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CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 


BY 


ELEANOR    G.    PRICE 

AUTHOR  OF  "  A  PRINCESS  OF  THE  OLD  WORLD  " 


"  II  est  dans  1'histoire  de  grandes  et  e"nigmatiques  figures 
sur  lesquelles  le  'dernier  mot'  ne  sera  peut-etre  jamais  dit. 
.  .  Telle  est,  assurement,  celle  du  Cardinal  de  Richelieu." 

BARON  A.  DE  MARICOURT. 


WITH  TWELVE  ILLUSTRATIONS 


SECOND  EDITION 


METHUEN  &  GO.  LTD. 

36  ESSEX  STREET  W.G. 

LONDON 


First  Published    .        .        •    September  igth  1912 
Second  Edition     .        .        . 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

"  '"T'^EMERARIOUS  indeed  must  he  appear  who 
attempts  to  comprehend  in  so  small  a  space  the 
-A-  admirable  actions  of  a  Hero  who  filled  the  whole 
earth  with  the  fame  of  his  glory,  and  who,  by  the  wonders 
he  worked  in  our  own  days,  effaced  the  most  .lofty  and 
astounding  deeds  of  Pagan  demigods  and  illustrious 
Personages  of  Antiquity.  But  what  encourages  me  to 
attempt  a  thing  so  daring  is  the  preciousness  of  the 
material  with  which  I  have  to  deal;  being  such  that  it 
needs  neither  the  workman  nor  his  art  for  the  heightening 
of  its  value.  So  that,  however  little  I  may  say  of  the 
incomparable  and  inimitable  actions  of  the  great  Armand 
de  Richelieu,  I  shall  yet  say  much ;  knowing  also  that 
if  I  were  to  fill  large  volumes,  I  should  still  say  very 
little." 

Although  the  courtly  language  of  the  Sieur  de  la 
Colombiere,  Gentleman-in-Ordinary  to  Louis  XIV.,  who 
wrote  a  Portrait  of  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  some  years 
after  his  death,  may  appear  extravagant  to  modern  minds, 
there  is  no  denying  that  he  is  justified  on  one  point — the 
marvellous  interest  of  his  subject. 

Few  harder  tasks  could  be  attempted  than  a  complete 
biography  of  Richelieu.  It  would  mean  the  history  of 
France  for  more  than  fifty  years,  the  history  of  Europe 
for  more  than  twenty :  even  a  fully  equipped  student 


vi  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

might  hesitate  before  undertaking  it.  At  the  same  time, 
Richelieu's  personality  and  the  times  in  which  he  lived 
are  so  rich  in  varied  interest  that  even  a  passing  glance 
at  both  may  be  found  not  unwelcome.  If  excuse  is 
needed,  there  is  that  of  Monsieur  de  la  Colombiere : 
"  Pour  peu  que  j'en  parle,  j'en  dirai  beaucoup." 

There  are  many  good  authorities  for  the  life  of 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu  and  for  the  details  of  his  time, 
among  which  the  well-known  and  invaluable  works  of 
M.  Avenel  and  of  the  Vicomte  G.  d'Avenel  should 
especially  be  mentioned.  But  any  modern  writer  on  the 
subject  must,  first  and  foremost,  acknowledge  a  deep 
obligation  to  M.  Hanotaux,  concerning  whose  unfinished 
Histoire  du  Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  extending  down  to 
the  year  1624,  one  can  only  express  the  hope  that  its 
gifted  author  may  some  day  find  leisure  and  inclination 
to  complete  it. 

E.  C.  P. 


CONTENTS 

List  of  Authorities          .  ,       .+•      *   '•-*  ..'.«      Pages  xiii,  xiv 

PART  I 

CHAPTER   I 

The  birth  of  Armand  Jean  du  Plessis  de  Richelieu — The  position  of  his 
family — His  great-uncles — His  grandfather  and  grandmother — His  father, 
Francois  de  Richelieu,  Grand  Provost  of  Henry  III. — His  mother  and  her 
family — His  godfathers — The  death  of  his  father  .  .  .  Pages  1-9 

CHAPTER   II 

Friends  and  relations — The  household  at  Richelieu — Country  life  in 
Poitou ,  _.,.';.« I  .  .  Pages  10-15 

CHAPTER   III 

The  University  of  Paris — The  College  of  Navarre — The  Marquis  du 
Chillou — A  change  of  prospect — A  student  of  theology — The  Abbe  de 
Richelieu  at  Rome — His  consecration  ;'•  v  *  •  .  Pages  16-25 

PART  II 

CHAPTER  I 

A  Bishop  at  the  Sorbonne — State  of  France  under  Henry  IV. — 
Henry  IV.,  his  Queen  and  his  Court — The  Nobles  and  Princes — The  un- 
healthiness  of  Paris — The  Bishop's  departure  .  .  .  Pages  26-37 

CHAPTER   II 

Richelieu  arrives  at  Lugon — His  palace  and  household — His  work  in 
the  diocese — His  friends  and  neighbours  ....  Pages  38-47 


viii  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 


CHAPTER  III 

"Instructions  et  Maximes"— The  death  of  Henry   IV.— The   difficult 
road  to  favour — Pere  Joseph  and  the  Abbey  of  Fontevrault        Pages  48-62 


CHAPTER   IV 

Waiting  for  an  opportunity — Political  unrest— The   States-General  of 
1614 — The  Bishop  of  Lugon  speaks Pages  63-71 


CHAPTER   V 

Richelieu  appointed  Chaplain  to  Queen  Anne — Discontent  of  the 
Parliament  and  the  Princes — The  royal  progress  to  the  south — Treaty  of 
Loudun — Return  to  Paris — Marie  de  Me"dicis  and  her  favourites — The 
young  King  and  Queen — The  Due  de  Luynes — Richelieu  as  negotiator 
and  adviser — The  death  of  Madame  de  Richelieu  .  .  Pages  72-87 


CHAPTER   VI 

A  contemporary  view  of  the  state  of  France — Barbin,  Mangot,  and 
Richelieu — A  new  rebellion — Richelieu  as  Foreign  Secretary — The  Abbe* 
de  Marolles— Concini  in  danger— The  death  of  Concini— The  fall  of  the 
Ministry— Horrible  scenes  in  Paris— Richelieu  follows  the  Queen-mother 
into  exile Pages  88-100 


CHAPTER   VII 

Richelieu  at  Blois— He  is  ordered  back  to  his  diocese — He  writes  a 
book  in  defence  of  the  Faith— Marriage  of  Mademoiselle  de  Richelieu — 
The  Bishop  exiled  to  Avignon— Escape  of  the  Queen-mother  from  Blois— 
Richelieu  is  recalled  to  her  service Pages  101-115 


CHAPTER   VIII 

The  Treaty  of  Angouleme— The  death  of  Henry  de  Richelieu— The 
meeting  at  Couzieres— The  Queen-mother  at  Angers— Richelieu's  influence 
for  peace— The  battle  of  the  Ponts-de-Ce—  Intrigues  of  the  Due  de  Luynes 
—Marriage  of  Richelieu's  niece— The  campaigns  in  Beam  and  Languedoc— 
The  death  of  Luynes— The  Bishop  of  Lu^on  becomes  a  Cardinal 

Pages  116-130 


CONTENTS  ix 

PART  III 

CHAPTER   I 

Cardinal  de  Richelieu— Personal  descriptions— A  patron  of  the  arts — 
Court  intrigues — Fancan  and  the  pamphlets — The  fall  of  the  Ministers — 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu  First  Minister  of  France  .  .  Pages  131-142 

CHAPTER   II 

Richelieu's  aims — The  English  alliance — The  affair  of  the  Valtelline — 
The  Huguenot  revolt — The  marriage  of  Madame  Henriette — The  Duke 
of  Buckingham  .  .  .  .  .  .  i  .  ".  Pages  143-157 

CHAPTER  III 

Peace  with  Spain — The  making  of  the  army'  and  navy — The  question 
of  Monsieur's  marriage — The  first  great  conspiracy — Triumph  of  Richelieu 
and  death  of  Chalais Pages  158-175 

CHAPTER  IV 

Two  famous  edicts— The  tragedy  of  Bouteville  and  Des  Chapelles — 
The  death  of  Madame  and  its  consequences — War  with  England — The 
siege  of  La  Rochelle ^  Pages  176-192 

CHAPTER   V 

The  Due  de  Nevers  and  the  war  of  the  Mantuan  succession — The 
rebellion  in  Languedoc — A  new  Italian  campaign — Richelieu  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief .,-''„.  .  Pages  193-206 

CHAPTER  VI 

Illness  of  Louis  XIII.— ",Le  Grand  Orage  de  la  Cour."— The  "Day  of 
Dupes" Pages  207-216 

CHAPTER  VII 

Flight  from  France  of  the  Queen-mother  and  Monsieur — New  honours 
for  Cardinal  de  Richelieu — The  fall  of  the  Marillac  brothers — The  Due  de 
Montmorency  and  Monsieur's  ride  to  Languedoc— Castelnaudary — The 
death  of  Montmorency — Illness  and  recovery  of  the  Cardinal 

Pages  217-233 


CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 


CHAPTER  VIII 

The  Cardinal  and  his  palaces— The  chateau  and  town  of  Richelieu— 
The  Palais-Cardinal—Richelieu's  household,  daily  life,  and  friends— The 
Hotel  de  Rambouillet— Mademoiselle  de  Gournay— Boisrobert  and  the 
first  Academicians— Entertainments  at  the  Palais-Cardinal— Mirame 

Pages  234-248 

CHAPTER   IX 

Conquests  in  Lorraine— The  return  of  Monsieur— The  fate  of  Puy- 
laurens — France  involved  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War — Last  adventures  of 
the  Due  de  Rohan — Defeat,  invasion,  and  panic— The  turn  of  the  tide — 
Narrow  escape  of  the  Cardinal— The  flight  of  the  Princes  .  Pages  249-262 


CHAPTER   X 

Palace  intrigues — Mademoiselle  de  Hautefort — Mademoiselle  de  la 
Fayette — The  affair  of  the  Val-de-Grace— The  birth  of  the  Dauphin— 
The  death  of  Pere  Joseph— Difficulties  in  the  Church  .  Pages  263-275 


CHAPTER   XI 

Victories  abroad — The  death  of  the  Comte  de  Soissons — Social  tri 
umphs — Marriage  of  the  Due  d'Enghien — The  revolt  against  the  taxes — 
The  conspiracy  of  Cinq-Mars— The  Cardinal's  dangerous  illness — He  makes 
his  will — The  ruin  of  his  enemies — His  return  to  Paris  .  Pages  276-290 


CHAPTER   XII 

The  Cardinal's  last  days — Renewed  illness — His  death  and  funeral — 
His  legacies— The  feeling  in  France— The  Church  of  the  Sorbonne 

Pages  291-298 

INDEX •     .    Pages  299-306 


LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 


CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU.     Triple  Portrait  by  Philippe  de  Cham 
paign^  National  Gallery)       ,  "   ."•      .        »  .      Frontispiece 

FACING  PAGE 

HENRY    IV.      From  an    engraving    after  the  picture  by  Francois 

Porbus ,N       .      .,.        ...       26 

CLOISTER  AT  CHAMPIGNY  .       ...'.-.       .       .       .      34 

From  a  photo  by  A.  Pascal,  Thouars. 

THE  MAJORITY  OF  Louis  XIII.  (Louis  XIII.  and  Marie  de  MeMicis). 

From  the  picture  by  Rubens  in  the  Louvre    .        .        .        .        ,      68 

From  a  photo  by  Neurdein,  Paris. 

CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU.    Portrait  by  Philippe  de  Champaigne     .     132 

From  a  photo  by  A.  Giraudon,  Paris. 

GASTON    DE    FRANCE,    Due   D'ORLEANS.      From  a  contemporary 

portrait  .        .        ,.       «...       ..        *.        .        ;        .     162 

From  a  photo  by  Neurdein,  Paris. 

LOUIS  XIII.     From  a  contemporary  portrait      v.        ...       ,        .         .     188 

From  a  photo  by  Neurdein,  Paris. 

THE  CHATEAU  DE  RICHELIEU.    From  an  old  print  .       '.."       .        .    234 
THE  TOWN  OF  RICHELIEU.    From  an  old  print         . .      •       .        .    238 

ANNE  OF  AUSTRIA.     From  a  miniature  in  the  Victoria  and  Albert 

Museum •»        «       ,"    '    *    2^^ 

PORTE  DE  CHATELLERAULT,  RICHELIEU  .       .       .     '  .       .       .    280 

From  a  photo  by  Imprimerie  Photo-Mecanique,  Paris. 

TOMB  OF  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU,  by  Girardon,  in  the  Church  of 

the  Sorbonne »        •     294 

From  a  photo  by  Neurdein,  Paris. 

xi 


CHIEF  AUTHORITIES 

CONTEMPORARY 

Lettres,  Instructions  Diplomatiques  et  Papiers  cTEtat  du   Cardinal  de 

Richelieu,     Recueillis  et  publics  par  M.  Avenel. 
Mlmoires  du  Cardinal  de  Richelieu.     Edition  Petitot  et  Monmerque. 
Mtmoires  du  Cardinal  de  Richelieu.     New  Edition.     With  Notes,  etc. 

(Societe  de  1'Histoire  de  France.)     Not  completed. 
Memoires  sur  la   Regence  de  Marie  de  Medicis,   par   Pontchartrain. 

Edition  Petitot  et  Monmerque". 

Memoires  de  Bassompierre.     Edition  Petitot  et  Monmerque. 
Journal  de  Pierre  de  fEstoile.     Edition  Petitot  et  Monmerque. 
Mlmoires  du  Marquis  de  Montglat,     Edition  Petitot  et  Monmerque. 
Memoires  de  Madame  de  Motteville.     Edition  Riaux. 
L'Histoire  du  Cardinal-Due  de  Richelieu.     L.  Aubery. 
Testament  Politique  du  Cardinal-Due  de  Richelieu. 
Journal  de  M.  le  Cardinal-Due  de  Richelieu ',  1630,  1631. 
Portraits  des  Hommes  Illustres  Franfois.     M.  de  Vulson,   Sieur  de  la 

Colombiere. 

Le  Veritable  Pere  Joseph,  Capucin.     1704. 
Histoire  du  Roy  Henry  le  Grand.     Hardouin  de  Perefixe. 
Memoire  d"Armand  du  Plessis  de  Richelieu,  Eveque  de  Lufon,  1607  ou 

1610.     Edition  Armand  Baschet. 
Description  de  la  Ville  de  Paris.     Germain  Brice. 
Les  Historiettes  de  Tallemant  des  Reaux. 

Etc.,  etc. 


xiv  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

MODERN 

Histoire  du  Cardinal  de  Richelieu.     G.  Hanotaux. 

Histoire  de  France.     H.  Martin.     Vol.  xi. 

Histoire  de  France.     Michelet.     Vols.  xiii.  and  xiv. 

Vie  Intime  d?une  Reine  de  France,  Marie  de  Medicis.     L.  Batiffol. 

Le  Roi  Louis  XIII.  a  Vingt  Ans.     L.  Batiffol. 

Louis  XIII.  et  Richelieu.     Marius  Topin. 

Richelieu  et  les  Ministres  de  Louis  XIII.     B.  Zeller. 

La  Noblesse  Franfaise  sous  Richelieu.     Vicomte  G.  d'Avenel. 

PrttreS)  Soldats  et  Juges  sous  Richelieu.     Vicomte  G.  d'Avenel. 

Le  Cardinal  de  Berulle  et  le  Cardinal  de  Richelieu.     M.  1'Abbe  M. 

Houssaye. 

Gentilshommes  Campagnards  de  FAncienne  France.    Pierre  de  Vaissiere. 
Le  Pere  Joseph  et  Richelieu.     G.  Fagniez. 
Madame  de  Hautefort.     Victor  Cousin. 
Madame  de  Chevreuse.     Victor  Cousin. 
Le  Regne  de  Richelieu.     Emile  Roca. 

Le  Cardinal  de  Richelieu :  Etude  Biographique.     L.  Dussieux. 
Le  Plaisant  Abb£  de  Boisrobert.     Emile  Magne. 

Etc.,  etc. 


CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 


CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 


PART  I 

EARLY  YEARS 

1585—1607 

CHAPTER  I 

1585—1590 

The  birth  of  Armand  Jean  du  Plessis  de  Richelieu — The  position  of 
his  family — His  great-uncles — His  grandfather  and  grandmother — His 
father,  Frangois  de  Richelieu,  Grand  Provost  of  Henry  III. — His  mother 
and  her  family— His  godfathers — The  death  of  his  father. 

IN  the  year  1585,  when  Elizabeth  of  England  was  at 
the  height  of  her  power,  when  Mary  of  Scotland 
lay  in  prison  within  two  years  of  her  death,  when 
Philip  of  Spain  was  beginning  to  dream  of  the  Invincible 
Armada,  when  Henry  of  Guise  and  the  League  were 
triumphing  in  France,  the  future  dominator  of  European 
politics  was  born. 

Armand  Jean  du  Plessis,  third  and  youngest  son  of 
Frangois  du  Plessis,  Seigneur  de  Richelieu,  was  an  infant 
of  no  great  importance.  Even  his  birthplace,  for  a  long 
time,  was  not  known  with  any  certainty. 

His  family  was  noble,  but  not  of  the  higher  nobility 
which  governed  provinces,  commanded  armies,  and  glittered 
at  Court.  He  belonged  to  that  race  of  French  country 
gentlemen  which  led  a  strenuous  life  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  either  for  good  or  evil — perhaps  mostly  for  evil. 
They  were  generally  poor,  proud,  and  greedy.  If,  by  fair 


2  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

means  or  foul,  they  could  capture  a  rich  wife  of  their 
own  station,  so  much  the  better ;  if  not,  they  readily  sacri 
ficed  birth  for  money,  and  bestowed  an  old  name,  coat 
and  sword,  rough  manners  and  ruinous  walls,  on  some 
heiress  of  the  bourgeoisie.  When  the  resource  of  marriage 
failed,  such  a  gentleman  would  turn  himself  into  a  mer 
cenary  soldier,  Catholic  or  Huguenot,  or  creep  into  Court 
employment  in  the  shadow  of  some  great  noble  of  his 
province ;  or  failing  such  honest  means,  he  might  clap  on 
a  mask  and  take  to  highway  robbery,  rich  travellers  being 
better  worth  pillaging  than  the  peasants  who  hid  in  their 
hovels  as  his  horse's  heavy  hoofs  clanked  by.  Sometimes 
Religion  herself,  or  the  false  Duessa  who  personified  her 
in  those  days,  might  help  a  needy  gentleman  to  a  liveli 
hood.  There  was  many  an  abbot  who  had  never  been  a 
monk ;  and  there  were  lucky  families — that  of  Du  Plessis, 
for  instance — who  possessed  a  bishopric  as  provision  for 
a  younger  son. 

The  Du  Plessis  were  an  old  family  of  Poitou.  In  that 
ancient  and  famous  province  they  had  held  several  fiefs 
so  far  back  as  the  early  thirteenth  century ;  but  they  were 
a  wandering,  fighting  race,  without  strong  attachment,  it 
seems,  to  their  native  soil.  One  of  them  is  said  to  have 
gone  to  England  in  the  suite  of  Guy  de  Lusignan,  and 
to  have  married  a  noble  English  wife.  Another  journeyed 
to  Cyprus  with  the  same  distinguished  patron.  In  the 
Hundred  Years  War,  two  Du  Plessis  brothers  were  found 
fighting  on  opposite  sides,  French  and  English.  Pierre, 
the  elder,  head  of  the  less  distinguished  branch  of  the 
family,  was  a  robber  of  Church  property  as  well  as  a 
traitor  to  the  national  cause ;  but  in  the  way  of  morals 
there  was  not  much  to  choose  between  him  and  his  brother 
Sauvage,  the  patriot,  in  favour  of  whom  their  father  threat 
ened  to  disinherit  him. 

Sauvage  was  a  man  of  strong,  acquisitive  character, 
and  everything  prospered  in  his  hands,  though  he  began 
his  career  by  carrying  off  a  younger  brother's  wife.  It 
was  his  son,  Geoffrey,  who  laid  the  real  foundation  of 
future  greatness  by  his  marriage  with  Perrine  Clerem- 


EARLY   YEARS  3 

bault,  of  a  good  old  family,  whose  brother  was  Seigneur 
of  Richelieu.  Louis  de  Clerembault,  who  held  a  post  in 
the  Court  of  Charles  VII,  left  his  fortune  and  estates  to 
Francois  du  Plessis,  his  sister's  son.  The  young  man 
not  only  succeeded  to  the  fortified  chateau  of  Richelieu 
and  a  good  position  in  his  native  province,  but  also  to  a 
connexion  with  the  Court  which  lasted  into  the  reign  of 
Louis  XI,  and  which  helped  him  to  lift  his  family  a  step 
higher  by  marrying  his  own  son,  Francois,  to  the  daughter 
of  Guyon  Le  Roy,  of  Chavigny,  in  the  Forest  of  Fontevrault, 
a  distinguished  courtier,  and  Vice-Admiral  of  France  under 
Francois  I.  This  Francois  du  Plessis  de  Richelieu  was 
great-grandfather  to  the  famous  Cardinal. 

An  ecclesiastical  turn — for  the  sake  of  gain  rather  than 
of  godliness — was  given  to  the  family  by  its  relationship 
with  that  "true  prelate  of  the  Renaissance,"  Jacques  Le 
Roy,  uncle  of  Madame  de  Richelieu.  He  was  successively 
Abbot  of  Villeloing,  Cluny,  and  St.  Florent-de-Saumur, 
and  Archbishop  of  Bourges,  and  in  him  the  bad  sixteenth- 
century  alliance  between  the  Church  and  the  world,  the 
consequence  of  royal  nomination  to  benefices,  might  be 
seen  at  its  most  flourishing  point. 

He  chose  three  out  of  his  five  Richelieu  great-nephews 
to  follow  in  his  footsteps.  Two  of  them  rose  to  be  abbot 
and  bishop ;  the  other,  Antoine,  took  the  vows  as  a  monk 
at  Saumur  against  his  will,  and  after  a  short  religious  life 
varied  by  floggings  and  other  punishments  for  rebellion, 
unfrocked  himself  and  ran  away  to  the  wars.  Known 
throughout  his  military  life  as  "  the  Monk,"  he  was  a  cruel 
and  ferocious  soldier.  With  his  brother  Francois,  a  man 
of  very  different  type,  he  first  saw  service  in  the  Italian 
campaigns  under  the  Marshal  de  Montluc.  Both  brothers 
returned  to  Poitou  towards  1560,  and  both  took  the  Catholic 
side  in  the  religious  civil  war  which  raged  for  years 
in  the  miserable  western  provinces  of  France,  where 
Protestantism,  from  various  causes,  had  taken  a  firm  hold. 
Attached  to  the  Guise  faction,  the  brothers  became  special 
partisans  of  the  Due  de  Montpensier,  the  King's  lieutenant 
in  Poitou  and  their  own  near  neighbour  at  the  Chateau  de 


4  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Champigny.  His  army  swept  the  province  with  fire  and 
sword,  and  among  his  many  fierce  and  adventurous 
followers  Francois  and  Antoine  du  Plessis-Richelieu  led 
the  way. 

The  former,  however,  seems  to  have  been  an  honest 
soldier  rather  than  a  bloodthirsty  demon.  He,  nicknamed 
" le  Sage"  and  regretted  as  "  un  fort  brave  gentilhomme," 
lost  his  life  in  an  expedition  against  the  English,  who  had 
occupied  Le  Havre.  Le  Moine  survived  his  brother  some 
years,  and  his  fame  as  a  fighter  became  worth  a  post  at 
Court  and  a  knightly  order.  With  an  ever-growing 
reputation  for  vice  and  violence,  he  was  killed  in  a  street 
brawl  in  Paris — "mort  symbolisante  a  sa  vie,"  says  the 
chronicler  1'Estoile.  His  most  characteristic  exploit,  and 
the  most  startling  among  many,  was  the  single-handed 
massacre  of  a  hundred  Huguenots  who  had  taken  refuge 
in  a  church  near  Poitiers.  Antoine  de  Richelieu  "  amused 
himself"  by  shooting  down  these  poor  defenceless  creatures 
in  cold  blood. 

So  much  for  the  Cardinal's  great-uncles.  His  grand 
father,  Louis  du  Plessis,  Seigneur  de  Richelieu,  the  eldest 
of  the  family,  died  a  young  man,  but  not  before  he  had 
helped  on  its  fortunes  by  a  marriage  profitable  in  dignity, 
if  not  in  coin.  The  heir  of  Richelieu  was  of  a  quieter 
spirit  than  his  brothers.  He  entered  the  household  of 
a  fine  old  noble — Antoine  de  Rochechouart,  seneschal 
of  Toulouse,  distinguished  for  valour  in  the  reigns  of 
Louis  XII  and  Francois  I — as  lieutenant  of  his  body 
guard  ;  and  very  shortly  married  his  master's  daughter, 
thus  distantly  connecting  his  famous  grandson  with  one 
of  the  noblest  old  ducal  families  in  France,  from  which 
sprang  Madame  de  Montespan  and  her  brilliant  brothers 
and  sisters,  the  Due  de  Vivonne,  Madame  de  Thianges, 
and  the  learned  Abbess  of  Fontevrault.  His  Rochechouart 
grandmother  was  the  one  precious  link  between  Cardinal 
de  Richelieu  and  the  higher  nobility. 

M.  de  Rochechouart  was  poor,  probably  extravagant, 
and  his  daughter  Francoise,  whom  tradition  makes  neither 
young,  pretty,  nor  amiable,  seems  to  have  lived  in  a  sort 


EARLY   YEARS  5 

of  dependence  on  the  great  Dame  Anne  de  Polignac, 
dowager  of  La  Rochefoucauld,  at  Verteuil,  where  Charles  V 
was  royally  entertained  in  1539.  These  circumstances  may 
account  for  the  mesalliance  which  Mademoiselle  de  Roche- 
chouart  certainly  made  in  marrying  Louis  du  Plessis. 
Her  interest  gained  him  the  Court  appointment  of  e'chanson, 
or  chief  butler,  to  Henry  II.  But  he  was  neither  clever 
nor  prudent,  and  his  widow  was  left  with  five  young 
children,  very  little  money,  a  sharp,  proud  temper,  and  a 
deep  discontent  with  her  lot  in  life. 

She  settled  herself  at  Richelieu,  then  only  a  small  castle 
on  an  island  in  the  river  Mable,  in  the  heart  of  a  country 
terribly  disturbed  by  civil  war,  and  commanded,  from  the 
neighbouring  hills,  by  the  strongholds  of  unfriendly  neigh 
bours.  Here  she  brought  up  her  children,  of  whom  the 
second  son,  FranQois,  was  the  father  of  Cardinal  de 
Richelieu. 

The  story  goes  that  a  tragic  event  made  Francois  lord 
of  Richelieu.  There  was  a  feud,  centuries  old,  between 
the  Du  Plessis  in  their  moated  castle  and  the  family  of 
Mausson,  perched  upon  the  hill.  The  quarrel  had  been 
in  abeyance  during  the  peaceable,  absentee  life  of  Louis 
du  Plessis,  but  when  his  proud  widow,  with  her  haughty, 
passionate  boys,  took  up  her  abode  at  Richelieu,  it  broke 
out  again  furiously.  Louis,  the  eldest  son,  was  just 
growing  into  manhood,  an  officer  in  the  Due  de  Mont- 
pensier's  guards,  when  he  fell  out  with  the  Sieur  de 
Mausson  over  that  ancient  bone  of  contention,  a  seat  in 
church. 

Both  families  attended  the  village  church  of  Braye, 
on  the  forest  slope  close  by.  In  those  days,  and  long 
afterwards,  the  chief  gentleman  in  the  parish  had  rights 
over  the  church  quite  as  jealously  guarded  as  any  other 
of  his  feudal  privileges.  He  sat  with  his  family  high  up 
in  the  choir.  He  ordered  the  hour  of  mass,  and  the  cure 
did  not  venture  to  begin  before  he  arrived.  The  congre 
gation  followed  his  lead  throughout.  When  he  was  absent, 
his  servants  sat  in  his  place  and  insolently  demanded  the 
honours  due  to  him.  His  coat  of  arms  was  hung  up  for 


6  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

all  to  see.  If  he  died,  the  bells  chimed  unceasingly  for 
forty  days,  and  the  church  was  hung  with  black  velvet 
for  a  year  and  a  day. 

It  appears  that  the  Sieur  de  Mausson  and  the  young 
Seigneur  de  Richelieu  both  demanded  honours  which 
could  not  be  paid  to  both.  The  young  man,  pushed  on 
by  his  mother,  made  an  angry  resistance  to  the  Mausson 
claims.  His  neighbour,  by  way  of  settling  the  question, 
lay  in  wait  for  Louis  and  murdered  him. 

Madame  de  Richelieu  thought  of  nothing  but  revenge. 
Her  younger  son,  Francois,  was  page  to  King  Charles  IX. : 
she  sent  for  him,  and  he  lived  at  Richelieu,  mother  and 
son  with  one  object,  one  intention,  till  the  watched-for 
time  came.  Then  one  day,  when  Mausson  was  fording 
the  river,  Francois  and  his  men  rushed  out  from  the 
shadow  of  the  willows.  They  had  set  a  cunning  trap  for 
the  enemy,  a  cart-wheel  hidden  under  water,  and  while 
his  restive  horse  was  plunging,  they  fell  upon  him  and 
killed  him.  So  ended  the  feud  between  Mausson  and 
Richelieu,  still  a  lingering  tradition  in  the  valley  of  the 
Mable. 

