W 

n .^. ..... ..., \, ...... . 

■' t. V ... ,'...% ...... ^:\ 

.-.^.x .» .S. * ■. .. ^*. » 

• N.O.. :% , w *..,. ,»,. .• . \ . ^. 

I-.Kv .»*^ , !*,..K,. . ^ ... 

yni«. I. V. ,...., .... ,^1^ 

K.-..V . ir.i r.ynt Cttrgt 

:-'i *:i?* 

. r-d i\at is Ibe 

.. re::. 

r->Ht thtsccpT 
'/• c\jx.] cf ue 

■ • *■-, 

r'.— xcrs, and «— 

:. :*■; %-ene«co«- 


. i .■-.Vs-STiaayin^ 


Xr.I. vHaaor* 

■ ~ r-rr 


«■ . ■ :*r 

-. . ■.- 

" rrz .r ry^t."^ 

. .- ' : - 

. r ^zt ri=y iave 

' •, ' » 

i. «■..■»- :; ;«ia 

_-■ .' 

-.:.-. rrSs!n- 

B I D L I G R A P il y 


SwfTK** e*cuirhrnn, Imt %kUl)out llio moKo, ««»» intrmlitc«d in the lnw«f Irft-hnntJ corner. ThU 
'■* foiin.) in Mr. Ueanh'm copy «»f ih« fc>»wnt// Hiitarit, 1634, anJ in ih« Lent.* cinpy of ihc r>turi^~ 
^ tbi6. Mr. Lenox luppoietl thift &utc may hivc been Am uxd id the 1623 ctlition of A'm/ 

'':ncrrrrti viorrr \*, put In a itcrolt to the left of Smitm'b wcutrheon. The degrees of 
(ide are noted on all sldci. Copicfi of this «iaie Eire found in the Oiartca DuiDe and 
'-. of the Dts^rifticn of t6i(, and It wai aIm> ia the Crown irOiic Id crpy, talccn frofn 
-oire years ^ince. Mr. Lenox *uppo«:d thii state to have ori^;in.-vlIy Wlonned to ihe 
lirmmli I/itlorft, 1^4, in which Smitn jcalhercd hit previous iitdependciK usue». 
*e in the several successive editions of this book (i&>4t 162&, 1637, 16 ;3, the lost in Vwa 
■ ■- ftwnt m.Mtef ; and, ipeaking of this book, Field, in hi* IndiaH BihU,x^^t^y. P- 3*. 
*y - \ itkne, " It u to commonly the ca^e as almost to form the mle.that even (he tmt copies 

^>.- u^ by the tubstiiutioa of later editions of some of the majiii." Some of the copici were 

V. ITjc name Paynct JU Uput down on the Maine coast. Crow line* are made on the front of the 
^"vaitTil.itr in \:.r '.irtr^tii •■( Smitii, ill the uLipcT Icft-liand contcr, and (Itc uhale purlratt in rcioachcd. 
'mi- ' ' bUterated. Thui Ktate it »iippc»cd to belong la the i6z6 edition n^ the 

'mm ' of ihu date in Cornell University Library ^Spariift Collection) has but k 

^Tt ' ' .r, SO far conformf^. It is in Mr. ItAKLon't 1634 erlilion. 

'. AVi-exr in the Irjwrr Ti|{hl-hand ccmcr \\ vub^tiluted for that of Grttr^ Lffw. 

- w given with un ,iddit ional 1, — Faiums, This slate is supposed by M r. [<knox 

. ., -.Mion of the Gtnfrail JitUi^ri/, of which there are copies in the Mats. Hit^t. Soc. 

i in ibc ^rtncG Library (with nutes by Prince). Thitilate in io the i6}a editioa in Harvard 

. . : last line of the in*cription at the top i^ changed Io read : mtttt Kine 0/ grrat Britaint. In 

h* portrail the armor is fi^rrd. >f Vx/'i Hay \i. placed on the outer »ide of Cttf^ IntHtt. PU Standisk. 

■VMpondt to ihe modern Mnnomet Point. The word NEW is interted above f'Um^uth, P. ti'yHtkrr^ 

1 tMii ri,i:ih <if . .!.*<■ Anma. P. JtfrnfM i< put near J^iu»\h. Sa/em i* l.^ii)dnwn iuM north at Caf* Anna. 

^.1nprd 10 /•'muni-tt //f ; Cdrf //< to C/iif/vr»r /^ (off Boston Harbor): and P. Alnny 

•nith of Bunion Harbor). 'Ihe bay (Bofion ffarbor) is enlarited westward, a point M 

J, and (lie island* increawd from ei|>ht to eiBbtecn. 

^I - I ilial thit state (irM Jippearci! in Smiih'k Aih'tTtisemtmts to Plantm, r£ji, anditt« 

bu- ' -r Uromn copy of this tnici. 'Ihc Harvard Colhge copy, however, hais the state X., and 

ru- I ' :-i'V IX. Mr. Lk.vox ha« questioned if thi» slate did not sometimes make part of 

-\:ntfj P/nutattpn, uf which therv were ihrre cditiann printed in 1630, the fir*t of 

:ilar>:ed to twenty-UK pa^efv. The two copies of the bank in Harvard College 

, , . ^ in the Lenox Library-, aiiiI the copy which was in the Krintcy sale, all. however, 

rant the n ^%ho printed the second edition of HlC'^i n^ok, probably owned the plaie, an It* 

jrinted thu '.-w of \f>74, 1636, and 16^7, and the Hittaria Afnndi of iSjs, which all had the 

■...n S~> ' . .. , / ^-clong)! to H)rx:iN:40K. it IA strange that amap mii>{>lacing .S4M-M'. where HiG<iiN- 

h-juid be used : aod the names l^'yHtkrap and Salt*Mtial4 could liave been civca only in 

T the arrival of those centlemen. 

'._j! .^I'.trt.-Hi J/e \s ijiven in FenabMxn Bay. Perhaps Komeof the chnn^rs named under IX. were 

■•ds 10 l)us state (exceni ;hc riym'julh Company** arirsl ; fur the only enample of it whidi I have found 

||%ffe»Ka)etrt (iwc ihirui) of the in.ip belonging: to Harvard College Library, the westerly third being 

mr. h 1<-1, 1'/ed. perhjpft, to the fir^l i**ue of the 163a edition of the Generaii Htjtt^rit. 

f ilir Council for New I'.n^land are given in the centre of the plate. The folIo%viDj; 
i>.-ive 2pj>carcd in the preceding number. The name Lht\*-HeH is inserted just south of 
KnertkarUs. .SaJtm mi'^placed is oblilerated, and the name is inserted lu ii< [iroper 
>«hed arms uf ihe sea, on the north of Taibotis Bity, are extended inland, covering the 
<i in previous stales. lUit may have bcluneed to the second 1633 issue of the l2fHemii 
I •..I'i \■■^ u h . .Miic in Harvard College Library and in Mr. BasLOW's copy. It is ia 
'.•Tof 1611. 

i 10 the left-hand edge of the plate, and symlw«ls of towns wilh 

Mtioniuf Indian huis .ire scattered near it. On its north bank the 

rttd. ^e*:ii>iiin^ at the west : WatcrtfiioHe, Smrtawne, MnfA>ni, Chat/rittrntu, 

■ tk of the origmal plate Sangiu is put in. I'hc Muth bant shows A>.rVrr)-. 

: If lea);ues up lite river, by the scale), and WinnisitMe. CArayat Ai//i n rra*Kii 

. Atti.-r is inserted along the ea^stcm slope of the picture of the hill which still remains. 

'•/still Ktand. A fdiool of fish is delineated under the single ship. Under the comptm 

t : ill t'uit it'fj i-'rr to knout wHort of (lu Eita.te e*/ Mrw £Hgia*ni Irtt kim mtJ a tttw 

■ iV thrr Ar tAa/t Amt't Snttwitclicm. Alihout>h the uld date, tfm, 

•n iliom thtu this MJttc followed Ihe publication of Woou'.s Am' 

us Io have been made for the following work : ///j/^n* Mnn^i, oe 

.... /-.n.'.tif^f.d n>nM rtru' Mixp^s anii Tahiti ty tkr ttaJitn*s iuttustri* t^f ym/ocns 

.J fy Mlye],MalloDstail]. LomiaM, Printed for MkkatU Sf-ark< mmd Smmmtt Cmrt- 

'he ILnr^ard CoIIeijf cfTpy iif ihc AfHtdiifinrnl tn Plantm, 1611. 
liy SwBLTT. of the Cn.i i>t;<ti* wasalM»aheruiI for Vkaiik 10 suit this condition, but 
-c'rsc that a third x had t«cn inserted in the name of /W«*iM, Tfcb allcted 
la isMtu<X lii J. S. Tbnhkiu'» itUt n/Skoalt, New York, 1S73. 





lation of such occur- 
rences and accidents of noate as 

hath hapned in Virginia since the first 

planting of that Collony, which is now 

resident in the South part thereof, tUl 

the last returnc from 


[Til* ucripcloa oa the TUlC'pas^ that wcr« prolMbly 6rst printed ; 

fi^ritUn by a Gentleman of the said Collony^ to a worshipfull 
friend of his in England.] 

lAacrfptioa on what were probably the second Title-pascs (as in the two British Muscaiu 
coptcs. C- 33. c. 35 aim) Crcnville 7,iai), specifying some Author, though the wrong ooe. 

H^riUen by Th. Watson. Gent, one of the said Collony ^ to a 
worshipfull friend of his in England.] 

lAscriptioo on the correeled final Title-pages, Usoed with the Prt/uet on /^. j^I 

Written by Captain Smith, Coronell of the said Collony^ to a 
worshipfull friend of his in England. 


Printed for John Taf/re, and are to bee solde at the Grey- 
hound in Paules-Church-yard, by /f. /f, 

£mg, SCff, LIB. No. IQ. I 


Eatved for clKirceMe v««( 
Wtlsov tmd -nMmmx^m 

A inte reJmmm tf mtdkr da 
mctiiit nhtWmHemt Aa— m^ptmi^ m $Tt»imm tywcr 
the Jim fimmtmgt 0f Umt CMm^t wJk£jk it 
residaU im /Me jmAI >«r«f df HMm ttH m^ittr 
Nmlsoxm cpmmimgr dm rn y /rtm mam^ A^* vjdL 
A Tranicrjpt </ tiu Rma^rs tf ike C^mt^m iff S^tJimrrt 0f 
Limdcm^ 1554-1640 A,D.^ £0. by E. AitBER, iii. 38^ InilnB, lS;6» 

For the bibliof^rapbr of this Tract, see jl gddl 

This ReUtiion is noutirsg but ui ardinuy "ponphlet of aevs^* amI 

is carelessly prinred. 

Mr. Chakles Deaxe, at/, xir of his rcpnot of 1866, states : 

"Tins litiJe black-letier quarto has for a long time been considered 
'rare' among book-collectors, although at the present time I know of six 
copies in thiscounir>'[^- S.A\ Five of these 1 have bad the privilege 
of examining. In the library of Colonel Aspikwall, late Consul of 
the United States in London, which was receatly purchased by Mr. 
ISARTOW, of New York, is a copy with a Smith title page, and ex- 
plan.'itor>' preface. Mr. James Lenox, of New York, also has a copy 
like that. Mr. John Carter Brown, of Providence, R.I., has a 
copy, with the iVaison title page, in a manuscript fac-umiie, and 
without the explanatory preface. A copy with the Watson title, and 
also with the preface^ is in the library of the New York Historical 
Society. A copy wanting the title page, and also the preface, is in 
the library' of Harvard College. 

" Mr, Lenox has within a few months [1876] received from London 
D second copy of this tract, differing in its title page from either of 
the others described. It has neither the name of ..Sw/Mnor of Watson 
on the title page, but simply the words, By a Gctxtieman. It also 
conliitns the cxpl.inatnry prcrace. 

**Thc text of nil these copies is the same, there never having been 
but one edition. The leaves are not paged."] 

To the Courteous Reader. 

Purteous, Kind, and indifferent Readers, whose 
willingnesse to reade and heare this following 
discourse, doth explaine to the world your 
hearty affection, to the prosecuting and further- 
ance of so worthy an action : so it is, that like to an vn- 
skilfull actor, who hauing by misconstruction of his right 
Cue, ouer-slipt himselfe, in beginning of a contrary part, 
and fearing the hateful! hisse of the captious multitude, 
with a modest blush retires himselfe in priuate; as doubt- 
ing the reprehension of his whole audience in publicke, 
and yet againe vpon further deliberation^ thinking it better 
to know their censures at the first, and vpon submission 
to reape pardon, then by seeking to smother it, to incurre 
the danger of a secret' scandall : Imboldening himselfe 
vpon the curteous kindnesse of the best, and not greatly 
respecting the worst, comes fourth againe, makes an 
Apollogie for himselfe, shewes the cause of his error, 
craues pardon for his rashnes, and in fine, receiues a 
generall applauditie of the whole assemblie : so I gentle 
Readers, happening vpon this relation by chance (as I 
take it, at the second or third hand) induced thereunto 
by diuers well willers of tlie] action, and none wishing 
better towards it then my sclfe, so farre foorth as my 
poore abilitie can or may stretch too, I thought good to 
publish it : but the Author being absent from the 
presse, it cannot be doubted but that some faults haue 
escaped in the printing, especially in the names of 
Countries, Townes, and People, which are somewhat 
strange vnto vs ; but most of all, and which is the chiefe 
error, (for want of knowledge of the Writer) some of the 
bookes were printed vnder the name of Thomas WaisoUj by 
whose occasion I know not, vnlesse it were the ouer rash- 
oessc, or mistaking of the workemen [i.e., the printers], but 



4 [Tfu Preface issued with tite Smith Titk-page, 

[1608] since hauing learned that the saide discourse u*as written 
by Captaine Smith, who is one of the Counsel! there in 
Virginia : I thought good to make the like Apollogic, by 
shewing the true Author so farre as my sclfe could leame, 
not doubting, but that the wise noting it as an error of 
ignorance, will passe it ouer with patience; and if worthy 
an applauditie, to reserue it to the Author, whose paincs 
in my iudgement deserueth commendations ; somewhat 
more was by him \*Titlen, which being as I thought (fit to 
to be priuate) I would not aduentureto make it publicke[.] 
what more may be expected concerning the scituation of 
the Country, the nature of the clime, number of our people 
there resident, the manner of theirgouemraent,and liuing^ 
the commodities to be produced, and the end and efiect it 
may come too, I can say nothing more then is here written ; 
only what I haue learned and gathered from the generall 
consent of all (that I haue conueraed withall) aswell 
marriners as others, which haue had implo>'ment that 
way; is that the Country' is excellent and pleasant, the 
clime temperate and health full, the ground fertill and good^ 
the commodities to be expected (if well followed) many» 
for our people, the worst being already past, these former 
hauing indured the heate of the day, whereby those that 
shall succeede, may at ease labour for their profit, in the 
most sweete, coole, and temperate shade : the action most 
honorable, and the end to the high glory of God, to the 
erecting of true religion among In&dells, to the ouer- 
throw of superstition and idolatrie, to the winning of many 
thousandsof vi-andring sheepe,%'ntoChrists fold,w^honow,and 
till now, haue stra^'ed in the vnknowne paths of Paganisme^ 
Idolatrie, and superstition : yea, I say the Action being 
well followed, as by the grauc Senators, aud worthy 
aduentarors. it hath becne worthily b^unne : will tend to 
the euerlasting renowne of our Nation, and to the exceed- 
ing good aikd benefit of our Weale publicke in generall : 
whose Counselts, laboors, godlv and industrious endc- 
HOOTS, I beseech the mightie iJtouak to blesse, prosper, 
mod furthefi with his heaueoly aydc, and holy assistance* 

/. B. 

I'rue relation of such occurrences 

and accidents of note, as hath hapned at Vir" 
na^ since the first planting of that Collony, 

tubich h now residint in the South p.trt _---^~— -. 

thereof, till the Utt returnc. J 

Inde Sift commendations rcmembred, &c. [1607] 
You shall vnderstand that after many 
crosses in the do>vnes by tempests^ 
wee arriued safely vppon the Southwest 
part of the great Canaries : within 
foure or fiue daies aftpr we set saile 
for Dominica, the 26, of Aprill : the t/Asi.jB?! 
first land we made, wee fell with Cape 
Henryt the verle mouth of the Bay of Chisdapiacke, which 
at that present we little expected, hauing by a cruell 
stormc bene put to the Northward: 

Anchoring in this Bay twentie or thirtie went a shore 
with the Captain, and in comming aboard [o» land]^ they 
were assalted with certaine Indians, which charged them 
within Pistoll shot : in which conilict, Captaine A rcher and 
MatlKW Morion were shot: wherupon Captaine Newport ^^•'^'-^^^ 
seconding them, made a shot at them, which the Indians 
little respected, but hauing spent their arrowes retyred 
without harme. And in that place was the Box opened, [>.9«-l 
wbexin the Counsell for Virginia was nominated : and 

Newes from Virginia, [.j«»fr- 

J. Sniih. 
t] ABC. x6oft. 

[I607I aniuing at the place IJames Town] where wee are now seated, 
lA9«-J the Counsell was sworn, and the President elected, which 
for that yeare was Maister Edm, Maria Wing field, where 
was made choice for our scituation, a verie 5t place for the 
erecting of a great cittie, about which some contention 
passed betwixt Captaine Wingfitld and Capiaine Gosnoldi 
notvx-ithstanding, all our provision wtis brought a shore, 
and with as much speede as might bee wee went about our 
Ul^»^3»ri The two and twenty day of Aprill {or rather May 1607^ 
Captain Srtcf>ort and ray selfe with diuers others, to the 
number of twenty two persons, set forward to discouer the 
Riuer, some fiftie or sLxtte miles, finding it in some places 
broader, and in some narrower, the Countrie (for the moste 
part) on each side plaine high ground^ with many fresh 
Springes, the people in all places ktndely intreating vs. 


daunsingand feastingv3^^ith strawberries, Mulberies, Bread, J 
Fish, and other their Countrie prouisions wherof we had V 
plenty : for which Captaine Nnviori kindely requited their 
least fauours wth Bels, Pinnes, Needles, beades, or Glasses, 
which so contented them that his liberallitie made them 
follow Ts from place to place, and euer kindeJy to respect 
vs. In the midway staying to refresh our selues in a littlej 
lie fofurc or fiue sauages came vnio \-s which described vnto] 
r% the course of the Riuer, and after in our ioumey, they 
often met vs, trading with vs for soch prouisioo as wee had»j 
and arioine At y<rs«XaGbf,hee whom we supposed to bee 
chiefe King of all the rest, roocte kindely entertained 
linng vs in a guide to go with vs vp the Riaer to 
I, ol which place their great Emperor taketh his 
vrtoc he that they honored for Kiqg vsed vs kindely. 
Bttt to finish this discoaerie, «c passed on further, where 
withm an tie [« mak] wc were intercepted with great 
craggy stones in the midst of the rioer, where the water 
fidfteth so nadely* and with soch a vwlencc, as not any boat 
can possihly passe, and so bread dispcraeth the streame, 
as there is not past fine or aixe Foote at a low water, and 
to the shore scarce passage with a bsige, the water 
fiiote, and the freshes by reason of the Rocfces 
Mttes of the in wdafi n n^ &or 9. foote: The 
s flame low gnmnd» and the nocth side hi^ 

JP ■ Jnii^-13 Auf. i6ofi 

J. Smith."! 

N ewes from Virginia* 


ines, the rockcs being of a grauelly nature, interlaced ] [1607] 

ith many vains of glistring spangles. 

That niglit we returned to Powhaian : the next day 
(being Whitsunday after dinner) we returned to the fals, 
leauing a mariner in pawn with the Indians for a guide of 
theirs, hee that they honoured for King followed vs by the 
riuer. That afternoone we triHed in looking vpon the 
Rockes and riuer (further he would not goe) so there we 
erected a crosse, and that night taking our man at 
Powhatans, Captaine Newport congratulated his kindcnes 
with a Gown and a Hatchet: returning io Arscicckc, and 
stayed there the next day to obserue the height [latitude] 
therof, and so with many signes of loue we departed. 

The next day the Queene of Agamatack kindely intreated 
vs, her people being no lesse contented then the rest, and 
from thence we went to another place (the name whereof 
I doe not remember) where the people shewed vs the 
manner of their diuing for Mussels, in which they iinde 
Fearles, " ' 

That night passing by Weanock some twentie miles from 
our Fort, they according to their former churlish condition, 
seemed little to affect vs, but as wee departed and lodged 
at the point of Weanocke, the people the next morning 
seemed kindely to content vs, yet we might perceiue many 
signes of a more lealousie in them then before, and also 
the Hinde that the King of Arseteck had giuen vs, altered 
his resolution in going to our Fort, and with many kinde 
circumstances left vs there. This gaue vs some occasion 
to doubt some mischiefe at the Fort, yet Captaine Ncufori 
intended to haue visited Paspalicfrh and Tappahanockc, but 
the instant change of the winde being faire for our return 

e repaired to the fort with all speed [27 A/fl>'j, where the ''V-! 
_rsl we heard was that 400. Indians the day before [26 May] 
had assalted the fort, and supprised it, had not God (beyond 
al their expectations) by meanes of the shippes (at whom 
they shot with their Ordinances and Muskets) caused ihem 
to retire, they had entred the fort with our own men, which 
were then busied in setting Corne, their armes beeing then 

driefats and few ready but certain Gentlemen of their 

vn, in which conflict, most of the Counsel was hurt, a boy 

slaine in the Pinnas, and thirteene or fourteene more hurt. 

N ewes from Virginia. [, 

J. SmliV 
■x] Ang. 160B- 

. With all speede we pallisadoed onr Fort : (each other 
|W day) for sixe or seauen daies we had alarums by ambus- 

cadoes, and four or fiue cruelly wounded by being abroad : 

the Indians losse wee know not, but as they report three 

were slain and diuers hurt- 

Captaine Nrufori hauing set things in order, set saile 

for England the 22 of June [1607], Icauing prouision for 

13. or 14 weeks. 

The day before the Ships departure, the King of Patnau 
[i.f., Opechancanou^h] sent the Indian that had met vs bei 
in our discouerie, to assure vs peace ; our fort being then 
palisadoed round» and all our men in good health and com- 
fort, albeit, that lhro[u1gh some discontented humors, it did 
not so long continue. For the President and Captaine 
GotHoU, with the rest of the Counscll, being for the moste 
part discontented with one another, in so much, that things 
were neither carried with that discretion nor any busines 
effected in such good sort as wisdome would, nor our owne 
good and safetie required, whereby, and through the hard 
dealing of our President, the rest of the counsell beeing 
diuerslie affected through his audacious commaund; and 
for Captaine .A/^W'm, albeit verie honest, and wishing j]ic 
best good, yet sosicke and wcake; and my sclfe so disgrac'd 
through others malHce: through which disorder God (being 
angrie with vs) plagued vs with such famin and sicknes, 
that the huing were scarce able to bury the dead : our 
want of sufficient and good victualls, with continuall 
watching, fourc or fiue each night at three Bulwarkes, 
being the chiefe cause : onely of Sturgion wee had great 
store, whereon our men would so greedily surfct, as it 
cost manye their Hues : the Sack, Aquauitie, and other 
preseruatiues for our health, being kept onely in the 
Presidents hands, for his owne diet, and his few associates. 
Shortly after Captaine G<?5no/J fell sicke, and within 
three-wfetles "died. Captaine Raklxffc heing'then also 
Vine sickc and weake, ahH my selTe hauing also tasted of 
the extremitie therof, but by Gods assistance being well 
recouered. KcnMl about this time, for diuers reasons 
deposed from being of the Councell : and shortly after jj 
pleased God (in our extremity) to moue the Indians ' 



J. Sfniih."] 
a JnDe~>3 Aug, 1608.J 

N ewes from Virginia, 

bring vs Corne, ere it was halfe ripe, to refresh vs, [1607] 
when we rather expected when they would destroy vs : 
^_^ About the tenth of September there was about 46. of 
^fcur men dead, at which time Captaine IVin^cld hauing 
^Krdred the affaires in such sort that he was generally 
^■laled of all, in which respect with one consent he was 
^beposed from his presidencies and Captaine Raidijfc 
HSccording fo his course was elected. 

Our prouision being now within twentie dayes spent, 
the Indians brought vs great store both of Come and 
bread ready made : and also there came such aboundance 
of Fowles into the Riuers, as greatly refreshed our weake 
estates, wherevppon many of our weake men were presently 
able to goe abroad* 

As yet we had no houses to couer vs, our Tents were 
ttten, and our Cabbins worse then nou^^ht : our best 
jommoditie was Yron which we made into little chissels. 
The presidentTs], and Captaine Marlins stcknes, con- [//-s^.iv*-! 
trayned me to be Cape Marchant, and yet to spare no 
laines in making houses for the company ; who notwith- 
landing our misery, little ceased their mallice, grudging, 
id muttering. 

As at this time were most of our chiefest men either 
ncke or discontented, the rest being in such dispaire, as 
"ley would rather starue and rot with idlenes, then be 

irswaded to do any thing for their owne rclicfe without 

•nstraint ; our victualles being now within eighteene 

laycs spent, and the Indians trade decreasing, I was sent if/-^^u 

to the mouth of the riuer. to Kff^quouh tan an Indian Towne, 

trade for Corne, and try the riuer for Fish, but our 

Ishing we could not effect by reason of the stormy 

reather. The Indians thinking vs neare famished, with 

irelesse kindnes, offred vs liille pieces of bread and small 
landfulls of beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of 

ipper: In like manFn'er I entertained their kindnes, and in 
ike scorne offered them like commodities, but the Children, 

any that shewed extraordinary kindnes, I liberally con- 
tnted with free gifte "^of] such trifles as wel contented them. 

Finding this colde comfort, I anchored before the Towne, 
and the next day returned to trade, but God (the absolute 


Newes from Virginia, 

r j.saith. 

[X807] disposer of all heartes) altered their conceits, for now 
they were no lesse desirous of our commodities then we 
of their Corne : vnder colour to fetch fresh water, I sent 
a man to discouer the Towne, their Come, and force, to 
trie their intent, in that they desired me vp to their 
houses: which well vnderstanding, with foure shot I visited 
them. With fish, oysters, bread, and deere, they kindlyj 
traded with mc and my men, beeing no lesse in doubt o(j 
my intent, then I of theirs ; for well I might with twentic 
men haue fralghted a Shlppe with Corne: The Towne 
conteineth eighteene houses, pleasantly seated vpon three 
acres of ground, vppon a plaine, halfe inuironed with a 
great Bay of the great Riuer, the other parte with a 
Baye of the other Riuer falling into the great Bayo, with^j 
a little He fit for a Castle in the mouth thereof, the Towne 
adv3yning to the maine by a necke of Land of sixtie yardes. 
AVith sixtecne bushells of Corne I returned towards ourj 
Forte : by the way I encountrcd with two Canowes of] 
Indians, who came aboord me, being the inhabitants of, 
IM96.393 1 Moaroskoyack, a kingdome on the south side of the riuer^ 
which is in breadth 5. miles and 20 mile or neare from 
the mouth : With these I traded, who hauing but theif j 
hunting prouision, requested me to returne to their Towne, 
^K where I should load my boat with come : and with near 

^H thirtie bushells I rctumed to the fort, the very name 

^B wherof gaue great comfort to our dcspa[ijring company : 

^H Time thus passing away, and hauing not aboue 14. 

^^ dales victuals left, some motions were made about our 

l>y.w.3M.i presidents \Capiainc Ratcliffc^s] and Caplaine-rlrfA^r5 going 

for England, to procure a supply: in which meane time 

^^ we had reasonably fitted vs with houses. And our Pre- 

^ft sident and Captaine Martin being able to walk abroad, with 

^H much adoe it was concluded, that the pinnace and barge 

^H should goe towards Powhatan^ to trade for corne : 

^H Lotts were cast who should go in her, the chance was 

^H mine; and while she was a rigging, I made a voiage to 

^B Topohanackt where arriuing, there was but certain women 

^V and children who fled from their houses, yet at last I 

drew them to draw neere ; truck they durst not, come 

they had plenty, and to spoile I had no commission : 


• Juna — 13 Aiiff. 

ig?SS:] Neivesfrom Virginia, 

In my retume to [at] Paspahegh, I traded with that 
churlish and trcchcrous nation : hauing loaded 10 or 12 
bushels of come, lliey offred to take our pieces and 
swords, yet by stelth, but [we] seeming to dishke it, they 
were ready to assault vs : yet standing vpon our guard, in 
coasting the shore, diuers out of the woods would meet 
with vs with corn and trade. But least we should be 
constrained, either to indure ouermuch wronj; or directly 
[to] fal to reuenge, seeing them dog vs from place to 
place, it being night, and our nccessilie not fit for warres, 
we tooke occasion to retume with 10 bushells Of come: 

Captaine Martin after made 2 iournies to that nation 
^mpi PaspaJicghf but cache time returned with 8. or 10. bushells. ^' 

All things being now ready for my ioumey to Powhatan^ 
for the performance thereof, I had 8. men and my selfe for 
the barge, as well for discouerie as trading ; [and in] the 
innace, 5. Marriners, and 2. landmen to take in our 
dings at conuenient places. 

The of Nouember I set forward for the discouery cf 

e country o{ Chik[a]hamaniay leauinf;,^ the pinnace the next 

Id^ to foUowe, and stay for my comming at Point wcanock^ 

o miles from our fort : the mouth of this riuer falleth 

to the great riuer at Paspahegh^ S miles abouc our fort : 

That aftemoone 1 stayed the eb[b] in the bay of Pas- 

hcgh with the Indians: towards the euening certaine 

ndtans ha[i]Ied me, one of them being of Chikahamania, 

ffred to conduct me to his country, the Ptispahcgheans 

dged therat : along we went by mooneli^hi ; at mid- 

ight he brought vs before his Towne, desiring one of our 

men to go vp with him, whom he kindely jntcrtaincd, and 

returned back to the barge : 

The next morning I went vp to the towne, and shewed 

them what copper and hatchets they sho[ujld haue for 

corne, each family seeking to giue me most content : so 

ng they caused me to stay that 100 at least was 

pecting my comming by the riuer, with come. What I 

ked, I bought; and least they should perceiue my too great 

ant, I went higher vp the riuer: 

This place is called Matwsqttosick, a quarter of a mile 





Nemffs from Virgimiiu 

from the riucr, conteining thbtie or fortie hooses, Nppa 
an exceeding high land ; at the foote of the hill tovtanl 
the river, is a plaine wood, ^%atercd iA*ith many springe< 
which fall twentie yardes right dovmc into the riuel 
Right against the same is a great marsh, of 4. or 5. milti 
circuit, deuided in 2 Ilands, by the parting of the riuel 
abounding with fish and foule of all sorts : 

A mile from thence is a Toi%*ne called OnMiodkr. J 
further discouered the Townes of AftficM, ApanaoA 
Weraupokofu, and Mamanakunt. >vas] at eche place kinde^ 
vscd: especially at the last, being the hart of the Country 
where were assembled 200. people with such aboundanQ 
of come, as hauing tadcd our barge, as also I might haw 
laded a ship. ^ 

I return^ toPosjhaAA^A^andconsidering the wantofCunit 
at oar Fort, it being night, with the ebb, by midnight ! 
ariued at our fort, where I found our Pinn^a^isrun aground' 

The next morning I vnladed seauen hogshcds inti 
our store* l 

The next morning I returned againe: the second day ', 
ariued at Mainanahunt^ wher^ej the people hauing heard 4I 
my comming, were ready with 3 or 400. baskets htle an| 
great, of which hauing laded my barge, with many signc 
of great kindnes I returned : 

At my departure they requested me to hear our pieces 
being in the midst of the riuer ; which in regard of tb 
eccho seemed a peale of ordnance. Many birds and fowle 
they see vs dayly kil that much feared them. So destrou 
of trade wer^e; they, that they would follow me with thci 
canowes; and for any thing, giue it me, rather then retumt 
it back. So I vnladed again 7 or 8. hogsheads at our for| 

Hauing thus by Gods assistance gotten good store t 
come, notwithstanding some bad spirits not content wilj 
Gods prouidence, still grew mutinous; in so much, th4 
our president hauing occasion to chide the smith [Jamb* 
Read, the Blacksmith] for his misdeamcnour, he not onl' 
gaue him bad language, but also offred to strike him witj 
some of his tooles. For which rebellious act, the smitJ 
was by a lury condemned to be hanged, but being vppoi 

j«>-.3 A-Lg^Tiil] Neivesfrom Virginia, 1 3 

^^eladder, continuingveryobstinateashopingvpon arescue. [1607] 
^hen he saw no other way but death with him, he became 
Penitent, and declared a dangerous conspiracy : for which, 
Captaine Kendall^ as principal, was by a lury condemned, IA97I 
and shot to death. 

T'his conspiracy appeased, I set forward for the dis- 
coxjery of the Riuer [ofj Checka Hamattia. This third time I 
^*^couered the Townes of Matapamient, Morinogh, Ascacap, 
^pysenock, Rigkkahattck, Neckanichock, Maiialunt^ Attamm- 
i^^tcke, and diuers others : their plenty of corne I found 
*^creased, yet lading the barge, I returned to our fort. 

Our store being now indifferently wel prouided with 
Corne, there was much adoe for to haue the pinace goe for 
England, against which Captain Martin and my selfe 
Mood chiefly against it : and in fine after many debatings 
Pro et contra^ it was resolued to stay a further resolution : 

This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this dis- 
couery, which as yet I had neglected in regard of the 
.necessitie we had to take in prouision whilst it was to be 
tad. 40. miles I passed vp the riuer, which for the 
lost part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham and 
half deep, exceedy oMsey, many great low marshes, and 
lany high lands, especially about the midst at a place 
iHed Moysonicke, a Peninsnlc of 4. miles ci[r]cuit, betwixt 
'O riuers ioyned to the main by a neck of 40. or 50. 
•ds, and 40. or 50 yards from the high water marke : 
In both sides in the very necke of the maine, are high 
tills and dales, yet much inhabited, the He declining in a 
^laine fertile come field, the lower end a low marsh. 
!ore plentie of swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and 
mallards, and diuers sorts of fowles, none would desire : 
lore plaine fertile planted ground, in such great prof>or- 
ms as there, 1 had not scene; of a light blacke sandy 
lould, the cliffes commonly red, white, and yellowe 
iloured sand, and vnder, red and white clay; fish [in] 
•eat plenty, and people [inj aboundance : the most of 
leir inhabitants, in view of the neck of Land, where a 
ttter seat for a towne cannot be desired ; 


Newes from Virginia^ [,j. 

J. SmitK 
13 Auc. iteS. 

tA 98.1 

At the end of forty miles, this riuer inuironcth many 
low Hands at each high water drowned, for a mile, where 
it vnitelh it selfe at a place called Apokant, the highest 
Towne inhabited. h 

10, miles hii^her, I discouered with the barge : in the V 
raid way, a greate tree hindered my passage, which I cut " 
in two. Heere the riuer became narrower, 8. 9 or 10. 
foote at a high water, and 6, or 7. at a lowe : the streame 
exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channel! : the 
ground, most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This 
occasioned me to suppose it might issue from some lake or 
some broad ford, for it could not be far to the head, but 
rather then I would endanger the barge [t.^., by ^oittg up 
with it further]. Vet to haue beene able to rcsoluc this 
doubt, and to discharge the imputation[sl of malicious 
tung[ejs, that halfe suspected I durst not, for so long 
delaying: some of the company as desirous as my self, 
we resolued to hier a Canow, and retume with the barge 
to Apocanty there toleaue the barge secure, and put our 
selues upon the aduenture ; the country onely a vast and 
wilde wildcrnes, and but onely that Towne : 

Within three or foure mile, we hired a Canow, and 2. 
Indians to row vs the next day a fowling. Hauing made 
such prouision for the barge as was needfull, I left her 
there [ai Apocant] to ride, with expresse charge not any 
[one] to go ashore til my retume. 

Though some wise men may condemn this too bould 
attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider 
the friendship of the Indians in conducting me, the deso- 
lateness of the country, the probabilitie of some lacke [i.e., mg 
lake], and the malicious iudges of my actions at home [i»e,, H 
James Town], as also to haue some matters of worth to 
incourage our aduenturers in england, [these] might well 
haue caused any honest minde to haue done the iikcj as fl 
well for his own discharge as for the publikc good : H 

Hauing 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own 
company, I set forward, leauing 7 in the barge : 

Hauing discouered 20 miles further in this desart, the 
riuer sti! kept his depth and bredlh, but [was] much more 
combred with trees ; 

Here we went ashore (being some 12 miles higher then 

J. Smith 
-Z3 Aug. i6oa 

:] New€$ from Virginia, 

the barge had bene) to refresh our selues, during the 
boyling of our viic]tuah : One of the Indians I tooke with 
me, to see the nature of the soile, and to crosse the 
boughts \wxndingi\ of the riuer : the other Indian I left 
•with Maister Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their 
matches Iight[ed], and order to discharge a peece, for my 
retreat, at the first sight of any Indian. 

But within a quarter of an hourc I heard a loud cry, and 
a hollowing of Indians, but no warning pecce- Supposing 
them surprised, and that the Indians had belraifejd vs^ pre- 
sently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in 
a garter, with my pistoll ready bent to be reuengcd on him : 
he aduisedmeto fly, and seemed ignorant of what was done, 
But as we went discoursing, I w^as struck with an arrow 
on the right thigh, but without harme : vpon this occasion 
I espied 2. Indiansdrawing their bowes, which I prcuented 
in discharging a french pistoll : 

By that I had charged againe, 3 or 4 more did the like : for 
the first fell downe and fled: At my discharge, they did the 
like. My hinde [Indian] I made mybarricado, who offered 
not to striue. 20, or 30. arrowcs were shot at me but short. 
3 or 4 times I had discharged my pistoll ere the king of 
Pamaunck called Opcckankfnough with 200 men, inuironed 
me» eache drawing their bowe : which done they laid them 
[ihcmstlves] vpon the ground, yet without shot [shooting] : 

My hinde treated betwixt them and me of conditions of 
peace ; he discouered me to be the Captaine : my request 
was to retire to the boate : they demaunded my armes, the 
rest they saide were slainc, onely me they would reserue : 
The Indian importuned me not to shoot. In retiring 
being in the midst of a low quagmire, and minding them 
more then my steps, I stept fast into the quagmire, and 
I also the Indian in drawing me forth : 

Thus surprised, I resolucd to trie their mercies: my 
armes I caste from me, till which none durst approch me. 
Being ceazcd on mc, they drew me out and led me to 
the King, I presented him with a compasse diall, describ- 
ing by my best mcancs the vse therof: whereat he so 
Lama^edly admired, as he suffered me to proceed in a 
discourse of the roundnes of the earth, the course of the 
sunne, moone, starres and plannets. 


l/A 16, rail 
3^ 401.1 


1/ 396-1 


from Vir^niA. 

With kinde speeches and bread he reqtdted mc, con- 
j^^,^ Joctmg me where the Caoo w lay and lohrn R Mimae m alaia^ 
10^ «M.i villi JO or 50. arrovres in him. Emry I saw not. 

I pcPLcii i td by the aboondanoe of tres all ouer the woods 
[Ik son* fafwm JkrvTp that they were a paity hanlmg decr» 
^M#«37'>*"70>>j AteachpUce I expected wfaea they woold 
riwtfi gt j c t th^Tsed me with what kJaJaes they coold: 
JkopraachisgtfaetrTowiie [Rttsvracft^ which wss within 
ftmflea wlKte I was taken, ooely made as arbon and cooered. 
with aBafts» which they rem o ne as occaiao*i ra|iiircs : 
Ike women and chiUren, being adacvtiscd of this 
came fioocth to meet them, the Kioc IP^htmnrnprn^k} 
wrth ao bowmen 5 iaack and nar, and 

nrofd and a pcece, and after him the 

then I on each hand a boweman, the 

iciare lea iiMiffth uraitng^t 

the tjccs m a bi^non. cache Us bowc and a *»«"*^ft«'i c( 

a gainer at his back grimly painted : 00 enche 

a aagmntft the one ninninR ahmka to w ards the 

the Bthar Ui w ai d s tha i ■ m t . andh n tit nnoe and ia 


13 Aog. 160B 

i] NeiQes from Virginia. 



Acquaint me with, as of certaine men cloathed at a place 
'■'^llcd OcanaJwuau, cloathed like me : the course of our 
*"' uer, and that within 4 or 5 daies iourney of the falles, was 
^ great turning of salt water : 

I desired he would send a messenger to Paspahcgh [the 
district in which James Town was situated], with a letter I (/*• w-l 
'^'ould write, by which they shold vnderstand how kindly 
"^hey vsed me, and that I was well, least they should 
^■"euenge my death. This he granted and sent three men, , 

in such weather as in reason were vnpossible by any naked I 

to be indured. Their cruell mindes towards the fort I 
haddeucrted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in 
the fields, as also the reuenge Captain Newport would take 
of them at hisreturne. Their intent, I incerted the fort, 
fas also ofj the people of Ocanahvnum and the back sea : 
this report they after found diuers Indians that confirmed : 
_ The next dayafter my letter, canne a saluage tomy lodging [/. 397-1 
Wflfiiill at Rasawrack]^ with his sword, to haue slaine me : but 
■•'being by my guard intercepted, with a bowe and arrow he 
offred to haue effected his purpose : the cause I knew not, 
till the King vnderstanding thereof came and told me of a 
man a dying, wounded with my pistoll : he tould me also 
of another I had slayne, yet the most concealed they had 

tny hurte: This was the father of him I had slayne, . 

rhose fury to preuent, the King presently conducted me 
D another Kingdome, vpon the top of the next northerly 
iuer, called Youghtanan, 
Hauing feasted me, he further led me to another branch 1/. 39«-l 
f the riuer, called Mattapamcnt ; to two other hunting 
jwnes they led me : and to each of these Countries, a 
ouse of the great Emperour of PcwhakaHj whom as yet I 
supposed to bee at the Fal[l]s ; to him I tolde him I must 1 

i^oe, and so returne to Paspahef^h, 
After this foure or fiuedayes marsh [march], we returned 
D Rasawrack, the first townc they brought me too [see p» 
42] : where binding the Mats in hundels, they marched two 
ayes iourney, and crossed the Riuer of YoughtauaUf where 
t was as broad as Thames i so conducting me to a place 
ailed Meuapacuic in Pamannke, where the King inhabited. 
The next day another King of that nation called 
lekataugh, hauing receiued some kindnes of me at the Fort, 
ElfS, SCM, LtB, Ko. 16. Z 




IftWajTW^ I UgMMtg, [, 


nKf iclwTwJ thf fnf , 

to a 

of tbis was. dot tl»e jfCtte bdbre, 
ID tnc Kiimrf J^MM— ii^ wlvk ^*^ni nj» 




teoke of bis peopie^aiid tbcT SB^posed 
I VUL hec Bat the people repmted lini 3o be7 a ereat 
pyrf OMB that was [the] Captnne, and vsifl^ m^ knily» 
tbe aezt day we departed. 

Tkb Siocr of Tcfmhmmek aecmeth ia braMi not mocb 
kaae then tbat we dwell Tpoo. At tbe mooth of tbe Rhaer 
n a rwrt ii j called CmUatm wcmgmz ^pm^ b JfarmuHb 

Ti/iii iiiliii.Ae beal issn^inm m^lloataiaes. 

Tbe next ai^it I lodged at a banting town of P^mJ^immt^ 
asd tbe next da J amoed at ITaraMODMaea Tpoo tite riner 
of P^ tmt mrkr, where tbe great km^ k resident. By tbe 
way we pesKd ^ tbe top of axn^er Gttle racr, wbkh ^ 
hctwnt tbe two, caDed AgnttloteaL Tbe bos! of t^^^ 
CooCfy M Adjovgb Desert, >et exceeding fcrtO ; good 
r tiioliii,»ootlyThasanddries,meachvaIleYacratallspcing, 
a^ AxTining at Wgramoctman ;?«n at aftfwf's jMs i j x6o8]i 
^m *gr F wp r ftwrfly lying yppoe a BUstcad a foote 


J. SmitS 
s June — 13 Aug. 160S. 

;] Newes from Virginia, 


high, vpon tenne or twelue Mattes, richly hung with manie [1608] 
Chaynes of great Pearlcs about his necke, and couered 
■with a great Couering of Kahau^hcums. At [his] heade sat 1/400.] 
a woman, at his feete another ; on each side sitting vppon 
a Matte vppon the ground, were raunged his chiefe men on 
each side the fire, tenne in a ranke,andbehindethemasmany 
yongwomen, each[withl agrcatChaineofwhitcBeadesouer 
their shoulders, their heades painted in redde : and [Powlia- 
tan] with such agraueandMaiesticall countenance, as draue 
me into admiration to see such state in a naked Saluage. 
Hee kindly welcomed me with good \Vordes, and great 
Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, 
and my libertie within foure days. Hee much delighted 
in Opeckan Covtonghs relation of what I had described to 
him, and oft examined me vpon the same. 
Hee asked mee the cause of our comming. 
I tolde him being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, 
, becing oucrpowfejred, neare put to retreat, and by 
extreame weather put to this shore : where landing at 
Chesipiacky the people shot [at] vs, but at Kcquoiightan 
they kindly vsed vs : we by signes demaunded fresh 
water, they described vs vp the Riuer was all fresh 
water: at Paspahcgh also they kindly vsed vs : our 
Pinnia]sse being Ieak[i]e, we were inforced to stay 
to mend her, till Captaine Newport my father came 
to conduct vs away. 
He demaunded why we went further with our Boate. 
I tolde him, in that I would haue occasion to taike of the 
backe Sea, that on the other side the mainc, where was 
salt water. My father [».«., Newport} had a childc slaine, 
whiche wee supposed Monocan his eneraie [had done]: whose 
death we intended to reuenge. 

After good deliberation, hee began to describe [toj mee 
the Countreys beyonde the Falles, with many of the rest ; 
confirming what not onely Opcchancanoycs, and an Indian 
which had beene prisoner to Pcwhatan had before tolde 
mee : but some called it fine dayes, some sixc, some eight, 
where the sayde water dashed amongest many stones and 
rockcs, each storm; which caused oft t\Tnes the heade of 
the Kiuer to bee brackish : 
Atuhanachuck he described to bee the people that had 


Naves from Virginia^ 

[1608] slaine my brother : whose death bee would reuenge. Hee 
described also vpon the same Sea, a mighty Nation called 
Pocotigkiramack, a fierce Nation that did cate men* and 
wamd with the people of MoraoKur aad Paiaromcrk<, 
Nations vpon the toppe of the headc of the Bay, vnder his 
territories : where the yeare before they had slain an 
hundred. He signiiied their crow-nes were shauen, long 
haire in the nccke, tied on a knot. Swords like PoUaxes. 

Bejond them, he described people with short Coatea, 
and Sieeues to the Elbowes, that passed that way in 
Shippes like ours. Many Kingdomes bee described [to,^ 
mee, to the heade of the Bay, which seemed to bee a 
mightie Riuer issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt 
the two Seas : The people cloathed at Orammkommm, he also 
confirmed; and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest 
that reported vs to be within a day and a halie of Mamgogc, 
two dayes of Chammamock, 6. from Roonock^ to the south 
part of the backe sea : He described a countrie called 
Anon€^ where thc>' haue abundance of Brasse, and houses 
walled as ours. 

I requited his discourse (seeing what pride hee had in 
his great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee 
knewe were A-nder his Territories) in describing to him, 
the territories of Europe, which was subiect to our great 
King whose subject I was, the innumerable multitude of 
his ships, I gaue him to \-nderstand thenoyseof Trumpets, 
and terrible manner of fighting [that' were vtider captain 
Ntwpori my father: whom 1 intituled the A/«voraMes, which 
they call the King of all the waters. At hts greatnesse» 
he admired : and not a little feared. He desired mee >.tf., (he 
Englisk] to forsake Paspakigk [i^^, J^mes Toich\ and to 
i^«n: liue with him vpon his Kiuer^ a Countrie called Capa 
Homasickt, Hee promised to giue me Come, Venison, or 
what I wanted to fecdc vs: Hatchets and Copper wee 
should make him, and none should disturbe vs. 

This request I promised to performc: and thus, hauing 
with all the kindnes hee could deuisc, sought to content me, 
bee sent me home, with 4, men : one that \-suatly carried 
my Gowne and Knapsacke after me, two other loded witl^H 
bread, and one to accompanie me. ^^| 

This Riuer of Pamamnke is not past twelue mile from 

J. Smith, 
13 Aui;. i6o3 

] Neioes fro7n Virginia. 



that we dwell on, his course northwest and westerly as the 
other. WcraocomocQ is vpon salt water in bredth two mj'les, 
and so [the river! keepeth his course without any tarrying 
some twenty miles ; where at the parting of the fresh water 
and the salt, it diuideth it selfe into two partes, the one 
part to Gou^hland, as broad as Thames^ and nauigable with 
a Boate threescore or fourescore miles, and with a Shippe 
fiftie : excc£dinp[ly] crooked, and manie low grounds and 
inarishes, but inhabited with aboundance of warlike and 
tall people. The Countrey of Ycughtomam, of no lesse 
worth, onely it is lower; but all the soyle, a fatte, fertill, 
sandie ground. Aboue Manapacumter, many high sandie 
mountaines. By the Riucr is many Rockes, seeming, if 
not, of seuerall Mines. 

The other branch a little lesse in breadth, yet extendeth 
not neare so farre, nor so well inhabited, somewhat lower, 
and a white sandie, and a white clay soyle: here is their 
best Terra Sigillaia. The mouth of the Riuer, as I see 
[? saifff sfe p. 6] in the discouerie therof with captain 
Nac'Port, is halfc a mile broad, and within foure miles not 
aboue a Musket shot: the channell exceeding good and 
deepe, the Riuer straight to the deuisions. Kiskirk [is] the 
nearest Nation to the entrances. 

Their religion and Ceremonie I obserued was thus: 
Three or foure dayes [which would be at Rasawrack; but stated 
at p. 398 to have been at Pamaunkey] after my taking, seuen 
of them in the house where I lay, each with a rattle, began 
at ten a clocke in the morning to sing about the fire, which 
they inuironed with a Circle of meale, and after a foote or 
two from that, at the end of each song, layde downe two 
or three graines of whcate : continuing this order till they 
haue included sixe or seuen hundred in ahalfe Circle; and 

I after that, two or three more Circles in like maner, a hand 
bredth from other. That done, at each song, they put 
betwixt euerie three, two, or fiue graines, a little sticke; 
60 counting as an old woman her Pater noster. 
One di-iguiscd with a great Skinne, his head hung round 
with little Skinnes of Weasels and other Vtrmine, with a 
Crownet of feathers on his head, painted as vgly as the 
diuclt, at the end of each song will make many signes and 





ddsonstratiacis, with 
gnat caloesof Deere 
in the fixe: tfll 
howling wDold 

I Tobacco be castclh 
the Baenins^ **»w 
ere tbc^ WDBM depart- 

Each moratng in the coUest frosty the principal!, to the 
nombcr oi twcstiB or tfautie* ^mcaibked tfaemselaes in a 
raond circle, a goo' diiJaBfr firoai die towDe : where they 
told me the>- there coasnhed whcie to hunt the next day : 

So Cat theV fed mce, that 1 much doobCed they intended 
to haue sacrificed mee to the QmiyimghftuucM^^ which is a 
snperiour power they worship: a moce oglier thing cannot 
be described- One they haue for chief sacrifices, which 
also they call Qmiycttgkqmoskk. To core the sick, a man« 
with a Rattle, and extreame howling, sboMviing. singing, 
and such violent gestures and Anticke actions ouer the 
patient, will sucke out blood and fl^me from the patient, 
out of their >*nable stomacke, or any diseased place, as no 
labour wilt more tire them. 

Tobacco, they ofFcr the water in passing in fowle weather. 
The death of any they lament with great sorrow and 
weeping. Their Kings they burie betwixt two mattes 
within their houses, with all his beads, iewels, hatchets, 
and copper: the othe/in graues like ours. They acknow- 
ledge no resurrection. 

Powhatan hath three brethren, and two sisters, each of 
his brethren succeeded [sucuedeth or will succeed] other. 
For the Crowne, their heyres inherite not, but the first 
heyres of the Sisters, and so successiuely the weomens 
heires. For the Kin^s haue as many weomen as they will, 
his Subiects two, and most but one. 

From Wcramocomoco is but 12. miles, yet the Indians 
IA401 1 trifled away that day [7 Jan, 1608], and would not goe to 
our Forte by any perswasions: but in certaine oldc hunt- 
ing houses of Paspahegh we lodged all night. 

The next morning [8 Jan. i6o8] ere Sunne rise, we set 
tA* 98. 4o<l forward for our Fort, where we arriued within an houre: 
where each man with the truest signes of ioy they could 
expresse welcommed me, except Maister Archer, and some 
2. or 3. of his, who was then in my absence^ sworne Coun- 
scllour, though not with the consent of Captaine Martin : 

• June— 13 Aug. ifioB. 

J. Smiih."] 

Ncxues from Virginia. 




Great blame and imputation was laide vpon mee by them 
[Archer, &€>], forthelosseof our two men which the /?i(ij«ns 
slew: insomuch that they purposed to depose me. But in 
the midst of my miseries, it pleased God to send Captaincli/^.ioo,^.] 
Nttport: who arriuinj; there the same night [8 Ja7t, i6o8u 
so tripled our joy as for a while these plots against me were 
deferred ; though with much malice against mc, which M 

captain Newport in short time did plainly see. Now was V 

maister Scrituncr, captaine Martin, and my selfe, called 
Counsellers [i.e., to the exclusion of Archer], 

Within fiue or sixe dayes after the arriuall of the Ship 
[13 or 14 January 1608], by a mischaunce our Fort was 
burned, and the most of our apparell, lodging and priuate 
prouision. Many of our old men [became] diseased, and M 

[naany] of our new for want of lodging perished. H 

The Empereur Powhatan, each weeke once or twice, sent I 

rae many presents oi Dc&re, hrcsidt Raugroughcutts; halfe I 

alwayes for my father [Captaine Newport] whom he much ■ 

desired to see, and halfe for me : and so continually impor- [//.iociam 
tuned by messengers and presents, that I would come to 
fetch the corne, and take the Countrie their King had giucn 
me, as at last Captaine Ncujpurt resolued to go [to] see him. 

Such acquaintance I had amongst the Indians, and such ■ 

confidence they had in me, as neare the Fort they would I 

not come till I came to them ; euery of them calling me by ■ 

my name, would not sell any thing till I had first receiued H 

their presents, and what they had that I liked, they I 

deferred to my discretion : but after acquaintance, they I 

vsually came into the Fort at their pleasure : The President ■ 

and the rest of the Councelt, they knewe not ; but Captaine I 

Newports greatnesse I had so described, as they conceyued fl 

him the chiefe, the rest his children, Officers, and seruants. H 

We had agreed with the king of Paspahegh, to conduct I 

two of our men to a place called Panawicke beyond Roonok^ ■ 

where he reported many men to be apparelled. Wee ■ 

landed him at Warraskoyack, where [he] playing the I 

villaine, and deluding vs for rewards, returned within three I 

or foure dayes after, without going further. H 

Captaine Newport, maister Scriucner, and my selfe^ 

found the mouth of Pamaitncks riuer, some 25. or 30. miles 


Nerves from Virginia, 

J. Soiun. 
9 Jane— >3 Aug. tAoK. 



OS] north ward from Cape Henrick [Henry], the chanell good as 
before expressed. 
-i»^ Arriuinf^ at Weramocomoca, being iealous of the intent 
of this politick saluage; to discoucr his intent the better, I m 
with 20. shot armed in Jacks, went a shore. The Bayfl 
where he dwelleth hath in it 3. cricks, and a mile and a 
halfe from the chanel all os [I'w Greytville copy est : what is 
fncaut is oosel. Being conducted to the towne, I found my M 
selfe mistaken in the crecke, for they al there were within 1 
lesse then a mile ; the Emperors sonne called NaukaquawtSf 
the captaine that tooke me pp. 15,152! , and diuerse others of 
his chiefe men, conducted me to their kings habitation. But 
in the mid way I was intercepted bya great creek ouer which 
they had made a bridge of grained stakes and railes. The 
king of Kiskicck, and Namontack, who all the ioumey, the 
king had sent to guide vs, had conducted vs 'to] this pas- 
sage, which caused me to suspect some niischiefe : the barge 
I had sent to meet me at the right landing, when I found my 
selfe first deceyued. And knowing by experience the most 
of their courages to proceede from others feare, though few( 
lyked the passage, I intermingled the Kings sonne, our con- 
ductors, and his chiefe men amongst ours, and led forward, 
leauing halfe at the one ende to make a guard for the 
passage of the Front. The Indians seeing the weakenesse 
of the Bridge, came with a Canow, and tooke me in [out] 
of the middest, with foure or fiue more: being landed, wee 
made a guard for the rest till all were passed. 

Two in a ranke we marched to the Emperors house. 
Before his house stood fortie or fiftie great Platters of fine 
bread. Being entred the house, with loude tunes they all 
made signes of great ioy. This proude saluage, hauing 
his finest women, and the principall of his chiefe men 
assembled, sate in rankes as before is expressed : himself 
as vpon a Throne at the vpper ende of the house, withj 
such a Maiestie as I cannot expresse, nor yet haue oftei™ 
scene, either in Pagan or Christian. With a kinde coun- 
tenance hee bad mee welcome, and caused a place to bee^ 
made by himselfe Ifor me] to sit. ■ 

I presented him a sutc of red cloath, a white Grey- 
hound, and a Hatte: as lewcls he esteemed them, and 
with a great Oration made by three of his Nobles, i! there 


J. Smfili"! 

Newes from Virginia. 


be any amongst Saluages, kindly accepted them» with a [1608] 

publike conhrmation of a perpetuall league and friendship. 
After that, he commanded the Queene of Apauxaiuc^ a \t'V^\ 

comely yong Saluage, to giue me water, a Turkic cocke, 

and breade to eate : 
I Being thus feasted, hee began his discourse to this (».k».4oj] 
^■tturpose. Your kinde visitation doth much content mee, 
^But where is your father whom I much desire to see, is he 
^Kot with you. 
^^ I told him, he remained aboord, but tlie next day he 

would come vnto him. 

With a merrie countenance he asked me for certaine 

peeces which I promised him, when I went to Paspahcf^h. 
■^ I told [himj according to my promise, that I profen-ed 
^Rhe man that went with me foure Dem}' Culuerings, in 

that he so desired a great Gunne : but they refused to take 


Whereat with a lowde laughter, he desired to giue him 

Iome of lesse burden : as for the other I gaue him them, 
►eing sure that none could carrie them. But where are 
hese men you promised to come with you. 
I told him, without. Who therevpon gaue order to 
laue them brought in, two after two, euer maintaining 
he guard without. And as they presented themselues, 
euer with thankes he would salute me : and caused each 
^K)f them to haue foure or fiue pound of bread giuen them. 
^B This done, I asked him for the corne and ground 
^^Uisirici] he promised me. 

^" He told me I should haue it : hut he expected to haue all 

these men lay their armes at his feet, as did his subjects. 

I tolde him that was a ceremonie our enemies desired, 

but neuer our Friends, as we presented ourselues vnto 

lim ; yet thai he should not doubt of our friendship. The 

icxt day my Father would giue him a child of his, in full 

assurance of our loues, and not only that, but when he 

should thinke it conuenientjwee would dcliuer vnder his 

subiection the Country of Manacam and Pocoughiaonack 

his enemies. 

This so contented him, as immediatly with attentiue 
siSciice, with a lowd oration he proclaimed me Aivcrowanes 
liu,, a Werowance, or subordinate Chief] of Powhatottj and 

that an turn snbiccta siiosid aa i i H i j w i va, and no man 
accotmt n ttraasen aor Pjifiihrcfiinn, bat Ptowhatans, 
and ihat the Come, w c omaiaodCountiy, ahonid be to vs 
as to hn owne people. Tlus p t o fietc d kindiies for many 
reasons we coatcmncd not, but with the best Languages 
aod ft^nes oC thankfn I cookl exprcsse, I tooke my leaue. 

The Ring risiiig firom his seat, cooducted me foorth,and 
canscd each of my men to haae as much more bread as 
hee could beare: ^uing me some in a basket, and as 
much he sent a board for a present to my Father. 
Victuals you must know is all theiijre vrealth, and the 
greatest kindnes they could shew vs. 

Arriuing at the Kiuer, the Barge was fallen so low 
[i,0*f dawn the rivir] with the ebbe, though I had giuen 
order and oft sent to preuent the same, yet the messen^^ers 
deceiued mec. The Skies being very Ihicke and rainie, the 
King vnderstanding this mischance* sent his Sonne and 
Mamontacket to conduct mee to a great house sufficient to 
lodge mee: where entring I saw it hung round with bowes 
and arrovves. 

The Indians vsed all diligence to make vs 6res, and giue 
vs content : the kings Orators presently entertained vs 
with a kinde oration, with expresse charge that not any 
should steale, or take our bowes or arrowes, or ofifer any 

Presently after he sent me a quarter of Venizon to stay 
my stomacke : 

In the euening hce sent for mee to come onely with two 
shot with me. The company I gaue order tostandvpon their 
guard, and to maintaine two sentries at the ports all night. 

To my supper he set before me meate for twenty men, 
and seeing I could not eate, hee caused it to be giuen to 
my men : for this is a generall custome, that what they 
giue, not to take againe, but you must either eate it, giue 
it away, or carry it with you. Two or three houres we 
spent in our aun[ci]ent discourses; wliich done, I was 
with a fire stick lighted to my lodging. 

The next day the King conducting mee to the Riuer, 
shewed me his Canowes, and described vnto me how hee 
sent them ouer the Baye, for tribute Beades : and also 
what Countries paid him Beads, Copper, or Skins. 


T. Sniiili.1 
Aog. i6oa.J 

Ncxves from Virginia. 

f But seeing CaptaineiVK/>or/, and Maister Scri««itfr, com- [X608] 
ining a shore, the King returned to his house, and I went 
to meete him [Newporli. With a trumpet before him, wee tMiot.^os.! 
marched to the King: who after his old manner kindly 
rcceiued him, especially a Boy of thirteen yeares old, 
called Thomas Saluage, whom he gaue him as his Sonne. 
He requited this kindnes with each of vs a great basket of 
Bcanes. And entertaining him with the former discourse, 
we passed away that day, and agreed to bargaine the next 
day. and so returned to our Pinnis. 

I The next day comming a shore in like order, the King 
hauing kindly entertained vs with a breakfast, questioned 
vs in this manner : Why we came armed in that sort, 
seeing hee was our friend, and had neither bowes nor 
arrowes ; what did wee doubt ? 
I told him it was the custome of our Country, not 
doubting of his kindnes any waies : wherewith though hee 
seemed satisfied, yet Captaine Nuport caused all our men 

I to retire to the water side, which was some thirtie score 
[yards] from thence. 
• But to preuent the worst, Maister Scriucner or I were 
either the one or other by the Barge : experience had 
well taught me to belceue his friendship till conuenient 
opportunity suffred him to betray vs. But quickly this 
polititian had perceiued my absence, and cunningly seat 
for me ; I sent for Maister Scriucntr to supply my place : 
the King would demand for him, I would againe releeuc 
him. And they sought to satisfie our suspition with kind 
Language : and not being agreed to trade for corne, hee 
desired to see all our Hatchets and Copper together, for 
which he would giue vs come. With that auncient tricke 
the Chichahamaniens had oft acquainted me: his offer I 

t refused, offering first to see what hee would giue for one fM«<».4<Ai 
piece. Hee seeming to despise the nature of a Merchant, 
did scome to sell : but we freely should giue him, and he 
liberally would requite vs. 

Captain Nuport would not with lesse then twelue great 
Coppers try his kindnes, which he liberally requited with 
as much come as at Chickahamania, I had for one of lesse 
proportion. Our Hatchets hee would also haue at his 
owne rate: for which kindnes hcc much seemed to 

Ntwes from Virginia, 

71608] affect Captaine NuporL Some few bunches of blew 
i//-»oj,4«'^j Beades I had, which he much desired, and seeing so few, 
r he offred me a basket of two pecks, and that I drew to 

^_^ be three pecks at the least, and yet [he] seemed contented 
^B and desired more. I agreed with him, the next day, 
^H for two bushells : for the ebbe now constrained vs to 
^^■^^ rctume to our Boate, althou^jh he earnestly desired vs to 
^^^^^ stay dinner which was a prouiding; and [which^ being 
^^^^V ready he sent aboard after vs, which was bread and venizon 
^^m sufficient for hftie or sixtie persons. 

^H The next day hee sent his Sonne in the morning, not to 

^H bring a shore with vs any pieces, least his weomen and 
^H children should feare. Captaine Nttports good beliefe 
^^^^ would haue satisfied that request. Yettwentie or twentie 
^^^^ft fiue short we got a shore : the King importuning mee to 
^^^^H leaue my armes a board, much misliking my sword 
^^^H pistol and target. I told him the men that slew my 
^^^" Brother [sec p. 19] with the like tearmes had per- 
^H^ swaded me, and being vnarmed shot at vs, and so betraide 

^^^^ He oft entreated Captaine Nupori that his men might 
^^^H leaue their armes : which [men] still hee [Newport] 
^^^^m commanded to the water side. 

^^^^B * This day we spent in trading for blew Beads : and 
^^^H hauing neare fraighted our Barge, Captaine Nuport 
^^^^m returned with them that came abord, leauing me and 
^^^^B ^aister Scriucncr a shore, to follow in Canowes. Into 
^^^^1 one I got with sixe of our men, which beeing laujnched, 
^^^^H ft stones cast from the shore stuck fast in the 0[o]se. 
^^^^B Master Scriuencr seeing this example, with seuen or 
^^^^1 eight more passed the dreadfall bridge, thinking to haue 
^^^^ found deeper water on the other creeke : but they were 
^^F inforced to stay, with such entertainment as a saluage 
^^^^L {could afford ; who] being forced ashore with wind and 
^^^H raine, hauing in his Canow, as commonly they haue, his 
^^^^v house and houshold, instantly set vp a house of mats» 
^^^^B Vhich succoured them from the storme. 
^^^H ' The Indians seeing me pestred in the 0[o]se, called to 
^^^^ me : six or seuen of the Kings chiefe men threw off their 
I skins, and to the middle in 0[o]se, came to bear me otit 

I on their heads. Their importunacie caused me better to 

• Jane— X3 Auk. 1608. 

Ncwcsfrom Virginia. 

like the Canow than their curtesie, excusing my deniall 
for fearc to fall into the 0[ojse: desiring them to bring 
me some wood, fire, and mats to couer me, and I would 
content them. Each presently gaue his helpe to salisfie 
my request, which paines a horse would scarce haue 
indured : yet a couple of bells richly contented them. 

The Emperor sent his Seaman Muniiuas in the euening 
with bread and victuall for me and my men : he no more 
scrupulous then the rest seemed to take a pride in shew- 
ing how litle he repjarded that miserable cold and durty 
passage, though a dogge would scarce haue indured it. 
This kindnes 1 found, when I litle expected lessc then a 
mischiefe : but the blacke night parting our companies, ere 
midnight the flood serued to carry vs aboard [i.f., the Barge], 
The next day we came ashore, the King [spoke] with a 
solemne discourse, causing all to depart but his principall 
men : and this was the effect. 

When as hee perceiued that we had a desire to inuade 
Monacum, against whom he was no professed enemy: 
yet thus farrc he would assist vs in his enterprise. 

First hee would send his spies, perfectly to vnder- 
stand their strength and ability to fight, with which he 
would acquaint vs himselfe. Captaine Nuporl would 
not be scene in it himselfe, being great Werozc^anccs. 
They [Powhatan and Newport] would stay at home: 
but I, Maister Scriuencr, and two of his [Powhaian*s] 
Sonnes, and Opcchunkanough the King of Pamaunki 
should haue loo. of his men to goe before as though 
they were hunting; they giuing vs notise where was 
the aduantage, we should kill them : the weomen and 
young children he wished we should spare, and bring 
them to him. Only loo, or 150. of our men he held suffi- 
cient for this exploit. Our boats should stay at the falls, 
where we might hew timber, which we might conuey, 
each man a piece, till wc were past the stones; and there 
joyne them to passe our men by [over the] water. If any 
were shot, his men shouldbringthembacketo our boats. 
This faire tale had almost made Captaine Nuport vnder- 
take by this meanes to discouer the South sea : which 
will not be without trecherie, if wee ground our intent 
vpon his constancie. 






N ewes from Virginia, 

r J. Smkh. 

1 1 Jane— ff] Aac. xtA. 

This day wc spent in trading, dancing, and much mirth. 
The King of Pamaunke sent his messenger [to me] (as yet 
not knowing Captaine Nupori) to come vnto him : who had 
long expected mee, desiring also my Father to visite him. 
The messenger stayed to conduct vs : but Powhatan 
vnderstanding that we had Hatchets lately come from 
Paspaheghf desired the next day to trade with vs, and not 
to go further. This new tricke he cunningly put- vpon 
him, but oncly to haue what he listed, and to try whelJier 
we would go or stay. 

Opcchankcnoughs messenger returned [answer], that wee 
would not come. 

The next day his [Opechancanough^] Daughter came to 
entreat me, shewing her Father had hurt his legge, and 
much sorrowed he could not see me. 

Captaine Nuport being not to bee perswaded to goe, in 
that Powhatan had desired vs to stay: sent her away with 
the like answer. 

Yet the next day, vpon better consideration, intreatie 
preuailcd ; and wee anchored at Cinquoaicck, the first twaine 
[towii] aboue the parting of the riuer, where dwelled two 
Kings of Pamaunke, Brothers to Powhatan ; the one called 
Opitcltapam, the other Kalaiough, To these I went a 
shore, who kindly intreated mee and Maister Scriuctur, 
sending some presents aboard to Captaine Nuport, whilst 
we were trucking with these Kings. 

Opcchankanottgh his wife, weomen, and children came to 
meete me : with a naturall kind affection hee seemed to 
reioyce to see me. 

Captaine Nuport came a shore, with many kind dis- 
courses wee passed that forenoone : and after dinner, 
Captaine Nuport went about with the Pinnis to Mtnapa- 
cant, which is twenty miles by water, and not one by land. 
Opechankanough conducted me and Maister Scriuener by 
land; where hauing built a feasting house a purpose to 
entertaine vs, with a kind Oration, after their manner, and 
his best prouision, [hel kindly welcomed vs. That day he 
would not trucke,but did his best to delight vswith content: 

Captaine Nuport arriued towards euening ; whom the 
King presented with sixe great platters of fine bread, and 


..-.3 A^uB^iS:] Newes from Virginia, 


The next day till noone wee traded : the King feasted [IBOftj 
all the company ; and the aftemoone was spent in playing, 
dauncing, and delight. By no meanes hee would haue vs 
depart till, the next day, he had feasted vs with venizon; 
for which he had sent, hauing spent his first and second 
prouision in expecting our comming : 

The next day, he performed his promise, giuing more to 
vs three, then would haue sufficied 30. and in that we 
carried not away what we left, hee sent it after vs to the 
Pinnis. With what words or signes of loue he could 
cxpresse, we departed. 

Captaine Nuport in the Pinnis, leaning mee in the Barge 
todigge arocke,where wee supposed a Mine, ^XCinquaotcck : 
which done, ere midnight, I arriued at Weracomocot where 
our Pinnis [had] anchored, being 20. miles from CinquaoUcke. 

The next day, we tooke leaue of Powhatan : who, in 
regard of his kindness, gaue him an Indian. He [was] 
well affected to goe with him for England in steed of his 
Sonne [i.«., 7. Salvage, seep, 27) : the cause, I assure me, 
was to know our strength and Countries condition : 

The next day we arriued at Kiskiack, The people flherc] 
so scomefully entertained vs, as with what signes of scorne 
and discontent we could, we departed: and returned to our 
Fort with 250. bushells of Corne [on 9 March 1608]. i//.ioi.«of,i 

Our president, being not wholy recouered of his sicknes, 
in discharging his Piece, brake and split his hand off, 
[of] which he is not yet [2 June 1608) well recovered. 

At Captaine Nuports arriuall [9 March 1608], wee were 
victualled for twelue weeks : and hauing furnished him of 
what hee thought good, hee set saile for England the I/m^s-i 
tenth of April [1608I. Master Scriiuner and my selfe, with 
our shallop, accompaniedhimtoCape Hendrick [i,e.,Henry]\ 
Powhatan hauing for a farrewell, sent him fiue or sixe mens 
loadings, with Turkeys for [the] swords which hee sent lM»oC.4c<4 
him in [on] our return to the fort : 

We discouered the riuer of NaH^am[on]d^ a proud warlike 
Nation, as well we may testifie, [from] at our first arriuall at 
Chcsiapiack : but that iniury Captaine Nuport well reucnged 
at his retume. Where some of them intising him to their 



Newes from Virginia, 


J- SAith. I 

•19 Aug. itioC, ■ 

Ambuscadoes by a daunce» hee perceiuing their intent, with 
a volly of musket shot, slew one, and shot one or two 
more, as thcmselucs confesse. 

The King at our ariuall sent for me to come vnto him, 
I sent him word what commodities I had to exchange for 
wheat, and if he would, as had the rest of his Neighbours, 
conclude a Peace, we were contented. 

At last he came downe before the Boate which rid at 
anchor some fortic yards from the shore. He signified to 
me to come a shore, and sent a Canow with foure or fiue 
of his men : two whereof 1 desired to come aboard and to 
stay, and I would send two to talke with their King a ■ 
shore. To this hee agreed. The King wee presented with " 
a piece of Copper, which he kindly excepted [accepted], and 
sent for viclualls to entertaine the messengers- j 

Maister Scrincner and my selfe also, after that, went 1 
a shore. The King kindly feasted vs, requesting vs to 
stay to trade till the next day. Which hauing done, wc 
returned to the Fort, 

This riuer is a musket shot broad, each side being 
should bayes ; a narrow channell, but three fadom Ldeep] : 
his course for eighteene miles, almost directly South, and 
by West where beginneth the first inhabitants : for a mile 
it tumeth directly East, towards the West, a great bay, 
and a white chaukie Hand conuenient for a Fort: his 
next course South, where within a quarter of a mile, the 
riuer diuideth in two, the neck a plaine high Come field, 
the wester bought a highe plaine likewise, the Northeast 
answerable in all respects. In these plaines are planted 
aboundance of houses and people ; they may containe 
1000. Acres of most excellent fertill ground : so sweete, 
so pleasant, so beautifull, and so strong a prospect, for an 
inuincible strong City, with so many commodities, that I 
know as yet I haue not scene. 

This is within one daies iourney of Chaicxvonocke , the 
riuer falleth into the Kings [i.e.y Powhatan s] riuer, within 
twelue miles of Cape-hendiclu [Le,, Cape Henry], 

At our Fort, the tooles we had, were so ordinarily 
stolen by the Indians, as necessity inforced vs to correct 


Aug. 1O0&.J 

N ewes from Virginia, 

their brauing theeucrie: for he that stole to day, durst 
come againe the next day. One amongst the rest, hauing 
stolen two swords, I got the Counsels consent to set in 
the bilboes. The next day, with three more, he came, 
with their woodden swordes, in the midst of our men to 
steale. Their customeis to take any thing they can ceaze 
off: onely the people of Pamaunkc wee haue not found 
stealing, but what others can steale, their King receiucth- 
I bad ihem depart, but flourishing their swords, they 
seemed to defend what they could catch but out of our 
hands : his pride vrged me to turnc him from amongst vs, 
whereat he offred to strike me with his sword; which I 
preuented, striking him first. The restoff[ejringtoreuenge 
the blow, receiued such an incounter, and fled. The 
better to affright them, I pursued them with hue or sixe 
shot, and so chased them out of the Iland[, or ratJur, the 
Peninsula on which James Town stood]. 

The beginner of this broyle, litle expecting by his 
carriage, [that] we durst haue resisted, hauing, euen till 
that present, not beene contradicted, especially them of 
Paspahe^hi these Indians within one houre, hauing by 
other Saluages then in the Fort, vnderstood that I 
threatened to be reuenged, came presently of themselues, 
and fell to working vpon our wears which were then ia 
hand by other Saluages : who seeing their pride so 
incountred, were so submissiue, and willing to doe any 
thing as might be. And with trembling feare desired 
to be friends, within three daies after. 

From Nawsamond, which is 30. miles from vs, the King 
sent vs a Hatchet which they had stollen from vs at our 
being there : the messenger, as is the custome, also wee 
well rewarded and contented. 


The twenty of Aprill [1608], being at worke, in hewing 
downe Trees, and setting Come, an alarum caused va [/.<o».i 
with all speede to take our armes, each expecting a new 
assault of the Saluages : but vnderstandtng it [to bej a 
Boate vnder saile, our doubts were presently satisfied 
with the happy sight of Maistcr Nelson^ his many perrills (//jos 409! 
of extreame stormes and tempests [passed!, his ship well 
as his company could tcstifie, his care in sparing our 

£4VG, Sctr. Lia. No. 16. 3 ' 


Newts from Virginia, 

La JttAe— 13 Aag. 1608. 



(1608] prouision was \ve!I: but the prouldcncc [provider] thereof, 
as also of our stones, Hatchets and other tooles (onely 
ours excepted) which of all the rest was most necessary: 
which might inforcc vs to thinke [him^ either a seditious 
traitor to our action, or a most vnconscionable dcceiuer 
of our treasures. 
(/A»5.4«».) This happy arriuall of Maister Nelson in the Phcnix^ 
hauing beene then about three monethes missing after 
Captaine Nuports arriuall, being to all our expectations 
lost : albeit that now at the last, hauing beene long 
crossed with tempestuous weather and contrary winds, 
his so \'nexpected comming did so rauish vs with ex- 
ceeding joy, that now we thought our selues as well fitted 
as our harts could wish, both with a competent number 
of men, as also for all other needfull prouibions, ti]i a 
further supply should come vnto vs, 
1/Ai05.409^i Whereupon the first thing that was concluded was that 
I my selfc and Maister Scriuater, should with 70. men goe 

I with the best meanes we could prouide, to discouer 

I beyond the Falls, as in our iudgements conueniently wc 

t mi[;ht. Six or seauen daies we spent only in trayning our 

^H men to march, fight, and scirmish in the woods. Their 
^H willing minds to this action so quickned their vnder- 
^^1 standing in this exercise as, in all iudgements, wee were 
^^^^^ better able to fight with Powhatans whole force, in our 
^^^^B order of battle amongst tlie Trees (for Thicks there is few) 
^^^^^ then the Fort was to repulse 400- at the first assault, with 
I some tenne or twenty shot not knowing what to doe, nor 

I how to vse a Piece. 

I Our warrant being sealed, Maister Nelson refused to 

I assiste vs with the voluntary Marriners and himself, as 

I he promised, vnlesse we would stand bound to pay the 

I hire for shippe and Marriners, for the time they stayed. 

I And further there was some controuersie, through the 

■ diuersilie of Contrar\' opinions : some allcadging that how 
I profitable, and to what good purpose soeucr our iourney 
I should portend, yet our commission commanding no 
I certainedesigne.we should be taxed for the most indiscrcete 
m men in the world, besides the wrong we should doe to 
I Captaine Nnport, to whom only all discoueries did belong, 

■ and to no other : 

T. Smiih."! 


iju^-ij Aug. 1608. J 

N ewes from Virginia, 



The meanes for guides, besides the vncertaine courses [1808] 
of the riuer from which we could not crre much, each 
night would fortifie vs in two houres better then that 
they first called the Fort, their Tovvnes vpon the riuer 
each within one dayes ioumey of other, besides our ordinary 
prouision, might well be supposed to adde reliefe ; for 
truck and dealing only, but in loue and peace, as with 
the rest. If they assalted vs, their Townes they cannot 
defend, nor their luggage so conuey that we should not 
share: but admit the worst, 16. daies prouision we had of 
Cheese Oatmeale and bisket ; besides our randevous we 
could, and might, haue hid in the ground. With sixe 
men, Captaine Martin would hauc vndertakcn it himselfe, 
Icauing the rest to defend the Fort and plant our Corne. 

Yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward, 
though we were going aboard to set saile. These dis* 
contents caused so many doubts to some, and discourage- 
ment to others, as our iourney ended. Yet some of vs 
procured petitions to set vs for>vard, only with hope of 
our owne confusions [disasters in the expedition]. 

Our next course was to turne husbandmen, to fell Trees 
and set Corne. Fiftie of our men we imployed in this 
seruice; the rest kept the Fort, to doe the command of 
the president and Captaine Mariin. 

30. dayes [? from 4 May io 2 June 1608] the ship [the 
Phcenix] lay expecting the triall of certain matters which 
for some cause I kcepc priuatc. 

The next exploit was an Indian hauing stolen an Axe, 
was so pursued by Maister Scrinener and them next him, 
as he threw it downe : and flying, drew his bow at any 
that durst incounter him. 

Within foure or fiue dayes after, Maister Scrt'ucncr and 
I, being a litlc from the Fort, among the Come, two i/aio6,4io.] 
Indians, each with a cudgell, and all newly painted with 
Tcrrasi^illata, came circling about me as though they 
would have clubcd me like a hare. I knew their faining loue 
is towards me not without a deadly hatred : but to preuent 
the worst, I calling maister Scriucner retired to the Fort. 

The Indians seeing me suspect them, with good tearmes, 
asked me for some of their men whom they would bcale ; 

Newesfrom Virginia, [, 

Jmoc— 13 Attff. s( 

[1608] and went with me into our Fort. Finding one that lay 
ordinarily with vs, only for a spie; they offered to beai 
him. I in perswading them to forbeare, they offered td 

^^ beginne with me ; being now foure : for two other arraye^ 

^B in like manner, came in on the other side the Fort. 

^H Wherevpon I caused to shut the FortSy and appre4 

^H hend[ed] them. I 

^H The president and Counsell, being presently acquainted| 

^1 remembring at the first assault \p. 7.\ they came in likfi 

^H manner, and neucr else but against \Jt)f\ some vlllaniei 

^H concluded to commit them to prison, and expect the euentJ 

^V Eight more wc ceazed at that present. 

^1 An houre after came three or foure other strangers 

^H extraordinarily fitted with arrowes, skinnes, and shooting 

^H gloues : their iealousie and fcarc bewrayed their bad intent^ 

^H as also their suspitious departure. 

^H The next day, came first an Indian, then another, as 

^H Embassadors for their mcn» They desired to speake with 

^1 me. Our discourse was, that what Spades, Shouclls^ 

^H swords, or tooles they had stolne to bring home : if not^ 

^P the next day, they should hang 

t/y.io6,4>oJ The next newes was, they had taken two of our men 
ranging in the woods (which mischiefe no punishment will 

I preuent but hanging) : and these they would, should! 

^_ ledeeme their owne i6, or i8.; thusbrauingvs toourdooresJ 

^B We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, thati 

^M afternoone to sally vpon them, that they might but kno\^ 

^M what we durst do : and at night, mand our Barge, and burnt 

^m their Townes, and spoiled and destroyed what we could. 

^B But they brought our men, and freely deliuered them. 

^M The president released one. The rest we brought well 

^m guarded, to Morning and Euening prayers. Our men all inl 

^1 armes, their trembling feare then caused them lo[o] much 

^M sori'ow, which till then scoffed and scomed at what we; 

^B durst doe. 

^m The Counsell concluded, that T should terrific them with' 

^M some torture, to know if I could know their intent. 

^H The next day, I bound one in hold [confinement] tO] 

^» the maine Mast [i,e., of the Phoenix] : and presenting sixe: 

r Muskets with match in the cockes, forced him to desire^ 

f life. To answere my demaunds he could not : but onoi 

J. Smiih.T 
■ JOM— Ij Aug. t£o3. J 

Newes frovi Virginia. 


of his Comouodos was of the counsel! of Paspahcgh, that 
could satisfic me : 

I releasing him out of sight, I affrighted the other, first 
with the rack, then with ^f uskcts ; which seeing, he desired 
rae to stay, and hee would confesse to this execution. 
Maister Scrittcncr came, his discourse was to this effect. 
That Paspche^h, the Chkkahamaniar^ Yougktanum, 
Pamaunkaf Matiapanicnt, and Ktskiack : these Nations 
were al[l] together a hunting that tooke me [pp. 15, 
70, 152]. Paspahegh and Chicnhamanya had entended to 
surprise vs at worke^ to haue had our tools. Powhatan 
and al his would seeme friends, till Caplaine Nuporis 
retume, that he had againe his man, which he called 
Namoniack: where, with a great feast, hee would so en- 
amor Captain Nuport and his men, as they should ceaze 
on him. And the like traps would be laied for the rest. 
This trap for our tooles, we suspected [to be] the chiefe 
occasion that foure daies before, Powhatan had sent the 
y [Thomas Salvage, pp, 2yand ^i], he had to vs, with many 
Turkies to Maister Scrituner and me : vnderstanding I 
^'ould go vp vnto his Countries to destroy them ; and he 
oubted [feared] it the more, in that I so oft practised my 
men, whose shooting he heard to his owne lodging, that 
much feared his wiues and children. 

We sent him word, we entended no such thing, but only 
to goe to Powhatan, to seeke stones to make Hatchets; 
except his men shot at vs, as Paspahegh had told vs they 
would : which if they did shoote but one arrowe, we would 
destroy them. And, least this mischiefe might happen, 
sent the boy [Thowas Salvage] to acquaint him thus much ; 
and request[ed] him to send vs Weanockj one of his subiects 
for a guide. 

The boy he returned backe with his Chest and apparell, 
which then we had giuen him : desiring another for him. 
The cause was, he was practising with the Chikaha7tmnias, 
as the boy suspected some villanie, by their extraordinary 
resort and secret conference, from whence they would send 
him. The boy we keepe. Now we would send him many 
messengers and presents, the guide we desired he sent vs : 
and withall requested vs to retume him, cither the boy or 
some other. But none he could haue. And that day these 



with oliaers that had 
at oar Foct, nrtoraed, aad bco^ o«t of the Fort, 
fa«ii4«a Be, toymen aC oar Men, to be cttetnies to hiro, 
h4 to the CkHmjMl^mim 

Not looe after* Wmtmdk ihat had hin with us for our 
l^oiAc^ whom wee kept to haae oontected rs in another 
ioorny. with a false caeeae leluiu e d : and secretly alter 
him. Amocis the Pgif ah yaa , who ahraics they kept 
aiatMifiiit vs for a vpit, wfaom, the hencr to aaoide suspi- 
UOR, presently after they came to beate away : 

These preaamptiaaa indu ced me to take any occasion, 
aotonclyto try the b oo e rty of Awtods the spie. but also the 
meaning of these conning trickea of their Emperour of 
Pamkatam ; whose true meaning Captaine Martin most 
confidently pleaded. 

The confession of Macanoc, which was the connseller of 
Paspaktghi first I, then Maister Scriuentr, vpon their 
adbe rall examinations, found by them all confirmed, that 
\h€g}% and Ckkkakammania did hate rs, and intended 
mischiefc: and who they were that tooke me [p, 15] ; 
the names of them that stole our tooles and swords, and that 
Powhatan receiued them they all agreed. Ccrtaine vollies 
of shot we caused to be discharged, which caused each 
other to think that their fcllowes had beene slaine. 

Powhaian vnderslanding we detained certaine Saluages, 

-li-r. sent [i.f., in May i6oS] his Daughter, a child of tenaej'cares 

.old : which, not only for feature, countenance, and propor- 

^tion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his people: but' 

for wit and spirit, [is] the only Ncttpariel of his Country. 

This hee sent by his most trustie messenger, called 

Rawhunt, as much exceeding in deformitie of person ; but 

of a subtill wit and crafty vnderstanding. 

K He, with a long circumstance, told mee, hnw well 

^ Powhatan loued and respected mee ; and in that I should 

not doubt any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, 

which he most esteemed, to sec me ; a Deare and bread 

I besides, for a present : desiring me that the Boy [Thmnas 
Salvaf^c] might come againe, which he loued exceedingly. 
His litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also, not 
taking notice at all of the Indeansthat had beene prisoners 
three daies, till that morning that she saw their fathers 
^1 J 

• JUDC— 

tjA^T^:] N ewes from Virginia, 




and friends come quietly, and in good tearmes to entreate [1608] 
their libertie. 

Opecluinkanou^h sent also vnto vs, that for his sake, we 
would release two that were his friends; and for a token, 
sent me his shooting Gloue and Bracer, which the day 
our men was taken vpon ; separating himselfe from the 
rest a long time, intreated to speake with mc, where in 
token of peace, he had preferred me the same. Now all 
of them hauing found their peremptorie conditions but to 
increase our malice ; which they seeing vs begin to threaten 
to destroy them, as familiarly as before, without suspition 
or feare, came amongst vs, to begge libertie for their men. 

In the afternoone, they being gone, we guarded them as 
before to the Church; and after prayer, gaue them to 
Pocahuntas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of her fathers [/>>o7.4 
kindnesse in sending her. After hauing well fed them, as 
all the time of their imprisonment, we gaue them their' 
bowes, arrowcs, or what else they had ; and with [th iir] 
much content, sent them packing. Pocahuntas alsf wc 
requited with such trifles as contented her, to tel that we 
had vsed the Paspahcyans very kindly in so releasing them. 

The next day, we had suspition of some other practise 
for an Ambuscado ; but perfectly wee could not discouer it. 

Two daies after, a Paspahcyan came to shew vs a glister- 
ing Minerall stone, and with signes demonstrating it to 
be in great aboundance like vnto Kockes : with some dozen 
more, I was sent to seeke to digge some quantitie, and 
the Indean to conduct me. But suspecting this some 
trick to delude vs, for to get some Copper of vs; or with 
some ambuscado to betray vs, seeing him falter in his 
tale, being two miles on our way, [we] led him ashore: 
where abusing vs from place to place, and so seeking 
either to haue drawne vs with him into the woods, or to 
haue giuen vs the sljppe ; I shewed him [the] Copper, which 
I promised to haue giuen him, if he had performed his 
promise. But for his scoffing and abusing vs, I gaue him 
twentie lashes with a Rope; and his bowes and arrowes, 
bidding him shoote if he durst: and so let him goe. 

In all this time, our men being all or the most part well 



■I alter tixncs 

ftt^ ft C«aiMryf aoc cmdj exceeding 

4 itoo very ppoitabfc for comerce 

itif^^ Co almigfitie God^ bonour- 

iif(nc, and commodious generally 

\i* !.'(" wji'Mt* Kiiij;*J''mv. 

r I N 1 s 






Commodities, People, Govern- 
ment and Religion. 

Written by Captaine Smith, sometimes Go-- 
vernour of the Country, 



proceedings of those Colonies, since their first 

departure from England, with the discourses, 

Orations, and relations of the Salvages, 

and the accidents that befell 

them in all their lournies 

and discoveries 

were written out of the writings of 

Doctor Rvssell. Richard Wiefin. 

Tho, Stvdlev. Will. Phettiplace, 

Anas Todkill. Nathaniel Powell. 

Ieffra Adot, Richard Pots. 

And the relations of divers other diligent observers there 
present tbetty and new many of them in England, 

By VV. S. 

Printed by Joseph Barnes, i 6 i 2 . 


[The first p^rt of this Work is evidently an expanded and revised 
text of that " Mappc of ihe Bay and Rivers, with an annexed Relation 
fof the Countries and Nations that inhabit them" (/. 444), which 
president JOHN Smith sent home, about November 1608, to ihc 
Council in London, as the result of his explomtions in Chesapeake 
Bay in the previous sthnmer. 

That this book of travels &c, should have been printed at the Oxford 
University l*rcss Is a most singular fact. 

The Earl of Leiccsier, then Cliancellor of the University, gave, tii 
1585, that University a ne\v printing press: and JOSEPH Uarnes 
was, at the same time, appointed University Printer, which office he 
held till his death, about 1617. 

The hand printing presses in England were jealously registered, 
and locked up every night, in prevent surrcptious printing; all through 
the lifetime of our Author : and the Company of Stationers of London 
cially watched with a keen jealousy the Drinting operations of the 

10 Universities of Cambridge and Oxford, who each possessed a 
single hand press. See VV. Herbert's edition of J. Ames's Typo- 
graphicai AntiqtiiiUs, iii, 1398, Ed. 1790, 4I0. 

This solitary hand printing press at Oxford, usually produced 
sermons, theological and learned Works, &c. ; in the midst of which, 
this book of travels crops up in a startling manner. 

Why could not, or would not SMiTH get it printed in London ? Had 
^ftie revision of its second Part by the Rev. Ur, SlMNtON'DS anything to 
do with the printing at Oxford ? Who was T. ABBAY, who nsked the 
expense of publication ? These nuts we must leave for others to crack. 

Of course, being printed at Oxford, this book was not registered at 
Stationers' Hall, London. 

For its bibliography, see p. cxxx : from which it would appear, 
that, while the eight other Works of Captain SMITH have been rcpnnted 
once or oflencr during the Inst century, this is the first reprint of the 
Afiip of Virginia as it originally appeared. 

It is sometimes misnamed the Oxford traci\ but it is rather a book 
than a tract.l 





East I should wrong any in dedicating this 
Booke to one : I have concluded ii shal be 
particular to noiu. I found it only dedi- 
cated to a Hand, and to that hand I addresse it, 
Noiv for that this busincssc is common to the worlds 
this booke may best satisfie the world, because it was 
penned in the Land it trcateth of If it bee disliked 
of men, then I would recommend it to women, for 
being dearcly bought, and farre soughty it should be 
good for Ladies. IVhen all men reicctcd Chris- 
topher Collumbus : that ever renowned Qucene 
Izabell of Spai^te, could pawne her leioels to supply 
his wants ; whom all the wise men {as they t/ioughi 
themselues) of that age contemned, I need 7tot say 
what was his ivorthinesse, licr noblenesse, and their 
ignorance, that so scornefully did spit at his wants^ 
seeing the whole world is enriched with his golden 
fortunes. Cannot this successfull example moue the 
incredulous of this time^ to consider, to conceaue, and 
apprehend Virginia, which might be, or breed vs a 
second India ? hath not England an Izabell, as welt 
\s Spaine, nor yet a Colhimbus as well as Geneua ? 
'yes surely it hath, whose desires are no lesse then zvas 
-worthy Collumbus. their certainties more, their ex- 
periences no way ivanting, only tfure wants but an 
Izabell, so it were not from Spaing, 

T. A. 



Because many doe desire to knowe the matter of their 
language^ I liaue inserted these few words. 


ha toraieiftcs yo:rn. \Vhat call you this. 

Nemarough. a man. 

Crcnepo, a woman. 

Marowanckcsso, a boy, 
Yehawkans, Houses. 
Matchcores, Skins, or garments- 
Mockashts. Shooes. 
Tiissan. Beds. 
Pokatawer, Fire. 
Attaxvp, A bowe, 
Attonce. Arrowes. 
Monacookes, Swords. 
Auvtoughhowgh. A Target. 
Pawcussacks, Gunncs. 
Tovtahinks. Axes. 
Tockahacks. Pickaxes. 
Pamcsacks, Kniues. 
Accowpreis, Sheares. 
Pawpcconcs, Pipes. 
Afattassin, Copper. 

Vssaxvassin. Iron, Hrasse, Silver, or any white metal. 
Musses. Woods. 

Attasskuss, Leaues, weeds, or grasse. 
Chcpsin. Land. 
Shacquohocan, A stone. 
Wepenier, a cookold. 
Suckahaitna. Water. 

■J. Smith. 

Vocabtilary of Indian words ^ &c^ 


Xotighmass, Fish. 
Copotoue. Sturgion. 
Wcglishaughcs. Flesh. 
Sawwehonc, Bloud. 
Netoppcxo, Friends. 
Afarrapoitgh, Enimics. 
Maskapow, The worst of the enimies. 
Mawchick chammay. The best of friends. 
Casacuwuikackj pcya qitagh acqnintan vttasatiiasough. In how 
. many daies will there come hether any more English 


Their numbers. 

igh. 2. 

Nuss, 3. 
Yowgh, 4. 
Paranske, 5. 
Comoiinch. 6, 
Toppaxifoss, 7- 
Ntisswash, 8- 
Kekalaugh. g. 
Kcskche, [lo.l 

They count no more but by tennes as followeth. 
Case, how many. 
Ninghsapooekskii, 20. 
Ntissapooeksku, 30. 
Yowgfiapooeksku, 40. 
Parankestassapoocksku, 50. 
Comatinchiassapoocksku, 60. 
NtiSSSwashtassapoockskiL 80. 
ToppaK'ousstiissapooi'ksku, 70, 
KckatiiHghtassapoochsku, 90. 
Nccuttonghtysitwugh, 100. 
Necuitwcvnquaongh. looo. 

Rawcosowghs, Dales. 
Keskowghcs. Sunnes, 
Toppquough, Nights. 
NcpaiaweshoKghs. Moones, 

[yocadu/ary 0/ Indian wo-rds, &r^ 

J, Smith. 

1"^] pit: hcs. Yeares. 

Pti /> Starres. 

Osien, Heavens. 
Okes, Gods. 

J>uiyoiif^hcosHcks, Pettie Gods, and their affinities. 
Uf^kcomonghcs, Deaths. 
Keku/i^hes, Liues. 
Mowcliick woyaic'^h iawgh fweragh kaquere tnechcr. 

vcrie hungrie ? what shall 1 eate ? 
Tawtwr nchicgh Powhatan, where dwels Powwhatan. 
Machc, nehugh yowrowgh, orapaks. Now he dwels a greai 

way hence at orapaks. 
Vitapiichcwayne anpahikhs nchawper werowacovtoco. You Hcj 

he staide ever at wcrowoccmoco. 
Kator nekicgh viaiiagh ncer vitapiichcwayne. Truely he 

there I doe not lie. 
Spaughtyncrc ktragh werowancc mawmarinough kekaUnwawgl 

peyaquaWf^h. Run you then to the king mawmarynougl 

and bid him come hither. 
Vttekcj e pcya wcyack wighwhip. Get you gone, and come 

againe quickly. 
Kekattn pokahontas patiaqungh ningh tanks manolycns neer 

mowcliick rawrcnock audowgh. Bid Pokahontas bring 

hither two little Baskets, and I wil giue her white 

beads to make her a chaine. 






l/< 343-1 

t^?^ljt!j(^^?S^^^*^^^^^ is a Country in America, that [1607-9] 

I! ffvA V/r iH-^tvIstS lyeth betweene the degrees of 34 and 44 /"*< 

of the north latitude. The bounds 

thereof on the East side are the great 

Ocean. On the South lyeth Florida : 

on the North nova Francia, As for the 

West thereof, the limits are vnknowne. 

Of all this country wee purpose not to 

speake, but only of that part which was planted by the 

English men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606 [i.e., according 

to ihc old style of reckoning the year from the 25//J of March ; 

Smith, therefore^ here means the winter of 1606-7], ^"*^ '^"^ 

is vndcf the degrees ^y, 38. and 39. The temperature of this 

countrie doth agree well with English constitutions being 

once seasoned to tlie country. Which appeared by this, 

that though by many occasions our people fell sicke ; yet 

did they recover by very small meanes and continued in 

health, though there were other great causes, not only to 

haue made them sicke, but even to end their daies, &c. 

The sommer is hot as in Spainc; the winter colde as in 
Fraunce or England, The heat of sommer is in lune, 
lulie, and August, but commonly the coole Brecses 
asswage the vehemencie of the heat. The chiefe of 
winter is halfe December, lanuary, February, and halfe 
March. The colde is extrcame sharpe, but here the 
proverbe is true that no extrcame long continuefh. 

f A 344.1 


The voyages and discoveries of 


J. Smith 


T1807-9] In the yeare i6o7'"-8]. was an extraordinary frost in 
most oi Europe ^ and this frost was founde as extreame in 
Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or lo. dales of ill 
weather, other 14 daies would be as Sommcr. 
TAew'mdfi. The windcs here are variable, but the like thunder and 
lightning to purifie the aire, I haue seldome either scene or 
[2] heard in Europe, From the Southwest came the greatest 
gustes with thunder and heat. The Northwest winde is 
commonly coole, and bringeth faire weather with it. 
From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East 
and South-East as from the Barmadas, fogs and raines. 

Some times there are great droughts, other times much 
raine, yet great necessity of neither, by reason we sec not 
but that all the variety of needful! fruits in Europe may 
be there in great plenty by the industry of men, as 
appeareth by those we there planted. 

There is but one entraunce by sea into this country, and 
that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, the widenessc 
whereof is neare 18. or 20. miles. The cape on the South 
c*^ NfHTy. side is called Cape Henry in honour of our most noble 
Prince. The shew of the land there, is a white hilly sand 
like vnto the Downes, and along the shores great plentie 
of Pines and Firres. 

The north Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the 
worthy Duke of Yorke, 

Within is a country that may haue the prcrogatiue 
over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa, or 
America, ioT laLTQO and pleasant navigable rivers; heaven 
and earth never agreed better to frame a place for 
mans habitation being of our constitutions, were it fully 
manured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are 
mountaines, hils, plaines, vallcyes, rivers and brookes all 
running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but 
for the mouth with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the 
Bay and rivers are many Isles both great and small, some 
woody, some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. 
This Bay lieth North and South in which the water 
flowcth neare 200 miles and hath a channell for 140 miles, 
of depth betwixt 7 and 15 fadomc, holding in breadth for 
the most part 10 or 14 miles. From the head of the Bay 
at the north, the land is mountaii'nous, and so in a^ 



r/. 145 1 

Ciipiainc lohn ^miih in Virginia, 



Tk4 tfiiih 

manner from thence by a Southwest line ; So that the [1607-9] 

wore Southward, the farther ofLfj from the Eay are those 
mountaines. From which, fall [3] certaine brookes, 
■which after come to flue principal! navigable rivers. M 

These run from the Northwest into the South east, and ■ 

so into the west side of the Bay, where the fall of every f 

River is within 20 or 15 miles one of an other. 

The mountaines are of diverse natures, for at the head 
of the Bay the rockes are of a composition like miln- 
stoncs. Some of marble, &c. And many peeces of 
christall we found as throwne downe by water from the 
mountaines. For in winter these mountaines are covered 
with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall 
with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in 
the narrow valleyes which yet is scarce perceived being 
jnce in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks 

tch glistering tinctures that the ground in some places 
sccmeth asguilded, where both the rocks and the earth arc 
so splendent to behold, that better iudgemcnis then ours might 
ham hccnc pcnwadcd^ they contained more tfien probabilities. 

The vesture of the earth in most places doeth mani- 
festly proue the nature of the soile to be lusty and very 
rich. The coulor of the earth we found in diverse places, j 

resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillaia ad lemnia, Fullers ■ 

earth, marie, and divers other such appearances. But ■ 

;enerally for the most part the earth is a black sandy ■ 

iould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places I 

very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by y 

the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees or 

mndance of weedes, &c. 

The country is not mounta[i]nous nor yet low but such TAtva/fya. 
pleasant plaine hils and fert[ijle valleyes, one prettily 
crossing an other, and watered so conveniently with their 
sweete brookes and christall springs, as if art it selfe had ■ 

devised them. ■ 

By the rivers are many plaine marishcs containing p/ai^,. 
some 20, some 100, some 200 Acres, some more, somp[i*oifi] 
lesse. Other plaines there are fewe, but only where the 
Savages inhabit : but all overgrowne with trees and weedes ^ 

being a plaine wildernes as God first made it. M 

On the west side of the Bay, wee said were 5. fairc and I 

^H £yc. Sc/i, Its. No. 16. 4 ^ 



The voyages and discoveries of 



[1607-9] [4j delightful! navigable rivers, of which wee will noi 
proceed to report. 

The first of those rivers and the next to the mouth 
the Bay, hath his course from the West and by North* 
The name of this river they call Powhatan accor[ding] to 
the name of a principall country that lieth vpon it. 
The mouth of this river is neere three miles in breadth. 
yet dot the shoiiles force the Channell so neere (he land iftat a 
Sacre will overshoot it at point bianck. This river is ftavigabU 
too miles^ the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to 
bee expressed. It faileth from Rockes farre west in a 
country inhabited by a nation that they call Monacan. 
But wliere it commeth into our discoverie it is Powhatan, 
In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are 
falles, rockes, showles^&c, which makes it past navigation 
any higher. Thence in the running downcward, the river 
is enriched with many goodly brookes, which are main- 
tained by an infinit number of small rundlcs and pleasant 
springs that disperse themselues for best service, as doe 
the vaines of a mans body, ^m 

From the South there fals into this river. First thaj 
pleasant river of Apamatuck: next more to the East are 
the two rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a 
Bay wherein faileth 3 or 4 prettie brookes and creckcs that 
halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac\ then the 
river of Nattdsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. 

From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the 
backe river of lames Towne ; another by the Cedar Isle 
where we lived 10 weekes vpon oistei*s, then a convenient 
harbour for fisher boats or smal boats at Kecoughtan, that 
so conveniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creeks 
that make that place very pleasant to inhabit, their corni 
Belds being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulacs. 

The most of these rivers are inhabited by severall 
nations, or rather families, [which are^ Of the name of the 
rivers. They haue also in every of those places some 
Gouernour, as their king, which they call Werowances, 

In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the 
English planted in a place by them called lames [6] 
Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie; 
vpon which side are also many places vndei the Werowances^ 



J. Smith.'] 

Captains lolut Smith in Virginia, 


The first and next the rivers mouth, are the Kecoughtam, [1607-91 
who besides their women and children, haue not past J^',^^^-^ 
20. fighting men. The Paspaht^^heSf on whose land is katitaHtt, ' 
seated the English Colony, some 40. miles from the Bay, 
liaue not passed 40. The river called Chickahamania 
[has] neere 200. The Weanock^ 100. The Arrowhaiocks 
30. The place called Pou-haian, some 40. On the South 
side [ofj this river, the Appumatiicks haue 60 fighting men. 
The Quiyottgcohanocks, 25. The Warraskoyacks 40. The 
Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks are able to make 100. 
Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all 
these places is a scvcrall commander^ which they call 
Werowancc, except the Chickhamanians, who are governed 
by the Priestes and their Assistants of their Elders called 
Caw-cawwassoiif^lus. In somer no place affordeth more 
plentie of Siurf^con, nor in winter more abundance of fowle, 
especially in the time of frost. There was once taken 52 
Sturgeons at a draught, at another draught 68. From 
the later end of May till the end of June are taken few, 
but yong Sturgeons of 2 foot or a yard long. From 
thence till the midst of September, them of 2 or three 
yards long and fewe others. And in 4 or 5 houres with 
one nette were ordinarily taken 7 or 8 : often more, 
seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is 
good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that 
would take paines had sufficient. 

Foureteene miles Northwaid from the river Powhatan, ^p^ 
is the river Panuivnke, which is navigable 60 or 70 myleSf 
but with Catc/ics and small Barkis 30 or 40 myles farther.. 
At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth it 
selfe into two gallant branches. 

On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanutid, fV.'"- 
who haue about 60 men for warres. On the North 
branch Maitupamatt, who haue 30 men. Where this 
river is divided, the Country is called Pamavnkc iGj, and 
nourisheth neere 300 able men. About 25 miles lower on 
the North side of this river is WcraivocomocOf where their 
great King inhabited when Captain Smith was deliuered 
him prisoner; yet there arc not past 40 able men. But 
now he hath abandoned that, and liueth at Orapahs by 
You^hlannnd in the wiideinesse. 10 or 12 myles lower, 




[ I/. mb-J 




The voya^ and discoveries of 

on the South side of this river is Chi\hiach^ which hath 
some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apuwatuck^ Irrohaiock, 
and Powhatan, are their great kings chicfe alliance and 
inhabitancc. The rest (as they report) his Conquests. ■ 

Before we come to the third river that falleth from the 
mountaines, there is another river (sowe 30 mylcs navigable) 
tliat commctli from the Inland : the river is called 
Payankaiankc^ the Inhabitants are about some 40"servicc- 
able men. 

The third navigable ri^er is called Toppahanock, (This 
is ftavigabU some 130 tttyles.) At the top of it inhabit 
the people called Mannuhoackcs amongst the mountaines, 
but they are aboue the place we describe. 

Vpon this river on the North side are seated a people 
called Cnttatawotfjcn, with 30 fighting men. Higher on the 
riuer are the Moraughtacutidsj with 80 able men, Bej^ond 
them Toppahanock with 100 men. Far aboue is another 
Cuiiaiawomcn with 20 men. On the South, far within the 
river is Nauiaughiacund hauinj,' 150 men. This river also, 
as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule. 

The fourth river is called Paiawomeke and is 6 or 7 
miles in breadth. It is navigable 140 wi/rs, ami fed as the 
rest with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from 
the bordering hils. These hils many of them are planted, 
and yeelde no lesse plenty and variety of fruit then the 
river exceedeth with abundance of fish. 

This river is inhabited on both sides. First on the 
South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco and hath 
some 130 men : beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The 
Onawmanieut with 100. Then Paiawomeke with 160 ab!c 

Here doth the river divide it selfe into [7] 3 or 4 con- 
venient rivers ; The greatest of the least is called Quiyough 
(andj treadeth [? trendeth] north west, but the river it selfe 
turneth North ea<it and is stil a navigable streame. On the 
westeme side of this bouf;ht is Tanxcmtit with 40 men. 
On the north of this river is Secowocomoco with 40 men. 
Some what further Potapaco with 20. In the East part of 
the bought of the river is Pamacacack with 60 men. After, 
Moyou'dv.ces with 100. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80 
able men. The river 10 miles aboue this place maketh 


16 11. J 

Captaine John SmlUi in Virginia, 


his passage downe a low pleasant vally overshaddovved [1607-9] 
in manie places with high rocky mountaines; from whence 
distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs. 

The fifth river is called Pawtuxtint, and is of a Icsse P^viusmmt 
proportion then the rest ; but the channell is 16 or 18 ' 
fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit[ej skuls of i>.3«.l 
divers kinds of fish more then elsewhere. 

Vpon this river dwell the people called Acquinianacksuak, 
Pawinxunt and MaUapanient. 200 men was the greatest 
strengUi that could bee there perceived. But they inhabit 
togither, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of al 
other were found the most civill to giue intertainement. 

Thirty leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet ^*i-hS. 
navigable ; for the red earth or clay resembling bole 
Armoniacky the English called it Bolus. 

At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 miles in breadth, Th*ktmJ^ 

ere fall into it 4 small rivers, 3 of them issuing from ' ' *'' 
iverse bogges invironed with high mountaines. 

There is one that commeth du[e] north, 3 or 4. daies 
iourn[e]y from the head of the Bay, and fals from rocks and 
mountaines. Vpcn this riuer inhabit a people called 

They are seated 2 daies higher then was passage for the 
iscoverers Barge, which was hardly 2 toons, and had in 
it but 12 men to perform this discouery, wherein they lay 
aboue the space of 12 weekes vpon those great waters in 
those vnknowne Countries, hauing nothing but a little 
mcale or oatmeale and water to feed them ; and scarsc 
halfe sufficient of that for halfe that time, but that by the 
[8j Savages and by the plentie of fish they found in all 
places, they made themselues provision as opportunitie 
served; yet had they not a marriner or any that had skill 
to trim their sayles, vse their oares, or any businesse 
belonging to the Barge, but 2 or 3. The rest being 
Gentlemen or as ignorant in such toyle and labour : yet 
necessitie in a short time, by their Captaines diligence 
and example, taught them to become so perfect, that what 
they did by such small meanes, I leaue to the censure of i/jsa-l 
the Reader to iudge by this discourse and the annexed Map, 

But to proceed, 60 of those Sasqucsahmwcks came to 
iscouerers with skins, Bowes, Arrowes, Targets, 




The voyages and discoveries of 

r J. Sadih 


[1607-9] Beads. Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such 
great and well proportioned men, are seldome scene, for 
they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the 
neighbours : yet seemed of an honest and simple disposi- 
tion, [and they were] with much adoe restrained from 
adoring the discoverers as Gods. Those are the most 
strange people of all those Countries, both in language 
and attire ; for their language it may well beseeme their 
proportions, sounding from them, as it were a great voice 
in a vault, or caue, as an Eccho. Their attire is the 
skinnes of Bcares and Woolucs, some haue Cassacks 
made of Beares heades and skinnes that a mans necke 
goes through the skinnes neck, and the cares of the bearc 
fastned to his shoulders behind, the nose and teeth hang- 
ing downe his breast, and at the end of the nose hung a 
Beares Pawe: the halfe sleeues comming to the elbowes 
were the neckes of Beares and the armes through the 
mouth, with pawes hanging at their noses. One had the 
head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine for a lewell ; his 
Tobacco pipe 3 quarters of a yard Jong, prettily earned 
with a Bird, a Bearc, a Deare, or some such devise at 
the great end, sufhcient to beat out the braines of a man : 
with bowes, and arrowes, and clubs, su[i]table to their 
greatnesse and conditions. 

These are scarse knowne to Powhatan, They can make 
neere 600 able and mighty men, and are pallisadoed in 
their Townes to defend them from (9) the Massawomekcs 
their mortall enimies. 5 of their chiefe Wa-owanccs came 
aboard the discoverers, and crossed the i^rty in their Barge. 
The picture of the greatest of them is signified in theMappe. 
The calfe of whose leg was 3 quarters of a yard about ; 
and all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that pro- 
portion, that he seemed the goodliest man that euer we 
beheld. His haire, the one side was long, the other shore 
close with a ridge over his crown like a cocks combe. 
His arrowes were hue quarters [of a yard] long, headed 
with flints or splinters of stones, in forme like a heart, an 
inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These 
bee wore in a woolues skinnc at his backe for his quiver, 
his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in the other, as is 



Capiaine John Smith in Virginia, 

moco. R. 


On the East side the Bay is the river of Tockwhogh, and [1807-9] 
vpon it a people, that can make loo men, seated some 7 
miles within tlie river : where they haue a Fort very wel 
pallisadoed and mantelled with the barke of trees. Next 
to them is Ozinics with 60 men. More to the South of 
that East side of the Bay, the river of Rapahanock ; neere 
vnto which is the river of Ktiskarawaock, vpon which is 
seated a people with 200 men. After that is the river of 
Tants WighcocofnocOf and on it a people with 100 men. 

The people of those rivers are of Jittle stature, of another 
language from the rest, and very rude. But they on the 
river oif Acohanock with 40 men, and they of Accontack 
[with] So men, doth equalize any of the Territories of 
Powhatan and speake his language ; who over all those 
doth rule as king. 

Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and 
the MangoagSf to search [for] them there left by Sir Walter 
Raleigh ; for those parts to the Towne of Chisapeacky hath 
formerly been discovered by Maister Hcriots and 5i> Ralph 

Amongst those people are thus many severall nations 
of sundry languages, that environ Powhataus Terri- 
tories. The Chawonokes, the Mangoags^ the Monacam, 
the Mannahokes, the MasawomckeSy the Powhatans^ the 
Sasqucsahanocks [10], the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghcs, 
and the Ktiscarawaokes. Al those not any one vnder- 
standeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall 
habitations are more plainly described by this annexed 
Mappe, which will present to the eie, the way of the i>- 384.3 
mountaines and current of the riuers, with their seuerall 
turnings, bays, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the 
breadth of the waters, the distances of places and such 
like. In which Mappe obserue this, that as far as you sec 
the little Crosses on riuers, mountaines, or other places, 
haue beene discovered ; the rest was had by information 
of the Savages, and are set downe according to their 

TAt trtvntl 



The voyages and discoveries of 

y Smith. 







Of such things ivhich arc naturall in Virginia 
and how Ihey vse them. 

irginia doth afford many excellent ve^ilables] 
and liuing Creatures, yet grasse there is hltle 
or none but what growcth in lowe Marishes u 
for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees^l 
whosedroppings continually tumeth their p-asse to weedes, 
by reason of tlie rancknesse of the ground; which wouldj 
soone be amended by good husbandry. The wood that isi 
most common is Oke and Walnut : many of their Okes are 
so tall and straight, that they will bcare two foot and a| 
halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long. Of this* 
wood there is 2 or 3 seuerall kinds. The Acornes of one 
kind, whose barke is more white then the other, is some- 
what sweetish ; which being boyled halfe a day in severall 
waters, at last afford a sweete oyle, which they keep in 
goards to annoint their heads and ioints. The fruit theyjH 
eate, made in bread or otherwise. ^ 

There is also some Elme, some black walnut tree, and 
some Ash; of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If 
the trees be very great, the ashes will be i^ood, and melt 
to hard lumps : but if they be small, it will be but powder, 
and not so good as the other. 

Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes : there is a kinde of 
wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, 
and leafe did most resemble it; and of those trees there 
are [11] some neere 3 fadome about at the root, very 
straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without a braunch. fl 

By the dwelling of the Savages are some great Mulbery " 
trees; and in some parts of the Countrey, the}' are found 
growing naturally in prettie groues. There was an assay ^ 
made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered H 
excellent well, till the master workeman fell sicke: during 
which time, they were eaten with rats. 

In some parts, were found some Chestnuts whose wild 
fruit equalize the best in VrancCt Spainc^ Germany, or Italy ^ ^ 
to their tast[ejs that had tasted them all. H 

Plumbs there arc of \ sorts. The red and white are^l 

J. Smiib.' 


Capiaine John Smilh in Virginia, 


like our hed^e plumbs: but the other, which thev call 
Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta, The fruit is like 
a medler; it is first greene, then yellow, and red when it 
is ripe : if it be not ripe it will drawe a mans moulh awrie 
with much torment; but when it is ripe, it is as delicious 
as an Apricock. 

They haue Cherries, and those are much like a Damsen ; 
but for their tastes and coluur, we called them Cherries. 
We see some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. 

Of vines, [there is] ^reat abundance in many parts, that 
climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but 
these beare but fewe grapes. But by the riuers and 
Savage[sj habitations where they are not overshadowed 
from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never 
pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes, wee made 
neere 20 gallons of wine, which was neare as good as your 
French Brittish wine, but ccrtainely they would proue 
good were they well manured. 

There is another sort of grape neere as great as a Cherry, 
this they call Messaininncs ; they bee fatte, and the iuyce 
thicke : neither doth the tast so well please when they arc 
made in wine. 

They haue a small fruit growing on little trees, husked 
like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a vci*y small acorne. 
This they call ChcchinquaminSy which they esteeme a great 
daintie. They haue a berry much like our gooseberiy, 
in grestnesse, colour, and tast ; those they call [12j 
Rau'comcucs, and doe eat them raw or boyled. 

Of these naturall fruits they Hue a great part of the 
yeare, which they vse in this manner. The walnuts, 
CIusHuis, Accrues, and ChaJtiftgitajnem are dryed to keepe. 
When they need them, they breake them betweene two 
stones, yet some part of the walnut shels will cleaue to the 
fruit. Then doe they dry them againe vpon a mat ouer a 
hurdle. After, they put it into a morter of wood, and beat 
it very small : that done, they mix it with water, that the 
shels may sinke to the botlome. This water will be 
coloured as milke ; which they cal Pawcohiscora, and 
keepe it for their vse. 

The fruit like medlers, they call Putchatmns, they cast 
vppon hurdles on a mat, and preserue them as Pruines. 








The voyages and discoveries of 

'J. SouUb 









Of their Chcsnuis and Chechittquamens boyled 4 hourei 
they make both breath and bread for their chiefe men, oi 
at their f^reatest feasts. 

Besides those fruit trees, there is a white poptUe 
and another tree like vnto it, that yeeldcth a vc 
cleere and an odoriferous Gnmme like Turpentine, whie 
some called Balsom. There are also Cedars and Saxa/ras 
trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion 
themselues. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of th 
wood, but nature afforded more then our arts. 

In the wat[elry valley es groweth a berry, which they ca 
Oconghtanamnis, very much like vnto Capers. These the 
dry in sommcr. When they will eat them, tiiey boil 
them neare halfe a day; for otherwise they differ not muc 
from poyson. Mattoume groweth as our bents do i 
meddows. The seede is not much vnlike to rie. though 
much smaller. This they vse for a dainty bread buttered 
with deare suet. 

During Somen there arc either strawberries which ripen 
in April ; or mulberries which ripen in May and lune. 
Raspises hurres ; or a fruit that the Inhabitants call 
MaracockSj which is a pleasant wholsome fruit much lika 
a lemond. 

Many hearbes in the spring time there are commonly 
dispersed throughout the woods, good for brothes and 
saliets, as Violets, Purslin, Sorrell, &c. Besides many 
wc vsed whose [13] names we know not. 

The chiefe roote they hauc for foode is called Tocka 
whotighe. It groweth like a flagge in low muddy freshes 
In one day a Savage will gather sufficient for a wecke 
These rootes are much of the greatnes and taste of Potatoes 
They vse to coucr a great many of them with oke leaties 
and feme, and then couer all with earth in the manner of 
a colepit ; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 
24 houres before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better 
then poison, and being roasted, except it be tender and 
the heat abated, or sliced and dried in the sun, mixed with 
sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle and torment 
the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they vse this 
ordinarily for bread. 


J. SaaUh. 


Captaine lohn Smith in Virginia, 


They haue an other roote which they call wi^hsacan : as 
th[e]other feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts 
and diseases. It is a small root which they bruise and 
apply to the wound. Pocones is a small roote that groweth 
in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate in powder 
turneth red: and this they vsc for swellings, aches, 
annointing their ioints, painting their heads and garments. 
The}-^ account it very pretious and of much worth. 
Mitsguaspenne is a roote of the bignesse of a finger, and as 
red'as bloud. In drying, it will wither almost to nothing. 
'^This they vse to paint their Mattes, Targets, and such like. 

There is also Pellitory of Spahte, Sasafra^e, and diuers 
other simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and com- 
mended to be good and medicinable. 

In the low Marishes, growe plots of Onyons containing 
imn acre of ground or more in many places; but they are 
small, not past the bignesse of the Toppe of ones Thumbe. 


a KffOt. 
fttcawt * 



Of brastes the chiefe are Deare, nothing differing from ours. 
In the deserts towards the heads of the riuers, ther^ej are 
many, but amongst the riuers few. 

There is a beast they call A roughcun, tnnch like a badger, 
but vseth to Hue on trees as Squirrels doc. Their Squirrels 
some as neare as greate as [14] our smallest sort of wilde 
rabbits ; some blackish or blacke and white, but the most 
are gray. 

A small beast they haue, they call Assapanick, but we 
call them flying squirrels, because spreading their legs, 
so stretching the largenesse of their skins that 
Ihcy haue bin scene to fly 30 or 40 yards. An Opassom 
\ath an head like a Swine, and a taile like a Rat, and is of 
bignes of a Cat. Vnder her belly shee hath a bagge, 
'herein shee lodgeth, carrieth, and suckcth her young, 
^ifussascus is a beast of the forme and nature of our water 
Rats, but many of them smell exceeding strong of muske. 
Their Hares [are] no bigger then our Conies, and few of 
them to be found. 

Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of 
Muscovia and Tartaria. The Beaver is as bigge as an 
[Ordinary water dogge, but his legges exceeding short. 
iHis fore feete like a dogs, his hinder feet like a Swans. 

i'ftutt art 


rt Squirrel 




rite voyages and discoveries of 

J. Snith. 






His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket bare with- 
out haire ; which to eate, the Savages esteeme a great 
delicate. They haue many Otters, which, as the Beavers, 
they take with snares, and esteeme the skinnes great 
ornaments ; and of all those beasts they vse to feede, when 
they catch them. 

There is also a beast they call Vetchunquoyes in the forme of 
a wilde Cat. Their Foxes are like our siluer haired ConieSi 
of a small proportion, and not smelling like those in 
England. Their Dogges of that country are like their 
Woiues, and cannot barke but howie ; and their wolues 
[are] not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins^ 
PowlecaiSf weessels and Mittkes we know they haue, because 
we haue seen many of their skinnes, though very seldome 
any of them aliue. 

But one thing is strange, that we could fiever perceiue 
their vermine destroy our hennest egges, nor chickens, nor do 
any hurt ; nor their flyes nor serpents [to be] anie waie 
pernitious ; where [as] in the South parts of ^(wnVa, they 
are alwaics dangerous and often deadly. 

Of birds, the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes 
there be of diuerse sorts as our Falconers called them, 
Sparowhawkcs [16j, Lanarets, Goshau^kes, Falcons and Ospcr* 
ayes ; but they all pray most vpon fish. Patrridges there 
are little bigger then our Quailes, wilde Turkies are as bigge 
as our lame. There are woosels or blackbirds with red 
shoulders, thrushes, and diuerse sorts of small birds, some 
red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a wrenne, but few in 
Sommen In winter there are great plenty of Swans, 
Craynes gray and white with blacke wings, Herons, 
Geese, Brants, Ducke, Wigeon, Dotterell, Oxeies, Parrats, 
and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and 
some other strange kinds, to vs unknuwne by name. But 
in sommer not any, or a very few to be scene. 

Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus, 
Porptts, Scales, Stingraies whose tailes are very dangerous. 
Brettes, mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, 
Herrings, Conylish, Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreyes, Catfish, 
Shades, Pearch of 3 sorts, Crabs, Shrimps, Creuises, 






}. Smith 

niith. I 


Capiaine John Smith in Virginia. 


Oysters. Codes, and Muscles. But the most strange fish [1607-9] 
is a sma! one so like the picture of S. George his Dragon, 
as possible can be, except his le^s and wings : and the (A 357.I 
To[a]deftsh which will swell till it be like to brust, when it 
commeth into the aire. 

Concerning the enlrailes of the earth little can be saide Tktii«kt. 
for certainty. There wanted good Refiners; for these that 
tooke vpon them to haue skill this way, tooke vp the 
washings from the mounetaines and some moskered shin- 
ing stones and spangles which the waters brought down ; 
flattering themselucs in their own vaine conceits to haue 
bin supposed that they were not, by the meanes of that 
ore, if it proued as their arts and iudgements expected. 
Only this is certaine, that many regions lying in the same 
latitude, afford mines very rich of diuerse natures. The 
crust also of these rockes would easily perswade a man to 
beleeue there are other mines then yron and Steele, if 
there were but meanes and men of experience that knew 
the mine from spare. [16j 


Of their Planted fruits in Virginia and how 
they vse them. 

/raw ikf, 



Hey diuide the yeare into 5. seasons. Their 
winter some call Popatiozv, the spring Cattapcuk, 
the sommer Cohadayouf^h, the earing of their 
Come Nepiuough, the haruest and fall of leafe 
TaquHock, From September vntill the midst of Nouember 
are the chiefe Feasts and sacrifice. Then haue they 
plenty of fruits as well planted as natural!, as corne greene 
and ripe, fish, fowie, and wilde beastes exceeding fat. 

The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne, "^^\f^ 
for the country naturally is ouergrownc with wood. To gw^umd 
prepare the ground they bruise the barke of the trees neare 
the root, then do they scortch the roots with fire that they 
grow no more. 


The voyages and discoiwries of 

J. Smith. 

16 1*. 


f //jw tkty 


fl607-9] The next yeare with a crooked peece of wood, they beat 
vp the woodes by the rooles ; and in that \thQ%e\ moulds, 
they plant tlieir come. Their manner is this. They 
make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they 
put 4 graines of wheat and 2 of beanes. These holes they 
make 4 foote one from another. Their women and 
children do continually keepe it with weeding, and 
when it is growne midle high, they hill it about like a 

In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation 
is in Alay, and so they continue till the midst of Iune» 
What tliey plant in Aprill they reape in August, for May 
in September, for lune in October. Every stalke of their 
corne commonly beareth two eares, some 3, seldome any 
4, many but one, and some none. Every eare ordinarily* 
hath betwixt 200 and 500 graines. The stalke being green 
hath a sweet iuice in it, somewhat like a suger Cane, 
which is the cause that when they gather their come 
greene, they sucke the stalkes : for as wee gather greene 
pease, so doe they their come being greene, which excelleth 
their old. 

They plant also pease they cal Mss^i/awuriis, which are 
the same they cal in Italye, Fagioli, Their Beanes are 
the same the Turkes call Gamanscs, but these they much 
esteeme for dainties. [17] 

Their come they rost in the eare greene, and bruis- 
ing it in a morter with a Polt, lappe it in rowles in 
the leaucs of their corne, and so boylc it for a daintie. 
They also reserue that corne late planted that will not 
ripe[n], by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof drying 
it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beans for 
a rare dish, they call Pausarowtttetta. Their old wheat 
they first steep a night in hot water, in the morning 
pounding it in a morter. They vse a small basket for 
their Temmes, then pound againe the great, and so 
separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receaue 
the llower in a platter made of wood scraped to that forme 
with burning and shels. Tempering this flower with 
water, they make it either in cakes, couering them with 
ashes till they bee baked, and then washing them in faire 
water, they drie presently with their owne heat : or else 

ii0W they 
vu tiuir 




;. Smith 


Capiaine lohn Smith in Virginia. 


boyle them in water eating the broth with the bread which [1607-0] 
they call Ponap. 

The grouts and peeces of the cornes remaining, by fan- 
ning in a Platter or in the wind away the branne, they 
boile 3 or 4 houres with water ; which is an ordinary food 
they call Vstatafiamcn. But some more thrifty then 
cleanly, doe burne the core of the eare to powder which i/-3»i 
they call Pungnough, mingling that in their meale ; but it 
never tasted well in bread, nor broth. 

Their fish and flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or "^j*^ 
broyle it so long on hurdles over the fire; or else, after fiuwd 
the Spanish fashion, putting it on a spit, they turne first -^"** 
the one side, then the other, til it be as drie as their 
ierkin beefe in the west Indies, that they may keepe it a 
month or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or 
flesh they eate as commonly as the meat. 

In May also amongst their corne, they plant Pumpeons, ^^w-*** 
and a fruit like vnto a muske millen, but lesse and worse ; "" 
which they call Macocks, These increase exceedingly, and 
ripen in the beginning of luly, andcontinue vntil September. 
They plant also Maracocks a wild fruit like a lemmon, 
which also increase infinitely: they begin to ripc[n] in 
September fl8] and continue till the end of October. 

When all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant, 
and this is done by their women and children ; neither 
doth this long suffice them : for neere 3 parts of the yeare, 
they only obserue times and seasons, and hue of what the 
Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth, &c. 



7he commodities in Virginia or that may be 
had by Industrie. 

Ihc mildnesse of the aire, the fertilitie of the soile, 

and the situation of the rivers are so propitious 

to the nature and vse of man as no place is 

more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans 

sustenance, Vnder that latitude or climal, here will liue 

TTh vojxtges and dxscaverus of 



Bis, as horses. p:oats, sheep, asses, hens, &c. as 

by them that were carried thither. The waters, 

and shunles, are full of safe harbours for ships of 

or marchandize, for boats of all sortes» for transpor- 

or fishing, &c. 

Hay and riuers haue much marchandable fish and 
fit for Salt coats, building of ships, making of iron, 

Sftiscottta and Polom'a doe yearely receaue many thou- 
;Bands, for pitch, tarre, sope ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, 
Sturgeon, masts, yards, wainscot, Flrres, glasse, and such 
like ; also SwetJihtfui for Iron and copper. France in like 
manner, for Wine, Canvas, and Salt ; Spainc asmuch for 
Iron, Steele, Figges, Reasons, and Sackes< Italy with 
Silkes and Velvets, consumes our chiefe commodities. 
Hol\l]and mainlaines it selfe by fishing and trading at our 
owne doores. All these temporize with other for necessi- 
ties, but all as vncertaine as peace or warres: besides the 
charge, travell, and danger in transporting them, by seas, 
lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much hath Virginia 
the prerogatiue of alt those llorishing kingdomes for 
the benefit of our land, whenas within one hundred miles 
all those arc to bee had, either ready provided by nature, 
or else to bee prepared, were there but industrious men to 
labour. Only of Copper wee may doubt is wanting, but 
there is good probabilitie that l19J both copper and better 
munerals arc there to be had for their labor. Other Coun- 
tries haue it. So then here is a place a nurse for souldiers, 
a practise for marriners, a trade for marchants, a reward 
for the good, and that which is most of all, a businesse 
(most acceptable to God) to bring such poore infidels to 
the true knowledge of God and his holy Gospel 1. 



Captaine lohn Smith in Virginia, 

Of the naturatt Inhabitants of Virginia. 

he land is not populous, for the men be fewe ; 
their far greater number is of womeft and 
children. Within 60 miles of lames Towne 
there are about some 5000 people, but of able 
men fit for their warres scarse 1500. To nourish so many 
together they haue yet no means, because they make so 
smal a benefit of their land, be it never so fertill. 

6 or 700 haue beene the most [that] hath beene seene 
together, when they gathered themselues to hattc surprised 
Capiaine Smyth at Pamavnkc, hauing but 15 to withstand 
the worst of their furie*[^. 457J« As small as the pro- 
portion of ground that hath yet beene discouered, is in 
comparison of that yet vnknowne. The people differ 
very much in stature, especially in language, as before is 

Some being ver>- great as the Sesquesahatnocks, others 
very little as the Wighcocomocoes: but generally tall and 
straight, of a comely proportion, and of a colour browne 
when they are of any age. but they are borne white. Their 
haire is generally black; but few haue any beards. The 
men weare halfe their heads shaven, the other halfe long. 
For Barbers they vse their women, who with 2 shels will 
grate away the haire, of any fashion they please. The 
women are cut in many fashions agreeable to their yeares, 
but ever some part remaineth long. 

They are very strong, of an able body and full of agilitici 
able to endure to lie in the woods vnder a tree by the fire, 
in the worst of winter, or in the wecdes and grasse, in 
A m bnscado in the Sommer. 

They are inconstant in everie thing, but what feare con- 
straineth them to keepe. Craftic, [20] timerous, quicke of 
apprehension and very ingenuous. Some are of disposition 
fearefull, some bold, most cautelous,all Savage. Generally 
covetous of copper, beads, and such like trash. They are 
soone moved to anger, and so malitious, that they seldome 
forget an iniury : they seldome steale one from another, 
least their coniurers should reueale it, and so they be 
pursued and punished. That they are thus feared is 

£.w. Scu. Zfs: Ko. 16 5 

P 607-9] 

700 mum 
Vaert Ui* 
tn»ti nwy* 

thagkt tm 


A dttcri^ 


The voyages and discoveries of 





ccrtaine, but that any can reueale their offences by con- 
iuration 1 am doubtfull. Their women arc careful! not to 
bee suspected of dishonesty without the leaue of their 

Each houshold knowelh their owne lands and gardens, 
and most liue of their owne labours. 

For their apparell, they are some time couercd with the 
8kinnes of wilde beasts, which in winter are dressed with 
the haire, but in sommer without. The better sort vse 
large mantels of deare skins not much differing in fashion 
from the Irish mantels. Some imbrodered with while 
beads, some with copper, other painted after their manner. 
But the common sort haue scarce to cover their naked- 
nessc but with grasse, the leaues of trees, or such like. 
We haue seen some vse mantels made of Turky feathers, 
so prettily wrought and wouen with threeds that nothing 
could bee discerned but the feathers, that was exceeding 
warme and very handsome. But the women are aiwaies 
couered about their midles with a skin and [are] very 
shamefast to be seene bare. 

They adorne themselues most with copper beads and 
paintings. Their women some haue their legs, hands, 
brests and face cunningly imbrodered with diuerse workes, 
as beasts, serpentcs, artificially wrought into their flesh 
with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they haue 3 
great holes, whereat they hange chaines, bracelets, or 
copper. Some of their men weare in those holes, a smal 
greene and yellow coloured snake, neare halfe a yard in 
length, which crawling and lapping her selfe about his 
necke often times familiarly would kiss his lips. Others 
wear a dead Rat tied by the tail. Some on their heads 
weare the wing of a bird or some large feather, with a 
Rattell [21j. Those Rattels are somewhat like the chape of 
a Rapier but lesse,which they take from thetailcofa snake. 
Many haue the whole skinnc of a hawke or some strange 
fowle, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad 
peece of copper, and some the hand of their enemy drjxd. 
Their heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote 
PocoMi: braied to powder mixed with oyle; this they hold 
in somer to preserue them from the heate, and in winter 
from the cold. Many other formes ot paintings they vse. 



J. SmUh.H 


Captaine John Smith in Virginia, 





but he is the most gallant that is the most monstrous to [1607-9] 

Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by 
the riuers or not farre distant from some fresh spring- 
Their houses are built like our Arbors of small young 
springs [1 sprigs] bowed and tyed,and so close covered with 
mats or the barkes of trees verj.* handsomely, that not- 
withstanding either winde raine or weather, they are as 
warme as stooues, but very smoaky ; yet at the toppe of 
the house there is a hole made for the smoake to goe into 
right over the fire. 

Against the fire they lie on little hurdles of Reedes 
covered with a mat, borne from the ground a foote and 
more by a hurdle of wood. On these round about the 
house, they lie heads and points one by thie] other against 
the fire: some covered with mats, some with skins, and 
some starke naked lie on the ground ; from 6 to 20 in a house. 

Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens; [A363-1 

hich arc smal plots of ground, some 20 [acres p. 363], 
^ome 40, some 100. some 200. some more, some lesse. Some 
times from 2 to 100 of these houses [arej togither, or but 
a little separated by groues of trees. Neare their habitations 
is [but] little small wood, or old trees on the ground, by 
reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man 
may gallop a horse amongst these woods any waie, but 
where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder. 

Men women and children hauc their several! names 
according to the seuerall humor of their Parents. Their 
women (they say) are easilie deliuered of childe, yet doe 
they [22j loue children verie dearly. To make them hardy, 
in the coldest mornings they wash them in the riuers, and 
by painting and ointments so tanne their skins, that after 
year or two, no weather will hurt them. 

The men beslowe their times in fishing, hunting, wars, 
and such manlike exercises, scorning to be sesne in any 
woman like exercise ; which is the cause that the women be 
verie painefull and the men often idle. The women and 
children do the rest of the worke. They make mats, 
baskets, pots, morters ; pound their corne, make their bread, 
prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne, 
beare al kind of burdens, and such like. 

/fov3 tMty 

vsf tktir 


vj tktir 


TTu vojagts amd distacerits 0/ 


mmkt IkHr 


Tbdr fire thcjr kmdie piCKOtfyky cfaafiac ^ <kT p o i 'itc d 
sticke ID a hole of a tittle t^oart pcece of wood, that firioc 
St ftctie, will fto fire motee, (eaoes, or aide snch like dne 

Xhmg that will ooickly bvrne. - 

In March and Aprill they Hoe much rpoa their fishing, ■ 
wearea ; and feed on fiab, Turkies and aqoirrels. Id May 
and lune they plant their fieldes; and hue most <^ 
AeDnwa, walnota, and fish. But to mend their diet, some 
diaperae thciiwelucs in small companies, and liue vpon 
fi»h, heaata, crahs, o>stcrs, land Torte>-ses, strawberries, 
mulberries, and such like. In lune, lulic, and August, 
they feed vpon the roolcs of Tocknougk, berries, fish, and 
grcenc wheat. 

It IS fttrange to see how their bodies alter with their 
diet ; euen as the dcare and wilde beastes. they seeme fat 
and Icane, strong and weak. Powhatan their great king 
and some others that are provident, rest their fish and 
fleih vpon hurdles as before is expressed, and kecpe it till 
scarce times. 

For fifiliing and hunting and warres they vsemuch their 
bow and arrowcs. They bring their bowes to the forme 
of ours by the scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are 
made, some of straight young sprigs, which they head _ 
%vtth bone some 2 or 3 inches long. These they vse to ■ 
shoot at squirrels on trees. An other sort of arrowes they " 
Vf»c, made of rccds. These are peeced with wood, headed 
with splinters l23i of christali or some sharpe stone, the 
Bpurres of .1 Turkey, or the bill of some bird. For his 
knife, he hath the splinter of a reed to cut his feathers in 
forme. With this knife also, he will ioint a Deare or any 
beast; shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, &c. To make 
the noch ol his arrow hce hath the tooth of a Beuer set 
in a stickc, wherewith he gratcth it by degrees. His 
arrowhead he quickly makcth with a little bone, which 
he ever weareth at his bracer, of any splint of a stone, or 
glassc in tlie forme of a hart ; and these they glew to the 
end of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deare, and the 
tops of Deares homes boiled to a ielly, they make a glew 
thai will not dissolue in cold water. ■ 

I'^or their wars also they vsc Targets that are round and I 
made of the barkes of trees, and a sworde of wood at their I 


- 1.1 


Captainc John Smiih m Virginia. 


backs, but oftentimes they vse for swords the home of a [1607-9] 
Deare put throufi^h a peece of wnod in forme of a Pickaxe. 
Some, a long stone sharpened at both ends vsed in the 
same manner. This they were wont to vse also for hatchets, 
but now by trucking they haue plenty of the same forme, 
of yron. And those are their chiefe instiumentsand armes. 


Ham tktf 



Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of TkHrh^tt. 
one tree by bowing [? bttrnittf^] and scratching away the coles 
with ston[e;s and shels till they haue made it in forme of a 
Trough, Some of them are an eine deepe, and 40 or 50 
foot in length, and some will beare 40 men; but the most 
ordinary are smaller, and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according 
to their bignes, Insteed of oares, they vse paddles and 
sticks, with which they will row faster then our Barges. 

Betwixt their hands and thighes, their women vse to 
spin the barks of trees, deare sinews, or a kind of grasse 
they call Pcmmcnaw\ of these they make a thred very i/. 3651 
even and readily. This thred serveth for many vses, as 
about their housing, apparell; as also they make nets for 
fishing, for the quantity as formally braded as ours. They 
make also with it lines for angles. 

Their hookes are either a bone grated, as they nock their 
arrows, in the forme of a crooked pinne or fishhook ; or of 
the splinter [24] of a bone tied to the clift of a litle stick, 
and with the cndc of the line, they tie on the bate. 

They vse also long arrowes tyed in a line wherewith they 
shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack vse 
staues like vnto lavelins headed with bone. With these 
they dart fish swimming in the water. They haue also 
many artificial! weares in which they get abundance of fish. 

In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines ; 
yet it being their ordinary' exercise from their infancy, they 
esteeme it a pleasure and are veiy proud to be expert 
therein. And by their continuall ranging, and travel, they 
know all the advantages and places most frequented with 
Deare, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Rootcs, and Berries. At 
their huntings they leaue their habitations, and reduce 
themselues into companies, as the Tartars doe, and goe to 
the most desert places with their families, where they 
spend their time in hunting and fowling vp towards the 




Tlu voyages and discoveries of 


[1607-9] moiintaincs, by the heads of their riuers, where there is 
plentie of f^ame. For betwixt the rivers, the grounds are 
so nairowe, that little commeth there which they devoure 
not. It is a marvel they can so directly passe these 
deserts, some 3 or 4 daies iourney without habitation. 
Their hunting houses are like vnto Arbours couered with 
mats. These their women beare after them, with Come, 
Acornes, Mortcrs, and all bag and baggage they vsc. 
When they come to the place of exercise, euery man doth 
his best to shew his dextcritie. for by their excelling in 
those quallitics, they get their wiues. Forty yards will 
they shoot leuell, or very neare the mark, and 120 is their 
best at Random. At their huntings in the deserts they 
arc commonly 2 or 300 together. Hauing found the Dearc, 
they cnuiron them with many fires, and betwixt the fires 
they place themselues. And some take their stands in 
the midst. The Deare being thus feared by the fires and 

[/•sM] their voices, they chacc them so long within that circlCt 
that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a hunting. 
They vse also to driue them into some narrowe point of 
land, [25] when they find that aduantage ; and so force 
them into the riuer, where with their boats they haue 
Ambuscadoes to kill them. When they haue shot a Deare 
by land, they follow him like blood hounds by the blood 
and straine, and oftentimes so take them. Hares, 
Pattridges, Turkies, or Egges, fat or Icane, young or old, 
they devoure all they can catch in their power. 

In one of these huntings, they found Captaine Smith in 
the discoverie of the head of the river of Chickahamania, 
where they slew his men, and tooke him prisoner in a 
Bogmire ; where he saw those exercises, and gathered 
these observations, 

gmsmviijrt One Savage hunting alone, vseth the skinne of a Deare 
slit on the one side, and so put on his arme, through the 
neck, so that his hand comes to the head which is stuffed ; 
and the homes, head, eies, eares, and every part as artc- 
ficially counterfeited as they can devise. Thus shrowding 
his body in the skinne, by stalking he approacheth the 
Deare, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. 
If the Deare chance to find fault, or standc at gaze, hee 
turneth the head with his hand to his best advantage to 







I' 1611.J 
peeme ] 

Captaine lohn Smith in Virginia, 



eme like a Deare, also gazing and licking himselfe. So 

alching his best aduantage to approach, hauing shot hini, 
hee chaseth him by his blood and straine till he get him. 

When they intend any warres, the Werowances vsually 
haue the advice of their Priests and Coniurers, and their 
Allies and ancient friends ; but chicfely the Priestes 
determine iheir resolution. Every Werowaticej or some 
lustie fellow, they appoint Captaine over every nation. 
They scldome make warre for lands or goods, but for 
women and children, and principally for revenge. They 
haue many enimies, namely all their westernely Countries 
beyond the mountaines, and the heads of the rivers. 
Vpon the head of the Powhatans arc the Monacans^ whose 
chiefe habitation is at Rmsawmeakc ; vnto whome the 
Moithemcnchu^hcs, the Massinnacacks, the MonahassanuggSt 
and other nations, pay tribut[e]s. 

Vpon the head of the river of Toppahanock is a [26] 
pie called Mannahoacks. To these are contributers the 
auxsnitanias, the Shackacontas, the Outponcas, the Tego* 
, the Whonkcniyacs, the Stcgarakes^ the HassinnungaSt 
diuerse others; all confederats with the Monacans, 
hough many different in language, and be very barbarous, 
ving for most part of wild beasts and fruits. 

Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the 
river Pata^ii'oiiicke, the Savages report, inhabit their most 
mortall enimies, the ^fassawo^^ukcs vpon a great salt water, 

hich by all likelyhood is either some part of Contfrtada (,, 

fl«<i(/rtj,somegreatIakc,orsomeinletofsome sea that fallcth 
into the South sea. TIig^g Massawomckcs are a great nation 
and very populous. For the heads of all those riuers, espe- 
cially the PattawomckcSf the Pautuxuntcs,iheSasqtusahanocks, 
the TockwoughcSf are continually tormented by them: of 
whose crueltie, they generally complained, and very impor- 
unatc they were with Captaine Smith and his company, to 
ee them from these tormentors. To this purpose, they 
offered food, conduct, assistance, and continuall subiection. 

To which he concluded to effect- But the counsell 
[Council] then present, emulating his succcsse, would not 

inke it ht to spare him 40 men to be hazarded in those 

knowne regions; hauing passed (as before was spoken 
bO but with 12, and so was lost that opportunitie. 



(A 3«7.i 



The voyages and discoveries of 



I/- 30-] 

Seaven boats full of these Massa'X'omek^ the discouerers 
encounlred at the head of the Bay ; whose Targets, 
Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bowes and 
Arrowes, and euery thing shewed, they much exceeded 
them of our parts: and their dexteritic in their small boats 
made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke, and well 
luted with gumme, argueth that they are seated vpon 
some great water. 

Against all these enimies the Powhalaits are constaincd 
sometimes to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Strata- 
gems, trecheries, or surprisals. Yet the Werowances, 
women and children, they put not to death ; but keepe 
them Captiues. They haue a method in warre, and for 
our pleasures 27], they shewed it vs ; and it was in this 
manner performed at Mattapanioit. 

Having painted and disguised thcmsclucs in the fiercest 
manner they could devise, they divided themselues into 
two Companies, neare a 100 in a company. The one com* 
pany called Mouacans^ the other Poichatans, Either army 
had their Captaine. These as enimies tooke their stands 
a musket shot one from another; ranked themselves 15 
a breast, and each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards ; not 
in fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles, so as the 
Reare could shoot as conuenienlly as the Front, 

Hauing thus pitched the fields; from either part went a 
Messenger with these conditions: that whosoever were 
vanquished, such as escape, vpon their submission in 
2 daies after, should Hue; but their wiues and children 
should be prize for the Conquerers. 

The messengers were no sooner returned, but they 
approached in their orders. On each flanke a Sarieant, 
and in the Reare an officer for levitenant, all duly keeping 
their orders, yet leaping and singing after their accustomed 
tune, which they vse only in warres. Vpon the first flight 
of arrowes, they gaue such horrible shouts and screeches, 
as though so many infernall hclhounds could not haue 
made them more terrible. 

When they had spent their arrowes, they ioined together 
prettily, charging and retiring. ever>' ranke seconding 
other. As they got advantage, they catched their enimies 
by the haire of the head ; and downe he came that ws 



J. Smith. 

tnittt. I 

Captaine lohn Smith in Virginia. 




ith his woodi 



[/. 3*9- 1 


imie wun nis wooaen swora seemed to [1607-9] 
beat out his braines, and slill they crept to the Reare, to 
maintaine the skirmish. 

The Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them 
in the forme of a halfe moone : they vnwilhng to be 
inclosed, fled all in a troope to their AmbuscadoeSf on 
whome they led them very cunningly. The Monacaiis 
disperse Ihemselues among the fresh men, wherevpon the 
PouhatiWs retired with al speed to their seconds ; which 
the Monacana seeing, took that advantage to retire againe 
to their own' battel], and so each ^28] returned to their 
owne quarter. 

All their actions, voices and gestures, both in charging 
and retiring, were so strained to the hight of their qualhtie 
9iid nature, that the strangenes thereof made it seem very 

For their musicke they vse a thicke cane, on which they jj*"?. 
pipe as on a Recorder. For their warres, they haue a 
great deepe platter of wood. They cover the mouth thereof 
with a skin, at each corner they tie a walnut, which meet- 
ing on the backside neere the bottome, with a small rope 
Ihcy twitch them togither till it be so tought and stiffe, 
that they may beat vpon it as vpon a drumme. But their 
chiefe instruments are Rattels made of small gourds or 
Pumpion shels. Of these they haue Base, Tenor, Counter- 
tenor, Meane and Trible. These mingled with their voices 
sometimes 20 or 30 togitlier, make such a terrible noise as 
would rather affright then delight any man. 

If any great commander amue at the habitation of a 
WerowancCf they spread a mat as the Turkes do a carpet, 
for him to sit vpon. Vpon an other right opposite they 
sit tliemselues. Then doe all with a tunable voice of 
showting bid him welcome. After this, doe 2. or more of 
their chiefest men make an oration, testifying their loue. 
Which they do with such vehemency and so great passions, 
that they sweate till they drop ; and are so out of breath 
they can scarce speake. So that a man would take them 
to be exceeding angr>' or starke mad. Such victuall as 
they haue, they spend freely ; and at night where his 
edging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red 
with Poconcs and oile. to be his bedfellow. 











The voyages and discoi^erUs of 


Their manner of trading is for copper, beades, and such 
like ; for which they giue such commodities as they haue, 
as skins, fowlc, fish, flesh, and their country corne. But 
their victual! is their chiefest riches. 

Every spring they make themselues sicke with drinking 
the iuice of a root they call wighsacan, and water; whereof 
they powre so great a quantity, that it purgelh them in a 
very violent maner; so that in 3 or 4 daies after, they 
scarce :29j recover their former health. 

Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, 
aches, and such like diseases; for cure wherof they build 
a stoue in the form of a douehousc with mats, so close 
that a fewe coales therein covered with a pot, will make 
the pacient sweate extreamely. For swellings also they 
vse smal peeces of touchwood, in the forme of cloues, which 
pricking on the gricfe, they bume close to the flesh, and 
from thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With 
this root wi^hsacan they ordinarily heal greene wounds: 
but to scarritie a swelling or make incision, their best 
instruments are some splinted stone. Old vlccrs or putri- 
fied hurtes are seldome scene cured amongst them. 

They haue many professed Phisitions, who with their 
charmes and Rattels, with an infernall rowt of words and 
actions^ will seeme to sucke their inwarde griefe from their 
navels or their grieved places ; but of our Chirurgians 
they were so conceiptcd, that they beieeued any Plaister 
would heale any hurt. 





Of their Religion, 

here is yet in Virginia no place discouered 
bee so Savage in which the Savages haue not a 
religion, Deare, and Bow and Arrowes. All 
thinges that were able to do them hurt beyond 
their prevention, they adore with their kinde of divine 
worship ; as the fire, water, lightning, thunder, our ordinance, 
peeces, horses, &c. 

J. Smith. 


Captaine lohn Smith in Virginia. 




But their chiefe God they worship is the Diuell. Him 
they call Okc and serue him more of feare than loue. 
They say they haue conference with him, and fashion 
themselues as neare to his shape as they can imagine. 
In their Temples, they haue his image euill favouredly 
carued, and then painted and adorned with chaines, copper, 
and beades ; and couered with a skin, in such manner as 
the deformity may well suit with such a God. 

3y' him is commonly the sepulcher of their kings. 
Their bodies are first bowelled, then drycd vpon hurdles 
till they bee verie dry, and so about the most of their 
iointes and necke they hang bracelets or chainesof copper, 
pearle, and such like, i30j as they vse to weare ; their 
inwards they stuffe with copper beads and couer with a 
skin, hatchets, and such trash. Then lappe they them 
very carefully in white skins, and so rowle them in mats 
for their winding sheetes. And in the Tombe, which 
is an arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What 
remaineth of this kinde of wealth their kings haue, they 
set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies 
arc kept by their Priests. 

For their ordinary burials, they digge a deep hole in the 
earth with sharpe stakes ; and the corpIs]es being lapped in 
skins and mats with their iewels, they lay them vpon 
sticks in the ground, and so couer them with earth. The 
buriail ended, the women being painted all their faces with 
black cole and oile, doe sit 24 bowers in the houses 
mourning and lamenting by tumes, with such yelling and 
howling as may e.xpresse their great passions. 

In every Territory of a werowancc is a Temple and a 
Priest [or] 2 or 3 or more. Their principall Temple or place 
of superstition is at Vttamussack at Pamavnke^ neare vnto 
which is a house Temple or place of Powluilans. 

Vpon the top of certaine redde sandy hils in the woods, 
there are 3 great houses filled with images of their kings 

d Divels and Tombes of their Predecessors. Those 
ouses are neare Go foot in lengtli, built arbor wise, after 
their building. This place they count so holy as that [none] 
but the Priestes and kings dare come into them : nor the 
Savages dare not go vp the river in boats by it, but that 
they solemnly cast some peece of copper, white beads, or 


ttiry tJttt* 


I/. 371.I 




The voyages and discoveries of 





[1607-9] Pocoftes, into the river, for feare their Oke should be 
offended and revenjjed of them. 

In this place commonly is resident 7 Priests. The 
chiefe differed from the rest in his ornaments: but inferior 
Priests could hardly be knowne from the common people, 
but tiiat Ihey had not so many holes in their eares to hang 
their iewels at. 

The ornaments of the chiefe Priest was certain attires 
for his head made thus. They tooke a dosen or 16 or '311 
more snake skins, and stuffed them with mosse; and of 
weesels and other vermine skins, a good many. All these 
they tic by their tailcs, so as all their tailes meete in the 
toppe of their head, like a great Tassell. Round about 
this Tassell is as it were a crown of feathers ; the skins 
hang round about his head necke and shoulders, and in a 
manner cover his face. 

The faces of all their Priests are painted as vglyas they 
can devise. In their hands, they had every one hh 
Rattell, some base, some smaller \i,e.J{ghtcr in sound]. Their 
devotion was most in songs which the chiefe Priest be- 
ginneth and the rest followed him : sometimes he maketh 
invocations with broken sentences, by starts and strange 
passions, and at every pause, the rest giue a short groane. 

It could not bee perceiued that they keepe any day as 
more holy then other: but only in some great dislresse, of 
want, feare of enimies, times of triumph and gathering 
togither their fruits, the whole country of men women and 
children tome togither to solemnities. The manner of 
their devotion is sometimes to make a great fire in the 
house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it, with 
rattles and shouts togither, 4 or 5 houres. Sometimes 
they set a man in the n;idst, and about him they dance 
and sing; he all the while clapping his hands as if he 
would keepe time. And after their songs and dauncings 
ended, they goe to their Feasts. 

They haue also diuers coniurations. One they made 
when Captaine Smi7/i was their prisoner; (as they reported) 
to know if any more of his countrymen would ariue there, 
and what he there intended. The manner of it was thus. 

First they made a faire fire in a house. About this fire 
set 7 Priests setting him by them ; and about the fire, 





Captaine John Smith in Virginia, 


they made a circle of meale. That done, the chiefe Priest 
attired as is expressed [above], began to shake his rattle; 
and the rest followed him in his song. At the end of the 
song, he laid downe 5 or 5 graines of wheat, and so con- 
tinued counting his songs by the graines, till 3 times they 
incirculed the tire. Then they divide [32j the graines 
by certaine numbers with little stickes, laying downe at 
the ende of euery song a little sticke. 

In this manner, they sat 8, 10, or 12 houres without 
cease, with such strange stretching of their armes, and 
violent passions and gestures as might well seeme strange 
to him they soconiured ; who but euery houre expected his 
end. Not any meat they did eat till, late in the evening, 
they had finished this worke : and then they feasted him 
and ihemselues with much mirth. But 3 or 4 daies they 
continued this ceremony. 

They hauealso certaine Altar stones they call Prtzi'corrtwcw: 
but these stand from their Temples, some by their 
houses, other in the woodes and wildernesses. Vpon 
these, they offer blood, deare suet, and Tobacco, These 
they doe when theyreturne from the warres, from hunting, 
and vpon many other occasions. 

They haue also another superstition that they vse in 
stormes, when the waters are rough in the riuers and sea 
coasts. Their Coniurers runne to the water sides, or 
passing in their boats, after many hellish outcries and 
invocations, they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones, and such 
trash into the water, to pacific that God whome they 
thinke to be ver\' angry in those stormes. 

Before their dinners and suppers, the 
take the first bit, and cast it in the fire; 
grace they are known to vse. 

In some part of the Country, they haue yearely a 
sacrifice of children. Such a one was at Quiyoughcohattock, 
some 10 miles from lames Towne, and thus performed. 

Fifteene of the properest young boyes, betweene 10 and 
15 yeares of age, they painted white. Hauing brought 
them forth, the people spent the forenoone in dancing and 
singing about them with rattles. 

In the afternoone, they put those children to the roote of 
a tree. By them, all the men stood in a guard, every one 


better sort will 
which is all the 






. to 

fmt weat 
r other by 
vitfa their 


wt iomn tht tnt^ 
vMcDce, that tbcy rent the bo^f , 

tbcir cfiudress 

fte guanl, the 
with such 
wreathes for 
with the leaaes. 
not secne ; but 

7%§ir rttmr- 

What dse was doDe With the 

they were all cast on a heape in a vaDeir, as dead : where 

they made a great feast lor a] the company. 

The Wamancs being demanded the meaning of this 
«acri6ce, answered that the children were not al dead, 
hot [only] that the Ok^ or DivcIJ did sucke the blood from 
their left breast [of those], who chanced to be his by lot, till 
they were dead. But the rest were kept in the wildcr- 
nessc by the yong men til! nine moneths were expired, 
during which time they must not conuerse with any : and 
of these, were made their Priests and Conjurers. 

This sacrifice they held to bee so necessarie, that if they 
should omit it, their Okc or Divel and all their other 
Quiyoui^hcosughK (which are their other Gods) would let 
them haue no Deare, Turkies, Come, nor fish: and yet 
besides, hcc would make great slaughter amongst them. 

They thinke that their Werowattc€s and Priestes, which 
they also estecme Quiyintf^hcostighes, when they are dead, 
doe goe beyound the mountaines towardes the setting of 
the sun, and euer remaine there in forme of their Oke^ 
with their heads painted with oile and Pocones, finely 
trimmed witli feathers ; and shal haue beades, hatchets, 
copper, and tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing 
with all their Predecessors. 




Capiaine lo/ui Smith in Virginia, 

" But the common people, they suppose [34] shall not [1607-9J 
liue after death. 