There  was  not  much  justice  in  those  days,  but  it 
appears  that  Frangois  was  obliged  to  fly  the  country. 
He  wandered  as  far  as  Poland,  where  Henry  of  Anjou 
was  playing  at  being  King,  and  shared  in  the  adventures 
of  that  most  worthless  of  the  Valois  when  he  ran  away 
with  the  Polish  crown  jewels  and  travelled  round  by 
Austria  and  Venice  to  succeed  Charles  IX  on  the  throne 
of  France. 

Francois  de  Richelieu  became  Henry's  trusted  servant. 
Certainly  there  was  nothing  of  the  mignon  about  him. 
Very  tall,  thin,  solemn  and  dismal,  his  looks  were  suitable 
to  his  dreary  but  necessary  office — first  Provost  of  the 
King's  house,  then  Grand  Provost  of  France,  charged  with 
arresting  malefactors  and  presiding  over  their  punish 
ment.  He  was  known  at  Court  as  "Tristan  1'Hermite," 
so  that  he  must  have  struck  his  contemporaries  as  re 
sembling,  not  in  his  office  alone,  the  famous  Provost  of 
XL 


EARLY  YEARS  7 

Francois  de  Richelieu  was  affianced  in  early  youth, 
before  the  Mausson  affair  drove  him  abroad,  to  Suzanne 
de  la  Porte,  who  belonged  by  birth  to  the  higher  bourgeoisie 
of  his  native  province.  Circumstances  brought  about 
this  marriage,  to  which  one  cannot  imagine  that  the 
proud  Francoise  de  Rochechouart  gave  a  very  willing 
consent. 

The  family  of  La  Porte,  highly  respectable,  and  clever 
with  all  the  Poitevin  shrewdness,  possessed  estates  in 
Poitou  and  elsewhere.  Francois  de  la  Porte,  the  Cardinal's 
maternal  grandfather,  was  a  brilliant  scholar  at  the 
University  of  Poitiers,  only  second  in  fame  to  that  of 
Paris,  and  first  in  Europe  for  the  study  of  Roman  law 
in  the  original  spirit ;  keen,  solid,  logical,  practical. 

Francois  de  la  Porte  became  a  learned  and  distinguished 
advocate  in  the  law-courts  of  Paris,  but  did  not  lose 
interest  in  his  own  province  and  his  neighbours  there. 
He  appears  to  have  been  specially  concerned  with  the 
affairs  of  Louis  de  Richelieu,  who,  according  to  Tallemant, 
was  not  only  very  poor,  but  "embrouilla  furieusement 
sa  maison,"  and  left  his  family  in  real  distress.  M.  de  la 
Porte  made  himself  very  useful  to  Dame  Franchise  de 
Richelieu,  no  doubt  partly  as  to  the  management  of  her 
more  distant  property,  difficult  enough  in  those  desperate 
times,  and  satisfied  the  vanity  with  which  his  contempo 
raries  credit  him  by  marrying  his  daughter  to  her  son. 
The  exact  date  of  the  marriage  does  not  seem  to  be 
known. 

As  Grand  Provost,  Francois  de  Richelieu  had  a  house 
in  Paris,  in  the  Rue  du  Bouloy,  and  all  probabilities  point 
to  the  fact  of  his  son  Armand  having  been  born  there. 
He  was  certainly  baptized  in  Paris,  though  not  till  eight 
months  after  his  birth,  the  delay  being  caused  partly  by 
his  extreme  delicacy,  partly  by  the  long  and  dangerous 
journey  from  Poitou  which  had  to  be  made  by  his  grand 
mother,  who  was  present  at  the  church  of  Saint-Eustache 
as  one  of  his  sponsors. 

The  others  were  two  Marshals  of  France,  Armand  de 
Gontaut-Biron  and  Jean  d'Aumont ;  each  of  whom  gave 


8  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

the  child  a  name.  Both  these  gallant  soldiers  are  celebrated 
by  Voltaire  in  the  Henriade  : 

"  D'Aumont,  qui  sous  cinq  Rois  avoit  porte  les  armes  ; 
Biron,  dont  le  seul  nom  repandoit  les  alarmes.  .  .  ." 

Both  were  intimate  friends  of  the  Grand  Provost,  and 
joined  him  later  in  placing  their  swords  at  the  command 
of  Henry  IV. 

The  name  of  Frangois  de  Richelieu  is  frequently  to 
be  met  with  in  the  documents  of  Henry  III.'s  reign. 
He  received  the  highest  honour  Royalty  could  bestow, 
the  Order  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  The  King's  personal  safety 
depended  largely  on  him,  and  allowing  for  the  general 
corruption  of  the  time,  he  seems  to  have  performed  his 
duties,  often  secret  and  mysterious,  with  honesty,  loyalty, 
and  courage.  On  that  wild  day  in  1588,  when  the  Due 
de  Guise  had  been  welcomed  by  Paris  with  mad  enthusiasm, 
when  the  streets  were  chained  and  barricaded  against  the 
King's  troops,  and  Henry  was  escaping  from  his  "  ungrate 
ful  city,"  it  was  the  Grand  Provost  who  checked  the 
pursuers  at  the  Porte  de  la  Conference.  Old  writers  say 
that  the  gate  took  its  name  from  that  circumstance,  and 
tell  how  "  Francois  de  Richelieu,  Grand  Prevot  de  France, 
pere  du  Cardinal  de  meme  nom,  arreta  les  Parisiens  qui 
vouloient  suivre  le  Roi,  pour  tacher  de  le  surprendre." 

Luckily  for  his  own  fame,  this  "wise  officer"  was  not 
an  active  agent  in  the  murder  of  the  Due  de  Guise  at  Blois, 
a  few  months  later.  But  he  was  sent  to  the  Hotel  de 
Ville  to  arrest  those  dignified  citizens  whom  the  King 
suspected  of  being  concerned  in  the  Guise  conspiracy. 
And  in  the  following  summer  he  performed  his  last  duty 
towards  Henry  III.  by  arresting  the  miserable  monk, 
Jacques  Clement,  whom  the  Duchesse  de  Montpensier, 
sister  of  Guise,  had  persuaded  to  earn  his  salvation  by 
murdering  the  King,  "  enemy  of  the  Catholic  religion." 

In  the  confusion  that  followed  Henry's  death,  the  wise 
"  Tristan "  did  not  trust  himself  to  the  faction  of  the 
Guises.  With  other  Catholic  nobles,  and  in  spite  of 
family  traditions,  he  turned  to  the  one  man  in  whose 


EARLY   YEARS  9 

hands  he  saw  safety  for  France  and  himself,  the  Protestant 
Henry  of  Navarre.  That  clever  Prince  received  him 
cordially  and  confirmed  him  in  his  appointments.  So  it 
came  to  pass  that  the  nephew  of  "  the  Monk  "  reddened 
his  sword  with  Catholic  blood  at  Arques  and  at  Ivry, 
and  followed  his  new  King,  still  as  Grand  Provost  of 
France,  to  the  camp  before  Paris.  There  his  career  was 
cut  short  by  a  fever  in  the  summer  of  1590,  at  the  age 
of  forty-two. 


CHAPTER  II 

1590—1595 

Friends    and    relations — The    household    at    Richelieu — Country    life 

in  Poitou. 

WHETHER  the  widow  of  Francois  de  Richelieu  was 
in  famine-stricken  Paris  during  the  siege — one  of 
those  afflicted  ladies  to  whom  the  good-natured 
and  politic   Henry  sent  provisions  first,  passports  later, 
that  they  might  escape  from  the  city — or  whether  she  had 
already,  her  husband  being  so  strongly  in  opposition  to 
the   ruling  powers  there,   removed  herself  and  her  five 
children  into  the  country  it  seems  impossible  to  know. 

She  was  not  without  influential  friends  in  Paris  ;  the 
more  useful,  perhaps,  because  they  were  not  in  the  fighting 
line.  Her  father  lived  in  the  Rue  Hautefeuille,  near  the 
Church  of  St.  Andre~-des-Arcs,  in  the  heart  of  the  Latin 
quarter;  the  old  turrets  of  his  house  still  remain.  He 
was  divided  from  the  Rue  du  Bouloy,  on  the  north  side 
of  the  river  beyond  the  Louvre,  by  two  bridges,  the 
Island,  and  a  labyrinth  of  dirty,  narrow,  dangerous  streets. 
There  may  well  have  been  a  gulf  fixed,  during  those 
horrible  months  of  the  siege,  between  the  old  advocate 
and  his  daughter. 

But  Amador  de  la  Porte,  his  younger  son,  and  Denys 
Bouthillier,  his  head  clerk  and  future  successor,  were  not 
likely  to  let  Suzanne  and  her  children  suffer  any  un 
necessary  privation.  Both  were  strong  and  brilliant  men, 
worthy  members  of  that  bourgeoisie  which  was  the  pride 
and  life  of  Paris.  Amador,  some  years  younger  than  his 

to 


EARLY   YEARS  11 

sister,  was  apparently  too  restless  to  settle  down  in  his 
father's  profession.  But  Francois  de  la  Porte  had  been 
very  useful,  as  advocate,  to  the  Order  of  Malta.  They 
rewarded  him  by  receiving  Amador  as  a  Knight  of  the 
Order,  without  a  too  close  inquiry  into  his  proofs  of 
nobility.  His  foot  once  on  the  ladder,  Amador  rose  to 
be  Commander,  then  Grand  Prior  of  France,  and  by  his 
nephew's  favour  held  several  important  governments. 

These  two  men,  Amador  de  la  Porte  and  Denys 
Bouthillier,  were  constant  friends  and  guardians  of  the 
Richelieu  children.  Bouthillier  and  his  sons  were  devoted 
to  the  Cardinal  throughout  his  career,  to  their  very  great 
advantage.  Claude,  the  eldest,  made  an  enormous  fortune 
as  surintendant  des  finances  under  Louis  XIII.,  and  his  son 
Leon,  Comte  de  Chavigny,  was  a  minister  under  both 
Richelieu  and  Mazarin.  Se"bastien  and  Victor  rose  high 
in  the  Church.  Denys  became  private  secretary  to  Queen 
Marie  de  Medicis,  and  was  created  Baron  de  Ranee;  he 
was  the  father  of  Armand  Jean  de  Ranee,  the  famous  Abbot 
of  La  Trappe. 

Through  the  Cardinal's  other  La  Porte  uncle,  of  whom, 
personally,  not  much  is  known,  the  old  advocate's  family 
stepped  up  into  something  like  equality  with  the  highest 
in  the  kingdom.  His  son,  Charles,  a  bold,  eccentric 
creature,  attached  himself  from  the  first  to  the  fortunes 
of  his  cousin,  Armand  de  Richelieu,  and  by  this  means 
became  a  Marshal  of  France  and  Due  de  la  Meilleraye. 
He  was  one  of  the  Cardinal's  most  trusted  aides-de-camp, 
and  later  on,  a  conspicuous  figure  in  Paris  during  the 
troubles  of  the  Fronde. 

In  the  autumn  of  1590,  if  not  sooner,  a  family  of  women 
and  children  was  established  at  the  Chateau  de  Richelieu. 
There  were  Dame  Francoise  de  Rochechouart,  widow  of 
the  Seigneur  Louis,  and  her  daughter,  also  a  widow, 
Frangoise  du  Plessis,  Madame  de  Marconnay.  There  were 
Suzanne  de  la  Porte,  widow  of  the  Grand  Provost,  and 
her  five  children ;  Fran9oise,  a  girl  of  twelve — who  married 
first  the  Seigneur  de  Beauvau,  secondly,  Ren6  de  Vignerot, 
Seigneur  du  Pont-de-Courlay,  and  was  the  mother  of  the 


12  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Cardinal's  favourite  niece,  Madame  de  Combalet,  after 
wards  created  Duchesse  d'  Aiguillon ;  Henry,  a  well-known 
courtier  of  Louis  XIII. 's  young  days;  Alphonse,  at  this 
time  intended  for  the  Bishopric  of  Lucon ;  Armand  Jean, 
the  political  genius,  now  a  delicate,  feverish  atom  of  five 
years  old ;  Nicole,  who  married  the  Marquis  de  Maille- 
Breze,  and  whose  daughter,  Claire  Clemence,  became  the 
wife  of  the  great  Conde\ 

The  head  of  this  household,  according  to  immemorial 
French  custom,  was  the  grandmother,  Fran9oise  de  Roche- 
chouart.  Her  rule,  no  doubt,  was  severe,  and  there  are 
evidences  that  her  daughter-in-law,  a  woman  of  gentler 
type,  suffered  under  it.  The  hard  old  aristocrat  who  had 
condescended  in  her  marriage  with  Louis  du  Plessis  was 
scornful  of  the  bourgeoise  mother  of  her  grandchildren. 
She  was  soured  too  by  the  losses  and  troubles  of  her 
life.  Probably  Suzanne  brought  from  Paris  the  habits 
of  a  civilisation  that  did  not  suit  that  rough  old  home, 
that  "  ancient  house  of  stone,  roofed  with  slates,"  strongly 
fortified  with  walls  and  moats  as  useful  now  as  in  the 
time  of  the  English  wars,  when  they  were  new.  In  1590, 
the  civil  wars  were  by  no  means  at  an  end.  The  province, 
devastated  for  years  by  Catholics  and  Huguenots  flying  at 
each  other's  throats,  now  suffered  equally  in  the  struggle 
between  Henry  IV.  and  the  League.  Poitiers  took  the 
latter  side,  and  for  three  years,  from  1591  to  1594,  the 
King's  army  besieged  it  in  vain.  All  the  neighbouring 
country,  including  the  valley  of  the  Mable,  was  ruined 
and  unsafe.  A  band  of  ruffian  soldiers  sacked  the  small 
town  of  Faye-la-Vineuse,  on  the  hills  overlooking  Richelieu. 
No  wonder  if  the  gentle  Suzanne,  "  loyal  lady  "  and  tender 
mother,  was  kept  sleepless  by  burning  horizons  as  often  as 
by  her  little  Armand,  shivering  with  fever  in  the  unwhole 
some  mists  of  that  river  valley. 

Her  anxieties  indeed  were  many ;  for  though  Dame 
Francoise  might  be  mistress  of  the  house,  all  the  business 
connected  with  her  children  and  her  inheritance  devolved 
on  her.  And  the  Richelieu  affairs  were  in  an  embarrassed 
state.  The  Grand  Provost  had  left  heavy  debts  behind 


EARLY   YEARS  13 

him.  There  was  the  management  of  various  small  estates 
and  chateaux  in  Poitou,  which  by  some  means  or  other 
had  become  possessions  of  the  family:  one  of  these  was 
Mausson,  name  of  ill-omen,  which  had  been  taken  in 
exchange  for  an  estate  in  Picardy,  part  of  the  dowry  of 
Suzanne  de  la  Porte. 

She  was  an  excellent  woman  of  business,  with  hereditary 
instincts  of  law  and  order.  All  her  tact  and  capacity, 
directed  by  strong  affection,  were  devoted  to  the  interests 
of  her  children.  The  words  she  wrote  to  Armand,  years 
later,  when  he  was  Bishop  of  Lucon,  seem  to  have  been 
the  key-note  of  her  life : 

"  L'inquietude  que  j'ai  me  tue  et  je  vois  bien  que  je 
n'aurai  jamais  de  joie  que  lorsque,  vous  sachant  tous 
heureux,  je  serai  en  paradis." 

With  such  a  mother,  and  with  an  indulgent  aunt  in 
Madame  de  Marconnay — in  spite  of  a  fierce  grandmother, 
barred  gates  and  alarms  of  war — the  children's  life  at 
Richelieu  need  not  have  been  unhappy.  Indeed  it  was  not 
so,  if  one  may  judge  by  the  Cardinal's  recollections  of  it, 
and  his  constant  devotion  to  the  old  place  where  most  of 
his  childhood  was  spent.  After  all,  the  family  was  on 
the  winning  side.  France  was  growing  tired  of  the 
League,  attracted  by  the  sunny,  accommodating  patriotism 
of  Henry  IV.  If  the  harvests  of  Poitou  were  destroyed, 
woods  cut  down,  villages  burnt  and  pillaged,  it  was  often, 
odd  as  this  may  sound,  the  work  of  friends,  and  in  the 
intervals  of  these  stormy  visits  of  robber  bands,  country 
life  went  on  cheerfully. 

The  strong  old  manor  nestled  snugly  on  the  islet  in 
the  river-bed,  something  after  the  fashion  of  Chenonceaux 
in  Touraine  or  Bazouges  in  Anjou.  On  the  border  of 
these  two  provinces  and  of  Poitou,  the  country  round 
Richelieu  had  something  of  the  character  of  all  three. 
The  rich  fertility  of  Touraine,  the  vineyards  and  gardens, 
though  not  unknown  here,  soon  gave  way  to  the  forests 
and  marshes  of  the  wilder  provinces.  But  Richelieu  had 
its  park  and  its  avenues,  leading  from  the  high  road  which 
ran  south  from  Chinon  and  Champigny  into  Poitou.  By 


I4  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

this  road  came  all  the  travellers,  all  the  visitors :  Amador 
de  la  Porte,  the  beloved  uncle,  with  news  from  Paris; 
Jacques  du  Plessis,  the  great-uncle,  the  non-resident  Bishop 
of  LuQon,  with  his  eye  on  a  young  successor ;  or,  less 
welcome  to  the  heads  of  the  family,  the  Due  de  Montpen- 
sier,  the  feudal  neighbour,  with  his  pack  of  wolf-hounds 
and  swaggering  troop  of  guards  and  followers.  One  may 
fancy,  even  then,  that  the  dark  eyes  of  Armand  watched 
the  owner  of  Champigny,  scarred  from  the  wars,  without 
much  friendliness. 

There  are  signs  that  the  family  at  Richelieu  was  on 
kindly  terms  with  its  neighbours  of  lower  estate.  The 
cure  of  Braye,  M.  Yver,  who  said  mass  often  in  the  chapel 
of  the  chateau,  was  an  intimate  friend.  There  was  no 
oppression  of  the  peasants,  who  lived  round  about  in  their 
low,  mud-floored,  one-roomed  cottages,  and  eked  out  their 
poor  harvest  by  catching  game  in  the  forest  or  fishing  in 
the  river.  All  through  the  western  provinces,  indeed, 
then  and  for  long  afterwards,  seigneur  and  peasant  lived 
well  together ;  the  contrary  was  the  exception.  And  the 
contrary  came  to  pass,  in  great  measure,  through  the 
action  of  the  founder  of  absolute  monarchy,  the  boy  who 
ran  about  hand  in  hand  with  his  mother  at  Richelieu. 

In  the  meanwhile,  Dame  Suzanne  befriended  and 
doctored  the  people,  knew  them  all  by  name,  visited  them, 
gossiped  with  them.  She  and  her  children  witnessed  their 
marriages,  were  sponsors  at  the  baptism  of  their  babes; 
a  few  years  later,  in  1618,  the  old  registers  of  Braye  bear 
witness  that  the  infant  son  of  young  Henry  du  Plessis 
was  named  at  the  font,  in  the  chapel  at  Richelieu,  by  two 
"poor  orphans,"  assisted  by  "ten  other  poor  persons."  The 
gates  of  the  chateau  were  open  to  any  humble  neighbours 
who  suffered  in  the  wars ;  the  kitchen  supplied  them  with 
food,  sometimes  not  too  plentiful  even  there ;  and  holy- 
days  found  the  courtyard  full  of  peasants  playing  their 
bagpipes,  dancing  their  quaint  provincial  dances,  singing 
the  songs  of  Poitou.  Thus  masters  and  servants  alike 
managed  to  forget  the  hardships  and  terrors  of  the  time. 

Among  scenes  like  these  the  Cardinal's  early  childhood 


EARLY   YEARS  15 

was  spent,  and  to  his  dying  day,  with  all  France  at  his 
feet,  he  loved  that  corner  of  Poitou.  It  must  be  added 
that  the  traditions  of  Richelieu  itself,  supported  by  many 
writers  of  the  seventeenth  century,  declare  that  he  was  born 
there.  When  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier,  in  1637,  P^d 
her  visit  to  Madame  d'Aiguillon  at  the  magnificent  palace 
into  which  the  Cardinal  had  transformed  the  little  strong 
hold  of  his  fathers,  and  found  some  of  the  rooms  incon 
ceivably  small  and  mean,  compared  with  the  stately 
exterior,  it  was  explained  to  her  that  the  Cardinal  had 
ordered  Le  Mercier,  his  architect,  to  preserve  unaltered 
that  part  of  the  old  building  where  his  parents  had  lived 
and  where  he  was  born.  The  witnesses  on  the  same 
side  are  too  many  to  quote.  On  the  other  hand,  Richelieu 
himself  declared  on  more  than  one  occasion  that  he  was 
born  in  Paris,  a  Parisian,  a  native  of  the  city  which  always 
had  his  heart ;  and  his  enemies  dwelt  strongly  on  the 
same  fact,  treating  the  Poitevin  theory  as  an  outcome  of 
that  immense  pride  and  vanity  which  encouraged  the 
Cardinal's  worshippers  to  represent  his  family  and  their 
possessions  as  older  and  greater  than  they  really  were ; 
feudal  magnates  of  centuries,  instead  of  country  gentlemen 
with  their  fortune  to  seek. 


CHAPTER  III 

1595-1607 

The  University  of  Paris — The  College  of  Navarre — The  Marquis  du 
Chillou— A  change  of  prospect— A  student  of  theology— The  Abbe*  de 
Richelieu  at  Rome — His  consecration 

BEFORE  Armand  de  Richelieu  was  eleven  years  old, 
his  uncle  Amador,  who  was  among  the  first  to 
recognize  the  boy's  brilliant  gifts,  carried  him  off 
to  Paris  and  placed  him  at  the  University.  It  was  the 
family  intention  that  Armand  should  carve  out  his  living 
in  a  career  of  arms.  The  eldest  brother,  Henry,  the 
seigneur  of  Richelieu,  was  to  marry,  and  to  cut  a  figure 
at  Court.  Being  a  charming  and  agreeable  young  fellow, 
he  was  likely  to  succeed  in  this  line.  Alphonse  was  a 
saint,  and  a  born  ecclesiastic ;  his  future  needed  no 
arrangement;  the  see  of  Lucon  was  waiting  for  him. 
After  the  death  of  the  great-uncle,  Jacques  du  Plessis,  in 
1592,  the  revenues  of  the  diocese  were  taken  over  by 
a  titular  bishop— no  other  than  M.  Yver,  cure  of  Braye 
and  chaplain  at  Richelieu — a  worthy  warming-pan  who 
paid  the  largest  portion  to  Madame  de  Richelieu,  and 
wasted  as  little  as  possible  on  the  cathedral  and  the 
diocese.  The  canons  rebelled  and  complained  most  un 
reasonably,  we  are  told ;  but  Henry  IV.  had  confirmed 
Henry  III.'s  grant  of  the  bishopric  to  the  Richelieu  family, 
and  the  Chapter  could  obtain  no  redress.  They  had  to 
wait  till  Alphonse  was  of  age  to  be  consecrated. 

It  was  the  right  thing  for  every  young  Frenchman,  of 
every  rank,  whatever  his  future  walk  in  life  might  be,  to 
go  through  his  course  at  one  of  the  universities.  A  king's 

16 


EARLY   YEARS  17 

son  might  be  found  on  the  Paris  benches,  listening  to  the 
same  lecture  with  the  clever  son  of  a  tradesman  or  even 
a  peasant  from  a  remote  province.  The  poor  students 
were  quite  as  numerous  as  the  rich ;  they  filled  the  high 
houses  and  crowded  the  narrow  streets  of  the  famous 
Pays  Latin;  they  "lived  as  they  could,"  and  their 
character  as  a  community  did  not  alter  much  in  the  course 
of  centuries. 

When  Armand  de  Richelieu  was  first  entered  at  the 
College  of  Navarre,  where  "  the  great  Henry "  had 
studied  before  him,  the  University  was  at  a  low  ebb,  both 
as  to  professors  and  students.  The  wars  of  the  League, 
the  fighting  in  the  streets,  the  horrors  of  the  siege,  had 
driven  most  decent  people  away  from  Paris,  while  armies 
of  vagabonds  and  fugitives  took  possession  of  the  city, 
even  of  that  "city  within  a  city,"  which  the  University 
had  been  ever  since  the  time  when  Philippe  Auguste 
built  its  enclosing  wall. 

That  wall  still  existed  long  after  the  young  days  of 
Richelieu.  Its  broad  ditches,  its  battlements  and  frequent 
towers,  its  seven  or  eight  formidable  gateways,  two  of 
which  defended  a  bridge  and  a  ferry  over  the  Seine,  while 
the  Tour  de  Nesle,  at  the  western  corner,  frowned  across 
at  the  Louvre — all  enclosed  with  mediaeval  strength  that 
Latin  quarter,  a  half-moon  in  shape,  which  sloped  up, 
a  mass  of  lanes,  colleges,  convents,  churches,  to  the  old 
royal  abbey  and  Church  of  Ste.  Genevieve,  where  her 
shrine,  the  chief  religious  treasure  of  Paris,  was  kept ; 
destroyed  in  the  eighteenth  century  and  replaced  by  the 
Pantheon  with  Voltaire's  bones  and  Soufflot's  ugly  dome. 

The  University  existed  before  the  colleges.  They  were 
founded,  one  by  one,  by  charitable  men  and  women,  mostly 
for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  scholars  of  different  special 
towns  or  countries.  Often  their  names  told  their  story ; 
but  sometimes  they  were  called  by  the  name  of  the 
founder,  such  as  the  "  College  du  Cardinal  Lemoine." 

The  College  of  Navarre  was  one  of  the  best  known 
and  highest  in  reputation.  It  was  founded  in  1304  by 
Jeanne,  wife  of  Philippe  le  Bel  and  Queen  of  Navarre  in 


1 8  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

her  own  right,  in  memory  of  the  victory  of  Mons-en-Puelle 
in  Flanders.  It  was  thus  nearly  three  hundred  years 
old  when  Armand  de  Richelieu  entered  it,  and  had  already 
that  royal  and  military  reputation  which  lasted  through 
three  or  four  centuries  more.  An  old  writer  on  Paris 
says  that  the  sons  of  the  greatest  nobles  in  the  kingdom 
boarded  in  this  college,  and  in  order  that  they  might  not 
be  distracted  by  intercourse  with  outside  students — a  real 
danger,  one  would  think,  and  of  worse  things  than  dis 
traction — no  other  scholars  were  received.  "  Navarre  " 
did  not  always  remain  so  exclusive.  But  this  was 
probably  its  character  in  Richelieu's  time,  though  we  do 
not  positively  know  whether  the  young  gentleman,  with 
his  private  tutor  and  his  footmen — all  of  whom  remained 
many  years  in  his  service — lodged  in  the  college  or  at 
his  grandfather's  house  in  the  Rue  Hautefeuille. 

The  College  of  Navarre  had  had  famous  men  among 
its  tutors  and  professors.  Nicolas  Oresme,  one  of  its 
early  head  masters,  was  tutor  to  King  Charles  V.,  who 
owed  to  him  his  surname  of  "  The  Wise."  He  was  a 
translator  of  Aristotle,  and  is  supposed  to  have  made  the 
first  French  version  of  the  Bible.  Somewhat  later,  the 
celebrated  mystic,  Jean  Gerson,  believed  by  many  to  be 
the  real  author  of  the  Imitatio  Christi,  was  a  teacher  in 
the  college  and  became  Chancellor  of  the  University.  A 
famous  Principal,  also  Chancellor,  was  Cardinal  d'Ailly, 
Archbishop  of  Cambray,  a  theologian  of  tremendous 
strength,  known  at  the  Council  of  Constance  as  the 
"  Eagle  of  France,"  and  "  the  Hammer  of  the  Heretics." 

The  traditions  of  "  Navarre  "  were  inspiring  and  severe. 
At  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century,  when  young  Richelieu 
was  going  through  its  courses  of  "  grammar  "  and  "  philo 
sophy,"  the  college  was  ruled  by  Jean  Yon,  a  lover  of 
Cicero,  of  discipline,  and  of  Church  ceremonies.  Long 
after  the  days  of  dry  study  and  compulsory  Latin  were 
over,  the  Cardinal  kept  a  friendly  recollection  of  his  old 
master,  and  declared  that  he  could  never  see  him  without 
"  a  feeling  of  respect  and  fear."  Probably,  therefore,  Jean 
Yon  was  wisely  careful  to  hide  his  admiration  of  the  boy, 


EARLY  YEARS  19 

who,  according  to  one  of  his  biographers,  "  avala  comme 
d'un  trait  toute  la  grammaire,"  knew  by  instinct  how  to 
baffle  his  examiners  by  puzzling  counter-questions,  and 
dazzled  both  teachers  and  comrades  by  the  bold  and 
sparkling  flashes  of  his  genius. 

But  Master  Yon  was  not  always  the  stern  pedagogue. 
The  Cardinal  ever  remembered  with  peculiar  pleasure 
taking  part,  as  a  singing  boy,  in  the  great  procession  which 
marched  from  Ste.  Genevieve  on  her  hill,  right  across 
Paris,  to  visit  the  tomb  of  St.  Denis.  The  whole  Univer 
sity  joined  in  the  procession,  and  on  this  occasion  it  was 
led  by  Jean  Yon  and  a  chanting  choir  from  the  College  of 
Navarre. 

Once  upon  a  time,  they  say,  that  procession  was  so 
long  that  when  the  head  was  entering  the  Church  of 
St.  Denis,  far  away  in  the  northern  outskirts  of  the  city, 
the  tail,  of  great  dignity,  had  not  yet  come  forth  from 
the  Church  of  the  Mathurins,  where  the  general  rendez 
vous  had  been  fixed.  This  was  in  the  time  of  Charles  VI., 
when  all  Paris  was  praying  and  making  processions  that 
his  lost  senses  might  be  restored  to  him.  In  those  days, 
we  are  told,  the  University  of  Paris  was  the  centre  of 
learning  for  all  the  nations  of  Europe  and  the  mother  of 
all  their  universities,  including  "  Oxfort  en  Angleterre." 
Her  European  fame  and  the  number  of  her  students  had 
dwindled  a  good  deal  before  the  day  when  Armand  de 
Richelieu,  the  slim,  keen,  black-haired  boy  of  twelve, 
marched  in  her  procession  as  an  enfant  de  choeur. 