I To diuert them from this blind idolatrie, many vsed 
Iheir best indeauours, chiefly with the Werowanzci of 
Quiyoti^hcohanoch ; whose devotion, apprehension, and 
good disposition much exceeded any in those Countries: 
Iwho though we could not as yet preuaile withall to for- 
sake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeue, that our God 
as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did their Bowes 
ind Arrows ; and many times did send to the President, at 
^amcs towne, men with presents, intreating them to pray 
'to his God for raine, for his Gods would not send him any. 
And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore 
soules sacrifice themselues to the Diueli, not knowing 
itiieir Creator. 


Of the manner of the Virginians governement^ iajtjJ 

Ithough the countrie people be very barbarous; 
yet haue they amongst them such governement, 
as that their Magtslrat[e]s for good command- 
ing, and their people for du[e] subiection and 
obeying,excell many places that would be counted very civill. 
The forme of their Common wealth is a monarchicall 
ouemement. One as Emperour ruleth ouer many kings or 
governours. Their chiefe ruler is called Powhatan, and 
taketh his name of the principali place of dwelling called 
Pow}iatan. But his proper name is Wahnnsonacock. 

Some countries he hath, which haue been his ancestors, 
and came vnto him by inheritance, as the countrie called 
Powhatan^ A rYohateck^Appaitiaiukc.Pamavnkc^ Youghtanu[n]d^ 
and Maiiapanienl, All the rest of his Territories expressed 
in the Map, they report haue beene his seuerall conquests. 
In all his ancient inheritances, hee hath houses built 
after their manner like arbours; some 30, some 40 yardes 
■long ; and at euery house, provision for his entertainement, 
according to the time. At WerowcomocOy he was seated 
vpon the North side of the riuer Pamavnke, some 14 miles 

The voyages and discoveries of 



where for the most part, hee was resi-^ 


t/. 376] 

It in attrmj- 
*tmc0 amd 

[1607-0] from James Towne 

dent, but he tooke so little pleasure in our neare neighbour- 
hood [35], that were able to visit him against his will in 
6 or 7 houres, that he retired himself [in Jan. 1609, see 
p. 146] to a place in the deserts at the top of the riucr 
Chickahamuuia betweene Yotightanund and Powhatan, His 
habitation there is called Orapacks, where he ordinarily 
now resideth. 

He is of parsonage a tall well proportioned man, with a 
sower looke ; his head somwhat gray, his beard so thinne 
that it seemeth none at al. His age neare 60; of a very 
able and hardy body to endure any labour. About his 
person ordinarily attendeth a guard of 40 or 50 of the 
tallest men his Country doth afford. Every night vpon 
the 4 quarters of his house arc 4 Sentinels, each standing 
from other a flight shoot : and at euery halfe houre, one 
from the Corps du guard doth hollowe ; vnto whom every 
Sentinell doth answer round from his stand. If any failc, 
they presently send forth an officer that beateth hira 

A mile from Orapakes in a thicket of wood, hee hath a 
house, in which he keepeth his kind of Treasure, as 
skinnes, copper, pearle, and beades ; which he storeth vp 
against the time of his death and buriall. Here also is 
his store of red paint for ointment, and bowes and anowes. 
This house is 50 or 60 yards in length, frequented only by 
Pricstes. At the 4 corners of this house stand 4 Images 
as Sentinels; one of a Dragon, another a Reare, the 3 
like a Leopard, and the fourth like a giantlike nlan : all 
made euill favordly, according to their best workmanship. 

He hath as many women as he will : whereof when hee 
lieth on his bed, one sitleth at his head, and another at his 
feet ; but when he sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand, 
and another on his left. As he is wearie of his women, 
hee bestoweth them on those that best deserue them at his 

When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women, before 
and after meat, bringeth him water in a wo[o]den platter 
to wash his hands. Another waitelh with a bunch of 
feathers to wipe theminsteed of aTowell,and the feathers 
when he hath wiped are dryed againe, 





J. Smith. 


Capiaine lohn Smith in Virginia, 




His kingdome descendeth [38] not to his sonnes nor chil- [1607-9] 
dren : but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely 
Opiichapan, Opechancaftoughf and Catataugh; and after their 
decease to his sisters. First to the eldest sister, then to 
the rest: and after them to the heires male and female of 
the eldest sister ; but never to the heires of the males. 

[Neither] He nor any of his people vnderstand any 
letters wherby to write or read ; the only lawes whereby 
he ruleth is custome. Yet when he listeth, his will is a r/.377.i 
law and must bee obeyed : not only as a king, but as halfe a 
God they csteeme him. 

His inferiour kings whom they cal werowanccs are tyed 
to rule by customes, and haue power of life and death as 
their command in that nature. But this word Werowance 
which we call and constcr for a king, is a common worde 
whereby they call all commanders: for they haue but fewe 
words in their language, and but few occasions to vse anie 
officers more then one commander, which commonly 
they call werowances. 

They all knowe their severall landes, and habitations, 
and limits to fish, fowle, or hunt in : but they hold all of 
their great IVcrowauccs Powhatan, vnto whome they pay 
tributcof skinncs, beades,copper,pearle,deare, turkies, wild 
beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not 
disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what 
great fcare and adoration all these people doe obay this 
PowJialan, For at his feet, they present whatsoever he 
commandeth, and at the least frowne of his browe, their 
greatest spirits will tremble with feare : and no maruell, 
for he is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing such as 
offend him. 

For example, hee caused certaine malefactors to be 
bound hand and foot, then hauing of many fires gathered 
great store of burning coles, they rake these coles round 
in the forme of a cockpit, and in the midst they cast the 
offenders to broyle to death. Sometimes he causeth the 
heads of them that offend him, to be laid vpon the altar 
or sacrificing stone, and one with clubbes beates out their 
braines. When he would punish any notorious enimie or 
malefactor ',37j, he causeth him to be tied to a tree, and, 
with muscle shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth of[f] 

£;vo, SCit. Ub. No. 16. ^ 

Tkt ttnsr- 



Tlu voyages and discoveries of 

J. SmVCk, 

[1607-9] his ioints one after another, euer casting what they cut 

ofif, into the fire ; then doth he proceed with shels and 

reeds to case the skinne from his head and face ; then doe 

they rip his belly, and so burne him with the tree and all, 

|^|liS95-1 Thus thcmselues reported they executed Gcorf^e Cassen, 

Their ordinary correction is to beate them with cudgels. 

Wee haue scene a man knecHng on his knees ; and at 

Powhaians command, two men haue beat him on the bare 

skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a s^wjound, and yet 

IA37B] neuer cry nor complained. 

Intheyearci6o8,hee surprised the peopleof Pa)'anAaiflHife, 
his neare neighbours and subiects. The occasion was 
to vs vnknowne, but the manner was thus. First he 
sent diverse of his men as to lodge amongst them that 
night, then the A iiibttscadocs inuironed al their houses, and 
at the hourc appointed, they all fell to the spoile : 24 men 
they slewe, the long haire of the one side of their heades 
with the skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought 
away. They surprised also the women and the children 
and the Werowaticc. All these they present [ed] to Powha- 
tan. The Wcrowancc, women and children became his 
prisoners, and doe him service. 

The lockes of haire with their skinnes he hanged on a 
line vnto two trees. And thus he made ostentation as of 
a great triumph at Wcrowocomoco\ shewing them to the 
English men that then came vnto him, at his appoint- 
ment : they expecting provision ; he, to betray thera 
[? Captain Smith's visits 12 Jan, i6og, sec p. 133] [and] 
supposed to halfe conquer them, by this spectacle of his 
terrible crueltie. 

And this is as much as my memory can call to mind 
worthie of note; which I haue purposely collected, to 
satisfie my friends of the true worth and qualitie of 
Virginia, Yet some bad natures will not sticke to slander 
the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things, 
especially in company where they can find none to 
contradict them. Who though they were scarse euer 10 
miles from lanu-s Town, or at the most but at the falles; 
yet holding it a great disgrace that l38] amongst so much 






t. Smith.! 

Captaine lohti Smith in Virginia, 


action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things, [1607-9] 
though they never adventiKcd to kncwe any thing; nor 
euer did any thing but devourc the fruits of other mens 
labours. Being for most part of such tender educations 
and small experience in martiall accidents : because they 
found not English cities, nor such faire houses, nor at 
their cwne wishes any of their accustomed dainties, with 
feather beds and downe pillowos, Tavernes and alehouses 
in every breathing place, neither such plenty of gold and lp'■m^ 
siluer and dissolute libcrtyas they expected, [they] had little 
or no care of any thing, but to pamper their belh'es, to fly 
away with our Pinnaces, or procure their means to returne 
for England. For the Country was to them a miserie, a 
ruine, a death, a hell; and their reports here, and their 
ownc actions there according. 

Some other there were that had yearely stipends to pass 
to and againe for transportation : who to keepe the mystery 
of the businesse in themselues, though they had neither 
time nor meanes to knowe much of themselues; yet al 
mens actions or relations they so formally tuned to the 
temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their 
ignorances seeme much more then al tlie true actors could 
by their experience. And those with their great words 
deluded the world with such strange promises as abused 
the businesse much worse then the rest. For the busi- 
nesse being builded vpon the foundation of their faincd 
experience, the planters, the mony, tinne[/rMw],and meanes 
haue still miscaried: yet they ever returning, and the 
Planters so farre absent, who could contradict their excuses ? 
which, stil to maintain their vaineglory and estimation, 
from time to time they haue vsed such diligence as made 
them passe for truthes, though nothing more false. 
And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no 
man wonder ; for the wisest liuing is soonest abused by 
him that hath a faire tongue and a dissembling heart. 

There were many in Virginia meerely proiecting verbal 
[39] and idle contemplatours, and those so deuotedto pure 
idlenesse that though they had lived two or three yeares 
in Virginia lordly, necessitie it selfe could not compell 
them to passe the Pcninsnla, or Pallisadocs of /fl;«fs Towne ; 
and those wittie spirits, what would they not affirme in 


The voyages and discoveries of Capt, John Smith, \}'^^ 

[1607-9] the behalfc of our transporters, to get victuall from their 
ships, or obtaine their good words in England to get their 
passes ? 

Thus from the clamors and the ignorance of false 
informers are sprung those disasters that spring in 
Virginia ; and our ingenious verbalists were no lesse 
plague to vs in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians. 
For the labour of 30 of the best only, preserued in Chris- 
IA3»o^I tianitie, by their Industrie, the idle livers of neare 200 of 
the rest : who liued neer 10 months of such natural! 
meanes, as the Country naturally of it selfe afforded. 

Notwithstanding all this, and the worst furic of the 
Savages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, 
ignorances, and want of victual! ; in all that time I lost 
but 7 or 8 men : yet subiected the Savages to our desired 
obedience, and receaued contribution from 35 of their 
kings, to protect and assist them against any that should 
assalt them ; in which order they continued true and faith- 
ful, and as subjects to his Maiestie, so long after as I did 
gouern there, vntill I left the Country : 

Since, how they haue revolted, tiie Countrie lost, and 
againe replanted ; and [how] the businesses hath succeeded 
from time to time, I referre you to the relations of them 
returned from Virginia^ that haue bin more diligent in 
such observations. 



[The Second Part of A Map ofFIRGlSlA, i6ii.] 




Virginia since their first beginning from 

England in the yeare of our Lord 1606, 

//'// this present 1612, with all their 

acddents that befell them in their 

lournies and Discoveries, 

Also the Salvages discourses, orations and relations 
of the Bordering neighbours, and how they be- 
came subiect to the English. 

Enfolding even the funAamentall caujes from ivhence baue sprang so many 
miseries to the *vnder takers, and scandals to tAe businesse : taken faith' 
fully as they nuere luritten out of the luritings efThamas 
Studley the first pro^vant maister^ Anas ToJkiU, H^alter 
Russell Dsctor of Phisicke, Nathanietl Powell, 
WiUiam Pbettyptace, Richard H'yffin^ Thomas 
AlthaVf Tbo : Hope, Rich : Pots ana 
the labour J of divers other dili- 
gent obser*vers, that tssert 
residints in Virginia, 

And perused and confirmed by diverse now resident in 
England that were actors in this bustnes. 

By W. S. 

Printed by Joseph Barnes. 1612, 


[T. Aebay states, on the oppoiile face, f gp e cti n t ths second 


Seilker am T ttu authefr^for tkcy are many, whau fimrtiatlar Ep- 
icurus are titled by their names. This soHd irmiist^ firtt wot 
compiied by Ktchafd Pols, since fKissim^ the hinds tf many t»perv$e^ 
cAanan^ into my hamls^ (j'or th^t I Jbrnaw them kaiust men^ wtd cam 
partly welt uitnesse their relations true) / could do no lesse tM charity 
to the w&rld tlun rtvealej nor in conscience, hut improve. 

This Part is therefore the Vindication or Manifesto of the thirty or 

forty Gentlemen and Soldiers, who. under SMITH, saved the Cc^ony 
pp. 155, 472, 930. So far therefore, it is an ex parK statement : but we 
have taken the edge off that objection, hy printing at pp. xxxiii-cxir 
of the Iniroduciion all the documents, written by the other side that 
perished, which we could readily find, it will be seen that these 
introductory pieces illuminate and illustrate, rather than contradict, 
what follows. 

This second Part of the Map of Virginiti^ compiled, and perhaps 
added to, by Richard Pots,/. 169 ; tested and revised by the Re%-, 
William Si5imonds, D.D.,/. 174 ; and published by T. AbB-W ; is 
a condensed summary of the sayings and writings of the following six 
Viiginian Colonists : 


Original Planters^ 1607. 

Nathaniel Powell (killed in the Massacre, 22 March 1623,/^. 575^ 

583}*/;/>. 93. I20- 
TUOMAS Studllv, Cape Merchant or Colonial Storekeeper (who 
died ;8 August 1607,/. Ixxii),//. 93, 99, 107. 

First Supply, 160S. 

William PhettiplacEj/^j. 107, 148, 169, 185. 
Dr. Walter Russell, yi/. 108, 115. 
Richard Wiffin,//. 108, 148, 185. 

So L D r E R, 
Original Planter, 1607, 
Anas Todkill,//5. 94, 107, 115, uo, 14S. 

In the revision of this text in the General History^ Lib. 3, in 1624 ; 
the testimonies of eight other Gentlemen were incorporated (not 
invented las some uould think), for which see p. 384. 

It is to be especially noted that, while he would endorse it all. 
Captain SMITH is not named as an author of any portion of this 
Second Part, cither in the title in the previous page or in the text 
itself : therefore no allusion to the POCAHONTAS deliverance should be 
expected in it ; and there is none.] 



Ong hath the world lovged, but to be tntely 

satisfied what Virginia is, with the tnUh 

of those proceedings, fro7n whence hath 

flowne so nianie reports of iDorth, and yet few good 

effects of the charge, which hath caused suspition 

in many well willcrs that desire yet but to be truely 

satisfied therein. If any can rcsolu-e this doubt it is 

those that hanc lived residents in the land: not 

salfyers, or passengers, nor such vicrcinary coniem- 

plators, that only bedeck themsclues with others 

plumes. This discourse is not frotn such, neither 

am I the author, for they are many, whose particular 

discourses are signed by tlieir names. This solid 

treatise, first was compiled by Richard Pots, since 

^^assing the hands of many to pervse, chanciytg iitto viy 

^^kands, {for tJuxt I know them honest men, and can 

partly zucll wiinesse their relations true) I could do 

no Icssc in charity to the world then reveale ; nor 

^Bv conscience^ but approue. By the advise of many 

^gra7ie and vnderstanding gentlemen, that liaue pressed 

it to the presse, it was thought fit to publish it, 

rather in ii[i\ owne rude phrase the7i other waivs, 

^gFor that nothing can so purge that famous action 

from the infamous scandal some ignorantly Imue 

conceited, as the plaine simple arid naked truth. For 

defect wliercof the businesse is still suspected, the 




[To the Reader. 

T. k\\m$\ 

PWS] truth vnhtimme, and the besi dtscrvers discouraged^ 
and neglected, some by false reports, otAers 6y con- 
ieclnre^ and sncA power bath JleUiry to it^ender oj 
those, hatred and affection, that one is sufficient to 
beguile more titen 500 can keepe from being deeeiueeL 

But this discourse is no Judge of m ens ma$mers^ 
nor catalogue of their former courses ; only a reporter 
of their actions in Virginia, not to disgrace any, accuse 
any^ excuse any, ncnr flatter any ; for which cause there 
is no wrong done but this, shortncsse in complaining^ 
and so sparing in commending as only the reader may 
perceiue the truth for his paines, and the actum 
purged of foule slander ; it can detract from moms 
that intendeth there to adventure their fortunes ; and 
to speaie truly of the first planters, that brake the 
yce and beaU the pedh^ kowsoemer many ififimltiex 
obscured their imU^alpours, he were worse then the 
worst of Ingrates, that would not spare them [theirj 
menwry that hcnu buried themselmes in those forraim 
r^ioms. From whose farsi adoemtmrts amy spriag 
more good blessings then are yd eomceioed So I rtsi 
thine, that will readp^rvse^ and vndersiamd me. If 
yon faide false ortkogre^ky or brokea English, they 
arc small famltes in somlcSers^ thai nai bei^g able ia 
write teamediy^ onlie striae to speaie iruely^ amd 
ie vadersiaod tniiomt aa Interpreter. 

T. Abbay 






^H Virginia, taken faithfully out of the 

^^^^^ writings of Thomas Siudly^ Cape-mar- 

^^^^B chant. Anas Todkill^ Doctor Russell^ 

^^^^^m Kfitbaniel! Petoell, H^iliitim Pbctiplate,AXid 

^^^^^H R'ubard Pct\i\j wiih the labourcs of 

^^^^^B other discreet observers^ during 

^^^^^ft their rcsidcaccs. 


T might wel be thought, a countrie so j 
faire (as Virginia is) and a people so 
V^ tractable, would long ere this haue 
J^ becnc quietly possessed, to the satis- 
faction of the adventurers, and the 
eternizing of the memorie of those that 
affected it. But because all the world 
doe see a defailement ; tliis following 
Treatise shall giue satisfaction to all indifferent readers, 
how the businesse hath beene carried, where no doubt 
they will easily vnderstand and answer to their question, 
howe it came to passe there was no better speed and 
successe in those proceedings. 

Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold, the first mover of this 
plantation, hauing many yeares solicited many of his 
friends, but found small assistants ; at last prevailed with 
some Gentlemen, as Maister Edward ffiaria Wingfidd, 
Captaine lohn Smith, and diverse others, who depended a 



The proceedings and accidents of 




lo), jM.' iB', 



ycarc vpon his projects, but nothing could be effected, till 
by their great charge and industrie it came to be appre- 
hended by ccrtaine of the Nobilitie, '2] Gcntric, and ^lar- 
chants, so that his Maiestie by his letters patent, gaue 
commission for establishing Councels, to direct here, and 
to govcrne and to execute there. To effect this, was spent 
another ycarc ; and by that time, three ships were pro- 
vided, one of 100 Tonns, another of 40. and a Pinnace of 
20. The transportation of the company was commilled 
to Captainc Christopher Ncxc'Port, a Marriner well practised 
for the westcrne parts of /Ivterica. But their orders for 
goucrnement were put in a box, not to be opened, nor the 
governours knowne vntill they arived in Virginia, 

On the 19 of December, 1606. we set saile, but by vn* 
prosperous winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of 
England ; all which time, MahUr Hunt our Preacher, 
was 80 weake and sicke, that iew expected his recoverie. 
Yet although he were but 10 or 12 miles from his habita- 
tion (the time we were in the Downes), and notwithstand- 
ing the slormie weather, nor the scandalous imputations 
(of some few, little better then Atheists, of the greatest 
rankc amongst vs) suggested against him ; all this could 
never force from him so much as a seeming desire to 
leaue the busines ; but preferred the service of God, in so 
good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his 
godlesse foes, whose disasterous designes (could they haue 
prevailed) had even then overthrowne the businesse : so 
many discontents did then arise ; had he not, with the 
water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly 
by his tnie devoted examples) quenched tliose. flames of 
cnvic, and disscntion. ^3] 

Wee watrcd at the Canaries ; wee traded with the Sal- 
vages at Dovtitiica ; three weekes we spent in refreshing 
our selu[ejs antongst these west-India lies; in GwardtUitpa 
w« found a bath so hot, as in it we boiled porck as well 
as over the fire. And at the little He called A/onfcj, we 
tooke from the bushes with our hands, reare 2 hogsheads 
fuU of birds in 3 or 4 hourcs. In MniSt Sft^ia, and the 
Virgin lies, we sprnt some lime, where with a lothsome 
beast like a Crocadil, called a Gw^yn [fpuna, Tortoscs, 
Felltcans, Parrots, and f.shes, we daily feasted. 


T. Stndlry"! 
" luDC s6e8. J 

the first planters in Virginia. 


f Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company [1607] 
was not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had U^i^j-l 
three daies passed their reckoning, and found no land ; 
so that Captaine Raidiffe (Captaine of the Pinnace) rather 
desired to beare vp the helme to returne for England, 
then make further search. But God, the guider of all 
good actions, forcing them by an extream'e] storme to 
huljl] all night, did driue them by his providence to their 
desired port, beyond all their expectations : for never any 
of them had scene that coast. 

The first land they made, they called Cap^ Henry ; where 
anchoring, Maisier Wivgfield, GosnoU, and Newport, with 
30 others, recreating themselues on shore, were assalted 
by 5 Salvages ; who hurt 2 of the English very dangerously. 

That night [26 April 1607], was the box opened, and 
the orders read : in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Edward 
Wingfiddy Christopher Newport, lohn Smithy lohn Rai[c]Uffe, 
John Martin, and George Kendall, were named to bee the 
Councell, and to choose a President amongst them for a 
yeare, who with the Councell should governe. Matters ^'*'^ 
of moment were to be examined by a Jurie, [4] but deter- (»w«* 
mined by the major part of the Councell in which the 
Precedent had 2 voices. 

Vntill the 13 of May, they sought a place to plant in: fAcl 
then the Councell was sworne, Maister Wingfidd was 
chosen Precident, and an oration rtiade, whie Captaine 
Smith was not admitted of the Councell as the rest 

Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contriue 
the Fort, the rest cut downe trees to make place to pitch 
their Tents ; some provide clapbord to relade the ships; 
some make gardens, some nets, &c. The Salvages often 
visited vs kindly. The Precidents overweening icalousie 
would admit no exercise at armcs, or fortification but the 
boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe 
moone by the extraordinary paines and diligence of 
Captaine KendalL 

Newport^ with Smith, and 20 others, were sent to dis- 
cover the head of the river. By divers smal habitations 
they passed. In 6 daies they arrived [the writer of this 
passable was evidently not in this expedition; and is therefore 
probably T, StudUy] at a towne called Powhatan, consisting 


Falht ami 



The proceedings and accidents of 

rX. Siadley. 

of some 12 houses pleasantly seated on a hill: before it, 

3 fcrtiKcj lies, about it many of their cornefields. The 

place is ver>' pleasant, and strong by nature. Of this place, 

the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Poivhatans. 

L^ittl To this place, the riuer is navigable ; but higher within a 

mile, by reason of the Rockes and lies, there is not passage 

1 for a sraal boate ; this they call the Falles. The people in 

H al parts kindly intreated them, til being returned within 

H 20 miles of lames towne, they gave iust cause of iealousie. 

H But had God not blessed the discoverers otherwise then 

^^ those at the fort, there had then beene an end of that 

ThfFtni plantation. For at the fort, where they arived the next 

JrtJ*' day, [6| they found 17 men hurt, and a boy slaine by the 

***««• Salvages. And had it not chanced a crosse barre shot from 

(/. 7.1 the ships strooke down a bough from a tree amongst them, 

that caused them to retire, our men had all been slaine ; 

being securely al! at worke, and their armes in drie fats. 

(/.8j Herevpon the President was contented the Fort should 

be pallisadoed, the ordinance mounted, his men armed 

and exercised : for many were the assaults and Ambus- 

cadoesofthe Salvages; and our men by their disorderly 

stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages by the 

nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. 

What toile wee had, with so smal a power to guard our 
workmen adaies, watch al night, resist our enimies and 
effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut downe trees» 
and prepare the ground to plant our corne, &c., I referre 
to the readers consideration. 

Six weekes being spent in this manner. Captaine Newport 
(who was hired only for our transportation) was to return 
with the ships. 
^ Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from their 
departure from the Canaries, was restrained [24A/ar.^.lvii] 
as a prisoner, vpon the scandalous suggestions of some of 
the chiefe (envying his repute) ; who fained he intended 
to vsurpe the governemcnt, murder the Councell, and make 
himselfe king ; that his confederatfe^ were dispearsed in all 
the three ships, and that divers of his cDnfederat[c]s that 
revealed it, would affirme it : for this he was committed. 

13 weekes he remained thus suspected ; and by that 
time the ships should retumc, they pretended, out of their 





T. SidJI 


the first planters in Virginia, 




commisseratidns, to referre him to the Councell in Eng- 
land, to receaue a [6] check; rather then by particu- 
lating his designes, make him so odious to the world, as 
to touch his life, or vtterly overthrowe his reputation. 

But he much scorned their charitie, and publikely 
defied the vttermost of their crueltie. Hee wisely pre- 
vented their pollicies, though he could not suppresse their 
envies: yet so wel he demeaned himselfe in this busincs, 
as all the company did see his innocencie, and his advcr- 
sanes malice ; and those suborned to accuse him, accused 
liis accusers of subornation. Many vntruthes were alleaged 
against him ; but being so apparently disproved begat a 
generall hatred in the h[e]arts of the company against 
such vniust commanders. 

Many were the mischiefes that daily sprong from their 
ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good doctrine 
and exhortation of our preacher Maister Hunt reconciled 
them, and caused Captaine Smiih to be admitted of the 
Councell [20 Junt\, 

The next day all receaved the Communion : the day 
following the Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and ^Jj^^, 
Captaine Newport returned for England with ncwes ; '»^^*^*' 
leaving in Virginia^ 100. the 15 [arratftcr 22] of lune 1607. j^^j 

l/A 90. 90. 



The names of them that were the first planters, 
were these following. 

Maister Edward Maria ' 

Captaine Bartlwlofnew 

Captaine lohn Smyth. 
Capialne I ohnRat[c]liff£, 
Captaine John Martin, 
CsiptsdntGeorge Kendall. 

Maister Robert Hunt 

Maister George Percie. \ ^ 
Anthony Gosnoll, \ g 

Captaine Gabriel! Archer.) ^ 

Robert Ford, 
William Bruster. 
Drule] Pickhouse, 
John Brookes. 
Thomas Sauds. 
lohn Robin^ott, 
Vslis ClovtiL 
Kellam Throgmorton, 
Nathaniell PowelL 
Robert Beliethland, 
Jeremy AUcock, 
Thomas StudUy, 
Richard Cro/ts. 

lA jgo-l 




The proaedimgs andtudJents of R^Si' 

11607) Sickolas Houlgrauc, 
Thonua Wcbbei 
John WaUr. 
William Tankard. 
Francis Snatshrongk^ 
Edward Brooka. 
Richard Dixon, 
John Martin, 
George Martin. 
Anthony GosnoU, 
Thomas Wotioftf Sierg. 
Tlionias Gore. 
Francis Midwinter, 

William Laxon. 

Edward Pising. 
Thomas Emry, 
Robert SfmilL 

Anas TodkilL 
John Capper, 

lames Read, Blacksmith. 
Jonas Profit, Sailer. 
Thomas Coupcr, Barber. 

■- C 


JcJm Herd, Bricklayer. 
William Garret, Brickla3rcr. 
RdmmL BruUc, Mason. 
WiUiam Loue^ Taylor. 
Nicholas Skot, Drumlmcr]. 

lohm Laydom, 
William Casscn, 
George Cassen, 
Thomas Cassau 
WiUiam Rods. 
William Wkit^. 
Otdd Edward, 
Henry Tauin, 
George Golding, 
lohn Dods. 
William Johnson, 
William Vngcr, 

William Wilkinson, Surgeon. 

Samucll Collier, 
Natlianiel Pecoch. 
James Brumficld, 
Richard Mutton. 




with diverse others, to the number of 105. [9] 



IV/tai happened till the first supply. 

Eing thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that, 
within tenne daies,scarse ten amongst vs coulde 
either goe, or well stand ; such extreame weak- 
nes and sicknes oppressed vs. And thereat none 
need mcrvaile, if they consider the cause and reason; 
which was this. 

Whilest the ships staicd, our allowance was somewhat 

1 June i6o6- J 

the first planters in Virginia, 



TA« aaiUrt 



bettered by a daily proportion of biskct which the sailers 
would pilfer to sell,giue, or exchange with vs»for monlejy^ 
saxefras, furres, or louc. But when they departed, there 
remained neither taverne, beere- house, nor place of 
rel[e]ife but the common kettell. Had we beene as free 
from all binnes as gluttony and drunkeness, we might 
baue bin canonized for Saints. But ouj:_Eresidcnt.would^ 
neyerJiaufiJua^admiltcd^Qr ingrossing^tQ his.-pimf [f tfi> 
^ Tns own usc\ Otemeale^ sacke^oilc* aquavits, bccfe, eglgji^ 
or_>vhat noty but the koU«l; that indeede he allowed 
equally to be distributed : and that was halfe a pinte of 
wheat, and as much barly, boyled with water, for a man a 
day; and this having fryed some26. weeks in the ships hold, 
contained as many wormes as graines, so that we might 
truelycall it rather so much bran thancorne. Our drinke 
was water; our lodgings, castles in the air [i.c^in tlie trees]. 

With this lodging and diet, our extreame toile in bear- 
ing and planting palHsadoes, so strained and bruised [10] 
vs, and our continuall labour in the extremity of the heate 
had so weakned vs, as were cause sufficient to haue made 
vs as miserable in our natiue country, or any other place 
in the world. 

From May to September, those that escaped lived vpon 
Sturgion and sea-Crabs. 

50. in this time we buried. 

The rest seeinfj the Presidents proiects to escape these 
miseries in our Pinnas by flight (who all this time, had 
neither felt want nor sicknes), [this] so moved our dead 
spirits, as we deposed him [10 Sept. 1607J; and established 
Ratcliffe in his place: Gosftoll being dead [22 Aug, 1607], 
[and] Kcitdalldcposed'i? Sept, 1607]. Smith newly recovered; I/. 39».l 
JWar/(« and Rai[cj/i^(!was,byhiscare, preserved and relieued. 

But now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon 
gone, all helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury 
of the Salvages ; when God, the patron of all good indea- 
vours, in that desperate extreamity, so changed the harts 
of the Salvages, that they brought such plenty of their 
fruits and provision, as no man wanted. 

And now where some affirmed it was ill done cf the 
Councel to send forth men so badly prouided, this incon- 
tradictable reason will shew them plainely they are too ill 








!/• 903.1 

(A 9-1 

r>. 10.I 

The proceedings and accidents of \^i^^^: 

advised to nourish such il conceipts. First, the fault of 
our going was our owne. What could bee thought fitting 
or necessary wee had : but what wee should finde, what we 
should want, where we shoulde be, we were alJ ignorant [of I, 
And supposing to make our passage in two monthes, with 
victual! to Hue, and the advantage of the spring to worke : 
we weare at sea 5. monthes, where we both spent our 
victuall and lost the opportunity of the time and season to 
plant. [II] 

Such actions haue ever since the worlds beginning 
beene subject to such accidents, and every thing of worth 
is found full of difficulties : but nothing [is] so dii&cult as 
to establish a common wealth so farre remote from men 
and meanes ; and where mens mindes are so vntoward as 
neither do well themselues, nor suffer others. But to 

The new President, and Martirty being little beloved, c^M 
weake iudgement in danf^ers and lesse industry in peac^H 
committed the managing of all things ahrozdli^e.^out of 
<[oors] to captaine Stni'th : who, by his owne example, gs 
words, and faire promises^ set some to mow, others to bine 
thatch ; some to build houses, others to thatch them" 
hfrhselfe alwaies bearing the greatest taske for his o\\ 
share : so that, in short time, he provided most of them 
lodgings, neglecting any for himselfe. 

This done, seeing the Salvages superfluity beginne to 
decrease, [hej (with some ofhisworkeraen)shipped himselfe 
in the shallop, to search the country for trade. The want 
of the language, knowledge to mannage his boat without 
sailers, the want of a sufficient power [forces] (knowing 
the multitude of the Saluages), [of] apparell for his men, 
and (of) other necessaries; [these] were infinite impedi- 
ments, yet no discouragement. 

Being but 6 or 7 in company, he went down the riuer to 
Kecoughtan ; where at first they scorned him, as a star\ed 
man : yet he so dealt with them, that the next day they 
loaded his boat with come. And in his returne, he 
discouered and kindly traded with the Weraskoyks. 

In the meane time, those at the fort so glutted the, 
Saluages with their commodities, as they became n< 
regarded. [12] 

YJiine iCwS 

th€ first planiers in Virginia. 




Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) 
not any regarded but from hand to mouth, the company 
being well recovered, caused the Pinas to bee provided 
with things fitting to get provision for the yeare following. 
But in the interim, he made 3. or 4. iournies, and 
discovered the people of Chkkahamine, Yet what he 
carefully provided, the rest careles^slly spent. 

Win^field ajid iilcjifia/LJiuing -in disgrace* {seeing al 
things at r andome in the absence of Swj7//, the companies 
dislike of their Presidents weaknes, and their small loue 
toMtf)!'(/«Anever-mending sicknes) strengthened themselues 
'wjth_the_sai]ers_ and other confederates, to regaine their 
former credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord 
the Pinas (being fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for 
trade), to alter her course, and to go for England. 

Smith vnexpecledly returning [? Nov. iGojj, had the plot 
discovered to him. Much trouble he had to prevent it, till 
with store of fauken [falcon balls] and musket shot, he 
forced them [i.e.y by threats] [to] stay or sinke in the riuer. 
Which action cost the life of captaine Kendall [who was 
shot after trial, see p, 13I. 

These brawles are so disgustfull, as some will say they 
were better forgotten : yet all men of good iudgement will 
conclude, it were better their basenes should be manifest 
to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame 
of their excused disorders. 

JQve_Pre§ideiit and captaine Archer not long after 
intended also to haue abandoned the country; which 
proicct also was curbed and suppressed by Smith, 

The Spanyard never more greedily desired gold then 
he victuall: which he found so plentiful in the riuer of 
ChickahaminCj where hundreds of Salvages, in diuers places, 
stood with baskets expecting his coming. [13] 

And now the winter approaching, the rivers became so 
covered with swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that wc 
daily feasted with good bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, 
andputchamins; fish, fowle, and diverse sorts of wild beasts 
as fat as we could eat them : so that none of our Tuftaffaty 
humorists desired to goe for England. 


t/. 394-1 


proirct t.' 
aKtndtin tfil 
Count rX' 

I But our comsedies 

I Bm:. Scb* Ub. No. 16 



long without a t>'Mi.) 


The proceedings and adions of 


Li June t6a0. 

tA Ml 

1/ 15.I 

[1607 81 Tragedie. Someidleexceptionsbeing muttered againstCap- 
laine Smith, for not discovering the head of Chickahamine 
river; and taxed by the Councell, to bee too slow in so 
worthie an attempt : the next voyage, hee proceeded so farre 

L that with much labour, by cutting of trees in sunder, he 

■ made his passage. 

■ But when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her 
I in a broad bay, out of danger of shot ; commanding none 
p should goe ashore till his returne. [He] himselfe, with 2 

English and two Salvages, went vp higher in a Canowc, 

But hee was not long absent, but his men went ashore; 
whose want of government gaue both occasion ajid oppor- 
tunity to the Salvages, to surprise one George Casson ; and 
much failed not to haue cut of[fJ the boat and ail the rest. 

Smith little dreaming of that accident, being got to the 
marshes at the rivers head, 20 myles in the desert, had 
his 2 men slaine, (as is supposed) sleeping by the 
Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall. 
Who finding he was beset with 200 Salvages, 2 of them 
hee slew ; stil defending himselfe with the aid of a Salvage 
his guid[ej, whome hee bounde to his arme and vsed as 
his buckler : till at last slipping into a bogmire, they tooke 
him prisoner. 

"When this newes came to the fort, much was their 
sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting [14] what ensued. 

A month those Barbarians kept him prisoner. Many 
strange triumphcs and coniurations they made of him : 
yet hee so demeaned himselfe amongst them, as he not only 
diverted them from surprising the Fort; but procure his 
owne liberty, and got himselfe and his company such 
estimation amongst them, that those Salvages admired 
[wondered at] him as a demi-God. 

So returning safe to the Fort [on 8 Jan, 1608], [he] once 
^nJmth. more staied the Pinnas her flight for England; which, til 
his returne, could not set saile, so extreame was the 
weather, and so great the frost. 

His relation of the plentie he had seene, especially at 
WerowQcomoco, where inhabited Powhatan (that till that 
time was vnknowne [i.e., personally])^ so revived againe their 
dead spirits as all mens feare was abandoned. 1 

Poivhatan having sent with this Captaine, divers of hia ] 


I/. «.J 

I A 40.-- 1 

T. StwUev.l 
fjune 1608. j 

the first planters in Virginia. 


men loaded with provision ; he had conditioned, and so 
appointed his trustie messengers to bring but 2 or 3 of our 
rcat ordcnances : but the messengers being satisfied with 
e sight of one of them discharged, ran away amazed 
th feare, till meanes was vsed with guifts to assure them 
[of] our loucs. 

Thus you may see what difficulties stil crossed any good 
indeavour, and the good succcsse of the businesse; and 
being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction, 
yet you see by what strange meanes God hath stilJ 
delivered it. 

As for the insufnciencie of them admitted in commis- 
sion, that errour could not be prevented by their electors; 
there being no other choice, and all were strangers each 
to others education, quallities, or disposition. 

And if any deeme it a shame to our nation, to hauc any 

IDcntion made of these enormities [16], let them pervse the 
iistories of the Spanish discoveries and plantations: where 
hey may see how many mutinies, discords, and dissen- 
lons haue accompanied them and crossed their attempts; 
irhich being knowne to be particular mens offences, doth 
ake away the generall scorne and contempt, [that] mallice 
and ignorance might else produce to the scandall and 
reproach of those whose actions and valiant resolution 
deserue a worthie respect. 

Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smilh to 
haue concluded with any of their severall proiects to haue 
abandoned theCountrie with some 10 or 12 of them (that] 
we cal the better sort; to haue left Maister Hunt our 
preacher, Maister Anthony Gosnoll (a most honest worthy 
and industrious gentleman) with some 30 or 40 others, his 
countrie men, to the furie of the Salvages, famin, and all 
manner of mischiefes and inconveniences; or starved 
himselfc with them for company, for want of lodging ; or 
but adventuring abroad to make them provision : or by 
his opposition, to preserue the action, and saue all their 
Hues; I leaue to the censure of others to consider. 

Thomas Studky. 


A tmw 
Goas iaug 

103. 3». 3^ 
408, 407.1 

U- 4«>] 


Tit Pifni'x 
from Cit/^ 
^orettt to 
tk* nfit 

I/. »3l 

Ham n«>'J. 
Smith g9t 
kh Ub€rty. 


The arrhall of the first supply with their 
proceedings and returnt, [16, 

LI this time, our cares were not s 
much to abandon the Counlrie, but the 
Treasurer and Councell in Englan 
were asdih'gentandcarcfulltosuppliev 
Twotallshipstheysentvs, withneerei 
men, well furnished with all things ,thai 
could be imagined necessarie, both for 
them and vs. The one commanded by 
Captaine Newport. Theother,by Captaine iVc/sow, an honest 
man and an expert marriner : but such was the leeward- 
nesse of his ship, that (though he were within sight of Cape 
Henry) [he] , by stormy contrarie w indcs, was forced so farre 
to sea as the West Indies was the next land [he madej, for 
for the rcpaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. 
But Captaine iV^ric'^oWgot in,and arirjivedat/rtmrstowne 
[8 Jan, 1608I, not long after the redemption of Captaine 
Smith ; to whome the Salvages, every other day, brought such 
plentie of bread, fish, turkies, squirrels, dearc, and other 
wild beasts: part they gaue him as presents from the 
king; the rest, hee as their market clarke, set the price 
how they should sell. So he had inchanted those pore 
soulcs (being their prisoner) in demonstrating vnto them the 
roundnesseof the world, thecourse of themooneandstarres, 
the cause of the day and night, the largenes of the seas, the 
quallities of our ships shot and powder, the devision of the 
world, with the diversity of the people, their complexions 
cuslomes and conditions. All which hee fained to be 
vnder the command of Captaine N'ctt/or/, whom he tearmcd 
to them his father; of whose arrival [17] it chanced he 
so directly prophecied, as they esteemed him an oracle 



Ji] IViih the first supply in Virginia, 


I/, wl 

T. Sradle 

tjnnc tfioB. 

By these fictions he not only saved his owne life, and 
btained his liberty; but had ihem at that command, 
that] he might command them what his listed. That 
od that created al these things, they knew he adored 
for his God ; whom they would also tearme in their dis- 
courses, the God of captaine Smith. 

The President and Councel so much envied his estima- 
tion amongst the Salvages (though wee all in generall 
equally participated with him of the good therof) that 
they wrought it into their vnderstandings, by their great 
bounty in giuing 4. times more for their commodities then 
he appointed, that their greatnesse and authority as much 
exceeded] his, as their bounty and liberality. 

Now the arrivall of (t]his first supply so overioyed vs, 
that we could not devise too much to please the mariners, 
'e gaue them liberty to track [tntck\ or trade at their 
Jeasures. But in a short time, it followed [that] that could 
ot be had for a pound of copper, which before was sold for 
ounce. Thus ambition and sufferance cut the throat of 
lUr trade, but confirmed their opinion of Newports greatnes; 
herewith Smith had possessed Powhatan : especially by 
e great presents Newport often sent him, before he could 
repare the Pinas to go and visit him. So that this 
alvage also desired to see him. 

A great bruit there was to set him forwarde [Feb. i6o8]. 
When he went, he was accompanied with captaine Smith 

d Maisicr Scrivener (a very wise vnderstanding gentleman 
cwly arrived, and admitted of the Councell), and 30. or 40. 
chosen men for that guarde. 

Arriving at Wcrouvcomo[co'\ ^ Ncwporis conceipt of this 
great Salvage bred 118] many doubts and suspitions of trea- 
cheries. Which Smithf to make appeare was needlesse, with £A 34-1 
20. men well appointed, vnderlooke to encounter (with that 
number) the worst that could happen. Theiijre names were 





Nathaniell Powell. 
Robert Beheathland. 
William PhcitiplacCm 
Ricltard Wyffin. 
Anthony GosnolL 

^^ilh 10. others whose names I 


lohn Taverner, 
William Dier, 
Thomas Coe, 
Thomas Hope. 
A nas TodkelL 

[fvidenily Todhill] haue i>*-«°*-l 



fiwti tnirr- 


I/- *\y 



The proceedings and accidents 

These being kindly rcceiucd a shore ; with 2. or 300. Sa 
vages were conducted to their towne. Powhatan straine 
himscife to the vttcrmost of his greatnes, to entertain vs. 
with great shouts of loy, orations of protestations, and 
the most plenty of victuaU hee could prouide to feast vs. 

Sillin;; vpon his bed of mats, his pillow ol leath 
imbroydred (after their rude manner) with pearle and whit 
bcades, his attire a faire Robe of skins as large as an Irish 
mantlCf at his head and [at his^ feet a handsome young 
woman : on each side [of] his house sate 20. of his concu- 
bines, their heads and shoulders painted red, with a great 
chainc of white beads about their necks; before those, sate 
his chiefcst men, in like order, in his arbor-like house. 

With many pretty discourses to renue their oldc 
acquaintnuncc ;,the great kinge and our captaine spent the 
time till the cbbe left our Barge a (19] ground : then renuing— 
theirfcastsandmirth.wequartredthat night withP(^u>^ai^| 

The next day Newport came a shore, and rcceiued as 
much content as those people could giue him. A boy 
named Thomas Savage was then giuen vnto Powhalatif 
who(m] Newport called his son : for whom PowJiaian 
gauc him Namontackc his trusty servant, and one of a 
shrewd subtil! capacity. 

3. or 4. daics were spent in feasting, dancing, 
trading; whcrin Powhatan carried himselfe so prowdly, 
yet discreetly (in his Salvage manner), as made vs sdl 
admire his natural gifls, considering his education. 

As scorning to trade as his subiects did, he bespake 
New-^rt in this manner. 

Captain Newport it is not agreable with my greatnes 

in this pedling manner to trade for trifles ; and I 

cstecme you a great wtro^ans. Therefore lay me 

down all your commodities togithcr, what I like I 

will take ; and in rccompcncc giuc you that I thinke 

fitting their value, 

CaptAine Smith being our interpreter, r^arding Newport 

as his father, knowing best the disposition of Pcwhaimt 

told vs Jhia intent wns. but to cheat a>s ; yet captaine 

N«li|^Il»OUfht to oul-braur this Salvage in ostentatioR<^ 

gpcflrtnrs, and so to bcwii^ »*ith his bounty^ as to bmue 

T. St«dlev-T 
A. Tutlkill. 

with the first supply in Virginia, 

what he listed: but so it chanced, Powhatan having his 
desire, valued his corne at such a rate, as I [? A, Todkilt] 
thinkc it [were] better cheape in Spaine; for we had not 
4. bushels for that we expected 20. hogsheads [for]. 

This bred some vnkindnes betweene our two captaines, 
Newport seeking to please the humor of the vnsatiable 
Salvage, Smith to cause the Salvage to please him : but 
smothering his distast[e] to avoide the [20] Salvages 
suspition, [he] glaunced in the eies of Powhatan many 
Trifles; who fixed his humour vpon a few blew beads. A 
long time he importunat^ejlydesiied them, but SwiiVA seemed 
so much the more lo affect them : so that ere we departed, 
for a pound or two of blew beads, he brought over my 
king for 2 or 300 bushels of corne; yet parted good friends. 

The like entertainement we found of Opcchanchynough, 
king of Pamaunke; whom also he in like manner fitted 
(at the like rates) with blew beads : and so we returned to 
the fort [on 9 March 1608]- 

B Where this New Supply being lodged with the rest, 
[had] accidently fired the quarters, and sothe Towne [flZ/oM/E 
x^Jan, 1608]; which being but thatched with leeds, the fire 
was so fierce as it burnt their pallizadoes (though 10. to 
12 yardcs distant), with their armes, bedding, apparell, and 
much private provision. Good Maistcr Hunt our preacher, 
lost alt his library, and al that he had but the cloathes 
on his backe, yet [did] none ever see him repine at his 
losse. This hapned in the winter, in that extieame frost 

Now though we had victuall sufficient, I meane only of 
Oatmeale, meale, and corne: yet the ship staying there 
14. weeks (when shee might as well haue been gone in 14. 
daies), spent the beefe, porke, oilc, aquavilae, fish, butter 
and cheese, beere, and such like, as was provided to be 
landed [for] vs. 

When they departed, what their discretion could spare 

vs, to make a feast or two with biskct, pork, bcefc, fish, and 

^oile, to relish our mouths; of each somewhat they left vs; 

ret I [7 A, Toilkill must confess those that had either mony, 

tpare clothes, credit to giue bils of payment, ^IJ rings, 

irres, or any such commodities, were ever welcome to this 




lA 3<-l 



i/- 407.) 

«o3r afe! 389, 


The proceedings and aecidenis 



removing taveme. Such was :2l; our patience to obay soch 
vite commaDders [i.e., ike PresidaU RmUkJft mmd tkg m^orHy 
0fi§u C<^mcir, and buy our owne prcmsiosi at 15 times tbe 
vakw; suSering them to' feast, wc bcanng the charge; 
yetmast [ve] not repine, but fast ; and then leakage, ship-rats 
and other casualties occasioned the losse. But the vcsselt 
and remnants (for totals^ we were glad to receioe with aJl 
our hearts to make vp the account, highly commending 
tbcir providence for preserving that. 

For all this plentie, oar ordinarie was but meale and water; 
so that this great charge little relieved our wants: wfaeceby, 
with the cxtreamity of the bitter cold aire, more then ha)fe 
of vs died, and or] tooke ourdeathes, in that piercing winter. 

I cannot deny but both Skrirener and Smith did their 
best to amend what was amisse : but with the President 
went tbe major part [ike wmjoriiy of tke Cotmeif, that tbeo* 
iMmics were too abort. 

But the worst mwchiffr was cor gilded refiners, whb 
their golden praoiwrs^ made all men their slataes in hope 
of recompence. There was no talke, no hope, nor worke, 
but dig gold, wmsh gold, refine gold, toad gold. Sucb a 
bm i'te ^ gold« as one mad fellow > ttm^] desired to bee 
bvricd ia the sandcs, knst tber sboold bf their art make 
gold of bis boocs. Little need there was and Icsse reasoo, 
tbe sb^ sboold stay, their wages ma on, oor victoall 
c op sn m f 14 weekes, that tbe Marriikers m^t say, they 
boAt socb a golden Chnrcb, that we can say, tbe raine 
wasbed neare to notbing ni 14 daies. 

Were it that raptatnc Smiik woold not applaud all 
tfaooe goMca imnjtiMU > bc cam s c tbcy admitted bim oot 
to tbe aigbt of tbeir trials, nor golden oonsaitatioBs I 
not: botl [?^fl«s TsdUr, aar ^. 107' beard bim 


plaieSy petitiuus. 

with the first supply in Virginia, T05 

tjunc i6»B. J 

admirals, recorders, interpreters, chronologers, courts of [1608] 
plea, nor Justices of peace, sent Maister Witifrficldt and f^2i!Smd 
Captaine Archer with him, for England, to seeke some 
place of better imploiment. 



oj Jamn 
tA 409-1 


Vie ar\r]iva/ of the Phanix, her returne^ 
and other accidents, 

,HE authoritie nowe consisting: in refining 
Captaine Marlin and the still sickly President : 
the sale of stores [and] commodities maintained 
tiicir estates as inheritable revenews. 

The spring approching, and the ship departed, Maister 
Skrituncr and Captaine Smith divided betwixt them, the 
rebuilding our towne, the repairing our pallisadoes, the 
cutlingdownc trees, preparing our fields, planting ourcome, 
and to rebuild our Church, and re-cover our store-house. 

AI men thus busieal their severalllabours, Maister iWso» i,>-33. m-I 
aiived [on 20 April 1608J with his lost Phcenix, (lost I say, 
for that al men deemed him lost), landing safely his men. 

So well hee had mannaged his ill hap, causing the Indian 
lies to feed his company, ;23j that his victuall ([added] 
to that was left vs before) was sufficient for halfe a yeare. 
He had nothing but he freely imparted it ; which honest 
dealing (being a marriner) caused vs [to] admire him. 
Wee would not haue wished so much as he did for vs. 

Nowe to relade this ship with some good tidings, the 
President (yet not withstanding [it net standing] with his 
dignitie to leaue the fort), gaue order to Captaine Smith 
and Maister Skriucncrf to discover and search the com- 
modities of Mouacaiis countrie beyound the Falles- 60 able 
men was allotted their number, the which, within G daies 
exercise, Smith had so well trained to their armes and 

I A 34 

til Mtcfver 



The proceedings and accidmis 


orders, that they little feared with wbome they should 
encounter. Yet so vnseasohable was the tinne, and so 
opposite was Captain Martin to ever>* thing but only 
to fraught to 'this ship also with his phantasticall gold^ 
as Captaine Smith rather desired to relade her with 
Cedar, which was a present dispatch, than either with 
dattf or the reports of an vncertaine discoverie. 

Whilst their conclusion was resolving, this hapned. 

Powhatan to expresse his loue to Xcwporty when he 

departed, presented him with 20 Turkies, conditionally to 

rctume him 20 Swords : which immediately were sent him. 

Now after his departure, hee presented Captaine Smith 

with the like luggage ; but not finding his humour obaied» 

in sending him weapons, he caused his people with 20. 

devises to obtain them. At last, by ambuscadoes at our 

ver>' ports, they would take them per force, surprise vs at 

work or any way : which was so long permitted that they 

became so insolent, there was no rule. The command 

from England was so straight not [24^ to offend them, as 

^i!l!,r„^ our authority bearers (keeping their houses) would rather 

■*■*""' be any thing then peace breakers. 

This charitable humor prevailed, till well it chaunced 
IMj5-»i they medled with captaine Stnith i who, without farther 
deliberation, gaue them such an incounter, as some he so 
SmmOt hunted vp and downe the lie, some he so terrified with 
VJf^si" whipping beating and imprisonment ; as for revenge, they 
liJ^JJJ^' surprised two of his forraging disorderly souldicrs, and 
having assembled their forces, boldly threatned at our 
ports to force Smith to redeliver 7 Salvages which for 
their villanics he detained prisoners. But to try their 
furies, in hsse then halfe an houre, he so hampered their 
iusolencies, that they brought the 2. prisoners, desiring 
peace without any farther composition for their prisoners: 
who being threatned and examined their intents, and 
[the] plotters of their villanies, confessed they were 
directed only by Powhatan, to obtaine [for] him, our owne 
weapons, to cut our own throats ; with the manner how, 
where, and when, which wee plainely found most me 
and apparant. 
Yet he sent [May 1608] his messengers and his dearest 

^K A.T9 

T. Suidlty. T 

uri/A the first supply in Virginia. 


Daughter Pocahunias to excuse him of the iniuries done by 
[his subiects; desiring their liberties, with the assuraunce 
of his loue. 

After Smith had giueu the prisoners what correction 
hee thought fit; [he] vsed them well a day or two after, and 
then deliuered them [to] Pocahuntas: for whose sake onlj', 
he fained to saue their lines and graunt them liberty. 

The patient Councel, that nothing would moue to warre 
with the Salvages, would gladly haue wrangled with 
captaine Smith for his ci*uelty ; yet none was slaine to 
any mans knowledge : but it brought them in such feare 
and (25j obedience, as his very name would sufficiently 
affright them. 

The fraught of this ship being concluded to be Cedar ; 
by the diligence of the Master, and captaine Smith, 
shee was quickly reladed ; Maister Scrivener was neither 
Idle nor slow, to follow all things at the fort. 

The ship falling to the Cedar He, captaine Martin 
■Jiaving made shift to be sicke neare a yeare; and [there 
il>eingl now neither pepper, suger, cloues, mace, nor 
inugmets [nutnicgs], ginger, nnr sweet meates in the 
country : (to enioy the credit of his supposed art) at his 
earnest request, [he] was most willingly admitted to retume 
for England. 

Yet having beene there but a yeare, and not past halfea 
; year since the ague left him ; that he might say some- 
what he had scene, hee went twice by water to Paspahegh 
[p, ii],aplaceneere 7. miles from lames towne: but lest the 
dew should distemper him, was ever forced to returne before 
night. Thus much I [evidently Anas Todkill] thought fit 
■ to cxpresse ; he expresly commanding me to record his 
iournies: I being his man, and he sometimes my master 

H[ Thomas Studly^ Anas ToJkill, 





(A 4«J-J 



Their names that were landed in 

this supply : 

Matthew Scriviner, appointed to be of the Councell. 

Michael! Phdy place. 1 p * I Ralfc Mortmu 
William Pheiyplau, ] ^^"^' | William CantriU. 









*^^ TAe proceedings and accidmts, f \\ 

Dudley. ' 


le 160I. _ 

tWOi] Hiihixrd Wyffin. 

John BouOi. 1 

HobcYi Barnes. 

William BurkeL 

(hoYge Hill. .26] 

Nicholas Vcn, 

Gcorf^e Pretty. 

William Perce. 

John Taverner, 

Francis Perkins^ 

Robert Cutler. 

Francis Perkins. 


Michaell Sickehiore. 

William Bentley, 


Tlumias Coo, 

Richard Gradon, 

Peter Pory. 

J^uu'land Nelstrop. 


Richard Kiliinghtck 

Richard Salvage. 


William Causey. 

Thomas Salvage, 

(/.<«•.! Doctor RusselL 

. Gent. 

Richard Mtlcr. 

Richard Worley. 

William May, 

Richard Product, 


William Bayley. 


^K Richard Molyncx. 

Bishop Wylts. 

■ Richard Pots. 

^m le/ry A bois. 

John PowelL 

^m John Harper, 

Thomas Hope. 


H Timothy Leds, 

William Beckwiih. 


^m Edward Gurganay, 

William Yonge. 

* *c5 

^m George Forest. 

Lnwrence Towtales. 

^M John NickoUs, 

William Ward. ^ 

^^^^ William GryvilL 

Christopher Rodes, 

^^^V Daniel Stalling, lueller. 
^m William Dawson^ Rctiner. 

James Walkings. 
Jiichard Fetherstone, 
lames Buruc. ^28] 

^m Abraham Ransacke^ Refiner. 

^B William lohnson^ Goldsmith. 

Thomas FeldA...^^ 
John Har/ord.]^^''^^^''' 


^1 Peter Kcffer^ a Gunner. 


^1 Robert Alberton, a Perfumer. 

J'ost Gittnat, a Cfhir]ur§ 


■ Richard Belfield, Goldsmith. 

John Lewes, a Couper. 

■ 27j 

Jiobert Gotten, a Tobaco-i 


^B Ramcm Goodyson, 



^M John Spearcman. 


JUchard Dole, a bl 


^1 William Spence. 

. 3 



^1 Richard Brislow. 

and divers others, to 


^1 William Simons, 


number of 120. 


The accidents that happened in the Disccrjerte 
of the bay. 

He prodigality of the Presidents state 
went so deepe in the store, that Smith 
and Scrivener had a while tyed both 
Martin and him to the rules of pro- 
portion: but now5m/.7( being to depart, 
the Presidents authorite so overswayed 
Maisier Scriveners discretion, Sisoursiote, 
our time, our strength and labours, was 

idlely consumed to fulfill his phantasies. 

The second of lune i6oS. Smith left the fort, to 

pcrforme his discoverie; with this company. 

Walter Russell Doctour of Physicke. 



Ralph Morion, 
Thomas Momjord, 
William CantrtlL 
Richard Feiherstone. 
lames Bourne. 
Michael Sicklemore. 



These being in an open 

Anas TodhilL 
Robert SmalL 
lames VVatkins. 
lohn PowelL 

lames Read, blacke smith. 
Richard Keaict fishmonger. 
Io7tas Profitf fisher, 
barge of two tunnes burden. 

Leaving the Phenix at Cape-Henry, we crossed the bay to 
the Eastemc shore, and fell with the lies called Smiths lies. 

The first people we saw were 2. grimme and stout <Wf 
Salvages vpon Cape-Charles, with long poles like lavelings, ^'*"''"- 
beaded with bone. They boldly demanded what we were, 
and what we would; but after many circumstances, they in 
tkne seemed very kinde, and directed vs to A caw jmicke, the 
habitation of the Werowans, where we were kindly intreatcd. 



I lO 

The proceedings and accidents 




This king was the com[e]liest proper civil! Salvage wee 
incountred. His country is a pleasant fertill clay-soile. Hcc 
tolde vs of a straunge accident lately Happened [to] him, 
and it was. Two deade children, by the extreatne passions 
of their parents, or some dreaming visions, phantasie, or 
affection [which] moued tHem againe to revisit their dead 
carkases : whose benu mmed bodies reflected to the eies of the 
beholders such pleasant delightful! countenances, as though 
;Jj^g they had regained their vital spirits. This, as a miracle, 
I smimdgu, drew many to behold them ; all which, (being a great part of 
^_ his people) not long after died, and not any one escaped. 

^B They spake the language of Powhatan wherein they 

^^Lv made such descriptions of the bay, lies, and rivers that 

^^^H often did vs exceeding pleasure. 

I Am 


I/. AU'\ 

Passing [30] along the coast, searching every inlet and 
bay fit for harbours and habitations : [and] seeing many lies 
in the midst of the bay, we bore vp for them ; but ere wee 
could attaine them, such an extrearae gust of wind, rainc, 
thunder, and lightning happened, that with great daungcr, 
we escaped the vnmercifull raging of that ocean-like water. 
The next day, searching those inhabitable lies (which 
RuwiajUt. we called Russels Isles) to provide fresh water : the defect 
'*'«*f*r#- whereof forced vs to follow the next Easterne channelli 
■"•f*. which brought vs to the river Wighcocomoco, 

The people at first with great furie seemed to assault 
vs; yet at last with songs, daunces, and much mirth. 
AfjttrwtHt But searching their habitations for water, wee could fill 
T^ll^tr. but 3 [? barricots], and that such puddle that never til then 
wee ever knew the want of good water. We digged and 
search many places but ere the end of two daies, wee 
would haue refused two barricoes of gold for one of that 
puddle water of Wighcocomoco, 

Being past these Isles, falling with a high land vpon 
the maine, wee found a great pond of fresh water ; but so 
exceeding hot, that we supposed it some bath. That 
place we called Point ployer. 

Being thus refreshed, in crossing over from the maine 
to other lies, the wind and waters so much increased with 
thunder lightning and raine, that our fore-mast blew over- 
bord ; and such mightie waues overwrought vs in that 

aerrr tunk 
iit a £U4L 



l>r. W. RufiK^II/l 

A. TLrtUulI. 

with ilu first supply in Virginia, 



smal barge, that with great labour wee kept her from [1608] 
sinking, by freeing out the water. 

2 daies we were inforced to inhabit these vninhabited 
lies; which (for the extremitie of gusts, thuoder, raine, 
stormes, and il weather) we called Limbo, 

Repairing our fore saile with [31] our shirts, we set saile 
for the maine ; and fel with a faire river on the East called 
Kuskaranaocke, By it inhabit the people of Sorabhanigh, 
NausCf Arsek, and Nautaquake, that much extolled a great 
nation called Massawovickcs : in search of whome, wee m*'ic*^i^ 
returned by Limbo. mS^*^ 

But finding this easterne shore shallow broken lies, and 
the roaine for [the] most part without fresh water; we 
passed by the straights of Limbo, for the weasterne shore. 
So broad is the bay here, that we could scarse perceiue 
the great high Cliffes on the other side. 

By them, wee anc[h]ored that night, and called them 
Richards Cliffes. ^o leagues we sailed more Northwards^ 
not finding any inhabitants; yet the coast well watred, ia«»m 
the mountaines verj' barren, the vallies very fertil, but the 
woods extreame thicke, full of Woolues, Beares, Deare, 
and other wild beasts. 

The first inlet we found, wee called Bohis^ for that the ^'/«' 
ay (in many places) was like (if not) Bole-Armoniacke. 

When we first set saile, some of our gallants doubted 
nothing, but that our Captaine would make too much hast 
home. But hauing iien not aboue 12 daies in this smal 
Barge, oft tired at their oares, their bread spoiled with 
wet, so much that it was rotten (yet so good were their 
stomacks that they could digest it), did with continuall 
complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused 
him bcspeake them in this manner [on 13 June 1608]. 

Gentlemen, if you would remember the memorable smUks 
historie of Sir Ralfe Lane, how his company importuned sCSd/Jn, 
him to proceed in the discoverie oi Moraliico^ alleaging, 
they had yet a dog, that being boyled with Saxafras fM3t4.4tM 
leaues, would richly feed them in their returncs ; what 
shame would it be for you [32] (that haue beene so 
suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me [to] returne 
with a months prouision, scarce able to say where we 

f^ttek tskU 



Tkt proceediitgs amdttmdemts 


oC the 
me, ofl 


baue bin, nor yet beard of tbat wee were sent to se^e. 
You cannot say bat I banc sbared vHb 3roo of tbe_ 
worst [that; is past ; and for wbat is to come, 
lodging, dietp or whatsoever, I am contented 
allot tbc worst part to roy sdle. As for your 
tbat I will lose my selfc in tbesc vidaiowiM 
waters, or l>e swallowed rp in aodie aiwiS f ^nst: 
*"**"*"** tbose **""****** fearcsy foe* wone tbcn n psst 
cannot bappen, mad there is as nocb danger to 
rctiune, as to procoed ferwd* Re game tberdorc 
your old spirits : for l e tm o e I wil not, (if God 
assist me) tQ I bane s cene the J/tiiasuiiij, found 
J^iAiTWiirl, or the bead ol this great water yoo 
to be cnflcsae. 

IA«94 3 or 4 dales we expected [? c^mncadj 

vdiooe adverse extieamities added 
toonr dxscoQtents as 3 or 4 fei 
pitifiil *«M«p|»ttii« caased vs to ictmn e , 
zo mBes brond at 9 or so ' 
Tbc x6 or Innc we id with the tiocr of 
_ COB^I* «■* ««■ «« iccofcfed, 
to lake some pnines tokaowc the 
9 ^uc bioad river. n c oowd 
nyles satip. Tbcn we were c o o dn cied wf a 
fictle hayed cieeke toward 

■ ,■ 1 Lj_'lB_ > ^ • - ^ - *.«- - 

laia wxcn ABBOBcnnscs w tne 

the boy 

■^•IxSdSu:] "^ii^ the first supply in Virginia, 


The like incounters we found at Patawomecky Cccocawom, 
and divers other places ; but at Moyaoius, Nacothiant, and 
Taux, the people did their best to content vs. 

The cause of this discovery was to search a glistering 
mettal, the Salvages told vs they had from Paiawomcck 
(the which Newport assured that he had tryed to hold 
halfe siluer), also to search what furres, metals, riuerSi 
Rockes, nations, woods, fishings, fruits, victuals, and other 
commodities the land afforded ; and whether the bay were 
endlesse, or how farre it extended. 

The mine we found 9 or 10 myles vp in the country from 
the river; but it proved of no value. Some Otters, 
Beavers, Martins, Luswarts, and sables we found : and, 
in diverse places, that abundance of fish lying so thicke 
with their heads aboue the water, as for want of nets (our 
barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them 
with a frying pan ; but we found it a bad instrument to 
catch fish with. Neither better fish> more plenty or 
variety, had any of vs ever scene in any place, swimming 
in the water, then in the bay of Clicsapeack : but there not 
to be caught with frying-pans. 

To expresse al our [34] quarrels, treacheries and in- 
counters amongst those Salvages, I should be too tedious: 
but in briefe, at al times we so incountred them and 
curbed their insolencies, as they concluded with presents 
to purchase peace ; yet wee lost not a man. At our first 
meeting, our captaine ever observed this order, to de- 
maunde their bowes and arrowes, swords, mantles, or 
furres ; with some childe for hostage: whereby he could 
quickly perceiue when they intended any villany. 

Having finished this discovery, (though our victuall was 
neare spent) he intended to haue scene his imprisonments 
acqaintance vpon the river of Toppahannock [pp. 18, 19, 119]. 
But our boate (by reason of the ebbe) chansing to ground 
vpon a many shoules lying in the entrance, we spied many 
fishes lurking amongst the weedes on the sands. Our 
captaine sporting himselfe to catch them by nailing them 
to the ground with his sword, set vs all a fishing in that 
manner. By this devise, we tooke more in an houre then 
we all could eat. 

£.vu. ScH, Lis, Nu. 16 


A nUm tt nf 




Ti^f0vemlif9gs and accidtnts P** a! tc 

jk chancedr the captaine taking a fish from his 

knowing her condition^ being much of the 

of B Thomebacke with a longer taile whereon is a 

|pO>'9oned sting of 2. or 3. inches long, which shec 

an inch and a' halfc into the wrist of his arme. 

TW which, in 4. hourcs, had socxtrcamly swolnc his hand, 

shoulder, and part of his body, as we al with much 

^OffTOW concluded \ani\cipAted] his funerall, and prepared 

Ws graue in an He hard by (as himselfe appointed) ; which 

then wee called Stingcray He, after the name of the fish. 

Yet by the heipe of a precious oile, Doctour Russel 

•pplyed, ere night his tormenting painc was so wel 

asswagcd that he eate the hsh to his supper : which \35] 

g«ue no Icsse ioy and content to vs, then ease to himselfe. 

HavingneiiherSurgeon norsurgerie but that prcsenaliue 
Oile, we presently set saile for lames Ttxwne. 

Passing the mouth of Pyanhatanck and Pamavnkc riuers, 
the next day we safely arrived at Keamghtatt, 

The simple Salvages seeing our captaine hurt, and 
another bloudy (which came by breaking his shin), fand1 our 
number of bowes, arrowes, swords, targets, mantles and 
furs, would needs imagine we had bin at warrcs. The 
truth of these accidents would not satisfie them ; but im- 
paciently they importuned vs to know with whom wee 
fought. Finding their aptnes to beieeue, we failed not 
(as a great secret) to tel them any thing that might affright 
them, what spoilt; wee had got and made of the Masaxco- 
meckcs. This rumor went faster vp the river then our 
barge: That arrived at Weraskcfyackt the 20 of lulie ; 
where trimming her, with painted streamers and such 
devises, we made the Fort iealious of a Spanish frigot ; 
where we all safely arrived the 21. of luly. 

There wee found the Last Supply al sicke ; the rest, 
some lame, some bruised : al vnable to do any thing but 
jtfed/rw complain of the pride and vnreasonable needlesse cruelly of 
their sillie President [RaicUffe] that had riotously consumed 
the store; and to fulhll his follies, about building him an 
vnnecessarie pallas in the woodes, [which] had brought 
them all to that miserie, that had not we arrived, they 
had as strangely tormented him with revenge. 


Dr. W. Russell.*! 


wt^A the first supply in Virginia. 


But the good newes of our discover^'', and the good hope 
we had (by the Salvages relation) our Bay had stretched 
to the South sea, appeased their fury; but conditionally 
that Rat[c]liffe should be deposed, and that captaine Smith 
would take [36] vpon him the governement. 

Their request being effected [? 23 Jw/>'], hee substituted 
MaisUr Scrivcncrj his deare friend, in the Presidencie ; 
equally distributing those private provisions the otherFs] 
had ingrossed ; appointing more honest officers to assist 
Scrivener (who they lay extreamelie tormented with a 
callenture) : and in regard of the weaknes of the company, 
and heat of the yeare, they being vnable to worke, he left 
them to Hue at ease \ but imbarked himselfe to finish his 

Written by Walter Russell and Anas Todkill 



ie/t iff li'm 
a/ east. 



I/. <.i.i 


What happened the second voyage to 
discouer the Bay. 

He 20. {or rather 24, sec p. 421] of luly, 
Captaine Smith set forward to finish the 
discovery, with 12. men. Their names 


A nas TodkilL 
Edward Pysing, 
Richard Keale, 

Anthony Bagnall, 


Naihanicll PowdL 
Thomas Momjord, 
Richard Fethcrsiofte. \ Gent. 
Michaell SickUmore, 
lames Bourne, 

James Waikim, Sould. 

William Ward. 
lonas Profit. 


The winde becing contrary, caused our stay 2 or 3 [87] 
daies at Kecoughtan ; the werowans feasting vs with much 
mirth. His people were perswaded we went purposely to be 
reuenged of the Massawomeckes. In the evening, we firing 
2. or 3. rackets, so terrified the poorc Salvages, they sup- 
posed nothing impossible wee attempted, and desired to 
assist vs. 

The first night, we anchored at Stingeray He; the next day, 
crossed Patawomecks riuer, and hasted for the riuer Bolus. 

Wee went not much farther, before wee might perceiue 
S^s^"^ the Bay to devide in 2. heads ; and arriving there, we 
founde it dcvided in 4 ; all which we searched so far as we 
could saile them. 

2. of them wee found vninhabited, but in crossing the 


With the first supply in Virginia, 

bay to the other, wee incountered 7. or 8. Canowes-full of 

We seeing them prepare to assault vs. left our oares, 
and made way with our saile to incounter them ; yet were 
we but fiue (with our captaine) [that] could stand ; [f ]or 
within 2. daies after wee \^ii Kccoughian,\\\^ rest (being all 
of the Last Supply) were sicke almost to death (vntill they 
were seasoned to the country). Hauing shut them vnder 
our tarpawling, we put their hats vpon stickes by the 
barge side, to make vs seeme many. And so we thinke 
the Indians supposed those hats to be men : for they fled 
with all possible speed to the shoare, and there stayed, 
staring at the sailing of our barge, till we anchored right 
against them. 

Long it was ere we could drawe them to come vnto vs. 
At last, they sent 2 of their company vnarmed in a 
Canowe ; the rest all followed to second them, if need 
required. These 2 being but each presented with a bell, 
brought aborde all their fellowes ; presenting the captain 
with venison, beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrows, [38j clubs, 
targets, and beare-skins. 

Wee vnderstood them nothing at all but by signes, 
whereby they signified vnto vs they had been at warres 
with the Tockwo^hSf the which they confirmed by shewing 
their green wounds. 

But the night parting vs, we imagined they appointed the 
next morning to meete ; but after that we never saw them. 

Entring the River of Tockwogh, the Saluages all armed 
in a fleete of Boates round invironed vs. It chanced one 
of them could speake the language of Powhatan^ who per- 
swaded the rest to a friendly parly. But when they see 
vs furnished with the Massaivomeckes weapons, and we 
faining the inuention of Kccoughtan to haue taken them 
perforce ; they conducted vs to their pallizadoed towne, 
mantelled with the barkes of trees, with Scaffolds like 
mounts, brested about, with Barks very formally. Their 
men, women, and children, with dances, songs, fruits, fish, 
furres, and what they had, kindly entertained vs, spread- 
ing mats for vs to sit on, [and] stretching their best 
abilities to expresse their loues. 

Many hatchets, kniues, and peeces of yron and brasse. 



roiih iiu 


[Four of 
iheta fire 

Plant en 
wrre N. 
Powell. A. 
Todkill. E. 
Pysioff, and 
S« //. 9J, 


VHlk th* 


I £8 



(A 4*1.1 





TA^ proceeding's and accidents 



we saw ; which they reported to haue from the Sasqttcsa- 
hanockcs, a mighty people, and mortall enimies with the 

The Sasqucsahanocks inhabit vpon the chiefe spring of 
these 4. ; two daies journey higher then our Barge could 
passe for rocks. Yet we prevailed with the interpreter to 
take with him an other interpreter to pcrswade the 
SasquesaJuinocks to come to visit vs : for their language[8] 
are different. 

3. or 4. daies we expected their retume. Then 60. of 
these giantlike-people came downe, with presents of 
venison, Tobacco [39] pipes, Baskets, Targets, Bowes 
and Arrows. 5 of their Werowanccs came boldly abord vs, 
to crosse the bay for Tockwogh; leaving their men and 
Canowes ; the winde being so violent that they durst not 

Our order was, dayly, to haue prayer, with a psalm : at 
which solemnitie the poore Salvages much wondered. 
Our prayers being done, they were long busied with 
consultation till they had contrived their businesse. Then 
they began in most passionate manner, to hold vp their 
hands to the sunne, with a most feareful song. Then 
imbracing the Captaine, they began to adore him in like 
manner : though he rebuked them, yet they proceeded til 
their song was finished. Which don[e], with a most 
strange furious action, and a hellish voice, [one] began an 
oration of their loues. 

That ended, with a great painted beares skin, they 
couered our Captaine. Then one ready with a chaine of 
white beads (waighing at least 6 or 7 pound) hung it about 
his necke : the others had 18 mantles made of divers sorts 
of skinnes sowed together. All these, with many other 
toyes, they laid at his feet ; stroking their ceremonious 
handes about his necke, for his creation to be their 
governour ; promising their aids, victuals, or what they 
had, to be his, if he would stay with them, to defend and 
revenge them of the Massawotpucks, 

But wee left them at Tockwogh, they much sorrowing 
for our departure: yet wee promised the next yeare againe 
to visit them. 

Many descriptions and discourses they made vs of 





N. Pciw«ll.-! 
A. Todklll. j 

with the first supply in Virginia, 



Aiquattahucke, Massawomecke, and oihcr peop\Q ; signifying 
they inhabit the river of Cannida, and from the French to 
haue their hatchets and such like tooles by trade. [40] 
These knowe no more of tlie territories of PowJiatan then 
his name, and he as little of them. 

Thus hauing sought all the inlets and rivers worth 
noting, we returned to discover the river of Pawtuxtmt, 
These people we found ver)' tractable, and more civill 
then any. Wee promised them, as also the Paiawotnecks, 
the next yeare to revenge them of the Massawomecks. 

Our purposes were crossed in the discoverie of the river 
of Toppahantwck, for wee had much wrangling with that 
peevish nation ; but at last, they became as tractable as 
the rest. It is an excellent, pleasant, well inhabited, 
fertill, and a goodly navigable river. 

Toward the head thereof, it pleased God to take one of 
our sicke (called Maister Fethcrstonc), where in Fetherstons 
bay, we buried him, in the night, with a volly of shot. 
The rest (notwithstanding their ill diet, and bad lodging, 
crowded in so small a barge, in so many dangers, neuer 
resting but alwaies tossed to[o] and againc) al well 
recovered their healthes. 

Then we discovered the riuer of Payankatank^ and set 
saile for lames Towne. But in crossing the bay in a faire 
calme, such a suddaine gust surprised vs in the night, with 
thunder and raine, as wee were halfe imployed in freeing 
out water, never thinking to escape drowning ; yet running 
before the winde, at last we made land by the flashes of 
fire from heaven : by which light only, we kept from the 
splitting shore, vntil it pleased God in that black darknes, 
to preserue vs by that light to find Point comfort. 

And [we] arived safe at lames Towne, the 7 of September, 
160S: where wee found Maister Skriucner and diverse 
others well recouered, many dead, some sicke ; [and] the 
late President [a] prisoner for [41] muteny. By the 
honest diligence of Maister Skriuener^ the harvest [had 
been] gathered ; but the stores [and] provision [were] 
much spoiled with raine. 

Thus was that yeare (when nothing wanted) consumed 
and spent, and nothing done (such was the government of 
Captain Rai[c]lijfi:) but only this discoveric: wherein to 



nock H. 





19© Th^ f^ecndings and ucadenis im Virgima. [J 

CJTprMtc aJI the dangers, acddcnts, and incountcrs, this 
•mull number passed in that small bai^ge, with such 
WAtrie diet tn these great watcm and barbarous Countries 
(til then to any Christian vtterly vnknownc) I rather 
refcrrc Ih^-ir merit to the censure of the courteous and 
earperieflced reader, than I would be tedious, or partiall 
betfl^ a partie. 

By Naihaniell Po\nv\ell, and Anas TodkilL 



[A 433-1 




The Presidencie surrendred to Captaine Smith, 

The arrivall and returne of the second 

supply : and what happened. 

He lo.of September 1608. by the election 
of the Councel, and request of the com- 
pany, Captaine5ti»*/A received theletters 
patents, and tooke vpon him the place 
of President; which till then, by no 
meanes he would accept, though hee 
were often importuned therevnto. 
Now the building of Ratdiffcs pallas 
staide, as a thing needlessc : the church was repaired, the 
storehouse, re-couered ; [and] building prepared for the 
supply we expected. The fort [was] reduced to the forme QyajtA 
of this figure, the order of watch renued, the squadrons 
(each setting of the watch) trained. The [42] whole 
company every Satturday exercised in a fielde prepared r>««-l 
for that purpose; the boates trimmed for trade, which in 
their lourney encountred the second supply, that brought 
them back to discover the country of Monacan, 

How, or why Captaine Newport obtained such a private 
commission as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a 
certainty of the south sea, or one of the lost company of 
Sir Walter Rawley^ I know not : nor why he brought such 
a 5. pieced barge, not to beare vs to that south sea, till 
we had borne her over the mountaines (which howfarre 
they extend is yet vnknowne). As for the coronation of 
PotthataHf and his presents of Bason, Ewer, Bed, Clothes, 
and such costly nouelties ; they had bin much better well 


The proceedings and accidettts 

CR. WtSiii. 
W. Pbettipbcc 


tcvrnt Vfktn 
hh curtftit 


l>. 439-1 

Spared, then so ill spent : for we had his favour much 
better onlie for a poorc pcece of Copper, till this stately 
kinde of soliciting made him so much overvalue himselfe, 
that he respected vs as much as nothinf^ at all. 

As for the hiring of the Poles and Dutch, to make pitch 
and tarre, glasse, milles, and sope-ashes; [that] was most 
necessarie and well. But to send them and seauenty 
more without victuall, to worke, was not so well considered ; 
yet this could not haue hurt vs, had they bin 200, ; though 
then we were 130 that wanted for our selves. For we 
had the Salvages in that Decorum^ (their haruestbeeing 
newly gathered) that we feared not to get victual sufficient, 
had we bin 500. 

Now was there no way to make vs miserable but to 
neglect that time to make our provision, whilst it was to 
be had ; the which was done to perfourme this strange 
discovery, but more strange coronation. To loose that 
time, spend that [43] victuall we had, tire and starue our 
men, having no means to carry victuall, munition, the hurt 
or sicke, but their owne backs: how or by whom they 
were invented I know not. 

But Captaine Newport we only accounted the author; 
who to effect these proiects, had so gilded all our hopes 
with great promises, that both company and Councel con- 
cluded his resolution. I confesse we little vnderstood then 
our estates, to conclude his conclusion against al the 
inconveniences the foreseeing President alleadged. There 
was added to the counccU, one Captaine Waldo^ and 
Captaine Winiu ; two ancient souldiers and valiant gen- 
tlemen, but ignorant of the busines, being newly arriued. 
Ratcliffe was also permitted to haue his voice; and 
Maister Scrivcficr [was] desirous to see strange countries. 
So that although Smith was President, yet the Councell 
had the authoritie, and ruled it as they listed. 

As for clcering Smiths obiections, how pitch, and tarre, 
wa[i]nscot, clapbord, glasse, and sope ashes could be pro- 
vided to relade the ship; or provision got to liue withal 
when none was in the Country, and that which we had, 
spent before the ships departed: the answer was, Captaine 
Newport vndertook to fraught the Pinnace with corne, in 
going and returning in his discoverie, and to refraught her 

iTwJkHL] with the second supply in Virginia, 

Eigaine from Werawocomoco-, also promising a great pro- 
portion of victuall from his ship, inferring that Smiths 
propositions were only devises to hinder his ioumey, to 
effect it himselfe ; and that the crueltie Smith had vsed to 
the Salvages in his absence, might occasion them to 
liinder his dcsignes. For which, al workes were left, and 
|i20 chosen men were appointed for his guard. [44] 


And Smithf to make cleere these seeming suspicions, 
that the Salvages were not so desperat[ej as was pretended 
by Captaine Newport, and how willing he was to further 
them to effect their projects ; because the coronation would 
consume much time, vndertooke their message to Powhatan 
(to intreat him to come to lames Towne to receiue his 
presents) accompanied only with Captaine Waldo^ Maiskr 
Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuel Collier, 

With these 4, hee went overland [to] against Werawoco- 
tnoco, there passed the river of Pamavnke in the Salvages 
Canowes. Powhatan being 30 myles of[fj; who, presently, 
was sent for. In the meane time, his women entertained 
Smith in this manner. 

In a faire plaine field, they made afire; before which, 
he sitting vppon a mat, suddainly amongst the woods was 
heard such a hideous noise and shriking, that they betooke 
them to their armes, supposing Powfiatan with all his 
power came to surprise them: but the beholders, which 
were many, men women and children, satisfied the Cap- 
jtaine there was no such matter; being presently presented 
with this anticke. 

30 young women came naked out of the woods (only 
covered behind and before with a few greene leaues), their 
I bodies al painted, some white, some red, some black, some 
partie colour; but every one different. Their leader had 
a faire paire of stagges homes on her head, and an otter 
skinne at her girdle, another at her arme, a quiver of 
larrowes at her backe, and bow and arrowes in her hand. 
The next, in her hand a sword; another, a club; another» 
a pot-stick: all hom[c]d alike. The rest, every one with 
their severall devises. 

These feindes, with most hellish [45] cries and shouts, 
rushing from amongst the trees, cast themselues in a ring 



Smith twM 



1/ 4jtl 



The proceedings and accidents 

I K. VV'tf 

LW. Pheuii 

[1908] about the fire, singtng^ and dauncin^ with excellent i 
varietie, oft falling into their infemall passions, and thci 
solemnely againe to sing and daunce. Hauing spent nee 
an houre, in this maskarado; as they entered, [thcyj i 
like manner departed. 

Hauing reaccomodated themselues, they solemnel 
invited Smith to their lodging: but no sooner was h 
within the house, but all these Nimphes the. more tor 
mcnted him than ever, with crowding, and pressing, and, 
hanging vpon him, most tediously crying, lout yon not m 
This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting 
fruit in baskets, fish and flesh in wooden platters; bean 
and pease there wanted not (for 20 hogges), nor a 
Salvage daintie their invention could devise : some atten 
ing, others singing and dancing about them. 

This mirth and banquet being ended, with firebran 
(instead of torches) they conducted him to his lodging. 

The next day, came Powhatan. Smith delivered his 
message of the presents sent him, and redelivered him 
Namotttack ; desiring him fto] come to his Father New^^ 
to accept those presents, and conclude their revenge again 
the Monacans. 

Wherevnto the subtile Salvage thus replied 

If your king haue sent me presents, I also am a 
king, and this |isj my land. 8 daies I will stay t 
receaue them. Your father is to come to me, not 
to him ; nor yet to your fort : neither will I bite a' 
such a baite. As for the Monacansj I can revenge m 
owne injuries; and as for Aiquanuchuck^ where yo 
say your brother was slaini/>/. 20, 28] ; it is a contrary" 
way from those parts you suppose it [46]. But for 
any salt water beyond the mountaines, the relations 
you haue had from my people are false. 
Wherevpon he began to draw plots vpon the ground, 
according to his discourse, of all those regions. 

Many other discourses they had (yet both desirous to 
giue each other content in Complementall courtesies), and, 
so Captainc Smith returned with this answer. 1 

/imkU/mj Vpon this Captaine Newport sent his presents by water, 
'"""'"^ which is neare[!y] 100 miles; with 50 of the best shot 



r omkafamt 





wUh ike second supply in Virginia, 


himselfe went by land, which is but 12 miles; where he C1608] 
met with our 3 barges to transport him over. 

All things being fit for the day of his coronation, the 
presents were brought, his bason, ewer, bed and furniture 
set vp : [and] his scarlet cloake and apparel (with much 
adoe) put on him, (being perswaded by Namontacke they 
would doe him no hurt). But a fowle trouble there was 
to make him kneele to receaue his crowne. He, neither 
knowing the maiestie nor meaning of a Crowne, nor bend- 
ing of the knee,indured so many pcrswasions, examples, and 
instructions, as tired them all. At last, by leaning hard on 
his shoulders, he a little stooped, and Xewport put the 
Crowne on his head ; when, by the warning of a pistoll, the 
boates were prepared with such a volly of shot, that the king 
start[ed] vp in a horrible feare, till he saw all was well. 
Then remembring himselfe, to congratulate theirkindnesse, iA43«J 
he gaue his old shoes and his mantle to Captain Newport. 

But perceiuing his purpose was to discover the Mona- 
catis, hee laboured to divert his resolution ; refusing to 
lend him either men or guides more then Namontack. 
And so, after some complementall kindnesse [47] on both 
sides, in requital! of his presents, he presented Newport 
with a heape of wheat eares, that might contain 7 or 8 
bushels ; and as much more we bought, ready dressed, in 
the town : wherewith we returned to the fort. 

The ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, tamMs- 
with the first gentlewoman and woman servant that ^hT^ 
arrived in our Colony; Captaine Newport with al the 
Councell, and 120 chosen men, set forward for the dis- 
covery of Monacan : leauing the President at the fort with 
80. (such as they were) to relade the shippe. 

Arriving at the falles, we marched by land some forty 
myles in 2 dales and a halfe ; and so returned downe to 
the same path we went. Two townes wee discovered of 
the Monacaiis, the people neither vsing vs well nor ill: 
3rct for our securitie wee tooke one of their pettie 
Werowances, and lead him bound, to conduct vs the way. 

And in our returne [we] searched many places wee sup- 
posed mynes, about which we spent some time in refining ; 
having one William Callicui a refiner, fitted for that pur- 


7fu procudings and accidsnis [, 

[160©] pose. From that crust of earth wee digged, hec pcrswadcd 
vs to belccuc he extracted some smal quantitie of siloer 
(and not vnlikely better stuffe might bee had for the 
digging). With this poore trial, we were contented to 
leaue this faire, fcrtill, well watrcd countrie. 

Comming to the Falles, the Saluages fained there were 
diverse ships come into the Bay to kill them at James 
Towne. Trade they would not ; and find their com we 
could not, for they had hid it in the woods : and being thus 
deluded, we arriued at Janus Towne, halfc sicke, all com- 
plaining and tired with toile famine and discontent [48] 
to hauc only but discovered our gilded hopes, and such 
fruitlesse certaineties, as the President foretold vs. 



No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed 
[as] many as were able, some for glasse, others for pitch, 
tarrc, and sope ashes; leaving them the rest]j with the 
fort, to the Councels oversight. 

But 30 of vs he conducted 5. myles from the fort to 
learn to make clapboard, cut downe trees, and Iy[c] in 
woods. Amongst the rest, he had chosen Gabriell Beadell^ 
and lohn Russell the only two gallants of this last supply, 
and both proper gentlemen. Strange were these pleasures 
to their conditions : yet lodging, eating, drinking, work- 
ing, or playing, they doing but as the President, all these 
things were carried so pleasantly, as within a weekc, they 
became Masters ; making it their delight to hearc the 
trees thunder as they fell. But the axes so oft blistered 
their tender fingers, that commonly every third blow had 
a lowd oath to drowne the eccho : for remedy of which sin, 
the President devised howe to haue everie mans oathes 
numbered ; and at night, for every oath to haue a can of 
water povvred downe his sleeue. With which, every 
offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a man 
should scarse heare an oath in a weeke. 

By this, let no man think that the President, or these 
gentlemen spent their times as common wood-hackers at 
felling of trees, or such like other labours ; or that they 
were pressed to anything as hirelings or common slaues : 
for what they did (being but once a little inured), it seemed> 
and they conceited it, only as a pleasure and a recreation. 


isriih the second supply in Virginia, 


Yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary' [49] Gentlemen would doc 
more in a day tlien lou of the rest that must bee prest to 
it by conapulsion. Master 5cmv»fr, Captaine Waldo, and 
Captaine \yinnc at the fort ; every one in like manner, 
carefully regarded their charge. 

The President, returning from amongst the woodes, 
sceinjj the lime consumed, and no provision gotten, (and 
the ship lay Idle, and would do nothing), presently im- 
barked himselfe in the discovery barge; giuinpj order to 
the Councell, to send Master Persey after him, with the 
next barge that arrived at the fort. 2 barges he had him- 
selfe, and 20 men. But arriving at Chickahamina, that 
dogged nation was too wel acquainted with our wants, 
refusing to trade with as much scome and insolencie as 
they could expresse. The President perceiving it was 
pQwhaians pollicy to starue vs, told them he came not so 
much fortheircorne.astorevengehis imprisonment, and the 
death of his men murdered by them f^. 16]. And so landing 
his men, and ready to charge them, they immediately fied. 
But then they sent their imbassadours, with come, fish, 
fowl, or what they had, to make their peace : (their come 
being that year bad) they complained extreamly of their 
owre wants; yet fraughted our boats with 100 bushels of 
come, and in like manner Master Persies, that not long 
after vs arriued. They having done the best they could to 
content vs; within4.or5.daies,we returned to TamesTowne. 

Though this much contented the company (that then 
feared nothing but starving) yet some so envied his good 
successe, that they rather desired to starue, then his paines 
should proue so much more effectuall then [SO] theirs. Some 
projects there was, not only to haue deposed him but to 
haue kept him out of the fort; for that being President, he 
would leaue his place and the fort without their consents: 
but their homes were so much too short to effect it, as 
they themselues more narrowly escaped a greater mischicfe. 

All this time our old taverne made as much of all them 
that had either mony or ware as could bee desired ; and by 
this time they were become so perfect on all sides (I 
meane Souldiers, Sailers, and Salvages,) as there was ten 
times more care to maintaine their damnable and private 
trade, then to provide for the Colony things that were 



Mter then 
I A 440-1 


reward fa* 

tamer me ii 
I 'irginM^ 







I S M mtuf n 


TAe prociidings and (uddtnis [w. 

necessary. Neither was it a small pollicyin the mariners, 
to report in England wee had such plenty, and [toj bring 
vs so many men without victuall ; when they had so many 
private factors in the fort, that within 6, or 7. weekcs after 
the ships retume[i.^., to Virginia], of 2. or 300. hatchets, 
chissels, mattocks, and pickaxes, scarce 20 could be found ; 
for pike-heads, kniues, shot, powder, or any thing (they could 
steale from their fellowes) was vendible. They knew as well 
(and as secretly) how to convay them to trade with the 
Salvages, for furres, baskets, mussaneekes, young beastes, 
for such like commodities ; as exchange them with the sailers, 
for butter, cheese, biefe, porke, aquavits, beerc, bisket, and 
oatmeale : and then faine, all was sent them from their 
friends. And though Virginia ^hath] afforded] no furs for 
the store ; yet one mariner in one voyage hath got so many, 
as hee hath confessed to haue solde in England for 30/. 

Those are the Saint-seeming worthies of Virginia ; [fil] 
that haue notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and pay: 
but now they begin to grow wear>', their trade being both 
perceived and prevented. 

None hath bin in Virginia (that hath not observed any 
thing) which knowes not this to be true ; and yet the scome 
and shame was the poore souldiers, gentlemen, and care- 
lesse govemours, who were all thus bought and solde; the 
aduenturers cousened, and the action overthrowne by their 
false excuses, informations, and directions. By this let 
all the world ludge how this businesse coulde prosper; 
being thus abused by such pilfering occasions. 

TAe proceedings and accidents, 'with the 
second supply^ 

Master Scrivener was sent with the barges and Pinas to 
UVrflii'ocomoco, where he found the Salvages more ready 
to fight then trade : but his vigilancy was such, as pre- 
vented their proiectes, and by the meanes of Namontack, 
got 3. or 4. hogsheads of cornc, and as much Red paint, 
which (then) was esteemed an excellent die. 

Captaine Newport being dispatched with the tryals ol 
pitchj tarre, glassc^ fi'ankincense, and sope ashes, with 


A.Todkiu.] with the second supply in Virginia, 


that clapbord and wainscot [which] could bee provided, 11008] 
met with Master Scrivener at point Comfort, and so returned ifi. 441.1 
for England ; leaving vs in all 200, with those hee brought 


The flames of those in this supply are these, 

Captaiue Peter Whine, 
Captaine Richard Waldo. 

Master Francis West, 
Thomas Graues, 
Rawlcy Chroshaw^ 
Cabriell Bedle. 
John KussclL 
John Bedle, 
William Russell 

Kohn Gudderin^ion, 
Villiam Sambagc, 
Jenry Collings. 
ienry Ley. 
Harmati Haryson, 
^^Daniell Tucker, 
^^^ugh Wollystone. 
^^ohn Honlt. 
Thomas Norloti. 
George Yariugton. 

(/. 4»M 


George Burton, 
enry Philpot, 
homas Maxes, 
ichaell Lowicke* 

"Master Hunt. 

Thomas Forest, 

illiam Dowman, 
ohn Dauxe. 

Thomas A bbay. 

K'ere appointed to 
Couucell [62] 


of iJ\t 

Thomas Phelps, 


lohn Part. 


John Clarke. 


lefrySkartridge. [63] 


Dius Oconor, 


Hugh Wynne. 


Davi[d] Vphu. 

- ■![ 

Thomas Bradley. 

Iffhn Burr as. 


Thomas Lavander. 


Henry BelL 


Master PowelL 


Daviid] Ellys. 


Thomas Gipson. 


Thomas Dowse. 


Thomas Mallard. 

William Taler. 

Thomas Fox. 


Nicholas Hancock, 

* 2 













^ 1/ «4«.l 

Mistresse Forest and Anne Euros [see p, 130] her maide, 8. 
Dutchmen and PokSy with divers to the number 0/70. persons. 

Those poore conclusions so affrighted vs all with famine, mHu,iu,cM 
that the President provided for Nansamund. [He] tooke Ji/i7«"' 

Sa'q. SCff. Li9. Ko. 16. 9 


peepfe afao [ — : ' 

oarboBts vith loo 
to IsiDCB Towac: at 
maniai^e btU i cgac. /«&■ L syd m and Amm 
/. 129] ; hdag the fint iPMi ug e we had m Fi 

Loi^ he sftaied aot, bat ftttiag hinarlfr 
WMamih 2.lHtfcn ftbe Pftsideat aoii«|fat] 
WMworlr and all pasts tbcve, [wfaercl «as 
cfimeaor Sahrage, but all fled (being Icaloos off 
till we dncu f o a d the river and people of A 
wbere we faaiid rbot^ litUe. That tbey bad ^ 
dnri dcd betwixt the Salvages aad vs, bat 


MmUr Pirm md. ii^^tr Spraeatfr went also abroad, bat 
Goold fiode aothtng. 

Tbe Presadcnt aeeicg this procY^astinatiiig of ticoc, was 
no ooone to bne, reaotocd with Ca pt a i ne IFaUb (who he 
knew to be sore in time of need), to surprise Pomkatan and 
al his provision : bat the vnwillii^gnes of (^ptaine U'tiMf, 
and MmsUr Scnncacr (£or some private respects), did their 
best to hinder their proiect. 

Bot the President, whom no pcrswasions conld perswade 
to atame, being invited by Pemkaiam to come vnto him : 
and if he would send him but men to build him a house, 
bring him a grin[d>tone, 50. swords, some pc cces , a cock 
and a ben, with copper and beads; he woold loade his 
shippe with come. 

The President notignoraunt of his dcx-ises, jret vnwilling 
to neglect any opportunity, presently sent 3. Datch-men 
and 2. English (having do victuals ^55 to imploy them, 
all for want thereof being idle). Knou-ing there needed tu> 
better castel then that house, to sorpnze Poxckaiam Tin^ ; to 
effect thia project, be took order with Captaine WaUo, to 
second him, if need required. Scrivener, he left [as] his 
sobsitute ; and set forth with the Pinnas, 2. barges, and 
six and forty men, which only were such as volontarilj 

A.T<KiittU.] with the second supply in Virginia, 


offered themselues for his iourny : the which (by reason of 
Master Scriveners ill successe) was censured very desper- 
ate. They all knowing Smith would not returne empty 
howsoever, caused many of those that he had appointed 
to hnd excuses to stay behinde. 





Captaine Smiths iourney to Pamavnke, 

^^^HE 29 of December [1608], hee set forward for 
Wcrawocomoco, : his company were these. 

In the Discovery barge, himself e^ 

Robert Behelhland. 
NathanicU Powell* 
John Russell. 
Rawly Crashaw, 
Michaell Sicklemorc. 
Richard Worlie, 


Anas TodkilL 
William Loue. 
VVilliam Bentley. 
Geoffrey Shoriridge 
Edward rising, 
VViliiam VVardc. J 


In the Pinnace. 

Master George Persie, brother to the Earle of Northumber- 
land ; Master Franncis West, brother to the Lord De-la* 

William Phctiplace, Captaine of the Pinnas, 

lonas Profit^ Master, 

Robert Ford, clarcke of the cottncell. 

Michaell Pheliplace. 
Geoffrey Abbot, Serg. 
William Tankard. 
George Yarington. 
lames Bourne. 
George Burton, 
Iliomas Coe. 


lohn Dods. 
Edward Brinton, 
Nathaniel Pcacocke. 
Henry Powell, 
David Ellis, 
Thomas Gipson. 
lohn Prat. 




3. or 4. dues, 
wbcfc tbe 

CfTI fedgcd the int vi^ at IFiMdHPfi 
Pmi i kat toekm ai^gel fwirian. 

Tkift kind Sahra^ £d fab bat to divcft bia fircm 
PMiiatev: bat pcrcdiiiogfaecoaldncAprenuk,hcadvBcd 


and bee 

to vse 

Hc bee bane 
for bee bath 

Captamr Sanifc, jrou 
jpov fcmdlj* fawt trost 
yoB oinjr to cut yoQT umnts. 

Tbe Captamr fhanlrrd bsm far fan ^ood coonsell ; yet 
the better to try hn looe, desired goUks to CJmmameke^ §oc 
he voold sent a present to that kiae to bind htm hb 
friend. To pet kit me this io o i ney^ waa seat Midmd 
Skkkmtom^ a rexy honest, valiant, and painefoD soldier: 
widi bsm, two |^cnd>* s, and directions howe to seatch far 
the lost company of Sir WmlUr RsmUy, and ailke gmsse* 

Then wee departed thenoe, tbe P te aid c nt asori^ the 
fctoc [oQ bis peipctoall iooe ; and left with him Smmmtt 
Ctttkr bis page, to learae tbe tangnage. 

Tbe next night bein^ lodged at KecomgkUm^ [Ux] 6 or 7 
daks, tbe extreame wind, rainc, £rost, aLd szkoiM-e caused 
r% to kccpe Christmas amongst the Salvages : where v^xe 
were never more merrie, nor fedde on more pleotie of good 
i^atcfSv fish, ftnh, wild fonle, and good bread ; nor never 
had better fires in EngUnd then in the drie warme smokie 
booses of Keamghlam. 

fiat departing thence, when we found no houses, we 
were not curious [fntidicm] [m any weather) to lie, 3 
or 4 nights together, vpoo any shore, vnder tbe trees. b>' 
^ a good fire. 14S fowles, tbe President, AutktMty Brngfy^ 
and Edxeard Pisimg [the hto Sfrjcamh] did kill at 3 shoots. 

At Kiskutck^ the host £orced vs 3 or 4 daies, also to 


ATodkiiu] with the second supply in Virginia, 


I>. 430.I 

Am Hi 


ippresse the insolencie of those [68] proud Salvages, to 

[uarter in their houses and guard our barge, and [to] cause 
them to giue vs what wee wanted; yet were we but 13 
with the President, and yet we neuer wanted harbour 
[slieltcr] where we found any houses. 

The 12 of lanuarie [1609], we arrived at Werawocontoco^ 
where the river was frozen neare halfe a mile from the 
shore. But to neglect no lime, the President with his 
barge, so farre had approached, by breaking the Ice, as 
the cb[b] left him amongst those oozie shoules : yet, 
rather then to lie there frozen to death, by his owne 

:ample, hcc taught them to march middle deepe, more 
then a flight shot, through this muddie froye ooze. When 
the barge flo[a]ted, he appointed 2 or 3 to returne her 
abo[ajrd the Pinnace ; where, for want of water, in melting 
the salt ice they made fresh water. But in this march, 
Master [lohn] Russell (whome none could perswade to stay 
behind) being somewhat ill and exceedingily] heavie, so 
overtoiled him selfe, as the rest had much adoe (ere he 
;ot a shore) to regain life into his dead benummed spirits. 

Quartering in the next houses we found, we sent to 
*ou'hauin for provision; who sent vs plentie of bread, 
Turkies, and Venison. 

The next day, hauing feasted vs after his ordinarie 
manner; he began to aske, when we would bee gon[e], 
faining \Jcignwg] bee sent not for vs : neither had bee any 
come, and his people much lesse ; yet for 40 swords he 
would procure vs 40 bushels. 

The President, shewing him the men there present, 
that brought him the message and conditions, asked him, 
how it chaunced he became so forgetful : thereat, the king 
concluded the matter with a merry laughter, asking for 
our commodities ; but none he liked without gunnes and 
swords, [69] valuing a basket of cnrne more pretious then 
a basket of copper, saying he could eate his corne, but not 
his copper, 

Captaine Smiih seeing the intent of this subtil Saluage, cn^tAi»i 
began to deale with him after this manner. 
^^ Poii'hataHj though I had many courses to haue 

^H made my provision ; yet beleeving your promises to 
^B supply my wants, I neglected all, to satisfie your 




1 toid yoa 

: yctstcalc^or 

that friendship wee hx 

The te^ hMMg Jtte a titlf fittaed to thb 
that both bee aad fas Cflanliy WKHil 
thcycoold; the whicfa vithm s dues»thef 
Yet, CaiitaiK SwA, (wth Ac !»«) 
I hsoc eC jvor fwniBmg hither, Asl 
» kiDdljr sceice to tidieae yoQ ms I voold: Sbr 

hot to made ai^ people and paneae a^ Ccwatzy: 
vfao dtfc aot cone to faoBg foa oome. aedn^ jroa 
Tare] tfaos Aitd with yoar loea. To decie va of 
tifek ieare, feaae abord yoor vcapeaa; fer here tb^ 
are ncedlene, we bdo^ aO irieoda and lor erer 

Wtih flttay «Kh dtsooones, they 9Cttt the da^ 
^nift|ejoag ^hift Vglft ta the knn b 

day^be Rvieved biabddi^U«*Bcfa hee fittk 
For the DrtiliMi ii fadnghb 
naft; aftd p f i ffim'n g hn pre- 
ta aaqnae vs. little UmdIcm« wee coald escape 
boCb bsa, aod fuiniie z to obtaiaK his ttvoaFy rcocaled to 

hov to DRVcat thenu One of tbcm bcu^of so good a 

a famiiBf thai was 


he and his couotiioien ) that the Pi Midi, id kaewc oot 

; axkd. not kzxmine >>nT fitter for 

to discover 


bad sent hna as a 
then little doobtiBS 

of htt TiDaaQr tfl 


i.Todkm.] with the second supply in Virginia. 


Whilst wc expected the comming in of the countrie, we [1609] 
wrangled out nf the kiriR 10 quarters of come for a copper 
settle ; the which the President perceiving him much to 
iflFect, valued it at a much greater rate, but (In regard of 
lis scarcely) hce would accept of as much more the next 
reare, or else the country of Monacan. The Kin^ exceed- 
ng liberall of that hee had not, yeelded him Monacan* 
A^herewith each seeming well contented, Powhatan began 
o expostulate the difference betwixt peace and war, after 
his manner. 

Captaine Smith, you may vnderstand that I, hauing p^hatmnM 
scene the death of all my people thrice, and not one 'f^t'!^ 
living of those 3 generations but my selfe, I knowe "*"^* 
the difference of peace and warre better then any 
in my :61] Countrie. But now I am old, and ere 
long must die. My brethren, namely Opicluipam; 
Opechankanough, and Kekataugh, my two sisters, and I>-4S^1 
their two daughters, are distinctly each others succcs- 
sours. I wish their experiences no Jesse then mine, and 
your loue to them, no lesse then mine to you : but 
this bru[i]tc from Nansamimd, that you are come to 
destroymyCountrie,somuch affrighteth all rny people, 
as they dare not visit j'ou. What v/ill it availe you 
to take that perforce, you may quietly haue with loue, 
or to destroy them that provide you food ? What 
can you get by war, when we can hide our provision 
and flie to the woodes, whereby you must famish, by 
wronging vs your friends ? And whie arc you thus 
iealous of our loues, seeing vs vnarmed, and both doe, 
and are willing still to feed you with that you cannot 
get but by our labours? Think you I am so simple 
not to knowe it is better to eate good meate, lie well, 
and sleepe quietly with my women and children, 
laugh and be metne with you, haue copper, hatchets, 
or what I want, being your friend ; then bee forced to 
flie from al, to lie cold in the woods, feed vpon acorns 
roots and such trash, and be so hunted by you that I 
can neither rest eat nor sleepe, but my tired men 
must watch, and if a twig but breake, evcrie one eric, 
there comes Captaine Smith : then must I flie I knowe 
lot whether, and thus with miserable feare end my 

hsaeaov^se. As for the hkling [of roiir pcorisaofi, orliy 
jowiyin^ to the woods; ^pc shall {oot] so vna dwc dly 
iterae as yoa cooclnie: tdbt frieodly care ia that 
behalfe is Decdlesae, lor ve hme a rak to fiiide bqpood 

jOQT knowlcdigc 
Maaie other dtsooones they had, til at kst ^bey began 
to trai^ But the king 9taBg his will would not bee ad- 
■dtted as a lawe, our guard ioot] dispersed, dot oar men 
{tS: disanned ; fake, sighii^, breathed his mind ooce move. ■ 
ia this manner. f 

Captaioe Swnik, I neuer vsed anic of Weftmmmwi so 


with the second supply in Virginia. 

kindlie as your selfe; yet from you, I receaue the 

least kindnesse of anie. Captaine Newport gaue 

me swords, copper, cloths, a bed, tooles, or what I 

desired ; ever taking what I offered him : and would 

send awaie his gunnes when I intreated him. None 

doth denie to laie at my feet, or do, what I desire, 

but onelie you; of whom I can haue nothing but 

what you regard not; and yet you wil haue what- 

soeuer yon demand. Captain Ncivport you call 

father, and so you call me : but I see, for all vs both, 

you will doe what you list, and wee must both seeke 

to content you- But if you intend so friendlie as you 

saie, sende hence yourarmes that I may beleeue you: 

for you see the loue I beare you, doth cause mee thus 

nakedlie [toj forget my seUe. 

Smith (seeing this Salvage but trifled the time, to cut his 

throat) procured the Salvages to breake the ice, that his 

boat might come to fetch both him and his corne ; and 

gaue order for his men to come ashore, to haue surprised 

the king: with whom also, he but trifled the time til! his 

men landed; and to keepe him from suspition, entertained 

the time with this reply. 

Powhatan, you must knowe as I haue but one God, I 

honour but one king: and I Hue not hereasjoursubiect, 

but as your friend to pleasure you with what I can. By 

the gifts you bestowe on me, you gaine more then by 

trade: yet would you visite mee as I doe you, you 

should knowe it is not ourcustomes to sell our curtesie 

as a vendible commoditie. Bring all your Country 

[64] with you for your g[u]ard, I will not dislike of it 

as being over iealous. But to content you, to-morrow 

I will leaue my armes, and trust to your promise. I 

call you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I 

will loue you : but the smal care you had of such a 

child, caused my men perswade me to shift for my selfe. 

By this time, Powhatan having knowledge [that? his men 

were readie ; whilst the ice was breaking, his luggage, 

women and children fledde. And to avoid suspition [he] left 

2 or 3 of his women talking with the Captaine ; whilst he 

secretly fled, and his men as secretlie beset the house. 

Which being at the instant discovered to Captaine Smith ; 



/itr t^ Mant 

/i> intrxtji 

C. Smith* 

diu0nrt* to 

tiilay iimt, 





lime Smilh 
sees Paw- 


[A 4S4 I 




€mrrit ihim. 


Tfu proceedings and accidents [, 

with his PistoL Sword and Target, he made such a passage fl 
amongst those naked divels that they fled before him, ' 
some one waie, some another : so that without hurt, he 
obtained {reached] the Corps du guard. 

When they perceiued him so well escape, and with his 8 
men (for he had no more with him), to the vttcrmosl of 
their skill, they sought by excuses to dissemble the matter. 
And Powhatan, to excuse his flight and the suddatne com- 
ming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a greate bracelet 
and a chaine of pearle, by an ancient Orator that bespoke 
vs to this purfKJse (perceiving then from our Pinnace, a 
barge and men departing and comming vnto vs.) 

Captaine Smith, our IVcrowafis is fled, fearing your 

guns ; and knowing [that] when the ice was broken, 

there would come more men, sent those of his, to guard 

his come from the pilfrie that might happen without 

your knowledge. Now though some bee hurt by your 

misprison ; yet he is your friend, and so wil continue. ^ 

And since the ice is open, hee would haue you send W 

awaie i65j your come ; and if you would haue his 

companie, send also your armes, which so a£frighteth 

this people that they dare not come to you, as he 

hath promised they should. 

Nowe having prouided baskets for our men to carrie the 

come, they kindlic offered their service to gtu^rd our armes, 

that none should steale them. A great manie they were, of 

goodlie well appointed fellowes, as grim as divels : yet the 

verie sight of cocking our matches against them, and a few 

words, caused them to leaue their bowes and arrowes to our 

gu[a]rd, and beare downc our corne on their own backes. 

Wee needed not importune them to make quick despatch. 

But our own barge being left by the ebb, caused vs to 

stale till the midnight tide carried vs safe abojajrd [i.^., by 

ilie side of ilic Pinnace]. 

Hauing spent that halfe night with such mirth as though 
we never had suspected or intended anything ; we left the 
Dutchman to build, Brtnton to kil fowle for Powlxaian as 
by his messengers he importunately desired ; and left 
directions with our men to giue Powhatan all the content 
they could, that we might inioy his company at our 
returne from Pamaunkc, '^l 

Todkai-J with ilie second supply in Virgittia, 


How we escaped surprising at Pamavnke, 

EE had no sooner set saile, but Powhatan re- 
turned, and sent Adam and Francis (2. stout 
Dutch men) to the fort: who fained to Cap- 
taine VVinnc that al things were well, and that 
Captaine Smith had vse for their armes ; wherefore they 
requested newe (.66] (the which were giuen them). They 
told him their comming was for some extraordinary tooles 
and shift of apparell. By this colourable excuse, they 
obtained 6. or 7. more to their confederacie, such expert 
theefes that presently furnished them with a great many 
swords, pike-heads, peeces, shot, powder, and such like. 
They had Salvages at hand ready to carry it away. The 
next day, they returned vnsuspected, leaving their con- 
federates to follow; and, in the interim, to convay them a 
competencie of all things they could; for which service, 
they should Hue with Powhatan as his chiefe affected, free 
from those miseries that would happen [to] the Colony. 

Samucll their other consort, Powhatan kept for their 
pledge ; whose diligence had prouided him [Powhatan] 
300. of their kinde of hatchets ; the rest, 50. swords, 8. 
peeces^ and 8. pikes. 

Brinton and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men 
so strangTclly diligent to accommodate the Salvages [with] 
these weapons, attempted to haue got to lames Towne ; 
but they were apprehended. 

Within 2. or 3. daies, we arrived at Pamavnke : the king 
ff.*., Opcchancanouf^h] as many daies entertained vs with 
feasting and much mirth. 

And the day he appointed to begin our trade, the 
President, witli Master Persic, Master West, Master Russell, 
Master Behcathland, Master Powell, Master Crashaw, Master 
Ford, and some others, to the number of 15., went vp to 
OpechancanoHglh]s house (near a quarter of a mile from 
the river) ; where we [the writers of this portion of the Work, 
pp, 148, 131, were evidently of this party] founde nothing but 
a lame fellow and a boy, and all the houses about, of all 
things abandoned. 


(A 4J6-1 



C Stmlh. 


Tkf ^octidh^ amd m n'i d i^ % [^^ -^^^ 



Kot long we staide ere the kinp anived, md after 
him, came divers of bis people loaded with bowcs and 
arrowes ; but soch ptoching commodiUcs, and those 
esteeincd at soch a valoe '67j, ai oar Captaioe b^axme 
with hiiDy vti this niajuicf. 

Optikmttumom^^ the great lone yoa praHetae with 
your tongue, »eemes meere deceipt bjr yoor 
Last yeare. voo kindly fraughted our ship; hot 
3roa haue invited me to starue with hunger. Yoif 
fcsu>w my want; and I, your plenty: of which, by 
some roeanes, I most haue part. Remember it is tilt 
for kings to keepe their promise. Here are my com- 
modities, whereof take your choke: the rest I will 
proportion fA bargaines for your people. 
The king seemed kindly to accept this offer; and the 
better to colour his proiect, sold vs what they had to our 
own content : promising the next day, more company, 
better providcd, 

Ed x^M 



The barges and Pinnas being committed to the cl 
of MasUr Phctiplau : the President, with his old 15, 
marched vp to the kings house ; where we found 4 or 5 
men newly come with great baskets. 

Not long after came the king, who, with a strained 
checrefulnes, held vs with discourse, what paincs be had 
taken to keepe his promise, till MasUr Ruswl brought vs 
in news that we were all bctraicd, for at least 6. or 700. 
of well appointed Indians had invironed the house and 
beset the fields. 

The king coniecturing what Russell related, we could 
wcl percciue how the extremity of his fearc bewrayed 
his intent. Whereat, some of our companie seeming dis- 
maidc with the thought of such a multitude, the Captaine 
incouragcd vs after this manner. 

Worthy countrjmen, were the mischicfes of my 
seeming friends no more then the danger of these 
enemies, I little cared, %vcre they as many more, if 
you [68. dare do but as I. But this is my torment, 
that if I escape them, our malicious councell, with 
their open-mouthed minions, will make mee such 
a peace-breaker (in their opinions) in England, as 

LTodkui.] wUk the second supply in Virginia. 141 

wil break my neck. I could wish those here, that [1609] 
make these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But 
this is the worst of all, wherin I pray, aide me with 
your opinions. Should wee begin with them and 
surprize this king, we cannot keep him and defend 
well our selues. If we should each kill our man, and 
so proceede with al[lj in this house, the rest will alt 
fly: then shall we get no more then the bodies that 
are slaine, and then starue for victualL As for their 
fury, it is the least danger. For well you know, 
being alone assaulted with 2 or 300 of them, I made /. 458.1 
them compound to saue my life ; and we are now 
16 and they but 700, at the most ; and assure your 
selues God wil so assist vs, that if you dare but to 

(stande to discharge your peeces, the very smoake 
will bee sufficient to affright them. Yet howsoever, 
if there be occasion, let vs fight like men, and not 
die like sheep: but first I will deale with them to 
bring it to passe, we may fight for something, and 
draw them to it by conditions. If you like this 
motion, promise me youle {you will] be valiant. 
The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to 
;xecute whatsoever he attempted, or die. Wherevpon the 

rtaine approaching the king, bespoke him in this manner. 
I see OpechatuanoHgh, your plot to murder me ; but f^^'j^jjj^ 
I feare it not. As yet your men and mine haue done <-«*««4. 

^no harme but by our directions. Take therefore 
your arms, you see mine. My body shalbe as naked 
as yours, [69jthe lie in your river is a fit place, if you 
be contented ; and the conqueror, of vs two, shalbe 
Lord and Master over all our men. Otherwaies 
drawe all your men into the field, if you haue not 
enough, lake time to fetch more ; and bring what 
number you will, so everie one bring a basket of 
come: against all which, I will stake the value in 
copper. You see I haue but 15 men, and our game 
shalbe, the conqueror take all. 

he king, being guarded with 50 or 60 of his chiefe o/t^ksmem. 
_ n, seemed kindly to appease Smiths suspition of vnkind- *d^.^tJt« 
nesse, by a great present at the dore, they intreated him to j^'JJJ 
eiue. 1 his was to draw him without the dorcj where 

142 The proceedings andacadcnis [ — ^ v**' 

[1608] the present was g[u^ardcd with at the least 200 men. 
and 30 lying under a greate tree that Lay thwart as a 
Barricado, each [with] his arrow nocked ready to slioot. 

Some, the President commanded to go and sec what 
kinde of deceit this was, and to reccine the present; bal 
tbey refused to do it : yet divers offered, whom be woold 
not permit : hut commanding Masier Pcr^ and Master 
VVai to make good the house, tookc MasUr Pa^lw]£U and 
MmUer BduatkUmd to guard the dore ; and ia sach a ngc, 
IA«i>l snatched the king by his vambrace in the midst of hb 
men, with his pistoU ready bent against bis farest. Thvs 
be led the trembling king, neare dead with leare, aaaoQ^ 
all his people ; who delirering the Captaine bis boir and 
arrowes, all bis men were easily intrcated to cast 
their armes, little dreaming anic durst in that 
faaoe vscd their king : who tben» to escape 
b erttt w ui bb presents in good sadnes»e> 

And haoing caused all his moltitiide to appRMcik dis- 
armed, the President argued with them to this efiect. [70] 
I see, \*oa Pamtatmkiis, the great dcstie yoa baae lo 
cm my throat, and my long wtfrring i<tf] yoor inioxies 
bane imboMmrd yoa to this pmBumprtoo, Tbe< 
I base I fl iU ii n e your j ni ote nc ies is the 
aadc yoo, bcloce the God I seme, to be yoor 
tin yoo gioe me iust cause to bee yoor caimic 
keepe this vow, my God will keepe mee ; yo« 
btttt me: if I breake it, be will destroie me. Bat f^ 
yoa shoot bat one arrow to shed ooe drop oi blood of 
aay of ny Dcn, or ateale the kastof these beadesor 
copper I sfttnae bctee me with ny loot; yoa shaM 

as I can hcaae vhmtD Ind 00a of voaraatiaa that 

wiUnoCdcay tbeaaoMofiVaaHiiii:. I am not 

i^ X7» xii. baife dnnmd with 

y^ then, ior ~ 

good vsac^ and saving oty tifa^ I 

thadt ^MT ^gial'i of yoor tRsachcna 

t« Bttstaka my seiie. Bottfl 

Yoa prnmiTir d to fraoght my sh^ eta I 
departed ; and so yoa shaU, or I mcaae to 

jLTodhJiL] with the second supply in Virginia, 

with your dead carkases. Yet if as friends you wil [1609J 
come and trade, I once more promise not to trouble 
you, except you giue me the first occasion, 

Vpon this, awaie went their bowes and arrowes ; and ^^-^J^; 
Tticn» women, and children broufjht in their commodities, IS5'# "' 
But 2 or three houres they so thronged about the Presi- ,vii/. 
denty and so overwearied him, as he retired himself to 
rest, leaving Master Bchcathlaud and Master Powel to accept 
their presents. 

But some Salvage perceiving him fast asleepCj and the 
fTuard carelessly dispersed, 40 or 50 of their choice men 
(71], each with an English sword in his hand, began to 
enter the house; with 2 or 300 others that pressed to 
second them. The noise and hast[e] they made in, did so 
shake the house as they awoke him from his sleep ; and 
being halfe amazed with this suddaine sight, [he] betooke 
him straight to his sword and target, Master Crashaw and [/■ 460.1 
some other[s] charging in like manner, they thronged 
faster back, then before forward. The house thusclensed, Thrir 
the king and his ancients, with a long oration came to '^^Hi^,- 
excuse this intrusion. '*'■'■ 

The rest of the day was spent with much kindnesse : 
the company againe renuing their presents of their best 
provision. And whatsoever we gaue them, they seemed 
well contented with it. 

Now in the meane while, since our departure, this 
hapned at the fort. 

Master Scriueuer willing to crosse the surprizing of 
Powhatan^ 9 daies after the Presidents departure [1.^. on 
7 January i6og], would needs visit the He of hogges ; and 
took with him Captaine Waldo (though the President had 
appointed him to bee readie to second his occasions) with 
Master Antony Gosnoll and eight others : but so violent TiuUsH<^ 
was the wind (that extreame frozen time) that the boat 's^Zn^r 
sunke; but where, or how, none doth knowe, for they JJ^'j'*"* 
were all drowned. Onlie this was knowne, that the ^^'Jf*- 
Skiffe was much overloaded, and would scarse haue lived 
in that extreme tempest had she beene emptie : but by no 
perswasion could hee bee diverted, though both Waldo 
and 100 others doubted [feared] as it hapned. 


Mknmr Otben vssrmed. he appoioled to 

Ctke hudbe seraae as & 
ForlieoacbdocftDfepenmiDi toeotei 



luilh the second supply in Virginia 

when they approached somewhat neare vs, their women 
and children tied. For when they had environed and 
beset the fieldes in this manner, they thought their pur- 
pose sure ; yet so trembled with fear as they were scarse 
able to nock their arrowes. Smith standing with his 3 
men readie bent, beholding them till they were within 
dan;2;er of our ambuscade ; who, vpon the word, discovered 
themselues, he retiring to the banke ; which the Salvages 
no sooner perceived, but away they fled, esteeming their 
heeles for their best advantage. 

That night, we sent to the fort Master Crashaw and 
MasUr Foard [evidently in one of the barf^es] ; who, in the mid- 
way betweene Wcrawocofnoco and the fort, met 4 or 5, of the 
Dutch mens confederates going to Powhatan : the which (to 
excuse those gentlemens Suspition, of their running to the 
Salvages) returned to the fort, and there continued [p. 150]- 

The Salvages hearing our barge depart in the night, 
were so terriblie afraide that we [had] sent for more men 
(we having so much threatned their ruine, and the rasing 
of their houses, boats, and canowes), that the next day the 
King [Opechancanough] sent our Captaine a chains of pearle 
to alter his purpose and stay his men ; promising, though 
they wanted themselues, to fraught our ship, and to bring 
it abo[ajrd to avoid suspition : so that, 5 or G daies after, 
[74i from al parts of the countrie within to or 12 miles, 
in the extreame cold frost and snow, they brought vs 
provision on their naked backes. 

Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade, had their 
art and poison bin sufficient, the President with Master 
Wtsi and some others had been poysoned. It made them 
sicke but expelled it selfe. 

Wecuttanow, a stout yong fellow, knowing hee was 
suspected for bringing this present of poison, with 40 or 
50. of his choice companions, seeing the President with 
but a few men at Pontavucat, so prowdlie braved it, as 
though he expected to incounter a revenge. Which the 
President perceiving, in the midst of his companie, did not 
onlie beat, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to 
doe him any worse mischiefe : wherevpon all of them fled 
into the woods, thinking they had done a great matter la 
haue so well escaped ; and the townsmen remaining 
JMG, Sea. Lib. No. 10. 10 



A chaint tf ' 
^arU ttnt 






The proceedings and accidents [ 

presentlie fraughted our barge, to bee rid of our companies, 
framing manic excuses to excuse WecuttunoiL\ being son to 
their chiefe king but Powhatan^ and told vs if we would 
shew them him that brought the poyson, they would 
deliver him to vs to punish as wee pleased. 

Men maie thinke it strange there should be this stir for 
a little come : but had it been gold with more ease wee 
might haue got it ; and had it wanted, the whole colonic 
1/.46J.! had starved. We maie be thought verie patient to indure 
all those iniuries. Yet onlie with fearing them, we got 
what they had: whereas if we had taken revenge, then by 
their lossc, we should haue lost our sclu[e]s. 

We searched also the countries of Youghtanund and [75} 
2lfw^' Mattapamicut, where the people imparted what little 
they had with sucli complaints and tears from women and 
children, as he had bin too cruell to be a Christian that 
would not haue bin satisfied and moved with compassion. 

But had this happened in October, November, and 
December, when that vnhappie discoverie of Monacan 
was made; wee might haue fraughted a ship of 40 tun 
and twice as much might haue bin had from the rivers of 
Toppahauuock, Patauonteck, and Pawtuxunt, 

The maine occasion of our temporizing with the Sa 
vages was to part friends, as we did, to giue the les 
cause of suspition to Powhatan to fly: by whom we now 
returned, with a purpose to haue surprised him and hi» 
provision. For effecting whereof, when we came againstj 
the towne, the President sent Masttr M (^ »and Master Co#| 
a shore, to discover and make waie for his intended project. 

But they found that those damned Dutchman had 
caused Powhatan to abandon his new house and werawO' 
comocOf and to carrie awaie all his corne and provision : 
and the people, they found, by their means, so ill affected, 
that had they not stood well vpon their guard, they had 
hardlie escaped with their Hues. 

So the President finding his intention thus frustrated, 
and that there was nothing now to be had, and therefore 
an vnfit time to revenge their abuses, heldc on his coursi 
for lames Towne : we having in this lomie (for 25l[bs.] 
copper [and] 5ol[bs.] of Iron and beads) kept 40 men 6,! 
weekes [/.<?., from zg Dec, 1608 to about 8 Feb, 1609] 






with the second supply in Virginia, 

and dailie feasted with bread, come, flesh, fish, and 
fowle. Everie man having for his reward (and in considera- 
tion of his commodities) a months provision, no trade 
being allowed but for the store ; and we [76] delivered at 
lames Towne to the Cape Marchant, 279 bushels of corne. 


Those temporall proceedings, to some maie seeme too 
charitable, to such a dailie daring trecherous people; to [A464-I 
others vnpleasant that we washed not the ground with 
their blouds, nor shewed such strange inventions in 
mangling, murdering, ransaking, and destroying (as did 
the Spaniards) the simple bodies of those ignorant soules; 
nor delightful, because not stuffed with relations of heaps 
and mines of gold and siluer, nor such rare commodities 
as the Portugals and Spaniards found in the East and 
West Indies. The want wherof hath begot vs, that were 
the first vndertakers, no lesse scorne and contempt, than 
their noble conquests and valiant aduentures (beautified 
with it), praise and honor. Too much^ I confesse, the world 
cannot attribute to their ever memorable merit. And to 
cleare vs from the worlds blind ignorant censure, these 
fewe words may suffise to any reasonably vnderstanding. 

It was the Spaniards good hap to happen in those parts 
where were infinite numbers of people, whoe had manured 
the ground with that providence that it afforded victuall 
at all times ; and time had brought them to that perfec- 
tion [that] they had the vse of gold and silver, and [ofj 
the most of such commodities as their countries affoorded: 
so that what the Spaniard got was only the spoile and 
pillage of those countrie people, and not the labours of 
their owne hands. 

But had those fruilfull Countries beene as Salvage, as 
barbarous, as ill-peopled, as iitlle planted laboured and 
manured, as Virginia\ their proper labours, it is likely 
would haue t77] produced as small profit as ours. But 
had Virginia bin peopled, planted, manured, and adorned 
with such store of prctious lewels and rich commodities 
as was the Indies: then, had we not gotten and done as 
much as by their examples might bee expected from vs, 
the world might then haue traduced vs and our merits. 



The proceedings and accidents 


I/. 4«S^J 

R. Witli^. 


and Iiaue made shame and infamy our recompence 

But we chanced in a lande, even as God made it. 
Where we found only an idle, improvident, scattered 
people, ignorant of the knowledge of Rold. or silver, or 
any commodities; and carelesse of anything but from hand 
to mouth, but fnr ba[u bles of no worth ; nothing to 
cncouraf^e v^s but what accidentally wee found nature 
afforded. Which ere wee could bring to recompence our 
paines, defray our charges, and satisHe our adventurers; 
we were to discover the country, subdue the people, bring 
them to be tractable civil and industrious, and leach them 
trades that the fruits of their labours might make vs 
recompence, or plant such colonies of our owne that must 
first make provision how to liue of themselues ere they 
can bring to perfection the commodities of the countrie ; 
which doubtless will be as commodious for England as 
the west Indies for Spaine, if it be rightly managed ; not- 
withstanding all our home-bred opinions that will argue 
the contrarie, as formerly such like haue done against the 
Spaniards and Portugals. 

But to conclude, against all rumor of opinion I only 
say this for those that the three first yeares began this plan- 
tation: notwithstanding altheirfactions.mutenics, and mise- 
ries, so gently corrected [78] and well prevented, pervsc 
the Spanish Decades, the relations of Master Hacklu[y]t ; 
and tell mee how many ever, with such smal meanes as a 
barge of z Tunnes, sometimes with 7. 8. g, or but at most 
15 men, did ever discover so many faire and navigable 
rivers, subiect so many severall kings people and nations 
to obedience and contribution, with so little bloud shed. 

And if in the search of those Countries, wee had hapned 
where wealth had beene, we had as surely had it, as 
obedience and contribution ; but if wee haue overskipped 
it, we will not envy them that shall chance to finde it. 
Yet can wee not but lament it was our ill fortunes to end, 
when wee had but only learned how to begin, and found 
the right course how to proceed. 

By Richard Wiffin, iViUiam Phettlphice, and 
Anas Todkill. 

xviih the second supply in Virginia. 

C H A P-T E R X. 

Honi) the Salvages became subiect to the English 


Hen the shippes departed [November, 1608], al 
the provision of the store but that the Presi- 
dent had gotten, was so rotten with the last 
somers rain, and eaten with rats and wormes 
as the hogs would scarsely eat it; yet it was the souldiers 
diet till our relurnes: so that wee found l79j nothing done, 
but victuall spent, and the most part of our tooles, and a 
good part of our armes convayed to the Salvages. 

But now, casting vp the store [the discovery of the rotten- 
ftess &c,j of the corn in the casks was later on, see p, 155], and 
finding sufficient till the next harvest, the feare of starving 
was abandoned: and the company [beingl divided intotennes, 
fifteenes, or as the businesse required, 4 houres each day 
was spent in worke, the rest in pastimes and merry exercise. 
But the vntowardnesse of the greatest number caused 
the President to maive a general! assembly; and then he 
advised them as followeth. 

Countrimen, the long experience ofour late miseries, 
I hope is sufficient to perswade every one to a present 
correction of himselfe ; and thinke not that either my 
pains, or the adventurers purses, will ever maintaine 
you in idlenesse and sloth. I speake not this to you 
all ; for diverse of you, I know, deserve both honor 
and reward better then is yet here to bee had ; but 
the greater part must be more industrious, or starue. 
Howsoever you haue bin heretofore tolerated by the 
authoritie of the Councell from that I haue often 
commanded you : yet seeing nowe the authoritie 
rcsteth wholly in my selfe, you must obay this for a 
law, that he that will not worke, shall not eate, 
except by sicknesse he be disabled. For the labours 
of 30 or 40 honest and industrious men shall not bee 
consumed to maintaine 150 idle varlets. Now though 
you presume the authcritie here is but a shaddow, 
and that I dare not touch the liues of any but my own 


I A 4*6.1 


TAf Prtti- 
tfcHtt adviu 

to tkt 

itpeech was 

made »ftcr 
the death of 
ihr? Iii4t nu- 


\>a of the 


Tk€prou€£t^ and artidm/s Q£* 


[19991 mvtt answer it ; the letters patents cadb wedt thaSi 

be read [to] you. vbore c oot cn ts wiD tell jan Utt 
contrary. I vronld wish yon therefore, without cod- 
tcnptyseeke to obscmeth^ orders ^80] set dowae; for 
there are now no more Cooncelis to protect yoo, nor 
corbe mj indcnnors. Therdore hee that oficBdeth, 
let him anaredljr expect bis doe pmrishment. 
Hee made also a table [nciic^ bomrd] as a pnl 
mefnoriall of e%-ery mans deserts, to eocoaragc the 
and with shame to spume on the rest to amendment, 
this^ many became rcr>- indnslrious : yet more by 
punishment performed their businesse; for all were 
tasked, that there was no excuse could prevail todeceioehi 

Yet the Dutchmcns consorts so closely still convai;'c:d 
419.1 powder, shot, swords, and tooles; that though we could 
find the defect, we coald not find by whom it was occa- 
sioned, till it was too late. 
nr ^MtrA- All this time, the Dutchmen remaining with Pnthafmi, 
SSIC*'' received them, instructing the Salvages in' their vse. But 
Cmpt-Smtk. ^YitiT consofts pot following them as they expected [p, 145; , 
to know the cause, they sent Frands their companion, a 
stout young fellow, disguised Salvage like, to the gUsse- 
house, a place in the woods necre a myle from lames Towne, 
where was the randavus for all their vnsuspected villany. 
40 men, they procured of Poichatan to lie in Ambuscadoe 
for Captainc Smith ; who no sooner heard of this Dutch- 
man, but hee sent to apprehend him. 

Who found he was gon^e^ ; yet to crosse his retume to 

Powhatan, Captaine Smith presently dispatched 20 shot 

after him. And then returning but from the glasse<house 

alone, hee incountrcd the King of Paspjheigh, a most 

strong stout Salvage : whose pcrswasions not being able 

to perswade him to his ambush, seeing him only armed 

but with a fauchion, attempted to haue shot him. But 

the President prevented his shot [81j by grapling with 

him ; and the Salvage as well prevented him from drawing 

his fauchion^ and perforce bore him into the river to haue 

/ITwI/js, drowned him. Long they struggled in the water, from 

*(v«^ whence the king perceiving two of the Poles vpon the 

■^ sandes, would haue fled : but the President held him by 


with the second supply in Virginia. 

the hairc and throat til the Poles came in. Then seeing [1609] 
howe pittifully the poore Salvage begged his life, they con- 
ducted him prisoner to the fort. 

The Dutchman ere long was also brought in, whose 
villany (though all this time it was suspected), yet he 
fained such a formall excuse that for want of language 
[, Dutch], Winine] had not rightly vnderstood them: 
and for their dealings with Powhatan^ that to saue their 
liues, they were constrained to accommodate [him with] 
his armes ; of whome he extreamely complained to haue 
' detained them perforce, and that hee made his escape with 
the hazard of his life, a;id meant not to haue returned but 
only walked in the woods to gather walenuts. 

Yet for all this faire tale, there was so smal appearance 
of truth, hee went by the heeles [was put in irons]. 

The king also he put in fetters, purposing to regaine the i/. ♦m-J 
Dutch-men, by the saving [ofj his life. 

The poore Salvage did his best, by his daily messengers 
to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutchmen would 
^^ot return : neither did Powhatan stay tbem ; and [to] 
^Hring them fiftie myles on their backes [i,e,, overland from 
^^^apaks], they were not able. Daily this kings wiues 
^^^ildrcn and people came to visit him with presents, which 
hee liberally bestowed to make his peace. Much trust 
^^hcy had in the Presidents promise : but the king finding 
^^is g[u]ard negligent, though fettered yet escaped. 
^^ Captain Win thinking to pursue [82] him, found such 
troopes of Salvages to hinder his passages, as they ex- 
changed many volies of shot for flights of arrowes. 

Captaine Smith hearing of this, in returning to the fort, 
oke two Salvages prisoners : the one called KempSy the 
her Kiusock; the two most exact villaines in the countrie. 
With those, Captaine Win and 50 chosen men attempted 
^^at night to haue regained the king, and revenged his 

And so had done, if he had followed his directions, or 

bin advised by those two villaines (that would haue 

belraied both their king and kindred for a peece of 

^^opper) ; but hee trifling away the night, the Salvages, 

^■^e next morning by the rising of the sunne, braved him 

^^oj come a shore to fight. A good time both sides let Hie 


The proceedings and aeeidcnls 




at other; but wee heard of no hurt. Only they tooke two^ 
Canows, burnt the kings house; and so returned. V 

The President fearing those bravadoes would but in- 
couraice the Salvages, begun himself to trie his conclu^ 
&ion& ; whereby 6 or 7 Salvages were slaine, [and] 
many made prisoners. [He] burnt their houses; tookej 
their boats with all their fishing weares, and planted thei 
at /tfma Towne for his owne vse : and now resolved noti 
to cease till he had revenged himsclfe vpon al that hi 
injured him. 

But in his ioumey, passing by Paspahcigh towan 

'Jtin/€>u,. ChickaJiamina, the Salvages did their best to draw him toj 

I/. 4*9.1 


their ambuscadoes : but seeing him regardlesly passe iheirj 
Countrcy, all shewed theraselues in their bravest manner,' 
to trie their valours. He could not but let flic, and ere he 
could land, the Salvages no sooner knewc him, but they 
threw downe their armes and desired peace. Their Orator 
was a stout young man [83j called Ocanindge; whose 
worthie discourse deserveth to be remembered. And this 
it was. 

Captaine Smiik^ my master is here present in this 
company, thinking it Captaine Win, and not you; 
and of him, hee intended to haue beene revenged, 
having never offended him. If hee haue offended you 
in escaping your imprisonment, the fishes swim, the 
fowles tlie, and the very beastes striue to escape the 
snare and Hue: then blame not him being a man. 
Hee would entreat you remember your being a 
prisoner [/. 16], what paines he tooke to saue your life. 
If since he hath iniured you, he was compelled to it ;^ 
but, howsoever, you haue revenged it with our tooH 
great losse. We perceiue and well knowe you intend 
to destroy vs, thai are here to intreat and desire your 
friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our 
fields, of whose fruit you shall participate: otherwise 
you will haue the worst by our absence. For we can 
plant anywhere, though with more labour; and we 
know you cannot Hue if you want our haruest and 
that reliefe wee bring you. If you promise vs peace, 
we will belceue you; if you proceed in revengtej, we 
will abandon the Countrie. 

at /anut 



with the second supply in Virginia. 

Vpon these tearmes the President promised them peace 
till they did vs iniury, vpon condition they should bring in 
provision. So all departed good friends, and so continued 
till Smith left the Countrie. 

Ariving at lames Towne, complaint was made to the 
President that the Chkkahatjiinos, who al this while con- 
tinued trade and seemed our friendes, by colour thereof 
were the only thceues; and amongst other things, a pistol 
beingstolne and the theefe fled, there [84] were apprehended 
2 proper young fellows that were brothers, knowne to be his 

Now to regain this pistoll, the one we imprisoned ; the 
other was sent, to returne againe within 12 houres, or his 
brother to be hanged. Yet the President pittying the 
poore naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall and 
some charcole for fire. 

Ere midnight his brother returned with the pistoll: but 

the poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smothered with 

the smoke he had made, and so pittiously burnt that wee (/. 47^-1 

found him dead. The other most lamentably bewailed his 

death, and broke forth in such bitter agonies, that the 

President, to quiet him, told him that if hereafter they 

would not steal, he wo^u^ld make himaliue againe: but [he] 

ittle thought hee could be recovered. Yet we doing our 

»est with aquavits and vineger, it pleased God to restore 

him againe to life : but so drunke and affrighted that he 

seemed lunaticke, not vnderstanding any thing hee spoke 

or heard ; the which as much grieved and tormented the 

other, as before to see him dead. Of which maladie, vpon 

promise of their good behaviour afterward, the President 

iromised to recover him ; and so caused him to be laid by 

fire to sleepe : who in the morning, hauing well slept, 
had recovered his perfect senses* 

And then being dressed of his burning, and each a 

peece of copper given them ; they went away so well 

contented, that this was spread amongst all the Salvages 

for a miracle, that Captaine Smith could make a man aliue 

lat is dead. 

These and many other such pretty accidents so amazed 
and affrighted both Powhatan and all his people, that 
^^rom all parts with presents they desired peace ; [86] 




Tiu proceedirngs 

rttomiiig wmof iloine tiuagft which 

oor tbov^ of. Aad alter that, those that wcr« taken 

stcalii^. both Pamkaiam aod his people hane sent them 

backe to /a»w:s Towne to recetoe their pontsfament ; and 

all the countrie became abfolotcly as free for vs. as for 



fVhat was doru in three monthes hauing vtctttalL 

The st^re devoured by rats. Henv tve lived 

3 monilies of such naluratl fruits as 

ilu countrie afforded, 

OW wee so quietly followed our businesse that 
in 3 monthcs, we made 3 or 4 Last of pitch, 
and tarrc, and sope ashes; produced a triall 
of glasse ; made a well in the forte of ex- 
cellent sweetc water, which till then was wanting; built 
some 20 houses ; rc-couercd our Church ; provided nets 
and weares for fishing ; and to stop the disorders of our 
disorderly theeues and the Salvages, built a blocke house 
in the nccke of our He, kept by a garrison, to entcrtaine 
ihe Salvages trade, and none to passe or repasse, Salvage 
nor Christian, without the Presidents order; 30 or 40 
acres of ground, we digged and planted; of 3 sowes, in 
one ye are increased 60 and od(d] pigges ; and neere 500 
chickens brought vp themselues, without hauing any 
meatc giucn them : but the hoggcs were transported to 
Hog He, where also [86] we built a blocke house, \vith a 
garrison, to giue vs notice of any shipping; and for 
their exercise, they made clapbcrd, wainscot, and cut 
downe trees against the ships comming. 

We built also a fort for a retreat, neare a convenient 
river, vpon a high commanding hill, veiy hard to be 
assaulted, and casic to be defended: but ere it was halfc 
finished, this defect caused 1 stay. 

In searching ourcasked come, wee found it halfe rotten: 


K. Powell.! 

with the second sitpply in Virginia, 


and the rest so consumed with the many thousand rats, 
increased first from the ships, that we knewe not how to 
keepe that little wee had. This did driue vs all to our 
wits ende ; for there was nothing in the countrie but 
what nature afforded. 

Vntill this time AV;»/>5and Tassor^were fettered prisoners, 
and daily wrought; and taught vs how to order and plant 
our fields: whom now, for want of victual], we set at libertie; 
but so wel were they vsed, that they little desired it. 

And to express their loues, for 16 daies continuance, \p.^r%x 
the Countrie brought vs (when least) 100 a daie of 
squirrils, Turkies, Deare, and otber wilde beastes. But 
this want of corne occasioned the end of all our workes, it 
being worke sufficient to provide victuall. 

60 or 80 with Ensigne Laxun were sent downe the 
river to Hue vpon oysters: and 20 with leiftenant Percte 
to trie for fishing at point Comfort, but in 6 weekes, they 
would not agree once to cast out their net. Master West, 
iWith as many, went vp to the falles ; but nothing could 
lee found but a fewe berries and acornes. Of that in the 
store, every one had their equall proportion. 

Till this present, by the hazard and endeavour of 
some 30 or 40, this whole number had ever been fed. 
"Wee had more Sturgeon then [87] could be devoured by 
dogge and man ; of which, the industrious by drying and 

(wnding, mingled with caviare, sorrel and other wholsome 

tearbs, would make bread and good meate. Others would 

gather as much Tockwottgh roots in a day as would make 

them bread a weeke. So that of those wilde fruites, fish, 

and berries these lived very well, in regard of such a diet. 

But such was the most strange condition of some 150, 
that had they not beene forced nolens volens perforce to 
gather and prepare their victuall, tliey would all haue 
:arved, and haue eaten one another. Of those wild 
fruites, the Salvages often brought vs : and for that the 
President would not fulfill the vnreasonable desire of 
those distracted lubberly gluttons, to sell not only our 
kettles, howes, tooles, and Iron, nay swords, peeces, and 
the very ordenance and houses (might they haue prc- 

t ailed but to liauc becnc but id!e) for those salvage 
ruitSy they would haue imparted all to the Salvages. 



The proceedings and accidenis 

L? A. 



\P 47>I 

Espccially for one basket of corne they heard of to bee at 
Poie-Juitafts, 50 myles from our fort : though he bought 
neere halfe of it to satisfic their humours; yet to haue 
had the other halfe, they would haue sold their soules, 
though not sufificient to haue kept them a weekc. Thou- 
sands were their exclamations, supgestions. and devises 
to force him to those base inventions, to haue made it 
an occasion to abandon the Countrie. 

Want perforce constrained him to indure their ex- 
claiming follies, till he found out the author, one Dyer 
Ip. 168], a most craftie knaue, and his ancient malfgner ; 
whom he worthely punished : and with the rest, he argued 
the case, in this manner, [88! 

Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to 
report, or so many so simple to be perswaded, that I 
either intend to starue you ; or that Powhatan at this 
present hath corne for himselfe, much lesse for you; or 
that I would not haue it, if I kncwe where it were to be 
had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as nowe I 
see a great many: yet it shall not so much passionate f 
me. but I will doe my best for my worst maligner. But S 
drcame no longer of this vaine hope from Pouhaian; 
nor that 1 wil longer forbeare to force you from your 
Idlenesse, and punish you if you raile. You cannot 
deny but that by the hazard of my life, many a time 
1 haue saued yours ; when (might your owne wils 
haue prevailed) you would haue starved, and will doc 
still whether I will or no. But I protest by that God 
that made me, since necessitie hath not power to 
force you to gather for your selu[e]s those fruits the 
earth doth yeeld ; you shall not only gather for your 
selues, but for those that are sicke. As yet I never 
had more from the store then the worst of you, and 
all my English extraordinarie provision that I haue 
[{.€,, his private stock], yon shall see mee devide among 
the sick. H 

And this Salvage trash you so scornfully repine" 
at, being put in your mouthes, 3^our stomacks can 
digest it ; and therefore I will take a course you 
shall provide it. The sicke shal not starue, but 
equally share of all our labours; and eveiy one that 


with the second supply in Virginia 

gathereth not every day as much as I doe, the next 
daie, shall be set beyond the river, and for ever bee 
banished from the fort: and liue there or starue. 


This order, many murmured, was very criiell. But it 
caused the most part so well [to] bestir themselues that ^^^y 
l89j of 200 men (except they were drowned), there died not •IwMi' 
past 7 or 8. 


As for Captaine Win and MaUer Ley, they died ere this lA 474-1 
want happened : and the rest died not for want of such as 
preserued the rest. 

Many were billitted amon^; the Salvages, whereby we 
knewe all their passages, fieldes, and habitations ; how to 
gather and vse their fruits as well as themselues. 

So well those poore Salvages vsed vs, that were thus 
lillitcd, as divers of the souldiers ran away, to search 
\cmps our old prisoner. Glad was this Salvage to haue 
ich an occasion to testifie his loue, for insteed of enter- 
taining them and such things as they had stolne, with all 
le great offers and promises they made them (to revenge 
ftheir iniuries vpon Captaine Smith) : First, he made him- 
Ife sport, in shewing his countrymen, by them, how he 
'as vsed ; feeding them with this law, who would not 
worke must not eat, till they were neere starved ; continu- 
allie threatning to beate them to death. Neither could 
they get from him, til perforce he brought them to our 
'Captaine, that so we contented him, and punished them ; as 
tanie others that intended also to haue followed them, 
'ere rather contented to labour at home then adventure 
to liue Idle among the Salvages : of whom there was more 
lopc to make better christians and good subiects, then 
the one halfe of those that counterfeited themselues both. 
For so afeard were all those kings and the better sorle 
of their people to displease vs, that some of the baser sort 
;hat we haue extreamelie hurt and punished for their vil- 
lanies, would hire vs, that we should not tell it to their 
kings or countr}'men, who would also repunish i90_ them, 
[and yet returne them to lames Towne to content the 
'resident, by that testimonie of their loues. 


The proceedings and eucidtnis 



[IS08] MasUr Sickkmorc well returned from Chawcmock, but 

found little hope and lesse certainetie of them [that] were 

left by Sir WalUr Rawl^ [in 1587], So ihzi SathamuU 

IA47S-1 Powell and Anas Todkill were also, by the Qttiyottgh- 

s*mwtk/0r quohanocksj conducted to the Mangoages to search them 

'j^r'VZLr there. But nothing could we [evidently Powell and Todkill 

^^mkr- are the uriUrs 0/ iJtis part 0/ this Work] leame but they 

were all dead. 

This honest, proper, good promisrcl-kecplng kin^, of all 
the rest, did euer best affect vs, and though to his false 
Gods he was yet very zealous ; yet he would confesse, oiu* 
God as much exceeded his, as our guns did his bowe and 
arrowes : often sending our President manie presents to 
praie to his God for raine, or his corne would perish ; for 
his Gods were angrie all this time. 

To reclaime the Dutchmen, and one Beniley an other 
fugitiue, we imploied one William Volda (a Switzcr by 
birth), with pardons and promises to regaine them. Li[t]tle 
we then suspected this double viilanie of anie villain, who 
plainly taught vs, in the most trust was the greatest 
treason. For this wicked hypocrit[e], bj- the seeming 
hate he bore to the lewd condition of his cursed countri- 
men, hauing this opportunitie, by his imploiment to re- 
gaine them, convcighed them everie thing they desired to 
effect their protect to dcstroie the colonic. 

With much devotion they expected the Spanyard, to 
whom they intended to haue done good service. But to 
begin with the first op[p]ortimitie, they seeing nccessitic 
thus inforced vs to disperse our selues, importimed 
Powhatan to lend them but his forces, and they would not 
onlie destroic our hogs, fire our townc, and betraie [91j 
our Pinnas : but bring to his service and subiection the 
most part of our companies. With this plot they had 
acquainted manie di^conitnis[discont€nted \; and manie were 
agieed to their divelish practise. But Thomas Douesc and 
Tiwmas Mallard^ whose christian harts much relenting at 
such an vnchristian act, voluntarily reuealed it toCaptaine 
{A47«-l Smith : who did his best it might be concealed, perswading 
Douesc and Malard to proceed in the confederacie, onlie to 
bring the irrecla[ijmable Dutch men and inconstant Sal- 




t N. powdi.n 

r A. Todkill. 

with ifie second supply in Virginia, 

vagesin such a maner amongst his ambuscadoes as he had 
prepared, as not manieof them shoulde ever haue returned 
from out [ofi our peni,n]sula. 

But this bru[ijte comming to the ears of the impatient 
multitude, they so importuned the President to cut of[f) 
those Dutchmen, as amongst manie that offered to cut 
their throates before the face of Powhatan, Master Wiffin 
and lefra AAb[b\oi were sent to stab or slioot them. 

But these Dutch men made such excuses, accusing 
Volday (whom they supposed had revealed their project), aa 
i4 660^ would not; yet ITi^jt would, perceiving it but deccipt. 

The king vnderstanding of this their imploiment, sent 
prcsentlie his messengers to Captaine Smith to signifie it 
was not his fault to detaine them, nor hinder his men 
from executing his command ; nor did he, nor would he 
maintaine them or anie, to occasion his displeasure. 

But ere this busines was brought to a point, God 
having scene our misery sufficient, sent in Captaine Argall 
to ftsh for Sturgion, with a ship well furnished with wine 
and bisket ; which, though it was not sent vs, such were 
our occasions we tooke it at a price : but left him sufficient 
to [92] returne for England. Still dissembling Valdo 
his villany; but certainlie hee had not escaped, had tb9 
President continued. 


tnem atmt if 
Kilt tiutm 


By this you may sec, for all those crosses, treacheries, 
and dissentions; howe he wrastled and overcame (without 
bloud shed) all that hapned: also what good was done, how 
few died, what food the country naturally affordeth ; what 
small cause there is men should starue, or be murdered 
by the Salvages, that haue discretion to manage this \ihtiY\ 
courage and industry. 

The 2. first years though by his adventures he had oft 
brought the Salvages to a tractable trade, yet you see how 
the envious authority ever crossed him, and frustrated his 
best endeavours. Yet this wrought in him that experience 
and estimation among the Salvages, as otherwaies it had 
bin impossible he had ever effected that he did. 

Though the many miserable yet generous and worthy 
adventures he had long and oft indured as wel in some 

lA «77.I 

NoU tAett 




The second supply in Virginia, 



parts of Africa and Amcrka^ as in the most partes 
Europe and Asia, by land or sea, had taught him much 
yet, in this case, he was againe to leame his Lecture b] 
experience ; which with thus much a doe having obtained, 
it was his ill chance to end when bee had but onlie leame* 
how to begin. 

And though hee left these vnknowne difiBcuUies (madi 
easie and familiar) to his vnlawfull successors ; whoe onlittj 
by living in lames Towne, presumed to know more thea 
ai the world could direct them; though they had all his 
souldiers, with their triple power, and twise triple better 
meanes : by what they haue done in his absence, the world! 
doth see ; and what they would haue done in his !^93jl 
presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions — it dotb] 
iustlie approue what cause he had to send them for] 

But they haue made it more plaine since their retume; 
having his absolute authoritie freely in their power, wit] 
all the advantages and opportunity that his labours hai 
effected. As I {1 A> TodkiU] am sorry their actions haul 
made it so manifest, so am I vnwilting to say what rcasoa^ 
doth compell me to make apparant the truth, least I 
fthould seeme partial^ reasonlessei or malitious. 





The A7\r\tval of the third supply. 

redresse those iarres and il! proceed- 
ings, the Councell in England altered 
the governement : and devolved the 
authorilie to theLordD^-Za-u-iirr. Who 
for his deputic, sent Sir Thomas Gates 
and Sir George Somcrs. 

With 9 ships and 500 persons, they 
set saile from England in May 1609. A 
small catch perished at sea in a Herycano. The Admiral 
IJfagship], with 150 men, with the two knights and their 
new commission, their bils of loading with al manner of 
directions, and the most part of their provision, ar[r]ived 
not. With the other 7, as Captaines, arY^ived Rat[c]liffe 
(whose right name was Sickelmore), Martin, and Archer: 
who as they had been troublesome at sea, beganne againc 
to marre all ashore. 

For though, as is said [pp, 105, 107, 40S, 411, 444], they 
were formerly deposed and sent for England : yet now 
[94: returning againe, graced by the title of Captaines of 
the passengers, seeing the admirall [flagship] wanting, and 
^rcat probabilitie of her losse, strengthi.c.'ned themselues 
with those newe companies, so railing and exclaiming 
[to them] against Captaine Smith, that they mortally 
hated him ere ever they see his face. 

Who vnderstanding by his scouts, the ar[rjivall of such 
a fleet, little dreaming of any such supply, supposing them 
Spaniards, hee so determined and ordered his affaires as 
wcc little feared their ar[rjivall, nor the successe of our 

Aw. Si H. t/B. No. 16. II 


alter at itm 


(A 479*] 

Tkt i»st mj 


r/A xcW, 





A ^/.mff 
/u*m nf t.'it 

The proceedings and accidenis [^ ^^ riUi^ 

incounler: nor were the Salvages any way negligent 
vnwilling to aide and assist vs with their best power. 

Had it so beene, wee had beene happy. For we wouh 
not haue trus[t]ed them but as our foes; whereas rcceivini 
those as our countriemcn and friends, they did their bes( 
to murder our President f^. i66j, to surprise the store, lh< 
fort, and our lodgings; to vsurp the governemcnt, an( 
make vs all their servants, and slaues to our owne merit, 

To looo mischiefes these lewd Captaincs [Ra^liffe^ &c.\ 
led this lewd company, wherein were many vnruly gallant! 
packed thether by their friends to escape il destinies; an< 
those would dispose and determine of the govcmemeni 
sometimes one [way], the next day another, to day the ol< 
commission, to morrow the new, the next day by neither. 
In fine, they would rule all or ruine all. Yet in charitie, we^ 
must endure them thus to destroy vs ; or by correcting their' 
follies, haue brought the worlds censure vpon vs, to haue 
beene guiltie of their bloods. Happy had we bin had they 
never arrived, and we for ever abandoned and (as we were) 
left to our fortunes : for on earth was never more confusion 
or miserie then their factions occasioned. [96] 

The President seeing the desire those braucs had to rule, 
seeing how his authoritie was so vnexpectedly changed, 
would willingly haue left all and haue returned for Eng- 
land: but seeing there was smal hope this newe commis- 
sion would ar[r]iue, longer hee would not suffer those 
factious spirits to proceed. 

It would bee too tedious, too strange, and almost 
incredible, should I particularly relate the infinite dangers, 
plots, and practises hee daily escaped amongst this 
factious crue ; the chiefe whereof he quickly laid by the 
heeles, til his leasure better served to doe them iustice. 
And to take away al occasions of furtlier mischiefc. Mazier 
Paste had his request granted, to returne for England : 
and MasUr West with 120 went to plant at the falles ; 
.ViTf/mwith neare as many to Nansamund\ with their due 
proportions of all provisions, according to their numbers. 

Now the Presidents yeare being neere expired, he made 
/./{»/('« President : who knowing his own insufficiencie; and 
the companies scorne, and conceit of his vnworthinesse ; 

tR. Pots. 
T W. Phctttplace. 

] with the third supply in Virginia. 


•within 3 houres, fhel resigned it againe to Captane Su\i\h : 
and at Nansamund thus proceeded. 

The people being contributers vsed him kindly. Yet 

uch was his iealous feare and cowardize, in the midst of 
-his mirth, hee did surprize this poore naked king, with his 
monuments, houses, and the lie he inhabited ; and there 
Fortified himselfe.but so apparantly distracted with fear as 
imboldned the Salvages to assajujlt him, kill his men, 
redeeme their king, gather and carrie away more then 
1000 bushels of corne, hee not once daring to intercept 
them : but sent to the President, then at the Falles, for 30 

ood shotte, which from lames [96] towne immediatLCJly 

ere sent him. But hee so well imploid them, as they did 
iust nothing; but returned, complaining of his childish- 

esse, that with them fled from his company [the 120], and 

o left them to their fortunes. 

Master West hauing seated his men at the Falles, pre- 
ently returned to revisit lames Townc. The President 
et him by the way, as he followed him to the falles : 
here he found this company so inconsiderately seated in 
place, not only subiect to the rivers invndation, but 
round invironed with many intollerable inconveniences. 
For remedy whereof, he sent presently to Powhatan, to 
t\\ him the place called PoK'haianj promising to defend him 
against the SlovacaiiSf and these should be his conditions. 
[He] with his people, to resigne him the fort and 
houses and all that countrie for a proportion of copper. 
That all stealing offenders should bee sent him, there 
to receiue their punishment. That every house as a 
^^r custome should pay him a bushell of corne for an inch 
^V square of copper, and a proportion of Pocones as a 
^^1 yearely tribute to King lames for their protection, as 
^V a dutie : what else they could spare, to barter at their 
^H best discreation. 

^" But both this excellent place and those good conditions 
did those furies refuse, contemning both him, his kind 
care, and authoritie. The worst they could to shew their 
spite, they did, I doc more then wonder to thinke how 
only with 5 men, he either durst, or would adventure as 
' e did (knowing how greedy they were of his blood) to land 


cf fttue 
ivtth th* 



[/. ^Sa. 