Down  the  hill  they  wound,  threading  the  dark  labyrinth 
of  high  college  walls,  then  perhaps  following  the  Rue 
St.  Jacques,  the  old  Roman  road,  down  to  the  Petit 
Chatelet,  guarding  with  its  tunnelled  gateway  the  entrance 
to  the  Petit  Pont;  or,  more  likely,  keeping  to  their  own 
Latin-speaking  quarter  as  far  west  as  the  Pont  St.  Michel 
—the  Pont  Neuf  was  not  yet  finished — and  there  crossing 
to  the  Island  and  passing  in  front  of  the  Palais  de  Justice, 
through  crowds  of  men  of  law,  red-robed  councillors, 
officials  and  hangers-on  of  the  Parliament,  quite  as  busy 
and  as  noisy  as  the  ecclesiastical  throng  they  had  left 


20  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

behind  them.  The  Pont-au-Change,  haunt  of  money 
changers  and  bird-catchers,  carried  them  on  to  the  farther 
shore ;  one  of  those  steep  and  ancient  bridges,  chiefly 
built  of  wood  and  blocked  with  houses,  shops  and  stalls, 
which  were  difficult  to  cross  at  all  times  and  were 
constantly  in  danger  from  flood  or  fire.  Then  the 
procession's  way  was  almost  blocked  by  the  great  round 
towers  and  frowning  prison  walls  of  the  Grand  Chatelet. 
Then  through  dark  and  narrow  ways  it  passed  out  into 
the  wider  spaces,  the  gayer  air,  of  the  Paris  of  the  north 
bank,  of  kings  and  their  palaces,  and  leaving  the  Louvre  to 
the  left,  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  Bastille,  and  Temple  far  to 
the  right,  went  on  by  the  Rue  St.  Denis  towards  the 
gate  of  that  name,  and  so  out  into  the  frequented  road 
leading  to  the  old  towers  that  sheltered  the  shrine  of  the 
Saint. 

All  the  way  there  was  a  constant  carillon  of  bells  from 
a  hundred  steeples ;  the  red  and  gold  of  vestments  and 
banners  glowed  in  the  sunshine ;  trumpets  brayed ;  and 
with  loud  chanting  the  procession  paced  along.  To  a  boy 
fresh  from  his  lessons,  who  was  to  live  on  into  more 
colourless  times,  such  a  holiday  glimpse  of  the  Middle 
Ages  may  very  well  have  been  a  pleasant  recollection. 

At  this  time  young  Richelieu  was  looking  forward  to 
nothing  but  the  life  of  a  soldier,  and  of  course  a  mercenary 
one,  for  his  family  was  likely  to  endow  him  with  little 
means  of  living.  The  world  was  his  oyster,  which  he 
with  sword  must  open.  It  was  nothing  new :  he  would 
walk  in  the  footsteps  of  his  father  and  his  great-uncles, 
with  the  advantage  of  serving  a  King  whom  he  heartily 
admired ;  of  this  his  Memoirs  give  proof  enough. 

When  the  usual  University  course  was  over,  M.  de  la 
Porte  proceeded  to  make  a  man  and  a  soldier  of  his 
nephew.  He  placed  him  at  the  famous  Academy  of 
M.  de  Pluvinel,  a  former  companion-in-arms  of  the  Grand 
Provost,  who  had  made  a  career  for  himself  as  a  trainer 
of  young  gentlemen.  He  taught  them  fencing,  riding, 
dancing,  music,  mathematics,  various  manly  games.  He 
was  an  authority  on  fashion  and  style,  wit  and  manners, 


EARLY   YEARS  21 

the  ways  of  foreign  nations  ;  in  short,  he  turned  boys  fresh 
from  college  into  men  of  the  world,  courtiers,  soldiers, 
diplomatists.  There  was  scarcely  a  leading  man  in  France 
in  the  early  seventeenth  century  who  had  not  passed 
through  the  "  manege  royal  "  of  M.  de  Pluvinel. 

A  title  was  necessary,  in  order  to  swagger  successfully 
among  the  gay  cadets  of  the  Academy.  Armand  became 
Marquis  du  Chillou,  taking  the  name  from  a  small  estate 
in  Poitou  brought  into  the  family  by  his  great-grand 
mother. 

His  years  of  study  at  the  Academy  seem  to  have  been 
among  the  happiest  of  his  life.  Made  mentally  of  steel  and 
flame  as  he  was,  ancestral  hardness  and  strength  of  will 
joined  with  a  passionate  ambition  all  his  own,  the  fighting 
career  of  a  successful  soldier  was  likely  to  attract  him 
irresistibly.  When  he  was  young,  it  seemed  indeed  the 
one  chance  of  shining  in  the  world,  of  commanding  men. 
And  he  never  lost  his  love  for  the  profession  he  had  to 
renounce,  though  it  became  clear  that  for  a  daring  spirit 
such  as  his,  the  red  robe  was  as  practical  a  garment  as  the 
buff  coat.  "  Sous  le  pretre,  on  retrouve  toujours  en  lui  le 
soldat,"  says  M.  Hanotaux. 

There  was  one  drawback  to  the  military  prospects  of 
Armand  de  Richelieu.  The  delicate,  aguish  boy  had  not 
grown  into  a  strong  youth.  His  keen  spirit  was  now,  as 
ever,  a  sword  too  sharp  for  its  frail  sheath.  Hard  study 
and  lack  of  fresh  air  during  his  college  days  had  had 
their  likely  effect  on  his  weak  constitution  and  slight  frame. 
For  his  sake,  his  mother  did  not  mourn  over  the  family 
circumstances  that  forbade  him,  after  all,  to  be  a  soldier. 
"  Mon  malade,"  as  she  called  him,  was  not  of  those  who 
could  sleep  on  open  field  or  fell,  in  mud  or  mire,  as 
soundly  as  within  stone  walls  with  curtains  round  his 
bed. 

For  the  family,  it  was  a  question  of  losing  the  revenues 
of  the  see  of  Lucon.  Alphonse  de  Richelieu,  its  intended 
Bishop,  at  the  age  of  nineteen  or  twenty,  turned  away  in 
disgust  from  the  worldly-wise  arrangement,  and  decided 
to  become  a  Carthusian  monk.  It  may  not  be  unfair  to 


22  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

describe  him  as  "  devot  et  bizarre";  but  one  seems  to  see 
in  this  singular  resolution  an  outcome  of  the  reaction 
against  the  dead  and  conscienceless  state  into  which  the 
sixteenth  century  had  brought  the  French  Church ;  the 
reaction  which  was  already  living  and  moving  in  such  men 
as  Francois  de  Sales,  Vincent  de  Paul,  Pierre  de  Berulle, 
though  leading  them,  as  to  their  religious  life,  into  reforming 
action  rather  than  lonely  contemplation. 

Armand's  choice  was  soon  made.  No  doubt  the  change 
was  to  him  inevitable.  There  could  not  be  two  young 
men  more  different  than  himself  and  Alphonse ;  yet  he 
too  had  a  conscience  of  his  own,  of  the  truly  Latin  kind 
which  demands  any  and  every  sacrifice  for  the  sake  of 
the  family.  He  is  said  to  have  written  to  his  uncle,  who, 
one  may  well  believe,  was  sincerely  sorry  for  him  :  "  The 
will  of  God  be  done  :  I  accept  all,  for  the  good  of  the 
Church  and  the  glory  of  our  name."  The  latter  aspiration, 
at  least,  was  fulfilled. 

At  seventeen,  in  the  year  1602,  the  Marquis  du  Chillou 
laid  down  his  sword  and  his  title,  left  M.  de  Pluvinel's 
Academy  and  returned  to  the  University.  A  year  or 
two  later,  there  was  no  more  eager  student  of  philosophy 
and  theology  than  the  Abbe  de  Richelieu.  There  are 
merry  stories  of  the  time  which  suggest  that  he  and  his 
private  tutor  M.  Mulot,  afterwards  -his  chaplain,  were 
concerned  in  wild  pranks,  such  as  robbing  gardens  and 
orchards,  which  would  have  been  impossible  under  the 
strict  discipline  of  old  Master  Yon.  There  is  a  pretty 
legend  which  tells  that  the  Cardinal,  in  his  last  days, 
sent  for  an  old  college  gardener  whose  peaches  he  had 
stolen — the  good  man's  name  was  Rabelais,  and  he  came 
from  Chinon — and  paid  him  a  large  sum  of  money  as 
compensation  for  being  both  robbed  and  frightened :  at 
that  time,  an  unlucky  wretch  who  was  summoned  before 
the  Eminentissime  went  in  very  reasonable  fear  of  his  life. 

The  sober  University,  in  its  clock-work  course,  hardly 
knew  what  to  make  of  Armand  de  Richelieu.  He  swallowed 
theology  as  he  had  swallowed  grammar,  and  the  ordinary 
progress  of  learning  was  far  too  slow  for  him.  After 


EARLY   YEARS  23 

studying  independently  with  several  learned  masters,  especi 
ally  with  Richard  Smith,  an  Englishman,  of  the  University 
of  Louvain,  afterwards  Vicar  Apostolic  in  England,  he  was 
ambitious  to  hold  a  public  disputation  at  the  Sorbonne. 

The  doctors  of  that  reverend  foundation  refused  the 
unusual  request;  but  Richelieu,  who  ardently  desired  to 
become  an  adept  in  controversy,  persuaded  his  old  College 
of  Navarre  to  be  less  timidly  narrow  and  conservative. 
Here  the  lad  of  nineteen,  worn  to  a  shadow  by  studying 
hard  eight  hours  a  day,  set  forth  his  thesis  and  defended 
it  against  all  comers.  The  listeners  were  slightly  uneasy, 
for  his  argument  was  based  rather  on  philosophy  than 
on  strictly  theological  grounds,  and  was  indeed  flavoured 
by  the  influence  of  Jansenius,  who  came  to  Paris  about 
this  time.  But  the  long  struggle  between  Gallicans  and 
Ultramontanes,  Bishops  and  Jesuits,  was  only  at  its 
beginning,  and  Jansenism  proper  was  not  born ;  the 
sixteenth  century  had  known  little  more  than  the  fiercer, 
simpler  quarrel  between  Catholics  and  Protestants,  the 
heretic  and  the  faithful.  As  a  fact,  in  his  own  original 
way,  Richelieu  held  all  the  doctrines  approved  and  taught 
by  the  Sorbonne. 

There  was  every  reason  why  the  future  Bishop  should 
hurry  on  his  theological  studies.  The  Chapter  of  Lucon 
had  completely  lost  its  patience  ;  and  this  is  not  surprising, 
for  both  the  cathedral  and  the  episcopal  palace  were  fall 
ing  into  ruins,  while  no  money  ^could  be  extracted  from 
M.  Yver  and  Madame  de  Richelieu,  until,  at  last,  a  decree 
of  the  Parliament  forced  them  to  provide  for  the  necessary 
repairs.  If  the  bishopric  was  to  remain  in  the  Richelieu 
family,  Armand  must  be  consecrated  with  as  little  delay 
as  possible. 

He  was  not  yet  near  the  canonical  age  of  a  bishop. 
He  had,  however,  been  ordained  deacon  in  1606,  and  early 
in  that  year,  while  he  was  still  hurrying  through  his  last 
examinations,  King  Henry  wrote  to  his  Ambassador  at 
Rome,  recommending  the  Abbe  Armand  Jean  du  Plessis, 
royally  nominated  to  the  bishopric  of  Lu^on,  to  the  favour 
of  His  Holiness  Paul  V.,  and  praying  for  an  early  con- 


24  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

secration  on  the  ground  of  the  young  man's  "  merite  et 
suffisance,"  which  were  such  as  to  make  the  legal  delays 
morally  quite  unnecessary. 

Such  dispensations  were  common  enough,  but  this  one 
was  slow  in  coming.  Paul  V.,  the  Borghese  Pope,  had 
not  long  been  elected,  but  was  already  known  for  his 
determined  will  and  strong  sense  of  duty.  He  was  not 
a  man  who  would  lightly  break  through  any  laws  or 
customs  of  the  Church,  and  certainly  not  to  please  King 
Henry  IV.,  whose  conversion  he  distrusted  and  whose 
way  of  life  he  condemned.  The  Abbe  de  Richelieu, 
hearing  nothing  from  Rome,  resolved  to  wait  no  longer. 
In  the  autumn  of  1606  he  left  Paris  and  travelled  hard 
to  Rome,  very  impatient,  and  quite  sure  that  if  he  could 
once  gain  the  Pope's  ear  and  plead  his  own  cause,  it 
would  speedily  be  won. 

He  was  not  mistaken,  though  Paul  V.  received  him 
coldly  on  his  first  introduction  by  the  Ambassador :  a 
self-confident,  presumptuous  boy  who  expected  to  be 
ordained  priest  and  consecrated  bishop  at  twenty-one,  was 
not  likely  to  meet  with  instant  favour  from  an  elderly, 
legal-minded  martinet.  Various  tales  are  told,  by  friends 
and  enemies,  as  to  the  means  by  which  Richelieu  quickly 
gained  his  ends  at  the  Papal  Court.  Some  say  that  he 
added  a  year  to  his  age,  or  falsified  the  date  of  his 
baptism,  and  that  the  Pope,  hearing  too  late  of  the  trick, 
observed,  "This  young  man  will  be  a  great  knave."  On 
the  other  hand,  it  is  said  that,  struck  with  admira 
tion  of  Richelieu's  genius,  the  Pope  made  no  difficulty, 
saying,  "  It  is  just  that  one  whose  wisdom  is  above  his 
age  should  be  ordained  under  age."  On  the  whole,  the 
latter  story  seems  the  more  probable ;  but  neither  has 
any  real  foundation. 

It  is  certain,  at  any  rate,  that  the  Abbe  de  Richelieu 
made  the  best  use  of  the  months  he  spent  at  Rome,  and 
convinced  Paul  V.,  himself  a  clever  man,  that  King  Henry's 
praise  was  not  undeserved.  He  preached  before  the  Pope, 
and  his  ready  learning  and  splendour  of  diction  were  con 
sidered  miraculous.  He  carried  on  arguments  with  His 


EARLY    YEARS  25 

Holiness  on  the  morals  of  Henry  and  other  subjects,  so 
firmly  yet  so  respectfully  that  Paul  was  altogether  charmed. 
He  studied  the  spirit  of  Rome,  that  mysterious  city  which 
was  at  once  "  the  capital  of  the  Catholic  world  and  the 
centre  of  the  civilized. world."  As  the  centre  of  an  older 
world  still,  of  ancient  history  and  pagan  art,  Rome  had 
not  the  same  attraction  for  him.  All  that  was  to  come 
later,  when  the  Cardinal  attempted,  without  great  success, 
to  pose  as  one  of  the  chief  art  patrons  in  Europe. 

At  this  time,  his  whole  mind  was  given  to  present 
advancement,  and  his  intuition  as  to  his  own  interest  was 
faultless.  He  learned  Italian  and  Spanish,  he  courted  the 
Cardinals  and  other  dignitaries,  and  while  dazzling  his 
company  with  all  the  light  French  brilliancy  of  his  young 
wit,  he  pleased  them  by  the  gentleness  and  modesty  he 
knew  well  how  to  assume.  Thus  he  saved  himself  from 
much  envy  and  jealousy  which  might  have  nipped  his 
career  at  the  outset. 

On  April  17,  1607,  Armand  Jean  du  Plessis  de  Richelieu, 
aged  twenty-two  years  and  seven  months,  was  ordained 
priest  and  consecrated  bishop  by  the  Cardinal  de  Givry, 
who  had  always  been  his  friend.  The  suffering  diocese 
of  Lu^on  was  no  longer  without  a  head,  and  the  Roman 
Easter  bells  rang  in  one  of  the  greatest  figures  in  French 
history. 


PART  II 

THE  BISHOP  OF 

1607—1622 

CHAPTER  I 

1607—1608 

A  Bishop  at  the  Sorbonne— State  of  France  under  Henry  IV.— Henry  IV., 
his  Queen  and  his  Court— The  Nobles  and  Princes— The  unhealthiness  of 
paris_The  Bishop's  departure. 

THE  diocese  of  Lucon — in  itself  one  of  the  least  desir 
able  in  France — had  to  endure  some  months  more 
of  neglect  before  its  new  Bishop  came  into  residence. 

Richelieu's  return  to  France,  in  the  early  summer  of 
1607,  was  a  return  to  Paris  and  the  University,  which 
now  saw  the  unusual  sight  of  a  bishop  among  its  students. 
There  were  still  examinations  to  pass  and  distinctions  to 
gain  :  the  theological  honours  of  the  Sorbonne  were  not 
lightly  bestowed,  even  on  a  dignitary  of  the  Church.  But 
Richelieu,  once  more,  triumphantly  satisfied  his  examiners, 
and  in  the  autumn  of  1607  he  was  admitted  to  the  degree 
of  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne.  One  may  say  that  the  old 
institution  was  his  mother  and  his  child.  She  trained  the 
brain  that  transformed  France  and  directed  Europe ;  she  was 
made  illustrious  by  his  munificent  care,  and  his  feverish 
life  at  last  found  rest  in  the  shadow  of  her  walls. 

In  the  winter  of  1607-8,  Henry  IV.  was  at  the  height 
of  his  power  and  popularity,  although  certain  dreamers, 
prophets  of  evil,  necromancers,  and  such-like  creatures 
of  the  darkness,  suggested  that  his  useful  reign  was  near 

26 


FROM    AN    ENGRAVING   AFTER   THE    PICTURE    BY    FRANfOIS    PORBUS 


THE   BISHOP   OF   LUQON  27 

its  end.  For  whatever  the  immoralities  of  his  life  may 
have  been — and  they  had  a  fatal  influence  on  society — 
his  political  ends  and  means  were  excellent.  His  favourite 
dream  was  of  a  general  European  peace  with  religious 
toleration :  and  one  need  only  realize  the  state  of  France 
a  hundred  years  later — populations  crushed  by  cruel 
taxation  and  dying  of  famine  by  thousands — to  see  what 
the  difference  might  have  been  if  Henry  and  Sully  could 
have  worked  their  will  for  twenty  years  more,  keeping 
the  nobles  in  check,  insisting  on  justice,  studying  and 
carrying  into  practical  effect  the  means  of  making  the 
country  prosperous  by  useful  public  works,  by  careful 
training  in  agriculture  and  other  industries.  Under  Henry 
and  his  minister — who  did  not,  however,  share  his  master's 
popularity — farming  was  encouraged,  rivers  were  made 
navigable,  bridges  were  built,  waste  lands  were  reclaimed, 
new  roads  were  made,  new  crops,  such  as  potato  and 
beet-root,  were  introduced,  a  labourer's  tools  were  safe 
from  seizure  for  debt.  France  was  beginning  to  breathe 
after  long  horrors  of  civil  war :  feudal  oppression  was 
passing  away,  and  the  country  generally  was  on  the  eve 
of  better  things,  under  the  eye  of  a  King  who,  absolute 
as  he  certainly  meant  to  be,  loved  his  people  and  wished 
them  well.  All  was  doomed  to  fall  to  pieces  with  the 
death  of  Henry,  followed  by  the  regency  of  a  stupid 
woman  and  the  new  policy  of  Richelieu. 

Henry  was  himself  the  centre  point  of  Paris,  the  be 
loved  city,  which  he  made  his  home,  only  leaving  the 
Louvre  for  visits  to  Saint-Germain  and  Fontainebleau,  or 
for  hunting  excursions  in  the  country.  Small,  active,  care 
lessly  dressed,  ever  on  the  move,  the  Parisians  saw  their 
King  among  them  at  all  seasons,  all  hours,  riding  or  driving 
in  the  streets,  equally  eager  after  business  and  amusement ; 
gambling  at  the  famous  Fair  of  Saint-Germain — held  during 
the  early  months  of  the  year  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Seine — 
or  planning  with  Sully,  within  the  walls  of  the  Arsenal, 
those  economies  and  financial  rearrangements  which 
gained  him  the  reputation  of  being  a  miser.  Henry  was 
a  curious  character,  half  a  hero,  made  of  gold  and  ot 


28  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

clay ;  but  his  Parisians,  as  a  rule,  saw  little  but  the  gold. 
He  was  a  familiar  sight  among  them,  the  frank,  good- 
natured  man,  with  his  rosy  cheeks,  long  nose,  and  whiten 
ing  beard  and  hair.  They  loved  him  because  he  was  affable, 
kind,  easy-going,  polite,  and  yet  could  be  stern  and  royal 
enough  when  any  one  displeased  him.  They  loved  his  keen 
interest  in  the  city,  shown  by  plans  for  rebuilding  and 
improving,  some  of  which  were  already  carried  out  when 
he  died,  while  some  lingered  on  into  the  days  of  Richelieu. 
His  favourite  works  were  the  Grande  Galerie  of  the  Louvre, 
the  Pont  Neuf,  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  burnt  by  the  Commune, 
and  the  Place  Royale,  now  known  as  Place  des  Vosges. 

The  Court  at  the  Louvre,  under  a  King  impatient  of 
etiquette — except  when  Parliament  or  Protestants  had  to 
be  awed,  or  foreign  ambassadors  received — seems  to  have 
been  lacking  in  dignity.  It  had  not  the  splendour,  the 
mystery,  the  romance  and  cultivation,  however  evil,  of  the 
Valois;  nor  had  it  the  stiff  magnificence  of  an  absolute 
Louis  XIV.  The  tone  of  the  Court,  in  fact,  was  bourgeois ; 
and  it  is  curious  enough  that  the  early  seventeenth  century 
in  England,  as  well  as  in  France,  had  this  intimate  flavour 
of  something  like  vulgarity.  James  I.  cracked  coarse  jokes 
with  his  courtiers  and  slapped  them  on  the  back.  Henry  IV., 
though  a  far  more  intelligent  man,  encouraged  the  same 
kind  of  manners  among  his  jovial  companions  at  the  Louvre. 

The  King  and  Queen  quarrelled  perpetually,  and  in 
public.  The  young  Bishop  of  Lucon,  admitted  at  Court 
not  only  by  the  means  of  his  elder  brother,  a  popular 
courtier,  but  through  the  King's  personal  liking  for  him, 
saw  with  his  own  eyes  scenes  to  which  the  Cardinal  de 
Richelieu  alluded  in  his  Memoirs,  dictated  many  years 
later.  With  all  his  enmity  towards  Marie  de  Medicis,  he 
had  to  acknowledge  that  the  King's  love-affairs,  result 
of  the  besetting  weakness  of  a  great  prince,  might  justly 
have  irritated  a  woman  less  naturally  jealous,  proud  and 
unforgiving.  As  one  intrigue  succeeded  another  during 
the  whole  of  Henry's  later  life,  and  as  the  Queen  could 
never  be  brought  to  take  these  things  meekly,  it  follows 
that  peace  seldom  reigned  at  the  Louvre.  Henry,  on  his 


THE  BISHOP  OF  LUgON  29 

side,  turned  the  tables  on  his  wife  by  injurious  suspicions 
almost  certainly  without  foundation,  and  the  Due  de  Sully 
himself  told  Richelieu  that  he  had  never  known  a  week 
pass  without  a  quarrel.  On  one  occasion,  in  passionate 
anger,  Marie  raised  her  hand  to  box  Henry's  ears !  "  M.  de 
Sully  stopped  her  so  roughly  that  her  arm  was  bruised, 
crying  out  with  an  oath :  '  Are  you  mad,  Madame  ?  He 
could  have  your  head  off  in  half  an  hour.  Have  you  lost 
your  senses,  not  to  remember  what  the  King  can  do  ? ' 
The  King  went  out ;  and  after  much  coming  and  going 
he  (Sully)  appeased  them  both.  Afterwards,  the  Queen 
complained  that  the  Due  de  Sully  had  struck  her." 

Sometimes  these  quarrels  had  a  comic  side.  The  Queen 
would  refuse  to  dine  as  usual  with  the  King,  and  would 
order  a  small  table  to  be  brought  into  her  cabinet.  On 
these  occasions  the  good-tempered  Henry,  who  never 
could  be  angry  long,  and  who  preferred  living  at  peace 
with  a  wife  he  did  not  really  dislike,  would  send  her 
choice  morsels  from  his  table,  even  from  his  plate.  If 
Marie's  temper  had  not  reached  the  level  of  accepting  a 
peace-offering,  she  would  coldly  return  the  dainties.  Court 
goss,ip  declared  that  she  was  afraid  of  poison. 

In  his  book  on  Marie  de  Medicis,  M.  Batiffol  gives  a 
curious  description,  drawn  from  old  records,  of  the  royal 
dinner  at  the  Louvre  when  the  King  and  Queen  dined 
together. 

No  one  sat  at  the  table  with  them,  but  a  privileged 
public,  including  the  whole  Court,  crowded  the  room. 
The  Swiss  guards  stood  round  the  table,  bearded,  fierce, 
German-speaking  warriors,  "  old  servants  of  the  Crown," 
leaning  on  their  halberds,  dressed  in  velvet,  white,  blue, 
and  red.  Six  gentlemen  served  their  Majesties,  taking 
the  dishes  from  the  "  officers  of  the  kitchen,"  who  brought 
them  into  the  room.  The  menu,  a  very  considerable  one, 
was  drawn  up  by  the  Queen's  mditre  d'hotel  and  counter 
signed  by  herself.  Sometimes,  generally  on  Sundays  only, 
the  King's  musicians  gave  a  concert  during  dinner.  As 
a  rule,  there  was  a  good  deal  of  conversation.  The  King 
and  Queen  talked  to  the  courtiers  who  stood  in  ranks 


30  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

behind  the   Swiss   Guard  ;    not  of  "  affairs,"  but   of  any 
light  and  interesting  subject  that  might  occur. 

On  such  an  occasion  the  King  may  well  have  shown 
special  favour  to  a  young  man  in  episcopal  purple,  of 
middle  height,  very  thin,  with  black  hair,  a  delicate,  pointed 
face,  keen  dark  eyes,  under  a  broad  brow  full  of  intelligence, 
quick  to  catch  and  respond  to  every  slightest  glance  from 
Royalty.  Young  Richelieu — "  My  Bishop,"  Henry  called 
him — may  have  had  stories  to  tell  of  his  Roman  experiences, 
stories  pleasing  to  the  King,  who  had  taken  the  trouble 
to  push  his  fortunes ;  and  the  wit,  the  memory,  the 
reasoning  power,  which  amazed  the  Sorbonne,  may  also 
have  been  noticeable  at  the  Louvre. 

Sometimes  the  talk  led  on  to  thin  ice,  and  Richelieu 
knew  it :  for  instance,  when  the  King  reminded  him  of 
certain  things  he  had  written  about  the  Marechal  de  Biron, 
his  godfather's  son,  beheaded  for  conspiracy  in  1602.  It 
was  a  lesson  as  to  giving  a  handle  to  jealous  enemies, 
which  Richelieu  did  not  soon  forget. 

Dinner  over,  the  Queen  returned  to  her  dogs  and 
monkeys  and  parrots,  her  gaming,  card-tricks  and  music, 
or  walked  in  the  garden,  or  drove  in  the  city,  perhaps 
visiting  her  divorced  predecessor,  Queen  Marguerite  de 
Valois — large,  self-indulgent,  with  a  flaxen  wig — who  led 
an  extravagantly  immoral  but  literary  and  charitable  life 
in  Paris,  the  adopted  sister  and  aunt  of  the  Royal  family ; 
perhaps  driving  out  to  Saint-Germain  to  see  the  children, 
who  lived  there,  a  large  household,  legitimate  and  other 
wise,  under  the  care  of  the  Baronne — afterwards  Marquise — 
de  Montglat. 

The  King  too,  though  never  forgetful  of  public  business, 
had  his  amusements  of  many  kinds — gambling,  hunting, 
building,  making  love.  Sometimes  he  and  the  Queen 
dined  out  together  in  Paris,  frequently  with  M.  Zamet, 
banker  and  money-lender  and  Henry's  very  faithful  servant, 
at  his  palatial  hotel  in  the  Marais.  Sometimes  they 
delighted  the  Parisians  by  sharing  their  amusements  in 
the  streets  and  on  the  bridges — jousts,  sham  fights  in 
masquerade,  running  at  the  ring.  Then  were  to  be  seen 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  31 

the  young  nobles  of  France,  infected  with  Henry's  own 
dash  and  daring  recklessness,  flinging  themselves  so 
desperately  into  these  mock  battles  that  real  wounds 
were  given  and  lives  were  lost.  The  famous  Baron  de 
Bassompierre,  chief  of  the  "  dix-sept  seigneurs,"  leaders 
of  fashion,  to  whose  exclusive  ranks  Henry  de  Richelieu 
also  belonged,  was  nearly  killed  in  one  of  these  encounters 
in  the  paved  court  of  the  Louvre. 

Hardouin  de  Perefixe,  tutor  to  Louis  XIV.  and  after 
wards  Archbishop  of  Paris,  wrote  for  his  pupil's  instruction 
a  history  of  his  royal  grandfather,  Henry  the  Great. 
Drawing  on  his  own  memory,  or  something  very  near  it, 
he  sketched  the  state  of  society  at  the  beginning  of  the 
century.  While  the  King  and  his  ministers  were  working 
hard  in  lifting  their  country  out  of  the  slough  of  war  and 
abject  misery,  most  of  the  nobles  were  finding  mischief 
for  their  idle  hands  to  do.  The  Memoirs  of  Bassompierre 
and  others  prove  that  Perefixe  told  less  than  the  truth : 
he  was  too  courtier-like,  too  careful  of  offending  young 
royal  ears,  to  give  much  idea  of  the  brutality  of  manners 
which  existed  in  the  society  of  Henry  IV.  and  Marie  de 
Medicis ;  but  he  describes  vividly  the  temper  of  the  men 
among  whom  Armand  de  Richelieu,  clever,  poor,  observant, 
shielded  by  his  elder  brother's  popularity,  was  growing 
into  manhood. 

"  The  French  noblesse,"  says  Perefixe,  "  being  at  peace, 
could  not  be  doing  nothing ;  some  spent  their  time  in 
hunting ;  some  in  the  company  of  ladies ;  some  studied 
belles  lettres  and  mathematics ;  others  travelled  in  foreign 
lands ;  others  kept  up  the  exercise  of  war  under  Prince 
Maurice  in  Holland.  But  many,  with  itching  hands,  eager 
to  show  off  their  courage  without  leaving  home,  became 
punctilious,  and  at  the  least  word,  or  at  crossing  glances, 
had  their  swords  in  their  hands.  Thus  a  mania  for  duels 
seized  on  the  minds  of  gentlemen.  And  these  encounters 
were  so  frequent  that  the  nobles  shed  nearly  as  much  blood 
between  themselves  as  their  enemies  had  made  them  lose 
in  battle." 

Royal    edicts,   one    after  another,   had   little  effect   in 


32  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

cooling  these  hot  spirits ;  especially  as  Henry  usually 
forgave  a  crime  which  his  laws  threatened  with  forfeiture 
of  life  and  goods.  In  the  following  reign  such  laws  were 
less  of  a  mockery,  as  the  nobles  found  to  their  cost. 
Louis  XIII.  was  made  of  harder  stuff;  and  Richelieu  had 
learnt  by  personal  experience — his  brother's  death  in  a 
duel  with  the  Marquis  de  Th6mines — the  need  of  a  strong 
hand. 

There  was  not  much  personal  distinction,  at  this  time, 
among  the  grandees  of  France.  Henry  de  Bourbon,  Prince 
de  Conde",  nearest  in  blood  to  the  throne,  was  a  shy, 
gloomy  youth,  mean  in  looks  and  character,  and  though 
really  clever  and  ambitious,  eccentric  to  the  verge  of  mad 
ness.  "  Monsieur  le  Prince,"  says  Brunei,  "  pere  du  grand 
Conde,  s'imaginoit  dtre  quelque  fois  oiseau  et  d'autres 
fois  sanglier,  et  se  cachoit  sous  les  lits  et  sous  les  tables 
comme  s'il  avoit  €t€  dans  les  fore"ts."  It  was  not  till  1609, 
after  Richelieu  had  retired  to  his  diocese,  that  King 
Henry,  for  his  own  ends,  married  this  young  man  to  the 
marvellously  beautiful  Mademoiselle  de  Montmorency. 
Then,  to  the  King's  rage  and  disgust,  Conde  proved  that 
he  had  some  individuality,  and  ran  away  with  his  wife  to 
Flanders.  But  for  the  dagger  of  Ravaillac,  a  European 
war  might  have  followed  on  this  elopement. 

Francois  de  Bourbon,  Prince  de  Conti,  the  King's  first 
cousin,  uncle  of  Conde",  brother  of  Henry's  old  companion- 
in-arms  and  once  himself  a  fighter,  was  elderly,  deaf,  and 
incapable.  He  appeared  little  at  Court,  but  lived  in  Paris 
on  the  revenues  of  the  Abbey  of  Saint-Germain-des- 
Pre"s.  His  wife,  Louise  Marguerite  de  Lorraine,  a  brilliant 
mischief-maker,  with  her  mother,  the  lively  old  Duchesse 
de  Guise,  widow  of  Henry  le  Balafre,  was  among  the 
few  really  intimate  friends  of  Queen  Marie  de  Me"dicis. 
Henry  IV.,  who  had  once  thought  of  marrying  her,  ended 
by  disliking  her,  resenting  her  influence  over  his  wife. 
But  she  kept  her  place  at  Court,  and  after  the  Prince  de 
Conti's  death  she  is  said  to  have  secretly  married  Bassom- 
pierre,  first  of  courtiers  and  her  lover  of  many  years. 

Charles  de  Bourbon,  Comte  de  Soissons,  usually  known 


THE   BISHOP   OF   LUgON  33 

as  Monsieur  le  Comte,  was  the  Prince  de  Conti's  half- 
brother,  his  mother,  Francoise  d'Orleans-Longueville, 
having  been  the  second  wife  of  Louis  I.,  Prince  de  Conde. 
Though  outwardly  loyal  to  Henry  IV.,  he  was  perhaps 
the  most  dangerous  enemy  the  King  had  in  his  own 
immediate  circle.  Ambitious,  proud  and  violent,  he  never 
forgave  Henry  for  breaking  an  early  promise  of  marrying 
him  to  his  sister,  Catherine  of  Navarre.  Jealous  of  his 
own  position,  he  resented  every  mark  of  favour  shown  by 
the  King,  especially  the  honours  showered  on  the  young 
Due  de  Vendome,  Henry's  eldest  legitimised  son.  If  a 
fit  of  the  sulks  had  not  kept  Monsieur  le  Comte  out  of 
Paris  at  the  time  of  Henry's  death,  he  would  have  disputed 
the  regency  with  the  Queen.  Not  being  on  the  spot,  he 
was  neither  clever,  strong,  nor  popular  enough  to  disturb 
the  appointed  order  of  things. 

Henry  de  Bourbon,  Due  de  Montpensier — familiar  to 
the  Richelieu  family  as  lord  of  Champigny — was  of  no 
account  at  all,  in  court  or  camp,  during  his  later  years. 
But  he  had  been  an  heroic  soldier.  Son  of  that  Mont 
pensier,  the  leader  and  patron  of  "  the  Monk "  Richelieu 
and  his  brother,  who  swept  Poitou  with  fire  and  sword 
in  the  religious  wars,  and  of  his  furious  Duchess,  the  soul 
of  the  League,  the  sister  of  Henry  le  Balafre,  who  brought 
about  the  murder  of  Henry  III.,  he,  with  so  many  other 
Catholic  princes  and  nobles,  fought  his  uncles  and  the 
League  under  the  banner  of  Henry  of  Navarre.  A  terrible 
wound  in  the  face  received  at  Dreux,  where  he  commanded 
a  regiment  of  cavalry,  brought  Henry  de  Montpensier's 
public  career  to  an  end  at  twenty-seven.  His  life,  after 
this,  was  one  of  more  or  less  suffering.  He  fell  out  of 
favour  for  some  time  with  the  King,  being  suspected  of  sym 
pathy  with  the  Biron  conspiracy.  He  married,  in  middle 
life,  his  cousin  Henriette  Catherine  de  Joyeuse,  another  of 
the  Queen's  intimate  friends,  and  they  had  one  daughter, 
born  in  1605,  the  heiress  of  all  the  immense  Montpensier 
possessions ;  by  her  marriage  with  Gaston  of  France  the 
mother  of  the  famous  Anne  Marie  d'Orleans,  Duchesse  de 
Montpensier,  commonly  known  as  La  Grande  Mademoiselle. 
3 


34  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

M.  de  Montpensier  appears  to  have  lived  a  great  deal 
at  Champigny,  a  favourite  among  his  many  chateaux. 
Thirty  years  after  his  death,  on  her  way  to  visit  the  new 
splendours  of  Richelieu,  his  granddaughter  found  that  he 
was  still  beloved  there,  although  the  almighty  Cardinal, 
levelling  his  house  with  the  ground,  would  gladly  have 
destroyed  his  memory. 

The  Duke  died  at  his  hotel  in  Paris  on  the  last  day 
of  February  1608,  wasted  by  a  long  decline,  and  devotedly 
nursed  to  the  end  by  his  eccentric  Capuchin  father-in-law, 
Pere  Ange,  in  the  world  Due  de  Joyeuse.  "  Bon  prince," 
1'Estoile  says  of  Montpensier,  "  and  as  such  regretted  and 
mourned  by  the  King,  the  nobility  and  all  the  people." 
The  usual  amusements  of  the  Carnival  were  stopped ;  even 
the  little  Dauphin  was  not  allowed  to  dance  his  ballet 
before  the  King.  Three  weeks  later  a  funeral  service  was 
held  at  Notre  Dame,  with  an  oration  by  the  popular 
preacher  M.  Fenouillet,  Bishop  of  Montpellier.  The 
ceremony,  which  was  simple,  derived  dignity  from  the 
presence  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  poor  men  in  long 
robes,  carrying  torches.  Another  and  grander  service  was 
held  in  April.  Between  these  two  occasions,  the  last  male 
descendant  of  Robert,  son  of  Saint  Louis,  was  conveyed 
with  an  escort  of  three  hundred  horse  to  Champigny,  and 
was  buried  in  the  chapel  which  still  exists  there. 

The  Due  de  Montpensier's  widow  married  Charles, 
Due  de  Guise,  who,  with  his  brothers,  represented  the 
princely  House  of  Lorraine  at  the  French  Court.  By  birth 
and  position,  of  course,  he  was  one  of  the  first  men  in 
France;  personally  he  was  of  little  account,  and  hardly 
a  worthy  descendant  of  the  great  Dukes  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  He  had  not  even  their  looks,  being  short  and 
snub-nosed.  He  was  witty,  agreeable  and  generous, 
very  frivolous  and  a  great  flirt.  Richelieu,  in  the  first 
volume  of  his  Memoirs,  gives  Henry  IV.'s  own  estimate 
of  this  head  of  the  Guise  family :  "  Plus  de  montre  que 
d'effet";  rather  brilliant  in  company,  and  judged  capable 
of  great  things  by  those  who  did  not  know  him;  but 
so  slothful  and  lazy  that  he  cared  for  nothing  but 


CLOISTER   AT  CHAMPIGNY 


35 

pleasure,  "  et  qu'en  effet  son  esprit  n'etait  pas  plus  grand 
que  son  nez." 

Among  the  more  conspicuous  nobles,  the  Due  de 
Bouillon,  the  malcontent  leader  of  the  Protestants,  was 
a  constant  thorn  in  the  King's  side.  The  Due  d'£pernon, 
an  ambitious,  adventurous  courtier  of  Gascon  origin,  had 
been  a  favourite  of  Henry  III.,  and  was  not  much  loved 
by  Henry  IV.,  who  did  not  trust  him.  His  son,  Bernard, 
married  Gabrielle-Angelique  de  Bourbon,  the  King's 
daughter  by  the  Marquise  de  Verneuil.  This  alliance 
was  roughly  declined  by  the  old  Due  de  Montmorency, 
Constable  of  France,  to  whom  Henry  proposed  it  for  his 
splendid  young  son,  that  Henry  de  Montmorency,  last  of 
the  direct  line,  whose  high  head  was  among  those  to  be 
mown  down,  at  a  future  day,  by  the  implacable  Cardinal. 

Among  left-hand  Royalties,  the  oldest  was  Charles  de 
Valois,  Comte  d'Auvergne,  afterwards  Due  d'Angouleme, 
a  man  of  a  certain  courage  and  humorous  charm,  but 
foolish,  dishonest,  and  unlucky.  He  was  the  son  of 
Charles  IX.  and  Marie  Touchet,  who  married  the  Comte 
d'Entraigue  >  after  the  King's  death,  and  became  the 
mother  of  Henriette  d'Entraigues,  Marquise  de  Verneuil, 
Henry  IV.'s  passion  and  the  special  abhorrence  of  Marie 
de  Medicis.  In  a  fit  of  jealous  fury,  and  in  the  supposed 
interest  of  her  children,  Madame  de  Verneuil  intrigued 
with  Spain  against  Henry.  It  was  only  the  King's  en 
during  infatuation  which  saved  her  half-brother,  the  Comte 
d'Auvergne,  from  losing  his  head.  As  it  was,  he  spent 
ten  of  his  best  years,  from  1606  to  1616,  shut  up  in  the 
Bastille. 

Henry's  own  son  by  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  Duchesse  de 
Beaufort,  the  legitimised  prince  who  was  first  known  as 
Cesar-Monsieur,  then  created  Due  de  Vendome,  was  the 
spoilt  favourite  among  his  children.  No  more  odious 
young  fellow  was  to  be  found  in  France.  Spiteful,  of 
vicious  tendencies,  "  c'est  un  mauvais  drOle,  violent, 
moqueur,  brutal."  There  was  every  probability  that  Cesar, 
whom  the  King  openly  preferred  to  his  little  lawful  son, 
the  future  Louis  XIII.,  would  one  day  be  the  most  power- 


36 

ful  of  all  the  princes.  Henry  had  already  arranged  a 
marriage  for  him  with  a  rich  heiress  of  royal  blood, 
Frangoise  de  Lorraine,  only  daughter  of  the  Due  de 
Mercoeur. 

Such  were  the  bearers  of  some  of  the  grandest  old 
names  in  France,  during  the  last  years  of  Henry  IV.'s 
reign.  Hardly  one  of  these  men  had  any  influence  on 
affairs,  either  of  the  court  or  the  nation.  Concini  and  his 
wife,  the  Queen's  Italian  favourites,  were  powerful  at  the 
Louvre  and  lived  splendidly,  though  they  worked  chiefly 
behind  the  scenes  as  long  as  Henry  lived.  The  Due  de 
Sully,  with  his  royal  friend  and  master,  governed  the 
kingdom.  His  wise  white  beard,  his  strict  and  careful 
management  of  the  finances,  demanded  and  obtained  re 
spect.  This  clever  and  obstinate  Huguenot  was  certainly 
the  best-feared  man  in  France.  He  was  also  cordially  hated 
for  his  grim,  uncompromising  manners,  his  impatient  scorn 
of  all  courtly  weaknesses  and  extravagances.  But  he  was 
the  one  great  statesman  in  France,  beside  whom  the  other 
ministers  were  of  no  account,  and  he  would  have  laughed 
aloud,  in  the  year  1608,  if  any  one  had  prophesied  coming 
disgrace  in  his  ears  :  an  honourable  disgrace,  it  is  true, 
but  never  to  be  retrieved;  while,  equally  incredible,  the 
young  bishop  of  an  obscure  diocese  was  to  wield  a  power 
beyond  his  own  most  ambitious  dreams. 

Paris  was  an  unpleasant  place  of  abode  in  the  winter 
of  1607-8,  when  Armand  de  Richelieu  was  engaged  in 
making  his  way  at  Court.  According  to  L'Estoile,  the 
weather  was  extremely  indisposed,  "  nebulous,  damp  and 
unhealthy."  Great  and  small  alike  suffered  from  "  force 
cathairres,  avec  force  petites  vdroles,  rougeoles,  et  pourpre:" 
from  which  many  died,  among  others  the  Due  de  Bouillon's 
daughter.  People  died  suddenly  of  suffocation  on  the 
chest,  the  season  being  "tellement  desreiglee"  that  it 
rained  perpetually  day  and  night.  The  terrible  gloom  was 
made  responsible  for  horrid  crimes  of  all  sorts.  The  new 
year  brought  so  severe  a  frost  that  men,  women,  cattle 
and  birds  died  of  cold  in  the  fields  about  the  city,  or 
were  partially  frozen  and  maimed  for  life. 


THE   BISHOP  OF   LUQON  37 

Evidently  the  Bishop  of  Lugon  was  among  the  sufferers 
from  this  abnormal  season.  He  was  obliged  to  excuse 
himself,  on  account  of  illness,  from  obeying  the  King's 
command  to  preach  before  the  Court  at  Easter.  After  this 
disappointment,  he  was  ill  in  bed  for  about  four  months,  as 
we  know  from  his  letters  to  M.  d'Alincourt,  son  of  the  Due 
de  Villeroy,  Henry's  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  who  had 
actively  befriended  him  as  ambassador  in  Rome.  Richelieu 
was  not  ungrateful,  and  there  is  something  more  than 
worldly  politeness  in  these  graceful,  sincere  letters,  written 
from  his  sick  room  to  welcome  M.  and  Mme.  d'Alincourt 
back  to  Paris  and  to  lament  that  his  "  fascheuse  maladie  " 
hinders  him  from  hastening  to  kiss  their  hands. 

In  the  late  autumn  of  the  same  year  the  claims  and 
grumblings  of  Richelieu's  far-off  diocese  at  last  made 
themselves  effectively  heard.  There  may  have  been  other 
reasons  for  his  rather  hasty  departure  in  dark  December 
days.  The  doctors  may  have  advised  country  air  as 
a  help  towards  shaking  off  an  almost  chronic  state  of 
fever.  Or  possibly,  after  so  long  an  absence  from  Court, 
his  place  in  the  royal  favour  may  have  seemed  less  secure, 
and  he  was  not  rich  enough  to  buy  influential  friends. 
Or  Henry,  who  liked  men  to  do  their  duty,  may  have 
given  a  hint  too  plain  to  be  neglected. 

In  any  case,  having  borrowed  four  horses  and  a  coach 
man,  the  Bishop  of  Lucon  left  Paris  behind  him,  and 
started  on  his  long  unpleasant  journey  to  the  dreary 
marshes  of  Lower  Poitou. 


CHAPTER  II 

1608-1610 

Richelieu  arrives  at  Luc,on — His  palace  and  household — His  work 
in  the  diocese — His  friends  and  neighbours. 

WHILE  his  coach  rumbled  and  jolted  through  miry 
ways    towards     the     south-west,     Armand     de 
Richelieu  had  time  to  consider  what  he  had  done 
and  hoped  to  do.     The  objects  of  his  ambition  were  always 
the  same  :  political  power  and  the  command  of  men.     His 
career  might  seem   to  have  met  with   a  sharp  check  in 
these  long  months  of  illness,  followed  by  banishment  to 
remote  wilds,   so  far  from  the  sources  of  light  and  of 
favour,  Paris  and  the  King.     But  if  he  felt  this,  he  was 
not  the  man  to  be  seriously  disheartened. 

A  diocese,  after  all,  is  not  a  bad  school  for  governing 
one's  fellow-creatures.  Some  of  Richelieu's  biographers 
think  that  he  deliberately  took  up  the  work  of  a  resident 
bishop  with  the  idea  of  gaining  experience  for  the  larger 
career  on  which  his  heart  was  set :  some,  that  in  his  state 
of  chronic  poverty  he  found  the  provinces  a  more  honourable 
abode  than  the  capital.  In  any  case,  he  threw  himself  with 
eager  energy  into  work  which  was  difficult  enough ;  the 
province  of  Poitou,  and  especially  Lower  Poitou,  being 
desolated  and  devoured  by  war  and  by  taxes,  torn  to 
pieces  by  schism,  unhealthy,  dismal,  neglected,  its  old 
traditions,  both  of  Church  and  State,  fallen  into  ruin  and 
forgetfulness.  And  Lucon  itself,  with  its  fine  old  cathedral 
lifted  proudly  and  sadly  above  the  mouldy  roofs  of  the 
bourg,  neither  town  nor  village,  seemed  to  lie  at  the  other 
end  of  the  world,  near  upon  the  sea,  beyond  leagues  of 

38 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  39 

wide  wet  marsh  scattered  with  miserable  little  farms  and 
cottages  and  crossed  by  half-drained  roads  and  stagnant 
canals,  the  few  wretched  peasants  shivering  with  fever. 

The  occasional  visits  of  Jacques  du  Plessis  de  Richelieu, 
who  had  now  been  dead  sixteen  years,  were  Lucon's  latest 
experience  of  episcopal  care.  Certainly  the  diocese  owed 
nothing  to  the  Richelieu  family,  which  had  swallowed 
its  revenues  and  let  its  cathedral  tumble  down ;  but  with 
a  touching  faith  in  the  future  not  unjustified,  it  offered 
a  hearty  welcome  to  young  Armand  de  Richelieu.  He 
entered  his  territory  at  Fontenay-le-Comte,  a  cheerful 
little  town  which  prided  itself,  like  the  rest  of  Poitou,  on 
having  produced  many  great  men.  The  Bishop  was 
received  here,  not  only  by  the  inhabitants,  but  by  a 
deputation  from  the  Chapter  of  Lucon,  and  they  harangued 
each  other  with  various  flattering  remarks.  But  through 
the  formalities  of  the  time  there  pierces  that  clear  decided 
meaning  which  is  never  absent  from  any  utterance  of 
Richelieu's,  even  as  a  young  man  of  three-and-twenty. 
His  speeches  were  never  written  for  him.  There  were 
anger  and  injury  in  the  minds  of  the  Lucon  Chapter,  and 
he  knew  it.  "  I  am  not  happy  enough,"  he  said,  "  to  have 
all  your  hearts."  But  now  that  he  and  they  were  to  live 
together,  things  would  be  very  different.  They  would 
learn  to  know  him,  and  to  wish  him  well.  For  his  part, 
he  was  ready  to  forget  the  past,  highly  esteeming  the 
law  which  the  ancients  called  "amnistie  d'oubliance." 
Possibly  there  was  a  wry  face  here  and  there  among  the 
old  canons  at  this  touch  of  generosity,  and  it  was  not 
very  long,  in  fact,  before  they  began  to  quarrel  with  their 
new  Bishop ;  but  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Paris 
the  fame  of  a  preacher  and  a  theologian,  and  the  dull 
little  town  was  en  fete  on  that  saint's  day  in  December 
when  Richelieu  first  said  mass  and  preached  in  his  own 
cathedral. 

All,  indeed,  seemed  peace  and  harmony.  Even  the 
Protestants,  who  were  rather  numerous  in  the  diocese 
and  in  all  that  part  of  France,  had  a  friendly  word  from 
the  new  Bishop  on  his  arrival.  One  of  the  speeches  which 


40  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

has  been  preserved  was  addressed  to  the  crowd  in  the 
street.  After  telling  them  how  much  he  valued  their 
joyful  faces  and  cries  of  welcome,  he  added,  "  I  know  there 
are  those  in  this  company  who  are  divided  from  us  as  to 
belief;  in  spite  of  which,  I  hope  we  may  be  united  in 
affection,  and  I  will  do  all  that  is  possible  to  bring  this 
to  pass." 

Here  one  seems  to  see  the  germ  of  that  idea  of  religious 
toleration  which  influenced  Richelieu's  policy  in  later  years. 
If  he  could  persuade  the  Huguenots  to  be  "Frenchmen 
first  and  Protestants  afterwards,"  he  was  always  willing 
to  give  them  liberty  of  worship.  If  he  crushed  them,  it 
was  because  they  were  a  fighting  faction  which  endangered, 
in  his  view,  the  unity  of  France  and  the  power  of  the 
monarchy. 

From  his  dilapidated  palace,  the  heavy  old  buildings 
of  which  leaned  up  against  cathedral  walls  battered  by 
wars  and  by  weather,  Richelieu  wrote  in  the  spring  of 
1609  to  a  certain  Madame  de  Bourges,  who  lived  in  Paris, 
in  the  Rue  des  Blanc-manteaux,  near  the  newly  fashionable 
Place  Royale.  This  lady  seems  to  have  been  a  friend  of 
his  mother's  family,  and  to  have  been  married  to  one 
of  a  succession  of  distinguished  physicians  who  practised 
in  Paris  during  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 
She  was  certainly  an  obliging  person.  Possibly  her 
husband  or  son  had  attended  the  young  Bishop  in  his 
four  months'  illness. 

He  begins  his  letter  by  thanking  Madame  de  Bourges 
for  a  million  kindnesses,  and  especially  for  some  ecclesi 
astical  vestments  she  had  sent  him.  He  found  himself 
badly  off  for  many  necessary  ornaments,  former  bishops 
of  Lucon  having  left  little  behind  them.  And  no  wonder : 
they  had  not  made  it  their  residence  for  sixty  years,  we 
are  told,  and  fighting  Huguenots  had  stormed  and 
devastated  the  place. 

"...  I  am  now  in  my  barony,"  he  writes,  "beloved  of 
everybody,  so  they  tell  me,  and  I  can  only  repeat  it ;  but 
you  know  all  beginnings  are  good.  I  shall  have  no  lack 
of  occupation  here,  I  assure  you,  for  everything  is  in  such 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  41 

ruins  that  repairing  will  be  hard  work.  I  am  extremely 
ill-lodged,  for  I  have  no  fire  anywhere,  because  of  the 
smoke  ...  no  remedy  but  patience.  I  assure  you  that 
I  have  the  most  horrid  bishopric  in  France,  the  most 
muddy  and  the  most  disagreeable.  .  .  .  There  is  no  place 
to  walk,  no  garden,  no  alley,  no  anything,  so  that  I  am 
imprisoned  in  my  house.  .  .  ." 

He  is  immensely  interested  in  his  furniture  and  his 
household,  showing  in  these  young  days  all  the  taste 
for  careful  detail,  all  the  love  of  magnificence  and  show, 
which  was  to  characterise  the  great  Minister,  the  man 
with  millions  to  spend  where  a  poor  little  Bishop  of  Lucon 
had  only  hundreds. 

He  tells  Madame  de  Bourges,  of  whose  kind  and  active 
interest  he  seems  very  sure,  that  he  has  bought  the  velvet 
bed  belonging  to  his  aunt,  Madame  de  Marconnay.  He 
has  also  come  into  possession  of  a  stately  bed  with  hang 
ings  of  silk  and  gold,  which  belonged  to  his  great-uncle, 
" deffunct  M.  de  Lucon."  This  style  is  out  of  fashion, 
apparently,  for  he  asks  advice  and  help  as  to  arranging 
the  episcopal  bed  with  Bergamesque  tapestry.  A  little 
later,  he  concludes  that  even  a  beggar  like  himself  must 
entertain  his  neighbours  with  a  noble  air,  so  that  the 
country  may  esteem  him  "  un  grand  monsieur."  He  will 
therefore  be  obliged  to  Madame  de  Bourges  if  she  will  let 
him  know  the  cost  of  two  dozen  silver  plates  "de  belle 
grandeur."  He  hopes  to  get  them  for  five  hundred  crowns, 
but  seems  pretty  sure  that  his  kind  friend  will  make  up 
any  deficiency :  "  I  know  that  for  the  sake  of  a  hundred 
crowns  you  would  not  let  me  have  anything  mean." 

In  return  for  all  these  services  the  Bishop  was  expected 
to  interest  himself  in  finding  a  husband  for  Madame  de 
Bourges'  daughter  Magdeleine.  The  task  was  not  easy: 
he  assures  his  correspondent  that  there  is  not  a  gentleman 
in  the  country  possessing  either  money  or  goods.  "  Nous 
sommes  tous  gueux  en  ce  pays,  et  moi  le  premier,"  he 
says  with  a  light-hearted  air. 

From  the  first  he  was  very  fortunate  in  his  servants, 
several  of  whom  came  to  him  at  this  time  and  stayed  with 


42  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

him  all  his  life.  One  of  these  was  his  maitre  cFhotel,  a 
young  man  named  La  Brosse,  who  had  been  in  the  service 
of  the  late  Due  de  Montpensier.  La  Brosse  ordered  every 
thing  in  the  household,  knew  how  the  Bishop's  guests 
should  be  entertained,  and  troubled  him  with  nothing 
but  accounts.  This  was  well,  for  the  work  of  the  diocese, 
once  undertaken,  was  enough  to  occupy  both  thought  and 
time. 

The  destitution  of  the  flock  was  twofold — bodily  and 
spiritual.  Richelieu's  first  care  was  to  get  his  poor  people 
relieved  of  some  of  the  heavy  burden  of  taxes  which  weighed 
them  down.  Under  the  system  of  those  days,  France  was 
divided  into  pays  detats  and  pays  Selection,  The  pays  (fetats — 
chiefly  provinces  which  had  been  originally  independent  of 
the  crown  of  France — were  taxed  by  their  own  representative 
Estates,  sitting  at  the  principal  town.  The  pays  d'election 
were  assessed  by  crown  officials,  who  farmed  out  the 
taxes  to  local  companies ;  and  among  the  provinces  thus 
farmed  was  that  of  Poitou. 

The  system  meant  local  greed,  dishonesty  and  oppres 
sion;  the  small  townspeople  of  such  a  place  as  Lucon 
and  the  country-folk  of  its  poverty-stricken  neighbourhood 
had  no  redress  from  the  tax-gatherers  of  Poitiers.  The 
worst  burden  of  all  was  the  direct  tax  known  as  la  faille. 
A  man  paid  this  on  all  his  possessions  in  money  and  kind, 
and  it  always  amounted  to  a  quarter  of  his  property,  some 
times  to  a  great  deal  more.  The  clergy  and  nobles  were 
exempt  from  la  faille,  which  crushed  the  poor  peasants 
and  the  smaller  people  to  the  earth. 

In  later  years,  Louis  XIII.'s  Minister  was  ready  enough 
to  tax  these  suffering  millions  for  the  sake  of  absolutism 
and  glory;  but  the  young  Bishop  of  Lu9on,  not  yet 
hardened  by  power,  touched  by  the  piteous  sight  of  thin 
hands  worn  by  toil,  the  bread  snatched  from  them  by 
those  who  made  an  unfair  living  out  of  the  taxes,  wrote 
to  head-quarters  at  Poitiers  more  than  one  letter  of  strong 
remonstrance,  letters  in  which  a  warm  indignation  pierces 
through  the  studied  courtesy  of  the  words. 

He  writes  of  "  the  misery  of  the  place,  the  poverty  of 


THE   BISHOP   OF   LU£ON  43 

the  people,  the  excessive  tax  of  the  faille  which  they  have 
paid  till  now.  .  .  ."  He  begs  that  the  load  they  have  to 
bear  may  be  lightened.  He  reminds  the  officials  that  their 
own  town  pays  much  less  than  it  ought,  and  hints  very 
plainly  that  unless  things  are  voluntarily  set  right,  he 
will  call  the  higher  powers  of  justice  to  his  aid. 