5 tu^fntn 


The proceedings and accitUiiis [rw.iwiiSi^ 

ftmonj»st them, and commit to imprisonment the fjreatest 
■pirits amongst them, till by their multitudes, being 120, 
they forced him to retire. [97j Vet in that retreatc, hce 
■urpn'sed one of the boates, wherewith hee returned to 
their shippe wherein was their provisions, which also hee 
tooke. And well it chaunced hee found the marriners so 
tractable and constant, or there had beene small possibility 
he had ever escaped. 

Notwithstanding there were many of the best, I raeane 
of the most worthy in ludgement, reason, or experience, 
that from their first landing, hearing the generall good 
report of his old suuldiers, and seeing with their eies his 
actions so wel managed with discretion (as Captaine Wood^ 
Captaine Web, Captaine Mone, Captaine Phitz^Iamcs, 
Master Paririd^c^ Master White, Master Powell, and divers 
others): when they perceived the malice and condition of 
Rat[c]liffe^ Martin, and Archer, left their factions, and ever 
rested his faithfull friends. 

But the worst was, the poore Salvages that dailie 
brought in their contribution to the President. That 
disorderlie company so tormented those poore naked soules, 
by stealin^^ their corne, robbing their gardens, beating 
them, breaking their houses, and keeping some prisoners, 
that they dailie complained to Captaine Smith he had 
brought them for protectors worse enimies then the 
MoHocans themselues: which though till then, for his loue, 
they had indured, they desired pardon, if hereafter they 
defended themselues, since he would not correct them, as 
they had long expected he would. So much they impor- 
tuned him topunishthcirmisdemcano'U;res,as theyoffered, 
if hcc would conduct them, to fij^ht for him against them. 
]?ut having spent g. dales [^M^^-SiTS/. i6og] in seeking to 
rcclaime them, shewing them how much they did abuse 
themselues [98; wuh their great guilded hopes of seas, 
mines, commodities, or victories they so madly concciued; 
then, scing nothing would prcvaile with them, he set saile 
for James Townc. 

\mmtMuit Now no sooner was tl:e ship vnder saile, but the Salvager, 
'vrJ^'i-w. assaulted those 120 in their fort, finding some stra^'^g'ling'i 
abroad in the woods, they slewmanie; and so affrighted 

xiftih ikt 

I/. 4M 

t R. PotO 
TW. PhcuijJacc.J 

with the third supply in Virginia, 


the rest as their prisoners escaped, and Ihey scarse retired, 
Avith the swords and cloaks of these they had slaine. 

But ere we {Poh and Pheiti place were evidently with Smith 
here] had sailed a league, our shippe grounding, gaue vs 
once more libertie to summon them to a parlie. Where 
we found them all so strangclie amazed with this poore 
simple assault as they submitted themselues vpon anie 
tearmes to the Presidents mertie : who presentlie put by 
the heeles 6 or 7 of the chiefe offenders. 

The rest he seated gallantlie at Powluitan in their Salvage 
fort, [which] they [the Sava<^cs had] built and pretilie fortified 

Swith poles and barkes of trees sufficient to haue defended 
them from all the Salvages in Virginia, drie houses for 
lodgings, 300 acres of grounde readie to plant ; and no place 
so strong, so pleasant and delightful in Virginia^ for which 
we called it Nonsuch, 

The Salvages also he presentlie appeased, redelivering 
to every one their former losses. 

»Thus al were friends, new officers appointed to command, 
and the President againe readie lo depart. 

But at that instant arrived Master 1 ^^s/, whose good nature, 
with the perswasions [of j and compassion of [for] those 
mutinous prisoners, was so much abused, that to regaine 
their old hopes, new turboiles arose. For the rest, being 
possessed of al their victual!, ammunition and everie thing ; 
they grow to that height in their former factions, as there 
the President [99] left them to their fortunes : they return- 
ing againe to the open aire at West Fort, abandonii g 
Nonsuch ; and he to lames Towne with his best expedition. 

B But this hapned him in that lournie [about tlie beginning 
of September 1609]. Sleeping in his boat, for the ship was 
returned 2 dales before, accidentallie one fired his powder 
bag; which tore his ilesh from his bodie and thighes g. or 
10. inches square, in a most pittifall manner : but to quench 
the tormenting fire, frying him in his cloath[e]s, he leaped 
over board into the deepe river, where ere they could recover 
him, he was neere drown[e]d. In this estatfe], without 
either Chirurgeon or chirurgeiy, he was to go neare 100. 
^miles [the distance by water from Powhatan to James Town], 
^h Ar[r]iving at lames Towne, causing al! things to bee 




166 - 

Tlu proceedings and aeeidejtts [,w. 

? R. PuU. 







Whilcst those things were providing, Martin, Rat[c]liffc, 
and Archer being to haue their trials, their guiltie con- 
sciences fearing a iust reward for their deserts, seeing the 
President vnable to standi and neare bereft of his senses by 
reason of his torment ; they had plotted to haue murdered 
him in his bed. But his h(ejart did failehim [Coe or Dyer, 
secp.ibHfihat should bauegivenhre to that mercilessepistol. 

So, not finding that course to be the best, they iotned 
togilher tn vsurp the governement, thereby to escape 
their punishment, and excuse themselues by accusing him. 

The President had notice of their proiects, the which to 
withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him but 
[to] permit them to take of'.fj their heads that would 
resist his commaund; yet he would not permit them: but 
sent for the masters of the ships, and tooke order with 
them, for his returne for England. 

Seeing there was neither chirurgeon nor chirurgcn,- 
[lOOj in the fort to cure his hurt, and the ships to depart 
the next daie ; his commission to be suppressed, he knew 
not why; himselfe and souldiers to be rewarded, he knew 
not how; and a new commission graunted, they knew 
not to whom, the which so disabled that authority he 
had, as made them presume so oft to those mutinies and 
factions as they did. Besides so grievous were his wounds 
and so cruell his torment [that] few expected he could Hue; 
nor was hee able to followhis busineEse,to regaine what they 
had lost, suppresse those factions, and range the countries 
for provision as he intended, and well he knew in those 
affaires his own actions and presence were as requisitie] as 
his experience and directions, which now could not be : he 
went presently' abo[a]rd, resolving there to appoint them 
govemours, and to take order forthe mutine[e]rs and their 
confederates. Who seeing him gone, perswaded Master 
Persie to stay, and be their President : and within lesse 
then an howre was this mutation begun and concluded. 

For when the company vnderstood Svttih would leaue 
them, and see the rest in Armes called Presidents and 
councellors ; diuers began to fawne on those new com- 
manders, that now bent all their wits to get him [to] 
rcsigne them his commission. Who, after many salt and 


tW. PhettipUce.J 

with the third supply in Virginia, 



bitter repulses, that their confusion should not be attributed 
to him (for leaving the countiy without government and 
authority), having taken order to bee free from danger 
of tJieir malice, he was not vnwillinfc they should steale it 
from him, but never consented to deliver it to any. 

But had that vnhappy blast not hapned, he would 
quickly haue quallified the heate of [101] those humors 
and factions, had the ships but once left them and vs to 
ourfortunes; and haue made that provision from among the 
SalvagesaswencitherfearedSpanyard, Salvage, nor famine: 
nor would have left Virginiaf nor our lawfull authoritie, but 
at as deare a price as we had bought it, and paid for it. 

What shall I say? but thus we lost him that, in all his 
proceedings, made Justice liis first guid[e], and experience 
his second ; ever hating basenesse, sloth, pride, and 
indignitie more then any dangers ; that never allowed more 
for himselfe then his souldiers with him ; that vpon no 
danger, would send them where he would not lead them 
himselfe; that would never see us want wliat he either 
had, or could by any mcanes get vs; that would rather 
want then borrow, or starue then not pay ; that loved 
actions more than wordes, and hated falshood and 
cous[e]nage worse then death ; whose adventures were 
our hues, and whose losse our deathes. 

Leaving vs [4 Od. i6oy] thus, with 3 ships, 7 boates, com- 
modities ready to trade, the harvest newly gathered, 10 
weekes provision in the store, 49oand odde persons, 24 peeces 
of ordinances, 300 muskets snaphanches and fire lockes, 
shot powder and matcii sufficient ; curats, pikes, swords, 
and morj'ons more then men ; the Salvages their language 
and habitations wei knowne to 100 well trained and expert 
souldiers, nets for fishing, tooles of all sortes to worke, 
apparell to supply our wants, 6 mares and a horse, 5 or 600 
swine, as many hens and chicken, some goates, some sheep. 
What was brought or bread there remained. 

But they regarded nothing but from hand to mouth, to 
consume that we had. [They] toc-Ve care for nothing il02], 
but to perfit some colourable complaints against Captaine 
Smith, For effecting whereof, 3 weekes longer fi.r., 13 Sept. 
to 4 Oct, 1609, see p. xcviii], they stayed the 6 ships till they 


TA/ causes 

•Li-ltv Smitk 

an.i Ail 


f A 486.] 


to I 


ly or 

Now all those Smtiik had dtfacr 
any way 

ad finMB a 

toss W8S concluded. 

Tbe mBtzarejnai the Failes cottpluzxd he caused 
the Sahrages [to] aasaio^lt them, Ux that hcc would 
DOC fCfcnce their lone (thej betne ^i^ Z2d, and he 5 
mea and nimwrtfr ) : mnd thn they prorcd by the oath 
of one bee had oft whipped for periuhe and pilfering. 

The dutchmen that be had appointed to bee 
Rtab be d for their treacheries, swore he sent to poison 
them with rats baine. 

The prudent Councel that he would not submit him- 
setfc to their stolnc authoritie. Coe 'p, 146] and Dytr 
\pp, 156, 472; that should haue murdered him [p, 166], 
were hiRhly preferred for swearing they heard one say, 
he heard Powhatan say, that he heard a man say, if the 
king would not send that come he had p, 156], he 
niiould not long enioy his copper crowne, nor those 
lobcft he had sent him: yet those also swore hec 
mi^'hl hauc had cornc for tooles but he] would not. 
(The truth was, Smith had no such ingins as the King 
fkmandcd, nor Powhatan any come. Yet this argued 
he woiiltl slarue them.) 

Others complained hee would not let them rest in 
the fort (to starue), but forced them to the oyster 
hanks, to liuc or starue (as he liucd himselfe). For 
tli0ii^;h hcc had of his owne private prouistons [103; 
sent from Hn;;hmd, sufficient ; yet hee gauc it all 
away to the wcakc and sicke : causing the most vn- 
toward (by doing as he did) to gather their food from 
the \ nknownc parts of the rivers and woods, that they 
lived (tliough hardly), that otherwaies would haue 
»^tar^ cd vrv ihcy would Iiaue left their beds, or at most 
tlic sight o{ lames Towne, to haue got their own victuatl. 

Some prophetical! spirit calculated [that] hee had 
the Salvages in such subiection, hee would haue 

»w. PheSipb^e*:] ^^V/i the third supply in Virginia, 


made himselfe a king, by marrying Pocahontas, [1609] 
Powhaians daughter. (It is true she was the very Pocahmtnt 
Nomparell of his kingdome, and at most not past 13 li'^Y/i^'" 
or 14 yeares of age. Very oft shee came to our fort, [* cxv] 
with what shee could get for Captaine Smith ; that 
ever loued and vsed all the Counlrie well, but her 
especially he ever much respected : and she so well 
requited it, that when her father intended to haue 
surprized him, shee by stealth in the darke night came 
through the wild woods and told him of it [p. 455] . But 
her marriage could no way haue intitled him by any 
right to the kingdome, nor was it ever suspected hee 
had ever such a thought; or more regarded her, or 
any of them, than in honest reason and discreation 
he might. If he would, he might haue married her, 
or haue done what him listed ; for there was none 
that could haue liindred his determination.) 

Some that knewe not any thing to say, the Councel 
instructed and advised what to sweare. So diligent 
they were in this businesse, that what any could re- 
member hee had ever done or said in mirth, or passion, 
by some circumstantiall oath it was applied to their 
fittest vse. Yet not past 8 or 9 could say much, and 
that nothing but circumstances wliich [104j all men 
did knowe was most false and vntrue. 

Many got their passes by promising in England to 
say much against him. 

I haue presumed to say this much in his behalfe, for 
that I never heard such foule slanders so certainely be- 
Iceued and vrged fur trulhes by many a hundred that doe 
still [1612] not spare to spread them, say them, and sweare 
them; that I thinke doe scarse know him though they meet 
him: nor haue they e[i]ther cause or reason bat their wills, 
or zealc to rumor or opinion. 

For the honorable and better sort of our Virginian ad- 
venturers, I think they vnderstand it as I haue writ it. 
For instead of accusing him, I haue never heard any giue 
him a better report, then many of those witnesses them- 
sclues that were sent home only to tcstifie against him. 

Richard Pots, VV. P[hct tip/ace] 





The proutdiags and accidents 

Hen the ships departed {ahe^ 4 Oct, 1609], 

C[aptainj Davii arived in a smal Pinnace with 

ftomc 16 proper men more : to those were 

added a company from latn^s Towne vndcr the 

command of Captaine Rat[c liffe, to inhabit Point comfort. 

Martin and Ma^^Ur West hauing lost their boates, and 
necre halfe their men amonKstthe Salvages, were returned 
to lames Towne ; for the Salvages no sooner vnderstood of 
Captainc Smiths losse, but they all revolted, and did murder 
and spoile all they could incountcr. 

Now were we all constrained to liue only of that which 
Smith had only for his owne company, for the rest had 
consumed their proportions. And now haue we 20 Presi- 
dents with all their appurtenances ; for Master Persie was 
Bosicke he could not goc nor stand. 

But ere all was consumed, Master W€st and Rai[c]liffe, 
each with a pinnace, and 30 or 40 men wel appointed, 
sought abroad to trade : how they carried the businesse 
I knowe not, but Rat{cUffe and his men were most[ly] 
slaine by Powhatan ; those that escaped returned neare 
starved in the Pinnace. And Master West finding little 
better successe, set saile for England. 

Now wee all found the want of Captaine Smith, yea 
his greatest maligners could then curse liis losse. Now 
for corne^ provision, and contribution from the Salvages; 
wcc had nothing but mortal wounds with clubs and 
arrowes. As for our hogs, hens, goats, sheep, horse, or 
what lived ; our commanders and onicei*s did daily con- 
sume them: some small proportions (sometimes) we tasted, 
till nil was devoured. Then swords, arrowes, peeces, or 
any thing we traded to the Salvages ; whose bloody fingers 
were so imbrued in our bloods, that what by their crueltie, 
our (iovernours indiscreation, and the losse of our ships; 
of 50Dj within 6 months after [Oct, 1609 — May 16101 there 
remained not many more then 60. most miserable and 
poore creatures. It were lo[oj vild to say what we 
endured : but the occasion was only our owne, for want of 
providence, industrie, and governement ; and not the bar- 
rcnncsse and defect of the countrie, as is generally sup- 



] with the third supply in Virginia. 


posed. For till then, in 3 yeares (for the numbers were 
landed [to] vs) we had never landed sufficient provision 
for 6 months : such a glutton is the sea, and such good 
fellowes the marriners, wee as little tasted of those great 
proportions for their provisions, as they of our rriiseries ; 
that notwithstanding eue r swaid and overruled the businesse. 
Though we did liue as is said, 3 yeares chiefly of what this 
good counlric naturally affordeth : yet now had we beene 
in Paradice it selfe (with those governours) it would not 
haue beene much belter with vs : yet was there some 
amongst vs, who had they had the governement, would 
surely haue kept vs from those extremities of miseries, that 
in 10 daies more would haue supplanted vs all by death. 

But God that would not it should bee vnplanted, sent 
Sir Thotnas Gates and Sir George SommcrSf with a 150 men, 
most happily perserved by the Bcr[m\o7utocs to preserue vs. 
Strange it is to say how miraculously they were presen'ed, 

I in a leaking ship, in those extreme stormes and tempests 
Sn such ovcrgrowne seas 3 daies and 3 nights by bayling 
but water. And having given themselu[ejs to death, how 
happily when least expected, that worthy Captaine Sir 
George Somers having I'ajineall that time cuning [steering] 
the ship before those swa[l]lowin^ waues, discouered those 
broken lies : where how plentifully they lived with fish and 
flesh, what a paradice this is to inhabit, what Industrie they 
vsed to build their 2 ships, how happily they did transport 
them to lames Towne in Virgima [witerc they arrived on 23 
May 1610], I refer you to their owne printed relations. 
But when those noble knights did see our miseries 
^K(being strangers to the country) and could vndcrstand no 
^Rmore of the cause but by their coniecture of our clamors 
and complaints, of accusing or excusing one an other : ihey 
imbarkcd vs with themselues, with the best means they 
could, and abandoning /am« Towne, set sailc far England. 
But yet God would not so haue it, for ere wee left the 
river; we met the Lord de-la-warc, then govcrnour for the 
countrie,with 3 ships exceeding well furnished withal neces- 
saries fitting : who againe returned them to the abandoned 
lames Towne, the 9 of /k«c, 1610. accompanied with Sir 
Ferdinando Wainman, and divers other gentlemen of sort. 
Sir George Sotners and Captaine Argall he presentlie 



Gat eg 
with 150. 

t/A 499.^35-1 


Tht at )'iw/ 

I'/ Lorti 


l>. 500.1 


The proceedings and accidents 



(1610-11] dispatcheth to require the Bermomdas to furnish them 
tA^J with provision: Sir Thomas Gales for England to heipe 
foruard their supplies ; himselfe neglected not the best 
[thatj was in his power for the furtherance oi the busines 
and regaining what was lost. But even in the beginning 
of his proceedings, hit Lordship had such an incounter^ 
with a scurvy sickncssc, that made him vnable to w^iJeN 
the state of his bodie, much lesse the affaires of the coJonie 
Ip, 505^ , so that after 8. monthes sicknesse, he was forcet 
to sauc his life by his retume for England. 

In this time Argall not finding the Bcrtttandiis, hzynng^ 
lost Sir George Sotttcrs at sea, fell on the coast of Sagada- 
hock ; where refreshing: himselfe, [he] found a convenient 
fishing for Cod, With a tast[ej whereof, hee returned to 
latnes townc, from whence the Lord Dc-la-warc sent him 
to trade in the river of Paiawomccke, Where finding an 
English boy [Henry Spelman^ see pp. ci-cxiv, 498, 503, 528, 
586, 606] those people had preserved from the furie of 
Powhatan^ by his acquaintance, [he] had such good vsi 
of those kind Salvages, that they fraughted his ship witl 
corne ; wherewith he returned to lames Towne : and 
for England, with the Lord Govcrnour. 

Yet before his returne, the adventurers had sent Sir 
Thomas Dale with 3 ships, men and cattcll, and all other 
provisions necessarie for a yeare : all which arived the io*_ 
of May, 1611. ■ 

Againe, to second him with all possible expedition, there 
was prepared for Sir Thomas Gates, 6 tall ships with 300 
men, and 100 kyne, with other cattell, with munition and 
all manner of provision IthatJ could bee thought needfuU, 
and they arived about the i of August next after, safely 
at fames towne. 

Sir George Somers all this time was supposed [to be] lost : 
but thus it hapned. Missing the Bcrmondas, bee fell 
also, as did A rgall, with Sagadahock : where being refreshed, 
[he] would not content himselfe with that repulse, but re- 
turned againe in the search ; and there safely arived. But 
overtoiling himselfe, on a surfeit died [on 9 Nov. 1611]. 

And this Cedar ship built by liis owne directions, and 
partly with his owne hands, that had not in her any iron 
but only one bolt in her kecle, yet well endured thus tossed 

5 of ^ 

1 so| 

of Sir 


Sir Cfirtft 

F-dited by "I 
W. Simmonds. J 

with the third supply in Virginia, 


to and againe in this mightie Ocean, til with his dead [1611-12] 
bo[die] she arived in England at line [/rts^] : and at 
Whitchurch in Dorsetshire, his body by his friends was 
honourably buried, with many volies of shot, and the riglits 
of a souldier. 

And vpon his Tombe was bestowed this Epitaph t/.C4o.i 

Hci vtihi Virginia, quod iam ciio prcstcrit csstas^ 
Autwnnits sequitur, s<Bitict inde et hyems. 

At ver perpetuttm nascctury et Anglia lata, 
Dccerpii floreSj Floryda terra tuos, 

Alas Virginia Somer so soone past, 
Autume succeeds and stormy winters blast, 
Yet Englands joyfuli spring with Aprill shewrcs, 
Floryda, shall bring thy sweetest flowers. 

Since, there was a ship fraiighted with provision and 40 
men, and another since then, with the like number and 
provision, to stay in the Countrie 12 months with Captaine 

The Lord govemour himselfe doth confidently determine 
to goe with the next, or as presently as he may, in his owne 
person, with sundrj'other knights and gentlemen, with ships 
and men so farre as their meanes will extend to furnish. 

As for all their particular actions since the returne of 
Captaine Smith ; for that they haue beene printed from 
time to time, and published to the world, I cease farther 
to trouble you with any repetition of things so well knowne, 
more then are necessarie. 



To conclude the historic, leauing this assurance to all 
posteritie, howe vnprosperously things may succeed, by 
what changes or chances soever; the action is honor- 
able and worthie to bee approved, the defect whereof hath 
only bcene in the managing the businesse : which I hope 
row experience hath taught them to amend, or those 
examples may make others to beware, for the land is as 
grod as this booke doth report it. 



\Jiev. Dr, Simnwnds PostscripL 

W. SimmoniK, 

Aptaine Smith I retume you the fruit of 
ray labours, as Master Croshaw [that is 
RawUgh Crashaw, pp. 129, 131, 139, 143, 
145, 184, S-c] requested me, which I 
bestowed in reading the discourses, and 
hearing the relations of such which haue 
walked and obser\'ed the land of Virginia 
with you. The pains I took was great : yet did the 
nature of the argument, and hopes I conceaued of the 
expedition, glue me exceeding content. I cannot finde 
there is any thing, but what they all affirme, or cannot 
contradict .• the land is good : as there is no citties, so no fl 
sonnes of Anak : al is open for labor of a good and wise ™ 
inhabitant : and my prayer shall ever be, that so faire a 
land, may bee inhabited by those that professe and loue 
the Gospell. 

Your friend 


of New England: 



discouerics, of Captain lohn Smith (Admirall 

of that Country) in the North of j^fmrica, in the year 

of our Lord 1614: with the iucceae of sixe Ships^ 

that toent the next yeare 161^; and tbt 

:icculcnU befell him among the 

Frenck men of "warre : 

With the proofe of the present benefit this 

Countrey afFoords ; whither this present yeare, 

I 6 I 6 , eight voluntary Ships are gone 

to ma\e fttrtber tryalL 


Printed by Ilumfrey Lownes, for Robert Ckrke ; and 

are to be sould at his house called the Lodge^ 

in Chancery lane, oucr against Lin- 

colncs Innc, 16x6- 


[This Work was, in subsunce, first addressed to the Privy Council, 
by Captain SMiT>f, in August-October i6i % while a prisoner on board 
the French pirate ship, under the command of Monsieur PovRUNE, 
A 739' ^^ '^^ Azores ; " where to keepc my perplexed thoughts from 
loo much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this discourse ; 
thinking lo haue sent it [to] you of his Maiestics Councell, by some 
ship or other," ^. 224, 736. He must therefore have carried the 
manuscript with him, in his escape in the November following, in the 
open b<»at at He de R<*, //. 226, 73S. 

He completed it the next year, and il was thus entered for publica- 
tion at Stationers* Hall, London : 

3" |nni] 1616. 

Eobart Olerkt. Knlred for his Copie vndcr the handcs of master 
Sanford and Master Lowum Warden a booke 
called ji Description of New EngioKtU^ by John 
Smithe. vjd, 

A Transcript of the Registers of tJu Company of Stationers of 
London^ 1554-1640 -<.A, Ea by E. Aruer, iii. 58^ London, 1876. 

It is clear from the following passage at/. 937, that SMITH himself 
Is the author of the name New En^i^tand. 

" In this voyage I tooke the description of the coast as well by 
map as writings and called it Ne-w- En inland: but malicious mindes 
amongst Sailers and others, drowned that name with the eccho of 
NnsconcuSy Cri/mrtiry, and Peiiagtrid \ till, at my humble su[i]te, our 
most gracious King Charles^ then Prince of IVa/eSy was pleased to 
confirme it by thi\t tiilc» and did change [/>. 232] the barbarous names 
of tlieir Harbours and habitations for such English, that 
posterity may say, King CAar/es was their Godfather." 

The printing of the book was finished on the following 18 June i6i4S^i 

The book and Map must then have been presented to Prince 
CllARLKS, and his new names of places struck off on the now exceed- 
ingly n\rr leal; which thri»ugh the kindness of Charles Deane, Esq., 
o( Cambridge, Massj., U.S.A., wc have been enabled to reprint from a 
photographed copy, at/. 23;. See also/. cx\xiv. 

For the bibliography of ihis Work, sec/, cxxx.] 

3~i8 June 1616. 

The Epistle Dedicatory, 



Prince of Great Britaine. 


O fauorable was your most renowned and 
memorable Brother, Prince Henry, to all 
generous designes ; that in my discouery 
of Virginia, I presumed to call two name- 
lesse Headlands after my Soueraignes heires, Cape 
Henry, and Cape Charles. 

Since then, it beeing my chance to range some 
other parts of America, whereof I heere present 
your Highness the description in a Map ; my 
humble su[i]te is, you would please to change their 
Barbarous names, for such English, as Posterity 
may say, Prince Charles was their Godfather. 
What here in this relation I promise my Countrey. 
I let mee liue or die the slaue of scorne and infamy, if 
\ (hauing meanes) I make it not apparent ; please 
God to blesse me but from such accidents as are 
beyond my power and reason to preuent. For my" 
labours, I desire but such conditions as were pror 
mised me out of the gaines; and that your High- * 
nesse would daigne to grace this Work, by 
your Princely and fauorable respect vnto 
it, and know mee to be 
Your Highnesse true 

and faithfull scrvafii, 

lohn Smith. 

&NQ. SctL La. No. 16. 12 




To the Right Honourable and 

worthy Lords ^ Knights ^ and Gentle- 
men^ of his Maiesties CounccU, for all 
Plantations and discoucries; especially, of 
New England, 

[1616] /l^i^jS^^'w^ '''^ dcedcs of the most iust, and the writings 

of the most wise, not onely of men, but of God 

himselfCf hauc beene diuersly traduced by variable 

iudgements of the Times opimonists ; wJ%at sJioU 

Such an i^vorani as I expect ? Yet reposing my selfe on your 

fauourSj I prcsait this rude discourse to the worldes constnic- 

Hon ; though I am perswaded, that fevs do think tJiere tnay 

be had from New England, Staple commodities well worth 

3 or 40000 hound a yeare, with so small charge, and stich 

facilities as this discourse will acquaint you. 

But, Ust your Honours, that know mee not, should thinke 

I goe by hearcsay or affection ; / inireat your pardons to say 

thus much of my selfe : Neere twice nine yeares [i.e., 1599- 

i6i6j, / haue beene taught by lamentable experience, aswellU 

in Europe and Asia, as Affrick and America, such honest V 

aduentures as the chance of warre doth cast vpon poore Sa$d- 

diers. So thatf if I bee not able to iudge of what I haue 

scene, contriuedj and done ; it is not the fatdt either of my 

cyes^ or foure quarters. A fid these nine yeares [1607-1616], / 

haue bent my endeauours to finde a sure foufidation to begin 

these ensuing proiects ; which though J neuer so plainely and 

seriously propound; yet it resteth in God, and you, still to 

dispose of. Not doubting but your goodnesse will pardon my' 

tudenessCy and ponder errours in the balance of good will. 

No more ; but sacring all my best abilities to the good of my 

Prince and Countreyy and submitting my selfe to tfte 

exquisii[e] iudgements of your renowned vertue, 

I euer rest 

Your Honours, in 

all lionest service 

/. S. 

To the right Worshipfull Aduen* 

turers for the Countrey of New 

England^ in the Cities of London^ Bristow^ 

Excetety PUmouth^ Dartmouth^ Bastaple, 

TotneySy &c. and in all other Cities and 

Ports, in the Kingdomc 

of Engltiud 

F the little Ant, and the sillie Bee seek by 
their diligence the good of their Common." 
wealth ; much more ought Man. If they 
punish the drones and sting them [that] 
steales their labour; then blame not Man. Little 
hony hath that hiue, where there are more Drones 
then Bees : and miserable is that Land, where more 
are idle then well imployed. If the indeauours of 
those vermin be acceptable, I hope mine may be 
excuseable ; Thouj^h I confesse it were more proper 
for mee, To be doing what I say, then writing what 
I knowe. Had I returned rich, I could not haue 
erred : Now hauing onely such fish as came to my 
net, I must be taxed. But, 1 would my taxers were 
as ready to aduenture their purses, as I, purse, 
life, and all I haue : or as diligent to furnish the 
charge, as I know they are vigilant to crop the 
fruits of my labours. Then would I not doubt (did 
God please I might safely arriue in New England^ 
and safely returne) but to performe somewhat more 
then I haue promised, and approue my words by 
deeds, according to proportion. 

I am not the first [that] hath beene betrayed by 
Pirat[ejs: And foure men of warre, prouided as they 
were, had beene sufficient to haue taken Sampson^ 



1 80 \EpisiU to New England Adveniurers. 



[1616] Hercules, and Alexander the great, no other way 
furnisht then I was. I knowe not what assurance any 
haue [who] do passe the Seas. Not to bee subiect to 
casualty as well as my selfe : but least this disaster 
may hinder my proceedings, or ill will (by rumour) 
the behoofefull work I pretend ; I haue writ this 
little : which I did thinke to haue concealed from 
any publike vse, till I had made my^ returnes speake 
as much, as my pen now doth. 

But because I speake so much of fishing, if any 
take mee for such a deuote \droot€d^ fisher, as I 
dreame of nought else, they mistake mee. I know 
a ring of golde from a graine of barley, aswell as 
a goldesmith: and nothing is there to bee had which 
fishing doth hinder, but furder vs to obtaine. Now 
for that I haue made knowne vnto you a fit place for 
p!ant;ition, limited within the bounds of your Patent 
and Commission ; hauing also receiued meanes, 
power, and authority by your directions, to plant 
there a Colony, and make further search, and dis- 
couery in those parts there yet vnknowne : Con- 
sidering, withall, first those of his Maiesties Councell, 
then those Cities aboue named, and diuerse others 
that haue becne moucd to lend their assistance to 
so great a worke, doe expect (especially the aduen- 
turers) the true relation or euent of my proceedings 
which I heare are so abused ; I am inforced for dl 
these respects, rather to expose my imbecillitie to 
contempt, by the testimonie of these rude lines, then 
all should condemne me for so bad a Factor, as 
could neither give reason nor account of my 
actions and designes. 

Yours to eomntand 

lohn Smith. 


Complwuntary Verses^ 


In the deserued Honour of the Au- 

thor^ Capaine John Smithy 

and his Worke. 

Amn^d Enuie is a $p'rite, that ttur haunts 
Beasts, mis-nam*d Men ; CowardSy or Ivgtwranis, 
Butf onely such sheefolloweSf whose dcere W O R TH 
{Maugre her malice) sets their glorie forth. 
If this /aire Ouerture, then^ take not; It 
Is Enuie's spight {dear friend) in tnen-of-wit; 
Or Feare, lest morsels, which our mmtthes possesse, 
Might fail from thence; or else, tis Sottishnesse. 

ilf either ; (/ hope neither) tJiee they raise ; 
Thy ^Letters arc as Letters in thy praise ; 
Who^ by their vice, improue (when they reproouc) 
Thy vertite ; so, in hate, procure thee Loue, 
Then, Onfirme Worth : this Monument I frame; 
Scorning for any Smith to forge such fame. 
^B lo: Dauies, Heref: 






To his worthy Captaine the Author. t/wM 

Hat which wee call the snbicct of all Ston'e, 
Is Truth: which in this Worke of thine gitus glorie 
To all that thou hast done. Then, scorne the spight 
Of Enuie ; which doth no mans merits right. 
My sword may helpe the rest : my Pen no more 
Can doe, but this ; I 'aue said enough before. 
Your sometime souldier, 

/. CoJrmton, now Tcmpler. 


[Complimentary Verses. 



To my Worthy friend and Cosen 
Captaine lohn Smith, 

I i ouet'iqyes my heart, when as thy Words 

Of these designes, with deeds I doc cotnpare. 

H eere is a Booke, such worth truth affords, 

N one should tJte due desert thereof impare ; 

Si^A thou, the man, dcseruin^ of these Ages, 

M uch paine hast ta'eti for this our Kingdoins good, 

I n CUftus vnknowtte, Mongst Turks and Saluages,' 

T 'inlarge our bounds ; ifiough with thy losse of blood, 

H ence damned Detraction : stand not in our way. 

E nuie, it selfe, will not the Truth gaincsay, 

N. Smith, 


To that worthy and generous Gen- 

tlemariy my verie good friend^ 
Captaine Smith. 

Ay Fate thy Protect prosper, that thy name 
May be eternised with liuing fame : 
Though foule Detraction Honour would peruert. 
And Enuie euer waits vpon desert : 
In spight of Pelias, when his hate lies colde, 
Returne as lason with a fleece of Golde. 
Then after-ages shall record thy praise. 
That a New England to this lie didst raise f 
And when thou dy*st {as all that Hue must die) 
Thy fame Hue lucre; thou, with Etemitie, 

R: Gunnell 

G. Wither. 

Complimentary l^ersesJ] 

To his friend Cap: Smith, vpon his t/.«9-i 
description of New England. 

Ir ; your Relations I haue read : which shewe, 
Ther*s reason I should honour them and you : 
A nd if their meaning I haue vnderstood^ 
I dare to censure, thus : Your Proiect's good ; 
A nd may {if followed) doubtlesse quit tfie paine^ 
With honour, pleasure and a trebble gaine ; 
Beside the benefit thai shall arise 
To make more happie our Posterities, 

For would we daigne to spare, though 'twere no more 
Then what oWe-fiUeSj and surfets vs in store. 
To order 'S 3.iuvc' s fruitfulnesse a while 
In that rude Garden, ^-oh New England stile ; 
With present good^ ther*s hope in after-dnies 
Thence to repaire what Time and Pride decaics 
Jn this rich kingdome. And the spatious West 
Beeing still mare with English blood possest^ 
The Proud Iberians shall not rule those Seas^ 
To checke our ships from sayling where tluy please ; 
Nor future times make any forraine power 
Become so greet to force a bound to Our. 

Much good my minde fore-tels would follow hence 
With little labour, and with lessc expencc. 
Thriue therefore thy Dcsigne, who ere enuie : 
EnRland tnay ioy in England*s Colony, 
Virginia seeke her Virgine sisters good, 
Be blessed in such happie neighbourhood : 

Or, what-soere Fate pleascth to permit. 

Be thou still honor' d for first moouing it, 

George Wither, 

e societate LincoL 





\ComplimitUary Verstt. 

In the deserued honour of my honest 

and wortbie Captaine^ loJm Smithy 

and his Workc. 


\ptainc afid friend ; wlicn I peruse thy books 
(With ludgcments eyes) into thy heart / hoket 
And there I find e (what sometimes Albyon knas) 
A Souldicr, to his Countries-honour, true. 
Some fif^ht for wealth ; and sotnefor cmptic praise; 
But thou alone thy Countries Fame to raise. 
With due discretion, and yndafu^nted heart, 
/ (oft) so well haue seene thee act thy Part 
In deepest plunge of hard cxtreamitie^ 
As fore* t the troups of proudest foes to flic. 
Though men of greater Ranke and lesse desert 
Would Vlsh-away thy Praise, it can not start 
From the true Owner : for, all good-tnens tongues 
Shall keepe the satne. To them tluU Part belongs, 
Jf, then. Wit, Courage, and Successe should get 
Thee I'ame ; tlie Muse for that is in thy debt : 
A pari whereof (least able though I bee) 
T/ji« heen I doc disburse, to hoftor Thee. 

Rawly Croshaw 




Complimentary V€rses,~\ 


dichael PhettiplacCy William Phettiplace^ tAw- 
and Richard Wiffing^ Gentlemen, and Souldiers 
under Captaine Smiths Command: In his 

^dese^ued honor for his Worlcc, 
and worth. 

Hy may not we in this Worke haue our Mite^ 
That had our share in each black day and nighty 
When thou Virginia, foil d'st, yet kepfst vnstaind\ 
And held'st the King of Paspeheh enchaind. 
Thou all alone this Saluage sternc didst take, 
Pamunkes king wee saw thee capliue make 
A mong seauen hundred of his stoutest men, 
To murther thee and vs resolued ; when 

ast by the hand thou ledst this Saluage grim^ 
Thy Pistoll at his breast to goueme him : 
Which did infuse such awe in all the rest 
(Sith their drad Soucraigne thou Jtad'st so disirest) 
That thou and wee {poore sixteenc) safe retired 
Vnto our hclplesse ships. Tliou (thus admird) 
Didst make proud Powhatan, his subiects send 
To lames his Towne, thy censure to attend: 
And all Virginia's Lords, and petti e Kings, 
Aw*d by thy vertue, crouch, and Presents brings 
To gaine thy grace ; so dreaded thou hast bccne : 
A ttd yet a heart more milde is seldome seeue ; 
So, making VaJour Vertue, really ; 
Who hast nought in thee countcrfet, or slie; 
If in tlte sleight bee not the truest art. 
That makes men famoused for faire desert. 




\C9n^lim€iUary Verus, 

Who udtk of tk4€, tkit satuyrs of udnc-glorit, 
MuUkis bcih iku and V9, amd tkis inte OmU, 
If it bu ill in Tka, so wtQ to doc ; 
Thtn, it it ill in V%^ to praise tJut too. 
Bid, if the fint bee well don ; it is veO, 
To %ay it ioih {if so it doth) excelll 
praise is the f^uerdon of each deere desert. 
Making the praised act tfu praised part 
With more alacritie : Honours Spurre ts Praise ; 
Without which, it (regardlesse) sootu decaies. 

And for this paines oj thine wee praise thee rather. 
That future Tifnes may know who was the father 
Of this rare Wotke (New England) which may bring 
Praise to thy God, and profit to thy King, 




^^^ New-England, by Captaine 

^1^^ lohn Smith. 

N the moneth of April I, i 6 1 4. with 
two Ships from London, of a few Mar- 
chants, I chanced to arriue in New* 
England, a parte of Ameryca\ at the 
He of Monahi^an, in 43^ of Northerly 
latitude : our plot was there to take 
Whales and make tryalls of a Myne of 
Gold and Copper. If those failed, 
Fish and Furres was then our refuge, I0 make our selues 
sauers howsoeuer. We found this Whale*fishing a costly i^^\ 
conclusion : we saw many, and spent much time in 
chasing them ; hut could not kill any: they beeing a kinde 
of lubartes, and not the Whale that yeeldes Finnes and [/.wM 
Oyle as wee expected. For our Golde, it was rather the 
Masters deuice to get a voyage that proiected it, then 
any knowledge hee had at all of any such matter. Fish 
and Furres was now our guard : and by our late arriual, 
and long lingring about the Whale[sl, the prime of both 
those seasons were past ere wee perceiued it ; we thinking 
that their seasons, serued at all times: [2] but wee found 
it otherwise; for, by the midst of lune, the fishing failed. 
Yet in luly and August some was taken, but not sufficient 
to defray so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry 
fish we made about 40000., of Cor fish about 7000. 


WUeat Xht taOov 

rjchen of tbcm 't^at 



880 tbc most 01 

We fss^ tiK COMI both Em and W« 
bat Eastntordt oor coaunodities vere not cU«if J, thq^ 
were so oearc the Preach who afibcds them better : and 
right against vs in the Main [Uu wmimimm£ waa a Ship 
of Sir Franca P&pphmmn, that had there nch acquaint- 
ance, hauing many yeares vsed ooely that porte, that the 
root t parte there, was had by htin. And 40 le ag Dcs west* 
wards were two French Ships, that had made there a great 
iroyage by trade ; during the time we trved thoee cooclu- 
sions, not knowing the Coast, nor SaJuages habitation. 

With these Purres, the Traine [train oil], and Cor- fish, 
I returned for England in the Bark: where within six 
monthcs alter our departure from the Dtnnus, we safe 
arriued back. The best of this fish was solde for fine 
pound the hundreth, the rest by ill rsage betwixt three 
pound and fifty shillings. 

The other Ship staicd to fit herselfe for Spaim with the 
dry fish; which was sould, by the Sailers reporte that 
returned^ at forty nails [20s.] the quintall, each hundred 
[weight] weighing two quintalls and a haife. ,3] 

(/.fM.1 NfiP England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea 

Jiwjjf**<» opposite to Nona Aibyon [California] in the South Sea, 
tmjaU. discouercd by the most memorable Sir Francis Drake in 
his voyage about the worlde. In regarde whereto this is 
stilcd New Eui^land^ becing in the same latitude. Xiw 
France, off it, is Northward: Southvvardcs is Virginia, 
and all the adioyning Continent, with New Granado, New 
SpaiUf New Andoloaia, and the West Indies, 

ow because I haue becne so oft asked such 

strange questions, of the goodnesse and great- 

ne&se of those spatious Tracts of land, how they 

can bee thus long vnknown, or not possessed 

rdt and many such like demands ; I intreat 


J. Sitiiih."] 
3-«t June 1616. J 

by Captaine lohn Smith, 




your pardons, if I chance to bee too plaine, or tedious [lAM] 
in relating my knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction. 

Florida is the next adinyning to the Ind'j]eSf which Notcsof 
vnprosperously was attempted to bee planted by the 
French. A Country farre bigger then England^ Scotland, 
France, and Ireland^ yet little knowne to any Christian 
but by the wonderful ende[a]uours of Ferdinando de Soto, 
a valiant Spaniard: whose writings in this age is the best 
guide knowne to search those parts. 

Vtri^mia is no He (as many doe imagine) but part of iAt*^! 
the Continent adioyning to Florida; whose bounds may yif^i^ 
be stretched to the magnitude thereof without offence to 
any Christian inhabitant. For from the degrees of 30. to 
45. his Maiestie hath granted his Letters patents, the 
Coast extending South-west and North-east aboute 1500 
[4] miles; but to follow it aboard, the shore may well be 
2000. at the least: of which, 20 miles is the most [that] 
giues entrance into the Bay of Chisapeak, where is the 
London plantation: within which [entrance] is a Country 
(as you may perceiue by tlie description in a Booke and 
Map printed in my name of that little I there discouered) 
[thatj may well suffice 300000 people to inhabit. 

And Southward adioyneth that part discouered at the 
charge of Sir Walter Rawky, by Sir Ralph Lane, and that 
learned Mathematician Master Thomas Heryot, 

Northward six or seauen degrees is the Riuer Sadaf^a- 
hock^ where was planted the SVesterne" Colony, by that 
Honourable Patrone of vertue, Sir John Popfham^ Lord 
chief lustice of England. 

Ther[e] is also a relation printed by Captaine Bariholo- 
mew Gosnouldy of Elizabeths Isles: and an other by Captaine 
Waymouth, of Pcmmaqnid. 

From all these diligent obseruers, posterity may be 
bettered by the fruits of their labours. But for diuers others 
that, long before and since, haue ranged those parts, within 
a kenning sometimes of the shore, some touching in one 
place, some in another, I must entreat them [to] pardon me 
for omitting them ; or if I offend in saying that their true 
descriptions are concealed, or [were] neuer well obserued, 
or died with the Authors: so that the Coast is yet [1616] 
still but euen as a Coast vnknowne and vndiscouered. 

$9^ Tie 



Fmc %0 PoMrt, Ik to Ik. mA 


tb€f€ be 


i»r uy fatiffr good, I bad nol power Co watch as 1 
yet ft will icntt to direct aajr [tital] afaoaM ^cc that 
to Mfc Harboon and the Saloagcs habitatioos. What 
fnaxchanduc and cofnmoditics for their lahoar they may 
^Dde, thk foUowing discourse shall pUzoely demoDstrate. 
Thua you may nee, of this 2000. miles more then haUe 
i« y€t vnknowne to any purpose : no, not so much as the 
borders of the Sea are yet certainty discouered. As for the 
goodficas and true substances of the Land, wee are for i^thc] 
most part yet altogether ignorant of them, \'nlesse it bee 
those part4 about the Hay of Ckisapcack, and Sagadahockt 
but onely here and there wee touched or haue seene a little 
the edgcH of those large dominions, which doe stretch 
tlicmsclucs into the Maine, God doth know how many 
thousand miles; whereof we can yet no more iudge, then 
a stranger that taileth betwixt England and France can 
describe the Harbors [6] and dangers, by landing here or 
there in Home Kiucr or Bay, tell thereby the goodnesse 
and subHtunccs of Spaine, Italy, Germany, Bolumia, 
ifunf^aria and the rest. By this you may perceiue how 
much they errc, that think euery one which hath bin at 
Virginia, vndcrhlandcth or knowes what Virginia is: Or 
that the Spitniards know one halfe quarter of those 
Torrituriet they possesse ; no, not so much as the true 
Gimumferenco of Terra Incognita^ whose large dominions 
may aqtialiiG the grcatncsse and goodnes of America, for 
iny thing yet known. It is strange with what small 

J. Smith.] 
3-18 Jane ttii6j 

by Captaine John Smith. 


power hee hath rai^ned in the East hid\i]e$\ and few will [1614] 
vnderstand the Ituth of his strength in Amcricai where 
he hauing so much to keepe with such a pampered force, 
they neede not greatly feare his furie in the Bermudas^ 
VirginiUy New France^ or New England, Beyond whose 
bounds, America doth stretch many thousand miles: into 
the frozen partes whereof, one Master /fw/sou [//i«fson], an 
English Mariner, did make the greatest discouerie of any 
Christian I know of, w]iere he vnfortunately died. For iatos-I 
Affrica^ had not the industrious Porlugales ranged her 
vnknowne parts, who would haue sought for wealth 
among those fryed Regions of blacke brutish Negers; 
where notwithstanding all the wealth and admirable aduen- 
tures and endeauours more then 140 years [1476-1616], 
they knowe not one third of those blacke habitations. 

But it is not a worke for euery one, to manage such an 
affaire as makes a discouerie, and plants a Colony. It t/- 9(^-5.1 
requires all the best parts of [7j Art, ludgement. Courage, 
Honesty, Constancy, Diligence, and Industrie, to doe but 
neere well. Some are more proper for one thing then 
another; and therein are to be imployed : and nothing 
breedes more confusion then misplacing and misimploying 
men in their vndertakings, Columbus, Coricz, Pitzara, 
Soto, MagcllaneSt and the rest serued more than a pren- 
tiship to leame how to begin their most memorable attempts 
in the West Ind[t]es; which to the wonder of all ages 
succesfully they effected, when many hundreds of others, 
farre aboue them in the worlds opinion, beeing instructed 
but by relation, came to shame and confusion in actions 
of small moment, who doubtlesse in other matters, were 
both wise, discreet, generous, and couragious. I say not 
this to detract any thing from their incomparable merits, 
but to answer those qucstionlesse questions that keep vs 
back from imitating the worthinesse of their braue spirits 
that aduanced themselues from poore SouEdiers to great 
Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, their King to be 
one of the greatest Potentates on earth, and the fruites of 
their labours, his greatest glory, power, and renowne. 


Th€ tU$cripiwn of Ntm Emgimmd, \j^jj^ 


l/.T«f I 

hat part wee call 'Scm Eugiamd is betwixt tl 
deuces of 41. and 45; but that parte 
dtftcoone speakcth o<, stretdbetli but kom^ 
PetuiobicoC to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a' 
right tine distant each from other: within which bounds I 
bane secne at least 40. seuerall habitatioos rpoo the Sea 
Coast, and sounded about 25 excellent good Harbours; '8) 
in many whereof there is anc[h>rage for 500. sayle of ships 
of any burden ; in some of them for 5000. And more than. 
200 Ilea oucr|*rowne with good timber, of diuers sorts of 
wood, which doe make so many harbours as requireth a 
longer time then I had, to be well discouered. 

The principal! habitation Northward we H*ere at, was 
Pennohicoi, Southward along the Coast and \"p the Riuers 
we found Mccadacut, Scgocket, Pcmmaquid, NuscoiictiSf 
K encbuk f Saf^adahcck, and A umoughcawgen; And to those 
Countries belong the people of Sigolago, Paghkuntanuck, 
Pacohassuntf Taughtanakagrut, WarbigganuSf Nassa^tUg^ 
MatnerosqucQk^ Wawrigwukf Moihoqtun^ Wakcogo^ Passha- 
ranack, <^c. To these arc allied the Countries of Aucocisco,] 
Accotfiinticus, Passataguack, Aggawom, and Xacmkcck : All 
these, I could perceiue, differ little in language, fashion^ 
or gouernment ; though most be Lords of themselues, yet 
they hold the Bashabes of Pamobscot, the chiefe and 
greatest amongst them. 

The next I can remember by name are ^fattahuniJ, ; 
two pleasant lies of groues, gardens, and corne fields, 
a league in the Sea from the Mayne. Then Toiaut, 
Massac hiisett Pocapawmct, Quonahassit, Sagoqitas, Nahapas- 
sumhcck, Topecnt, Seccasaw, Toihccty Nasnocomacackf 
Accomack, Chawum; Then Cape Cod by which is Pawmet 
and the Isle Nawset, of the language and alliance of them 
of Chawum : The others are called Massachiiseis ; of 
another language, humor, and condition. 

For their trade and marchandize; to each of their habita- 
tions lliey haue (9j diuerse Townes and people belonging ;|H 
and l)y their relations and descriptions, more then 20 seuerall " 
Habitations and Riuers that stretch themselues farre vp 
into the Countrey.euenlothebordersofdiuerse great Lakes, 
where they kill and take most of their Beuers and Otters. 

J. Smith.*! 
9-xa Jane 1616.J 

by Captaine lohn Smiih, 


From PenHobscot to Sagadahock this Coast is all Moun- [1614] 
tainousand lies of huge Rocks, but ouergrowcn with all sorts 
of excellent f^ood woodes for building houses, boats, barks, or 
shippes; with an incredible abundance of most sorts of fish, 
much fowle, and sundry sorts of good fruites for mans vse. 

Betwixt Saf^adahock and Sauocatuck there is but two or 
three sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape Cod very 
many: especial[l'y the Coast of the Massachuscis is so 
indifferently mixed with hif;h clayie or sandy cliffes in iu«5m 
one place, and then tracts of large long ledges of diuers ^yf""' 
sorts, and quarries of stones in other places so strangely 
diuided with tinctured veines of diuers colours: as, Free 
stone for building, Slate for tiling, smooth stone to make t/. 951.1 
Fomaces and Forges for glasse or iron, and iron ore 
sufficient, conucniently to melt in them. But the most 
part so resembleth the Coast of Dcuonshire, I think most of 
the cliffes would make such lime stone. If they be not of 
these qualities, tliey are so like, they may deceiue a belter 
iudgement then mine. All which are so neerc adioyning 
to those other aduantages I ubseiued in these parts, that 
if the Ore proue as good iron and Steele in those parts, as 
I know it is within the bounds of [lOj the Countrey, I 
dare engage my head (hauing but men skilfull to worke the 
simples there growing) to haue all things belonging to the 
building [and] the rigging of shippes of any proportion, and 
good marchandi^e lor the fraught, within a square of 10 fz/.Tos.gso] 
or 14 leagues : and were it for a good rewarde, I would 
not feare to prooue it in a lesse limitation. 

And surely by reason of tliose sandy cliffes and cliffes AptWeof 
of rocks, both which we saw so planted with Gardens temper."" 
and Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, 
strong and well proportioned people, besides the great- 
nesse of the Timber growing on them, the greatnesse of 
the fish, and the moderate temper of the ayre (for of {^^p,*^^*^ 
twentie fine, not any was sickc but two that were many 
yeares diseased before they went, notwithstanding our 
bad lodging and actidcnlall [cltaiice] diet): who can but 
approoue this a most excellent place, both for health and 
fertility ? And of all the foure parts of the world that I 
haue yet scene not inhabited^ could I hauc but meanes to 
transport a Colonic, I would rather Hue here then any 

JM?. Sc/T. Ire, No. Id. 13 



The (kscriplim of New England, [^.a jiiT^ft 

[1614] where : and if it did not maintaine it selfe, were wee but 
once indifferently well fitted, let vs starue. 

fwll^itet '^^^ mainc Staple, from hence to bee extracted for the 
pnMDL present to produce the rest, is fish ; which howeuer it 
may seeme a mean and a base commodilic: yet who will 
but truely take the pains and consider the sequel], I ihinke 
will allow it well worth the labour. It is slranRc to see 
what great [U] aduentures the hopes of setting forth 
t/A«w,945-] men of war [privateers] to rob the industrious innocent, 
would procure; or such massie promises in grosser though 
more are choked then well fedde with such hastie hopes. 
fkliMden I^ut who doth not know that the poore Hollanders, chiefly 
fi^taj. by fishing, at a great charge and labour in all weathers 
in the open Sea, are made a people so hardy and in- 
dustrious ? and by the venting this poore commodity to 
the Easterlings for as meane, which is Wood, Flax, Pitch, 
Tarre, Rosin, Cordage, and such like (which they ex- 
change againe, to the French, Spaniards, Portugales, and 
English, &c., for what they want) are made so mighty. 
strong and rich, as no State but Venice, of twice their 
magnitude, is so well furnished with so many faire Cities, 
goodly Townes, strong Fortresses, and that aboundance 
of shipping and all sorts of marchandize, as well of Golde, 
Siluer, Pearles, Diamonds, Pretious stones. Silkcs, Veluets, 
and Cloth of golde; as Fish, Pilch, Wood, or such grosse 
commodities ? What Voyages and Discoueries, East and 
West, North and South, yea about tlie world, make they? 
What an Army by Sea and Land, haue they long main- 
tained in despite of one of the greatest Princes of the 
world? And neuer could the Spaniard will all his Mynes 
of golde and Siluer pay his debts, his friends, and army, 
halfe so truly, as the Hollanders slil haue done by this 
contemptible trade of fish. Diuers (I know) may alledge. 
many other assistances. But this is their Myne ; and 
the Sea the [12. source of those siluered streames of all 
their vcrtue ; which hath made them now the very miracle 
of industrie, the pattern of perfection for these affaires: 
and the benefit of fishing is that Primum mobile that 
tumes all their Spheres to this height of plentie, strength. 
honour and admiration. 

tA 709^1 

3-iS June 

J. Smith.T 

by Captainc John Smiifi. 


Herring:, Cod, and Linj;, is that triplicitie that makes [1814] 
their wealth and shippings multiplicities, such as it is, 
and from which (few would thinke it) they yearly draw at \vhichu 
least one million and a halfe of pounds starling; yet it is [!uS!!ea 
most certuine (if records be true) : and in this faculty |Ij,^1'^* 
they are so naturalized, and of their vents [sales] so 
certainely acquainted, as there is no likelihood they will 
-eucr be paralleld, hauing 2 or 3000 Busses, Flat bottomes, 
Sword pinks, To^aldcs, and such like, that breedes them 
Saylers, Mariners, Souldiers and Marchants, neuer to be 
wrought out of that trade, and fit for any other, I will 
not deny but others may gaine as well as they, that will 
vse it : though not so certainely, nor so much in quantity; 
for want of experience. And this Herring they take vpon 
the Coast of Scotland and England; their Cod and Ling, 
vpon the Coast of IzcUmd and in the North Seas, 

Hamhoron^h and the East Countries^ for Sturgion and 
Cauiare, gets many thousands of pounds from England, and 
tlie Straites: Fortiigale, the BiskaiveSy and the Spaniards, 
make 40 or 50 Saile yearely to Cape-blank, to hooke for 
Porgos, Mullet, and 'tol make Pnttardo : and Ncxc found 
I^and, doth yearely fraught neere Soo sayle of Sliips with 
a sillie leane [13. skinny Poore-Iohn, and Corfjsh ; which 
at least yearely amounts to 3 or 400000 pound. 

If from all those parts such paincs is taken for this poore 
gaines of ftsh, and by them [that] hath neither meate, 
drinke, nor clothes ; wood, iron nor Steele ; pitch, tarre, 
nets, leades, salt, hookes, nor lines; for shipping, fishing, 
nor prouision, but at the second, third, fourth, or fift 
hand, di'awne from so many scucrall parts of the world 
ere they come together to be vscd in this vo^'agc. If [/-7»o-I 
these I say can gainc, and the Saylers Hue going for 
shares, [on] lesse then the third part of their labours, and yet 
spend as much time in going and comming as in staying 
there, so short is the season of fishing: why should wee 
more doubt then Holland ^ PorttigalCf Spaniard, French t or 
other, but to doe much better then they, where there is 
victuall to feede vs, wood of all sorts to build Boats, 
Ships, or Barks; the fish at our doores; pitch, tarre, 
masts, yards, and most of other necessaries onely for 
making? And here are no hard Landlords to racke vs 


The description of New Englattd, 

r J. Smith. 

la-ii Jiuw ]6i& 

■mplcs or 

Ml lie com 

[Mlf] with hij;h rents, or extorted fines to consume vs ; no 
tedious pleas in law to consume vs with their many years 
disputations for Justice; no multitudes to occasion such 
I impediments to good orders, as in popular States. So 

I freely hath God and his Maiesty bestowed those blessings 

I on them that will attempt to obtaine them, as here euen* 

I man may be master and owner of his owne labour and 

I land; or the greatest part in a small time. If hee haue 

I nothing but his hands, he may set vp this trade; and by in- 

I dustrie [14j quickly grow rich ; spending but halfe that time 

I wel, which in England we abuse in idlenes» worse or as ill. 

Here is ground also as good as any lyeth in the height of 

forty one, forty two, forty three, &c., which is as temperate 

^ and as fruitfull as any other paralell in the world. 

" As for example, on this side the line West of it in the 

South Sea, is Nona Albion, discouered as is said [p. i88] 

by Sir Fraiicis Drake, East from it, is the most temperate 

part of Portugale, the ancient kingdomes of Galazia 

[Galicia], Biskcy, Natmrre, Arragon, Catalonia, Castilia the 

olde, and the most moderatest of Casiilia the new, and 

H Valc?itia, which is the greatest part of Spain : which if the 

H Spanish Histories bee true, in the Romanes time abounded 

^P no lesse with gold and siluer Mines, then now the West 

^^ Indies ; the Romanes then vsing the Spaniards to work in 

those Mines, as now the Spaniard doth the Indians, 

In France^ the Prouinces of Gasconic^ Langadock, A tiignon, 
ProUincc, Dolphinc [Dauphigny], Pyamont [Piedmont], and 
Turync, are in the same paralel ; which are the best and 
richest parts of France. 

In Italy, the prouinces of Gentta, Lumbardy, and Verona, 
with a great part of the most famous State of Venice, 
the Dukedoms of Bonouia, Mantua, Ferrara, Rauenna, 
Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sicnita, Vrbitte, Ancona, and the 
ancient Citie and Countrey of Rome, with a great part of 
the great Kingdomc of Naples. In Slauonia, Istrya, and 
'7"-) Dalmaiia, with the Kingdomes oi Albajiia, In Grecia, that 
famous Kingdome of Macedonia, Btdgaria, Thcssalia, 
Thracia, or Romania, where is seated [16] the most 
pleasant and plentifull citie in Europe, Constantinople. 
[ In Asia also, in the same latitude, are the temperatest 

J. Smith."] 
3-18 June 1616.J 

by Captaine lohn Smith. 


parts of Naiolia, Armenia^ Persia, and China; besides 
diuers other large Countries and Kingdomes in these most 
milde and temperate Regions of Asia, 

Southward, in the same height, is the richest of gold 
Mynes, Chily and BahUuia, and the mouth of the great 
Riuer of Plate, &c ; for all the rest of the world in that 
height is yet vnknown. 

Besides these reasons, mine owne eyes that haue scene 
a great part of those Cities and tlieir Kingdomes, as well 
as it [New England] can finde no aduantage they haue in 
nature, but this, They are beautified by the long labour 
and diligence of industrious people and Art. This is 
onely as God made it, when he created the worlde. 

Therefore I conclude, if the heart and intralls of those 
Regions were sought : if their Land w^ere cultured, planted 
and manured bymenof industrie.iudgementjandexperience; 
what hope is there, or what neede they doubt, hauing those 
aduantagcs of the Sea, but it might equalize any of those 
famous Kingdomes, in all commodities, pleasures, and 
conditions ? seeing euen the very edges doe naturally 
xiford vs such plenty, as no ship need returne away 
empty : and onely vse but the season of the Sea, fish will 
returne an honest gaine, besides all other aduantages; her 
treasures hauing yet neuer becne opened, nor her originalls 
wasted, consumed, nor abused. 


And whereas it is said, the Hollanders scrue the Easter- tM»3^«M-i 
lirtf^s ihemselues, and other parts that want, [16j with 'iv 
Herring, Ling, and wet Cod ; Tlie Easterlivgs serve] a Jujic" 
jjreat part of Europe, with Sturgion and Cauiare ; Cape- [i'^^.^i'" 
blajike, Spainc, Poriugalej and the Lcuaut^ [serve] with Mullet naybeiiaa. 
and Puttargo ; New found Land, [serve] all Europe with ai/A340,25:j 
thin Poore lohn : yet all is so ouerlaide with fishers as the 
fishing decayeth, and many are constrained to returne with 
a small fraught, Norway and Polonia, [producing, Pitch, IAt"! 
Tar, Masts, and Yardes ; Sweathiand and Russia, Iron and 
i^opes; France and Spaine, Canuas, Wine, Steele, Iron, 
r.nd Oyle; Italy and Grace, Silks and Fruites : I dare 
boldly say (because I haue seen naturally growing, or 
breeding in those parts, the same materialls that all those 
are made of), they may as well be had there, or the most ^ 

Tiu diur^tum t/Xem Ewflmmi, [^ 


for AiJiIns 



viiarbst the 
Iwimall those 


pSrt of UMSBy WWUB 

agest as fipMn afl tboaenots; 

to fuoe tbcm that they doe, aod 

Pint, the gronxid is ao fcrt31« thai qncstsoolcss it 
capable of prodncti^ any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds you will 
tow or plant, gyvwin^ to the Re^oos afore named : but 
it may be, not euciy kinde to that perfection of delicacy ; 
or some tender plants may nxsscarier because the Summer 
is not so hot, and the winter is more colde in those 
parts wcc hauc yet trycd ncere the Sea side, then we finde 
m the same height, in Europe or Asia, Vet I made a 
Garden vpon the top of a Rodde He in 43I, 4 leagues 
from the Main, in May, that grew so well, as it serued 
vs for sallets in lone and luly. 

All sorts |17 of cattell may here be bred and fed in the 
lies, or Pcnintulacs^ securely for nothing. In the Interim^ 
till they cncrcasc, if need be (obseruing the seasons) I 
durst vndcrtake to haue corne enough from the Saluages 
for 3(X> men, for a few trifles. And if they [the Savages] 

Should bee vntoward (as it is most certaine they are) 
hirty or forty good men will be sufficient to bring them 

(.all in subjection, and make this prouision ; if they vnder- 
stand what they doe : 200 whereof may, nine monethes in 
the ycare, be imployed in making marchandable fish, till 
the rest prouide other necessaries fit to furnish vs with 
other commodities. 

' In March, Aprill, May, and halfe lune, here is Cod in 
abundance; in May, June, luly, and August, Mullet and 
Sturgion, whose roes doe make Cauiare and Puttargo. 
Herring, if any desire them, I haue taken many out of the 
bellies of Cods, some in nets; but the Saluages compare 
their store in the Sea, to the haires of their heads : and 
surely there are an incredible abundance vpon this Coast. 
In the end of August, September, October, and Nouember, 
you haue Cod againe, to make Cor fish, or Poore lohn: 

fand each hundred ifish] is as good as two or three hundrecft 

l^in the ^ cwfonnd Land : so that halfe the labour in hooking.) 
splitting, and turning is saued. And you may haue your 
fish at what Market you will, before they can haue any in 
Ncw-fom\d Land ; where their fishing is chiefly but in 
lune and July : whereas it is hcere in ^larch, Aprill, May, 

J. Smith.! 
i8 June t6i6.J 

by Captaine John Sviith, 

September, October, and (181 Nouember, as is said. So 
that by reason of this plantation, the Marchants ma5'haue 
fraught both out and home; which ycelds an aduantage 

■worth consideration. 
Your Cor-fish,you may in like manner transport as you 
see cause, toserue the Ports in PorUigah (as LisboUj Altera, 
Porta port, and diuers others) or what market you please, 
before your llanders [i.c.^ Icelanders] returne. They being 
tyed to the season in the open Sea; you hauing a double 
season : and fishing before your doors, may euery night 

» sleep quietly a shore with good cheare and what fires you 
will : or when you please ^fish], with your wiues and 
familie; they onely [in] their ships in the maine Ocean. 

^The Mullets heere are in that abundance, you may take 
hem with nets, sometimes by hundreds ; where at Cape 
blank, they hooke them : yet those but one foot and a halfe 
in length ; these two, three, or foure, as oft I haue 
measured. Much Salmon some haue found vp the 
Riuers as they haue passed : and heer the ayre is so 
temperate as all these at any time may well be preserued. 
K Now, young boyes and girles, Saluages or any other, be 
^they neuer such idlers, may turne, carrj'. and return fish, 
without either shame, or an}' great paine : hee is very idle 
that is past twelue yeares of age and cannot doe so much ; 
and she is very olde, that cannot spin a thre[a]d to make 

•engines to catch them. 
For their transportation, the ships that go there to fish 
may transport the first ; who for their passage [19.^ will 
spare the charge of double manning their ships; which 
they must doe in the New-found Land^ to get their 
fraught : but one third part of that companie are onely but 
proper to serue a stage, carry a barrow, and turne Poor 
lohn ; notwithstanding, they must haue meate, drinke, 
clothes, and passage as well as the rest. 

Now all 1 desire is but this. That those that volun- 
tarily will send shipping, should make here the best choise 
they can, or accept such as are presented to them, to 
serue them at that rate; and their ships returning, leaue 
such with me. with the value of that they should recciue 
comming home, in such prouisions and necessarie tooles, 
armes, bedding and apparell, salt, hookes, nets, lines, and 



Tor poorc 

freople oqJ 

(j*. 7M-I 
The facility 
of the 



The description of Nno England ^ 

r J. Smiih. 

L}-t9 Juat s6i6. 


\^' 715I 

such like, as they spare of the remainings; who till the 
next returne, may keepe their boates, and doe them many 
other profitable offices. Prouided I haue men of ability 
to teach them their functions : and a company fit for 
Souldiersto be ready vpon an occasion, because of the abuses 
\vhich haue beene offered the poore Saluages, and the 
liberty both French or any that will, hath to deale with 
them as they please ; whose disorders will be hard to 
reforme, and the longer the worse. 

Now such order, with facilitie might be taken, with cuery 
port TowncorCitie,toobseruebutthisorder; with free power 
to conuert the benefits of their fraughts to what aduantage 
they please, and increase their numbers as they see occasion : 
who euer as they are able to subsist of thcmselues, may 
bef^innethenew Townes in ;20j New Rngland'wi memory of 
their olde; which freedome being confined but to the neces- 
sity of the generall good, the euent (with Gods help) might 
produce an honest, a noble, and profitable emulation. 

Salt vpon salt may assuredly be made ; if not at the 
first in ponds, yet till they bee prouided this may be \*sed. 
Then the Ships may transport Kine, Horses, Goates, 
course Cloath, and such commodities as we want ; by 
[fl^rtiws/] whose arriuall may be made that prouision offish 
to fraught the Ships that they stay not; and then if the 
sailors goe {urve\ for wages, it matters not. It is hard if 
this returne defray not the charge ; but care must be had, 
they arriue in the Spring, or else prouision be made for 
them against the Winter. 

Of cerlaine red berries called Alkermes which is worth 
ten shillings a pound, but of these hath been sould for 
thirty or forty shillings the pound, may yearely be gathered 
a good quantitie. 

Of the Musk Rat maybe well raised gaines well worth their 
labour, that will endeuor to make tryall of their goodnesse. 

Of Heuers, Otters, Martins, Blacke Foxes, and Furres 
of price, may yearely be had 6 or 7000 : and if the trade 
of the French were preuented, many more. 25000 this 
ycare [1614] were brought from those Northren parts 
into France ; of which trade, we may haue as good part as 
the French t if we take good courses. 




J. Smiih.l 
3-iB June 1616. J 

by Caplaifu John Sfuitk, 


Of Mynes of Golde and Siluer, Copper, and ,21] probabili- [1614] 
ties of Lead, Christall and AUum, I could say much if 
relations were good assurances. It is true indeed, I made 
many trials, according to those instructions I had, which 
<loe perswade mee I need not despaire, but there are 
metalls in the Countrey : but I am no Alchymist, nor will 
promise more then I know : which is, Who will vnder- 
take the rectifying^ of an Iron forge, if those that buy 
meate, drinke, coals, ore, and all necessaries at a dear 
rate gaine ; where all these things are to be had for the 
taking vp, in my opinion cannot lose. 

Of woods seeing there is such plenty of all sorts; if those 
that build ships and boates, buy wood at so great a price 
as it is in England, Spaine^ France, Italy, and Holland, and 
all other prouisions lor the nourishing of mans life, liue 
well by their trade: when labour is all Uhat is] required to 
lake those necessaries, without any other tax; what ha2ard 
will be here, but doe much better ? And what com- 
moditie in Europe doth more decay then wood ? For the 
goodnesse of the ground, let vs take it fertill, or barren, 
or as it is : seeing it is certaine it beares fruitcs, to nourish 
and feed man and beast, as well as England; and the Sea 
those seuerall sorts of Hsh I haue related. 

Thus seeing all good prouisions for mans sustenance, 
may with this facility be had by a little extraordinarie 
labour, till that transported be increased; and all neces- t/-7>6.] 
saries for shipping, onely for labour: to which may bee 
added the assistance of the Saluages, which mav easily be 
had, if they be discreetly handled in their [2^] kindes ; 
towards fishing, planting, and destroying woods- 

What gaines might be raised if this were followed 
(when there is but once men to fill your store houses, 
dwelling there ; you may serue all Europe belter and 
farre cheaper, then can the Izcland fishers, or the 
HolLvjdcrSf Capc-bliiuk, or Ncivfound Land: who must be at 
as much more charge then you) may easily be coniectured 
by this example. 

2000. pound will fit out a ship of 200. and I [ship' of a 100 ^ia,pieof 
tuns. If the dry fish they both make, fthey; fraught that of ^'''«^"*,,. 
200. and goe for Spainc, sell it but at ten sliillings a quintal ytanot*\x 
[40 lbs] (but commonly it giueth fifteen or twentie, espe- ^tmL^* 


The descripHan of Nem En^land^ [^»ji 

[1614] ctally when it commeth first, which \ai 50 Qui$UaJs to 

Ton,=-£yj 10s. or /'50 a Ton; ikercjoft to Toms of 

amounts to 3 or 40(X> pound ; but say but tcnne, which 
is the lowest), allowing the rest for u-aste, it amounts at 
that rate, to 2000 pound ; which is the whole charge of 
your two ships, and their equipage. Then the retume[^ 
lA jfcl €xchan^c\ of the money, and the fraught of the ship for 
the vintage homeward from Spain] or any other voyage, is 
cleere ^^aine, [together with your shippe of a 100 tuns of 
Train and oyle, besides the beuers and other commodities ; 
and that you haue at home within six monethes, if God 
please but to send an ordinarie passage. 

Then sauing halfe this charge by the not staying of 
your ships, your victual, ouerplus of men and wages; 
^H with her fraught thither of things necessarie for the 
^^P planters, the salt being there made, as also may the nets 
P and lines within a short time ; if nothing were to bee 

I expected but this, it might in time equalize your 

I Hollanders gaincs, if not exceed them. They returning 

I but [23] wood, pitch, tarre, and such grossc commodities; 

I you, wines, oylcs, fruits, silkes, and such Straits com- 

i modities as you please to prouide by your Factors, against 

I such times as your shippes arriue with them. 

I This would so increase our shipping and sailers, and so 

I employ and encourage a great part of our idlers and others 

I that want imployments fitting their qualities at home 

I (where they shame [are ashatned] to doe that they would 

I doe abroad), that could they but once taste the sweet 

I fruites of their owne labours, doubtlesse many thousands 

I would be aduised by good discipline, to take more pleasure 

I in honest industrie, then in their humours of dissolute 

I idlenesse. 

1^ 717-1 But to returnc a little more to the particulars of this 

fejjS^'JX Countrey, which I intermingle thus with my proiects and 
in reasons, not being so sufficiently yet acquamted in those 
parts, to write fully the estate of the Sea, the Ajtx, the 
Land, the Fruites. the Rocks, the People, the Gouem- 
menl, Religion, Territories and Limitations, Friends and 
Foes : but [simply] as I gathered from the niggardly 
relations in a broken language, to my vnderstanding, 
during the time I ranged those Countries, &c- 


J. Smith."! 

3-18 Jane 1616.J 

by Capiaine lohn Smith, 


The most Northern part I was at, was the Bay of [1614] 
Peunobscot, which is East and West, North and South, 
more then ten leagues : but such were my occasions [that] 
1 was constrained to be satisfied of them I found in the 
Bay, that the Riuer ranne farrc vp into the Land,, and was 
well inhabited with many people ; but they were from 
their habitations, either fishing [24] among the lies, or 
hunting the Lakes and Woods, for Deer and Beuers. 
The Bay is full of preat Hands, of one, two, six, eight, or 
ten miles in length ; which diuides it into many faire and 
excellent good harbours. 

On the East of it, are the Tarraniines, their mortall 
enemies J.e.j of Pcmiobscot] ; where inhabit the French^ as 
they report, that liue with those people as one nation or 
family. And Northwest oi Pennobscot is Mccaddacnt^zl the 
foot of a high mauntaine (a kind of fortresse against the 
Tarrantines) adioyning to the high mountaines of Pcmiob- 
scot, against whose feet doth beat the Sea: but ouer all 
the Land, lies, or other impediments, you may well see 
them, sixteene or eighteene leagues from their situation. 
Segockei is the next ; then NtisconctiSt Pcmmaquid, and 

Vp this Riuer [at Sai^adahock], where was the Westerne 
plantation, are AumHckcaw^eUf Kinncbeckj and diuers 
others : where there is planted some corne fields. Along 
this Riuer 40 or 50 miles, I saw nothing but great high 
cliffes of barren Kocks, ouergrowne with wood : but where 
the Saluages dwelt, there the ground is exceeding fat and 

Westwai-d of this Riuer is the Countrey Aitcoctsco, 
in the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of many great 
lies, which diuides it into many good harbours. 

Sorvocoiuck is the next, in the edge of a large sandy Bay ; r>. r««-T 
which hath many Rocks and lies : but few good harbours 
but for Barks, 1 yet know. 

But all this Coast to Pcnnobscoty and as farre I could 
see Eastward of it, is nothing but such high craggy Cliffy | 

Rocks and stony l25j lies that I wondered such great 
trees could growe vpon so hard foundations. It is a 
Countrie rather to affright, then delight one. And how 
to describe a more plaine spectacle of desolation^ or more 


nd Comrics. were it an 
As voa pane the Cout atiQ Wcstaaid, Ai 

And Paiaataqmack are two coooenient harbors for small 
barka ; aad a gpod Coanthe, wnioD their cia^e cUifs, 

Amgcmm m the nnt. This place m^sfai content a right 
curi o M todjsemest: bat there ate BMUijr sands at the 
entraiscc of the harboar; and the worst is, it is inbayed 
too Cure from the deepe Sea. Heere are many rising 
hilles ; and on their tops and descents, many con^e 6clds 
and dclightfal grouts. On the East, is an He of two or 
three leagues in length ; the one halfe, plaine morish 
grat«e fit for pasture, with many faire high groues of 
mulberie trees gardens : and there is also Okes, Pines, 
and other woods to make this place an excellent habi- 
tation, bceing a good and safe harbor. 

Naifttkcck though it be more rockie ground (for A ugoam 

is sandie) [is] not much inferior ; neither for the 261 

harbor, nor any thing ^thatj I could perceiue, but the 

multitude of people. 

'^iih^ft'tV' I'rom thence doth stretch into the Sea, the faire hcad- 

T«'!«^ land Tra^abif;2anda, fronted with three lies called the 

7/f]rw,i>8.i three Turks heads: to the North of this, doth enter a 

great Hay, where wee founde some habitations and come 

ncids. They report a great Riuer, and at least thirtie 

V9-} habitations, doe possesse this Countrie. But because 

the French had got their Trade, I had no leasure to 

discoucr it. 

The lies of Matiahnnis arc on the West side of this 
Bay, where are many lies, and questionlesse good harbois: 
and then the Countrie of the Massachtisets, which is the 
Paradise of all those parts. For, hecre are many lies 
all planted witli corne ; groues, mulberries, F.aluage 
gardens, and good harbours: the Coast is for the most 



June 1616.J 

by Capiaine John Stnith, 



part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you [1614] 
passe, shewes you all along large corne fields, and great 
troupes of well proportioned people : but the French, 
hauing remained heere neere six weekes, left nothing 
for vs to take occasion to examine the inhabitants 
relations, viz, if there be neer three thousand people 
vpon these lies, and that the River doth pearce many 
daies ioumeies the intralles of that Countrey. 

We found the people in those parts verie kinde ; but in 
their furie no lesse valiant. For, vpon a quarrell we had 
with one of them, hee onely with three others, crossed the 
harbor of Quonahamt to certaine rocks whereby wee must 
passe ; and there let flie their arrowes for our shot, till we 
were out of danger. 

Then come you to Accomack, an excellent good [27] 
harbor, good land ; and no want of any thing but 
industrious people. After much kindnesse ; vpon a small 
occasion, wee fought also with fortie or fiftie of those : 
though some were hurt, and some slaine; yet within an 
hour after, they became friendes. 

Cape Cod is the next [that] presents it selfe, which is 

ely a headland of high hils of sand ouergrowne with 
shrubbie pines, hurts, and such trash ; but an excellent 
harbor for all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine i//-7»9.7- 
Sea on the one side, and a great Bay on the other in 
forme of a sickle ; on it doth inhabit the people of 
Paii'iftet: and in the bottome of the Bay, the people 
of ChaxcHUu 

Towards the South and Southwest of this Cape, is 
found a long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks. 
But so fan-e as I incircled it, I fuund tliirtie fadom [of] [/.7».i 
water aboard the shore, and a strong current; which makes 
mee thinke there is a Channel! about this shoale: where 
is the best and greatest fish to be had, Winter and 
Summer, in all that Countrie. But the Saluages say 
there is no Cliannell ; but that the shoales beginne from 
the maine at Pawmct, to the He of Naitsit; and so 
extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea, 

Tlic next to this, is Capan'ack, and those abounding _ 

Countries of copper, corne, people, mineralls: which I went (//.»i8.73x] 
discouei- this last yeare [1615]; but because I miscanied 


The description of New England, 


uae 161ft. 


A cooO 


376, 716, 
855. £«.] 


by the way, I will leaue them, till God please I hauc 
better acquaintance with them. 

The Massachuscts, they report, sometimes haue warres 
•with the Bashabcs of Pcnnobskot ; and are not I28j ahvaies 
friends with them of Chawun and their alliants : but now 
they are all friends, and haue each trade with other, so farre 
as they haue societie on each others frontiers. For they 
[the Bashabcs] make no such voiages as from Pcnnobskot 
to Cape Codf seldom to Ma^achcwsct, 

In the North (as I haue said) they be;;^nne to plant 
corne, whereof the South part halh sucli plentie as they 
haue what they will from them of the North ; and in the 
Winter much more plenty of fish and foule: but both 
Winter and Summer hath it in the one part or other all 
thcyearc; being the meane and most indifferent temper 
betwixt heat and colde, of all the regions betwixt the 
Lyne and the Pole : but the furs Northward are much ■ 
better, and in much more plentie, then Southward. " 

The remarkeablest lies and mountains for Landmarkes 
are these. The highest He is Sorico, in the Bay erf 
Pcnnobskot: but the three lies and a rock of Matinneuk 
are much furder in the Sea. Mctinicus is also three 
plairie lies and a rock, betwixt it and Monahi^an. Mona* 
higan is a roundc high He, and close by it [is] Monanis^^ 
betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride [rode,] 
In Damerils lies is such another, Sngadahock is knowne 
by Satquin and foure or fiue lies in the mouth. Smyths 
lies are a hcape together, [with] none neere them, against 
Accominticus. The Three Turks Heads are three lies 
seen far to Sea-ward in regard of the headland. 