As  one  would  naturally  expect,  the  traitants  of  Poitiers, 
worthy  forerunners  of  the  farmers-general  of  a  later  century, 
took  very  little  notice  of  the  appeal  or  the  veiled  threat 
of  M.  de  Lucon — a  young  fellow,  a  "  new  broom,"  who 
might  as  well  mind  his  own  ecclesiastical  business  and 
let  the  King's  taxes  .alone.  But  he  was  as  good  as  his 
word.  Two  months  later  he  wrote  to  the  Minister  of 
Finance,  the  all-powerful  Sully,  to  lay  the  grievances  of 
his  flock  before  him ;  the  appeal  being  seconded  by  his 
courtier  brother,  Henry  de  Richelieu.  Thus  the  Poitevin 
tax-gatherers  had  a  taste  of  Richelieu's  quality. 

The  spiritual  needs  of  the  diocese  were  quite  as  crying 
and  as  serious.  Religious  matters  all  over  France  were  in 
a  terrible  state,  and  nowhere  worse  than  in  Bas-Poitou. 
"  Error  and  vice  were  rampant,"  says  a  writer  of  the  time. 
Where  the  Church  was  concerned,  Christianity  seemed 
extinct ;  and  Huguenot  zeal  had  died  down  into  political 
discontent.  Church  property  was  misused,  wasted  on 
pensions  to  princes  and  courtiers ;  the  bishops  were 
worldly  and  non-resident,  the  monasteries  were  scandalously 
corrupt,  and  their  revenues  often  in  lay  hands ;  the  parish 
clergy  were  ignorant  and  poor,  and  the  long  civil  wars 
had  made  havoc  with  the  churches ;  many  had  been 
desecrated,  put  to  profane  uses,  if  not  destroyed  altogether. 
It  was  only  forty  or  fifty  years  since  the  "  Monk  "  Richelieu 
and  men  like  him  had  stormed  over  Poitou,  and  the 
memory  of  his  exploits  was  still  green. 

The  consequence  of  all  this  was  a  state  of  morals  and 
civilisation  which  has  been  described  by  Michelet — not 
without  exaggeration,  possibly — in  his  terrible  chapters 
on  witchcraft  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries. 
Dark  and  cruel  superstitions  haunting  the  God-forsaken 
villages ;  horrible  Mumbo-Jumbo  rites,  relics  of  heathenism, 


44  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

performed  on  lonely  heaths  or  in  the  shadow  of  the  forests  ; 
families  in  which  black  magic  and  sorcery  were  handed 
down  from  father  to  son,  from  mother  to  daughter— such 
were  the  discoveries  lying  in  wait  for  any  active  bishop 
who  visited  his  diocese  in  the  year  1609. 

Armand  de  Richelieu  was  such  a  bishop ;  and  the 
horror  of  these  early  experiences  may  partly  explain 
the  Minister's  terrible  severity,  many  years  later,  towards 
Urbain  Grandier,  the  unworthy  priest  who  was  accused 
of  bewitching  the  Ursuline  nuns  of  Loudun. 

During  his  residence,  from  1609,  with  intervals,  to  1614, 
Richelieu  threw  all  his  young  strength  into  the  labour  of 
civilising  and  christianising  Bas-Poitou.  Travelling  into 
every  corner  of  the  province,  he  preached,  confirmed, 
scolded,  advised,  converted.  Great  and  small  had  to 
listen  to  his  admonitions.  His  passion  for  order  and 
discipline  brought  new  and  amazing  experiences  to  a 
parish  clergy  which  had  lived  as  it  listed,  idle,  drunken, 
immoral,  in  the  happy  delusion  that  no  one  would  ever 
interfere.  Richelieu  interfered  to  some  purpose. 

One  of  his  chief  objects  was  to  get  the  appointment 
of  the  cures  into  his  own  hands.  Many  livings — if  they 
could  be  called  so — were  in  the  gift  of  private  persons, 
subject  to  an  episcopal  consent  which  was  never  refused : 
others  belonged  to  abbeys,  and  this  often  meant,  in  the 
end,  the  patronage  of  some  prince  or  noble  to  whom  the 
monastic  revenues  were  paid.  For  instance,  a  hundred 
benefices  in  the  diocese  of  Lugon  alone,  and  many  more 
elsewhere,  belonged  to  the  great  Benedictine  abbey  of 
Saint-Michel-en-1'Ermitage,  of  which  the  Comte  de  Soissons, 
the  King's  cousin,  was  the  titular  abbot.  There  is  little  to 
be  said  in  that  prince's  favour ;  he  was  a  man  of  "  moeurs 
infames " ;  but  Richelieu,  in  later  years  his  son's  bitter 
and  powerful  enemy,  had  occasion  to  write  M.  le  Comte 
a  quite  grovelling  letter  of  thanks  in  1609.  He  had  made 
the  Bishop  his  "vicar"  with  regard  to  all  the  clergy  in 
the  diocese  of  Lugon  who  depended  on  the  Abbey  of 
Saint-Michel. 

Richelieu  dealt  with  private  patrons  in  a  more  plain- 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUgON  45 

spoken  way.  "  One  called  Andre  "  having  been  preferred 
to  a  benefice  by  a  great  lady,  Madame  de  Sainte-Croix, 
the  Bishop  flatly  declined  to  allow  so  incapable  a  man 
"  to  lead  a  flock  dear  to  Jesus  Christ."  Yet,  with  all  his 
firmness,  he  was  kind.  If  the  patroness  would  set  a  good 
example  to  the  diocese  by  placing  her  living  among  those 
to  which,  after  careful  examination,  the  Bishop  undertook 
to  appoint  the  best  men,  he  was  willing  that  Andre  should 
try  his  powers  with  the  rest.  So  strong,  so  wise  and 
religious,  are  the  arguments  of  the  letter,  that  its  result 
is  not  surprising.  Madame  de  Sainte-Croix  sent  her 
presentation  to  the  Bishop  en  blanc.  Nobody  knows  what 
became  of  the  unlucky  Andre. 

Richelieu  was  not  satisfied  with  appointing  his  cures ; 
he  was  determined  to  educate  them.  Here  he  was  moved 
by  the  new  spirit  of  the  time,  working  so  actively  in  the 
Jesuits,  led  by  the  King's  confessor,  Pere  Cotton,  and  no 
less  in  Pierre  de  Berulle,  the  evangelist,  who  had  just 
introduced  into  France  the  Congregation  of  the  Oratory. 
His  second  house  in  France,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
training  men  for  the  ministry,  was  established  at  Lucon 
during  these  years  of  Richelieu's  residence.  B6rulle,  a  man 
of  old  family  and  of  most  lovable  character,  was  at  this 
time  an  intimate  friend  and  associate  of  the  Bishop  of 
Lucon.  There  came  a  day  of  estrangement  and  political 
enmity. 

Richelieu's  provincial  life  was  by  no  means  solitary. 
The  young  and  sturdy  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  M.  de  la  Roche- 
posay,  son  of  a  bold  fighter  of  the  League  and  worthy 
of  his  name,  was  a  neighbour  and  friend  of  Poitevin 
origin ;  and  attached  to  both  cathedrals  there  were  men 
of  distinction,  of  theological  science,  burning  with  zeal 
not  only  for  the  advance  of  religion  and  the  conversion 
of  heretics,  but  for  the  honour  and  glory  of  the  bishops 
they  loyally  served.  One  of  the  grand  vicars  of  M.  de 
Poitiers  was  no  less  a  personage  than  Duvergier  de 
Hauranne,  afterwards  known  as  the  Jansenist  Abbe 
de  St.  Cyran,  the  famous  director  of  Port-Royal.  One 
of  the  canons,  afterwards  dean,  of  Lucon  was  Sebastien 


46  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Bouthillier,  Abbe  de  la  Cochere,  to  whose  devotion  and 
cleverness,  now  and  in  later  years,  Richelieu  owed  much. 
These  young  men,  with  others  like-minded,  fought  hard 
for  the  Catholic  religion  in  their  province  of  Poitou ; 
preaching,  teaching,  holding  disputations  with  Protestant 
ministers— a  work  in  which  the  Bishop  of  Lucon,  with  his 
learning  fresh  from  the  Sorbonne,  distinguished  himself 
highly.  They  also  had  their  "diversions"  in  common, 
which  consisted  in  hard  study,  keen  argument,  and 
preparation  for  further  spiritual  conquests.  As  for  real 
spirituality  of  mind,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Saint-Cyran, 
mystic,  Augustinian,  uncompromising,  outstripped  his 
companions  as  far  on  that  path  as  Richelieu  did  on  another 
— the  path  of  political  genius. 

Lucon  in  its  fever-haunted  marshes  did  not  keep  the 
Bishop  long.  He  lived  much  at  Coussay,  a  priory  and 
small  chateau  belonging  to  his  family,  in  a  more  hilly 
and  healthy  part  of  his  diocese  not  so  far  from  Poitiers. 
He  seems  to  have  been  happy  here,  away  from  his 
quarrelsome  Chapter  and  near  his  friends  :  the  traditions 
of  Coussay,  we  are  told,  still  preserve  his  memory ;  not 
as  the  great  Cardinal,  but  as  "  prieur  et  chatelain  "  of  that 
little  village  and  domain.  He  was  also  a  good  deal  at 
Les  Roches,  another  priory  he  possessed  between  Chinon 
and  Saumur,  close  to  Fontevrault,  in  the  north-west  corner 
of  his  diocese.  Here  he  was  very  near  his  old  home, 
Richelieu,  where  his  mother,  aunt,  and  younger  sister 
were  still  living,  the  fierce  old  Rochechouart  grandmother 
having  been  some  years  dead. 

At  Les  Roches,  it  seems,  began  the  famous  and  life 
long  friendship  between  Armand  de  Richelieu  and  Francois 
Le  Clerc,  Marquis  du  Tremblay,  now  a  man  of  two-and- 
thirty,  thin,  red-haired,  deeply  marked  with  the  small-pox, 
who  had  already  made  his  name  as  Pere  Joseph,  a 
Capuchin  monk  of  extraordinary  talent  and  energy.  The 
future  Eminence  grise  was  Angevin  by  birth,  had  been  a 
soldier,  but  at  twenty-two  had  thrown  himself  passionately 
into  "religion."  Before  Richelieu  came  to  Lucon',  Pere 
Joseph  was  carrying  on  a  valiant  conflict  of  eloquence, 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUgON  47 

persuasion  and  violence  combined,  with  the  Protestants 
throughout  these  western  quarters,  many  of  whom  were 
considerable  by  descent  and  actual  power.  Pere  Joseph 
was  attracted  by  difficulty.  Whatever  the  truth  about 
his  after  life  may  be — history  tells  contrary  tales — there 
is  no  doubt  that  at  this  time  he  was  an  ardent  reformer 
in  his  own  sense  of  the  word  and  a  man  of  deep  personal 
religion.  It  was  owing  to  him,  and  to  his  friend  the 
Abbess  of  Fontevrault,  Eleonore  de  Bourbon,  aunt  of 
Henry  IV.,  that  a  Capuchin  convent  was  established  at 
Saumur  in  the  teeth  of  the  Protestant  governor,  Du  Plessis- 
Mornay.  From  this  convent  and  others,  notably  Fontenay, 
in  the  diocese  of  Lugon,  Lent  preachers  were  sent  out 
into  all  parts.  Richelieu  welcomed  them  with  "extreme 
joy."  But  it  was  not  till  a  year  or  two  later,  after  King 
Henry's  death,  when  his  views  and  hopes  were  fast 
extending  beyond  diocesan  limits,  that  he  and  Pere  Joseph 
found  themselves  working  together  in  the  difficult  and 
complicated  affairs  of  the  Abbey  of  Fontevrault. 


CHAPTER  III 

1610—1611 

"  Instructions  et  Maximes  "—The  death  of  Henry  IV.— The  difficult 
road  to  favour — Pere  Joseph  and  the  Abbey  of  Fontevrault. 

IF  some  of  those  who  were  privileged  to  watch,  with 
short-sighted  eyes,  Richelieu's  apostolic  work  in  the 
diocese  of  Lucon,  could  have  read  his  thoughts  and 
sometimes  looked  over  his  shoulder,  they  might  have  been 
somewhat  startled.  Probably  his  contemporaries  knew 
nothing  of  certain  rapidly  scrawled  sheets  in  the  Cardinal's 
familiar  writing,  which  were  discovered  by  M.  Armand 
Baschet  among  the  old  manuscripts  of  the  Bibliotheque 
Nationale,  about  thirty  years  ago.  The  sheets  are  headed, 
"  Instructions  et  Maximes  qu<*  je  me  suis  donne  pour  me 
conduire  a  la  Cour."  At  first  the  date  was  a  little  disputed; 
but  internal  evidence  seems  to  show  that  Richelieu  wrote 
these  pages  of  notes  in  the  winter  of  1609,  or  early  in  1610, 
when  at  the  background  of  his  thoughts,  apparently  all 
busy  with  evangelising  Bas-Poitou,  the  desire  for  public 
life  and  power  was  waxing  stronger  every  day.  It  was 
not  likely  indeed  that  such  a  young  race-horse,  keen, 
nervous,  swift  and  delicate  in  body  and  brain,  would  long 
be  contented  to  plough  the  heavy  wastes  of  the  muddiest 
diocese  in  France. 

In  his  hours  o^olitude  he  dreamed  of  King  and  Court, 
and  planned  every  detail  of  behaviour  that  might  please 
the  great  Henry.  From  an  eastern  window,  one  may 
fancy,  he  gazed  over  the  wide  plains  towards  Paris,  his 
Jerusalem,  the  real  centre  of  his  worship,  the  goal  of  that 
flaming  ambition  which,  with  him,  largely  usurped  the 

48 


THE   BISHOP   OF  LUgON  49 

place  of  all  other  passions.  Then  he  wrote  down  his 
dreams,  so  clear,  so  businesslike,  so  full  of  prudence  and 
self-control,  that  they  could  hardly  fail  to  come  true. 
It  would  have  been  amazing  if  the  genius  that  so  vividly 
pointed  him  the  way  had  not  led  him  to  the  height  of  his 
desires. 

It  seems  worth  while  to  give  a  few  extracts  from  this 
curious  Memoire  for  the  sake  of  the  light  it  throws  on 
Richelieu's  mind.  He  changed  very  little  until  absolute 
power  made  careful  personal  observation  and  dissimulation 
unnecessary. 

Through  all  his  pages  there  is  only  one  mention  of 
God  or  of  religion ;  with  this  his  first  paragraph  abruptly 
begins. 

"  There  is  so  much  licence  and  there  are  so  many  kinds 
of  diversions,  that  if  one  does  not  give  to  God  the  first 
thoughts  and  the  first  hours  of  the  day,  it  is  hard,  amid 
company  and  business,  to  serve  Him  at  all  ...  I  will 
therefore  choose  a  lodging  which  is  not  far  either  from 
God  or  from  the  King." 

He  thinks  it  is  hardly  advisable  to  make  a  point  of 
waiting  on  the  King  every  day.  That  is  all  very  well  for 
courtiers  who  have  nothing  else  to  do. 

"...  But  in  the  first  days  after  my  arrival  at  Court,  I 
shall  present  myself  every  day  until  he  has  been  pleased  to 
speak  or  to  listen  to  me  .  .  .  after  which  it  will  be  enough 
to  appear  in  Paris  once  a  week  and  at  Fontainebleau  every 
third  day.  ...  If  one  presents  one's  self  merely  to  see  the 
King,  one  must  stand  within  sight  when  he  is  at  table ;  if 
to  speak  to  him,  one  must  draw  near  to  his  chair.  Take 
care  to  stay  discourse  when  the  King  drinks. 

"  The  words  most  agreeable  to  the  King  are  those  which 
exalt  his  royal  virtues.  He  likes  keen  points  and  sudden 
repartees.  He  prefers  those  who  speak  boldly — but  with 
respect.  It  is  well  to  fall  back  constantly  on  the  cadence 
that  by  ill  luck  one  has  been  able  to  do  him  service  only 
in  small  matters,  and  that  there  is  nothing  too  great  or 
impossible  to  be  done,  with  good  will,  for  so  good  a  master 
and  so  great  a  king. 
4 


50  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

"  It  is  important  to  notice  which  way  the  wind  blows, 
and  not  to  take  him  in  a  humour  when  he  cares  to  speak  to 
no  one  and  kicks  against  everybody. 

"As  to  other  great  men,  one  must  visit  them  .  .  . 
remembering  that  sacrifices  are  paid  both  to  the  harmful 
and  the  favourable  gods.  .  .  .  The  best  time  is  the  morning, 
in  order  to  accompany  them  when  they  go  out,  and  I  think 
this  the  most  honourable.  Some  choose  the  time  when 
they  return  for  dinner,  and  run  the  risk  of  being  sent  off 
without  a  word." 

He  speaks  scornfully  of  the  "strange  servitude"  endured 
by  those  who  "  follow  tables  "  day  by  day,  wasting  hours 
in  search  of  a  dinner. 

" ...  At  table,  if  one  must  talk,  one  should  take  care 
that  the  discourse  is  of  indifferent  matters;  history; 
descriptions  of  countries ;  towns ;  powerful  families ;  laws 
and  customs.  Questions  of  State,  commerce,  astrology, 
fortification,  music  and  other  science  .  .  .  without  pedantry, 
and  without  showing  too  curiously  what  one  knows. 

"And  because  in  these  conversations  one  learns  more 
than  by  reading  the  best  books  .  .  .  they  should  be  care 
fully  noted  down  in  a  book,  of  which  every  page  should  be 
marked  with  some  significant  word  or  name." 

M.  Baschet,  and  other  students  of  Richelieu's  manu 
scripts,  have  noticed  how  curiously  these  words  foreshadow 
the  habit  of  his  whole  life — to  write  everything  down, 
"  maxims,  reflexions,  facts,"  for  correct  remembrance  and 
future  use. 

He  dwells  much  on  the  need  of  discretion  in  dealing 
with  the  great,  their  sayings  and  doings,  and  on  the  serious 
peril  that  lies  in  pleading  for  one's  friends,  so  often  mal 
content  and  unreasonable.  But  he  will  not,  he  says,  follow 
in  the  path  of  those  who  promise  and  do  not  perform. 

As  to  more  personal  caution  :  "  Turn  away  the  ear  from 
those  who  would  tell  of  other  people's  business,  and  never 
repeat  what  they  say,  still  less  what  they  do." 

This  was  hardly  the  favourite  maxim  in  after  life  of 
the  man  who  employed  more  spies  than  any  one  else  in 
history. 


THE  BISHOP  otf  LLfgoN  51 

Letters  to  friends  he  finds  perilous,  having  had  experience 
of  the  same. 

"  In  letters  written  to  friends  one  must  take  care  that 
there  is  nothing  to  injure  either  him  who  writes  or  him 
who  receives,  for  these  are  occasions  much  spied  upon 
and  desired  by  enemies,  and  which  bring  about  repentance 
and  confusion.  As  to  that,  1  remember  what  I  wrote  on 
the  execution  of  the  Marechal  de  Biron,  whereof  the  King 
spoke  to  me,  and  after  His  Majesty  Monsieur  de  Villeroy.  .  . 

"  In  letters  of  compliment  which  may  be  shown,  I  shall 
write  no  new  thing  and  no  opinion  except  as  to  common 
things  which  may  be  published  without  peril.  ...  I  shall 
keep  a  copy  of  important  letters.  .  .  .  Writing  to  the  same 
person  several  letters  in  one  packet,  I  shall  mark  by  number 
those  first  to  be  read.  ...  I  shall  reply  to  all  those  who 
write  to  me,  and  shall  forget  nothing  which  should  be 
considered  either  in  their  quality  or  their  discourse.  No 
one,  not  even  a  Knight  of  the  Order,  should  be  dispensed 
from  answering  a  letter^  from  one  greatly  his  inferior.  .  .  . 
One  should  read  letters  more  than  once  before  answering 
them.  .  .  .  Letters  of  importance,  carefully  kept,  serve 
more  purposes  than  one  thinks  when  one  receives  them. 
.  .  .  The  fire  should  keep  those  which  the  casket  cannot 
keep  with  safety.  ...  I  shall  carefully  cultivate  the 
acquaintance  and  friendship  of  one  or  two  Commissioners 
of  the  Post,  in  order  that  letters  may  be  more  faithfully 
delivered  and  forwarded  with  care  and  diligence.  .  .  ." 

So  much  for  correspondence.  The  later  notes  deal  with 
a  courtier's  most  difficult  study,  dissimulation,  and  here, 
as  elsewhere,  it  strikes  one  how  large  a  part  of  Richelieu's 
commanding  genius  lay  in  "  an  infinite  capacity  for  taking 
pains."  His  advice  to  himself  is  mostly — "  Silence." 

"  Not  to  publish  abroad  what  has  been  said  in  con 
fidence  :  Not  to  divulge  any  affair  that  may  cause  scandal : 
Not  to  discover  one's  own  plans,  which  being  discovered 
may  fail :  Not  to  show  that  we  are  aware  of  the  faults  and 
the  bad  actions  of  others,  because  men  with  these  faults 
hate  those  who  know  them  :  Not  to  show  that  we  perceive 
the  ill-will  men  bear  to  ourselves  or  to  those  whom  we 


$2  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

love :  Not  to  show  that  we  know  any  harm  men  have 
done  us,  or  that  we  feel  ourselves  offended :  Not  to  run 
any  risk  of  brawls  and  quarrels.  .  .  .  To  all  these  ends, 
silence  is  necessary  and  is  not  reprehensible.  And  though 
it  may  be  very  hard  to  live  with  one's  friends  in  this  manner 
and  to  be  silent  as  to  their  affairs,  nevertheless  reason 
teaches  us  to  fix  our  eyes  on  what  signifies  most,  and  to 
do  no  harm  or  prejudice  to  ourselves." 

Here,  a  thought  of  sinning  against  truth  and  sincerity 
seems  to  have  troubled  the  Bishop  a  little,  for  he  ends 
by  trying  to  explain  how  a  man  may  with  difficulty  steer 
between  two  risks,  "  the  reproach  of  lying  and  the  peril  of 
truth."  His  counsel  is,  "Make  a  timely  and  cautious  retreat 
without  downright  falsehood,  saying  nothing  that  ought 
not  to  be  said."  Finally,  "  Be  very  reserved  in  words 
and  in  writing,  and  neither  say  nor  write  what  is  not 
absolutely  necessary." 

Altogether  a  severe  set  of  rules  to  be  followed  by  a 
fiery,  proud  and  impatient  nature. 

Imagination,  of  course,  should  not  be  allowed  to  play 
with  history:  but  considering  that  the  exact  date  of 
Richelieu's  "Instructions  et  Maximes"  is  not  and  never 
can  be  known,  one  may  venture  to  fancy  that  he  laid  down 
his  pen  on  a  certain  day  in  May  1610,  just  as  the  post  from 
Paris  had  clattered  into  his  courtyard,  bringing  crushing 
news  for  France  and  for  himself.  Henry,  "un  si  bon  maitre 
et  si  grand  Roy,"  had  been  stabbed  to  death  by  the  fanatic 
hand  of  Ravaillac,  leaving  his  country  in  the  hands  of  a 
weak  woman  just  crowned,  a  melancholy  little  boy,  and 
a  group  of  princes  and  great  nobles,  greedy  of  money 
and  power. 

We  have  the  very  letter  in  which  this  news  came  to 
Richelieu.  His  faithful  Sebastien  Bouthillier  was  in  Paris 
at  the  time,  and  wrote  to  him  immediately  after  the  tragic 
event.  He  had  intended,  he  said,  to  send  him  an  account 
of  the  Queen's  coronation ;  but  had  been  interrupted  by 
"  the  most  strange  and  fatal  accident." 

"On  Friday,  the  i4th,  His  Majesty  had  gone  to  the 
Rue  Saint-Denis  to  see  the  preparations  for  the  Queen's 


S3 

entry,  and,  returning,  was  in  the  street  called  de  la 
Ferronnerie,  when  a  wicked  man,  or  rather  the  most 
execrable  monster  on  earth,  climbed  on  the  hinder  part  of 
the  coach  inside  which  His  Majesty  was,  and,  unrestrained 
by  the  respect  and  fear  due  to  the  Lord's  anointed  and 
the  greatest  prince  in  the  world,  attacking  him  from  behind 
whose  face  brought  terror  to  his  enemies  and  assurance 
to  all  his  subjects,  gave  him  two  blows  with  a  knife,  of 
which  the  first  was  not  mortal,  although  both  went 
through  the  body.  When  the  report  ran  through  Paris 
that  the  King  was  dead,  you  cannot  imagine,  Sir,  the 
grief  of  all  the  people,  the  amazement  of  the  nobles,  every 
one  sad  and  cast  down  ;  and  yet,  in  the  midst  of  this  general 
sadness,  it  was  courageously  resolved  to  establish  the 
Queen  as  regent,  so  that,  three  hours  after  the  catas 
trophe,  the  King  having  expired,  the  Court  of  Parliament 
assembled  at  the  Augustins,  M.  le  Prince  de  Conti,  MM.  de 
Guise,  d'£pernon,  de  Montbazon  and  many  others  being 
present,  and  verified  the  letters  patent  of  the  Regency 
which  the  late  King  had  caused  to  be  made  out." 

The  Abbe  goes  on  to  describe  the  sorrowful  and  loyal 
reception  of  the  young  Louis  XIII.,  on  Saturday,  at  the 
Palais  de  Justice,  and  then  adds  what  he  knows  will 
interest  his  Bishop  more  than  any  other  Parisian  news 
he  can  send  him  at  the  moment. 

"  I  must  tell  you  that  M.  le  Cardinal  du  Perron  shows 
on  all  occasions  the  esteem  in  which  he  holds  you ;  for 
I  hear  that  when  there  was  talk  a  few  months  ago,  in 
his  presence,  of  the  young  prelates  of  France,  and  when 
some  one  spoke  of  you  in  terms  of  praise,  according  to 
the  reputation  you  have  gained,  M.  le  Cardinal  said  that 
you  should  not  be  counted  among  the  young  prelates, 
that  the  oldest  ought  to  give  way  to  you,  and  that  for 
his  own  part  he  was  ready  to  be  an  example  to  the  rest. 
M.  de  Richelieu,  to  whom  this  was  said,  repeated  it  to 
me  in  so  many  words." 

This  penetrating  Cardinal  du  Perron,  Archbishop  of 
Sens,  was  one  of  the  loftiest  ecclesiastical  figures  of  the 
time.  Theologian  and  politician,  he  had  been  Richelieu's 


54  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

chief  patron  in  Paris,  and  his  words,  as  Sebastian 
Bouthillier  very  well  knew,  were  not  a  mere  piece  of 
flattery  addressed  to  Richelieu's  brother. 

Though  the  terror  and  excitement  in  Paris  were  much 
greater  than  Bouthillier  reported,  France,  as  a  whole, 
seems  to  have  kept  its  head  at  this  tragical  time,  the 
provinces  remaining  quiet.  This  may  have  been  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  news,  as  it  travelled  down  with  rolling 
wheels,  galloping  hoofs,  running  feet,  into  the  depths  of 
the  country,  caused  more  grief  than  surprise.  It  had  long 
been  prophesied  that  Henry  would  die  a  violent  death, 
and  such  prophecies,  no  doubt,  sometimes  bring  their  own 
fulfilment.  For  the  last  four  or  five  years,  every  natural 
marvel  or  disaster  had  been  counted  as  an  evil  omen  for 
the  King.  "  Heaven  and  earth,"  says  Perefixe,  "  had  given 
only  too  many  prognostications  of  what  happened  to  him. 
A  very  great  eclipse  of  the  sun,  which  came  to  pass  in 
the  year  1608;  a  terrible  comet,  which  appeared  in  the 
preceding  year ;  quakings  of  the  earth ;  monstrous  births 
in  divers  parts  of  France;  a  rain  of  blood,  which  fell  in 
several  places ;  a  great  plague,  which  afflicted  Paris  in 
the  year  1606;  apparitions  of  phantoms,  and  many  other 
prodigies,  held  men  in  dread  of  some  horrible  event." 

The  King's  death  was  actually  reported  in  Italy,  Spain, 
and  even  Flanders,  some  time  before  it  took  place  ;  written 
predictions  were  found  in  churches,  and  bells  tolled  of 
themselves ;  women,  especially  nuns,  had  frightful  dreams 
and  visions  of  murder ;  it  was  even  known  that  Ravaillac, 
the  melancholy  madman  of  the  Angoumois,  was  consulting 
his  conscience  as  to  whether  a  King  who  contemplated 
war  with  Catholic  Spain  ought  to  live  or  die.  This  tale 
reached  the  Queen,  through  an  unlucky  woman,  the  Dame 
d'Escoman,  whose  reward  for  having  meddled  in  the 
matter  was  imprisonment  for  life.  That  Marie  de  Medicis, 
supported  by  her  Concini  favourites,  secretly  wished 
and  plotted  for  Henry's  death,  is  probably  one  of  the 
most  cruel  slanders  ever  invented  by  the  enemies  of  a 
queen. 

The  prophecies  and  portents  were  not  unknown  to 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  55 

the  King,  and  although  he  was  certainly  neither  timid 
nor  credulous,  they  depressed  his  gay  spirit.  During  those 
last  months  he  appeared,  says  Perefixe,  "  as  if  he  were  con 
demned  to  death."  A  heavy  presentiment  weighed  upon 
him.  He  dreaded  the  Queen's  coronation — "ce  maudit 
sacre  "—and  told  Sully  that  he  knew  he  would  die  in  a 
coach.  Indeed  he,  so  daring  in  war,  had  long  been  curiously 
nervous  when  driving  in  the  Paris  streets;  and  on  the 
fatal  day,  though  he  wished  to  visit  the  Arsenal,  where  his 
friend  and  Minister  lay  ill,  he  doubted  and  hesitated  before 
leaving  the  Louvre.  "  Shall  I  go  ?  Shall  I  not  go  ?  "  he 
said  several  times  to  the  Queen.  Alarmed  at  his  strange 
dejection,  Marie  begged  him  to  stay ;  but  he  kissed  her 
affectionately,  bade  her  adieu,  and  went  straight  to  his 
death  in  the  Rue  de  la  Ferronnerie. 

Thus  the  Bishop  of  Lugon  was  deprived  of  the  royal 
patron  from  whom  he  had  hoped  so  much.  But  he  seems 
to  have  wasted  very  little  time  in  mourning  his  own  and 
the  country's  loss.  His  first  thought  was  to  bring  himself 
before  the  Queen,  to  gain  a  footing  in  the  new  Court, 
different  in  many  ways  from  the  old.  And  this  did  not 
appear  to  be  a  difficult  task  for  a  young  and  quick-witted 
man.  The  day  of  old  men,  old  soldiers,  old  courtiers 
and  friends  of  "le  Bearnais,"  was  over. 

The  Bishop  of  Lucon  had  already  friends  and  supporters 
in  the  Regent's  intimate  circle.  His  brother  and  brother- 
in-law,  Henry  de  Richelieu  and  Rene  de  Vignerot,  Seigneur 
du  Pont-de-Courlay,  were  among  her  most  favoured 
courtiers.  The  Marquise  de  Guercheville,  her  lady  of 
honour,  accustomed  to  courts  since  the  days  of  Catherine 
de  Medicis,  was  a  connection  on  the  Du  Plessis  side ;  and 
two  at  least  of  the  young  maids  of  honour  bore  familiar 
family  names — Pont-de-Courlay,  Meilleraye.  At  this  time, 
too,  the  Pere  de  Berulle,  Richelieu's  personal  friend,  had 
great  influence  with  the  Queen,  and  the  same  might  be 
said  of  the  Pere  Cotton,  the  late  King's  confessor.  The 
Jesuits  did  not  yet  regard  Richelieu  as  an  enemy. 

It  was  not  till  after  long  delays,   however,   that  the 
Bishop  of  Lucon  reached  the  Queen-Regent's  distinguished 


56  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

favour  and  the  front  of  affairs.  His  first  step  was  a  hurried 
and  an  unlucky  one.  On  the  22nd  of  May  he  wrote  out 
a  curious  document,  a  kind  of  oath  of  allegiance  and 
declaration  of  loyalty  to  the  young  King  and  his  mother, 
from  himself  as  Bishop  and  Baron,  his  dean,  canons,  and 
clergy.  He  sent  this  paper  to  his  brother  in  Paris,  begging 
him  to  deliver  it  into  the  Queen's  own  hands.  Henry  de 
Richelieu's  worldly  wisdom  at  once  refused  this  favour. 
Such  zeal  was  quite  out  of  place,  he  said :  Cela  ne  se  fait 
pas :  nobody  else  in  the  kingdom  had  done  anything  of 
the  sort,  and  he,  an  experienced  courtier,  would  not  allow 
his  forward  brother  to  push  himself  by  such  means. 
Bouthillier  was  employed  to  send  this  discouraging  reply 
to  the  Bishop,  whose  restless  eagerness  it  hardly  served  to 
check. 

It  convinced  him,  indeed,  that  nothing  was  to  be  done 
from  a  distance,  and  that  the  best  of  relations  and  friends 
would  not  help  a  man  who  was  not  on  the  spot  to  help 
himself.  Early  in  June  we  find  him  writing  to  Madame 
de  Bourges  about  a  permanent  lodging  in  Paris.  As  he 
intends  to  spend  some  time  there  every  year,  he  wants 
advice  as  to  situation  and  cost,  also  as  to  furniture,  tapestry, 
plate,  wine,  etc.  Poor  as  ever  in  purse,  he  is  no  less 
determined  to  make  a  good  show  in  the  capital :  "  C'est 
grande  pitie  que  de  pauvre  noblesse,  mais  il  n'y  a  remede : 
contre  fortune  bon  coeur." 

He  went  to  Paris,  and  remained  there  for  some  months  ; 
but  it  was  an  unhappy  and  a  disappointing  visit.  During 
these  early  days  of  her  regency,  Marie  de  Medicis  had 
neither  power  nor  leisure  to  make  new  friends.  Concini, 
Marechal  d'Ancre,  and  his  wife  Leonora,  reigned  at  the 
Louvre,  though  hardly  yet  outside  it.  The  peace  of  the 
kingdom,  according  to  Richelieu's  own  Memoirs,  depended 
on  the  princes — Conde,  Soissons,  d'  £pernon,  Guise,  and 
their  like.  In  these  first  months  they  kept  it  unbroken, 
and  all,  Parliament,  nobles,  statesmen,  churchmen,  munici 
palities,  governors  of  provinces,  were  ready  "  to  serve  the 
King  under  the  guidance  of  the  Queen."  The  Huguenots 
were  pacified,  for  the  moment,  by  the  renewal  of  the  Edict 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU£ON  57 

of  Nantes.  But  the  "grands  de  la  cour"  did  not  give  their 
allegiance  for  nothing.  Henry's  old  Ministers,  holding  on 
to  power  with  many  searchings  of  heart,  were  forced  to 
consent  to  the  enormous  bribes  demanded  by  everybody. 
These  "  gratifications  extraordinaires  "  were  scattered  with 
open  hand  among  greedy  nobles  and  courtiers,  and,  added 
to  the  Queen's  own  personal  extravagance,  were  likely 
soon  to  empty  Henry's  precious  coffers,  so  painfully  filled. 
As  to  the  Due  de  Sully,  whose  rough  temper,  bad  manners 
and  comparative  honesty  had  long  made  him  unpopular 
at  Court,  a  conspiracy  among  the  nobles  forced  on  his 
retirement  in  the  winter  of  1610.  All  these  warring 
interests  and  anxieties,  with  visits  from  special  foreign 
embassies,  with  the  young  King's  coronation  at  Rheims, 
with  the  question  of  war  or  peace  beyond  the  frontiers, 
made  a  social  whirlpool  of  Paris  and  the  Court. 

The  young  provincial  Bishop,  without  money  or  claims, 
whose  few  personal  friends  were  naturally  more  interested 
in  their  own  affairs  than  in  his,  found  himself  left  behind 
in  the  race  for  power  and  fortune.  His  old  enemy,  fever, 
seized  on  him  again  and  laid  him  low  :  Paris  proved  more 
unhealthy  than  even  the  marshes  of  Lugon.  Terribly 
depressed  by  illness,  he  was  irritated  and  annoyed  by 
letters  from  his  Cathedral  chapter,  complaining  of  disorders 
in  the  diocese,  and  he  wrote  sharply  in  answer,  following 
his  letters  early  in  the  year  1611.  There  was  no  advantage 
to  be  gained  by  staying  in  Paris,  neglected  and  obscure. 

Through  all  the  first  half  of  this  year,  Richelieu  was 
in  a  Slough  of  Despond  both  mental  and  physical,  brooding 
over  difficulties  and  disappointments,  and  constantly  ill 
with  fever.  It  seems  that  in  these  dark  days  Pere  Joseph 
was  his  good  angel. 

The  clever  Capuchin  had  a  troublesome  affair  on  hand  : 
the  management  of  a  woman  who,  though  "illustre 
religieuse  et  grande  servante  de  Dieu,"  was  resolved  to 
follow  her  own  way  and  not  that  which  director,  Pope 
and  King  had  marked  out  for  her.  Pere  Joseph  was  a 
crusader  by  nature,  and  a  reformer  to  the  backbone,  with 
a  fiery  obstinacy  and  positive,  autocratic  will.  He  had 


58  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

already  reformed  several  convents  in  Poitou,  in  which  the 
civil  war,  the  invasion  of  an  outside  world,  had  strangely 
travestied  the  religious  life.  Some  of  these  convents 
belonged  to  the  great  Benedictine  Order  of  Fontevrault; 
and  even  in  the  Mother  House  itself,  under  the  gentle  and 
charitable  guidance  of  Madame  Eleonore  de  Bourbon,  the 
strictness  of  the  old  Rule  was  half  forgotten. 

Madame  Antoinette  d'  Orleans,  of  the  Longueville 
family,  the  young  widow  of  the  Marquis  de  Belle-Isle, 
had  become  a  nun  at  Toulouse,  at  a  convent  of  the 
Feuillantines,  and  asked  nothing  better  than  to  spend 
her  remaining  days  there.  But  she  was  known  to  Pere 
Joseph  as  a  woman  like-minded  with  himself,  an  enthusiast 
and  a  saint;  and  wlien,  in  1604,  a  bull  of  Pope  Paul  V. 
appointed  her  Coadjutrix  of  her  aunt  the  Abbess  of 
Fontevrault,  the  young  reformer  welcomed  her  as  an 
ally  in  his  work.  And  as  far  as  outside  convents  were 
concerned,  she  did  not  disappoint  him.  But  though  she 
loyally  helped  and  supported  the  old  Abbess  in  the  govern 
ment  of  the  Order,  her  heart  was  never  at  Fontevrault. 
Her  religious  ideals  were  totally  different  from  those  of 
the  two  hundred  or  more  Sisters  who  marched  with  such 
stately  dignity  through  the  venerable  cloisters  and  took 
their  high  place  in  the  choir  where  Plantagenets  slept. 
Their  rich  possessions,  their  amusements — innocent  enough, 
for  Fontevrault,  owing  to  the  character  of  its  long  and 
regal  line  of  abbesses,  was  never  seriously  touched  by 
scandal;  their  little  parties  and  cabals  and  gossip — good 
women,  simple  in  faith  and  practice,  but  not  lofty-minded 
or  mystical :  all  this  fell  far  below  the  standard  of  Madame 
d'Orleans,  and  her  one  desire  was  to  escape  from  her 
dignity,  to  return  to  her  "  dear  solitude."  As  she  had 
never  formally  accepted  the  office  of  Coadjutrix,  with  the 
prospect  of  succession,  this  did  not  seem  impossible. 

The  difficulty  was  that  Pere  Joseph  would  not  let 
her  go.  In  her  authority  and  influence  he  saw  the  only 
means  by  which  the  reform  of  the  great  Abbey  might  be 
carried  through.  There  were  divisions  in  the  community  ; 
some  of  the  nuns  being  ready  to  welcome  a  change,  others 


THE   BISHOP   OF  LU^ON  59 

strongly  opposed  to  it.  Pere  Joseph  and  Madame  de 
Bourbon  both  saw  that  no  unanimity  was  to  be  hoped 
for,  as  long  as  the  future  was  known  to  be  uncertain. 

Pere  Joseph  took  the  matter  into  his  own  hands,  and 
settled  it  by  a  coup  d'etat,  secret  and  sudden.  After  a 
private  consultation  with  the  King  in  Council,  he  wrote 
to  the  Pope ;  and  Paul  V.,  convinced  by  his  arguments, 
commanded  Madame  d'Orleans,  under  pain  of  excommuni 
cation,  to  accept  her  office  immediately  with  all  the  duties 
it  involved,  and  to  assume  the  government  of  the  Order, 
with  the  certainty  of  succeeding  her  aunt  as  Abbess  of 
Fontevrault. 

The  command  fell  on  Madame  d'Orleans  like  a  thunder 
bolt,  but  she  could  only  obey.  The  consequence  was  what 
Pere  Joseph  had  desired  and  foreseen.  The  new  ruler, 
once  forced  to  rule,  advanced  "  a  pas  de  geant "  in  the 
appointed  way.  In  one  short  week  Fontevrault  was 
reformed ;  every  one  of  the  nuns  accepting  the  inevitable, 
all  giving  up  their  worldly  indulgences,  and  returning  to 
the  old  strict  regulation  of  work  and  prayer. 

This  happy  state  of  things  went  on  for  two  years,  and 
Pere  Joseph,  seeing  his  reformation  well  at  work,  was 
occupied  with  his  other  duties  as  a  director  of  souls — 
especially  of  that  of  the  Duchesse  de  Montpensier,  living 
retired  at  Champigny  and  mourning  both  her  husband 
and  her  father,  the  Capuchin  Due  de  Joyeuse,  who  did 
not  long  survive  his  son-in-law — when  Madame  d'Orleans 
played  him  the  same  trick  he  had  played  her.  She  wrote 
secretly  to  the  Pope,  imploring  him  to  have  compassion 
on  her  trouble  of  mind,  explaining  how  seriously  her 
"  tumultuous  occupations "  interfered  with  her  personal 
sanctification,  and  praying  him  to  withdraw  his  command 
that  she  should  succeed  Madame  de  Bourbon  and  to 
allow  her,  on  her  aunt's  death,  to  return  to  her  beloved 
Feuillantines  of  Toulouse.  She  begged  His  Holiness  to 
inquire  into  the  matter  through  commissaries  of  his  own, 
without  consulting  Pere  Joseph.  The  Pope  did  as  she 
wished,  and  she  received  full  liberty  to  go  where  she 
pleased.  Then  she  sent  for  Pere  Joseph  and  told  him  all, 


6o 

on  condition  that  nothing  should  be  said  to  Madame  de 
Bourbon.  The  old  Abbess  was  to  die  in  peace,  imagining 
that  her  Coadjutrix  would  succeed  her. 

Pere  Joseph  needed  all  his  prudence  and  self-control, 
says  his  biographer,  to  hide  his  vexation  at  being  thus 
"joue  par  une  Princesse." 

But  the  thing  was  done,  and  he  made  the  best  of  it, 
secretly  hoping  that,  "  women  being  naturally  inconstant," 
the  joy  of  supreme  authority  might  yet  induce  Madame 
d'Orle"ans  to  change  her  mind. 

On  March  26,  1611,  at  the  age  of  seventy-eight,  Madame 
Eleonore  de  Bourbon  died.  To  all  appearance,  her  Coadju 
trix  was  ready  to  accept  the  succession.  She  even  seemed 
to  listen  with  favour  to  the  persuasions  of  Pere  Joseph,  who 
pointed  out  in  glowing  terms  her  duty  to  the  Order.  It 
was  near  the  end  of  Lent,  and  Madame  d'Orleans  held 
her  peace  until  after  the  Festival  of  Easter.  On  Low 
Sunday,  having  assembled  the  Community,  she  announced 
to  them  that  she  was  about  to  write  to  the  King  and 
the  Queen  Regent,  praying  them  to  nominate  an  abbess 
in  her  stead. 

This  was  a  heavy  blow  to  Pere  Joseph,  and  the  affair 
was  complicated  by  his  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  Madame 
d'Orleans  did  not  now  wish  to  return  to  Toulouse,  but 
dreamed  of  founding  a  new  convent  in  the  province  of 
Poitou,  where  the  religious  life,  as  she  understood  it,  would 
be  lived  in  all  devotion  and  austerity. 

Pere  Joseph,  who  with  all  his  cleverness  and  strength 
had  an  attractive  modesty,  felt  himself  unequal  to  dealing 
alone  with  this  reverend  lady,  and  with  the  discord  and 
confusion  she  had  caused  at  Fontevrault.  This,  at  least, 
was  the  reason  he  gave  for  his  appeal  to  the  Bishop  of 
Lucon,  "whose  superior  and  transcendent  genius  had 
enchanted  him,"  and  who  happened  to  be  residing  very 
near  Fontevrault,  at  his  Priory  of  Les  Roches. 

The  Abbey  of  Fontevrault  was  quite  independent  of 
episcopal  authority,  and  it  was  only  as  representing  the 
Pope  or  the  King  that  any  bishop  had  the  right  to  enter 
it.  Pere  Joseph  appealed  to  Richelieu  as  a  friend;  and, 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LtigoK  6i 

judging  from  his  lifelong  devotion,  it  may  be  imagined 
that  he  joyfully  seized  this  opportunity  of  rousing  the 
Bishop  from  the  state  of  fever-stricken  depression  in  which 
he  had  returned  from  Paris.  Here,  if  ever,  was  a  case  of 
a  man's  "  sharpening  the  countenance  of  his  friend."  The 
dying  flame  was  blown  into  life ;  hope  took  suddenly 
the  place  of  something  very  like  despair.  The  Capuchin 
discussed  his  difficulties  with  the  Bishop,  and  they  agreed 
that  the  whole  question  must  be  laid  before  the  Queen 
Regent.  Therefore  they  travelled  together  to  Fontaine- 
bleau,  where  the  Court  was  staying,  amid  all  the  enchant 
ment  of  its  exquisite  spring. 

Marie  de  Medicis,  at  this  time,  was  far  from  happy.  A 
year  had  passed  since  Henry's  death ;  and  to  a  woman 
both  lazy  and  power-loving,  the  quarrels,  ambitions, 
jealousies,  of  the  princes  and  courtiers,  each  day  harder 
to  satisfy,  were  a  constant  torment;  matters  not  being 
improved  by  the  insolent  pride  of  Concini,  who  posed  as 
the  equal  of  them  all.  The  envoys  from  Poitou,  asking 
nothing  for  themselves — no  one  dreamed  that  these  two 
men,  one  ugly,  grave,  humble  in  appearance,  the  other 
delicate,  worn,  exhausted,  would  one  day  rule  France  and 
influence  Europe — were  graciously  received  by  the  Queen  ; 
and  it  appears  that  Pere  Joseph,  in  a  few  moments  of 
private  conversation  after  the  Fontevrault  business  had 
been  explained,  spoke  to  her  of  his  companion  in  terms 
of  enthusiastic  praise,  as  "  a  man  of  sublime  genius  and 
extraordinary  merit,  capable  of  the  highest  employments." 
The  words  remained  in  the  Queen's  mind  and  bore  fruit, 
though  not  immediately. 

The  Bishop  and  the  friar  returned  to  Fontevrault, 
bearing  the  royal  permission  for  the  community  to  choose 
an  abbess  among  themselves ;  but  in  the  presence  and 
with  the  consent  of  the  Bishop  of  Lucon  and  Pere  Joseph. 
The  solemn  election  took  place  in  the  summer,  when  the 
Grand  Prioress,  Madame  Louise  de  Lavedan  de  Bourbon, 
was  naturally  chosen. 

Madame  Antoinette  d'Orl6ans  retired  to  Lencloitre,  a 
half-ruined  convent  of  the  Order  near  Poitiers,  and  was 


62  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

there  joined  by  many  nuns  from  all  parts  of  France,  and 
even  from  Fontevrault  itself,  who  desired  to  lead  a  stricter 
life  under  her  guidance.  It  was  not  long  before  she  founded, 
with  the  help  and  approval  of  Pere  Joseph  and  the  Bishops 
of  Luc;on  and  Poitiers,  a  congregation  known  as  Les  Filles 
du  Calvaire,  independent  of  Fontevrault,  the  object  of  which 
was  the  practice  of  the  Rule  of  St.  Benedict  in  all  its 
austere  purity. 

Pushed  constantly  to  the  front  by  Pere  Joseph,  and 
with  no  unwillingness  on  his  own  part,  the  Bishop  of 
Lucon  added  much  to  his  reputation  by  his  conduct  of 
these  affairs ;  State  affairs,  they  might  almost  be  called, 
considering  the  rank  of  those  concerned  and  the  wealth 
and  political  importance  of  the  great  Order  of  Fontevrault. 


CHAPTER  IV 

1611—1615 

Waiting  for  an  opportunity — Political  unrest — The  States-General 
of  1614 — The  Bishop  of  Lugon  speaks. 

TT)  ICHELIEU  worked  hard  in  his  diocese  for  the  next 
£Y  three  years,  struggling  all  the  while  with  ill-health 
and  impatience.  He  went  to  Paris  once  during 
this  time  and  offered  his  services  to  the  powerful  Concini, 
who  received  him  graciously;  but  nothing  more  came 
of  it.  And  the  Queen  was  for  the  present  inaccessible. 
Another  disappointment  was  his  failure  to  be  elected  as 
representative  of  his  ecclesiastical  province,  Bordeaux, 
at  a  convocation  of  the  clergy  which  was  held  in  Paris  in 
the  early  days  of  the  Regency.  On  this  occasion  the 
Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  Cardinal  de  Sourdis — nicknamed 
Sordido — showed  himself  an  enemy  to  the  aspiring  young 
man. 

But  no  envious  Metropolitan  could  keep  Richelieu  long 
in  the  background.  He  was  becoming  a  very  popular 
figure  in  the  west  country,  of  which  Poitou  and  its  learned 
capital  were  the  centre.  His  private  life  appears  to  have 
been  blameless.  He  kept  up  an  affectionate  intercourse 
with  his  own  family.  For  his  mother  he  was  still  "  mon 
malade,"  from  childhood  a  sickly,  brilliant  creature,  a 
subject  of  uneasiness  and  pride.  His  sister,  Madame  du 
Pont-de-Courlay,  turned  to  him  for  sympathy  in  a  money 
loss  or  the  death  of  a  little  child.  He  never  lost  sight  of 
his  brother  Alphonse,  the  Carthusian,  whose  refusal  had 
made  him  a  bishop,  and  whom,  in  later  years  of  power, 
he  dragged  from  his  cloister  to  be  Archbishop  and  Cardinal. 

63 


64  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

He  was  a  favourite  with  most  of  his  neighbours, 
clerical  and  lay.  His  correspondence  bears  witness  to 
the  wideness  of  his  acquaintance  and  interests,  both 
public  and  private ;  people  appealed  to  him  as  a  friend, 
an  arbitrator,  and  he  never  disappointed  them.  He  was 
courteous,  kind,  even  tender  in  his  language :  "  episcopal 
and  benign."  He  was  on  the  politest  terms  with  such 
of  the  great  men  as  occasionally  crossed  his  path  :  the 
Due  de  Sully,  governor  of  Poitou,  now  no  longer  a 
courtier  and  an  absentee ;  the  Due  de  Villeroy,  still  in 
office,  father  of  his  friend  M.  d'Alincourt,  and  others  of 
high  rank  and  importance.  His  letters  to  such  men  as 
these,  as  well  as  to  his  more  intimate  friends,  might  have 
foreshadowed  his  coming  greatness  for  those  who  had 
eyes  to  see.  To  the  general  company,  however,  the  writer 
whose  well-turned  assurances  and  compliments  had  such 
a  background  of  passionate  ambition  for  his  own  and  for 
his  country's  glory,  was  nothing  but  a  clever  phrase- 
maker,  a  young  man  of  seven-and-twenty  who  could 
talk  and  argue,  convert  a  few  Protestants,  deal  discreetly 
with  the  wrangles  of  religious  women.  And  outside 
a  limited  circle  the  name  of  Richelieu  was  probably 
unknown,  except  as  that  of  a  pensioned  courtier  of  the 
Regency. 

While  the  Bishop  of  Lucon  waited  for  his  opportunity, 
political  and  religious  unrest  was  deepening  in  France. 
Henry  IV.'s  policy  of  opposition  to  the  House  of  Austria 
and  alliance  with  Savoy,  Holland,  and  the  German 
Protestants,  had  been  set  aside  very  early  in  the  new 
reign,  and  two  royal  marriages  were  arranged  to  bind 
France  closer  to  the  Holy  See  and  Catholic  Europe. 
Louis  XIII.  was  to  be  married  to  the  Infanta  Anna  of 
Spain — known  to  history  as  Anne  of  Austria — and  his 
eldest  sister,  Elisabeth,  to  the  Infant  of  Spain,  afterwards 
Philip  IV.  These  marriages  seem  to  have  pleased  nobody 
in  France  except  the  Regent,  her  immediate  Court  circle 
and  her  Ministers,  whose  only  hope  of  keeping  their  place 
lay  in  her  favour.  The  Foreign  Secretary,  Villeroy,  the 
Chancellor,  Brulart  de  Sillery,  the  Conne~table  de  Mont- 


THE  BISHOP  OP  LUgON  65 

morency,  were  among  the  Queen's  advisers  in  this  affair. 
Most  of  the  nobles,  and  especially  the  princes,  were  more 
or  less  in  opposition  ;  the  strengthening  of  the  Crown  by 
so  close  an  alliance  with  Spain  did  not  suit  their  interests. 
Henry  IV.  himself,  when  the  project  was  first  laid  before 
him  by  the  Spanish  Ambassador  in  1610,  had  not  listened 
encouragingly. 

The  Huguenot  party  was  both  displeased  and  alarmed. 
Assemblies  were  held  at  Nimes,  at  Saumur,  at  La  Rochelle ; 
but  the  leaders,  such  as  the  Dues  de  Bouillon  and  de 
Rohan — Sully's  son-in-law — were  not  ready  to  proceed  to 
civil  war.  Conde,  at  first  throwing  in  his  lot  with  them, 
soon  went  farther.  He  gathered  troops  in  the  west  and 
threatened  Poitiers,  after  publishing,  with  the  other  princes, 
a  fierce  manifesto  against  the  Regent  and  her  advisers. 
The  young  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  Richelieu's  friend,  took 
matters  with  a  high  hand,  closed  the  gates  in  the  Queen's 
name,  and  prepared  to  defend  the  town  against  Cond6, 
with  the  high  approval  of  the  future  Abbe  de  St.  Cyran, 
a  worthy  member,  like  himself,  of  the  Church  Militant. 
The  Prince's  bands  overran  Poitou,  annoying  the  peaceable 
inhabitants,  Madame  de  Richelieu  among  them,  exacting 
large  sums  and  quartering  themselves  in  the  villages. 

In  a  fiery  letter  to  M.  de  Neufbourg,  an  officer  of 
Conde's  ally,  the  Due  de  Mayenne,  the  Bishop  of  Lucon 
expresses  his  amazement  that  his  mother  has  been  thought 
worthy  of  so  little  courtesy.  "  Be  good  enough,"  he  says, 
"  to  exempt  the  parish  of  Saulnes,  which  belongs  to 
Madame  de  Richelieu,  from  the  lodging  of  troops  and  the 
contributions  they  demand.  I  would  have  written  direct 
to  him  (M.  de  Mayenne)  had  not  his  treatment  of  my 
mother  made  me  aware  that  he  either  believes  me  to  be 
no  longer  of  this  world  or  that  he  deems  me  now  and 
for  ever  incapable  of  doing  him  any  service.  Therefore 
I  address  myself  to  you.  .  .  ." 

Like  his  episcopal  brother  of  Poitiers,  Richelieu  took 

his  stand  openly  on  the  side  of  Royalty  and  against  the 

horde  of  greedy  nobles  who  caught  at  any  pretext  to  add 

to  their  own   possessions  and  power.     It  was  not   only 

5 


66  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

the   political  necessities  of  his  later  life  that  made  him 
their  enemy. 

The  flame  of  civil  war  soon  died  down.  In  May  1614 
the  Queen  signed  the  treaty  of  St.  Menehould,  which 
pacified  the  princes,  after  some  delay,  by  granting  most 
of  their  desires.  Conde,  Nevers,  Vendome,  Mayenne, 
Longueville,  Bouillon  and  others  received  enormous 
pensions,  as  well  as  fortresses  and  governments ;  last,  not 
least,  the  States-General  were  summoned,  as  the  manifesto 
had  demanded,  to  discuss  the  grievances  of  the  three 
estates  of  the  realm.  The  Huguenot  party  had  already 
obtained  some  satisfaction.  For  the  time,  the  Regent  and 
her  ministers  had  bought  victory :  the  arrangements  for 
the  Spanish  marriages  went  steadily  on. 

The  Bishop  of  Lugon  was  directed  by  Sully,  governor 
of  Poitou,  to  supervise  "  with  gentleness  "  the  election  in 
his  diocese  of  deputies  for  the  States-General.  He  did  his 
duty,  no  doubt,  in  the  matter ;  but  the  election  that 
interested  him  was  that  of  the  diocese  of  Poitiers.  There 
his  friends  were  working  for  him.  La  Rocheposay,  the 
warlike  Bishop,  his  lieutenant  Saint-Cyran,  and  Richelieu's 
faithful  Bouthillier,  smoothed  the  way  for  his  uncontested 
election  as  one  of  the  two  deputies  of  the  clergy  of 
Poitiers.  The  old  city,  so  lately  in  a  stage  of  siege, 
rang  joy-bells  on  August  10,  the  appointed  day.  All  over 
Poitou,  all  over  France,  the  bells  were  ringing,  for  every 
estate  in  the  kingdom  hoped  much  from  the  States-General. 
It  may  at  once  be  said  that  rich  and  poor,  great  and 
small,  were  disappointed.  What  the  bells  rang  in  was 
not  liberty,  release  from  taxes,  confirmation  of  rights,  but 
the  reign  of  Richelieu.  And  in  consequence  of  that  reign 
the  voice  of  France  in  her  States-General  was  not  heard 
again  for  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  years — not  until, 
in  1789,  "  the  whirligig  of  Time  brought  in  his  revenges." 

The  States-General  of  1614  were  formally  opened  in 
Paris  on  Monday,  October  27.  On  Sunday  took  place 
the  customary  procession  from  the  great  Convent  of  the 
Augustins  on  the  left  bank,  along  the  quay,  winding 
through  narrow  streets  crowded  with  spectators  and  hung 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUgON  67 

with  tapestry,  to  the  bridge  over  the  Seine  which  led 
most  directly  to  the  Cathedral  of  Notre  Dame,  where  a 
solemn  high  mass  was  to  be  celebrated.  It  was  a  pro 
cession  gay  with  colour  and  variety,  although  most  of 
the  clergy  and  all  the  Third  Estate  were  in  sober  black. 
But  the  way  was  kept  throughout  by  the  royal  guards, 
Swiss  and  French,  in  their  varied  liveries.  Archers 
marched  alongside,  bearing  immense  tapers,  faint  flames 
quivering  in  the  chilly  air  of  the  early  autumn  morning. 
Many  of  the  deputies  shivered,  and  complained  of  the 
cold. 