The cheefe headlands are onely Cape Tragabigzanda and 
Cape Cod. [29] 

The cheefe mountaines, [are] them of Peunobscot; the 
twinkling mountaine of Aucociso; the greaie mounlaine 
of Sasanou; and the high mountaine of Massachusiti 
each of which you shall finde in the Mappe; their places, 
formes, and altitude. 

The waters are most pure, proceeding from the intrals 
of rockie mountaines. 

The hearbes and fruits are of many sorts and kindes : 
as alkermes, curran[t] s, or a fruit like curran ;t]s, m ulberries, 


J. Smith 1 
Jnoe 1616 J 

by Ciiptaine John SvtUh. 



vines, respices, goosberries, plummes, walnuts, chesnuts, [1614] 
small nuls, &c., pumpions, gourds, strawberries, beans, 
pease, and mayze ; a kinde or two of flax, wherewitb they 
make nets, lines, and ropes both small and great, verie 
strong for their quantities [substance]. 

Oke is the chiefe wood; of which there is great dif- 
ference in regard of the soyle where it groweth ; firre, 
pyne, walnut, ches'tjnut, birch, ash, elme, cypresse, ceder, 
mulbcrrie,plum tree, hazell,saxefra^e, and manyothersorts. 

Eagles, Gripes, diuers sorts of Haukes, Cranes, Geese, ^^^* 
Brants, Cormorants, Ducks, Sheldrakes, Tealc, Meawes, 
Guls, Turkics, Diue-doppers, and many other sorts, whose 
names I knowe not. 

■ Whales, Grampus, Porkpisces, Turbut, Sturgion, Cod, ^'^^^^ 
Hake, Haddock, Cole, Cusk or small Ling, Shark, 
Mackerel!, Herring:, Mullet, Bas s]e. Pinacks, Gunners, 
Pearch, Eels, Crabs, Lobsters, Muskles, Wilkes, Oysters, 
and diuerse others, &c, 

Moos^ci, a beast bifjger then a Stagge ; deere, red and ^^^^ 
Fallow; Beuers, Wolues, Foxes both blacke and other; 

■ Aroughconds, Wild-cats, Beares, Otters, ;_30] Martins, 
Fitches, Musquassus, and diuerse sorts of vermine, whose 
names I know not. 

All these and diuerse other good things do heere, for 
want of vse, still increase, and decrease with little dimi- 

■ nution; whereby they growe to that abundance [that] you 
shall scarce finde any Baye, shallow sliore, or Coue of 
sand, where you may not take many Clampes, or Lobsters, 
or both at your pleasure ; and in many places lode your boat 
if you please: nor lies where you Hnde not fruits, birds, 
crabs, and muskles, or all of them for [thej taking, at a 
lowe water. And in the harbors we frequented, a little 
boye might take of Gunners and Pinacks and such deli- 
cate fish, at the ships sternc, more then sixe or tenne can 
eatc in a daie; but with a casting net, thousands when 
wee pleased : and scarce any place, but Cod, Cuskc, 
Holybut, Mackerel!, Scate, or such like, a man may take 
with a hooke or line what he will. And in diuers sandy 
Baies, a man may draw with a net great store of Mullets, (/. 7"-l 
Ha»es, and diuers other sorts of such excellent fish, as 
nmny as his Net can drawe on shore. [There isj no 


A notcfbr 
men ihat 
Kkoc peal 
•(lirtu, and 


Tlu description of New England^ Cj-aji? 

Riucr where there is not plcntic of Slur^oo, or Salmon* 
or both: all which are to be had in abundance obseruing' 
but their seasons. But if a man will goe at Christmasse 
to gather Cherries in Kent, he may be dcceiued, though 
there be pleniie in Summer: so hcere, these plenties haue 
each their seasons, as I haue expressed. 

We for the most part had little but bread and vinegnrr 
and though the most part of luly when the iishing^ 
decaied, they wrought all day, laie abroade in the lies 
l31j all night, and liued on what they found, yet were 
[they] not sicke. But I would wish none [to' put himself 
long to such plunges, except necessitie constraine it. 
Yet worthy is that person to starue that hecre cannot 
Hue ; if he haue sense, strength, and health : for, there 
is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but that 
a hundred men may, in one houre or two, make their 
prouisions for a day ; and hee that hath experience to 
raannage well these affaires, with fortie or thirtie honest 
industrious men, might well vndertake (if they dwell in 
these parts) to subiect the Saluages, and feed daily two 
or three hundred men. with as good come, fish, and flesh, 
as the earth hath of those kindes, and yet make that labor 
but their pleasure : prouided that they haue engin>;s that 
be proper for their purposes. fl 

Who can desire more content, that hath small meanes; 
or but only his merit to aduance his fortune, then to tread, 
and plant that ground hee hath purchased by the hazard 
of his life ? If he haue but the taste of virtue and mag- 
nanimilie, what to such a minde can bee more pleasant, 
then planting and building a foundation for his Fosteritie, fl 
gotte from the rude earth, by Gods blessing and his owne ^ 
Industrie, without preiudice to any ? If hee haue any 
graine of faith or zeale in Religion, what can hee doe lesse 
hurtfull to any : or more agreeable to God, then to seeke to 
conuert those poore Saluages to know Christ, and human- 
itie, whose labors with discretion will triple requite thy 
charge and paines ? What so truely su'i tcs with honour 
and honcstic, [32j as the discouering things vnknowne ? 
erecting Townes, peopling Countries, informing the 
ignorant, reforming things vniust, teaching virtue ; and 

3-18 Jun« 1616.J 

by Caplainc John Smith, 

gaine to our Natiue mother-countrie a kinp^dom to attend 
her: finde imploymenl for those that are idle, because they 
know not what to doe ; so farre from wronging any, as to 
cause Posteritie to remember thee ; and remembring thee, 
euer honour that remembrance with praise ? 

Consider ; What were the beginnings and endings of the 
Monarkies of the Chaldeans^ the Syrians^ the Gredam^ and 
Rovtanes^ but this one nile ; What was it they would not 
doe, for the good of the commonwealth, or their Mother- 
citie ? For example : Ronu% What made her such a Mon- 
archesse, but onely the aducntures of her youth, not in riots 
at home; but in dangers abroade? and the iustice and iudge- 
ment out of their experience, when they grewe aged. What 
was their ruine and hurt, but this ; The excesse of 
idlenesse, the fondnesse of Parents, the want of experience 
in Magistrates, the admiration of their vndeserued honours, 
the contempt of true merit, their vniust iealo[u>ies, their 
politickc incredulities, their hypocritical! seeminggoodnesse, 
and their deeds of secret lewdnesse? linally, in fine, grow- 
ing onely formall temporists, all that their predecessors 
got in many years, they lost in few daies. Those by their 
pain and vertues became Lords of the world ; they by their 
case and vices became slaues to their seruants. This is 
the difference betwixt the vse of Armes in the field, and 
on the monuments of stones ; '33] the golden age and the 
leaden age, prosperity and miserie, iustice and corruption, 
substance and shadowes, words and deeds, experience and 
imagination, making Commonwealths and marring Com- 
monwealths, the fruits of vertue and the conclusions of vice. 

Then, who would hue at home idly (or thinke in him- 
selfe any worth to Hue) onely to eate, drink, and sleepe, 
and so die ? Or by consuming that carelesly, his friends 
got worthily? Or by vsingthat miserably, that maintained 
vertue honestly ? Or for being descended nobly, pine witli 
the vaine vaunt of great kindred, in penurie? Or (to 
maintaine a silly shewe of brauery) toyle out thy heart, 
soule, and time, basely ; by shifts, tricks, cards, and dice ? 
Or by relating newes of others actions, sharke here or 
there for a dinner, or supper; deceiue thy friends, by faire 
promises and dissimulation, in borrowing where thou 
neucr intendest to pay ; offend the lawes, surfeit with (a 

£jfG. Scu. Lib. No. le. 14 

^t -aJV 




7 to 

The description of New Emf^amd. [^.^ ji 


12016] excesse, harden thy Country, abase thy selfe, dcspaire in 
want, and then couren thy kindred, yea cuen thine owne 
brother, and wish thy parents death (I will not say dam- 
nation) to haue their estates ? though thou seest what 
^K honours, and rewards, the world yet hath for them [who] 
^H will seeke them and worthily deserue them. 
^H I would be sor^fy to offend, or that any should mistake 

^H my honest meaning : for I wish good to all, hurt to none. 
^H But rich men for the most part are growne to that dotage, 
^H through their pride in '34] their wealth, as though there 
^H were no accident could end it, or their life. 
^H And what hellish care do such take to make it their owne 

^V miserie, and their Countries spoile, especially when there 

I is most neede of their imployment? drawing by all manner 

of inuentions, from the Prince and his honest subiects, 
cuen the vitall spirits of their powers and estates : as if 
their Bagges, or Bragges, were so powerfull a defence, the 
malicious could not assault them ; when they are the onely 
baite, to cause vs not to be onely assaulted ; but betrayed 
f and murdered in our owne security, ere we well perceiue it. 

May not the miserable ruine of Constantinople, their 
impregnable walles, riches, and pleasures [at] last taken by 
****** the Turkc (which are but a bit, in comparison of their now 

mightines) remember vs of the effects of priuatc couet- 
ousness? at which time the good Empcrour held himselfe 
I rich enough, to haue such rich subiects, so forraall in all 

[ e.xcesse of vanity, all kinde of delicacie and prodigalitie. 

His pouertie when the Turke besieged, the citizens (whose 
marchandizing thoughts were onely to get wealth, little 
conceiuing the desperate resolution of a valiant expert 
enemy) left the Emplerour] so long to his conclusions, 
I hauing spent all he had to pay his young, raw, discon- 

I tented Souldiers; that sodainly he, they, and their citie 

were all a prey to the deuouring Turke. And what they 
would not spare for the maintenance of them who aduen- 
tured their Hues to defend them, did serue onely their 
l35] enemies to torment them, their friends, and countrey, 
' and all Christendome to this present day. Let this 

lamentable example remember you that are rich (seeing 
there are such great theeues in the world to robbe you) 
tA Tn-l not [to] grudge to lend some proportion, to breed them that 

An cnmpic 
of »ecurc 



3-1 1 

;. Smith. J 
June i6t6.J 

by Capiaine lohn Smith, 

21 I 

hauc little, yet [are] willing to learne how to defend you: 
for, it is too late when the deede is a-doing. 

The Romanes estate hath beene worse then this: for, the 
meere couetousnesse and extortion of a few of them, so 
mooued the rest, that not hauing any imployment but 
contemplation ; their great iudgements grew to so great 
malice, as themselues were sufficient to destroy themselues 
by faction : Let this mooue you to embrace imployment 
for those whose educations, spirits, and iudgements want 
but your purses ; not onely to preuent such accustomed 
dangers, but also to gaine more thereby then you haue. 

And you fathers, that are either so foolishly fond, or so 
miserably couteous, or so willfully ignorant, or so negligently 
carelesse, as that j'ou will rather maintaine your children in 
idle wantonness, till they grow your masters ; or become so 
basely vnkinde, as they wish nothing but your deaths; so 
that both sorts grow dissolute ; and although you would 
vish them any where to escape the gallowes, and ease your 
cares ; though they spend you here one, two, or three 
hundred pound[sj a yeer; you would gi'udge to giue halfe 
so much in aduenture with them, to obtainc an estate, 
which in a small time, but with a little assistance of your 
[36' prouidence, might be better then your owne. But if an 
Angell should tell you, [that] any place yet vnknowne can 
afford such fortunes ; you would not beleeue him, no more 
then Columbiis was beleeued there was any such Land as is 
now the well knowne abounding ^j^cncij; much Icsse such 
large Regions as are yet vnknowne, as well in America^ as 
in Affrica, and Asia^ and Terra incognita ; where were 
•courses for gentlemen (and them that would be so reputed) 
more suiting their qualities, then begging from their 
Princes generous disposition, the labours of his subiects, 
and the very marrow of his maintenance. 

I haue not beene so ill bred, but I haue tasted of Plenty 
and Pleasure^ as well as Want sind Misertc: nor doth neces- 
sitie yet, or occasion of discontent, force me to these 
■cndcauors : nor am I ignorant what small thanke I shall 
haue for my paines ; or that many would haue the Worlde 
iimagine them to be of great ludgement, that can but 
blemish these my designes, by their witty obiections and 



M>. 7^] 



TAc description of Neio England^ Cs-isjL 

detractions: yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds^ will 
so preuaile with some, that I shall not want imployment 
in these affaires, to make the most blinde see his owne 
scnselessnesse, and incredulity; Hoping that gaine will 
make them affect that, which Relip;ion, Charity, and the 
Common good cannot- It were but a poore dcuice in 
me, To deceiue my selfe; much more the King, State, my 
Friends and Countrey, with these inducements : which, 
seeing his Maicstie hath giuen [37] permission, I wish all 
sorts of worth ie, honest, industrious spirits, would vnder- 
stand : and if they desire any further satisfaction, 1 will 
doe my best to giue it : Not to perswade them to goe oncly ; 
but goe with them : Not leaue them there ; but Hue with 
them there. 

I will not say, but by ill prouiding and vndue mana- 
ging, such courses may be taken, [that" may make us 
miserable enoujLjh : But if I may haue the execution of 
what I haue proiected ; if they want to eale, let them 
eale or neuer digest Me. If I performe what I say, I desire 
but that reward out of the gaines [which] may su[ijte my 
paines, quality, and condition. And if I abuse you \\'ith 
my tongue, take my head for satisfaction. If any dislike 
at the yeares end, defraying their charge, by my consent they 
should freely returne. I feare not want of companie suffi- 
cient, were it but knowne what I know of those Countries ; 
and by the proofe of that wealth I hope ycarely to returne, 
if God please to blesse me from such accidents, as are 
beyond my power in reason to preuent : For, 1 am not so 
simple to tliinke, that euer any other motiue then wealth, 
will euer erect there a Commonweale ; or draw companie 
from their ease and humours at home, to stay in Kav 
England to effect my purposes. 

And lest any should think the toile might be insupport- 
able, though these things may be had by labour, and dili- 
gence: I assure my selfe there are who delight extreamly in 
vaine pleasure, that take much more paines in England^ 
to enioy it, then I should doe heere [Scii' Englaml\ to gaine 
wealth sufficient : [38] and yet I ihinke they should not 
haue halfe such sweet content: for, our pleasure here is still 
gaines; in iin^''/a«f? charges and losse. Heer nature and 
liberty affords vs that freely, which in iiw^/dHtf wc want^ 

3-t8 Jane 

J. Smith.") 

by Captaine John Smith. 


or it costeth vs dearely. What pleasure can be more, [1616] 
then (being tired with any occasion a-shore, in planting 
Vines, Fruits, or Hearbs, in contriuini; their owne Grounds, 
to the pleasure of their owne mindes, their Fields, Gardens, 
Orchards, Buildings, Ships, and other works, &c.) to 
recreate themselues before their owne doores, in their owne tA 7'7l 
boates vpon the Sea; where man, woman and chllde, with 
a small hooke and line, by angling, may take diuerse 
sorts of excellent fish, at their pleasures ? And is it not 
pretty sport, to pull vp two pence, six pence, and twelue 
pence, as fast as you can haiujle and veare a line? He is a 
ver)'bad fisher [that] cannot kill in one day with his liooke 
andline,one, two,orthree hundred Cods: whichdressedand 
dried, if they be sould there for ten shillings the hundred, 
though in England they will glue more than twentie, may 
not both the seruant, the master, and marchant, be well 
content with this gaine ? If a man workc but three dayes 
in seauen, he may get more then hee can spend, vnlesse he 
will be excessiue. Now that Carpenter, Mason, Gardiner, 
Taylor, Smith, Sailer, Forgers, or what other, may they 
not make this a pretty recreation though they fish but an 
houre in a day, to take more then they eate in a wecke ? 
or if they will not eate it, because there is so much 
better ^39] choice; yet sell it, or change it, with the 
fisher men, or marchants, for any thing they want. And 
what sport doth yeeld a more pleasing content, and lesse 
hurt or charge then angling with a hooke ; and crossing 
ihe sweete ayre from lie to He, ouer the silent streames 
of a calme Sea? Wherein the most curious may finde 
pleasure, profit, and content. 

Thus, though all men be not fishers : yet all men, whatso- 
€uer, may in other matters doe as well. For necessity doth 
in these cases so rule a Commonwealth, and each in their 
seuerail functions, as their labours in their qualities may be 
as profitable, because there isanecessarymutuallvse of all. 

For Gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them, imiiio)^. 
then ranging dayly those vnknowne parts, vsing fowling gem'icrata. 
and fishing, for hunting and hawking? and yet you shall 
see the wilde-haukes giue you some pleasure, in seeing 
them stoope (six or seauen after one another) an houre or 
two together, at the skuls of fish in the faire harbours, as 






to feast, ttat feoides Ae 

■BC pBodL tfMV wias are v> ndi, a 
flijr dajf|r tifaoVt wiu s Ca|mB» p^- 
For labottivn* if xhomt tfeat 

first ^ 

m^S l^t/Mi iip t, cnnts» citiiet, and sacfa like: giue 
30^ 10. ^cv 5D il i Bti ii gi >ciudlj r far jn acre of gnxxnd, and 
ncal dnaJcc and wages to rse it, and yet grow rich ; when 
better, or at feast as good grocnd, maj be had, and cost: 
nodung hot laboar; it secns strange to me, any suchj 
aboold there grow poorc. 

My pvrpoee is not to perswade chfldrcn from tb( 
partttts; nen from their wtoea; nor seniants ^m thetr^ 
masten : onely, sach as with free consent may be spared 
But that each parish, or village, in Citie or Countreyr; 
that will but apparell their fatherlesse children, oCj 
thirteenc or fourteen years of age, or young marT;icd| 
people, that hauc small wealth to Hue on ; heere by thei 
labour may Hue exceeding well : prouided alwaies that 
there bee a sufficient power to command them, houses t< 
recciue thcm,meanes to defend them, and meet prouisionsi 
for them ; for, any place may bee oucrlain : and it is most: 
necessarie to haue a fortresse (ere this grow to practice)! 
and sufficient masters (as, Carpenters, Masons, Fishers^j 
Fowlers, Gardiners, Husbandmen, Sawyers, Smiths, 
Spinsters, Taylors, Weauers, and such like) to take ten, 
Iwclue, or Iwcntie, or as ther is occasion, for Apprentises.M 
The Masters by this may quicklie growe rich ; these mayV 
Icarne their trades themsclues, to doe the like ; to a 
general! and an incredible benefit, for King, and Countrey, ^ 
Master, and Seruant. [41j ■ 

EsampiaaT It would bcc an historic of a large volume, to recite 
y»kii*"' ^^*^ aducntures of the Spanyards, and Portn^^alsj their 
affronts and defeats, their dangers and miseries; which 
with such incomparable honour and constant resolution. 

,-iiji;iT&^] iy Captaitu John Smith, 

so farre beyond beleefe, they haue attempted and indured [1616] 
in their discoueries and plantations, as may well condemne 
vs, of too much imbecillitic, sloth, and negligence: yet 
the Authors of those new inuentions, were held as ridicu- 
lous, for a long lime, as now are others, that doe but 
seek to imitate their vnparalleled vertues. And though 
we see daily their mountaines of wealth (sprong from the 
plants of their generous indeuours) yet is our sensualitie 
and vntowardnesse such, and so great, that wee either 
ignorantly beleeue nothing, or so curiously contest to tAr^T 
preuent wee knowe not what future euents ; that wee 
either so neglect, or oppresse and discourage the present, 
as wee spoile all in the making, crop all in the blooming; 
and building vponfaire sand, ratherthen rough rockes, iudge 
that wee knowe not, goueme that wee haue not, feare that 
which is not ; and for feare some should doc too well, 
force such against their willes to be idle or as ill. And who 
is he ;thatj hath iudgement, courage, and any Industrie or 
qualltie with vnderstanding, will leaue his Countrie, his 
hopes at home, his certaine estate, his friends, pleasures, 
libertie, and the preferment sweete England doth afford to 
all degrees, were it not to aduance his fortunes by inioying 
his deserts? whose prosperitie once appearing will incourage 
others : but it must be cherished [42] as a childe, till it 
be able to goe, and vnderstand it selfe. and not corrected 
nor oppressed aboue it^s] strength, ere it knowe wlierefore, 
A child can neither performe the office, nor deedes of a 
man of strength, nor indure that afQiction He is able; nor 
can an Apprentice at the first performe the part of a Maistcr. 
And if twentie yeeres bee required to make a child 
a man, seuenyeares limited [to] an apprentice for his trade, 
if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man a 
States man, and commonly a man dies ere he halh learned 
to be discreet : If perfection be so hard to be obtained, as 
of necessitie there must bee practice, as well as theorick : 
Let no man much condemne this paradox opinion, to say, 
that halfe seauen yeeres is scarce sufficient, for a good 
capacitie, to learne in these affaires, how to carrie him- 
selfe : and who cuer shall trie in these remote places the 

Kof a Colony, shall finde at the ende of seauen 


The description of New England ^ L-ujii 


[1616] the Interim all the content, rcwardes, gaines, and hopes 

will be necessarily required, to be ^iuen to the beginning, 

till it bee able to creepe, to stand, and goe, yet time 

enough to keepe it from running: for there is no feare 

it wil grow too fast, or euer to anything; exccpie libertie, 

profit, honor, and prosperitie there found, more bindc the 

planters of tliose affaires, in deuotion to eCTect it; then 

bondage, violence, tyranny, ingratitude and such double 

dealing, as bindcs freemen to become slaucs, and honest 

t/. yjo.] men [to] tume knaues : which hath euer bin the ruine of the 

most popular [43 common-weales; and is verie vnlikelie 

euer well to begin in a new. 

TTwbHMtof Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the 

spuinc. Spanyardt but these new conclusions, in searching those 

vnknowne parts of the vnknowne world ? By which mcanes 

^^ hee diucs euen into the verie secrets of all his Neighbours, 

^H and the most part of the world: and when the Poriugale 

^H ztid Spanyard had found the East and West Indies; how 

^B many did condemn thcmsclucs, that did not accept of that 

^H honest offer of Noble Coluinbtts'i who, vpon our neglect. 

^B brought them to it, perswading our selues the world had 

no such places as they had found : and yet euer since wee 

I findc, ihey still (from time to time) haue found new Lands. 

new Nations, and trades, and still daily dooe finde both in 

Asia, Africa, Terra hico^nitat and America \ so that there 

is neither Soldier nor Mechanick, from the Lord to the 

beggar, but those parts afforde them all imploiment; and 

discharge their Natiue soile, of so many thousands of all 

I sorts, that else, by their sloth, pride, and imperfections, 

would long ere this haue troubled their neighbours, or hauc 

h eaten the pride of Spaine it selfe. 

Now he knowes little, that knowes not England may 
well spare many more people then Spaine, and is as well 
f able to furnish them with all manner of necessaries. And 

I seeing, for all they haue, they cease not still to search for 

that they haue not. and know not ; It is strange wc should 
^^- be so dull, as not [to] maintaine that which wee haue, and 
^H pursue that wee [44^ know. 

^H Surely I am sure many would taste It ill, to bee abridged 

^H of the titles and honours of their predecessors: when if but 
^H truly they would iudge themselues; looke how inferior they 

J. Smilh.*] 
3-i8 June 1616.J 

by Captaine lohn SniUli. 


are to their noble vertues, so much they are vnworthy of [1616] 
their honours and liuings: which neuer were ordained for 
shovves and shadowes, to maintaine idlenesse and vice ; but 
to make them more able to abound in honor, by heroycall 
deeds of action, iudgemcnt, pietie, and vertue. What was it, 
ihey would not doe both in purse and person, for the good of 
the Commonwealth? which mif;l)t mouethem presently to 
set out their spare kindred in these generous designes. 

Religion, aboue all things, should nioue vs (especially the \Pn^\ 
Clergie) if wee were religious, to shewe our faith by our 
workes; in conuerting those poore saluages, to the know- 
ledge of God, seeing what paines the Spaityards take to 
bring them to their adulterated faith. Honor might moue 
the Gentrie, the valiant, and industrious; and the hope 
and assurance of wealth, all ; if wee were that we would 
seeme, and be accounted. Or be we so far inferior to other 
nations, or our spirits so far deiected, from our auncient 
predecessors, or our mindcs so [set] vpon spoile, piracie, and 
such villany, as to serue the Poriitgall, Spanyard, Duicht 
Frcuchf or Tnrkc, (as to the cost of Europe, too many 
dooe) rather then our God, our King, our Country, and our 
sclues ? excusing our idlenesse, and our base complaints, 
by want of imploiement ; when heere is such choise of all 
sorts, and for all degrees, in the planting L45j and dis- 
couering these North parts o[ America, 

ow to make my words more apparent by my Myieconj 
deeds; Iwas, thelastycare, hauestaied ncw'^"" 
in the Countrie, to make a more ample triall of i^ns"*"*** 
those conclusions with sixteene men; whose 
names were 

Tliomas Dirmir, 

Daniel Cnf^c. 
Francis Abbot. 
lohn Gosling. 

William Ingram, 
Robert Miier. 
Dauid Cooper. 



lohn Partridge, 
and (lao boies. 

Thomas Dighie. 
Daniel Baker, 
Adam Smith, 
Thomas Watson, 
Wcilter Chissick. 
lohn Hall. 

jSouIdiers. f^; 

[//. »M, 734.J 


7 32.7 36,74 1, 

Tlu (Uur^ion 0/ New Emgitrnd^ ij-«iiJ! 



I coofetu, I coold hsoe wished thtm m% maaef tboosand 
bad ail other proDistons bin in like p cop orti oo : nor vrouJd 
I haue had so fewc^ could I hnne had — fff t for more; 
ret (would God haue pleased wee bad safely arriaed ) I neuer 
had the like aatboritie, freedom^ and pnmision, to doe s» 
welt. Tbe maine assistance next God, I had to this small 
xiumhtT, was my acqoaintance among the Saluages; 
especiaJly, with Dohannida, one of their greatest Lords; 
wno had liued Ion;; in England, By the mcanes of this 
proud Saluage, I did not doubt but quickly to hane gotte 
that credit with the rest of his friends and alliant?, to haue 
had as many of them, as I desired, in any desij^ne I in- 
tended ; and that trade also they had, by such a kind of 
exchange i46. of their Countrie commodities; which both 
with ease and securitie in their seasons may be vsed. fl 

With him and diucrseothers^ I had concluded to inhabit, ™ 
and defend them against the Tcreniynes ; with a better 
power then tht French did them; whose tyranny did inforce 
them to imbrace my offer, with no small deuotion. 


And though many may thinke me more bolde then ^lise, 
in regard to their power, dcxteritie, treacherie, and incon- 

I 'Afiw.jct'i Rtancie ; hauing so desperately assaulted and betraied 
many others : I say but this (because with so many, I haue 
many times done much more in Virginia, then I intended 
hccre, when I wanted that experience Virfiinta taught me) 
that to mcc it seemes no daunger more then ordinarie. And fl 
though I know my sclfc [to be] the meanest of many thou- ™ 
sands.whoseapprehensiue inspection can pearce beyond the 
boundes of my habJlities, into the hidden things of Nature, 

I/-WJ-) Art» and Reason; yet I intreate such [toi giuc meleaueto 

cxc use my sclfeof so much imbecilitie, as to say, that in these M 
ci;;htyearcs: i6o6-i6i4]which I hane been conuersantwitb | 
these affaires, I haue not learned there is a great difference, 
betwixt the directions and iudgement of experimental! 
knowledge, and the superficiall coniecture of variable 
relation : wherein rumor, humor, or misprision haue such 
power that oft times one is enough to beguile twenty; but 
twcntie not sufficient to keep one from being decciucd, 
Tiicrcfore I know no reason but to beleeue my own eies 
before any muns imagination, that is but wrested from the 

J. SmUh.] 
)-iB June i6t6.J 

by Captain lohn Smith , 


conceits of my owne proiects, and indeauours. [47] But I [16141 
honor, with all affection, the counsell and instructions nf 
iudiciall directions, or any other honest aduertisement ; so 
farre to obserue, as they tie mee not to the crueltie of 
vnknowne euents. 

These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect 
all other implnymentSj and spend my time and best 
abilities in these aduentures. Wherein, though I haue 
had many discouragements by the ingratitude of some, the 
malicious slanders of others, the falsenesse offriendes, the J^f 'f^.j 
trecheiy of cowards, and slovvnesse of aduenturers: but 
chiefly by one HunU who was Master of the ship, with 
whom oft arguing these proiects for a plantation, howeuer 
hee seemed well in words to like it, yet he practiced to haue 
robbed mee of my plots [wj(i/>sj, and obseruations, and so to 
leaue me alone in a desolate He, to the fury of famine, and 
all other extreamities (lest I should haue acquainted Sir 
Thomas Smifh^ my Honourable good friend, and the 
Councell of \''ir^i7iiti); to the end, he and his associates 
might secretly ingrosse it, ere it were knowneto the State. 

Yet that God that alway hath kept me from the worst 
of such practices, deliuered me from the worst of his dis- 

Notwithstanding after my departure, hee abused the 
Saluagcs where hee came, and betrayed twenty seauen of 
these poore innocent soules, which he sould in Spainc for 
slaues; to mooue their hate against our Nation, as well as 
to cause my proceedings to be so much the more difficult. 

Now, returning in the Bark, in the fift of August [1614], i//.7co,733i 
[48] I arriued at Plimouth : where imparting there my pur- 
poses to my honourable friend Sir FcrcUuando Gorge^ and 
some others ; I was so incouraged, and assured to haue the 
managing their authoritie in those parts, during my life, 
that I ingagcd myselfc to vndcrtake it for them. 

Arriuing at London, I found also many promise me such 
assistance, that I entertained Muhacll Cooper the Master, 
who returned with mee, and others of the company. How 
hee dealt with others, or others with him, I know not : But 
my publike proceeding gaue such incouragement, that it 
became so well apprehended by some fewe of the Southren 


r/. Tot.) 

11)« Of m- 
«ion of tuy 

7/5^ description of New Engla^id^ 

Company, asthese proiects were liked, and he furnished from 
London with foure ships at Sea, before they at Plimouth had 
made any ^rouision at all, but onely a ship cheefely set out 
by Sir Ferdimuido Gorge ; which, vpon Hunts late trecherie 
among the Saluages, returned as she went, and did little 
or nothing, but lost her time. 

I must confesse I was beholden to the setters forth of 
the foure ships that went with Cooper; in that they offered 
mee that imploiment if I would accept it : and I finde, 
my refusal] hath incurred some of their displeasures, whose 
fauor and loue I exceedingly desire, if I may honestly inioy 
it. And though they doe censure me as opposite to their 
proceedings; they shall yet still in all my words and 
decdes finde, it is their error, not my fault, that occasions 
their dislike. For hauing ingaged my selfc in this businesse 
to the West Countrie ; I had beene verie dishonest to haue 
[49] broke my promise; nor will I spend more time in 
discouerie or fishing, till I may goe with a companie for 
plantation : for, I know my grounds. Yet cuery one that 
reades this booke can not put it in practice ; though it may 
helpe any that haue scene those parts. And though tbey 
endeauour to worke me euen out of my owne designes, I 
will not much enuy their fortunes: bur, I would bee sory, 
their intruding ignorance should, by their defailements, 
bring those certainties to doubtfulnesse. So that the 
businesse prosper, I haue my desire ; be it by Loftdoiur, 
Scot, ]Ve!chf or Etiglishy that are true subiects to our King 
and Countrey : the good of my Countrey is that I seeke; 
and there is more then enough for all, if they could bee 
content but to proceed. 

At last it pleased Sir Fcrdinando Gorge, and Master 
Doctor Sut[c]lijfe, Deane of Excctcr, to conceiue so well of 
these proiects, and my former imployments, as induced 
them to make a new aduenture with me in those parts, 
whither they haue so often sent to their continuall losse. 
By whose example, many inhabitants of the West Country, 
made promises of much more then was looked for, but 
their priuate emulations quickly qualified that heat in the 
greater number; so that the burden lay principally on 
them, and some few Gentlemen, my friends, in London. 



J. Siuuh.1 
3-i3 June 1616.J 

by CaptatJie John Smith. 


In the end I was furnished with a Ship of 200. and 
another of 50 [tons". But ere I had sayled 120 leagues, shee 
broke all her masts; pumpin;^ each watch 5 or 6000 
strokes : onely her spret saile [50] remayned to spoon 
before the wind, til! we had reaccommodated her a lurj' 
mast, and the rest, to returne for Plimoidh. 

MyVice-admirallbeeinglost[/*.r.,/os/s/g/i^o/j, not knowing 
of this, proceeded [on] her voyage. 

Now with the remainder of those prouisions, I got 
out a^ain in a small Barke of 60 tuns with 30 men (for 
this of 200, and prouision for 70) ; which were the 16 before 
named [/>. 217% and 14 other saylors for the ship. 

With those I set saile againe the 24 of lune ;i6r5' : where 
what befell me {because my rtc//£>«5 and tiT(7/;/^s are so publicke 
to the world, enuy still seeking to scandalize myindcauours, 
andsceingno power but deathcan stopthechatof illtongues, 
nor imagination of mens mindes) lest my owne relations 
of those hard eucnts, might by some constructors, be made 
doubtfull, I haue thought it best to insert the examinations 
of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lcicis Stttkicy a worthie 
Knight, and Vice-admirall of Deuonsliire ; which were as 
followeth. ^ 


I/- 73*1 

My reim- 


and itn|>ri- 
^otimciit by 
Ihc French. 

TAe examination of Daniel Baker, lafe Steward 

to Capiainc lohn Smith in the rdurnc of 

PlimouCli ; taken before Sir Lewis 

Stukley Knight, the eight of 

Deeember 1615. 

Ho saith, being chased two dayes by one Fry^ ?^^'"*h* 

an English Pirate, that could not board vs, by uTtun*. ji' 

reason of foule weather, Edmund Chambers the ^^JJi^rl"^ 

Master, lohn Mintcr his mate, Thomas Digby jlfJ^'Aj^ 

the Pilot, and others importuned his saide Captaine to whiciwo.oT 

yeeld ; houlding it \TipossibIe hee should defend [51 him- maXT 

sclfe: and that the saide Captaine should send them his s""'"'*- 
boat, in that they had none : which at last he concluded 
vpon these conditions, That Fry the Pyrate should vow 
not to take any thing from Captaine Smithy that might 



The description of New England, [j-,»jii 




[1616] ovcrthrowe his voyage, nor send more Pirats into hi 

ship then hee liked off; other\vaics» he would ma] 
sure of them he had, and defend himselfe against tl 
rest as hee could. 

More: he confcsseth that the quarter- masters 
Chawbcrs receiued golde of those Pirats ; but how raucj 
he knoweth not: Nor would his Captain come out of 
Caben to entertaine them ; although a great manyof thi 
had bcene his saylers, and for his loue would haue waft* 
vs to the lies of riou-crs. 

At Fyall, wee were chased by two French P>Tats, w! 
commanded vs Amaine. Chambers^ Slintcr, Digby and 
others, importuned againe the Captaine to yeeld ; aJtedgii 
they were Tttrkst and would make them all slaues 
Frenchmeny and would throw them all oucr board if th< 
shot but a peece ; and that they were entertained to iisi 
and not to fi^ht ; vntill the Captaine vowed to fire the" 
powder and split the ship, if they would not stand to their 
defence ; whereby at last wee went cleere of them, for all 
their shot. 

At Flowers, wee were chased by foure French men of 
warre ; all with their close fights afore and after. AjuIh 
this examinants Captaine hauing provided for our defenoJB 
Chambers^ Mintcfy Dtgby, [52] and some others, againe im- 
portuned him to yeeld to the fauour of those, against 
whom there was nothing but ruine by fighting: But if he 
would goe aboard them, in that hee could speak French^ 
by curtesie hee might goe cleere ; seeing they offered him 
such faire quarter, and vowed they were Protestants, and 
all of Rochell, and had the Kings commission onely to 
take Spaniards, PortugaUs, and Pyrats ; which at last h( 
did; but they kept this examinates Captaine and soi 
other of his company with him. 

The next day the French men of warre went aboard 
and tooke what they listed, and diuided the company into 
their seuerall ships, and manned this examinates ship 
with the Frenchmen, and chased with her all the shippes 
they saw : vntill about fiue or sixc dayes after, vpon better 
consideration,they surrendered the ship and victualls, with 
the most part of our prouision, but not our weapons. 

More : he confcsseth that his Captaine exliorted thei 



3->B June 

J. Smith."! 

by Captaine John Smith. 

to performe their voyage, or goe for l^cw found Land to 
retume fraughted with fish, where hee would finde meanes 
to proceed in his plantation : but Chambers and Minter 
grew vpon tearms they would not; vntill those that were 
Souldiers concluded with their Captaines resolution, they 
would; seeing they had clothes, victualls, salt, nets, and lines 
sufficient, and expected their armes, and such other things 
as they wanted, [whichj the French men promised to restore. 

Which the Captaine the next day went to seeke. and sent 
them about loading of bZ] commodities, as powder, match, 
hookes, instruments, his sword and dagger, bedding, aqua 
vitsE, his commission, apparell, and many other things; 
the particulars he remembreth not : But, as for the cloath, 
canuas, and the Captaines cloathes, Chambers, and his 
associats diuided it amongst tliemselues, and to whom 
they best liked ; his Captaine not hauing any thing, to his 
knowledge, but his wastecoat and breeches. 

And in this manner going from ship to ship, to regaine 
our armes and the rest, they seeing a sayle, gaue chase 
vntill night. 

The next day, being very foule weather, this examinate 
came so neere with the ship vnto the French men of warre, 
that they split the maine sayle on the others spret sayle 
yard. Chambers willed the Captaine come aboard, or he 
would leaue him : whereupon the Captaine commanded 
Chambers to send his boate for him. Chambers replyed she 
was split (which was false), telling him hee might come if 
he would in the Admiralls boat. 

The Captaines answer was, he could not command her, 
nor come when hee would ; so this examinate fell on sterne ; 
and that night left his said Captaine alone amongst the 

trench men, in this maner, by the command oi Chambers, 
'inter, and others. 
Daniel Cage^ Edward Stallngs^ Gentlemen; Walter \ 
Chissell, Dauid Cooper^ Robert Miller^ and lohn 
Partridge^ beeing examined, doe acknowledge 
and confessc, that Daniel Baker his examination 
aboue written is true. [64] 


2 24 

The description of New Engiaftd, [j-,8ji. 


ttne t6i6> 


I/- 7J6-I 

A fl«t of 
nine French 
men of war 
and rtE;t)t4 
vtvM the 

French I 
fired the 

Ow the cause why the French detayned vcw 
againe. was the suspicion, this Chambers and 
M inter gaue them that I would reuen«;e my selfe, 
vpon the Bank, or in Newfound LattJ, of all the' 
could there incounter; and how I would hauC' 
ship, had they not ouerperswaded mee : and 
many other such like tricks to catch but opportunie in 
this maner to leaue me. And thus they returned to; 
Piitnouth, and perforce with the French I proceeded. 

Being a Fleet of eight or nine sayle, we watched for the 
West Indies fleet, till ill weather separated vs from the 
other 8. Still we spent our time about the lies neere 
Fyall; where to keepe my perplexed thoughts from too 
much meditation of my miserable estate, I writ this dis- 
course; thinking to haue sent it [to] you of his Maicstics 
Councell, by some ship or other : for I saw their purpose 
was to take all they could. 


At last wc were chased by one Captain Barra an English ■ 
'rat» in a small sliip with some twelue peeces of crdin- 


ance, about thirty men, and neer all starued. They sought 
by curtesie releefe of vs ; who gaue them such faire pro- 
mises, as at last wee betrayed Captaine Wollision (his 
Licftenant) and foure or fiue of their men aboard vs, and 
then prouided to take the rest perforce. 

Now my part was to be prisoner in the gun roum,and not 
to speake to any of them vpon my life. Yet had Barra know- 
ledge what I was. Then Barra perceiuing wel these French 
intents, made ready to fight; and Wollision as resolutely 
regarded not tlieir threats: 55, which causedvsftojdemurre 
vpon the matter longer, som[e] sixteene houres; and then 
returned their prisoners, and some victualls also, vpon a 
small composition. 

The next wee tooke was a small English man of PooL: 
from New found Land. The great caben, at this present, 
was my prison ; from whence I could see them pillage 
those poore men of all that they had, and halfe their fish: 
when hee was gone, they sould his poore cloathes at the 
maine mast, by an outcry, which scarce gaue each man ^ 
seauen pence a peece. fl 

Not long after, we tooke a Scot 


from Saint 

^iB Juoe 16161.J 

6)' Captaine To/in Smith. 



Michaels to Bristol: he had better fortune then the other. [16151 
For, hauin^ but taken a boats loading; of sugar, marmelade, 
suckets, and such like: we discried foure sayle, after whom 
we stood; who forling [furling] their maine sayles attended 
vs to fight. But our French spirits were content onely to 
perceiue they were English red crosses. 

Within a very small time after, wee chased foure Spanish 
shippes [that] came from the Indies : we fought with them 
foure or fiue houres, tore their sayles and sides: yet not 
daring to board them, lost them. 

A poore CarueH of Brasile, was the next we chased: and '^'^'ij'g^ 
after a small fight, thirteene or fourteen of her men being ^wni. * 
wounded, which was the better halfe; we took her, with 
370 chests of sugar. 

The next was a West Indies man, of 160 tuns, with 1200 ApfUe 
hides, 50 chests of cutchanell, 14 coffers of wedges of siluer, *°" 
Sooo ryalis of 8, and six coffers of the King of Spaines 
treasure; besides the pillage and rich coffers of many rich 

Two i56j monethes [Auf^-Oct, 1615] they kept me in this 
manner, to manage their fights against the 5/rt»/rtrrfs, and be 
a prisoner when they tooke any English, Now though the 
Captaine had oft broke his promise, which was to put me 
a-shore on the Iles[/l;:orfsj, or the next ship he tooke: yet at 
last, he was intreated [persuaded] I should goe for Prance in 
the Caruell of sugar ; himself Lheing] resolued still to kcepc 
the Seas. 

Within two dayes after, we were ha [i] led by two West 
Iftdy men : but when they saw vs waue them for the King 
of France, they gaue vs their broad sides, shot through our 
mayne mast, and so left vs. 

Hauing liued thus, neer three moneths [Aug.^Nov, 1615] 
among those French men of warre ; with much adoe, we 
arriucd at the Gulion^ not far from liochcl ; where in stead 
of the great promises they ahvaies fed me with, of double 
satisfaction, and full content, they kept me hue or sixe 
daies prisoner in the Caruell: accusing me to bee him that 
burnt their Colony in AVw France; to force mee giue them 
a discharge before the ludgc of the Admiralty, and so stand 
to their curtesie for satisfaction, or lie in prison, or a worse 

£NG, sett. LfB, No. 16- 15 


The description of New England, 

rj. Smiil 

fane 161 


Croia the 


ITiey be- 

traicd mee 
hauing tile 
titfui! ftcalc 
*A Knglond : 
nnJ necre 
inrniic Ktylc 
«-f Kiiclivh 
them con* 
cenJed, in 
liLc ouDcr 

I «t rayed 
tltAt year. 

1/ No-l 

To preuent this choisc, in the end of such a storme thai 
beat them all vndcr Hatches, I watched my opporiuniti 
to get a-shore in their boat ; whcre-into, in the darki 
night, 1 secretly got : and with a halfc pike that lai 
by mc, put a drift for Rat Jh : but the Current was s< 
strong, and the Sea so fjreat, I went a drift to Sea, till ii 
pleased God the windc so turned with the tide, tha< 
although I was, all this fearefull night of gusts and raine^*! 
in the Sea, the space of 12 [67j houres, when many ships 
were driuen ashore,and diuerse split (andbeingwith sculhn[ 
and bayling the water tired, I expected each minute would 
sinke mee) at last I arriued in an oazie He by Charoitnc ; 
where certaine fowlers found mee neere drowned, and 
halfe dead, witli water, colde, and hunger- 
By those, I found meanes to gette to RocJull; where I 
\'nderstoode the man of warre which we left at Sea, and 
the rich prize was split ; the Captaine drowned, and halfe 
his companie the same night, within seauen leagues of that 
place, from whence I escaped alone, in the little boate, by the 
mercy of God; far beyond all mens reason, or myexpectation. 
Arriuing a^ Rochdl, vpon my complaint to the ludge of 
the Admirallie. I founde many good words and fairc 
promises ; and ere long many of them that escaped_^ 
drowning, tolde mee the newes they heard of my own^H 
death : these I arresting, their seuerall examinations ditf^ 
so confirmc my complaint, it was held proofe sufficient. 

All which being performed according to the order of 
iustice, from vnder the iudges hand ; I presented it to the 
English Ambassador then at Burdianx : where it was my 
chance to see the arriuall [21 Nov» 1615) of the Kings great ^ 
mariage brought from Sjyaiuc. ^| 

Of thr ^'rack of the rich prize some 36000. crownes worth^ 
of goods came a shore and was saued with the Caruell, 
which 1 did my best to arrest : the fudge did promise me 
I sliold haue iustice ; what will bee the conclusion as yet 
,J«Hir 16161, 1 know not. But vndcr the colour to take Pirati 
and West-Indie men (because the Spaityards will not [58] 
suffer the Fraich trade in the West-Indies) any goodi 
from thence, tho[u]gh they take them vpon the Coast 01 
Spaiuct are lawfull prize ; or from any of his territories out 
ol the limits of Europe. 



J. Smith.- 

3-1S June 1616.. 

fy Captainc lohn Smith. 



Leauiiigtiius mybusinesse in /*>a;icc,I returned [Djc.1615! 
to Plimouth, to l:nd them that had thus buried me amongst 
the French : and not onely buried mee, but with so much 
infamy as such treacherous cowards could suggest to r'*',!:***J™J. 
excuse Iheir viilanies. But my clothes, bookes, instru- 1615.' ^ 
ments, Armes, and what I had, they shared amongst them, 
and what they liked ; fayning, the French had all [that] 
was wanting : and had throwne them into the Sea, taken 
their ship, and all; had they not runne away and left me as 
they did. 

The cheeftaines of this mutinie tliat I could iinde, I 
laied by the heeles ; the rest, like themselues, confessed 
the truth as you haue heard [p, zzi]. 

Now how I haue or could preuent these accidents, I rest 
at your censures. But to the matter. 


EwfoHud-land at the Hrst, I haue heard, was 
held as desperate a lishing, as this I proiect in 
Nciv England ; Phuaiiia, and the Bankcy were 
also as doubtful to the French : But, for all 
disasters [that have] happened ,lo! mee, the busincsse is 
the same as it was: and the fiue ships (whereof one was 
reported more then three hundred tunnes) went forward ; 
and found fish so much, that neither Izeland-mcn, nor 
Newfoundland-men, [that] I could heare of hath beene there, 
will goe any more to either place, if they may goe thither. 
So, that vpon the retume of my Viceadmirall that pro- 
ceeded on her voyage when I spent my [69; masts [/>. 221 1 ; 
from Plimouth this yeare [1616] are gone foure or fiue saile: 
and from London as many ; onely to make voyages of profit: 
where[as] the Englishmen haue yet beene, all their retumes 
together (except Sir /'>, Popphamcs) would scarce make one 
a. sauer of neerc a douzeu 1 could nominate; though there 



The description of New England, [^tji 



be fish sufficient, as I perswadc my selfe, to franght yearely 
foure or fiuc hundred sayle. or as many as will goe. 

Fortliis fishing stretcheth along the Coast from CapcCotf 
to Newfound 'land ^ which is scauen or eight hundered miles 
at the least; and hath his course in the deepes, and by the 
shore, all the yeare long ; keeping their ha[ulnts and feedings 
as the beasts of the field, and the birds of the aire. But, 
all men are not such as they should bee, that haue vnder- 
taken those voiages: and a man that hath but heard of 
an instrument, can hardly vse it so well as hce that by 
vse hath contriued to make it. All the Romanes were 
not Scipioes : nor all the Geneweus^ Columbuscs : nor all 
Spanyards, Corteses: had they diued no deeper in the secrets- 
of their discoueries then wee, or stopped at such doubts 
and poorc accidental! chances ; they had neuer beene 
remembered as they are; yet had tliey no such certainties 
to begin as wee. 

But, to conclude, Adam and Ette did first beginnc this 
innocent worke, To plant the earth to remaine to posteritie, 
but not without labour, trouble, and Industrie. Noe, and 
his family, beganne againe the second plantation ; and 
their seede as it still increased, hath still planted new 
Countries, and one countrie another: and so the world 
to that estate it is. But [60] not without much hazard^ 
trauell, discontents, and many disasters. Had those 
worthie Fathers, and their memorable off-spring not beene 
more diligent for vs now in these Ages, then wee are to 
plant that yet vnplanted, for the after liuers: Had the 
seede of Abraham, our Sauiour Christ, and his Apostles^ 
exposed themselues to no more daungers to teach the 
Gospell, and the will of God then wee ; Euen wee our 
selues, had at this present beene as Saluage, and as 
miserable as the most barbarous Saluage yet vnciuilized.. 

The Hebrnves, and Laced(tmonians,i)\Q Gothsyiht Grecians^ 
the Romanes, and the rest, what was it they would not 
vndertake to inlarge their Territories, enrich their subiecls,. 
resist their enemies? Those that were the founders oS 
those great Monarchies and their vertues, were no siluercd 
idle golden Pharhes, but industrious iron-steeled P«6//Vrtns: 
They regarded more prouisions, and necessaries for their 


J. Siniih."! 
'^18 June i6ia.J 

dy Captaine lohn Smith, 


people, then iewels, riches, ease, or delight for themselues. [1616] 
Kiches were their seruants, not their Maisters. They 
ruled (as Fathers, not as Tyrantes) their people as children, 
not as slaues; there was no disaster could discourage 
them ; and let none thinke they incountered not with all 
manner of incumbrances. And what haue euer beene the 
workes of the greatest Princes of the earth, but planting 
of countries, and ciuilizing barbarous and inhumane 
Nations, to ciuilitie and hunianitie ? whose eternall 
actions, fill our histories. Lastly, the PoHitgalcs and 
Spanyards : whose euerliuing actions, before our eyes will 
[61] testifie with them our idlencssc, and ingratitude to all 
posterities, and the neglect of our duties in our pietie and 
religion wc owe our God^ our King, and Countric ; and want 
of charity to these poore saluages, whose Countrie wee 
challenge, vse and possesse ; excepte wee bee but made to 
vse, and marre what our Fore-fathers made, or but onely 
tell what they did, or esteeme ourselues too good to take, 
the like paines. Was it vertue in them, to piouide that 
doth maintaine vs ? and basenesse for ys to doe the like 
for others ? Surely no. 

Then seeing we are not borne for our selues, but each to 
helpe other, and our abilities are much alike at the houre 
of our birth, and the minute of our death: Seeing our \^.9i^\ 
good dccdes, or our badde, by faith in Christs merits, is 
all we haue to carric our soules to heauen, or hell: Seeing 
honour is our liues ambition; and our ambition after death, 
to haue an honourable mcmorie of our life : and seeing by 
noe meanes wee would bee abated of the dignities 
and glories of our Predecessors; let 
vs imitate their vcrtucs to 
bee worthily their 


At London printed the 18. of lune, in the yeere 
of our Lord i 6 i 6 . 


[Complimentary Verses. 

i>. 671.1 


To his worthy Captaine, the Author, 

T'l (hou hast Ud, what I brought vp the Rere 
In bloodic wars, wlierc thousands hauc bin slaiue. 

Then giuc utee leaue, in this some pari to bearc ^^ 
A nd as thy serttant, heerc to read my name. 
Tis trite^ long time thou hast my Captainc hetnc 
In the fierce wars o/Transiluania: 

Long ere thai thou America hadsi seerte. 
Or led wast captiued in Virginia ; 

Thou that to passe the worlds foure parts dost deeme 
No more, then t*were to f^oe to bed, or drittke, 

And all thou yet hast done, thou dost esteeme 
As nothing. This doih cause mee thiuke 

That thou Vane scene so oft approu^d in dangers 
(And thrice captiu'd, thy valor still hath freed) 
Art yet prescrtted, to conueri those strangers: 
By God thy guide ; I trust it is decreed. 

For ince : I not commend, but much admire 
Thy England yet vnknowne to passers by-her^ 
For it will praise it selfe in spight of me ; 
Thou it, it thou, to all posteritie 

Your true friend, 

and 50uldier, 

Ed. Robinson. 

[Ensign CarUcn and Serfjcanl Kohinson, both of Captain Smif/i^s own 
escaped alive from the battle of Rottcnton [f/te Pass of Rothenthurm^ 
Nov. 1602 ; see //. 851-a.] 

T. Carlton. 

Complimentary Verses. ~\ 

To my honest Captainc, the Author. 1A69M 

Alignaitt Times I What can be said or don, I 

Bui shall be censur''d and tradiu:*t by some ! 
Thi'j worthy Workf which thou hast bought so dear, 
Nc thoit, nor it y Detractors nccde to fear. 
Thy words by decdes so long ihoii hast approu'd. 
Of thousands knowe thee not thou art beloii^d. 
And this great Plot will Jtiake thee ten times mere 
Ktiowue and bcleu\iy than ere thou wert before. 
1 neucr knew a Warrycr yet, but thee, 
From wine, Tobacco, debts, dice, oaths, so free, 
I call thee Warrier : and I make the bolder ; 
For, many a Captai'ne now, was neuer Souldier, 
Some sitch may swell at this : but (to their praise) 
When they haue don like thee, my Muse shall raiss 
Their due deserts to Worthies yet to come, 
To Hue like thine (admir'd) till day of Doome, 

Your true friend, 

Bomtimes your soldier, 

Tho. Carlton. 

Company of Cavalry, were the only two Englishmen, out of twelve, who 
in 7 ransylvanui ; about 15 miies south 0/ Hcrtnannstadt^ on the i8th 




[The additional pa^ only found in some copies.] 

r J SniiHt" 



the PrincehisHighneflehad altered thenames, 

I intreate the Reader, perufe this fche- 

dule; which will plainelyfhcw 

him the correfpondence of 

the old names to the 


The old namrr. 

Cape Cod 

[Cape Co J Harhcur] 




Maffachufets Mount 

Maffachufets Kliur 


A Country not Mfcouera 


Citpe Tralfig%anda 


Smitb'j lUs 



Stiffnno'Wis Mount 

The new. 

Cape lames 

Milford bauen^ 




Chcuit hill 

Charles Riuer 




Cape Anne 


Smith's lies 




The old nimes. The new. 


Attc^cifco'i Mcuid 
















Sbooters bill 

T/u Bafe 




S. lebia ttnvite 

Bar ties lies 


H'illmvbfs lUs 

Hogbtoa's Jii4 




[* Hick lime nmmcd by Captain /. SvHtk^ and not by Ptinc* CMmtia I see /. ;oo4 


■ NEW 



Declaring the successe of 26. Ships 

employed thither within these sixe yearcs : 

with the benefit of that Count rey by sea and 

land : and how to build threescore saylc 

of good ShipSy to make a little 

Navie Royall, 

V/rittcn by Captaine 
lohn Smith. 


Printed by yVilliam Jones, 
I 6 a o. 


Mt is c\'Ment from S^t^■H•5 letter &c. printed a! p. cxxi, ihai iK" 

substance uf this tract was written so early as i6r8. 

It was thus entered for publication at Stationers' llaU : 
' II pccimbrif [1620] 

WlUUm Jone« Entred for his Copie vndcr the handcs of ^Taster 
Doctor GOADE and Master Lownee warden, 
A bookc Called NfW€ Englands tryail^ by lOHN 

Smith. vjd 

A Transcript of the Rfi^sicrs of the Compatty of St*Uionert of 
London^ 1554-1640 w./?., Ed. by E. Arber, iv. 43., 1877. 

For the bibliography of this tract, see />. cxxx. 

It was, in the first instance, wriitcn to the Peers of the realm. ** I 

f>rescnt this vnio your Lordship, and to all the Lords in EngUtnd^ 
loping {by your gracious good liking and approbation) to inuue all the 
worthy Companies of this noble City, and all the cities and Countries 
in the whole Land to consider it." /. 247. 

Other copies were afterwards struck oflT with the dedication to the 
Fishmongers Company at/. 236. 

Our Author says, in 1624 : 

*' Now all these proofes and this relation I now call Xexv-Englands 
Iriall. I caused two or three thousand of them to be printed ; one ihou- 
s;ind with a great many Maps both oi Virginia ^x\d XiW'iiftgia/tif , I pre- 
sented to thirty of the chicle Companies in London at their Halls desir- 
ing either generally or particularly (them tl\at would) to imbr^ce it , , , 

" Neere a yeere [1621] I spent 10 vndcrstand their resolutions, which 
was to me a greater toile and torment than to haue been in AVtc- 
Eng/tind jhvut my busiiiesse but with bread and water, and what I 
could get there by my labour ; but in conclusion, seeing nothing would 
be eflfected, I \vas contented as well with this losse of time and charge 
as all the rest,"/. 748. 

And again, in 1630. 

'* Yet for all this, in all this time [1616-1621], though I had divulged 
to my great labour, cost, and losse, more than seven thousand Bookes 
and Maps, and moved the particular Companies in /jindon^ as also 
Nublcmen, Gentlemen, and Slcrchants for a Plantation, all availed no 
more than to hew Rocks with Oister-shels ; so fresh were the living 
abuses of Virginia and the Summer lies in their memories," p, 941. 

Within four months of the publication of this tract, our indefatigable 
Author had already planned out the Getteral History^ see p. cxxv. 

Mr. Charles Deane:, in the Preface to his fifty-copy reprint of 
this tract, in 1873^ states— 

"On my first visit to the Bodleian Library at Oxford, in 1866, the 
first book I asked to look at was Mariot's Virginia^ 1588 ; and the 
second was the first edition of Captain JOHN Smith's Nnv England 
Trials^ 1620 ; both of which I had understood to be in that library. 
These books arc of exceeding rarity ; and though the British Museum 
also has a copy of each, I am not aware that cither can be found in 
tills country \the United StatcsY\ 






[Dedicafflry Ephfle in the Rodlcian copy.] 



Worthy aduenters to all discoueries and 
Plantations, espetially to New 

\0 the consideration of your fauourablc 

const ntcfions I present these sixe yeares 

continued trials from New England: if 

you please to pemsc them, and make vsc of them ^ I am 

riclUy rewarded. The suhiect desemeth a farrc 

better habits but it is as good as the father can gtue 

it. Let not tlureforc a souldiers plainnesse cause you 

refuse to accept it, ho%o euer you please to dispose of 

him, that humbly sacrcth himself c and best abilities to 

his Countries good, and the exquisite iudgement of your 

renowned perfections. 

Yours to command, 

lohn Smith, 



\Dedicaiory Efn'stU in British Museum copy, C. 33 c. 15.! 


Maister, the Wardens, and 

the Companie of the 

O the consideration of your fauour 
constructions I present these sixe yean 
continued trials from New England: if 
you please to peruke thcm^ and make vse of t/tem, I at$i 
richly rcivarded. The subiect descructh a farre 
better liabit, but it is as good as the father can giue 
it. Let not therefore a souldiers plainnesse cause you 
refuse to accept it^ hoiv euer you please to dispose of^ 
him^ that humbly sacreth himselfe and best abiliiies to 
his Countries good, and the exquisite iudgenieni of your 
renowned perfections. 

Yours to command, 

John Sniitlu 


Ew Eiif^IaJid is a part o{ America betwixt 
the degrees of 41. and 45, the very 
meane betwixt the North Pole and the 

From 43. to 45. the coast is moun- 
tainous, rockie, barren and broken lies 
that make many good harbours. The 
water is deepe close to the shoare; 
there are many riuers and fresh springs : few Saluages, 
but an incredible aboundance of fish, fowlc, wilde fruits, 
and good timber. 

From 43. to 4T, and halfe, an excellent mixed coast of 

stone, sand, and clay : much corne, many people, some 

lies, many good harbours, a temperate ayre, and therein 

all things necessarie for the building [of] ships of any 

»roportion, and good merchandize for their fraughts ; 

ithin a square of twclue leagues 25, harbours I sounded, 

[tliirtie seuerall Lordships I sawe, and so neare as I could 

[imagine, three thousand men. I was vp one riuer fortie 

miles, crossed the mouths of many, whose heads are 

reported to be great Lakes \ where they kill their Heuers ; 

inhabited with many people, who trade with those of New 

\£ngliindf and them of Cannada. 





O 744 3 

New-Englands fria/:. 


T/itf hcnefiU of Fishing, as that famous Philosopher 
Master Dec uporUth in his Briitish 
Monarchic [tS77 ^-O-] 

Hesaith,that more then forty foure yeares agoe 7.^., by 
T377], the Herring Busses out of the Low-counlries, vnder 
the King of Spaittc, were fiue hundred, besides one hundred 
Frenchmen, and three or foure hundred sailc of Flemings. 

The coasts of WaUs and Lankashtre was vstd by three 
hundred sayle of strangers. 

Ireland at Daltcmore fraughted yerely three hundred 
sayle of Spaniards, where King Edward the sixt intended 
to haue made a strong Castell, because of the strailc, to 
haue tribute for fishing. 

Black Roche was yearely fished by three or foure hundred 
«!ayle of Spaniards, Portugalls, and Biskiners. 

Master [Tobias] Gentleman [of YarmouUi] aiul 

many Fishcr-mcn and Fishmongers, with 

whom I haue conferred, report : 

The Hollanders raise yearely [i.*., in 1620] by Herrings, 
Cod, and Ling, 3000000 pounds 'ix,y sterling^ 

English and French, by Salt-fish, poorc John, Salmons, 
and Pilchards, 300000. pounds. 

Hambroiigh and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and 
Eeles, looooo pounds. 

Cape Blankc, Tunny and MuUit by the Biskiners and 
Spaniards, 30000. pounds. 

Btii dittcrs oiJicr learned experienced Obserucrs say^ 

though it may seetne incredible : 

That the Duke of Medina receiueth yearely tribute, of 
the Fishers of Tunny, Mullii, and Purgos, more than loooo, 

Lubeck hath seuen hundred shippes : Hambrough sixe 
hundred : Emhden [but] lately a fisher towne, 1400 : whose 
customes by the profit of fishing hath made them so 
powerful I as they be. 

Holland and Ze[a]!and, not much greater then Yorkeshire, 
hath thirty walled townes, 400. villages, and 20000. sayle 
of ships and hoyes ; 3600 [i.e,, vessels] are fishermen, 



New-Englands iruxis. 





whereof 100 are Dog[g]ers, 700. Pinckes and Welbotcs, 
00. frand botes, 400. Enaces, 400. Galbotes, Britters and 
o[a]debotes, with 1300. Busses; besides three hundred 
hat yearcly fish about Yaritwuih^ where they sell their 
sh for gold; and 15. years agce [in 1605] they had more 
hen nGooo Sea-faring men. 
These fishing ships do take yearely 200000. Last of [A 
sh, 12. barrells to a Last ; which amountcth to 3000000. 
pounds [i.e., stcrltttg] by the Fishermens price, that 14. 
yeres agoe [1606] did pay for their tenths 300000. pound ; 
which venting in Poinerland^ Sprttslafid, Dcnmarkc, Lcfland, 
Ri4ssia, Sucthlandy Gcrmanyt Netherlands, England, or else- 
where, &c. make their returnes in a yearc about 7000000. 
pounds ; and yet in Holland they haue neither matter to 
build shippes, nor merchandize to set them foorth, yet 
ey as much encrease as other Nations decay 



■ Herrinf^, 
poore lohn. 


■" But leauing these vncertainties as they are, of this I 
am certaine : 

That the coast of England^ Scotland^ and 
rdand, the north Sea, with Island^ and the 
ound, New-found land, and Cape Blancke, 
"-doc scrue all Europe, as well the land Townes 
as Fortes; and all the Christian shipping," 
Avith these sorts of Staple fish which is trans- 
ported, from whence it is taken, many a 
thousand mile, viz. 

Now seeing all these 'sorts of fish, or the 

most part of them, may be had in a land more fertile, 

temperate, and plentifuU of all necessaries for the building 

f ships, boales and houses; and the nourishment of man: 

he seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neare the 

abitations wee may there make, that New England hath 

uch aduantage of the most of those parts, to serue all 

uropc farrc cheaper then ihcy can, who at home haue 

-neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates ; at Sea, 

othing but what they cany in their shippes, an hundred 

r two hundred leagues from their habitation. 

But New Enghvuh fishings [are] neare land, where is 

elpc of wood, water, fruites, fowles, corne, or other refresh- 

O. ?45-1 


New-Englands trials. 

LDoT. l«M^ 

U614-5] ings needefull ; and the Tcrccras, Medcras, Canaries^ Spain&g!: 
(/- »97 1 Porhi^all, Proiiancf, Sauoy, Sicilia, and all Italy, as con- 
uenient markets for our dr}' Fish, preene Fish, Sturgioiii 
Mullit, Caviare, and Buttargo, as Norway, SweihlandA 
Littuania, or Germany, for their Herring (which is herej 
also in aboundance, for taking): They returning but woodj' 
I/. ■s*i pitch, tarre, soape-ashes, cordage, flaxe, waxe, and such 
like commodities. We, wines, oyles, sugars, silkes, and' 
such merchandizes as the Straites [i.e., of Gibraltar] afToord,' 
whereby our profiles may equalize theirs; besides th< 
increase of shipping and Mariners- 

Proof* I. 

IM \*i, •sfi. 


PiDflft 3. 


UA «»". »57 

And for proofe hereof. 

With two shippes I uent from the Downcs, the thin 
March [1614], and arriucd in New England, the last 
ApriU. I had but fortie fiue men and boyes; we built seuen 
boatcSf 37. did fish ; my selfe with eif^hi others ranging the^^ 
coast. I tookc a plot of what J could see, got acquaintance of^^ 
the inhabitants, eleucn hundred beuer skinnes, one hundreS^ 
Martins, and as many Otters [i.e., skins;; fortie thousand of 
dry fish wc sent for Spaine ; with the salt-fish, treinc oylc an 
fnrres, I returned for England the iS. of Inly, and arriue* 
safe with my company the latter end of August, Thus in sixe 
vwncths I vmde my voyaf^e, out and home [i.e., made a suc-^— 
cessful voyage^ and by the labour of 45. got nearc the valetif^^ 
of fifteene hundred pounds in those ^rosse commodiiies. 

This year e also one went from Plimmouth, spent hisvictualh 
and returned with nothing. 

The Londoners, vpon this, sent fourc good shippes, and because 
J would not vudertake it for them, hauing ingaged my selfe t4$^l 
them of the West, the Londoners entertained [engaged] //i^^ 
men that came home with me. They set sayle in January ! 1615 j , 
and arriued there in March : they found fish enough vntillhalft 
I tme, fraught cd a shippe of three hundred Tunnes; [which 
went for Spaine with drie fish, which ivas taken by the Turhcs 
one went to Virginia, to relieve that Collony ; and two cai 
for England, with the greenefish, ireine oyle, and fnrres ^ within 
sixe moneihs. 

With a labyrinth of trouble I went from Plimmouth, wit 
a shippe of two hundred Tunnes, and one of fiftit ; but ill 


New-Englands trials. 


I/A7331 7451 


weather breaking all my inastes, I was forced to reUtrite to [1615-8] 
Plitnmouth : where re-imharkutg my selfc in a ship of three 
score tunnes, how J escaped the Etiglish PiratSy and the French, 
and was betrayed by fonre Frenchmen of ivarre, I referre you 
to the Description of New England [pp, 217-227] ; but my 
Vice-Adniirall [the second ship], notwithstanding the latenesse I/- w?-! 
of the yeare, setting forth with fne in March [1615] (tltc 
Londoners in January) she arriucd in May (they in March,) yet 
came home well fraught in Augustf and all her men well, 
within fine ntoneths [and] odde dayes. 

The Londoners f ere I returned from France [Dec. 1615], 
for all their losse by the Turkes {which was valewed about 
foure thousand pounds), sent two more in Inly [1615I ; but 
such courses they iooke by the Canaries to the west Indies, it 
was ten months ere they arriucd in New England (May 1616], 
wasting in that time, their seasons, victuall, and healths ; yet 
there they found meancs to refresh themselues; atid the 09ie 
returned neere fraught with fish and traine [o;7j, within two 
moncths after [July 1616]. 

From Plimmouth went foure ships, onely to fish and trade, 
some in February, some in March: one, of two hundred tunnes, 
got thtther in a moncth,and went full fraught for Spaine; the 
rest returned to Plimouth well fraught^ and their men well, 

Proofe 4. 

Proofe s. 


within 5 months [and] odde daies. 

I From London went two more, one of 220. tunnes, got 

thither in sixe weekes ; and within sixe weekcs after, wiihfortie 
foure men and boyes, was full fraught, and returned againe 
into England within fine motiths and a few dayes : the other 
went to the Canaries with dry fish, which they solde at a great 
rate, for royalls of eight, and (as I heard) turned Pirates. 
I being at FhmouXh, prouided with three good ships, was 

I wind-bound three months, as was many a hundred sayle more ; 

F so that the season being past, the shippcs went for New-found- 
land : whereby my dcsseigne was frustrate ; which was to me 
a7td my friends, no small losse. 

There was foure good shippcs prepared at Plimouth; but by 

I reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely two 
went forward : the one, being two hundred tunnes, returned 
well fraught to Plimoulli, a7id her men in health, within fine 

t moncths ; the other, of foure score [tuns], went for Bilbow 

W mith dry fish, and made a good reiurne, 

r £,\G* sat, LIB. No. 16. 16 





I/. 940.1 





New-Englands (rials. 


[1010-20] 7Au ytaw againe, di%ur% sh^pa 

t» go from Pli 



yemrw i6>i 
itiM rf 

(tr •»■ Mi/r 
fl/ «/rr< 

mouthr so tUsagrud, as tktrt weiU hut otu ^ aoo. /mo : 
i<^«i in ilu Couniny aboiti six we^ks, v» Utrtff-ct^ 

oiu/ 6<>)r«s ; had her frSn]ghi, which she sold at the first 
for 2100. pounds, beside Uu f arret; $0 that euaypoore 
that had but a singU share, had his tharges, and ssxteau 
pound ten shiliingsfor his uuem monethsweHkt M some 
the company say , for sixe moftths in the Hercales, they n 
seuenUcne pound two shillings a share. 

For to make trial! this ycare, tliere is gone six or seuen sayU 
from the west Countrey, onely to fish^ three of which are 
returned ; and {as I am certainly informed) haue made so 
good a voyage t Ouit eiury Saykr for a single share had twenty 

1/^74^*94^) pounds for his seuen moneths worke, which is more tJien t« 
twenty moneths he should haue gotten^ had he gone for wagi 
any where, 

F»rtki,mxt Now ihough all lite former ships haue not made such gooi 
v[o]yages as tJuy expected, by sending opiniated vnskilfuU men^ 
that ftad not experienced diligence, to saue that they tooke, nor 
take that there was ; which now patience and practise both 
brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection^ in despite of a' 
Detractors and Calumniations ^ the Counlrey yet hath satisfid 
all, the defect hath beenc in their vsing or abusing it, not il 
it selfe, nor fne. 

(/.»«J Hcere I entreate your Honourable leaues to an 

UAr?!. 41I Bome obieclions. Many do thinke it strange, if this be 

true, I haue made no more vse of it, and rest so long^ 
without employment. And I thinke it more strange the^H 
should tax me before they haue tried what I haue done, 
both by Sea and Land, as well in Asia, and Affrica, as^ 
Europe and A merica, ^| 

These fourtcene yeres [1606-1620] I haue spared neither 
pains nor money, according to my abiiitie, in the dis- 
couery of Nontmbcga ; where with some thirty seauen 
men and boyes, the remainder of an hundred and fiue, 
against the fury of the Saluages, I began that plantation 
now in Virginia ; which beginning (here and there) cost 
me neare fiue yeares worke, and more then fiue hundred 
pound of my owne estate ; beside all the dangers, miseries 

T. Smith.' 
tec i6ao. 

New-Englands trials. 


and incomberances and losse of other imployments I [1620] 
endured /gratis. From which blessed Virgin, where I V- 77«.l 
stayed till I left tiue hundred English, better prouided 
then euer I was (ere I returned), sprung the fortunate 
labitation of Somer lies. Durmudo.. 

This Virgins sister (called New England ^ An, 1616, at lA"*?-! 
my humble suite, by our most gracious Prince Charles) i/>->77.a3a-l 
hath bene neare as chargeable to mee and my friends ; 
from all which, although I neuer got [a] shilling, but it 
cost mee a pound, yet I thinke my selfe happy to see 
their prosperities. 

If it yet trouble a multitude to proceede vppon these 
certainties, what thinke you I vndertooke, when nothing 
was knowne, but that there was a vast Land ? I neuer 
had power and meanes to do any thing (though more hath 
bene spent in formall delayes then would haue done the 
businesse) but in such a penurious and miserable maner, 
as if I had gone a begging to buiEde an Vniversity; where, 
had men bin as forward to aducnturc their purses, as to 
crop the fruites of my Labours, thousands ere this, had 
bene bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt thespurre 
of Desire, and the bridle of Reason, I am neare ridden to 
death in a ring of Despaire ; the reines are in your hands, 
therefore 1 entreate you to ease mee ; and those blame 
mee (beleeue) this little may haue taught me, not to be t/.77«4 
so forward againe at euery motion, vnlesse I intended 
nothing but to carry newes. For now they dare aduenture 
a shippe, that, when I went first, would not aduenture 
a groat, so they may be at home againe by Michaelmasse. 
But to the purpose. 

By this all men may perceiue the ordinary performance 
of this voyage in fiue or sixe moneths, the plenty of fish is 
most certainely approoued ; and it iscertainefrom Cannada 
and New Euf^laud hath come neare twenty thousand Beuer 
Skinnes, within these fnic yeares [1615-1620], Now, had 
each of those shippes transported but sixe, or three pigs; 
as many goates and hens; fruits, plants, and seeds as I 
»roiected : by this time there might haue beene victuall 
a thousand men. But the desire of present gatne (in 

lany) is so violent, and the indeuours of many vnder- 
so negligent, euery one so regarding his priuate. 



Nevr*Englands trials. 


that it is hard to effect any publique good, and impossibi 
lo bring them into a body, rule, or order, \-nlessc boti 
Authoritic and Mony assist experiences : it is not a worl 
for euery one to plant a Colonic (but when a house 
built, it is no hard matter to dwell \n it.) This requiretl 
all the best parjtjs of art, iudgement, courage, honest! 
constancy, diligence and experience to doe but neare well;] 
and there is a great difference betwixt Saying ajid Doing.- 

But to conclude, the fishing will go for^vard if you plai 
it or no ; whereby you may transport a colony for no grcal 
charge, that in a short time, might prouide such fraughtSg 
to buy of vs their dwelling, as I would hope no ship could 
goe or come emptic from Kew England. 

The charge of this is onely salt, nettes, hookes, lines, 
kniues, Irish rugges, course cloth, beads, hatchets, glasse, 
and such trash, onely for fishing and trade with the 
Saluages, besides our own necessarie prouisions, whose 
tndeuours will quickely defray all this charge ; and the, 
Saluagcs haue intreated me to inhabit where I will. 
I7J.J Now all those ships haue bin fished [fishing] within a' 

square of two leagues ; and not one ship of all these, would 
yet aduenture further, where questionlesse 500. saile may 
haue their fraught, better then in Island, Newfound land, or 
elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can 
haue their fish in their ships. Because New England fishing p- 
beginneth in mid-February, the other not till mid-Maie;^! 
the progression heereof tends much to the aduancemcnt^^ 
of Virginiat and the Bermudas: and will be a good friend 
in time of need to the Inhabitants in Ncw-fonnd-land, ^S 

The returnes made by the Westerne shippes are com-" 
monly divided into 3. parts ; one for the owners of the 
shippe, another for the maister and his company, the 
third for his victulers ; which course being still permitted, 
will be no hinderance to the plantation, goe there neuer^J 
so many, but a meanes of transporting that yearely for^^ 
little or nothing, which otherwise will cost many a hundred 
of pounds. 

If a Ship can gaine, twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred, 
nay neare three hundred for 100. in seiien moneths, as 
30U see they haue doone, spending twice so much time 
in going and coming as in staying there ; were 1 there 

New-Englands trials^ 

planted, seeing the varietieof the fishings in Iheir seasons, [1620] 
serueth the most part of the yeare ; and with a little 
labour we might make a!l the sa!t we neede vse, I can 
conceiue no reason to distrust, but the doubling and 
trebling their gaines that are at all the former charge, and 
can tish but two months in a yeare: and if those [whoj do 
giue twenty, thirty, or forty shillings for an acre of land; 
or ship Carpenters, Forgers of yron &c. that buy all things 
at a deare rate, grow rich, when they may haue as good E//.»i. 715.1 
of all needfull necessaries for taking (in my opinion) 
should not grow poore; and no commoditie in Europe 
doth more decay then wood, 

^h Maister Dee recordeth in his British Monarchic^ that 

^^Cing Edgar had a nauie of foure thousand saile, with 
which hee yearely made his progresse about this famous 
Monarchy of Great Britiafiy, largely declaring the benefit 
thereof; whereupon it seems he proiected to our most 
memorable Queene Elizabeth^ the erecting of a Fleete of 
three score saile, he called a little Nauy Royall; immi- t/. 774-1 
tating the admired Pericles, prince of Aihcm^ that could 
neuer secure that tormented estate, vntili he was Lord 
and Captaine of the Sea. 

At this none neede wonder, for who knowes not, her 
Royal Maiestie during her life, by the incredible aduentures 

^kof her Royal Nauy and valiant Souldiers and Sea-men ; 

^notwithstanding all treacheries at home, the protecting 
and defending [of] France and Holland^ and re-conquering 
Ireland; yet all the world, by Sea or Land, both feared, 
loued and admired good Queene Elizabeth. 

Both to maintame and increase that incomparable 
honour (God be thanked) to her incomparable Successour, 
our most Royall Lord and Soueraigne King lawes, 6cc, 
this great Philosopher hath left this to his Maiesty and 
his kingdomes considerations. 

That if the Tenths of the Earth be proper to God, it is 
also due by Sea : the Kings highwayes are common to 

» passe, but not to digge for mines or anie thing; so 
Engltinds coasts are free to passe, but not to fish, but by 
his Maiesties prerogatiue. 

His Maiestie of Spaine, permits none to passe the Popes 



New-Englands trials. 

r T, Smith. 


order for the East and West Indies, but by his permission, 
or at their pcrilis. If all that world be so iustly theirs^ it 
is no injustice for England to make as much vsc of her 
owne, as strangers doe ; that pay to their owne Lords the 
tenth, and not to the owners of those Liberties any thing, 
whose subiects may neither take nor sell any in their 
territories : which small tribute would maintaine his little 
[-Kauy Royall, and not cost his Maiestie a penny ; and yet 
maintaine peace with all forrainers. and allow them 
more curtesie, than any Nation in the world affords to 

It were a shame to alledge, that Holland is more worthy 
to enioy our fishings as Lords thereof, because they haue 
more skill to handle it then we; as they can our wool!, 
and vndressed cloth, notwithstanding all their wars and 
troublesome disorders. 