It  was  a  representative  procession.  The  religious 
Orders,  parish  clergy,  and  trade  corporations  of  Paris, 
the  canons  of  Notre  Dame,  the  doctors  of  the  University — 
these  led  the  way.  Then  came  the  hundred  and  ninety- 
two  deputies  of  the  Tiers  £tat,  walking  four  by  four,  with 
their  distinguished  President,  Robert  Miron,  provost  of 
the  merchants.  Then  a  hundred  and  thirty-two  nobles 
in  Court  dress  with  swords.  Then  the  clerical  deputies, 
a  hundred  and  forty,  followed  by  the  bishops  and  arch 
bishops  in  purple  and  the  cardinals  in  red.  Then  the 
Archbishop  of  Paris,  bearing  the  sacred  Host  under  a 
gorgeous  canopy.  Then  the  boy-King,  walking  in  white, 
his  mother  in  deep  black,  her  young  children,  her  attendant 
ladies  and  gentlemen  ;  Queen  Marguerite  de  Valois,  the 
"  aunt "  of  the  Royal  Family,  and  various  other  great 
ladies,  princes,  and  nobles  attached  to  the  Court.  After 
these  followed  the  whole  Parliament  and  the  Municipality 
of  Paris,  with  many  officials  and  guards. 

Like  a  wave  of  noise,  colour  and  light,  with  its  tramp 
ing  feet  and  flickering  candles,  under  the  heavy  clangour 
of  the  great  bells,  the  procession  rolls  into  Notre  Dame, 
and  the  Cardinal-Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  Richelieu's  hated 
Metropolitan,  thunders  out  his  sermon  to  the  Estates  of 
France  :  "  Fear  God.  Honour  the  King." 

The  three  Estates  held  their  sittings  in  three  of  the 
vast  rooms  of  the  Convent  of  the  Augustins,  but  the 
opening  ceremony  took  place  in  the  hall  of  the  old  Hotel 
de  Bourbon,  east  of  the  Louvre.  There  the  little  King,  a 


68  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

dark,  solemn  boy,  whose  majority,  on  entering  his  fourteenth 
year,  had  lately  been  celebrated,  sat  enthroned  "  on  violet 
velvet,  powdered  with  golden  lilies."  On  his  right  were 
the  two  Queens,  Marie  and  Marguerite,  and  the  young 
Princess  Elisabeth,  the  future  Queen  of  Spain.  His  brother 
Gaston,  a  lively,  pretty  child  of  five,  his  little  sisters 
Christine  and  Henriette  Marie,  sat  on  his  left ;  a  gorgeous 
ring  of  princes,  courtiers  and  great  ladies  surrounded  them. 
In  theory,  the  body  of  the  hall  was  kept  for  deputies ; 
in  fact,  it  was  inconveniently  crowded  by  Parisians,  chiefly 
hangers-on  of  the  Court.  "  Tout  6tait  plein  de  dames  et 
de  damoiselles,  de  gentilshommes  et  autre  peuple,"  says 
Florimond  Rapine,  the  chronicler.  The  deputies  were 
indignant,  and  it  was  long  before  all  could  find  places. 
Then  the  wild,  ill-assorted  assembly  listened  kindly  to  a 
few  stammering  words  from  Louis  XIII.,  and  impatiently  to 
a  long  harangue  from  Chancellor  Sillery,  which  committed 
the  Government  to  nothing. 

The  ceremonies  of  opening  and  closing  were  very  much 
the  same.  Three  months  of  arguing  and  quarrelling,  during 
which  Paris  was  frequently  in  an  uproar,  the  Prince  de 
Cond6  claiming  homage  that  nobody  would  pay,  the 
Due  d'£pernon  insulting  the  Parliament,  gentlemen  fight 
ing  in  the  streets,  the  Estates  themselves  divided  into 
violent  parties  for  and  against  the  Pope  and  Spain,  the 
Third  Estate  demanding  the  abolition  of  pensions  and 
privileges,  the  nobles  and  clergy  angrily  defending  their 
rights,  brought  the  assembly  once  more  together  at  the 
H&tel  de  Bourbon,  in  the  presence  of  the  Court. 

Manners  had  not  improved.  Two  thousand  of  the 
baser  sort  of  courtiers,  men  and  women,  with  numbers 
of  people  of  all  kinds,  had  crowded  into  the  best  places. 
Rapine  saw  "  cardinals,  bishops,  priors,  abbots,  the 
nobility  and  all  the  Third  Estate,  crowded  and  pushed 
without  order,  respect,  or  consideration,  among  the  pike- 
men  and  halberdiers." 

In  the  midst  of  this  babel,  the  spokesmen  of  the  three 
Orders  had  to  present  to  the  King  their  cahters,  containing 
the  result  of  their  stormy  deliberations.  First  it  was  the 


THE   MAJORITY   OF   LOUIS   XIII   (LOUIS   XIII    AND    MARIE   DK    MEDIC1S) 

FROM    THE    PICTURE    HY    KUHENS    IN    THE    I.OUVK'E 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU£ON  69 

turn  of  the  clergy ;  and  their  orator,  chosen,  like  his  fellows, 
by  the  influence  of  the  Queen-Regent,  was  the  Bishop  of 
Lucon. 

He  had  already  gained  much  credit,  during  the  debates 
of  the  last  three  months,  for  eloquence  and  judgment ; 
he  was  one  of  the  group  of  young  and  brilliant  bishops 
who  supported  Cardinal  du  Perron,  always  his  friend, 
in  his  efforts  to  bring  the  Tiers  £tat  into  harmony  with 
the  views  of  the  clergy.  The  burning  question  was  an 
article  resolved  on  by  the  Tiers,  demanding  that  the  King's 
complete  independence  of  every  power,  spiritual  or 
temporal,  except  God  alone,  should  be  made  "a  funda 
mental  law  of  the  State."  It  was  the  old  Gallican,  anti- 
Roman  doctrine,  which,  as  far  as  the  middle  classes  of 
France  were  concerned,  had  been  growing  in  strength 
for  some  years.  It  had  fought  the  League;  it  opposed 
the  Jesuits ;  it  defied  the  authority  of  the  Pope.  It  rose 
up  in  anger  against  the  courtly  politicians  who  now,  with 
their  Spanish  alliances,  were  contradicting  and  nullifying 
the  policy  of  Henry  IV. 

There  were  Gallicans  among  the  clergy,  but  the  majority 
were  Ultramontane,  equally  loyal  to  the  Pope  and  to  the 
Queen-Regent's  government.  Cardinal  du  Perron  and 
his  distinguished  phalanx  wasted  hours  of  eloquence — 
and  the  Cardinal  was  both  a  great  orator  and  an  attractive 
man — in  persuading  the  Tiers  to  withdraw  their  obnoxious 
article.  Matters  were  made  worse  by  the  Parliament  of 
Paris,  Gallican  and  anti-Spanish  to  the  core,  which  openly 
supported  the  Tiers,  as  also  did  Conde  and  his  followers 
and  the  Huguenot  party  under  Bouillon. 

Forty  years  later,  Louis  XIV.'s  whip  was  to  teach  both 
nobles  and  Parliament  the  meaning  of  that  divine  right 
and  absolute  power  which  they  were  now  eager  to  claim 
for  their  kings.  On  this  occasion  the  article  was  referred 
to  Louis  XIII.,  and  by  his  authority  was  expunged  from 
the  cahier  of  the  Tiers  £tat. 

It  was  in  a  spirit  of  triumphant  loyalty,  therefore,  both 
to  his  Order  and  to  the  King — or  rather,  to  the  Queen  and 
her  councillors — that  Armand  de  Richelieu  made  the  oration 


70  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

which  gained  him  his  first  real  fame.  He  stood  before  the 
whole  of  France — all  France  that  signified,  for  even  the 
humble  millions  were  represented,  though  mostly  by  men 
of  law — slight  and  delicate,  with  a  pleasant  voice,  an  easy, 
graceful  manner,  eyes  bright  and  clear,  yet  thoughtful,  a 
mouth  both  strong  and  smiling  under  the  thin  moustache 
brushed  sharply  upwards,  which  always  gave  him  the  look 
of  a  soldier. 

His  discourse  lasted  an  hour,  and  gave  great  satisfaction 
to  all  his  hearers,  who  were  struck  by  the  discretion  with 
which  he  touched  on  many  difficult  subjects  "without 
offending  anybody."  It  was  indeed  a  delicate  task,  to 
complain  of  the  treatment  bestowed  on  the  Church  and 
her  clergy  by  the  chief  authorities  in  the  kingdom ;  to 
praise  the  clergy,  their  learning,  probity  and  self-denial, 
and  to  claim  for  them  a  larger  share  in  the  management 
of  State  affairs ;  to  point  out  the  many  abuses  of  lay 
patronage;  to  condemn  the  excesses  of  some  Huguenots 
while  declaring  that  no  weapons  but  example,  instruction 
and  prayer  should  be  used  against  those  who,  "  if  blinded 
by  error,"  yet  lived  peaceably  under  the  royal  authority ; 
to  remonstrate  against  unfair  taxation,  corruption  and 
bribery  in  high  places ;  to  demand  the  reduction  of  pen 
sions  and  the  abolition  of  duels,  according  to  the  laws 
of  "  the  great  Henry  " : — and  in  the  same  breath  to  praise 
the  Queen-Regent  lor  the  great  things  she  had  already 
done  in  preserving  "  peace,  repose  and  public  tranquillity," 
chief  of  which  was  that  "sacred  bond  of  a  double  marriage" 
which  was  soon  to  unite  "  the  greatest  kingdoms  of  the 
world."  In  short,  while  performing  the  full  duty  pre 
scribed  by  his  Order,  to  make  himself  persona  grata  to 
Marie  de  Medicis,  was  a  task  worthy  of  Armand  de 
Richelieu. 

The  Baron  de  Senece,  spokesman  of  the  nobles,  followed 
the  Bishop  of  Lucon,  but  had  little  to  say.  On  the  other 
hand  Robert  Miron,  who  spoke— on  his  knees — for  the 
Tiers  iZtat,  had  a  great  deal.  He  drew  a  frightful  picture 
of  the  "wounds  and  sorrows"  of  the  poor  people  of 
France,  their  constant  labour  and  heavy  burdens.  He 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  71 

complained  bitterly  of  the  abuses  in  the  Church,  the 
privileges,  oppressions,  public  and  private  violence  of  the 
nobles,  the  delays  and  the  corruption  of  justice,  the  ravages 
of  armed  men. 

"  Without  the  labour  of  the  poor  people,"  he  cried, 
"  where  were  the  tithes  of  the  Church — the  vast  possessions 
of  the  nobility,  their  wide  lands,  their  great  fiefs — the 
houses,  the  incomes,  the  heritages  of  the  Third  Estate  ? 
And  further,  who  gives  your  Majesty  the  means  of  keep 
ing  up  the  royal  dignity,  of  providing  for  the  necessary 
expenses  of  the  State,  within  and  without  the  kingdom  ? 
who  gives  the  means  of  raising  men  for  the  wars,  if  not 
the  labourer  and  the  taxes  he  pays  ?  "  And  he  added  those 
remarkable  words  :  "  It  is  to  be  feared  that  despair  may 
teach  the  poor  people  that  the  soldier  is  but  a  peasant 
bearing  arms,  and  that  when  the  vinedresser  takes  up  an 
arquebus,  he  may  become  hammer  instead  of  anvil." 

But  Miron,  like  the  other  speakers,  professed  devoted 
loyalty  to  the  King,  only  begging  that  the  royal  authority 
might  interfere  to  protect  the  poor  people.  And  Miron's 
harangue,  like  the  others,  had  no  real  consequence  what 
ever.  Richelieu  observes  in  his  Memoirs  that  the  States- 
General  ended  without  advantage  to  anybody. 

The  deputies  were  dismissed,  contumelious  and  dis 
contented,  and  returned  to  the  provinces  freshly  burdened 
by  their  expenses. 

The  Bishop  of  Lugon  went  back  to  his  diocese ;  but 
his  speech  was  printed  by  the  famous  Cramoisy.  The 
Court  consoled  itself  for  a  very  tiresome  winter  by  one  of 
the  most  magnificent  Mid-Lent  ballets  that  Paris  had  ever 
seen. 


CHAPTER  V 

1615-1616 

Richelieu  appointed  Chaplain  to  Queen  Anne — Discontent  of  the 
Parliament  and  the  Princes — The  Royal  progress  to  the  South — Treaty  of 
Loudun — Return  to  Paris — Marie  de  M^dicis  and  her  favourites — The 
young  King  and  Queen— The  Due  de  Luynes — Richelieu  as  negotiator  and 
adviser — The  death  of  Madame  de  Richelieu. 

IN  the  autumn  of  the  year  1615  Richelieu  was  appointed 
chaplain  to  the  new  young  Queen  of  France,  Anne 
of  Austria.     He   owed   this    appointment    partly  to 
the   impression   made   by  his  good   looks  and  talent  on 
Marie  de  Medicis,  partly  to  the  friendly  intrigues  of  the 
Bishop  of  Bayonne — afterwards  Archbishop  of  Tours,  and 
an  adorer  of  the  beautiful  Duchesse  de  Chevreuse.     Owing 
to  the  troubled  state  of  France  and  the  long  delay  of  the 
royal  entry  into  Paris,  he  did  not  enter  upon  his  duties 
till  the  late  spring  of  1616. 

The  easy  triumph  of  the  Court  party  over  the  rebel 
elements  in  the  nation  had  not  lasted  long.  When  the 
Parliament  of  Paris  saw  that  the  States-General  and  all 
their  talk  had  ended  in  nothing — no  reform  of  abuses,  no 
strengthening  of  the  law,  while  Concini,  the  foreign 
favourite,  now  a  Marshal  of  France  and  Lieutenant-General 
of  Picardy,  was  fast  becoming  the  most  powerful  person 
in  the  kingdom — it  raised  its  voice  in  angry  remonstrance. 
And  the  men  of  law  did  not  stand  alone.  "  Derriere  le 
parlement,"  says  M.  Henri  Martin,  "  il  y  avait  les  princes, 
et  a  cdte  des  princes,  les  huguenots."  In  fact,  a  strong 
party  was  making  a  new  and  final  struggle  against  the 
Spanish  marriages.  The  voice  of  the  English  ambassador, 
Sir  Thomas  Edmunds,  chimed  in  with  those  of  Cond6, 

72 


THE   BISHOP   OF  LU^ON  73 

Bouillon  and  the  Parliament,  begging  at  least  for  delay: 
in  the  present  state  of  Europe,  James  I.  found  these 
marriages  "  inopportune."  His  eldest  daughter,  Elizabeth, 
had  lately  married  the  Protestant  Elector  Palatine,  nephew 
of  the  Due  de  Bouillon  and  brought  up  by  him.  England 
was  thus  strongly  linked  with  the  Protestant  cause,  both 
in  France  and  Germany. 

But  neither  foreign  opinion,  Parliament,  princes,  nor 
cowardly  counsels  in  her  own  household — for  her  favourite 
Leonora,  Concini's  wife,  was  against  her  in  this  matter — 
could  turn  Marie  de  Medicis  from  her  intention.  The 
King  and  the  Ministers,  under  her  orders,  haughtily  denied 
that  the  Parliament  had  any  right  to  interfere  in  affairs 
of  State.  She  tried,  but  in  vain,  to  win  over  Conde  and 
his  friends.  When  her  failure  was  plain — Conde  retiring 
into  the  country,  publishing  a  manifesto  which  demanded 
the  delay  of  the  marriages  and  the  disgrace  of  Concini  and 
the  old  Ministers,  and  following  up  his  words  by  raising 
an  armed  force — she  replied  by  arresting  his  friend  Nicolas 
Le  Jay,  a  president  of  the  Parliament  and  leader  of  the 
opposition  there.  The  guards  seized  him  at  five  o'clock  in 
the  morning  of  August  17  and  hurried  him  into  a  coach. 
On  that  same  morning  the  whole  Court,  conducted  by 
the  Dues  de  Guise  and  d'£pernon  with  a  strong  body  of 
troops,  set  out  on  the  long  journey  to  the  south.  President 
Le  Jay,  sorely  against  his  will,  followed  the  King  as  far 
as  Amboise,  where  he  was  left  behind  as  a  prisoner. 

Concini — formerly  Marquis,  now  also  Marechal  d'Ancre 
— remained  to  oppose  the  princes  in  Picardy,  of  which  the 
young  Due  de  Longueville  was  governor.  The  Marechal 
de  Bois-Dauphin  (Montmorency-Laval,  Marquis  de  Sable) 
was  left  with  a  royal  army  of  12,000  men  to  protect 
and  overawe  Paris,  already  commanded  by  the  guns  of 
the  Chateau  de  Vincennes,  and  to  keep  a  check  on  the 
Prince  de  Conde. 

The  royal  progress  to  the  south  was  slow  and 
dangerous,  with  many  delays  and  annoyances.  Travelling 
was  not  easy  even  in  summer  weather.  The  long  train 
of  coaches,  baggage- waggons  and  pack-mules,  horsemen, 


74  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

running  footmen,  with  the  large  military  escort,  took  three 
days  to  travel  the  good  road  between  Paris  and  Orleans, 
and  then  for  some  unknown  reason,  perhaps  the  uncertainty 
of  Conde's  movements,  did  not  arrive  at  Tours  for  ten 
days  more.  Here  the  Court  was  met  by  three  deputies 
from  the  Huguenot  assembly  at  Grenoble,  who  had  just 
missed  His  Majesty  at  Paris,  and  who,  "  with  more 
insolence  than  formerly,"  says  Richelieu,  pressed  again 
upon  him  the  demands  of  the  Tiers  £tat  and  requested 
him  to  proceed  no  further  on  his  journey,  "  in  which  they 
were  interested,  not  only  as  being  of  la  Religion  pretendue 
re'formee,  but  as  good  Frenchmen." 

In  consequence  of  this  and  other  disloyal  proceedings, 
the  King  publicly  declared  the  Prince  de  Conde  and  all 
his  adherents  guilty  of  high  treason  unless  they  laid  down 
their  arms  within  a  month,  and  sent  his  declaration  to 
be  registered  by  the  Parliament  of  Paris. 

The  Court  arrived  at  Poitiers  on  September  4,  and 
was  detained  there,  to  the  Queen-mother's  great  vexation, 
till  the  27th.  The  little  Madame  of  thirteen,  on  her  way 
to  be  married  to  the  Prince  of  Spain,  had  an  attack  of 
small-pox,  and  Marie  herself  suffered  from  an  inflamed 
arm.  As  Conde  was  already  fighting  his  way  across 
country  with  the  object  of  blocking  the  road  to  Spain, 
while  the  Due  de  Rohan,  with  a  small  Huguenot  army, 
was  preparing  to  second  him  by  occupying  Guienne  and 
the  Bordelais,  it  appeared  at  one  moment  as  if  the  royal 
marriages  might  be  effectually  stopped. 

Two  persons  profited  by  the  delay.  One  was  the 
Marechale  d'Ancre.  That  mysterious  Leonora,  accused, 
probably  falsely,  of  witchcraft  and  so  many  other  crimes, 
seized  this  opportunity  to  creep  back  into  the  favour  of 
her  royal  mistress  and  foster-sister,  whom  she,  in  concert 
with  the  Minister  Villeroy  and  others,  had  seriously 
annoyed  by  advising  her  against  pressing  on  the  marriages. 
By  devoted  nursing  of  the  royal  invalids,  and  by  the  help 
of  her  Jewish  doctor,  Montalto,  Leonora  soon  regained 
Marie's  selfish  affection,  to  lose  it  once  more,  and  finally, 
before  the  end  of  her  tragic  life. 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  75 

The  other  person  who  profited  by  the  royal  visit  to 
Poitiers  was  the  Bishop  of  Lugon.  On  returning  from 
Paris  in  the  spring,  feverish  and  irritable,  he  had  plunged 
deep  in  theological  studies  at  his  favourite  Coussay.  It 
seems  to  have  been  a  grievance  that  even  his  friends 
should  disturb  him  at  his  books.  But  when  the  Court 
arrived  at  Poitiers  and  was  detained  there,  all  loyal 
persons  of  any  distinction  in  the  province  were  bound 
to  wait  upon  their  Majesties.  The  Bishop  of  Lucon  was 
among  the  foremost  in  paying  his  duty.  Certain  vague 
talk  of  the  chaplaincy  to  Queen  Anne  now  took  solid 
shape,  and  he  received  the  promise  of  his  appointment, 
which  was  definitely  made  in  November,  when  the  Court 
was  at  Bordeaux.  During  the  interval,  it  is  evident  that 
Richelieu  considered  himself  bound  to  the  Queen-mother's 
service.  He  made  it  his  business  to  send  a  report  of  the 
health  of  Madame,  who  was  left  behind  at  Poitiers  for 
a  few  days  when  the  Court  hurried  forward;  and  his 
letters  to  Marie  de  Medicis  are  full  of  grateful  devotion. 

The  little  French  princess  was  conveyed  to  the  Spanish 
frontier,  and  the  little  Spanish  princess  was  received  in 
exchange.  Under  the  escort  of  the  Due  de  Guise  and  six 
thousand  men — for  the  Huguenots,  under  Rohan,  made 
the  journey  perilous — she  was  brought  to  Bordeaux,  where 
the  King  and  his  mother  awaited  her.  There  the  marriage 
was  finally  blessed — it  had  already,  in  the  case  of  both 
princesses,  been  celebrated  by  proxy — and  there  the  Court 
lingered  on  till  the  middle  of  December,  when  it  began  its 
slow  northward  journey,  not  reaching  Tours  till  January  25, 
1616. 

The  country  through  which  the  Court  travelled  was 
in  a  terrible  state,  trampled  and  devastated  by  armies — 
"chose  pitoyable  et  horrible,"  says  Pontchartrain.  In  spite 
of  the  Marechal  de  Bois-Dauphin,  Conde  had  crossed  the 
Loire  at  Neuvy  and  was  storming  westward  through 
Berry,  Touraine  and  Poitou,  "  pillant  et  saccageant,"  says 
Richelieu,  "  tous  les  lieux  ou  il  passoit."  Again  Madame 
de  Richelieu  had  her  share  in  the  sufferings  of  the  poor 
province,  which  seemed  to  her  even  worse  off  than  in 


76  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

the  Wars  of  the  League.  Forty  years  she  had  lived  at 
Richelieu,  and  never  had  she  seen  such  men  or  such 
ravages.  "  If  these  armies  believe  in  God,"  she  said,  "  it 
is  as  the  devils  do."  The  army  of  Bois-Dauphin  was  also 
marching  south-westward,  to  protect  the  progress  of  the 
Court.  Friend  or  foe,  royalist  or  rebel,  it  made  no 
difference  in  the  wholesale  robbery  and  cruelty  which 
desolated  the  villages,  utterly  destroying  any  lingering 
peaceful  fruit  of  Henry's  administration.  Even  Sully  had 
now  taken  sides  with  Conde;  and  the  Dues  de  Soubise 
and  de  la  Tremoille  had  raised  a  fresh  army  of  Huguenots 
in  Poitou.  The  wintry  weather  made  everything  worse. 
If  the  armies  caused  the  wretched  peasants  to  suffer,  they 
suffered  themselves.  An  icy  rain  was  followed  by  hard 
frosts,  snow,  and  <(  a  great  furious  wind " ;  thousands  of 
men,  on  both  sides,  died  of  the  wet  and  the  bitter  cold.  In 
Paris,  boats  and  bridges  were  wrecked  by  the  masses  of 
broken  ice  in  the  Seine. 

The  Bishop  of  Lu£on,  writing  strong  remonstrances  on 
his  mother's  and  his  own  behalf  to  the  commanders,  was 
also  painfully  interested  in  the  negotiations  which  began 
after  the  Court  had  reached  Verteuil.  He  would  have 
been  glad  to  be  actively  employed,  but  his  time  was  not 
quite  come,  and  he  could  only  look  on,  trusting  to  his 
friends — especially  Claude  Barbin,  an  old  acquaintance,  the 
trusted  financial  secretary  of  Marie  de  Medicis — to  push  his 
name  and  fortunes. 

Both  parties  were  tired  of  the  struggle.  The  Court  did 
not  wish  for  eternal  war :  the  princes  and  their  followers 
saw  that,  the  Spanish  marriages  once  carried  through, 
their  wisest  line  of  action  was  to  make  a  good  bargain  _ 
for  themselves  while  posing  as  disappointed  patriots.  The 
treaty  of  Loudun  satisfied  them  for  the  time.  Several 
of  the  King's  older  Ministers  were  sacrificed,  notably 
Chancellor  Sillery.  The  Marechal  d'Ancre  had  to  give 
up  his  command  in  Picardy,  with  the  strong  city  of  Amiens, 
to  the  Due  de  Longueville,  but  was  consoled  with  the 
military  government  of  Normandy.  A  general  amnesty 
was  published :  President  Le  Jay  was  set  at  liberty,  and 


77 

the  Conite  d'Auvergne  was  freed  from  his  long  confine 
ment  in  the  Bastille ;  the  rights  already  granted  to  the 
Huguenots  were  confirmed ;  Conde's  war  expenses  were 
paid,  amounting  to  1,500,000  livres.  Decidedly  a  good 
bargain  ;  the  best  he  had  ever  made.  "  This  time,  it  is 
true,"  says  M.  Henri  Martin,  "  Conde's  soldiers  had  well 
earned  their  money :  they  had  pillaged,  burnt,  ravaged 
France  with  great  zeal,  from  the  banks  of  the  Somme  to 
those  of  the  Garonne." 

The  other  princes  were  also  magnificently  paid  :  their 
rebellion  cost  the  country,  "  according  to  Richelieu,  more 
than  twenty  millions " ;  and  in  the  matter  of  places  and 
governments,  they  had  what  they  chose  to  demand.  In 
addition,  Conde  claimed  the  right  of  signing  the  decrees 
of  the  Royal  Council.  The  Due  de  Villeroy,  a  clever  old 
politician,  advised  the  Queen  to  grant  this  also.  It  was 
better,  he  said,  to  bind  Monsieur  le  Prince  to  the  Court 
than  to  let  him  fortify  himself  in  the  provinces.  "  Do  not 
fear,"  he  said,  "  to  put  a  pen  in  a  man's  hand  while  you  are 
holding  his  arm." 

So  ended  the  demonstration  against  the  Spanish 
marriages.  Marie  de  Medicis  gained  her  point :  the 
princes  found  effectual  consolation ;  and  the  poor  people 
of  France,  as  usual,  paid  the  bill.  The  salt  tax,  which  had 
been  reduced,  was  raised  to  its  former  level,  and  new  river 
tolls  were  established. 

The  Court  lingered  at  Tours  and  at  Blois  until  the 
whole  business  of  the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  made  its 
triumphal  entry  into  Paris  on  May  16,  1616 — an  unlucky 
conjunction  of  numbers,  according  to  astrologers.  The 
young  Queen,  a  pretty  and  attractive  girl  in  her  indolent 
Spanish  way — somewhat  petulant,  and  no  wonder,  con 
sidering  the  miseries  of  the  journey  not  to  be  escaped 
even  by  queens,  and  the  cool  neglect  of  her  boy-husband — 
sat  in  an  open  litter  carried  by  mules,  for  the  better  view 
of  the  citizens  of  Paris.  The  noise  in  the  streets  was  so 
great — bells,  drums  and  trumpets,  the  clatter  of  arms  (for 
the  city  bands  were  all  on  foot  and  firing  off  their  muskets) — 
that  Her  Majesty's  mules  pranced  with  terror,  and  she  was 


78  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

obliged  to  take  refuge  in  her  coach.  But  the  welcome  ot 
Paris  was  undoubtedly  hearty,  and  ii  the  Spanish  marriage 
still  caused  discontent,  it  did  not  appear  openly.  Indeed 
the  Spanish  embassy  and  their  young  Princess  had  only 
to  complain  of  the  fact  that  the  opposite  party  had  gained 
most  of  its  ends  in  the  treaty  of  Loudun,  and  that  their 
enemy,  the  Prince  de  Conde,  with  certain  Huguenot 
magnates,  his  allies,  appeared  for  the  moment  to  rule  both 
Court  and  Council. 

The  Bishop  of  Lucon  had  preceded  the  Court  to  Paris. 
He  had  taken  a  house  in  the  Rue  des  Mauvaises-Paroles, 
in  the  quarter  of  the  markets ;  an  old  street  which  still 
existed  in  the  early  nineteenth  century,  but  has  since  been 
swept  away.  Here  he  was  within  easy  reach  of  his  Court 
duties  at  the  Louvre. 

Under  the  high  roofs  of  the  palace,  in  the  old  round 
towers  and  new  pavilions  and  galleries,  crowded  in  a 
labyrinth  of  rooms  and  staircases,  walled  courts  and 
gardens,  surrounded  by  a  confused  noise  of  building, 
especially  towards  the  river,  where  the  long  gallery,  join 
ing  the  Louvre  to  the  Tuileries,  was  not  yet  finished, 
blocked  to  the  west,  on  the  site  of  the  Place  du  Carrousel, 
by  narrow  streets  of  great  hotels  and  mean  houses, 
churches,  chapels,  hospitals — lived  the  young  King  and 
Queen  with  their  households,  and  the  Queen-Mother, 
herself  lodged  in  a  low,  dark,  but  richly  furnished  entresol, 
with  as  many  of  her  ladies,  attendants,  favourites,  servants, 
as  could  find  room  in  the  old  rabbit-warren  of  so  many 
and  such  ghostly  memories. 

At  the  moment,  though  her  personal  rule  was  not  to 
last  long,  Marie  de  Medicis,  the  Florentine,  the  "  fat 
banker,"  as  Madame  de  Verneuil  disrespectfully  called  her, 
was  the  centre  of  power  and  the  fountain  of  promotion. 
It  was  therefore  especially  to  her  that  the  courtiers, 
Richelieu  among  them,  paid  their  devoted  duty. 