To get mony to build this Nauy he saith, Who would 

Hot spare the hundred penny of his Rents, and the 500 

f penny of his goods; each seruant that taketh 33. s. 4.d. 

wages, 4 pence, and eueiy forrainer seuen yeares of age, 

4. pence yearely for 7. yeares ; not any of these but yearely 

they will spend 3 times so much in pride, wantonnesse or 

some superfluity. And doe any men loue the securitie oi 

their estates, that are true subjects, [who] would not of 

[.themselves be humble su'i.ters to his Maiestie to do this 

k)f free will as a voluntary beneuolence, so it may be as 

[honestly and truly imployed as it is proiected, the poorest 

■mechanicke in this kingdome will gaine by it. 

If this be too much, would the honorable Aduenturers 
be pleased to moue his Maiestie, that but the 200. penny of 
Rents, and the thousandth pen [nlyofGoodes might bee thus 
collccted,to plant Ncw£»^/i7H(f, and but the tenth fish there 
taken, leauing strangers as they are. You might build ships 
of any burden and numbers you please, fiue time cheaper 
then you can doc hecre, and haue good merchandize for 
Iheir fraught in this vnknowne land, to the aduancement 
of Gods glorie, bis Church and Gospel, and the strengthen- 
ing and rcliefe of a great part of Christendome, without 
hurt to any: To the terror of Pirates, the amazement of 
enemies, the assistance of friends, the securing [of] mcr- 



t Smith.-] 

New-Englands trials. 


chants, and so much increase of Nauigation, to make [1620] 
^m£ngland& Trade and Shipping as much as any Nation in 
"the world, besides a hundred other benefits, to the generali 

good of all true subiects, and would cause thousands yet t/ »"• 
ynborne [toj blesse the time, and all them that first put 
it in practise. 

Now, lest it should be obscured, as it hath bene, topriuate 
ends, or so weakcly vndertaken by our ouerweening incre- 
dulitie, that strangers may possesse it, whilst we contend 
for New Englauds goods, but not Englands good; I present 
this vnto your Lordship, and to all the Lords in Englattd, 
hoping (by your gracious good liking and approbation) to 
moue all the worthy Companies of this noble City, and 
all the cities and Countries in the wliole Land to con- 
sider it, since I can find them wood and halfe victuall, 
with the aforesaid aduantages, with what facility they 
may build and maintaine this little Nauie Royall, both 
with honour, profite, and content, and inhabite as good a 

» country as any in the world, within that parallel: which 
with my life and what I haue I will endeuour to effect, if 
God please, and you permit. 

As for them whom pride or couetousnes lulleth asleepe IAtt^I 
in a Cradle of slouthfull carelesnesse ; would they but con- 
sider how all the great Monarchies of the Earth haue bene 
brought to confusion : or but remember the late lament- 
able experience of Constautittople ; and how many Cities, 
Townes, and Provinces in the faire rich kingdomes of 
Hungariiiy Transilvaiiia, and \VaI!achi\a\ ; and how many 
thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, and Mer- 
chants, haue, in one day, lost goods, Hues, and honours; 
or [beenj solde for slaues like beasts in a market place; their 
wiues, children, andscruants slain, or wandering they knew 
not whither, dying, or liuing in all extremities of cxtreame t/. a?*-! 
miseries and calamities. Surely, they would not onely doe 
this,, but giue all they haue to enioy peace and libertie at 
home ; or but adventure their persons abroade, to preuent 
the conclusions of a conquering foe, who commonly 
assauketh and best preuaileth where he findeth wealth and 
plentie (most armed) with ignorance and securitie. 

Much more could I say, but lest I should be too tedious 
to your more serious affaires, 1 humbly craue your honor- 

New-Englands trials. 



able and fauourable constructions and pardons if anything 
be amisse. 
i^«%fM I^ sny desire to bee further satisfied, they may reade 
my Description of Virginia and New England ^ and peruse 
them with their seuerall Mappes : what defect you finde 
in them, they shall findc supplied in mec or in my Authors, 
that thus freely haue throwne my selfe with my Mite into 
the Treasury of my Countries good, not doubting but 
God wil stirre vp some noble spirits, to consider and 
examine if worthy Collumbus could giue the Spaniards 
such certainties for his dessi^ne, when Queene Isabell of 
Spaytie set him forth with fifteene saile. And though I 
can promise no mines of gold, yet the warrelike Hollanders 
let vs immitate, but not hate; whose wealth and strength 
are good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing. 

Therefore (honorable and worthy Countrymen) let not 
the mcannesse of the word Fish distaste you, for it will 
afford as good gold as the mines of Guiana or Tujn]batu, 
with lesse hazard and charge, and more certaintie and 
facilitie : and so I humbly rest. 





Declaring the successe of 80 Ships 

employed thither within these eight yeares; 

and the benefit of thai Countrey by Sea 

and Land. 

With the present estate of that happie Plan- 
tation, begun but by 60 weakc men 
in the yeare 1620. 

And how to build a Fleetc of good Shippcs 
to make a little Nauie RoyalL 

Written by Captain lofm Smithy sometimes Go- 

uernour of Virginiay and Admiral! 

oi New England, 

The second Edition* 

Printed by William Iones 


[It was not usual !o rrcister second and later editions of a Work at 
Stationers' Hall : therefore this in\prc&sion docs not appear in the 
RegisUrs of the Company. 

U was however written in October 1622, before the i6th of that 
month ; as the allusion, at p. 264, to the intended depanurc of the 
Paragon with reinforcements for the Pilgrim Fathers, clearly shows. 

William Hilton's letter from New Plymouth, at p. 260, is the 
third earliest account in print, from that Colony; the two fonncr 
ones, of this same year 1622, being 

[K. CUSHMAN] >4 Sep-monffeached at Plytnouth^c, 
G. MOURT ?J Relaiion or /ournal 6^4:. 
See p. cxxxiii. 

Though a very rare tract, this is not so very scarce as the earlier 
1630 edition. If a guess might be hazarded as to the reason, it might 
have arisen that Smith gave away so many copies of the first tract, 
in the year 1621, sec p. 234. ; and that what had thus cost little, was 
little thought of, and therefore not pre&cr\'ed. 

For the bibliography of this Tract, seep, cxxxi.] 



I excellent Prince Charles^ Prince of Wales ; 
^m Duke of Cormwally Torke^ and Albanie \ Marquis 
^^ of Ormondy and Rothseyi and Earle Palatine of 

^H Cbtitir J Hcirc of Grtat Britaine, France, 

I and Ireland^ &c. 

'' SIR, 

Hen scarce any would beleeue mee there was 
any such matter, your Highnesse did not dis- 
daine to accept my description, and called that 
New England [pp, 177, 232], whose barbarous 
names you changed for such English, that none candeniebut 
Prince Charles is the Godfather, Whereby I am bound in all 
reason and dutie to giue you the best .account I can how 
your child doth prosper : and although as yet it is not 
much vnlike the Father in fortune, onely vsed as an instru- 
ment for other mens ends ; yet the grace you bestowed on 
it by your Princely fauour, hath drawn so many iudgments 
now to behold it, that I hope shall find, it will giue 
content to your Highnesse, satisfaction to them, and so 
increase the number of well-willers.fthatjiVrw England will 
be able to reiect her maligners, and attend Prince Charles 
with her dutiful! obedience, with a trophic of honour, and 
a kingdome for a Prince. Therefore the great worke con- 
tained in this little booke, humbly desires your Princely 

No more, but sacring all my best abilities to the exquisite 
iudgement of your rcnowmed vertues, I humbly kisse your 
gracious hands. 

Your Highnesse true and 

Juithfull seruant, 

lo. Smith. 


hMik rfptsidwgi 

'i^^timi iO€XpftB$ 

^ ymif fimommkU oo»- 
«bor< i iuMUM €f ike frvueHmg* aai 
€/ K«w Eaglaad: if yom pimte to ptruu it, 
mulmmktwt/fi^i mm riekfy ramr^ei, tkemgk tkry be btU 
tk$ nOecHem ind 96Krmmium of m flMnM soMin, yit if yem 
pita$i to grmu Aim wHk yomr coimUMance and good accept- 
«jKr» / dmU tkirtin ikimke my scl/i happU, and hope that iliou 
laboms moy in time reiume you such fruiUs as hereafter inay 
perswade you to pardon this boldnesses and accept them to be 
yvur honest uruants. 

Yours to command, 

/o. Smith, 



Trials, and Present Estate. 

Oncerning the description of this Country, 
six yeares ago [1616], I writ so largely, 
as in briefe 1 hope this may suffice you 
to remember, that New England is a 
part q[ America^ betwixt the Degrees 41. 
and 45.the verymeane betwixt the North 
Pole and the Line. 

From 43. to 45. the coast is moun- 
tainous, rockie, barren, and broken lies that make many 
good harbours. The water is deepe, close to the shore ; 
there are many riuers and fresh springs: few Saluages, 
but an incredible abundance of fish, fowle, wilde fruits, 
and good timber. 

From 43. to 41. and a half, an excellent mixed coast of 
stone, sand and clay, much corne, many people, some lies, 
manygood harbours, a temperate aire,andthereia all things 
necessar>^ for the building [of] ships of any proportion, 
and good merchandize for their fraught : within a square 
of 12 leagues, 25 harbours I sounded; 30 seuerall Lord- 
ships I saw, and so neare as I could imagine, 3000 men, 
I was vp one riuer fortie miles, crossed the mouths of 
many, whose heads are reported to be great lakes; where 
they kill their Beuers ; inhabited with many people who 
trade with those of New England, and them of Cannada, 

The benefit of fishing as Master Dee reporteth 
in his Britiish Monarchie [1577]. 

He saith that it is more then 44 yeares ago [by I577]j 


706. 938 J 

y. 138-1 



New-Englands trials. 

r LS-Ur 

LOet. ttew M p. adi. 


CA t97-) 

t>> 744-1 


and it is more then 40 yeares since he writ it [i.*., in 1577;. 
that the Herring Busses out of the Low-Countries, vnder 
the King of Spaiiic, were 500. besides 100 Frenchmen, 
and three or foure hundred saile of Fleramings, 

The coasts of ]Va!es and Lancashire was vsed by 300 
saile of strangers. 

Ireland at Baltimore fraughted yearely 300 saile of 
Spaniards; where King Edward the sixt intended to hauc 
made a strong Castle, because of the strait, to haue tribute 
for fishing. 

Blacke Rocke was yearely fished by three or fours ^ 
hundred saile of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners. H 

M osier [Tobias] Gcntktnan and many Fisher-men and Fish* 
mongers with whom I hati£ conferred, report , 

The Hollanders raise yearely [in 1620 see p. 238] by 
Herring, Cod, and Ling, 3000000 pounds. 

English and French by Salt-fish, poorc lohn, Salmons, 
and Pilchards, 300000 pounds. 

Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters, and 
Eeles, looooo pounds. 

Cape Blanke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and 
Spaniards 30000 pounds. 

But diners other learned experienced Obseruers say^ 
though it may seeme incredible. 

That the Duke of Medina receiueth yearely tribute 
of the fishers for Tunny, Mullit, and Purges, more then 
loooo pounds. 

Lubeck hath 700 ships: Hambrough 600 : Embden [but^ 
lately a fisher towne, 1400. : whose customes by the profii 
of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be. 

Holland and Ze[a]land, not much greater then Yorkshir, 
hath thirtie walled townes, 400 villages, and 20000 sail 
of shippes and hoyes; 3600 [vessels) are fishermen, where 
100 are Doggers, 700 Pinckes and Welboles, 700 Fran 
botes, Britters and To[a]debotes,with 1300 Busses: besides 
three hundred that yearely fish about Yarmouth, where they 
sell their fish for gold ; and fifteene yeares ago, [1605, ^^ 
P- 239] they had more then 1 16000 sea-faring men. 





New-EnHands trials. 

These fishing ships do take yearely 200000 Last of 
fish, twcluc barrels to a Last, which amounted to 
3000000 pounds by the Fishermens price, that 14 yeares 
ago [1606, 5« p. 239] did pay for their tenths 300000 
pound ; which venting in Pumcrland, Sprmsia^ Denwarke, 
Leflandy Russia J Sweihland, Germany^ Netherlands, England, 
or elsewhere, &c. make their retumes in a yeare about 
7000000 pounds ; and yet in Holland they haue neither 
matter to build ships, nor merchandize to set them foorth; 
yet by their Industrie they as much increase, as other 
nations decay. 


f Herring, 
poore lohn, 
B Hilar go. 

r/. 745-1 

But leaning these vncertainties as they are, of this 
I am certaine, 

That the coast of England^ Scotland, and 
Ireland, the North Sea, with Ireland and the 
Sound, New-found land and Cape Blanke, do 
seme all Europe, as well the land Townes as 
Ports, and all the Christian shipping, with 
these sorts of Staple fish which is transported, 
from whence it is taken, many a thousand 
mile, viz. 

Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the 
most part of them, may be had in a land more fertile, 
temperate, and plcntifull of all necessaries for the building 
of ships, boats, and houses, and the nourishment of 
man ; the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so 
neare the habitations we may there make, that New 
England hath much aduantage of the most of those parts, 
to serue all Europe farre cheaper then they can who at 
home haue neither wood, salt, nor food, but at great rates ; 
at Sea nothing but what they carry in their ships, an 
hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation. 

But New Englands fishings is neare land, where is helpe 
of wood, water, fruites, fowles, corne, or other refreshings r/Ai97i»4o-l 
needfull ; and the Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Por- 
ttigak, Prouance^ Sauoy, Sicilian and all lialy^ as conuenient 
markets for our dry Fish, greene Fish, Sturgion, >fullit, 
Cauiare, and Huttargo, as Norti'ay, Swethland, Litiuania 
or Germany, for their Herring, which is here also in 
abundance for taking; they returning but wood, pitch, 


New-Englands trials. 

[161^] tarre, soape-ashes, cordage, flaxc, waxe, and such 

commodities : we, wines, oyles, sugars, silks, and su( 
merchandize as the Straits [i.e., of Gibraltar] affoon 
whereby our profit may equalize theirs ; besides the 
crease of shipping and Mariners. 

And for proofe hereof: 

With two sJiips sent out at the charge of Captain Marmi 

" ' duke Roydon, Captain George Langam, Master lohi 

lOT^ap/.'/jTi Buley and \V. Skelton, I went from the Downes the third 
March [1614], and ar[r]iued in N ew England the last of April 
where I was to haue stayed but with ten men to keepe posscssit 
of those large territories, had the Whales proued, as curiot 
information had assured me and my adticnture[r]St (bnt th< 
ihiit^s failed,) So hauing but fortie fiue men and boyes, 
built seucn boatcs : 37 did fish ; my sclfe with eight olhi 
ranging the coast. I iooke a plot of what I could sec, gi 
acquaintance of the inhabitants; iioo Beuer skins, n 
Martins, and as many Otters. 40000 of drie fish we sent fo 
Spaine: with the salt fish, traine oile, and Furres, I tcturm 
for England, the 18 of luly, and ar[r]iued safe with mj 
company the latter end of August, Thus in six moneths I modi 
my voyage out and home ; and by the labour of 45, gi ' 
ncare the value of 1^00 pounds in those grosse contmodtties. 

This yearc also one went from Plimmoth, set out by diuei 
of the Isle of Wight and the West country, by the directioi 
and instructions of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, [they] spent tlicii. 
victuals, and returned with nothing. 

The Virginia Company^ vpon this, sent 4 good skips; m 
because I would not vnderlakc it for them, hauing ingagt 

IM.I9, aj[o my sclfe to them of the West, the Londoners entertained [engaged] 
the men that came home with me. They set saile in lanuai 
[1615J, and arriucd there in March ; they found fish cnougl 
vntill halfc lunc, fraughted a ship of 300 Tuns, [which] win 
for Spaine, which was taken by the Turks ; one went to Virginia 
to relieue that Colonic, and two came for England with gretn 
fish, traine oik and Furres within six moneths. 

In January [1615] xmth 200 pounds in cash for aducnturt^ 
and six Gentlemen wcl furnished, I went from London to th 

W-^,uo,foureshippcs [that] was promised, prepared for me in the W 



7J»» 733-1 


country ; but I found no such matter 

notwithstanding at tl 

r. Sniu>..-| 


New-Englands trials^ 


[/. 341.1 

lA M7.) 


la^i with a labyrinth of trouble I went from Plimmoth with a [1616-7] 
ship of 200 7'khs, and one of fiftie : when the fishing was 
dcnie^ onely with 15 / was to stay in the country. 

But ill weather breaking all my masts, I was forced to returne 
to Plimmoth ; where rather then lose all,reimbarking myselfe in 
a Bark of 60 Tuns : how I escaped the English pyrates and the 
French, and was betrayed by fours French men of warre, 
I refcrrc ymi to the Description 0/ New England [pp. 217-227] : 
but my Vicc-A dtmraU, notwithstanding the latenesse of iheycare^ I/. tajA 
setting forth with mc in March [iti^],thc Londoners in January, 
she ariued in May, they in March ; yet come home well fraught 
in August, and all her men well, within 5 vimitlxs, oddc days. 

The Londoners ere I returned from France [Dec. 1615]^ 
for all their losse by the Turks^ which was valued about 4000 
pounds, sent two more in Inly [1615] ; but such courses they i/.m- 
took by the Canaries to the West Indies, i7 was tot moneths ere 
they ariued in New England [May 1616], wasting in thai 
time their seasons, victuall and healths, yet there they found 
ifieanes to refresh themsclucs: and the one returned, neare fraught 
with fish and traine, within 2 moneths after [July 1616]. 

From Plimmoth went 4 ships, onely to fish and trade, some 
in Februarie, some in March; one of zoo Tuns got thither in a 
month J and went full fraught for Spain ; but the rest returned 
to Plimmoth well fraught, and their men well, within fine 
moneths, odde dayes. 

From London xvent two more: one of 200 Tuns, got thither 
in six weeks, and within six weeks after with 44 men and 
boyes was full fraught, and returned again into England 
within fine monclhs and a few dales; tite oilier went to the 
Canaries with dric fish, which they sold at a great rate, for 
Rials of 8, and as I heard turned pirats, 

I being at Plimmoth prouided xmth 3 good ships, yet but 
fifteene men to stay with me in the country, was Windbound 
three moneths, as icas many a hundred saile more, so that the 
season being past, the ships wentfor Newfound land, whereby 
my designe was frustrate: which was to me and my friends no 
small losse, in regard whereof here the Westerne Commissioners, 
in the behalfe of ihemsclucs and the rest of the Companie, 
contracted with me by articles indented vnder our Jiands, to be 
Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the renewing 
of iJuir Letters patients so to be nominated, halfe the fruits of our 

Eng. Scji. Itfi. No. 16. 17 

Proofe 5. 


Proofe (S. 


ProoTe 7« 


I/. 746.1 


New-Englands trials. 

Proofe 8. 

1/ 94'- 1 



11617-8] cmhuours theirs, the rest our owtte ; being thus tngagcd, no 
the businessc doth prosper, some of them would willingly forgi 
vie; but I am not the first they hane deccitud. 

There was foure good ships prepared at Plimmoth, btU by 
reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted^ as onely 2 
went forward, the one being of 200 Tuns, returned vv\ 
fraught for Plimmoth, and her men in health, within fi 
moneihs ; the other of So Tuns, went for Bilbow with driefish^ 
and made a good returtu. 

In this voyage Edward Rowcraft, alias SiB\Vmg%, a valia 

'^"S."^ soM^irrr, that liad bin with me in Virginia, and seuen yean 
after went with me from PJimoth towards New Englan 
with Thomas Dirmer an vnderstanding and an industrio 
Gentleman to inhabite it ; all whose names with our proceeding 

^ you may reade at large in my description of New England [ 

H 217], vpon triall before tlte ludge of the Admiraliie, how wh 

■ we had past the worst, for pure cowardize the Maister and sail 
H ran away with the ship and all I had, and left me alone a 
H 8 or 9 French men of Warre in theycare 1615. This StalHn 

■ went now againe in those ships, and hauing some wrong offer 
K him in New England by a French man, he tooke him ff.c., his 

■ ship] ; and as }u writ to me, he went with her to Virgini 
B with fish, to trade with them for such commodities as they migi 
H spare; he knew both tfie countries well, yet he promised me the 

■ next Spring to meet mc in New England ; but the ship and he 
perished in Virginia. 

Proofe 9 This yeare againe, diners ships intending to go from Plim- 

1619. moth, so disagreed, as there went but one of 200 Tuns, who 

I//. »4«,747i siaycil in the country about 6 xsveeks, with 38 men and boyes, 

had her fraught, which she sold at the first penie, for 2100 

pounds, besides the Furres ; so that eucry poore sailer that h 

but a single sJuire, had his charges, and 16/. 10s, for his sc 

moneths worke, 

K Master Thomas Dirmer hauing lined about a yeare 

H New-found-land returning to Plimmoth, went for New 

■ England in this ship, and not only confirmes what I hane wri\ 
I but so much more approued of it, that he stayed there withfi 
H or six men in a little boate ; finding 2 or 3 Frenchmen amori 

the sauages, who had lost their ship, [they] augmented his co 
f/^54».747- panic, with whom he ranged the coast to Virginia, where 
was kindly welcomed, and well refreshed [Nov. 1619] ; th 


3. Smid».l 

New-Enelands trials. 



Proofc 10. 

I/. »««.I 

fuffted to New England again, where haulng bin a ycare, tH [1619-20] 

his back-retuTfte to Virginia, he was so wounded by the sattages^ 
he died vpon it, them [who] escaped were rcUened at Virginia. 

Let not men attribute their great adtteutures and vntimely 
enihs io vfifortunaiefiesse, but rather wonder how God did so 

ng preserue them, with so small vieanes to do so jnuch, leaning 
the fruits of their labours to be an encouragement to (hose our 
poorc vndertakings ; and this for aduantage as they writ vnto 
ffte^ that God hcui laid this Country open for vs^ and slaine the 
most part of the inhabitants by cruell vvarres, and a moriall 
disease ; for where I hadsccne 100 or 200 people [in 16141, there 
is scarce ten to be found. From Pembrocks bay to Harrintons 
hay there is not 20 ; from thence to Cape An, some 30 ; from 
Taulbuts bay to the Riuer Charles, about 40, and not any of 
Hum touched with anysickncsbutoncpoorc Frenchman that died. 

For io make triall thisyeare, there is gone 6 or y saile from 
he West country, onely to fish: three of whom are returned, 
and as I was certainly informed, made so good a voyage, that 
tuery sailer for a single share had 20 pounds for his 7 mondhs t/A7<».9:' I 
work, which is more then in 20 moneths he should hane gotten 
had he gone for wages any where. 

Now though all the former ships haite not made such good 
voyages as they expected^ by sending opinionated vnskilfull men, 
thai had not experienced diligence io sane that they toohe, nor take 
that there was ; which now patience and practise hath brought 
to a reasonable kind of perfection : in despite of all detractors 
and calumniations, the Country yet hath satisfied ally tfie defect 
hath bin in their vsing or abusing it, not in it selfc nor me» 


A plantation In New England. 

pon these inducements some few well dis- I^q"' 

posed Gentlemen and Merchants of London [^^^^i 

and other places prouided two ships, the one 

of 160 Tunnes, the other of 70; they left the 

Icoast of England the 23 of August, with about 120 

[persons: but the next day the lesser ship sprung a leake, 

»rccd their returne to Plimmoth : where discharging 

New-Englands trials. 






0». 757.) 

her and 20 passengers, with the great ship and a hundred 
persons besides sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of 
September, and the ninth of Nouember [1620] fell with Capi 
lames; but being pcstred nine weeks in this leaking vnwhol- 
some ship, lying wet in their cabbins, most of them grew 
very weake, and weary of the sea; then for want of expe- 
rience ranging to and again, six weeks before they found 
a place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare 
ground without couerture in the cxtremitie of Winter ; 
fortie of them died : and Go were left in very weake estate 
at the ships coming away, about the fift of April [1621] 
following, and ariued in England the sixt of May [1631]. 

Immediately after her ariuall, from London they sent 
another of 55Tunnes losupply them, with 37 persons. They 
set saile in the beginning of luly [1621], but being crossed 
by Westerly winds, it was the end of August ere they 
could passe Plimmoth, and ariued at New Plimmoth, in 
New England the eleuenth of Nouember [1621], where they 
found all the people they left in April, as is said, lustie 
and in good health, except six that died. 

Within a moneth they returned here for England, laded 
with clapboord, wainscot and walnut ; with about three 
hogsheads of Beuer skins and some Saxefras, the 13 of 
December [1621] ; and drawing neare our coast, was taken 
by a Frenchman, set out by the Marquis of Cera Gouemour 
of IleD[(']('uonthe coastofPqy/ou: where they kept the ship, 
imprisoned the Master and companie, took from them to 
the value of about 500 pounds ; and after 14 days sent them 
home with a poorc supply of victuall, their owne being 
deuoured by the Marquis and his hungry seruants. They 
ariued at London the 14 of Februarie [1622J, leauing all 
them they found and caried to New England well and in 
health, withvictuallandcornesuE&cienttill the next haruest. 


▲ Letter 
frum New 


The copie of [a] Letter sent by this ship, 

[outng cousin, at our ar[r]iuaU atNc-w Plimmoth niNevr 
England, we found all our friends and planters in good 
health, though they were left sicke and weake with very 
Vftall ntcanes, tlic Indians round about vs peaceable atid friendly, , 

J. Smillu"! 
Get. i6aa.J 

New-Englands trials. 


ihc country very pleasant and temperate, yielding naturally o/[1621-22] 
it self great store of frttiies, as vines of diners sorts in great 
abundance. There is likewise walnuts^ chesnuts^ small nuts and 
pluviSj with imtch varietie of flowers, rootes, and herbs, no Icsse 
pleasant then wholsome and profitable s no place liath mart 
goose-berries and straw-berries, nor better. Timber of all [the] 
sorts you hane in England, doth concr the Land, that affoords 
beasts of diners sorts, and great flocks of Turkies, QuaileSt 
Pigeons, and Paririges : many great lakes abounding xc'ith 
fish, fowle, Bencrs, and Otters, The sea affoords vs as great 
pleftty of all excellent sorts of sea-fish, as the riuers and lies doth 
varietie of wilde foicle of most vsefull sorts. Mines we find to 
our thinking, but neitlicr the goodncsse nor qualitie we know. 
Better grain cannot be then the Indian come, if we will plant 
it vpon as good ground as a man need desire. We are all 
free-holders, the rent day doth not trouble vs ; and all those good 
blessings we hau€, of which and what we list in their seasons 
for taking, Ouz^companie arc for inost part very religious 
honest p eople ; the wo rd^ ^fGod si ncerely^ taught^ vs ei^ty^ 
SaUBath : so cial I knowTw t any thing a contented mind can 
here wanL I desire your friendly care to send my wife and 
cTiildren to me, where I wish all the friends I hatu in England^ 
and so I rest 

Your louinfT kinsman 

[The probable date of 
this letter is about 13 Dec. 1621.] 

William Hilton, 

From the West country, went ten or twelue ships to fish, proofeij. 
iwik were all well fraughted ; those that came first at Bilbow ^®^^' 
tadc 17 pounds a single share, besides Betur, Otters and ^'^^^ 
^ariins skins: but some of the rest that came to the same ports 
\at were already furnished, so glutted the market, their price 
fasabaied ; yet all returned so well contented, they are a preparing 
go againe. 

There is gone from the West of England onely to fish 35 
ihips, and about the last of April [1622] iwomorefrom London, 

one of 100 Tuns, the other of 30, with some 60 passengers to iM7«esg4i I 
upply the planiationyoiT.Wesion] with all necessary prouisions* 
Now though the Turke and French hath bin somewhat too 
\\e, would all the Christian princes but be truly at vnitie, as 
royal Maiestie our Soueraigne Lord and King desireth, 70 
^aile of good ships were sufficient to fire the most of his coasts 

For ihU 



New-Englands trials. 

r T. Sm>ih. 

in the Leuant, and make such a guard in tftc straits of 
Hellespont, as would inakc the great Ttirke himscl/e wore 
afraid in Constantinople, tlicn tJu smallest red crosse, [that] 
crosses tlie seas, would be, eitJtcr of any French Piccaroun, 
or ihepirals of Atgcre. 

An abstract of Letters sent from the Collony 
in New England, July i6, 1622. 

Since the newes of the massacre in Virginia [22 Mar, 1622], 
ihotigh the Indians conlinue their wonted friendship, yet are we 
puyre wary of them then before ; for their hands hath bin 
enibrued in much English blood, onely by too mtich confidence, 
but not by forctm 

r/.«4t.| Here I must intreate a little your fauours to digressc. 

They did not kill the Entjlish because they were Chris- 
tians, but for their weapons and commodities, that were 
rare nouelties; but now they fcarc we may beate them 
out of their dens, which Lions and Tygers would not 
admit but by force. But must this be an argument for an 
English man, or discourage any either in Virginia or Nejp 
England? No : for I haue tried them both. 

For Virginia, I kept that country with 38, and had not 
to eate but what we had from the sauagcs. When I had ten 
men able to go abroad, ourcommon wealth was verystrong: 
with such a number I ranged that vnknown country 14 
weeks; 1 had but 18 to subdue them all, with which great 
army I stayed six weekes before their greatest Kings 
habitations, till they had gathered together all the power 
they could; and yet the Dutch-men sent at a needlesse 
excessiuti charge did helpe Powhatan how to betray me. 

Of their numbers we were vncertaine; but them two 
honorable Gentlemen (Captaine George Percic and Cap- 
taine Francis West, two of the Phitiiplaccs, and some other 
such noble gentlemen and resolute spirits bore their shares 
with me, and now liuing in England) did see me take this 
murdering Opcchankanough now their great King by the 
long lockc on his head; with my pistole at his breast, I 
led him among hia greatest forces, and before we parted 


T. Snhh.~1 

Ncw-Englands trials. 


made him fill our Bark of twenty Tuns with come, [1622] 
When their owne wants was such, I haue giuen them 
part againe in pittie, and others haue bought it againe to 
plant their fields. 

For wronging a souldier but the value of a peny, I haue 
caused Powhatam send his owne men to lames Towne to 
^ receiue their punishment at my discretion. It is true in our 
ff greatest extremitie they shot me, slue three of my men, 
and by the folly of them that fled tooke me prisoner ; yet 
God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter the meanes to 
deliuer me ; and thereby taught me to know their 
trechcries to preserue the rest. 

It was also my chance in single combat to take the. 
King of Paspahcgh prisoner : and by keeping him, forced! 
his subiccts to worke in chaines tiH I made all thei 
country pay contribution ; hauing little else whereon to Hue.' 

Twise in this time I was their President, and none can 
say in all that time I had a man slaine : but for keeping 
them in that feare I was much blamed both there and 
here: yet I left 500 behind me that, through their con- 
fidence, in six months came most to confusion, as you may 
reade at large in the description of Virginia [pp. 170, 498]. 

When I went first to these desperate designee, it cost me 
many a forgotten pound to hire men to go; and procrastina- 
tion caused more [to.^ run away then went. But after the ice 
was broken, came m any braue voluntaries: notwithstanding [/. rfii-f 
since I came from thence, the honorable Company haue 
bin humble suiters to his Maiestle to get vagabonds and 
condemned men to go thither; nay so much scorned was 
the name of Virginia, some did chuse to be hanged ere 
tJiey would go thither, and were: yet for all the worst of 
spite, detraction, and discouragement, and this lamentable 
massacre, there is more honest men nowsulijters to go, 
then euer hath bin constrained knaues ; and it is not 
vnknown to most men of vnderstanding, how happie many 
of those Coilumners doe thinke thcmselues, that they might 
be admitted, and yet pay for their passage to go now to 
Virginia : and had I but meanes to transport as many as 
would go, I might haue choise of loooo that would gladly 
be in any of those new places, which were so basely 
cont emned by vngrateful base minds. 


New-Englands trials. 


7«>» 73».J 

[1622] To range this countrey of New England in like maner 

\P'iu.\ I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their bruitc con- 
ditions I met many of their silly incounters, and without 
any hurt, God be thanked ; when your West country- 
men were many of them wounded and much tormented 
with the sauages that assaulted their ship, as they did say 
themselues, in the first yeaie I was there 1614; and 
though Master Hunt, then Master with me, did most basely 
r/j.M.;OT, in stealing some sauages from that coast to sel, when he 
was directed to haue gone for Spaine: yet that place 
[Patuxct, afterwards called New Plymouth, p, 754] was so re- 
mote from Capawuckj where Bpcnew should haue fraughted 
them with gold ore, his fault could be no cause of their 
bad successe, howeuer it is alledged for an excuse. I 
speake not this out of vainglory, as it may be some 
gleaners, or some [that] was neuer there may censure mc: 
but to let all men be assured by those examples, what 
those sauages are, that thus strangely doe murder and 
betray our countrey men. But to the purpose. 

rWhai is already writ of the healihfnlnesse of the aire, the 
richncsse of the soilc, the goodnes of the woods, the abundance 
of fruits, fish, and fowlc in their season^ they stil affirm that 
haue bin there >t New Plymouth] now nearc zyearcs^ and at 
one draught they haue taken 1000 basses, and in one night twelue 
hogsheads of herring. They are building a strong fort, [which] 
they hope shortly to finish, in the interim they are wet prouid^d : 
their number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and 
well neare 60 acres of ground welt planted with come, besides 
their gardens well replenished with vscful fruits ; and if their 
Adueuture[r]s would but furnish them withneccssaries for fishing, 
their wants would quickly be supplied. 
To supply them this 16 of October [This fixes the month in 
,,,.^,7671 which thisSecond Edition was written] is going the Paragon 
I with 67 persons, and all this is done by priuat mens purses. 

And to conclude in their owne words, should they write of all 
plenties they haue found, they thinkc they should not be beleeued. 




For the 26 sailc of ships, the most I can yet vnderstand is. 
Master Ambrose lennenso/ London, awi Master Abraham 

•it®^:] New-Englands trials, 265 

lennens of Plimmoth uni {their Abraham) a ship of 220 [1622] 

Tuns.and the Nightingale c/Porchmoutho/ioo.; whose fish at 

ilu first pcnie came to ^1^0 poutuis : in all they were 35 saile : ^^^^' 

■and where in Newfound land they shared six or seuenpounds for 

a common viauyin New England they shared i^powtds; besides, 

six Dutch and French ships made wondcrfull rciurnes infurres. 

Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from [A7«9-J 
New England {b}' Virginia) which has bin so costly to 
this kingdome and so deare to me, which either to see 
perish or but bleed, pardon me though it passionate me t/. 770.1 
beyond the bounds of modcstie, to haue bin sufficiently 
able to foresee it, and had neither power nor meanes how 
to preuent it. By that acquaintance I haue with themi 
I may call them my children ; for they haue bin my wife, 
my hawks, my hounds, my cards, my dice, and in totall 
my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my left 
hand to my right : and notwithstanding all those miracles 
<)f disasters [that] haue crossed both them and me, yet were 
there not one English man remaining (as God be thanked 
there is some thousands) I would yet begin againe with as 
small meanes as I did at the first. Not for that I haue any 
secret encouragement from any I protest, more then 
lamentable experiences ; for all their discoueries I can 
yet heare of, are but pigs of my owne sowe ; nor more 
strange to me then to heare one tell me he hath gone from 
Billitigs gsitc and discouered Greenwich, Granesend, Tiibcry, 
QuinboroWy Lee, and Margit ; which to those [who] did neuer 
heare of them, though they dwell in England, might be 
made seem some rare secrets and great countries vnknowne : 
except the relations of Master Dirmer, mw.'w'. 

In England some are held great trauelers that haue "**"^ 
seene Venice and Rome, Madrill and Algcre, Prague or 
Ragousa, Constantinople or lerusalem, and the Piramides of 
Egypt ; that thinke it nothing to go to the Summer lies 
or Virginia : which is as farre as any of them, and I hope 
in time will proue a more profitable and a more laudable 
iourney. As for the danger, you see our Ladies and 
Gentlewomen account it nothing now to go thither; and 
therefore I hope all good men will better apprehend it, and 


New-Englands trials. 


[1622J not stxffcT them to languish in dcspalre, whom God so 
wonderfully and so oft hath prcscroed. 

What here I haue %vrit by relation, if it be not right, I 

humbly intreate your pardons ; but I banc not spared any 

dijigence to leame the truth of them that haue bin actors 

or sharers in those voyages: in some particulars they 

might dcceiue me, but in the substances they could not, 

for few could tell me any thing, except where they fished. 

But seeing all those [that] haue Itued there, do confirme 

more then I haue >\Tit, I doubt not but all those testimonies 

(/-nil with these new begun examples of plantation, "Vfill moue 

(//.«4»,74«. both Citie and Country freely to aduenture with me and 

**^ my partners more then promises, seeing I haue from hi» 

Maiestie Letters Patients, such honest, free, and lai^ 

conditions assured me from his Commissioners, as I hope] 

will satisfie any honest vnderstanding. 

But because some fortune tellers saith, I am \Tifortunale, 
had they spent their time as I haue done, they would 
rather beleeue in God then their calculations, and 
peraduenture haue giuen as bad account of their actions; 
and therefore I intreat leaue to answer those objectors, 
that think it strange if this be true, I haue made no more 
vse of it, rests so long without emploiment, and hath no 
more reward nor preferment ; to which I say : 

\p. a49.i I thinke it more strange they should taxc me before th< 

haue tried as much as 1 haue both by land and sea, 
well in Asia and Africa^ as Europe and Amerka; where* 
my commanders were actors or spectators, they alwaies so 
frcelyrewardedme.I neuer needed to importunate, nTor] could 
I euer leame to beg : what there I got, I haue thus spent : 

These sixteen yeares [1606-1622] I haue spared neither h 
paines normoneyaccording to my abilitie, first to procure hi»^ 
Maiestics Letters pattcnts, and a Company here to be the 
means to raise a company to go w*ith me to Virgintaf as is 
said: which beginning here and there cost meneare 5yeares 
[1604-1609; worke, and more then 500 pounds of my owae 

{/• M3 ] estate, besides all the dangers, miseries, and incumbrances 
I endured gratis: where I stayed till I left 500 better 
prouided then euer I was ; from which blessed Virgin (ere 
I returned) sprung the fortunate habitation of Som^r IUs»> 


J. Smith."! 
Oct. 1632.J 

New-Enoflands trials. 



This Virgins sister, now called New Eu^lajtd, an, 161G. [1622] 
at my humble suit by our most gracious Prince Charles, 
hath bin ncare as chargeable to me and my friends: foralH/A7ifii74a-l 
nhich I neuer got shilling, but it cost me many a pound, 
yet I thinke my selfe happie to see their prosperities. 

If it yet trouble a multitude to proceed vpon these 
certainties, what think you I vndertook when nothing 
was knowne, but that there was a vast land, I neuer 
had power and meanes to do any thing, though more 
hath bin spent in formall delayes then would haue done 
the businesse ; but in such a penurious and miserable 
manner as if I had gone a begging to build an Vniuersilie : 
where had men bin as forward to aduenture their purses 
and performe the conditions they promised me, as to 
crop the fruites of my labours, thousands ere this had 
bin bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt the spur 
of Desire and the bridle of Reason I am neare ridden to 
death in a ring of despaire ; the raines are in your hands, 
therefore I intreate you to ease me: and those that think 
I am either idle or vnfortunate, may see the cause and 
know: vnlesse I did see better dealing, I haue had 
warning enough, not to be so forward again at euery [/.77a.) 
motion vpon their promises, vnlesse I intended nothing 
but to carr>' newes. For now they dare aduenture a ship, 
that when I went first, would not aduenture a groate, so 
they may be at home againe by Michaelmas : which makes 
me remember MasterHf/f^/itij-Jte ; ohincrcdulitie! the wit of 
fooles, that slouenlydo spit at all things faire; a sluggards 
cradle, a cowards coslle, how easie it is to be an inftdell. 
But to the purpose. 

By this all men may perceiue the ordinary performance 
of this voyage in fiue or six moneths, the plenty of fish is 
most certainly approucd : and it is certain, from Cannada 
and New England within these six yeares [1615-1620' hath 
come neare 20000 Beuer skins. Now liad each of those 
ships transported but some small quantitie of the most 
increasing beasts, fowles, plants, and seeds, as I proiected ; 
by this time their increase might haue bin sufficient for a 
thousand men. But the desire of present gain (in many) 
is so violent, and the endeuors of many vndertakers so 
negligent, euery one so regarding their priuatc gaine, that [/.a44-i 


New-Englands trials. 




(//. 191,06$. 



if is hard to effect any publick good, and impossible to 
bring them into a body, rule, or order, vnlesse both 
authoritie and mony assist experiences. It is not a worke 
lor euer>' one to plant a Colonic ; but when a house is 
built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it. This requiretb 
all the best parts of art, iudgement» courage, honestie, 
constancie, dilifjence, and experience to do but neare well : 
your home bred ingrossing proiectors shall finde there [is] 
a great difference betwixt saying and doing. 

But to conclude, the fishing wil go forward if you plant 
it or no; whereby a Colonic may be transported with no 
great charge, that in a short time might prouide such 
fraughts to buy of vs there dwelling, as I would hope no 
ship should go or come empty from New England. 

The charge of this is onely salt, nets, hookes, lines, 
kniues, Irish rugs, course cloth, beades, glasse, and such 
trash, onely for fishing and trade with the sauages, 
beside our owne necessary prouisions, whose endcuours 
wil quickly defray all this charge ; and the sauages haue 
inlreated me to inhabile where I will. 

Now all these ships, till this last yearc [1621], haue bin 
fished \fishiyv^\ within a square of two or 3 leagues, and 
not one of them all would aduenture any further: where 
questionlessesoosaile may haue their fraught better then in 
Island, Newfoundland^ or else where, and be in their markets 
before the other can haue their fish in their ships, because 
New Englands fishing begins with February, the other not 
till mid May; the progression hereof tends much to the 
adiiancement of Virginia and the Bermudas, whose emptie 
ships may take in their fraught there, and would be a good 
friend in time of need to the inhabitants of Newfoundland* 

The retumes made by the Westeme ships, are com- 
monly deuided into three parts, one for the owner of the 
ship, another for the Master and his companie, the third 
for the victuallers: which course being still permitted, wil 
be no hindrance to the plantation, go there neuer so many, 
but a meanesof transporting that yearlyforlittle or nothing, 
which otherwise will cost many a hundred of pounds. 

If a ship can gaine twentie, thirtie, fiflie in the 100, J 
nay 300 for 100. in 7 moneths, as you see they haue done; m 
spending twise so much time in going and coming as in 

[. Smith. 

New-Englands trials. 

staying there : were I there planted, seeing the varietie [1622] 
of the fishings in their seasons serueth the most part of (/-ms-i 
the yeare, and with a little labour we might make all the 
salt we need vse. I can conceiue no reason to distrust, 
but the doubling and trebling their gaines that are at all 
the former charge, and can fish but two moneths in a 
yeare : and if those do giue 20. 30. or 40. Shillings for an 
acre of land, or ship carpenters, forgers of iron, &c, that 
buy all things at a deare rate, grow rich ; when they may 
haue as good of all needful necessaries for taking (in my 
opinion) should not grow poore, and no commodity in 
Europe doth more decay then wood. 

Master Dee recordeth in his Britiish Monarchic ^1577], that 
King £(/^^rtr had anauie of 4000 saile, with which he yearely 
made his progresse about his famous Monarchie of Great 
Briliaine, largely declaring the benefit thereof: whereupon 
it seemes he proiected to our most memorable Queene 
Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleete of 60 saile, he called 
a little Nauic Royall; imitating the admired Pericles t/.n4-) 
Prince of Athens^ that could neuer secure that tormented 
estate, vntill he was Lord and Captain of the Sea. 

At this none need wonder; for who knowes not, her 
Royall Maiestie during her life, by the incredible aduentures 
of her Royall Nauy, and valiant souldiers and sea-men, 
notwithstanding all trecheries at home, the protecting 
and defending [of] France d^nd Holland^ and reconquering 
Ireland^ yet all the world by sea or land both feared, 
loued, and admired good Queen Elizabeth, 

Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable 
honour (God be thanked) to her incomparable Successour, 
our most Royall Lord and Soueraigne King lames, &c. this 
great Philosopher hath left this to his Maiestie and his 
kingdomcs consideration : 

That if the Tenths of the Earth be proper to God, it is 
also due by Sea ; the Kings high wayes are common to 
passe, but not to dig for Mines or any thing: so Ettf^lands 
coasts are free to passe, but not to fish but by his 
Maiesties prerogatiue. 

Ilis Maiesty of Spaine permits none to passe the Popes 
order for the East and West Indies, but by his permission, t/.«4«-l 


New-Englands irials. 






I/. =47-1 

If all that world be so iustly theirs^ i^ 

or at their perils. 

is no iniustice for England to make as much vse of h 
own shores as strangers do, that pay to their own Lord, 
the tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties any 
thing to speake of; whose subtects may neither take n 
sell any in their territories: which small tribute woul 
maintain this little Nauie Royall,and not cost his Maiesti 
a penny; and yet maintaine peace with all forreiners, an 
allow them more courtesie, then any nation in the worl 
affoords to England, 

It were a shame to alleage, that Holland is more 
worthy to enioy our fishings as Lords thereof, because 
they haue more skill to handle it then we, as they can 
our wooli and vndressed cloth, notwithstanding all their 
wars and troublesome disorders. 

To get mony to build this Nauy, he saith, who would 
not spare the 100 peny of his Rents, and the 500 pcny 
his goods ; each seruant that taketh 40. s. wages 4. d. 
and euery forreincr of 7 yearcs of age 4.d. for 7 yeares 
not any of these but they will spend 3 times so much in 
pride, wantonnesse, or some superfluitie. And do any 
men loue the securitie of their estates, that of themselu 
would not be humble su'iiters to his Maiestie to do this d 
free will as a voluntary beneuolence, or but one halfe of 
this, (or some such other course as I haue propounded to 
diuers of the Companies) free from any constraint, taxe, 
lottery, or imposition, so it may be as honestly and truly 
employed as it is proiected, the poorest mechanick in this 
kingdom would gaine by it 


You might build ships of any proportion and numbers 
you please, fiue times cheaper then you can do here, and 
haue good merchandize for their fraught in this vnknowne 
land, to the aduancement of Gods glorie, his Church and 
Gospel, and the strengthening and reliefe of a great part of 
Christendome, without hurt to any ; to the terror of pyrats, 
the amazement of enemies, the assistance of.friends, the^ 
securing of Merchants, and so much increase of Nauigatioi^f 
to make Englands trade and shipping as much as any" 
nation in the world, besides a hundred other benefits, to 
the general! good of all good subiects, and would cause 

J. Smith."] 
Oct- iCaa.J 

New-Englaiids trials. 


thousands yet vnborn [to] blesse the time and all them [162!l] 
that first put it in practise. 

Now lest it should be obscured as it hath bin to priuate 
ends, or so weakly vndertaken by our ouenveening 
incredulitie, that strangers may possesse it, whilest we 
contend for New Etiglands good[s], but not Englands good ; 
I present this to your Highnes and to all the Lords in 
England^ hoping by your gracious good liking and appro- 
bation to mouc all the worthy Companies of this noble 
Citie, and all the Cities and Countries in the whole Land 
to consider of it, since I can finde them wood and halfe i 

victuail, with the aforesaid aduanlages, with what facilitie ■ 

they may build and maintaine this little Nauie Royall, 
both with honour, profit, and content, and inhabite as 
good a country as any in the world, within that parallel: 
which with my life and what I haue I wil endeuour to 
effect, if God please, and you permit. 

But no man wil go from hence, to haue lesse freedome 
there then here; nor aduenture all they haue, to prepare 
the way for them that know it not: and it is too well o-??*.! 
knowne there hath bin so many vndertakers of Patents 
and such sharing of them, as hath bred no lesse discourage- 
ment then wonder, to heare such great promises and so T^^J*^ 
little performances. In the interim, you see the Dutch and 3*hi[« 
JFrcnch already frequent it ; and God forbid them in Virginia L^Sdon? 
or any of his Maiesties subiects should not haue as free M^iute^ 
libertie as they. To conclude, were it not for Master Pierce 3"^'?^* 
and a few priuate Aduenturers with him [i.e., the Pilgrim ^n«». 
Fathers], what haue we there for all these inducements ? ii^J',*'^ 

As for them, whom pride or couetousnes lulleth asleep '^j^'- 
in a cradle of slothful! carelesnes, would they but consider //.»/««// 
how all the great Monarchies of the earth haue bin A«f ,0.** 
brought to confusion ; or but remember the late lament- 
able experience of Constaulittople ; and how many Cities, 
Townes, and Prouinces in the faire rich kingdoms of 
Hungariii, TransHuania, Wallachia and Moldawa; and how 
many thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, 
Merchants, and others, haue in one day lost goods, liueS| 
and honors, or sold for slaues like beasts in a market place ; 
their wiucs, children, and seruants slaine or wand ring they 
knew not whither, dyin^, or liuing in all extremities of 


New-Englands trials. 



[1622] extrearae miseries and calamities. Surely they would n 

onely do this, bul glue all they haue to enioy peace antf 

libertie at home ; or but aduenturc their persons abroad, 10 

preucnt the cnnclusions of a conquering foe, who commonly 

H assaulteth and best preuaileth where he hndeth wealth 

■ and plentie (most armed) with ignorance and securitie, 
H Though the true condition of war is onely to suppresse 
m the proud, and defend the innocent and humble, as did 

■ that most generous Prince Sigismtttulus Bathor Prince of 
those countries, against them, whom vnder the colour of 
iustice and pietie, to maintaine their supcrfluitle of am* 

■ bitious pride, thought all the world too little to maintaine 

■ their vice, and vndoe them, or keepe them from abilitie 
H to do anything that would not admire and adore their 
H honors, fortunes, couetousnes, falshood, bribery, cnieltie, 
^ extortion, and ingratitude, which is worse then cowardijse 

or ignorance, and all maner of vildnesse, cleane contrary 

to all honour, verlue, and noblenesse. 

I Much more could I say, but lest I should be too tedious 

to your more serious affaires, I humbly craue your honour- 

[>.m8.] able and fauourable constructions and pardons if anything 

be amisse. i^k 

[A7«4-) If any desire to be further satisfied, they may reade m^| 

Description of Virginia and New England^ and peruse them 

with their scuerall Maps ; what delect you findc in them, 

^ they shall find supplied in me or my authors, that thus 

K freely hath throwne my selfe >vith my mite into the 

B Treasury of my Countries good, not doubting but God 

B will stir vp some noble spirits to consider and examine if 

H worthy Collwnbus could giue the Spaniards any such 

K certainties for his designe, when Queene Isab£l of Spainc 

W- set him foorth with hfteene saile. And though I can 

promise no Mines of gold, yet the warlike Hollanders let 

vs imitate, but not hate: whose wealth and strength are 

good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing. 

K Therefore (honorable and worthy Countrymen) let not 

H the meannesse of the word Fish distaste you, for it will 

H afford as good gold as the mines of Guiana or Tumbaiti, 

V with lesse ha2ard and charge, and more certaintie and 

H facilitie ; and so I humbly rest. J 


[TVi? printed Title pageJ] 

Sjrc. Sctr. Lib. Ko. 16. 


[It viD be MC9 from ^. cxxv, that this G^nen^ Hitt^w^ w% 
iccted a* cjrijr as 12 Apnl 1621 ; or wkhiB fiov mantiks of the pofafi- 
catioa of the first ecbiioa of AVv Emgimmdt Trials in 16201 The 
cariio' ponian of it, as the paonfe at /. 331 dievsy «as cndcatiy 
cooipiteo by 1623. 

1 1 is clear from the frosptcttts^ the material put of vhacb b iwiDl c d 
at ^. cxxv^ that our Author had worked oat the gcoend T^^t n t* of the 
Otnerai //itiory^ and was ready to go to press vith the hottc of it, im 
1633 ; which, according to the popiSar vay of rcdcoQing, voold ncaa 
any time between 35 March 1633 and 24 March 1624. At chat time 
however he onlv contemplated three maps at a cost of j^ioo [ = jCyxt 
flow], and not the six that actually appeared in the book. 

Our Author telli the Duchess of Richmond, at/. 277 : 

'• If therefore your Orjw shall daigne to cast your eye on this poore 
Iloohe, view 1 pray you rather your on^i BeuntU 1 without which it 
had dyed in the wombe)." It is clear therefore that the Di>chcs$ 
contributed liberally, in answer to our Author's Prcspe^us^ 

He thus refers to the General History^ at /. 622 : 

"Thus far I haue traucUcd in this Wildemesse of Virgima^jMt 
being ignorant [that] for all my paincs, this discourse will be wrested, 
lotted and turned as many wales as there is Icaues [ Tke firzt fcmr 
B00k$ of this General History, occupy 84 Ua%es\ ; that I haue writ 
too much of some, too little of others, and many such hke obiections. 

"To such I must answer, in the Companies name I was requested 
10 doe it, if any haue concealed their approued experiences from my 
knowledge, they must excuse me : as for cucry fathcrles or stolne 
relation, or whole volumes of sofisltcatcd rehearsals, I leaue them 
to the charge of them that desire them. I thanke God 1 neuer 
vndcrtookc any thing ^et [wherein] any could tax me of carclesncssc or 
dishonesty, and what is hcc to whom I am indebted or troublesome?" 

It was probably eventually hurried through the press to counteract 
the disastrous cflcct of the bankruptcy, and dissolution in June 1624, 
of the London Virginia Company : being thus entered for publication 
at Stationers' Hall :* 

12° Inlij 1624 

lOdu*! Sparkn Entrcd for his Copie vndcr the handcs of master 

Doctor Goad and master IjOwbm warden Tht 

History 0/ I'ty^inia The Summer lUmds and 

firu'c Jin^/aftif by JOHS SsuiM. . . vjd. 

A Transcript etf the Bepsters of the Company of Statiorurs of 

London^ 1554-1640.4./?., Ed. by E. ARntR, iv. 121, 1877. 

For the bibliography of this work, see /. cxxxi. 

It is constantly said that Sheet O, being pages 97 to 104, sec 
pp, 494, 497, was suppressed in all copies. The fact is, as Mr. 
Henry Si evens, F.S.A., has pointed out with his usual wonderful 
acuteness in bibliographical matters, they were never printed. Sec 
further on this point, as proved by the variations in the style ot 
printing, at p. 490. 

For the inserted Sectional Title pages, see//. 301, 341, 383, 485, 495, 
623, and 693.] 





/rs^V^UnPL* »*, 


jy r^^vJ^JrvM jt^ 





Princesse, the Lady Fran- 
cis, Duchesse of Richmond 
and Lenox, 

r^^^rTjv^-^ ;V please your Grace, 


%U , - 

This History, as for the raritie 

and varietie of the subiect, so 

much more for the judicious Eyes 

it is like to vndcrgoe, and most of 

all for that great Name^ whereof it darcth implore 

Protection, might and ought to haue beene clad in 

better robes then my rude military hand can cut 

out in Paper Ornaments. But because, of the most 

things therein, 1 am no Compiler by hearsay, but 

haue beene a rcall Actor ; I lake my sclfe to haue 

a propcrtie in them : and therefore haue beene 

bold to challenge them to come vndcr the reach 

of my owne rough Pen. That, which hath beene 



The Epistle Dedicatory. 

[1624] indured and passed through with hardship and 
danger, is thereby sweetned to the Actor, when he 
becomcth the Relator, I haue deeply hazarded 
my selfe in doing and suffering, and why should 
I sticke to hazard my reputation in Recording ? 
He that actcth two parts is the more home withall 
if he come short, or fayle in one of them. Where 
shall we looke to findc a lulius Casar, whose 
atchieu[e]ments shine as cleare in his ownc Com- 
mentaries, as ihey did in the field ? I confesse, 
my hand, though able to weild a weapon among the 
Barbarous, yet well may tremble in handling a Pen 
among so many Judicious : especially when I am so 
bold as to call so piercing, and so glorious an £yf^ 
as your Graccy to view these poore ragged lines. 

Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honorable and 
vertuous Ladies, and comparable but amongst them- 
selues, haue ofifrcd me rescue and protection in my 
greatest dangers : even in forraine parts, I haue 
felt rcliefe from that sex. The beauteous Ladv 

iM«.»3fi«.] Tragabigzanda, when I was a slaue to the Tiirkcs, 
did all she could to secure me. When I overcame 
the Bashaio of Nalbriis m Tartarian the charitable 

tA«67i Lady Callamaia supplyed my necessities. In the 

U/.CXT.400, vtmost of many extremities, that blessed PokakotUas, 
the great Kings daughter of Virginia, oft saved my 
lifa When I escaped the crueltie of Pirats and 
most furious stormes, a long time alone in a small 


I tA Wt- 


The Epistle Dedicatory, 


Boat at Sea, and driven ashore in France, the good U624] 
Lady Madam Chanoyes^ bountifully assisted me, im»6,73»i 

And so verily these my adventures haue tasted 
the same injluence from your Gratious hand, which 
fiath given birth to the publication of this Narra- 
tion. If therefore your Grace shall daignc to cast 
your eye on this poore Booke, view I pray you 
rather your ovvne Bountie (without which it had 
dyed in the wombe) then my imperfections^ which 
haue no helpe but the shrine of your glorious Name 
to be sheltered from censorious condemnation. 
Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honorable aspect, to 
accept these my labours ; to protect them vnder the 
shadow of your excellent Name : which will inable 
them to be presented to the Kings royall Maiesiie, 
the most admired Prince Charles, and the Quecne of 
Bohemia : your sweet Recommendations will make 
it the worthier of their good countenances. And as 
all my endcvours arc their due tribute : so this Page 
shall record to posteritie, that my service shall be 
to pray to God, that you may still continue the 
renowned of your sexe, the most honored of men» 
and the highly blessed of God, 

Your Graces faithfnll 

and devoted servant, 

I H N S M I T II. 

^ A Preface of foure Poynts. 


I. ^ 


His plaint History kitmbiy skateth 
the truth ; that ovr most rcytdl 
King lames lutth place amd op- 
poriuniiie to inlarge his mmdeui 
Dominions wiihout vrcaging 
any ; {which is a condition most 
agreeable to his most imst ami 
pioiis resolutions :) and the Prince his Highness may 
see where to plant new Colonies, The gaining Prouimcer 
addeth to the Kings Crown : but the reducing Heathen 
people to ciuilitie and true Religion, bringeth honmir 
the Kinff of Heatien, If his Princely wisedomc ani 
powerftUl Iiand, rcnou*ned through the vewid fcr 
able government, please but to set these new Estates 
order; their composure ui7/ be singular: ike 
of divers is confused ; the generall Stocke is comsmned 
notkitig but the touch of the Kings sacred hand cam erwci 
a Monarchy, 

Most noble Lords and worthy Gentlemen^ it is your 
Honors thai haue impioyed great paines and large ex^\ 
pence in laying the foundation of this Slate, v/ 
much hath beene buried vnder ground, yet soms tkit 
hath sprwtg vp, and giuen you a taste of your adven- 
tures. Let no difficidties alter your noble intentions^ 
The action is an honour to your Cwmtry : and the ij 
may well reimburse you your summes expended, Omr 
practices haue Hitherto beene but assayes^ and are still ta 

A Preface of fanre Pcpds. 

Of AHOMCB* Ltii yOMW vOWSh4 SKppfy tkt 

o/tetaJu iegin$nngs^ mnd yottr txcdiad imiffamemts itr- 
tifit ike prvustdimgs ; the nrtorM caamti dUow in. dk 
aid bid bring you good Commodities, nmd good ronlml- 
menis, by yottr aduancing skipping and fishing so tsefidt 
tr Nation, 

Yee valiant and generous spirits, penomctt po is : ss or s 
of thes£ nru: found Territories, banish from among ^tw 
Cmtardise, corctotisnes, iealausicss and idlcnes^ enemia 
to the raiiing your hofwurs and fortnnes ; vtrfntt 
ittdusiry, and amitU, will make you good andgreat,mnd 
your merits Hue to ensuing Ages, You that in <ont<mpt 
of necessities, hazard your Hues and rstates^ impUiying 
your studies and labours in these faire endevonrs, litu 
and prosper as I desire my souh should prosper. 

Till. For my selfe lei emulaiion and enuie cease^ I ever 
inteftded my aciiotts should be ipright : now my care 
hath beene that my Relations sliould giue every mtm they 
concenie, their due, Bui had I not discovered and lined 
in the most of those parts, I could not possibly hane «rf- 
Ucted the substantiall truth from such a number </ 
variable Relations, thai xvonld hauc made a Volume 
at least of a thousand sheets ',== 4,000 folio pages'* 
Though the beginning may seeme harsh in regard of 
the Antiquities, breuiiie, and names; a pleasanter Dis- 
course ensues. The stile of a Souldicr is not eloquent, but 
honest and iustifiable ; so I desire all tny friefuts and 
well-wishers to excuse and accept it ; and if any he so 
noble as to respect it, he that brought New England 
to light, though long since brought in obscuritie, he is 
againc to be found a true servant to all good designes. 

So I ever rest yours to command, 

I o H N Smith. 



A Gentleman desirous to bi 

vnknovvnc, yet a great Benefactor 

to Virginiay his loue to the Author, 

the Company, and History. 

[1624] Wt^^i^ ^'^^'» ^^^^^-^ heliold^ skilU covrage, knowledge. Arts; 
Wotider of Nature : MiiTor of our Clime. 
Mars, Vulcan, Neptune striue to hatu their parts ^ 
Rare Oruameuis, rich honours of our time. 

From far fdcht Indies, and Virginia's soyle. 
Here Smith /s come to shcic his Art and skiU : 
He icas the Smith that hammered famins foyle. 
And on Powhatan's Einpcronr had his will. 

Though first CoUimbus, Indies iritc Christofer; 
Cabots, brauc Florida, much admirer \ 
Meta Incognita, rare Martin Frobisher; 
Gilberts brauc Humpheiy, Neptunes demurer ; 

Captaine Amadis, Raleighs discouerer; 
Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands brane coaster: 
Drake, doomes, droxvne^ death, Spaines scorner ; 
Gosnolds Relates^ luring prime observer. 

Though these be gone, and left hchindc a name^ 

Yet Smith is here to Anvile out a peece 

To after Ages^ and eternall Fame, 

That wc may haue the golden ld.%ons fleece. 

He Vulcan like did forge a true Planiation, 
And chained their Kings, to his immortall glory ; 
Restoring peace and plcntie to the Nation, 
Regaining honour to this worthy Story, 

By him the Infidels had due correction. 
He blew the heilowcs still of peace and plcntie i 
He made the Indians bow vnio snhiectnm, 
And Planters neWe returned to Albion empty ^ 

Complimentary VersesT^ 

The Colonics pitCd, staru*d, staring^ bones sofecble. 
By his brauc proiects, proncd strong againc : 
The Souldicrs* lowancc he did scekc to treble, 
And made the Salvage (';; vncouth place remaxne. 

He left the Countrcy in prosperous happic state. 
And plenty stood with peace at each mans doore : 
Regarding not the Salvage hue nor hate : 
Thcmschics grew well, the Indians woftdrotts poore. 

This there he did and now is home return*d. 
To shew vs all thai never thither goe : 
That in his hearty he dcepcly oft hath mourned. 
Because the Action goeth on so slow. 

Wise, Rich, 
graite, prize 

Braue, Benefactors, 

Replant, want, continue still good Acton, 

and bring 

kinde, eyes 

Be to blind ; 

By Gods great might, giue Indians light. 


ffioney, ^\^^ 

Spend that good, 

That may ginc Indians heavenly food, 
no lessCf 

And shall blesse ; 

Both you and yours the Lands possesse. 

S. M. 

See here behold as in a Glasse^ 
AH thai is, or is and was, 

T. T. 1624. 



Samuel Purchas of his friend 

Captaine lohn Smithy and his 

Oc here Smiths Forge, where Forg€ry 's Roagi 
True Pegasus is shoo' d^ fetters are forged 
For Siike-soUs, Milksops^ base Sloiltf farrc hence 
landed, [charged^^ 

(Soi!c-chaftg*d,* Soulc-soiTd siill) Englands dregs, dis^^ 
To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged : 
Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour 
'Gainsi Time, Achilles-ZfAr, with best Arts charged ; 
Pallas, alUarm'd, alUlcarWd, can teach Sword-Grapmncr, 
Can Pens of Pikes; Armcs V Arts; to Scholar, Scnldi 
hammer : 


Can Pilgrim make a Maker ; all so well 
Hath taught Smith scoure my ruslie ovt-wome Muse» 

And so coniur'd her in Virginian Cell, 

That things vnleamed long by want ofvse^ 
Shee fresh areeds me read, without abuse 

lUr. S. Purchac 


Complimentary Verses^ 


By fabling, Arthurs great Ach Utile made 
By greater lies she saith ; seales Faiih excuse 
"P Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade 

After lic'tcgcnds ; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide. 

The Fryer of hlnnc^ frights her with his black A rt ; 

Nor Britlish Bards can tell ivhcrc Madoc'' planted. 
Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth Itatu ivonnc her heart. 

Eldest discoverers of New Worlds ConVnent {granted 
So had iust Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted ; 
This got the nantc*^, last, least of Three ; the Other 
New Worlds Isles found fin^t : Cabot is most chanted 
In Thrce-Mens^song ; did more New World discover 
Then both, then any ; an hundred degrees coasted over. 

Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole, 

WxgmxdJs finder ; Virgin Eliza nain'd it^ 
Gatie H Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole) 
Axnadas rites to English right first framed it, 
luAnc planted, return'd, nor had English iani*d it: 
Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation 
I A M K s founds, Sloth confounds, feare, pride, faction sham'd 

Smiths Forge mends all, makes chainesfor Savage Nation, 
Frees, feeds the rest ; the rest reade in his Bookes Relation. 

* Thc«c arft 

Wud a ihou- 
untl >e3rt% 
agoc U) haue 
beenc to Utv 
North pAits 
of .i mrriiM^ 

^ tie is «aui 

to dUco%-CT 


c Mttdw afi 


sotDQ reniQte 
parts. 1 170. 

«* Amtrfca 
named a€ 
^f mfritttt 
irs^Httkl ; 
which dit- 
covcrcd les 
Sir SrftU' 
ttAH Cmhai, 
and the Con- 
tinent laivr. 

found the 
IkIca 1493> 
the Conii* 
nent 1493. 
Abouc n 
yeare nfur 
CaJfot had 
don it. He 
was set roflh 
bj' f/mty 7. 
mil] cifler by 
HfH. 3, 
luid made 
graixl Pilot 

of £llf/AHtf 

bv SJ. 6 
Vridci whom 
he piocnrcd 
the lendin; 
of Sir y/flft-A 

and di3- 
cpvery of 
nnd R Htiia : 
having Ijy 
COTcrfd ;ll 
A itun\a 
from 67 
Noilti lat. 
Id novrv %■* 




[Complimentary Verses. 

Thomas Macarnesse to his 

worthy friend and Countryman, 

Captaine lohn Smith, 

[16(54] ,\^?^^?fe Ho loues to liue at hornet yet lonke abroad. 
And know both passen and vnpassen roadf 
The prime Plantation of an vnknoivnc shore, 
The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store: 
Read but this Utile Booke, and iJten con/csse. 
The lesse thou lik*st and lou*&t, thou iiu'st the 

He ivrit it with great labour^ for thy good. 
Twice over, now in paper, fore in blood ; 
It cost him dcare, both paines^ without an ayme 
Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine. 

That thou mightst read and know and safely s/ce. 
What he by practice, thou by Theoree. 

Commend him for his loyall loving heart. 

Or else come mend him, and take thou his pari. 

To his friend Captaine lohn Smithy 
and his Worke. 

Know not how Desert more great can rise. 

Then out of Danger f anc for good mens Good 
Nor who doth better iciune th' Olympian prize. 
Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his hloud ; 
Private respects haue private expectation, 
Publicke designes, should publish reputation. 

Complimentary Verses.] 

This Gentleman whose Volttmne hcere is stoard 

With strange discovcric of GODS strangest CrcatureSf 
Giues vs full view, how he hath Sayl'dj and Oar'd, 

»And Marcht, full many jnylcs, whose rough defeatures, 
Hath bcene as bold^ as puissant, vp to binde 
Tlieir barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde. 
But witf nor valour, now adayes payes scores 

Par cstimatimi ; all goes now by wealth. 
Or friends ; tush ! thrust the beggar out of d ores 

»rhat is not Purse-iyn^d ; those which Hue by stealth 
Shall haue their haunts ; no matter whaVs the guest 
In many places; monies well come best* 
But those who well discerne, esteeme not so : 

Nor I of thee braue Smith, that hast beat out 
Thy Iron thus ; though I but little know 

To what iliast seene ; yet I in this am stout : 
My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents, 
That makes mee see thy greater presidents, 

lo: Done^ 




To my worthy friend Captaine 
lohn Smith. 

Ow great a part of knowledge had wee lost, 
Both p/ Virginia and the Summer Isles, 
Had not thy carefull diligence and cost 

Informed vs thus, with thy industrious stile ! 
Like Caisar now thou wriVst what thou hast 

Tlicse acts, this Booke will Urn while thcr's. 
a Snnne* 

Edw: Worseley. 



\CQmplmentary Verses, 

To his much respected Friend 
Captaine lohn Smith. 

Nvie avanL For Smith, whose Anvill was 
Could take his heat, knew haw and when 
to Strike, 
Wtoufiht u*eU this Pcece ; //// After-negligence 
^fis(aking temper, CoU, or Scorch'd ; or like 
Vtnkilfull worhmHy thai can never Fyle 
Nor PoUish it, that takes in Forge such toyle : 
Heero NobU Smith, thou shewest the Temper 
Which other Tampring-Temprts never knew, 

Ro: Norton. 

To his loving friend Captaine 
lo/m Smith, 

Here actlofis speake the praises of a fnan. 
There, Pennes that rse to flatter silent be. 
Or if they ^eake, it is to scome or scanne ; 
For sick with ifertue seldome doe ^gree. 

When I looke baeke on all thy labours past, 
Thf travels^ pmls, losses oft smsUtind 

By Sea and Land ; atul (which is worst and last) 
Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind, 

I dot admire iky stOi vmdemUd spirit ; 

vmpteeritd yei to worke thy Comntrus good. 
Thn be thy praise then, due vnto thy merit i 

For it tk'hnsi pmUrd U/e; mndlast thy blood. 

I. 3. 3. I, 2. 3. 

Truth, Uavavk, and Neglect, pure, painefali, most vnkinde, 

, 3- I- ^- 3- 

I dismay, the soulc, the corps, the mindc. 

Ec/ic: Ingham, 

D. WifGn. 

Complimentary V^rses^ 


To my deare friend by true Vertue 
ennobled Captaine lohn Smith, 

Ore then enough J cannot thee commend : 
Whose both abilities afid Lotte doe tend 
So to advance the good of that Estate, 
By English charge^ and Planters propagate 
Through heapes of painfull hazards ; in the first 
Ofwhicht that Colony thy Care hath nurit. 
And often thai effected hut with ten 
That after thee, and now^ three hundred men 
Haue faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake 
At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake. 
Which well afpearcs ; considering the while 
Thou govcrnedstf nor force of theirs, ne guile 
Lesscnd a man of thine; but since (I rtu) 
In Brittish blood (hey deeply did imbrue 
Their Heathen hands. And {truth to say) we see. 
Our selucs wee lost, vntimely leaving Thee. 
Nor yet perceiue I any got betwcene 
Thee and thy merit ; which hath better beene 
In prayse ; or profit much ; if counted iust ; 
Free front the Weales abuse, or wro^iged trust. 
Some few particulars /trr/w^s haue sped ; 
But wherein hath the publicke prospered ? 
Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowtu, 
Then by thy Labours and Relations shcnvne 
First, best ? And shall wee hue Thee now the lesse ? 
Farre be it 1 fit condignely to expresse 
Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence ; by whom, 
Such past good hath, such future good may come. 

David Wiffin. 




now inSa- 
biceil, iihJ 


\ComplUfuntary Verses. 

Noble Captaine Smith. 

W. Cnnfc.'' 

my worthy 

Ot like the Af^e wherein ihou liu*sif to lie 
Bnrud in bascnesse, sloth, or Ribaldric 
(For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfc applide ; 
But, in f aire Actions^ Merits height descride : 
Which [Itkcfourc Theaters to set Hue forth) 
The worlds foure Quarters tcstifie thy worth. 
The last whereof (America) best showes 
Thy batnes, and prayse ; and what to thee shcc owes, 
(Although thy Sommcr shone on th* Elder Three, 
In as great Deeds as great varietie) 
For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two* 
Of Her large Members; Now Ours, to our view. 
Thereby endearing vs to thy dcsart, 
That doubly dost them to our hands impart ; 
There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By each 
Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath {for gnerdoii) reach. 
A nd so become, in after Times V ensue, 
A President for others, So to doe. 

William Grent. 

To his worthily affected Friend, 

Captaine loin Smith. 

Mofigst so many that by learned skill, 

Ilaue given iust prayse to thee, and to thy Booke, 
Deare friend receiuc this pledge of my good will, 
Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke. 

And thinkc it worthie, ranke amongst the 

rest : 
Vse thy discretion, I haue done my best, 


The Contents of the generall 

History, divided into six Books. 


T Boo 

K E. 


[HE first voyage io the new World, 

by Madock Prince of Wales, The 

next by Hanno Prince of Carthage^ 

and how it was offrcd K. Hen. 7. by 

1488 Chr. CuUumbus^ that vndcriooke it for the 

1492 Spanyards. 1493 TA 303] 

How lohn Cabot was imployed by King 
1497 Hen. the 7. and found the Continent before Cul- 
1576 lumbus. Also Sir Martin Frobisher, and Sir 

1583 Humphrey Gilbert ranged towards the North, 

1584 And how Cabtaine Amidas was sent to discover 
the coast of Florida by Sir Walter Raleigh and 
his associates. And the Country Wingandacoa 
was called Virginia by Qttecnc Elizabeth. 
Page I — 4 

Sir Richard Greenvill sent thither with 108. 
he left for a plantation. The discovery of tlse 

I Rivers Chawonok a7id Moratoc. The trcchery 
of their Kingt who with eight more were slaine ; 
and they all returned to England againe the 
sameyeare with Sir Francis Dr3.kc.pag, 5 — 9. Ip, 310] 
The Observations of Master Heriot. Of their 
commodities^ victuall, fruits, beasts, fishes, and 
foules. Their Religion, and beliefe of God, of 
the Creation of the world, and man; the immor- 
ialitic of the soule ; the subtiltie of their Priests; 
SHG. SCJ/. Lia. No. 16. 19 


[A 304] 


The Contents. 



ih$ hcMa stmpiuitUf and desire of salvatioK* 
amaiwur Accidents, pa^, 9 — 12 {/l 319] 

T5S6 Sir Rich: GrtcnviW sent to mppiytium. Sot 

finding them, left fijti€. Their svctisu. page 13. [p, 315] 

1587 Master While sent to relieue them,/ot$nd they 

were all slaine, yet left 115. more^ and departed, [p. 326) 

X589 Returning the second tiine, he could not keare 
of them ; his Observations and Accidents, pag, 
14—16 ...[^.329] 

1602 A discovery by Captaine GosnoII of Eliza- 
beths Isles', his Observations^ Relations, and 
retume. pag, 17. 18 [/• 33^] 

The voyage of Captaine Pring to 0ie same 
Coast. [p, 336] 

1603 The discovery of Captaine Waymouth ; his ^ 
Observations, Relations, and relume* p^g- S 

18—20 [A 337] 

1605 A Map of the old Virginia, with the figures 
of tlte Salvages [To face p. 

The second Book 


Of Virginia now planted, discovered by 
Captaine Smith. 

1606 <#m n&S^^ Latitude, Temperature, and 

Capes \ a description of Chisa- 

peack Buy, and seavcn navigable 

Rivers tlxai fall into it, with their 

sevcrall Inhabitants, and diversitie of JLaii- 

gua^e.pag. 21— 2S FA 3433 

Of things growing Naturally, as woods, fruits^ 
gttmmes, berries, herbs, roots; also of beasts, 
birds, and fishes; huw they divide the y care ^ 
prepare titcir ground, plant their come, and vse 

it and other victualL pag. 25 — 29 [p, 352] 

What commodities may be had by industry 



ily 1604. J 

714^ Contents, 


[607-9] Tlic description of the people, their 7iumbers, 
constitutions f dispositions, attyre, buildings, 
lodgings and gardens^ their vsage of children^ 
striking of fire, making their Howes and 
Arrowcs, knities, swords, targets, and boats: 
how they spinne, make fish-hooks, and ginnes, 
and thdr order of hunting. Consultations 
and order in Warres. pag, 29 — 33 [p- 3S9l 

TheirniHsicke, entertainment ytrade.Physicke, 
Chirurgery and Charmes. Their Religion, 
God, burials ordinary and extraordinary. 
Temples, Priests, Ornaments, solemnities, 
ConiurationSy Altars, sacrifices, black boyes, 
and resurrection, pag, 34 — 36 [p, 368] 

The manner of their government, their Em- 
peror; his attendants, watch, treasury, wines, 
successors and authority : tenure of their lands, 
and manner of punishment, with some words 
of their Language Englished, pag, ^y — 40, ... [p, 375] 

And a Mappe of the Counircy of Virginia 
now planted [To face^. 384] 


The third Booice. 

Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the 

Heir orders of government, Accidents 
in going, first landing and governe 

fnent sctled, pag, 41. 42 [/. 385I 

The Salvages assault the Fort, the 
ships relume, their names who] were left, 
occasion of sicknes, plenty vnexpected, the 
building of lames Tor^vue, the beginning of 
Trade, two proiects to abandon the Country. 

^«^-43— 46 [/. 388] 

Their first attempts vpon the Salvages. Cap- 



The ConUnis, 


\x^^i\ia%nc Smith taktn priiontr; their ordtr qJ 
Triumph, and how fu should kaue bun€ €X^ 
cutcd, u-ai preurvid, sav^d lames imi-nc /ram 
bcinf^ surprised, how they Coniured him, Pow- 
hatan entertained him, wouldhatu slaifu kim; 
how Pocahontas his daughter saved him, amd 
tent him to lames Towne, The third piet to 
tendon the Countrey suppressed, pag, 47 — 49. 

Their first Supply and A ccidents, Th€ Sal- 
vages opinion of our God, Captaine Smith 
revisits Powhatan ; lames Towne^ burnt ; 
A conceited gold mine ; A needlcsse charge ; 
Captaine Newports teiumc for England* 

pag, 50 — 53 

1608 lames Towne rebuilt, with a Church and 
Store-house ; The Salvages plot to murther all 
the English ; Ihar insolcncics suppressed. 
Different opinions among the CounceU, p. 53. 

Their names landed in this Supply, p, 54. .., 

The discovery of tJie Bay of Chisapeack. 
Their fight and conference with the Kuska- 
rawaoks ; A mbuscadoes prevented in the 
river Patawomek; A mine like Antimony, 
/•«^-55— 58 

How to deale with the Salvages. Smith 
neare killed with a Stingray. With many 
other Accidents in the discovery. A needlcsse 
misery at lames towne redressed, pag, 58 — 59. 

The second Voyage to discover the Bay, 
Their Incounter with the Massawomekes and 
Tockwhoghs ; the Sasquesahanoughs offer 
subiection to the English. The exceeding hus 
of the Salvage Mosco. Their fight with the 
Rapahanocks; their fight with the Slanahokes« 
The King of Hassaninga's brother taken 
prisoner; his relation of those mountainers; 
peace concluded with all those Nations, pag, 

The discovery of the river Payankatank; 
their fight with the Nandsamunds, and Chisa- 
peacks; their returns to lames tvwn. /». 65. ... 


[>• 403] 



IP' 419] 

Th^ Contents, 


;6o8] TJiePrcsideftcysurrendrcd toCaptainc Smith. 
The second Supply by Captainc Newport, many 
Presents sent from England to Powhatan, 
' his scorfiCj Consultations ; factions suppressed ; 
Captaine Smith visiteth Powhatan ; Poca- 
hontas entertaines him with a Afaske ; the 
^^Coronation of Powhatan, and Conditions. 

Wf«^-68. [^.433] 

The discovery of tJie Monacans; a punish- 
ment for swearing ; the Chickahamanians 
forced to Contribiiiion ; the abuses of the 
Mariners ; Master Scriveners voyage to 

Werowocomoco. /fl*^. 68—70 [/"• 438] 

Captaine Smiths Relation to England of 
the estate of the Colony ; the names of them 

arrived in this Supply, pag, 71, 72 [/. 442] 

Nandsamund/orr^rf to Contribution, The 
^ first Marriage in Virginia. Apamatuck dis- 

» covered, pag, 73 [p, 446] 

I Captaine Smiths tourney to Pamavnkee. 

The discovery of the Chawwonocks. Smiths 
:6og]discoHrs€ to Powhatan ; His reply and flattery ; 
and his discourse of Peace and Warre, Pow^ 
hatans plot to murther Smith, discovered by \ 

his daughter Pocahontas. /'cig', 77 --^[^- 448] 

i Their escape at Pamavnkee. The Dutchmen 

1 deceiue Captaine Winne, and armc the Sal- 
I^Kvages; sixiecne English beset by seven hundred 
^^Salvages, Smith takes their King Opechan- 
kanough prisoner ; the Salvages excuse and 

reconcilement, p, 77. — So [p. 456] 

Master ScnvGncT and others drowned; Master 
Wiffins desperate ioitrncy to Pamavnkee ; 
Powhatan constraines his men again to be 
irecherous ; he is forced to fraught their Ship; 
Smith poysoned; the Dutch mens trechery, 

pag. So — 82 [p, 460] 

The Dutch-mem plot to murther Smith. 
He takcth the King of Paspahegh prisoner^ 
and others; they become all subieci to the 
English. /<j^. 84 ... [/- 467] 

The Contents. 


[1609] A Salvage stnoothercd^yct recovered; three 
or fourc Salvages ilaiu4 ia drying sUfln^ 
powder. Great extremity occasioned by ratts ; 
Bread made of dryed Sturgeon ; ike punishment 
for loyterers ; Uie discovery of the Mangoa^s. 
Captaine Argals first arrivall; the incon- 
veniences in a Plantation, p, 84 — 89 [p, ^{ 

1609 The government altered) the arrivall of the 
third Supply; mutinies; Nandsamund//a«fei/; 
breach of peace with the Salvages ; Powhatans 
chiefe seat bought for Copper ; Mutinies, pag, 

90, gt, ... [p-47^ 

Captaine Smith blowne vp with Gun^powder; 
a hloudy intent ; the causes why he left the 
Country and his Commission ; his reiume for 

England; the ends of the Dutch^men f^^- 484] 

Certaine Verses of seaven Gentlemen, p* 95. [p, 491] 


The fourth Booke. 


161 1 


With their Proceedings after the alteration 
of the Government. 

Ow the mntiners proceeded ; the 
Salvages revolt; the planting poifU 
Comfort. Them at Nandsamund, 
and the Fats, defeated by the SaU 
Captaine Rat[c]liff, with thirtie slaim 
by Powhatan, The fruits of improvidence* 
The arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates, lames 
Totone abandoned. The arrivall of the Lord 
La Warre; their actions, and both their re- 

turnes, pag. 105 — roS 

The government left to Captaine Percie ; and 
his proceedings. The arrivall of Sir Thomas 

Dale, and his actions, pag, 109 — no 

TAe second arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates ; 

IP' 497I 

IP' 50! 

July i6a4- J 

Th$ Contents. 



1612 ihc building Henerico, and the Bermudas; 
how Captatne Argall iooke Pocahontas pri- 
soner. Dales voyage to Pamavnkee. The 

1613 marriage of Pocahontas to Master Rolfe. 
Articles 0/ Peace with the Salvages, p'jig], 
no — 114 

1614 The government left to Sir Thomas Dale. 
Captatne Argals voyage to port Royall. 
Master Hamers to Powhatan; and their 
Accidents, pag, 11^, 116 

1615 The manner of the Lottery, A Spanish 
Shippe in Virginia. Dale with Pocahontas 

1616 comes for England. Captaine Yerley left 
Deputy Governonr ; his warrcs and peace with 
the Chickahamanians, and proceedings, pag, 
217 — 121 

A relation to Queene Anne of the quality and 
condition of Pocahontas ; how the Queen en* 
tertained her; Captaine Argall sent governor; 
the death of Powliatan ; ten English slaine; 
Argals accidents and proceccdings. The Lord 
de la Warre sent againe governour ; his death, 
A relation of their present estates. Haile-siones 
8. inches about, pag. 121 — 125 

Sir George Yerley sent governor ; Waras- 
koyack planted. A parliament in Virginia ; 
foure Corporations appointed ; the adventures 
of Captaine Ward; the number of ships and 
men sent this yeare; gifts given; Patents 
granted, pag, 12^ — 127. 

1620 A desperate Sea fight by Captaine Chester 
with two Spanish men of warre; the names of 
the Adveftturers. pag, 128 — 138 

Notes and observations, A relation of their 

1621 estates by Master Stockam. The arrivall of 
Sir Francis Wyat with nine ships. Master 
Qooking^ plantation ; and their ac-cidents; the 
number of ships and men sent this yeare ; gifts 
given. Patents granted, p. 139 — 141 

Master Pories iourneyes to Pawtuxunt, and 
other places, with his accidents, pag, 141 — 143. 



[p- 509] 

IP' 517I 

f#. 522] 

{p- 530] 

[p- 540] 
IP' 544] 

[p- 561] 
[p- 567] 

Tlte Contents. 



Captaine Each seiU to build Forts mtd 
Barks, Tlie cause and mamur of ilie Mas- 
sacre; the numbers slairu; the providence of 
Captaine Nuse ; Captaine Chroshaw his 
voyage to Patowomek. pag, 143 — 151. 

Captaine Smiths offer to the Company to sup' 
prcsse the Salvages. Their answer; iiu manner 
of the Sallery ; Chroshaw stayes at Patawo- 
mek ; tlic escape of Waters and his wife. 
Captaine liaima.r f^oes to Patawomek; Chro- 
shaws plot for all their preservations, Captaine 
Madison sent to Patawomek. Captaine Powell 
kits three Salvages. Sir George Yerleys 
ionrncy to Acomack. The misery of Captaine. 
Kuse. The kindness of the King of Pata- 
womek; a vile policy of a Saly/agc; Madisons 
vtischiefe vnto the Patawomeks. It was not 
well don[e] to make Opechankanough drinke 
healths, 300. surpriseth Nandsamund and 
Pamavnkee. The opinion of Captaine Smith 
how to subiect the Salvages. The arriuall of 
Captaine Butler in Virginia, and oilier Acci' 
dents, pag, 1^2 — 161 ... ... ..» 

The losse of Captaine Spilman and 26, men, 
A particular of such necessaries as are fit for 
private persons or families, pag, 161. 162. ... 

A briefc relation by Captaine Smith to his 
Maiesties Commissioners^ for the reformation 
0/ Virginia. The 7 questions the right Worihie 
Commissioners demanded^ and his answers ; 
how the King hath pleased to take it into his 
consideration, pag. 163 — 168 

At this present two ships are going; more 
a preparing; new Commissions sent 

A Proclamation, no Tobacco be vsed in 
England, but what shall come from Virginia, or 
the Somer Isles; quere [i.e., see] the Procla* 

[>. 5881^ 

[/. 606] 

[p. 610]' 


The Contents, 


F I F T B 

O O K E. 


Mapp6 of the Somer Isles and 

Fortresses [To face/. G24]. Tiie 

description of the Isles, the fruits^ 

fishes, soykj ayre, beasts, birds, 

with the relation of the shipwrack of Henry 

1593 May. />rt^. 169— 173 [^625] 

1609 The shipwreck of Sir Thomas Ga.tQS, aud Sir 
16x0 George Somers ; their accidents., deliveraftce 
and arrivall in Virginia. Somers returne to 
the Isles ; his death, and Epitaph, tite accidents 

1611 hapned; three men lived there atom twoyeares* 
/»rt^r. 174— 177 I/. 635] 

1612 Master More sent to make a plantation, A 
peece of Amber Greece found of 80. pound 

I wcif^hi; much dissension; Mores industrie in 

fortifying and waighinf^ Ordnance out of tlie 

1613 uracks. Their first Supply; a strange increase 
I of Potatoes. The attempt of 2. Spanish ships; 
' a great mortality ; a strange being of Ravens ; 

1614 a new Supply, with their Accidents, and 
Moores returne, pag. 177 — 180 [p, 642] 

1615 The rent [rule] of the six govcrnours ; a won- 
derfuU accident of HilHard, not much (esse then 

a miracle, pag. 181. 182 [/, 649] 

1616 The government of Captaine Tuckar; Assises; 
the strange adventure of 5 men in a boat ; plants 
from the West Indies; the endevours of Cap- 

1617 irt/Htf Powell ; Assises. The Country necr de^ 
voured with ratts; their strange confusion, 

rl6i8 The divisions of tIte Isles into Tribes, and 
Tribes into shares, by Master Norwood ; the 
names of the adventurers, and their shares. 

pag. 182—189 [p. 653] 

Tfie first Magazin ; ixeo cxployts of desperate 
fugi tines. The returne of Captaine Tuckar. 
Captaine Kendall left deputy-governor, and 
their Accidents, pag. 189 — 191 [p. 665] 

1619 The government of Captaine Butler; A plat- 


tiudi of two Didck Fri^atu The 
Hu Mmmi, tad m Tcmbe for Sir George 
Sosert. The rrfofmaHom if their U^a mmi 
0jJU€n, Their Assii^. A PttfUmmemL Their 
tuU ; thHf ofinuM ef the Mm^ariw, The kmM 

1620 ifif; three Bridget, The /^enentU Amsesi A 
strange deUverance of a S^snish wrmche, A 

162 1 strMmge Sodrnny; wany Ordnances f^ from 
wracks. Their estates present, pag, 19X — 199. [p, 669] 

iGzz Master Barnard tent to he gcvemcttr ; hit 

arrivaU, death, and fumerati, with the pro- 

1623 ctedinffs of hi aster Harrison his yurrfowy 

2624 and Captainc Woodhouse the\r gotemor, 

pag. 200— 201 r/-687] 

Certaine Verus of Mazier Withers, and other 
CentUmcn • [p, 689] 


The sixt Booice. 

Mappe of New England {State 
IV,, sec p. cxxxv. To face p. 
694]. How this country hath bin 
accounted but a miserable Desert. 
Captain Smith's /rs^ voyage; what peace and 
warrc/i he had with the Salvages, and within 
G. moneths relumed with 1500!. worths of 
commodities ; got Prince Charles to call it 
New-England. A Table of the old names 

and the new, paj^, 203 — 205 

Cahtaine Hobsons voyage to Capan; the 
Lonaoncrs apprehend it. The situation: notes 
for ignorant vndertakers. The description of the 
Country. Stable Commodities ; present proofc 
of t\\e healthfulncsse of the clime. Observations 
if the Hollanders chiefe trade, pag, 209, 

[^. 695] 

[p. 701] 



TJie Contents. 


[1614] Examples of the altiUidt comparaiiuely ; the 
reasons why to plant it. An example of the 
gaincs every year e\ a description of 15. severall 
Countries in particular. Of tluir Kings, rivers^ 
harbors. Isles, mountains, landmarks, fruits, 
woods, birds, fislus, beasts, &c. and how as well 
Gentlemen, as mec[h]amcks, may he imployed, 
and get much wealth, with the reasons and causes 
of the defaylements, pag. 206 — 221 [p. 710] 

1615 Captaine Smiths second voyage ; his ship 
neere foundered in the Sea ; He reimbarketh 

1616 himselfe; incotintreth the English Pyrats; fought 
with the French Pyrates; is betrayed by 4, 
French men of warre ; how he was released ; 
his men ran from him with ship and all; how 
he lived with the French men; what fights 
they had, what prizes they tooke ; the French 
mens ingratitude. 13 sayle cast away : how he 
escaped, proceeded in France, returned for 
England, and punished them [that] ran from 

him. pag, 222 — 227 [p, 731] 

1617 The yearely trialls of New-England ; the 

1618 benefit of fishing, as Master Dee, and divers re* 
port, and approoved by the Hollanders Records; 

1619 how it becomes so well apprehended, that more 
then 150. hau4 gone thither to fish, witli an 
estimate of their gaincs, with many observations 
attd Accidents, pag, 2zS — 230 [/• 7431 

A Plantation in New-England ; their first 
landing ; divers iourneys and accidents ; the 
descriptiofi of the harbors, bayes, lakes, and that 
place they inhabit, called New-Plimouth; con- 
ference with the Salvages ; and kinde vsage 
of the King of the Massasoyts ; a strange 
policie of Tusquantum. pag. 230 — 234. ... [p, 749] 

1621 The Salvages make warres for tluir friend* 
ships; the English revenge their friends iniuries^ 

1622 Notes and observations. They lived two yeares 
without Supplyes ; the death of Tusquantum ; 
they contriue to muriher the English ; how the 
English did cure a King sickc to death ; two 

The Contents. 


aly 1614- 

wiosf desperate Salvages ; the courage of Cap* 
taine Standish ; the Salvages stie Jor peace, 
P<ig' 235—239 [/, 758] 

1623 A most remarkable observation of Gods loue* 
40 sayle fished there this yeare ; the religion of 
the Salvages; the governvtent; an aftswer to 
obiections ; considerations ; the charge ; the 
order of the Western men, pag. 140 — 142.... r^. ji 

The effects of shipping ; the Popes order for 
the East and West Indies. How to build a little 
navy royall; contention for New- England. 
The necessitie of martiall power, pag, 243 — 244. [p, 773] 

The charge to set forth a ship of a 100. tuns^ 
both to make a fishing voyage, and increase ilte 
plantation. The facilitie of the fishing lately 

1624 observed. Their present estate at New-Ph- 
mouth, and order of government [p, 778] 

Its not his part that is the best Translator, 
To render word for word to eveiy Author. 



[ The Cenerail Hisi^rie of Virginia^ N^w England, &* the Summer Isles, 

The First Book. 


The English voyages to the old Virginia. 


frhis First Book is merely an Abridgement of the eariier EngUsh 
Toyages to Virginia, compiled from various publications, by Captain 
John Smith, icr the most part in 1623,/. 331.] 



^P Now called America^ was discovered : and part 

^K thereof first Planted by the English, called 

^H Virginia, toitb the Accidents and 

^^V ProceeSngs of the sioat. 

The first Booke. 

Or the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and 
BrandoHy that say a thousand yeares 
agoc they were in the North of America ; 
or the Fryer of Ljn;t that by his blacke 
Art went to the North pole in the yeare 
T360, in that I know them not. Let 
this suffice. 

The Chronicles of Wales report, that 1170. 
Madockj Sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince of Wales seeing his 
two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared cer- 
taine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country 
to seeke aduentures by Sea : leauing Ireland North he 
sayled west till he came to a Land vnknowne. Returnirg 
home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull Countries he 
had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground 
is brethren and kindred did murther one another, he pro- 
ided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and 
women as were desirous to liue in quietnesse, that arriued 


The IHscoveria amd AcadaUs Ln.^ij^ 

fUT^ wkh l^m in this new Land in the yeare 1x70: Left 

IMS] of fab people tfacfeaiidrctanKdibraoffc BBtvba 
pboe was no Hsstocy can diov. 

The Sp^mymnb aav Hamao a Priaoe of 
fint: and the next CkHsUpitr 

14ML whom they MBt to dtacorer those 

Bat we fiade by Eeoords, CmOmmkm oflered his 
in the yeare 1488. to King Hmij the a g aue n tb ; and fay 
aceidcnt vndertootc it ior the Sfmmjmfii. In the Imann 
Kins Htm^ ^ne a Ownmisnon to lokm Cmhti, and fats 
three soones, Sf ft sstfsa , LtwiSt and SsaAnn. /«fa and 
S«6as/iss well fvoridcd, setting saylc, nnged a great part 

M07. of this vnknowne world, in the yeare 1497. For tfaoogh 
Cs^MR^ had Iband mtainr Ile«, it was 1496^ ere he saw 
the Continent, which was a yeare after Cmhai, Now 
Awteriem came a long time after, thongfc the whole Con- 
tiacnt to this dsry is called AwKritm after his nasK, yet 
Sihtnlum CsM discovered moch more then tiicm aU, for he 
say led to about forty degrees Sonthward of the lync, and 
to sixty-seauen towards the North : for which Kizig Hcsry 
the eight Knighted him and made him graad Pilate of 
En^amdm Being very aged King Edmmn the axt gaoe 
htm a Petition of 1G6/. 13s. 4^. ycardy. By his di i c cti ons 
Sir Hm^ WiUawhy was sent to finde oat the Coontty of 
Rmsia, hot the next yeare he was foond firexcn to death 
in his Shipi and all his Company. 

laro. Master Martin FrMther was sent in the yeare X576, by 

oar most gracious Queene Elixabdk, to search for the 
Northwest passage, and A/r£a mcogmita : for which be was 
Knighted, honored, and well rewarded. 

1563. Sir Hmt^kr^ Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a 

Plantation m some of those parts : and obtained Letters 
Pattents to his desire : but with this iVoct^, He should 
[2] maintaine possession in some of those vast Coontries 
within the teanne of sixe yeares. Yet when he was pro- 
vided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even 
here at home they fell in diuisions, and so into confusion, 
that the>' gaue over the Designe ere it was begun, not- 
withstanding all this losse, his vndanted spirit began 
againe^ but his Fleet fell with Nem-fcund lamd, and he 
perished in his retuxne, as at large you may read in the 

]LiB. I. of Captaine Philip Aniidas. 

third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Master [15B3-4] 
iHackluit in 1599-1600,. 

Vpon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Waiter 
^Raleigh, a noble Gentleman, and then in great esleeme, 
^vndertooke to send to discover to the Southward. And 

though his occasions and other imployments were such he 
could not goe himselfe, yet he procured lier Maiesties 

Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights 

tand Gentlemen to adventure with him to ftnde a place lit 
for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth. 

The most famous, renowned, and euer worthy of all 1584. 

» memory, for her courage, learning, iudgement, and vertue, 
Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir 
Walter RaUif^h for the discovering and planting new Lands 
and Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. 
,This Patenty got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell 
[the valiant, Master William Sanderson a great fiiend to all 
,such noble and worthy actions, and divers other Gentle- 
men and Marchants, who with all speede prouided two 
small Barkes well -furnished with all necessaries, vnder 
[the command of Captaine Philip Amidas and Captaine 
Barlow. The 27. of Aprill [15S4J they set sayle from the 
Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the 
tenth of lune the West Indies: which vnneedfuU Southerly 
[Course, (but then no better was knowne) occasioned them 
;in that season much sicknesse. 

Thesecondof Iuly[i584] theyfell withthecoastofF/onia ^JvlLu. 
'in shoule water, where they felt a most delicate sweete 
smell, though they saw no land, which ere long they espied, 
thinking it the Continent: an hundred and twenty myles 
they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared 
with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after 
thankes to God they went to view the next Land adioyning- 
to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent 
Maiestie: which done, they found their first landing place 
very sandy and low, but so full of grapes that the very Abundance 
surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which 
they found such plenty in all places, both on the sand, the 
greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well on euery little 
shrub, as also climbing towardes the tops of high Cedars, 
that they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance. 
Effc, sctr. tiJ). No. 16. 20 



The lie of 

L rs 





Th« Arriaall 
of the Ktiigi 

T/i^ Discoveries and Accidents Lib. i. i r.^- a. B.ria«. 


We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next 
hilLs being not high: from whence we might see the Sea 
on both sides, and found it an He of twentie inyles in 
length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished with 
goodly tall Cedars, Discharging our Muskets, such a 
flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by va, with such 
a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether. This 
He hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and 
Foule in incredible abundance, and vsing the Authors 
owne phrase, the Woods are not such as you Rnde in 
Dohcmitif Moscovia, or Hcninia, barren and fruitlesse, but 
the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, bettering 
them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, 
Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many 
other of excellent smell and qualitie. Till the third day 
we saw not any of the people, then in a Httle Boat three 
of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to whom 
wee rowed, and he attended vs without any signe of feare ; 
after he had spoke much though we vnderstood not a 
word, of his owne accord he came boldly aboord vs, we 
gaue him a shirt, a hat, wine and meate, which he liked 
well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and vs, he 
went away in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a 
myle of vs in halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with 
fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and 
there devided it in two parts, poyntingone part to the Ship, 
the other to the Pinnace, and so departed. [3] 

The next day came diuers Boats, and in one of them the 
Kings Brother, with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in 
their behauiour ver>' ciuill; his name was Granganamco, the 
King is called Wittgifia,ihe Country Wingandacoa. Leauing 
his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne 
to the poynt : where spreading a Matte he sat downe. 
Though we came to him well armed, he made signes to vs 
to sit downe without any shew of feare, stroking his head 
and brest, and also ours, to expresse his loue. After he had 
made a long speech vnto vs, we presented him with diuers 
toyes, which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded 
by his people, for none of them did sit, nor speake a word, 
but foure, on whom we bestowed presents also, but he tooke 
all from them, making signes all things did belong to him. 




■^*'J-^^.]LiB. I. of Captaine Philip Amidas. 


The King himselfc in a conflict with a King his next 
neighbour and mortall enemy, was shot in two places 
through the body, and the thigh, yet recouered : whereby 
he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes iourney from thence. 

A day or two after shewing them what we had, Gran* T«dowia. 
^anameo taking most Hking to a Pewter dish, made a hole saiviges. 
in it, hung it about his necke for a brest-plate : for which 
he gaue vs twenty Deere skins, worth twenty Crownes; 
and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. 
Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came 
aboord, and did eate and drinke with vs very merrily. 
Not long after he brought his wife and children, they were 
but of meane stature, but well fauoured and very bashful! ; 
Bhe had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities 
a peece of the same, about her forehead a band of white 
Corrall, and so had her husband, in her eares were brace- 
lets of pearle, hanging downe to her middle, of the big- 
nesse of great Pease ; the rest of the women had Pendants 
of Copper, and the Noblemen fiue or sixe in an eare; his 
apparrelt as his wiues, onely the women weare their haire 
long on both sides, and the men but on one ; they are of 
colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children 
that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre. 

After that these women had beene here with vs, there 
came downe from all parts great store of people, with 
L/eather, Corrall, and dluers kindc of dyes, but when 
Grangananuo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, 
and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. 
When euer he came, he would signifie by so many fires he 
came witli so many boats, that we might know his strength. 
Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in 
the forme of a trough with gins and lire, till it be as they 
would haue it. For an armour he would haue ingaged vs 
a bagge of pearle, but we refused, as not regarding it, that 
wee might the better leam where it grew. He was very 
iust of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would 
come within his day to keepe his word. He sent vs com- 
monly euery day a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and 
fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, 
and diuers rootes. This Author sayth, their corne .v»/#. 
groweth three times in fiue moncths; in May they sow, 


A uwquct. 

ly^ Discoveries and Accidents Lib. i. fuS'A bSw: 

in luly rcape ; in June they sow, in August reape ; in 
luly sow, in August reape. We put some of our Pease 
in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high. 

The soyle is most plentifull, swcete, wholesome, and 
fniitfull of all other, there are about 14. seuerall sorts of 
Bweete smeUing tymber trees; the most parts of the 
vndenvood, Bayes and such like : such Okes as we, but 
far greater and better. 

After this acquaintance, my selfc with seauen more went 
twenty myle into the Riuer Occam, tliat runneth toward the 
Cittie Skicoack, and the euening following we came to an 
He called Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7. 
leagues ; at the North end was 9. houses, builded with 
Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance 
like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, the wife of 
Granganawco came running out to meete vs, (her husband 
was absent) commanding her people to draw our Boat 
ashore for beating on the billowes, other she appoynted to 
carry vs on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores 
into the house for [4] stealing. When we came into the 
Other roome, (for there was fiue in the house) she caused 
vs to sit downe by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes 
and washed them, of some our stockings, and some our 
feete in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines 
to see all things well ordered, and to provide vs victual!. 

After we had thus drj'cd our selues, she brought vs into 
an Inner roome, where she set on the bord standing a long 
the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden venison, and 
rosted fish ; in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes 
and fruites of diuers kindes. The[i]rc drinke is commonly 
water boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and 
wholsome herbes, but whilest the Grape lasteth they 
drinke wine. More loue she could not expresse to en- 
tertaine vs; they care but onely to defend themselues 
from the short winter, and feede on what they finde 
naturall in sommer. In this feasting house was their 
Idoll of whom they tould vs vncredible things. When we 
were at meate two or three of her men came amongst vs 
with their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused vs to take 
our armcs in hand. She perceiuing our distrust, caused 
their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and they beaten 


Ed. by J. Simlli 

] Lib. I. of Captaine Philip Amidas. 


out of the gate : but the euening approaching we returned 
10 our boate. where at she much grieuing brought our 
\upper halfe boyled, pots and all, but when she saw vs but 
put our boat a little off from the shoar and lye at Anchor, 
peiceiuing our lelousie, she sent diuers men and 30. women 
to sit al night on the shoare side against vs, and sent vs 
Aue Mats to couer vs from the raine, doing all she could to 
perswade vs to her house. Though there was no cause of 
doubt, we would not aduenture ; for on our safety depended 
the voyage : but a more kinde louing people cannot be. 

Beyond this lie is the maine land and the great riuer 
Occam^ on which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, and 
six dayes higher, their City Skicoak : those people neuer 
saw it, but say the[i]re fathers af!irme it to be aboue two 
houres iourney about. Into this riuer fallcth an other 
called Cipo, where is found many Mustells wherein arc 
Pearles: likewise another Riuer called Noma/)Ofia, on the 
one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanock, 
the Lord of the Country is not subiect to Wingandacoa. 
Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3- 
are in league each with other* Towards the south. 4. dayes 
iourney is Scquotan^ the southermost part of Wingandacoa, 

Adioyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomouik, 
belonging to the King called Piamacumj in the Country 
Nusiok vpon the great riuer Nens, These haue mortall 
warres with Wtngina^ King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt 
Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan^ a peace was concluded: 
notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the Sccotans, 
because this Piemacum invited diuers men, and 30. women 
to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before 
their Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Deuill, 
they sudainly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the 
women for their vse. Beyond Roanoak are many Isles 
full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many 
Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those lies lye 
200. myles in length, and betweene them and the mayne, 
a great long sea, in some places. 20. 40. or 50. myles 
broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea 
arc 100, lies of diuers bignesses, but to get into it, you 
haue but 3. passages and they very dangerous. 

Though this you see for most part be but the relations of 





Sir Richard Greflvfll, and Lib. i. 

[1584-9] Saluages, because it it the first, I thought it iH>t a misse 
to remember them as thcj* are written by them that 
returned and ariued in EngUmd about the middcst oTj 
September [1584; the same yearc. 

This discouery was so welcome into En^imd that it 
pleased her Maiestie to call this Country of Wtngmndaeaa^ 
Virginia, by which name now you are to vnderstand how 
it was planted, disolued, renued, and enlarged. 

The Performers of this voyage were these following. 


Philip A madas, 
Arthur BarUfw, 



William Grmuili. 
lohn Wood^ 
lames Bromewick, 
Henry Greene, 
Beniamtn Wood, 
Simon FcrJinando, 
Niekolas Pcryman, 
lohn Hew€i, 


Sir Richard Grenuills voyage to Virginia^ for 
Sir Walter Raleigh. 1585. 

He 9. of Aprill he departed from PlimoKth with 
7. sayle : the chiefe men with him in command, 
were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas 
Candislt, Master John Arundel, Master StukUy^ 
Master Bremigc, Master Vincent^ Mzsitr Heryot and Master 
lohn Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, 
and the 7. of Jl/^ry with Domtnico m the West Indies z 
we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella 
on the north of Hispaniola^ passing by many lies. Vpoa 
the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were 
put in great danger vpon Cape Fear. The 26. we An- 
chored at Wocokon, where the admiral [flag-ship] had like 
to beene cast away: presently we sent to Wingina to 
Roanoak, and Master Arunddl\.'tr\t to the mayne> with 
Manteo a saluage, and that day to Crooton, 


Ed.bjrj.snmh.-|LiB. I. Master Ralph Layne. 



The II. The Generall victualed for 8. dayes, with a 
^selected company went to the maine, and discovered the 
tTownes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secoian, and the great 
;Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a 
(Siluer Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled 
.their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon, 

Whence we wayed for Haiorask^ where we rested, and 
Cranganimeo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came 
abord our Admirall, the Admiral] went for Weapomciok^ 
and Master lohn Arundell for England. 

Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship 
of 300. tunns, with which he ariued at Plimoutk the 18, 
of September, 1585. 

These were left vnder the command of Master 

Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but 

they returned within a yeare. 


Philip A midas A dmiralL 
[Master Thomas Heryot, 
\Masier Acioft, 
}jdaster Stafford. 
[Master Thomas Luddington. 
Master Maruyn, 
\Captaine Vaghan, 
Master KcndalL 
Master Gardiner* 
[Master Predeox, 

Master Rogers, 
Master Hariiy, 
Master SnelUng. 
Master Antony Russe. 
Master Alien, 
Master Michaell PoUison, 
Master Thomas Bocktier. 
Master lames tnasofi. 
Master Dauid Salter, 
Master lames Skinfter, 

"With diuers others to the number of 108. 

Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country 
[and our proceeding from the 17 of Augmt 1585. till the 
18. of lune 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation. 

The vtmost of our discouery Southward was Secotan as 

lilve esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoacke. The passage 

[from tlience was thought a broad sound within the maine* 

being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoulds 

that our Pinnasse could not passe, and we had but one 

[boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their 

»rouisions for 7. dayes : so that because the winter ap- 

noached we left those discoueries till a stronger supply. 

Their fii«t 


Sir Richard Grenvill, 

La. i.[ 


• ndiMii 


To the Northward ; oar farthest was to a Towne of 
Ck4saft4uis, from Roamcad 230. myles. The passage 
my shallow and dangerous by rcaaoQ of the fareadi 
of the sound and the little succoor lor a stonne, bat thi 
tcr'r itoiy being 15. royle from thesfaoare, for pleasantnest] 
of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle 
corooditie of the Sea^ besides beares, good woods, 
WaiimUp S-c. is not to be ejice!Ied by ar y other whatsoeuer« 

There be sundry other Kings they call M'tromc^s 
the Mangoach, Trypamiks aikd nj^/Bifiwi, which came 
visit vs. 

To the northwest our farthest was CkiK9<mock froi 
Roanoack 130. myles our ;6. passage lyeth through a broad] 
sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Nauigable for] 
a Ship, but out of it full of shoutes. 

The townes by the way by the water, arc Pi 
the womens towne, Cfupatioc, W€a(>om^ok ; from Masca-] 
munge wee enter the riuer and iurisdiction of Chav^mccMf 
there it beginneth to straiten, and at Ckavonock it is as 
Thanus at Lambeth : betwixt them as we passed is goodly 
high land on the left hand, and there is a towne calM 
Ohanock, where is a great come field, it is subject to 
Chawoftock, which is the greatest Prouince vpon the riuer, 
and the Towne it selfe can put seuen hundred men into 
the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, 
but hath more vnderstanding then all the rest. , 

The river of Moraioc is more famous then all the rest, 
and openeth into the sound of Wtapomciok, and where 
there is but a very small currant in Chaxtonock, it hath so 
strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to 
row against it. Strange things they report of the head of 
this riuer, and of Moraioc it selfe, a principall towne on it, 
andisthirtieorfortiedayes loumcytothe head. This lame, 
King [0/ Ckawonock] h caAltd Mcitatonon. When 1 had him 
prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes loumey in a 
Canow vpthe riuct Chawoftockf then landing andgoingfoure 
dayes lourney Northeast, there is a King whose Country 
lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Hand 
in a Bay inuironed with deepe water, where he taketh that 
abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his 
nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished there* 

Ed. fay J. SmitKl f i-a 

1. Master Ralph Layne, 


with. This king was at C/raw^ocA two yeares agoe [1584] 
to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had 
a rope, but they were naught ; but that King he sayth 
hath store of white, and had trafificke with white men, for 
whom he rescnied them; he promised me guides to him, 
but aduised me to goe strong, for he was vnwilling 
strangers should come in his Country, for his Country 
is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in 
Aprill, I resolued to haue sent a small Barke to the North- 
ward to haue found it, whilest I with small Boates and 
200. men would haue gone to the head of the riuer Chawo- 
nock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe 
euery two dayes, where I would leaue Garrisons for my 
retreat, till I came to this Bay. 

Very neare vnto it is the riuer of Moratoc, directly from 
the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, 
which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea 
beats ouer it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the 
surse is a violent slreame. I intended with two Wherries 
and fortie persons to haue Menaionons sonne for guide, to 
try this presently, till I could meete with some of the 
Moratocksj or Mangoaks; but hoping of getting more victuall 
from the Saluages, we as narrowly escaped staruing in 
that Discouery as euer men did. 

For Pcmissapan who had changed his name of Wingina 
vpon the death of his brother Granganameo, had giuen 
both the ChawoncstSy and Mangoaks word of my purpose: 
also he told me the Chauonocks had assembled two or three 
thousand to assault me at Roanok^ vrging me daily to goe 
against them, and them against vs ; a great assembly 
I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach 
did so dismay them, that we had the better of them : and 
this confederacy against vs was procured by Pemissapan 
himselfe our chiefe friend [as] we trusted ; he sent word also 
to the Moraioks and the Mangoaks, I came to inuade them, 
that they all fled vp into the high Country, so that where 
I assured my selfe both of succour and prouision, I found 
all abandoned. 

But being thus farre on my ioumey 160. myles from 
home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casual- 
ties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Saluages trechery. 





Sir Richard Grenvill, and Lib, i-p**^ 

I] though we intended no hurt to any : I gauc nsy CompaiiT 
to vnderstand we were onely dra^i-ne forth vpoa Uiese 
vaine hopes by the Saluages to bring vs to confusioo: a 
Councell we held, to goe forward or retume, but they 
all were absolutely re&olued but three, that whilst there 
was but one pynt of Come for a man, they would not 
tM»ti^«ti|^^g the search of that riuer; for the>' had two Mastiue 
Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaues {U the worst fell 
[7j out), vpon them and the pottage they would line two 
dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they 
should finde fieh for two dayes more to pa&se it to Roanock, 
which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a 
foote, till they had seene the MoMigoaks either as friends 
or foes. 

Though I did forsee the danger and niiser>-, yet the 
desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is 
iWMiM«e a prouince called Chaunii Temoaian, frequented by them 
""""^ and well knownc to all those Countries, where is a mine of 
Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out 
of a riuer that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow 
water, in great Bowles, couered with leather, leauing a 
part open to receiue the mettall, which by the change of 
the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they sud- 
dainly chop downe, and haue the Bowlefull, which they 
cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in 
liue parts at the Rrst melting two parts mettall for three 
of Ore. The Mangoaks haue such plenty of it, they 
beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the 
Salvages report ; and young Skiko the King of CAovonodb 
Sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the 
Mangoaks, but neuer at Chaunis Temoaian, for he sayd that 
was twentie dayes ioumey overland from the Mattgoaks. 

Mcnatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me 
guid[c]s to this mettall Countr>* ; by Land to the Mangoah 
is but one dayes ioumey, but seauen by water, which 
made me so willing to haue met them for some assay of 
this mettall : but when we came there we found no crea- 
ture, onely we might see where had beene their fires. 

After our two dayes journey, and our victuals spent, in 
the euening we heard some call as we thought Manteot 
who was with me in the boat ; this made vs glad, he made 



w.i.Tj.SHgb.-]Lin j^ Master Ralph Layne. 


them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song 
we thought for welcome, but he told vs they came to 
fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the 
boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore 
we landed: but they all were fled, and how to iinde 
them wee knew not. 

So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the 
riuer, that cost vs foure dayes rowing vp, and here our dogs 
pottage stood vs in good stead, for we had nothing els: 
the next day we fasted being wind-bound, and could not 
passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chip- 
panum, where the people were fled, but their w[elires 
afforded vs fish : thus being neare spent, the next day God 
brought vs to Roanockf. 

I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this 
Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit 
comparable with any in the world : otherwise there will 
be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found 
a better harbour then yet there is, which must be North- 
ward if there be any. Master Vaugkan no lesse hoped of 
the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Herioi that the 
riuer Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico^ 
or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth 
neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done 
au» from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes 
iounicy to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c. 



ciirroiit of 
I lie river 

The conspiracy of Pemissapan ; the Discouery 

of it ; and our retnrne for England 

with Sir Francis Drake. 

?f^Nsatore, a Saluage, father to Pemissapan, the best 
friend we had after the death of Granganimco, 
when I was in those Uiscoueries, could not 
prevaile any thing with the King from destroy- 
ing vs, that all this time God had preserucd by his good 
counsel! to the King to be friendly vnto vs. Pemissapan 
thinking as the bru[ijte was, in this last ioumey we were 


The Con- 
spirmcy o( 

Tlir tTeatb il 
a rocM rare 

The Discoveries and Accidents 

slaine and starued, began to blaspheme our God that 
would suffer it, and not defend vs, so that old Ensetwn 
had no more credit for vs: fur he began by all the deuiseSi 
he could to inuadc vs. But in the beginning of this{ 
bru[i]te, when they saw vs all retume, the report false, [8]! 
and had Manieo^ and three Saluages more with vs, how 
little we esteemed all the people we met, and fearedi 
neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought 
their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with vs to Roatwckt 
it a little asswaged all his deuises, and brought Ens£Hor$\ 
in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee thesri 
friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe theiii[ 
more hurt being dead, then liuing, and that being aikj 
hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sickej 
to death, and that when we die it is but for a tim< 
then we returne- againe. 

But that which wrought the most feare among thci 
was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certain! 
dayes after my returne, Mcnatonon sent messengers to nu 
with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopofneoke, to yeeld hii 
selfe seruant to the Queene of England, Okisco witl 
twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pcmtssapan to] 
acknowledge this dutie and subiection, and would performi 
it. All which so changed the heart of Pcmissapan, ih; 
vpon the aduise of EmenorCy when we were ready to famij 
they came and made vs w[eiires, and planted their ficldl 
they intended to abandon (we not hauing one come till' 
the next haruest to sustaine vs). 

This being done our old friend Enscnorc dyed the 
twenty of Aprill [1586J, then all our enemies wrought 
with Pcmissapan to put in practise his deuises, which he 
easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by vs, and 
at Dasamonpcack two leagues from vs. Yet they got Okisco 
our tributary to get seuen or eight hundred (and the Mat 
doages with the Chisapcans should doe the like) to mecl 
<as their custome is) to solemnize the Funeral! 
Enseuore, Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off tl 
straglers, seeking crabs and prouision : the rest coi 
out of the maync vpon the Signall by fire. Twenty 
the principall of Pemissaparts men had charge in the nigl„ 
to besei my house, put fire in the Reeds that couered it ; 

w.byj.soUih.-jL(jj j_ of Capiaine Philip Amidas. 


which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they [1586] 
might without danger knocke out my braines. The same 
order for Master Heriots, and the rest : for all should haue 
beene fired at an instant. In the meane lime they should 
sell vs nothing, and in the night spoyle our w[e]ires, to make 
necessitie disperse vs. For if we were but ten together, 
a hundred of them would not meddle with vs. 

So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine 
Stafford to Croatatij with twentie to feed himselfe, and see 
if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Masttr 
Predeox with ten to Hatarask vpon the same occasion : and 
other small parties to the Mayne to Hue vpon rootes and 

Pcmi'ssa^flMsequestring himselfe [that] I should not impor- 
tune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the 
Chawonests so forward as he expected, being a people more 
faithfull and powerful!, and desired our friendships, and was 
offended with him for raising such tales, and all his proiects 
were revealed to me hy Ski co my prisoner; who finding 
himselfe as well vsed by me as P^j?;issj/a«, tould me all. 

These troubles caused me send to Pcmissapan, to put 
suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan 
to meete a Fleete [that] came to me, though I knew 
no such matter: and that he w^ould lend me men to fish 
and hunt. He sent me word he would come himselfe to 
Roattock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men 
were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, 
I resolued the next day to goe [and] visit him, but first to 
giue them in the lie a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze 
on all their Canows about the lie. But the towne tookc 
the Alarum before I ment it. For when I sent to take the 
Canows, he met one going from the shore, ouerthrew her 
and cut off two Salvages heads; wherevpon the cry arose, a lUnghiet 
being by their spyes perceiued: for they kept as good SlKJ^ 
watch over vs, as we of them. Vpon this they to their 
Bowes, and we to our Armes : three or foure of them at 
the first were slaine, the rest fled into the woods. 

The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent 

'efttissapan v,'ovd I was going to Croaiaw, andtookehim inmy 
way tocomplaine [that] Osocon would haue stole my prisoner 
Skico> Herevpon he did abide my comming, and being 

The Disccveries and Accidents Lib. i-f****^ 



among eight of the principallest, I gane the vmtchvwrd tD 
my men, and immediately they had that they purposed 
for vs. Himselfe being shot through with a PistoU fi 
downe as dead, but presently start vp and ran away 
them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the 
where they tooke him and cut off his head. 

Seauen dayes after Captaine Stafforiom sent to me 
descr>'ed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to 
himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to 
last, he neither spared labour, or peril! by land or 
fa>Te weather or foule, to pcrforme any serious 
committed to him.) He brought me a letter 
Francis Drake, whose generous mind ofiered to 
my defects, of shipping, boats, munitioo, Tictoall, 
and men to further this action : and rpoa good consi 
tion an deliberation, be appointed me a ship of 70. 
with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals^ 
Pinnaces foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masti 
with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready 
suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes* 
like to haue driuen the whole Fleete on shore : many 
them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lat 
giuen me was one, ynth all my prouision and Com 

Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Gen 
appointed me a ship of 170. tans, with all pcouisioaa 
before, to carry me into England the next Augast» or 
I had performed such Discoueries as I thou^t fit. Yet 
they durst not vndertake to bring her into the harbour, 
but she must ride in the road, leauing the care of the rest 
to my selfe, advising; me to consider with my Company what 
was fittest, and with my best speed rctume him answer. 

Herevpon calling my Company together, who were all 
as priuy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole 
request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, 
no hope of the retume of Sir Ridmrd GrrnviU,) and witk 
gencrall consent, they desired me to rrge him, we m 
all goe with him for EngUnd in his Fleete ; for w 
reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of 
wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his 



Ed.byj.smith.-j Lib. I. of Captaine Philip Amldas. 

So with prayses to God we set sayle in lune 1586. and 
arriued in Portsmouth the 27. of luly the same yeare : 
Leaving this remembrance to posteritie. 

To reason lend nie thitie attcnlim cares, Exempt thy sel/e from 

mind-disiracting cares : 
Least thaVs here thus proiected for thy good'. By thee reiectid 

be, ere vnderstood. 

Written by Master Ra/f>/i Layne, Govcrnour. 



Tie Observations of Master Thomas Heriot 
in this Voyage. 

For Marchandizc and Victualls, 

Hat before is writ, is also confirmed by that 
learned Mathematician Master Thomas Heriot, 
with them in the Country, whose particular 
Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, cooumA- 
Foules, Fruiles, and Rootes, and how they may be vsefuU ; ^'*** 
because I haue writ it before for the most part in the 
Discourse's] of Captaine i4 miV/os, and Captaine Loyn^, except 
Silk grasse, Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, 
Wapeith or Terra sigillala, Tar, Rosen, and Turpentine, 
Civet-cats, Iron ore. Copper that held Silver, Coprose 
and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would 
not trouble you with one thing twice. 


For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur^ little rootes ^y^- 
called Chcipacor, and the barke of a tree called by the 
Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are for divers sorts 
of Reds. 

What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called 5^1.'*'** 
Mclden, described like an Orange, growinjj foure foote highj 


The Observations of Liu. i 

fT. HvTCt. 




Fniiu ihaU 


DcaatJ extra 

[1585-6] ^^c seede will make good broth, and the 10; stalke burnt 
to ashes makes a kinde of Salt : other Salt they know not 
and we vsed of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we 
found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke. 

Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots ; they grow in 
clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far 
vnlike, which will climbe vp to the top of the highest tree; 
the vse knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then stampe an< 
straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good t< 
cate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians o\ 
vse for bread and broth, Habascon is like a Parsnip,"^ 
naught of it selfe, except compounded : and their Leekes 
like those in England, 

Sequcnnmmencr, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three 
kinde of Berries like Acornes, called Sagatatnenor, Osatne- 
rwr, and Pufnmuckofter, 

Saqtunuckot and Maquowoc^ two kinde of beasts, greater 
then Conies, and very good meate ; in some places sucl 
plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, that all the people mal 
them mantels of their skins. I haue the names of 21 
severall sorts that are dispersed in the Countr>' : of whicl 
12. kindes we haue discouered and good to eate; but the 
Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and eate him. 

There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill|fl 
and May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours^™ 
but the most part of i8. 2o. or 24. ynches long, and more. 
Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes. Mullets, Old-wiues, Plaici 
Tortoises both by Sea and Land : Crabs, Oysters, Mussel; 
Scalops, Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we haue the 
Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not. 

Turkyes, Stockdoues, Partridges, Cranes, Hemes, Swans, 
Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins. I haue the names in_ 
their language of 86. severall sorts. IH 

Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, 
except Rakeock, a great sweet tree, whereof they make their 
Canowes : and AscopOj a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and 

Their Natures and Manners, fl 

Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, 
handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that 
part of Virginia v;e now [1607-1624] inhabite: which at 





Ed. by J. Smith. 

] Lib. I. Master Thomas Heriot. 


l-r^e you may readc in the Description thereof {f>p, 44-841 
343-380]. But the relation of their Religion is strange, as 
this Author reporteth. 

Some Religion they haue, which although it be farre 
from the truth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may be 
the easier reformed. They beleeue there are many gods 
which they call Mantoac^ but of different sorts and degrees. 
Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all 
eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make 
the world, made first other gods of a principall order, to 
be as instruments to be vsed in the Creation and govern- 
ment to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and 
Starres, as peltie gods; and the instruments of the other 
order more principall. First (they say) were made 
waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie 
of creatures that are visible or invisible. 

For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which 
y the working of one of the gods conceiued and brought 
forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how 
many yeares or ages since they know not; having no 
^b^ecords but onely Tradition from Father to sonne. 
^" They thinkc that all the gods are of humane shape, and 
therefore represent them by Images in the formes of men; 
which they call Kewasowok : one alone is called Kcwasa ; 
them they place in their Temples, where they worship, 
pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort 
thinke them also gods. 

They beleeue the immortalitie of the Soulc, when life 
departing from the body, according to the good or bad 
workes it hath done, it is carried vp to the Tabernacles of 
the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso, a great 
pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the 
world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually. 

To conhrme this they told me of two men that had 
beene lately dead, and revived [11] againe; the one 
hapned but few yeares before our comming into the 
country ; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, 
the next day the earth over him being scene to mouc, was 
taken vp, who told them his soulc was very neare entering 
into Popo^mWi ^^^ not one of the gods saued him and 
gaue him leaue to returne againe, to teach his friends what 

SMC sar. La, Mo. 10. 21 



How the 
world wms 

was nuulc 

How tbey 
Vie their 


1 1 fry goc 
;>ricr deatk 

Two mea 
ri^n from 


The Observaiions of Lia, i.[J; 


of llMir 

[1586-6] they should doc to avoyd such torment. The othe 
hapncd the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles 
from vs, which they told me for news, that one being dead, 
buried, and taken vp as the first, shewed, that although 
his body had laync dead in the grauc, yet his soule liued, 
and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides 
whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and 
fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came 
to most brauc and fayre houses, neare which he met his 
Father, that was dead long agoe, who gaue him charge to 
goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe, 
to inioy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had 
done hee should come againe. 
hewbtiitie What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; 
this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that 
they haue great respect to their Governours: and as great 
care to avoyde torment after death, and to enioy blisse* 
Yet they haue divers sorts of punishments according to 
the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. 
And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learTiCd 
by having speciall familiaritie with their PriestSj wherein 
they were not so sure grounded, nor gaue such credit, 
but through conversing with vs, they were brought into 
great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of 
ours: of which many desired to Icarne more then we had 
meanesfor want of vtterancein their Language to expresse. 
Most things they saw with vs as Mathematical! Instru- 
ments, Sea-Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, 
Perspcctiue Glasses, burning Glasses : Clocks to goe of 
themselues; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far 
exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were 
rather the workes of gods then men ; or at least the gods 
had taught vs how to make them, which loued vs so much 
better then them ; and caused many of thern [to] giue credit 
to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where 1 
came,Ididmybesttomakehisimmortallglor}^knowne. And 
I told them, although the Bible I shewed them, contained 
all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought 
they did conceiue. Notwithstanding many would be glad 
to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their 
breasts and heads, and stroke all their body over with it 





I. Master Thomas Herlot, 


The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with [1686-6] 
vs at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to Their dairc 
dye. And doubting of any lielpe from his Priests, thinking *^''**'™»''*- 
he was in such danger for offending vs and our God, sent 
for some of vs to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he 
might line with him after death. And so did many other 
in the like case. 

One other strange Accident (leauing others) will I mention 
before 1 end, which mooued the whole Country that either 
knew or heard of vs, to haue vs in wonderfuU admiration. 

There was no Towne where they had practised any a 
villany against vs (we leaving it vnpunished, because we X??Sw"" 
sought by all possible meanes to winne them bygentlenes) 
but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to 
dye ; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some 
sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very 
many in respect of their numbers. And this hapned in 
no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where 

■they had vsed some practise to betray vs. And this 
disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, 
nor how to cure it ; nor had they knowne the like time out 
of minde ; a thing specially observed by vs, as also by 
themselues, in so much that some of them who were our 
friends, especially Wingxna^ had obser\'ed such effects in 
foure or hue Townes, that they were perswaded it was the 
worke of God through our meanes : and that we by him 
might kill and slay whom we would, without weapons, 
and not come [12] nearethem. And therevpon, when they 
had any vnderstanding, that any of their enemies abused 
vs in our lourneycs, they would intreat vs, we would be a 
meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt 
ill with vs, might dye in like sort : although we shewed 
them their requests were vngodly; and that our God 
would not subiect himselfe to any such requests of men, 
but all things as he pleased came to passe : and that we to 
shew our selucs his true servants, ought rather to pray for 
the contrary : yet because the effect fell out so suddenly 
after, according to their desires, they thought it came to 
passe by our meanes, and would come giue vs thankes in 
their manner, that though we satished them not in words, 
yet in deeds we had fulfilled their desires. 

324 The Observations of Master T, Heriot Lib. i, 

LFcb^ iStt. 



This marueilous Accident in all the Countn' wTought so 
strange opinions of vs, that they could not tell whether to 
thinke vs ^ods or men. And the rather that all the space 
of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knownc to die, 
or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor 
cared for any of theirs : some therefore thought we were 
not borne of women, and therefore not mortal!, but that 
Ave were men of an old generation many yeares past, and 
risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie 
there were more of our generation yet to come, to kilt 
theirs and take their places. Those that were to come 
after vs they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and 
without bodies : and that they by our intreaties, for loue of 
vs, did make the people die as they did, by shooting 
invisible bullets into them. fl 

To coniirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignor- " 
ance in curing the disease, would make the simple people 
beleeue, that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the 
sioke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets 
were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our 
selues from the place where we dwell, and killed the people 
that had offended vs, as we listed, how farre distant soever. 
And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our ' 
sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, 
whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; 
especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunnc we 
saw that yeaie [1584I before our Voyage, and by a Comet 
which began to appcarc but a few dayes before the sick- 
nesse began : but to exclude them from being the speciall 
causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons h 
then I thinke tit to present or alledge. ■ 

These their opinions I haue set downe, that you may 
see there is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, 
feare and loue vs, by good dealing and government : though fl 
some of our company towards the latter end, before we™ 
came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselues too 
furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, 
vpon causes that on our part might haue bin borne with 
more mildnesse ; notwithstanding they iustly had descrued 
it. The best neverthelesse in this, as m all actions besides, 
is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may 

£^j Lib, I. Sir R. Grenvils seco^id Voyage. 325 

happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as [1585-6] 
much as may be eschewed ; the better to allure them here- 
after to Civilitie and Christianitie. 

Thus you may see, How 

Nature Iter selfe delights her sclfe in sundry Instruments, Pminn^, 

That sundry things be done to dccke the earth with Ornaments; 
Nor suffers she her servants all should runnc one race, 
But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace; 
That divers ic'ayes and divers workes^ the world might better grace. 

Written by Thomas Heriot^ one of the Voyage. 


^M How Ss'r Richard Grenvill went fa relieue 
^B ihefft. 

""N the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh 1586 
and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred 
tun, fraughted plentifully of all things neces- 
sary : but before [ISj they set sayle from 
England it was Easter 3 April], And arrivinjj at Hatorask, 
they after some time spent in seeking the Collony vp in the 
Country, and not finding them, returned with all the 
provision againe to England. 

About 14- or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill ac- 
companied with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. 
Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his 
expectation, nor liearing any newes of the Collony there 
seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing vp and 
downe to seeke them, but when he could heare no newes 
of them, and found their habitation abandoned, vnwilling 
to lose the possession of the Country, after good delibera- 
tion he landed fiftie men in the He of Roanoak, plentifully 
furnished with all manner of provision for two j'cares: 
and so returned for England. 


The Oiservaiions of 

Lib. I. [.i,- 


[W96-7] Where many bepan strangely to diacant of those ccoase 
be^nnin^. and him ; which caased oae xcmember an old 

sa>'ing of Euripides, 

Who broacheth ought thats nem, tofocUs vniaugki, 
Himsdfe shall iudged be vnwse, and good for 



H'kiu hi 


7hree Ships more sent to relkue them by 
Master White. 

E went the old course by the west Indus, ani 
Simon F^rrf/wflf/io our continuall Pilot mistaking 
Virginia for Cape Fear^ we fayled not much to 
haue beene cast away, vpon the conceit of our 
all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the 
vigilancy of Captaine Stafford, We came to Hatorask the 
22. of luly [1587], and with fortie of our best men, intending: 
at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill 
But we found nothing but the bones ofa man, and where the 
Plantation had beene, the houses vnhurt, but overgrowne 
with weeds, and the Fort defaced ; which much perplexed vs. 
By the History it seemes Simon Firdinando did what he 
could to bring this voyage to confusion ; but yet they all 
arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at 
Roano'ajck, and Master George HoWf one of the Councell, 
stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long 
after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croaian with 
Manieo, whose friends dwelled there : of whom we thought 
to haue some newes of our 50 men. They at first made 
shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw 
away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there 
might be a token giuen to be knowne by, least we might 
hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin 
by Master Layne^ that was ever their friend, and there 
present yet lame. 


Ed-by J. Smiai-I T YTi 
1621.I ■L-'l"' 

I. Master lohn White. 




^ The next day we had conference with them concerning 

the people of Sccotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok^ willing 
them of Croaian to see if they would accept our friendship, 
and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly 
imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Gover- 
nours to Roaiwak^ to confirme it. We also vnderstood 
that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Winf^inay of 
Dassamonpeack : and by them of Roanoacky that the fiftie 
men left by Sir Richard GrenvUi, were suddainly set vpon 
by three hundred of Sccotan, Aqnascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, 
First they intruded themselues among 11 of them by 
friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their houses, 
they set them on fire, that our men with what came next 
to hand were forced to make their passage among them ; 
where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently 
dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more 
were hurt ; but our men retyring to the water side, got 
their boat, and ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle 
towards Hatorask, they tooke vp foure of their fellowes, 
gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a 
little He by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but 
after departed they [14] knew not whether. So taking our 
caues of the CroatatiSf we came to our Fleet at Hatorask, 
The Govemour having long expected the King and 
overnours oi Pomciok, Sccotan, AqnascogoCj and Dassamon- 
peack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no newes of them ; 
being also informed by those of Croaian^ that they of 
Dassamonpeack slew Master HoWj and were at the driving 
[ofj our men from Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre 
the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine 
Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Mantco was one, 
for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards vs as a most 
faithfull English man) he set forward. 

The next day by breake of day we landed, and got 
beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we 
assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled into 
the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought 
to haue beene fully revenged, but vve were deceiued, for 
they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their 
corne, because they vnderstood our enemies were fled after 
the death of Master How^ and ieft all behinde them for 



(■rtie Riea 
were slaine. 



Tfu Obstrvatioms of 

\fMfT\ th« birds. But they Isad like to haoe payd too dorr for fl 
h, bad we not chanced vpon a Wtroanta wife, with a ^ 
childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaiae 
Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being 
thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the £niit we 
found npe, left the rest vnspoyled, and toofce MtnuUmim 
his ^^ife uith her childe, and the rest with vs to Roamo^. 
Though this mistake grieued Manteo^ yet he imputed it to 
their OMrn folly, because ihe>' had not kept promise to come 
to the governor at the day appointed. 

The i3,of August oarSalvageAfojBte was Christened. and 

called Lord of Dasumonfcack, in rcwaid of his faithfulnesse. 

AdM t And the iSlh, EUinorthc Govemoars dacj^hter, and wife to 

^l^!]!kSm. Ananias Dare t'^'A^dcUvertd of a daughter in /^ooiMiaJk ; which 

being the first Christian there borne, was called Vir^nia. 

Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, 

as the Admirall was forced to cut her Cables : and it was 

six dayes ere she could recover the shore, that made vs 

doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best 

men were on shore. 

*? T. ^^ *^*^ ^™^ Controversies did grow betwixt our Govemour 

mwmifvi and the Assistants, about choosing one of them iz. to goc 

mI^SjH m Factor for them all to England; for all refused sa%-e one, ' 

whom all men thought most insufficient : the Conclusion 

was by a generall consent, they would haue the Govemour 

goc himselfe, for that they thought none would so truly 

procure the i, re supplyes as he. Which though he did 

what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would 

not cease till he \Tidertooke it, and had it vndcr all their 

hands how vnwilling he was, but that necessity and reason 

did doubly constraine him. 

At their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, 
twelue of the men in the flyboat were throune from the 
Capslern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so 
hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they 
had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and 
kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and Conios\ the 
Admirall stayed there looking for purchase; but thefiyboats 
men grew so wcake they were driuen to Sm^rwtck in the West 
oi Ireland, The Governour went for England; Sind Si moih 
Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmonth. 1587, 


Ed.byj.snuih.-] L,P I. Master lohn White. 


The Names of those [who] were landed 
in tills Plantation were, 

John White Governour, 
Ro^er Baylcy, 
Ananias Dare. 

Simon Fcrdinaiulo, 
Christopher Couper, 
Thomas Stevens. 

lohn Samsou. 
Thomas Smith. 
Dionis Harnie, 
Roger Prat. 
George How. 
Antony Cage. 

With divers others to the number of about 115. [16] 


M. loiter 
H'kiU hi* 
rccurne to 

T^ Jift Voyage to Virginia ; iiniertahn ky 
Master lohn White. 1589. 

j^He 20. of March three ships went from Flimonthy J589 
and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogadoro to 
Dominica in the West Indies. After we had 
done some exployts in those parts, the third of 
August 11587] wee fell with the low sandy lies westward 
of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the 11, 
ere we could Anchor there ; and on the 12. we came to 
Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and ahalfe, 
in the Northeast poynt of the He. The 15. we came to 
Hatorask in 36. degrees and a terse, at 4. fadom, 3. leagues 
from shore : where we might perceiue a smoake at the 
place where I left the Colony, 1587. 

The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spiccr, and 
their companies, with two boats left our ships, and [wel 
discharged some Ordnance to giue them notice of our 
comming, but when we came there, we found no man, nor 
signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned 
to our Boats. 

The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. 


Tlu Observations of Lib. i.[^" 



Sp*€er and 


Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, 

so it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which 
rode two mylcs from the shore. The Admirals boat, being 
a mylc before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea. broke 
into the boat and hlled her halfe full of water: but by 
Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook^ 
though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the 
wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a 
current and a breach vpon the barre ; Captaine Spicer 
passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph 
Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch 
hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, 
where some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the 
sea beat them downe. The boat thus tossed vp and downe 
Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were 
drowne ; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselues 
in deeper water, were saued by the meanes of Captaine 
Cook^ that presently vpon the oversetting of their boat, 
shipped himselfe to saue what he could. Thus of eleuen, 
seuen of the chiefest were drowned. 

This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to 
get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by 
their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselues 
againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with ig persons. It was late 
ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we 
sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare. The 
next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the 
grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went vp and 
downe the He, and at last found three faire Romane 
Letters carved. C.R.O, which presently we knew to 
signiBe the place where I should had them, according to 
a secret note betweene them and me: which was to write 
the name of the place they would be in, vpon some tree, 
dore, or post : and if they had bcene in any distrcsse, to 
signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my depar- 
ture they mtended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. 
But we found no signe of distresse; then we went to a 
place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found 
them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed 
with a high Palizado, very Fortlike ; and in one of the 
chiefe Posts carued in fayrecapitall Letters CROA TAN^ 


EAbyJ. SmiiU, 

] Lib. I, 

Master lohn White. 



without any slgne of distresse, and many barres of Iron, [1589J 
two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like 
heauie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with 
grasse and weeds. We went by the shore to seeke for 
their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance xhcyfinde 
I left them. At last some of the Sailers found divers JJ^dUiI^S 
Chists had beene hidden and digged vp againe, and much their 
of the goods spoyled, and scattered vp and downe, which p*^*"^ 
when I saw, I knew three of them to be my owne ; but 
hnokes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though 
It much grieued me, yet it did much comfort me that I 
did know they were at Croatatt; so we returned to our 
Ships, but had like to haue bin cast away by a great 
storme that continued all that night. [16] 

The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croaianx 
having the Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes 
whereof wc lost another: letting fall the third, the ship 
yet went so fast a drift, we sayled not much there to haue 
split. But God bringing vs into deeper water ; considering 
we had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, 
we resolued to goe forthwith to S. lohns He, Hispaniola, 
or Tiinidadoj to refresh our selues and seeke for purchase 
that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke 
our Country-men. l?ut our Vice Admirall would not, but 
went directly for Eu^landf and we our course for Trinidado, 

But within two dayes after, the wind changing, we were 
constrained for the Westerne lies to refresh our selues, 
where we met with many of the Queenes ships, our owne 
onsort, and divers others, the 23, of September 1590. 

And thus we left seeking our Colony, that was neuerany 
f them found, nor scene to this day 1622. {This fixes 
the date of ihc compilation by Smith of this pari of the 
General History &c.J And this was the conclusion of ^^ 
this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge punutkitk 
consumed. Whereby we see; 

Not all at oitcCf nor all alihe^ nor ever hath it beene. 
That God doth offer and confer his blessings vpon men. 

Written by Master lo/m White. 



A briefe Relation of the Description i 

EJtT^lfeihs lie, and some others towards the 

North part of f'irgiuia; and what cIs they 

discovered in the ycare 1602. by Capuine 

B^tUmttm GosM$U^ and Ccpntne 

B^rthtS^mtm GiUert ; and dirert 

$thfr Gtmtltmtn thrir Jsuciatts, 

LL hopes of Virginia thus abandon) 
lay dead and obscured from 1590. till 
yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 
32. and himselfe in a smalt Barke, set 
sayle from Dartmouth vpon the 26. of 
March. Though the wind favoured vs 
not at the first, but forced vs as far 
''^^ Southward as the Asores^ which was 

not much out of our way ; we ran directly west from 
thence, whereby we made our iourney shorter then here- 
tofore by 500. leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the 
badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance of the coast, 
caused vs carry but a low sayle, that made our passage 
longer then we expected. 

Onfryday theii.of Ma\ [i6o2jwe made land, it was some- 
what low, where appeared certainc hummocks or hills in 
it: the shore while sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne 
with fayre trees, Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a 
Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord 
vs. It seemed by their signes and such things as they 
had, some Kiskiners had fished there : being about the 
latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, and 


J(iJi7p^]LiB. I. The Discoveries of CapL 


oubting the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, 

nd stood to the Southward into the Sea. 
The next morning we found our selues imbayed with 
a mightie headland : within a league of the shore we 
anchored, and Captainc Gosnoll, my sclfc, and three others 
went to it in our boat, being a white sand and a bold coast. 
Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest 
hils we could see, where we perceiuedthis headland [to be] 
part of the mayn, neare invironed with Hands. As we were 
returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man 
came to vs, with whom we had but small conference, and 
so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more 
Cod then we knew what to doe with, which made vs 
perswade our selues, there might be found a good fishing 
in March, Aprill, and May. [17j 

At length we came among these fayre lies, some a 
league, 2. 3. 5. or 6. from the Mayne, by one of them we 
anchored. We found it foure myles in compasse, without 
house or inhabitant. In It is a lake neare a myle in cir- 
cuit ; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as 
the bushes, were so overgrowne with Vines, we could 
scarce passe them. And by the blossomes we might per- 
ceiue there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises, 
Gousberries, and divers other fruits : besides, Deere and 
other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hemes, with divers other 
sorts of fowle; which made vs call it Martha*s Vijuyard. 
The rest of the Isles are replenished with such like; 

ery rocky, and much tinctured stone like Minerall. 

hough we met many Indians, yet we could not see their 

abitations: they gaue vs fish, Tobacco, and such things 

s they had. 
But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues 

om the Maine, and 16. myle about, invironed so with 

reekes and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked 
together by small passages like bridges. In it is many 

places of plaine grasse, and 
LS before were mentioned. 
rWheat, Barley, Gates, and 
iprung vp 9. inches. The 
;rust therof gray, a foot or 

such other fruits, and berries 
In mid-May we did sow 
Pease, which in 14. dayes 
soyle is fat and lusty: the 
lesse in depth. It is full of 


ligh timbred OkeSi their leaues thrise so broad as ours 



Tlu Discoveries and ObservcUiom Lib. i 


Oct. i«a% 

Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazel]. 
Cherry trees like ours, but the staike beareth the blossom 
or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a 
bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in 
the filing is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh 
water three myles in compasse, [having] in the midst an 
Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with 
wood : here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all 
sorts of foules, whose young ones we tooke and eate at 
our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as good as 
Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two >Tiches vnder ground. 
All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, 
Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and ver>- great ; 
but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature 
hath bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors 
owne writing at large. 

We called this Isle ElizabeOis Isle, from whence we 
went ri;^ht over to the mayne, where we stood a while as 
ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, 
besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, and 
meadows very large and full of greene grasse, &c. 

Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed 
some feare, but by our courteous vsage of them, they fol- 
lowed vs to the necke of Land, which we thought had 
beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. 
Here we imagined was a river, but because the day was 
farre spent, we left to discover it till better leasure. But 
of good Harbours, there is no doubt, considering the Land 
is all rocky and broken lands. 

The next day we determined to fortifie our selues in the 
Isle in the lake. Three weekes we spent in building vs 
there a house. But the second day after our comming from 
the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came 
towards vs. Being vnwilling they should see our building, 
we went to [them], and exchanged with them Kniues, 
Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some Bevers, 
Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such 
like. We saw them haue much red Copper, whereof they 
make chaines, collars, and drinking cups, which they so 
little esteemed they would giue vs for small toyes, and 
signified vnto vs they had it out of the earth in the Mayne. 




'^^jby^t^Ji^^^- *• of Ciipiaine Bartholomew Gosnoll. 335 


Three dayes they staj^ed with vs, but every night retyred 
two or three myle from vs : after with many signes of 
loue and friendship they departed, seaven of them slaying 
behind, that did heipe vs to dig and carry Saxafras, and 
doe any thing they could ; being of a comely proportion and 
the best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. 
They haue no Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke 
ours also was : for which they would haue changed with 
some of our men that had great beards. Some of the 
baser sort would steale ; but the better sort, we found very 
civill and iust. We saw but three of their women, and 
they were but of meane stature, attyred in skins like the 
men, [18] but fat and well favoured. 

The wholcsomenesse and temperature ofthis climate, doth 
not onely argue the people to be answerable to this Descrip- 
tion, but also of a perfect constitution of body, actiue, 
strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the sundr>' toyes by 
hem so cunningly wrought may well testifie. Forourselues, 
jwe found our selues rather increase in health and strength 

en otherwise : for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging ; 
yet not one of vs was touched with an^^ sicknesse. 

Twelue intended here a while to haue stayed, but vpon 

etter consideration, how meanely we were provided, we 

eft this Island (with as many true sorrowfuU eyes as were 

1)efore desirous to see it) the iS. of lune, and arrived at 

Bxmouih, the 23 of luly [1603^. 

^v But yet mans minde doth sitch it selfc explay, 

^K As Gods great Will doth frame it every way. 

^m And, Such thoughts men haue^ on earth that doc but li!U% 
^^ As men may cram, but God doth onely giue. 







33^ The Discoveries of Capt. Martin Pring. Liu. i. [^^'^SJ 



A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, unth two 

Barks from Bristow, for the North pari 

of Virginia. 1603. 

Y the inducements and perswasions of Master 
Richard HachluHe, Master John Whihon being 
Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, and 
most of the Merchants of the Citie of Brisiou\ 
raised a stocke of 1000/. to furnish out two Barkes, 
the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 
26. tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring 
an vndcrstanding Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner 
for Captaine, and Robert Salierne his Assistant, who 
had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before 
for Pilot. 

Though they were much crossed by contrary windes 
vpon the coast of EitglamI, and the death of that e\'cr 
most memorable miracle of the world, our most deare 
soveraigne Lady and Queene EHzabcih ; yet at last 
they passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. ofi 
lune [1603], fell vpon the north part of Virginia, about the 
degrees of fortie three. Where they found plentic of 
most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great 
woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at 
a place they named Whitson Bay^ they were kindly vsed 
by the Natiues, that came to them, in troupes, of tens, ^ 
twenties, and thirties, and sometimes more. ■ 

But because in this Voyage for most part they followed 
the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and haue made no re- 
lation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus 
conclude ; 

Lay hands vnio this worke with all thy wit. 
But pray that God would speed and perfit it. 

Robert Saherne. 

"• ^^tJt'JLiB. I. T/ic Discoveries of Capt,G.\MdLymQu\}\, 22i7 


relation of a Discovery towards the Northward leos. 

^Virginia, hy Captainc George W'aymouth 1605. 

imployed thether by the right Honorable Thomas 

Arundcll, Baron of Warder, in the Raignc of 

our most royall King I a m e s, 

Pon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from [1605] 
Ratcliffc, but by contrary winds we were forced 
into Darlmouth till the last of this moneth, 
then with 29. as good sea men, and all neces- 
sary provisions as could possibly be gotten, we put [19] 
to sea ; and the 24 of April! fell with Flowres and Coruos, 

We intended as we were directed towards the South- 
ward of 39. But the winds so crossed vs wee fell more 
Northwards about 41. and 20. minuits, we sounded at 
100. fathom, and by that we had run 6 leagues we had 
but 5. yet saw no land ; from the mayne top we desciyed 
a whitish sandy cHft, West North-west some 6. leagues 
from vs, but ere we had run two leagues further we found Danccrow 
many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4. fadom and *^°"^"* 
the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among 
those shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, 
which we did with no small danger, though both the 
winde and weather were as fayre as we could desire. 

Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before 
so much desired, and at the hrst sight reioyced, as now 
we all ioyfully praysed God that he liad delivered vs from 
so eminent danger. Here we found excellent Cod, and 
saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daics before. 

Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood 
and water caused vs to take the best advantage of the 
winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever: but we found 
our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17. of May wer 
made the Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not 
approach it. The next day [18 May 1605] it appeared to 
vs a mayne high land, but we iound it an Island of 6. myles 
in compasse ; within a league of it we came to an anchor, 
and went on shore for wood and water, of which we found 

S/fC. SCff. LIB. No. 16. 22 

Cod and 


The Discovtries and Observations 



TWir 6nt 


sufficient. The water gushing forth downe the rocky clifts 
in many places, which are all overgrown with Firrc, Birch, 
Beech ^ and Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, 
Strawberries, wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much 
foule of divers sorts that breed amon^ the rockcs: here, 
as in all places cIs where we came, we found Cod enough. 

From hence we mi^htdisceme the mayne land and very 
high mountaines, the next day because wc rode too open toj 
the Sea, we waighed, and came to the Isles adioyning toj 
the mayn : among which we found an excellent rode, de- 
fended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6. 7. 8, g. 
or 10. fadom vpon aclay o^e. This was vpon a Whitsonday] 
[19 May 1605 ■, wherefore we called it Pentccmt Harbour, 

Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of imputation 
of flatter}', the painfull industry' of our Captaine, who 
as at Sea he was alwayes most carcfull and vigilant, 
so at land he refused no paines : but his labour was ever 
as much or rather more then any mans ; which not onely ' 
incouraged others with better content, but also efTecteaj 
much with great expedition. We digged a Garden] 
the 22. of May, where among our garden-seeds we sowed] 
Pease and Barley, which in 16, dayes grew vp 8. ynches, 
although this was but the crust of the ground, and muchj 
inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne- 

Aftcr we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, 
we marched through two of these Isles, The biggest wa»j 
4. or 5. myles in compasse ; we found here all sorts of 
ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce, Yew, 
Angelica, and divers gummes : in so much many of our^ 
company wished themselucs setled here. 

V^pon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to discover tin 
mayne: we in tbeshipespyed3.Canowesthat cametowardi 
the ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of thci 
came aboord with 3. men, and by our good vsage of Ihei 
not long after the rest, two dayes we had their companiej 
in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths IsleS| 
therefore this may suffice for their description. In this tim( 
our Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into th< 
mayne 40. myles, and returned backe to bring in the ship»] 

The Salvages also kept their words and biought vs 4( 
Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in 

^'''jaiy^™!.'!!] Lib. r. of Captainc George Waymouth. 

Jcnines, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we vsed 
theraso kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in 
their Country: they lying aboord with vs and we ashore with 
them ; but it was but as changing man for man as hostagesj 
and in this manner many times we had their companies. 

At last they desired our Captaine to goe with lliem to 
the mayne to trade with their BashabeSj which is their 
chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat well manned with 
[20] 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in their 
Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaint- 
ance would not stay aboord vs as before for hostage, but did 
what they could to draw vs into a narrow cirke [creek], we 
exchanged one Oivcn Griffin with them for a yong fellow of 
theirs, that he might see if he could discover any Irechery : 
as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with 
bowes and arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they 

These things considered, we conceited tiiem to be 
but as alt Salvages ever had beene, kinde till they found 
opportunitie to do mischiefe. Wherefore we determined 
to take some of them, before they should suspect we 
had discovered their plot, lest they should absent them- 
seluesfrom vs; so the first that ever after came into the ship 
were three which we kept, and two we tooke on shore with 
much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and arrowes. 

Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, 
and inlets thereabouts; and we found 4. severall waies a 
ship might be brought into this Bay. 

In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord 
vs, signifying we should bring our ship to the place where 
he dwelt to trade. We excused our selues why we could not, 
but used them kindly, yet got them away with all the speed 
we could that they should not be perceiued by them in the 
houle [hold] ; then we went vp the river 26. myles : of which 
I had rather not write, then by my relation detract from 
it, it is in breadth a myle, neare 40. myles; and a chan- 
nell of 6. 7. 8. 9, or 10. fadom, and on both sides every 
halfe myle gallant Coues, to containe in many of them 
100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or 
Anchor, onely mored with a Hanser, and it floweth 18, 
foot, that j'ou may make, docke, or carine ships with much 




linm at if 

Tlie Discoveries of Capi 

[1605] facilitie : besides the land is most rich, trending all along 
on both sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor moun- 
tainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth 
make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, if by 
cleansing awaythe woods she were converted into meadow. 
^^ The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in 
^H the Islands, and well watered with many fresh springs. 
^H Our men that had seene Oranoqnc so famous in the worlds 

^H cares, Rcogrande^ Loycr^ and Sliofif report, though they be 

^B great and goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it- 
^V Leaving our ship we went higher, till we were 7. myles 

^K higher than the salt water flowed; we marched towards 

^H the mountains we had secne, but the weather was so hot, 

^^ and our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to 
^H relume : after we had erected a crosse we left this faire 
^H land and river, in which the higher we went the better 
^H we liked it, and returned to our ship. 
^^ By the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our 

men to go vp to their Bassluibes, but we knew their intents, 
and so turned them off; and though we had both time and 
provision to haue discovered much more, and might haue 
found peradventure good trade, yet because our company 
was but small, we would not hazzard so hopefull a businessc 
as this was, either for our private, or particular ends, being 
^^ more regardful! of a publicke good, and promulgating 

^H Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was 

^B the intent of our adventurers so well as ours. 
^m Returning by the Islesintheentry of theSound we called 

them St. Georges Isles ; and because on Sunday we set out of 
Etiglatidy on sunday also the 16. of lune we departed hence. 
When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. 
then 100. After 2. or 3. watches more we were in 24. 
fiidoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know what 
to doe with, and the 18. of luly [1605] came to Dartmoitth, 
^^ and all our men as well God be thanked as when they 
^B went forth. Thus may you see; 

^B God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one, 

^B Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength 0/ bone ; 

All rarities of minde and parts doc all concurre in none, 

^K Written by lames Rosier, one of the Voyage. [Jil 




[ The Cenerall Historii of Virginia^ New England^ &* tlu Summer Isles, 

The Second Book. 


j4 reprinty with variations^ of the First 

Part g/'The Map of Virginia, 






e second Booke, 

HE SIXT VOYAGE. 1606. leoe. 

o another part o( Firgwiaywhcvc now are 

Planted our English Colonies^ Whom God increase 

and preserue : Discovered and Dcsciibed by 

Captain I o H N Smith, sometimes 

Governour of tht Countrey. 

V these former relations you may see [1606-7 
what inconveniences still crossed those 
good intents, and how great a matter 
it \vas all this time to finde but a Har- 
bour, although there be so many. Hut 
this Virginia is a Country in America iz-^rl 
bttweene the decrees of 34. and 45. of 
the North latitude. The bounds there- 
of on the East side are the great Ocean : on the South 
lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the 
West thereof, the limits are vnknowne. Of all this 
Country we purpose not to speakc, but onely of that part 
which was planted by the English men in the ycarc of 
our Lord, i6o6[-7]. And this is vnder the degrees ^y, 38. and 
39. The temperature of this Country doth agree well 
with English constitutions, being once seasoned to the 
Country. Which appeared by this, that though by many 
occasions our people fell sicke ; yet did they recover by 
very small meanes, and continued in healthy though there 
were other great causes, not onely to haue made them 
sicke, but even to end their dayes, &c. 


The Voyages and Discoveries of Lid. 2. [,^;^"^ 




[1607-9] The Sommer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in 
France or Enf^land. The heat of sommer is in lune, luly, 
and August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the 
vehemency of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe 
December, lanuary, February, and halfe March. The 
colde is extrcame sharpc, but here the Proverbe is true, 
that no extreauic long continticth. 

In the yeare i6o7[-8]. was an extraordinary frost in 
most of Europe^ and this frost was found as extreame in 
Virginia^ But the next yeare for 8. or 10. dayes of ill 
weather, other 14. dayes would be as Sommer. 

The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and 
lightning to purifie the ayre, I haue seldome either scene 
or heard in Europe, From the Southwest came the 
greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The Northwest 
winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with 
it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the 
East and Southeast as from the Baymudas, fogs and raincs. 

Some limes there are great droughts, other times much 
raine, yet great necessitie ol neither, by reason we see 
not but that all the raritie of needfull fruits in Europe^ 
may be there in great plentie, by the industry of men, as 
appeareth by those we there Planted. 

There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, 
and that is at the mouth of a wivy goodly Bay, 18. or 2 
myles broad. The cape on the South is called Ca^ 
CmptHenry. Hairy^ in honour of our most noble Prince. The land 
white hilly sands like vnto the Downcs, and all along 
the shores great plentie of Pines and Firres, 

The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the 
worthy Duke of Yorke. The Isles before it, Smithes Isles, 
by the name of the discoverier\ 

Within is a country that .22] may haue the prerogatiue 
over the most pleasant places knowne,for large and pleasant 
navigable Rivers, heaven and earth never agreed better to 
frame a