Marie  de  Medicis  was  at  this  time  a  handsome,  heavy- 
looking  woman  of  forty-three  ;  cold  of  temperament,  grave 
and  haughty  in  manner,  yet  without  real  dignity ;  obstinate, 
yet  weak ;  nervous,  irritable,  subject  to  fits  of  violent 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUgON  79 

anger  with  floods  of  tears  ;  never  affectionate  or  caressing, 
even  to  her  own  children  ;  fond  of  amusement,  of  animals, 
dwarfs,  freaks  of  nature ;  passionately  eager  for  power 
and  magnificence ;  a  lover  of  beautiful  things,  a  generous 
but  ignorant  patron  of  art ;  especially  curious  of  precious 
metals  and  stones,  jewellery,  bric-a-brac  of  all  kinds  ;  inter 
ested  in  architecture,  building  and  gardening.  She  laid 
the  first  stone  of  her  palace  of  "Luxembourg"  in  1615, 
and  in  this  very  year  1616  she  planted  the  stately  avenue 
of  elms,  known  as  the  Cours-la-Reine,  along  the  river- 
bank  beyond  the  gardens  of  the  Tuileries.  Splendid  in  her 
gifts,  she  was  wildly  extravagant,  as  soon  as  it  became 
possible,  with  the  money  of  the  State.  She  was  super 
stitious  and  religious,  even  devote,  after  her  fashion,  and 
the  Church  in  France  owed  her  much  :  if  not  refined  by 
nature  or  training,  she  was  yet  always  on  the  side  of 
decency  and  moral  reform.  This  is  something  to  say  for 
a  woman  who  was  forced  for  years  to  live  in  a  Court  and 
a  society  so  openly  and  coarsely  immoral,  and  to  treat 
La  Reine  Margot  as  a  friend  and  a  sister. 

At  the  time  when  Richelieu  became  attached  to  the 
Court,  that  eccentric  princess  was  no  longer  living  in  her 
palace  opposite  the  Louvre.  She  died  in  the  spring  of 
1615,  shortly  after  the  closing  of  the  States-General.  In 
his  memoirs  the  Cardinal  devotes  several  pages  to  that 
"  greatest  princess  of  her  time,"  her  talents  and  her 
charities. 

At  the  Louvre,  next  to  the  Queen-Mother,  the  most 
profitable  objects  of  a  courtier's  devotion  were  the  Marechal 
and  the  Marechale  d'Ancre.  They  were  Marie's  most 
intimate  and  inseparable  friends.  Unworthy  of  such  a 
position,  no  doubt :  but  the  wife  of  Henry  IV.  was  hardly 
happy  enough  willingly  to  dispense  with  those  who  had 
followed  her  from  Florence.  Leonora  Galigai',  her  nurse's 
daughter,  first  the  companion  of  her  childhood,  had  been 
appointed  head  of  her  maids :  of  low  birth,  but  extremely 
clever,  and  only  too  capable  of  managing  her  mistress ; 
though  her  own  supposed  account  of  her  influence,  "  that 
of  a  clever  woman  over  a  dull  fool,"  seems  to  have  been 


8o  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

one  of  the  many  inventions  of  her  enemies.  A  small, 
dark,  ugly,  keen-faced  creature,  Leonora  had  fallen  in  love 
with  the  handsome  adventurer  Concini,  who  had  followed 
the  Queen  to  France  in  search  of  fortune.  They  were 
married,  and  together  they  climbed  the  heights  they 
desired.  Concini  swaggered  among  nobles  and  princes, 
the  very  type  of  a  royal  favourite.  He  was  an  insolent, 
magnificent  bully,  with  whom  the  greatest  in  the  land  had 
to  reckon.  Yet,  though  envied  and  slandered,  he  was  not 
entirely  unpopular,  even  at  Court.  Bassompierre  observed 
that  he  was  neither  perfection  nor  a  fool.  He  had  the 
daring  courage  which  came  of  belief  in  his  own  lucky 
star.  He  was  good-natured  and  kind,  except  to  his  wife ; 
with  her,  in  spite  of  their  mutual  interests,  he  quarrelled 
incessantly,  and  they  lived  mostly  apart.  But  the  many 
scandalous  jokes,  songs  and  stories  which  dealt  with  the 
supposed  love-affairs  of  Concini  and  the  Queen  are  pro 
nounced  by  modern  historians  to  be  without  foundation. 

For  some  years  the  husband  and  wife  concerned  them 
selves  little  with  politics.  Money  and  position,  especially 
money,  of  which  Leonora  was  excessively  greedy,  were 
their  favourite  objects.  They  bought  a  palace  in  the  Rue  de 
Tournon,  near  the  old  Hotel  de  Luxembourg,  and  furnished 
it  splendidly.  But  Concini  lived  chiefly  in  a  house  near 
the  river,  at  the  south-east  corner  of  the  small  garden  of 
the  Louvre,  between  it  and  the  old  Hdtel  de  Bourbon.  By 
a  bridge  from  the  house  to  the  garden  he  could  com 
municate  with  his  wife's  apartments,  above  those  of  the 
Queen. 

Leonora  left  her  rooms  seldom  and  unwillingly,  except 
for  necessary  attendance  on  her  mistress.  She  was  a 
nervous  invalid,  and  depended  much  on  Jewish  doctors, 
quack  remedies,  and — according  to  her  enemies — the  black 
art.  We  are  also  told,  however,  that  she  confessed 
regularly  and  caused  the  Bible  to  be  read  to  her.  M. 
Batiffol,  in  his  picturesque  study  of  the  time,  describes 
how  she  sat  all  day  threading  beads  or  playing  the  guitar- 
she  was  a  fine  musician — in  the  midst  of  rich  hoards  of 
every  description  :  tapestry,  embroidery,  mirrors,  cabinets, 


THE   BISHOP  OF   LUQON  81 

carpets,  cushions,  counterpanes,  of  the  most  splendid 
materials ;  endless  quantities  of  gold  and  silver  plate ; 
wardrobes  and  chests  full  of  beautiful  garments  that  she 
seldom  wore.  Beyond  these  treasures,  she  cared  for  little 
but  money:  when  she  meddled  with  politics,  it  was  for 
the  sake  of  money,  or  for  her  husband's  advancement; 
and  this  last  matter  interested  her  keenly  in  the  exciting 
changes  of  that  winter,  which  had  carried  her,  sorely 
against  her  will,  on  a  most  trying  journey. 

The  return  from  that  journey  found  the  Marechal  d'Ancre, 
now  Lieutenant-General  of  Normandy,  at  the  height  of  his 
power,  though  a  quarrel  with  the  people  of  the  markets 
lost  him  some  popularity.  The  reconstruction  of  the 
Ministry,  the  fall  of  Sillery,  the  temporary  superseding 
of  Jeannin,  President  of  the  Council,  and  later  of  the 
Due  de  Villeroy,  left  the  way  open  for  clever  men  such 
as  Barbin  and  Mangot,  both  followers  of  Concini.  Both 
admirers,  too,  of  the  Bishop  of  Lucon,  who  very  soon, 
by  their  means,  was  to  become  a  Minister  of  State. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  a  courtier  or  a  politician,  the 
inmates  of  the  Louvre  least  worth  considering  were  the 
young  King  and  Queen.  Both  were  born  in  1601,  and 
in  that  summer  were  not  quite  fifteen  years  old :  two 
children,  with  the  minds  and  tastes  of  children,  on  whom 
etiquette  weighed  heavily,  who  were  shy  of  each  other,  and 
cared  only  for  their  own  chosen  companions  and  sports. 

The  little  Queen  seems  to  have  been  singularly  childish, 
for  a  princess  brought  up  in  the  stately  Court  of  Spain. 
Surrounded  at  first  by  her  Spanish  ladies,  who  adored 
and  petted  her,  she  made  grave  ambassadors  anxious, 
though  her  coquettish  beauty  attracted  the  French.  But 
there  was  a  lack  of  majesty,  a  love  of  jokes  and  games, 
an  impatience  of  everything  serious,  a  quick  and  wilful 
temper,  an  amazingly  short  memory,  combined  with  a 
frank  regret  for  her  old  life — "  bien  souvent  1'Espagne  me 
manque,"  she  wrote  home  in  the  early  days — hardly  suit 
able  to  a  Queen  of  France.  Her  new  subjects  did  not 
complain ;  in  truth,  after  the  first  rejoicings  of  her  arrival, 
they  saw  little  of  her.  Sometimes  she  appeared  at  Court 
6 


82  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

balls,  ballets  and  carrousels,  brilliant  in  her  fresh  youth, 
with  her  dazzlingly  white  skin,  large  eyes,  chestnut  hair, 
and  the  exquisite  hands  which  were  her  crowning  beauty. 
Sometimes  she  drove  out  in  a  coach  to  Saint-Germain, 
and  spent  the  day  hunting  and  hawking  with  the  King, 
who  hardly  cared  for  her  company  at  any  other  time.  Her 
chaplain,  the  Bishop  of  Lucon,  attended  on  her  at  the 
Louvre  as  a  most  formal  duty.  Personally,  Anne  never 
liked  him.  Though  not  yet  too  terrible,  he  was  always 
too  serious  for  her.  But  the  Spanish  ambassador  wrote 
of  him  to  Philip  III. :  "There  are  not  two  men  in  France 
so  zealous  for  the  service  of  God,  of  our  Crown,  and  of 
the  public  weal." 

Time  was  to  show  whether  his  Excellency  was  right  on 
all  or  any  of  these  points. 

Louis  XIII.  had  been  an  attractive  little  child,  and  was 
now  a  handsome,  simple,  straightforward  boy,  whose  health 
and  temper,  unluckily,  had  been  ruined  by  mismanagement. 
The  diary  of  his  physician,  Herouard— curious  if  unpleasant 
reading — shows  us  a  child  brought  up  on  pills  and  potions 
quite  as  much  as  on  food.  Add  constant  and  severe  whip 
pings  for  every  small  fault,  and  we  have  the  training  that 
Henry  IV.  and  Marie  de  Medicis,  here  in  entire  agreement, 
thought  fitting  for  their  eldest  son.  Long  after  Louis  was 
King  of  France  the  floggings  continued,  enraging  inter 
ludes  to  Court  etiquette  and  ceremonies.  "  Give  me  less 
manners  and  less  whipping ! "  the  poor  boy  cried  one 
day,  when  his  mother  and  her  ladies  rose  and  curtseyed 
on  His  Majesty's  entrance. 

No  wonder  that  the  face  he  turned  to  the  outside  world 
— including,  for  him,  his  mother  and  his  wife — was  sulky 
and  misanthropic.  He  had  affection  to  give ;  but  it  was 
all  for  the  one  or  two  special  friends  who  understood 
him,  and  who  made  it  their  business  to  help  and  indulge 
him  in  the  sports  he  cared  about;  hunting  and  hawking 
three  or  four  days  a  week  in  the  forests  and  the  open 
country  near  Paris;  while  in  the  intervals  there  were 
rabbits  and  small  birds  to  be  caught  in  the  precincts  of 
the  Louvre  and  the  Tuileries,  and  on  wet  days  various 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUgON  83 

indoor  amusements — cooking,  carpentering,  turning,  teach 
ing  his  little  dogs  tricks,  building  card  castles,  and  so  on. 
He  was  passionately  fond  of  music.  Court  functions  bored 
him  terribly;  and  though  forced,  after  his  majority,  to 
attend  the  Council  that  ruled  in  his  name,  and  behaving 
there  with  sufficient  dignity  and  intelligence,  he  took  very 
little  active  interest  in  affairs  of  State.  This  carelessness, 
though  more  apparent  than  real,  exactly  suited  his  mother, 
her  favourites  and  her  ministers.  France  was  given  to 
understand  that  the  young  King  was  too  delicate,  too 
incapable,  to  act  for  himself  in  any  public  way. 

It  was  not  unnatural  that  all  who  had  political  or  social 
ends  to  gain  should  have  thought  it  safe  to  ignore  the  King 
and  Queen  as  children  of  no  account.  But  Louis  XIII. 
had  one  trusted  friend ;  and  the  Bishop  of  Lucon,  with 
many  others,  was  bitterly  to  repent  a  too  low  estimation 
of  the  powers  of  the  Sieur  de  Luynes. 

Charles  d' Albert  de  Luynes  was  now  a  man  of  eight- 
and-thirty.     He  was  the  eldest  son  of  a  small  land-owner 
in  Provence,  and  took  his  territorial  name  from  a  fief  near 
Aix,  which  was  his   mother's  dowry.     His  two  younger 
brothers,  Honore  and   Leon,  who  shared  his  marvellous 
fortunes — one  becoming  Due  de  Chaulnes,  the  other  Due 
de  Piney-Luxembourg — were  known  in  their  earlier  days  as 
Seigneurs  de  Cadenet  and  de  Brantes;  Cadenet  being  a 
small  island  in  the  Rhone,  Brantes  a  farm  and  vineyard 
on  a  hill  at  Mornas.    The  three  brothers,  all  clever  and 
amiable,  caring  for  each  other  with  an  unselfish  affection 
rare  in  those  days,  began  life  as  pages  to  Francois  de 
Daillon,  Comte  du  Lude,  a  very  great  man  in  his  own 
province  of  Anjou,  and   a  witty  and  audacious  courtier. 
He  and  his  friend  M.  de  la  Varenne  advanced  the  three 
young  southerners  to  the    service   of   King   Henry  IV., 
who   gave    them   appointments  in   the   Dauphin's   house 
hold.     Even  then  the  three,  generally  liked  and  esteemed, 
says   Richelieu,   had   but  one   pony  and  one  good   coat 
amongst  them. 

It  was  not  only  his  skill  in  falconry  and  all  other  kinds 
of  sport   which   endeared   Luynes   to   his   young  master 


84  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

From  the  first  he  made  himself  his  friend.  He  was  a 
really  good-natured  man,  as  well  as  a  fine  sportsman  and 
an  ambitious  courtier,  and  he  laid  himself  out  to  give 
freedom  and  happiness  to  the  oppressed,  stammering  boy. 
Louis  learned,  from  a  child,  to  fly  to  Luynes  in  all  his 
troubles.  He  was  his  constant  companion  through  the 
day,  his  chief  playmate,  the  organiser  of  his  leisure  time. 
At  night  in  his  dreams,  often  restless  and  feverish,  the 
boy  would  cry  out  for  Luynes. 

This  high  favour  did  not  pass  unnoticed,  of  course,  by 
the  Queen-mother  and  Concini.  They  might  have  crushed 
Luynes  in  the  early  days,  but  they  took  the  line  of 
propitiating  him — a  very  great  and  fatal  mistake,  according 
to  Richelieu.  Marie  gave  him  the  government  of  Amboise, 
resigned  by  the  Prince  de  Cond6  in  1615.  She  thought 
thus  to  make  Luynes  her  creature ;  and  the  Marechal 
d'Ancre,  who  had  watched  him  anxiously  for  a  short  time, 
was  deceived  by  his  retiring  manners  into  thinking  him 
a  man  of  no  real  account  except  among  birds,  but  probably 
a  useful  friend,  having  the  ear  of  the  King. 

Through  this  summer  of  1616,  the  Bishop  of  Lucon  was 
steadily  advancing  in  favour.  Marie  de  Medicis  appointed 
him  her  private  secretary,  with  a  handsome  pension,  and 
employed  him  on  several  political  missions.  One  of  these 
was  of  real  importance  and  led  to  striking  results. 

In  spite  of  the  treaty  of  Loudun  and  all  its  advantages, 
the  Prince  de  Conde"  and  his  friends  were  still  in  a  sulky 
frame  of  mind.  Instead  of  coming  at  once  to  Paris,  the 
Prince  lingered  in  his  new  province  of  Berry,  where 
the  discontented  showed  signs  of  gathering  round  him 
once  more.  This  temper  of  his  caused  much  anxiety  to 
Marie,  her  new  Ministers,  and  the  Marechal  d'Ancre.  It 
seemed  to  them  necessary  that  the  Prince  should  come 
to  Paris.  Any  fresh  disloyalty  would  be  less  formidable 
there,  and  his  support  of  the  present  government,  if  he 
chose  to  give  it,  would  be  more  valuable. 

The  Bishop  of  Lucon  was  sent  to  negotiate  with  the 
Prince  at  Bourges.  "The  Queen  sent  me  to  him,"  he 
says,  "  believing  that  I  should  have  sufficient  fidelity  and 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUgON  85 

skill  to  dissipate  the  clouds  of  suspicion  which  evil  minds 
had  falsely  raised  against  her."  Her  belief  was  justified. 
Her  envoy  not  only  made  the  most  of  the  promises  with 
which  he  was  laden — promises  from  herself,  from  the 
Marechal  d'Ancre,  and  last,  not  least,  from  Leonora — but 
he  worked  on  the  Prince's  mind  by  his  own  clever  and 
flattering  persuasions,  assisted  probably  by  the  influence 
of  Pere  Joseph  and  his  brother,  M.  du  Tremblay,  who 
were  partisans  of  Cond6. 

The  Prince  came  to  Paris,  and  was  honourably  received 
by  their  Majesties  at  the  Louvre.  Immediately  all  Paris 
was  at  his  feet.  "  The  Louvre  was  a  solitude,"  says 
Richelieu ;  "  his  house  was  the  old  Louvre " — on  the  site 
of  part  of  the  fortress  of  Philippe  Auguste — "  and  one 
could  not  approach  the  door  for  the  multitude  of  people 
crowding  there.  All  who  had  any  affair  on  hand  addressed 
themselves  to  him ;  he  never  entered  the  Council  but  his 
hands  were  full  of  petitions  and  memoirs  which  had  been 
presented  to  him,  and  which  were  granted  at  his  will." 

At  first  Conde  enjoyed  his  new  popularity  and  used 
his  power  with  moderation.  Had  he  been  a  wise  man, 
he  might  have  kept  it  long ;  but  he  was  weak,  dissipated, 
and  fiercely  ambitious,  saying  openly  that  he  had  as 
much  right  to  the  throne  as  the  King  himself.  The  other 
princes,  especially  the  restless  and  intriguing  Due  de 
Bouillon,  worked  upon  his  discontent.  Naturally,  their 
first  object  was  the  ruin  of  the  Marechal  d'Ancre.  Each 
of  them  had  grievances  of  his  own.  Even  the  Dues  de 
Guise  and  d'£pernon,  loyal  to  the  Crown,  were  ready  to 
draw  their  swords  on  the  favourite.  The  former  Ministers, 
the  Parliament,  the  people  of  Paris,  were  all  on  the  same 
side,  and  Concini's  life,  darkly  plotted  against  in  high 
places,  was  openly  threatened  in  the  street.  One  day, 
going  alone  to  visit  the  Prince,  who  was  entertaining 
the  English  ambassador,  Lord  Hay,  he  had  a  narrow 
escape  of  being  killed  by  the  servants. 

Concini  was  a  brave  man,  but  he  realised  his  danger, 
and  both  he  and  his  wife  were  on  the  eve  of  escaping 
from  France.  Suddenly,  however,  the  whole  face  of  things 


86  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

changed.  The  Queen-mother,  solemnly  warned  by  the 
Due  de  Sully,  saw  that  some  bold  step  was  necessary  if 
she  was  to  save  herself,  her  friends,  even  the  young  King, 
from  serious  peril.  For  there  were  again  grumblings  of 
civil  war  in  the  provinces,  where  the  Due  de  Longueville 
was  attacking  the  last  fortress  in  Picardy  which  remained 
in  Concini's  hands. 

The  Ministers  Barbin  and  Mangot,  with  the  Bishop 
of  Lucon,  advised  a  coup  d'etat^  and  it  was  carried  out  with 
extraordinary  ease.  The  Prince  de  Conde  was  arrested 
and  imprisoned  in  the  Bastille.  The  other  princes  fled, 
and  Concini  triumphed  once  more ;  but  the  people  of 
Paris  showed  their  hatred  by  sacking  his  palace  in  the 
Rue  de  Tournon,  full  of  treasures  worth  200,000  crowns. 

On  November  14,  according  to  the  registers  of  the 
parish  of  Braye,  "  s'en  est  allee  de  vie  a  trepas  noble 
dame  Suzanne  de  la  Porte,  dame  de  Richelieu."  The 
Bishop  of  Lucon  writes  to  his  brother  Alphonse  : 

"My  DEAR  BROTHER, — I  regret  much  that  you  must 
learn  by  this  letter  our  common  loss  of  our  poor  mother, 
although  I  know  that  for  you  it  will  be  the  more  bearable 
in  that,  having  yourself  renounced  the  world  to  gain 
heaven,  her  life  and  her  death  give  you  certain  assurance 
of  meeting  her  again  there ;  since  in  the  latter  God  gave 
her  as  much  grace,  consolation,  and  sweetness  as  in  the 
former  she  had  suffered  contradiction,  affliction  and 
bitterness.  .  .  .  For  myself,  I  pray  God  that  in  future  her 
good  example  and  yours  may  so  profit  me  that  I  may 
amend  my  life." 

M.  Avenel  gives  a  letter  from  Henry  de  Richelieu,  the 
head  of  the  family,  to  his  sister  Nicole  (afterwards  Madame 
de  Maille-Breze),  begging  her  to  lay  their  mother's  body, 
as  honourably  as  possible,  in  the  chapel  of  the  chateau, 
there  to  await  himself  and  the  Bishop,  "  that  we  may 
all  together  bear  her  to  the  grave." 

It  was  not  till  December  8  that  "noble  dame  Suzanne 
de  la  Porte  "  was  laid  in  the  family  vault  under  the  church 


87 

of  Braye.  But  it  appears  that  her  son  Armand  was  waited 
for  in  vain.  There  was  question  of  a  special  embassy  to 
Spain  on  the  affairs  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy;  there  was 
the  immediate  prospect  of  becoming  a  Minister  of  France. 
Indeed,  he  was  already  one  of  a  triumvirate — Barbin, 
Mangot,  Richelieu — on  whom,  under  Concini,  depended 
all  affairs  of  State.  Between  his  mother's  death  and  her 
funeral,  he  was  writing  letters  vowing  eternal  gratitude 
both  to  the  Marechal  and  to  Leonora,  through  whose 
favour  and  consideration  alone,  he  declared,  their  Majesties 
had  been  pleased  to  appoint  him  Secretary  for  Foreign 
Affairs. 


CHAPTER  VI 

1617 

A  contemporary  view  of  the  state  of  France — Barbin,  Mangot,  and 
Richelieu — A  new  rebellion — Richelieu  as  Foreign  Secretary — The  Abbd 
de  Marolles— Concini  in  danger — The  death  of  Concini — The  fall  of  the 
Ministry — Horrible  scenes  in  Paris— Richelieu  follows  the  Queen-mother 
into  exile. 

THE  Sieur  de  Pontchartrain,  in  his  Memoirs,  gives  a 
vivid  account  of  the  state  of  France  in  the  winter  of 
1616-17.     He  was  not  exactly  an  impartial  judge, 
since  he  had  himself  been  a  Minister  of  State  under  the 
Due  de  Villeroy,  and  he  saw  things  from  his  patron's  point 
of  view.     But  he  was  an  honest  man. 

Like  Sully,  he  entirely  failed  to  realise  the  political 
genius  of  the  Bishop  of  Lugon,  treating  him  and  his 
colleagues  as  contemptible  creatures  of  Concini.  He 
writes  of  "  the  bad  management  of  affairs,  the  small  regard 
shown  by  the  Queen-mother  for  the  King,  from  whom  all 
affairs  are  concealed,  the  unjust  detention  of  M.  le  Prince 
de  Conde  and  the  alienation  of  all  the  other  princes  and 
great  men,  the  ambitious  designs,  hurtful  to  France,  of 
the  Marechal  d'Ancre  and  of  his  wife,  the  banishment 
from  affairs  of  all  the  old  Ministers  of  State,  and  the 
establishment  of  two  or  three  who  have  neither  merit 
nor  experience,  except  as  ministering  to  the  passions  of 
the  Marechal  and  his  wife  (these  were  M.  Mangot,  Barbin, 
and  Richelieu-Lugon).  .  .  .  Thus  all  things  were  embroiled; 
and  in  order  to  fortify  herself  against  evil  designs,  the 
Queen-mother,  assisted  by  the  counsel  of  the  said  Marechal 
d'Ancre  and  of  the  said  sieurs  Barbin,  Mangot,  and  Riche 
lieu,  Bishop  of  Lugon,  resolved  to  prepare  openly  for  war." 

88 


THE   BISHOP   OF   LU^ON  89 

Pontchartrain  concludes  that  the  sole  motive  of  this 
worthless  and  tyrannical  council  was  to  maintain  the 
Marechal  in  absolute  power :  also  that  under  the  confusion 
of  war  expenditure  might  be  concealed  the  "great  gifts, 
pensions  and  appointments "  which  he  took  from  the 
national  finances. 

That  the  Queen-mother  was  wrong-headed  and  foolish, 
that  Concini's  haughty  swagger  and  Leonora's  avarice  and 
secret  intrigues  were  hateful  and  degrading  elements  in 
both  Court  and  government,  no  one  can  deny.  But  those 
who  stand  farther  off  than  Pontchartrain  may  see  what 
was  hidden  from  him,  and  probably  from  many  worthy 
persons  of  his  day — that  Barbin,  Mangot  and  Richelieu 
were  not  unpatriotic  in  advising  war  against  the  rebel 
princes  and  nobles,  whose  motives,  after  all,  were  no  purer 
than  those  of  Concini. 

As  to  themselves,  Barbin  was  a  man  of  clean  hands, 
a  rare  attribute  in  those  days ;  clear-headed  and  wise. 
Mangot,  if  not  brilliant,  had  the  merit  of  being  loyal  to  his 
colleagues.  Richelieu,  in  this  first  short  ministry,  gave 
every  sign  of  future  greatness,  and  in  a  way  which  makes 
not  only  Pontchartrain,  but  Sully,  seem  unnaturally  blind. 
Henry's  old  Minister  was  one  of  those  who  spoke  most 
slightingly  of  the  man  who,  more  than  any  other,  was  to 
carry  on  Henry's  foreign  policy. 

He  was  amazingly  eager  and  young.  He  sprang  into 
office  like  a  soldier  into  the  saddle,  his  whole  mind  and 
body  devoted  at  once  to  the  service  of  his  country.  The 
administration  of  his  poor  little  diocese  had  taught  him 
to  command  men.  That  those  who  worked  with  him  felt 
his  superiority,  not  only  in  position  but  in  talent,  is  shown 
by  the  fact  that  he  was  at  once  given  precedence  over  the 
other  Ministers.  The  Comte  de  Brienne  resented  this, 
observing  in  an  unfriendly  manner  that  a  Bishop  should 
reside  in  his  diocese.  The  Marechal  d'Ancre,  on  the  other 
hand,  pressed  Richelieu  to  resign  his  see.  His  motive  was 
plain,  and  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  welfare  of  the  people 
of  Lucon  :  being  thus  deprived  of  his  chief  means  of  living, 
the  young  Minister  would  be  entirely  dependent  on  his 


90  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

patron's  will.  Richelieu  was  far  too  clever  to  yield,  and 
the  advice  of  his  friend  Barbin  strengthened  his  refusal. 
"  Considering  the  changes  which  might  come  about,  either 
through  the  changeable  humours  of  that  personage  or  by 
accidents  to  his  fortune,  I  would  never  consent,  which 
made  him  unreasonably  angry." 

He  resigned  his  post  of  chaplain  to  the  reigning  Queen,  in 
which  he  was  succeeded  by  the  young  Bishop  of  Langres, 
Sebastien  Zamet,  second  son  of  the  great  financier,  and  after 
wards  a  conspicuous  figure  in  the  history  of  Port-Royal. 

The  first  duty  of  the  new  Ministers  was  to  crush  a 
new  rebellion,  for  the  Dues  de  Bouillon  and  de  Nevers, 
demanding  the  release  of  Conde  and  the  fall  of  Concini, 
had  set  the  east  ol  France  in  a  blaze.  Three  armies  had 
to  be  raised  and  sent  to  meet  them.  The  commanders 
were  chosen — the  Comte  d'Auvergne,  the  Due  de  Guise, 
the  Marechal  de  Montigny ;  a  harder  matter  was  to  find 
the  men  and  the  money.  By  means  of  a  new  tax,  Richelieu 
and  Barbin  were  able  to  hire  a  few  thousand  mercenaries 
from  Flanders,  Germany,  Holland  and  Switzerland ;  the 
rest  were  recruited  in  France  by  gentlemen  who  took  a 
heavy  commission  on  their  loyal  work :  indeed,  as  usual, 
the  soldiers  saw  little  of  their  promised  pay,  and  were 
driven,  as  usual,  to  extract  a  living  from  the  wretched 
people  of  the  provinces.  Champagne,  the  lie  de  France, 
the  Nivernais,  suffered  in  this  winter  of  1616  as  Berry, 
Touraine  and  Poitou  had  done  twelve  months  before. 

One  ol  the  complaints  of  the  malcontent  princes  against 
the  government  was  the  state  of  the  national  finances ;  in 
truth,  the  half-dozen  years  since  Henry's  death  had  reduced 
France  from  relative  prosperity  to  something  very  like 
bankruptcy.  But  Richelieu  retorted  on  the  princes  by 
a  published  statement,  meant  to  enlighten  the  country  as 
to  the  fate  of  some  of  its  funds.  The  Prince  de  Conde 
had  received  3,665,990/^^5;  the  late  Comte  de  Soissons, 
his  wife  and  son  (Charles  de  Bourbon  died  in  1612,  and 
his  family  were  even  more  restless  and  greedy  than  him 
self),  1,600,000  livres',  the  old  Prince  de  Conti,  now  also 
dead,  and  his  worldly  widow,  1,400,000  livres;  the  Due 


91 

de  Longueville,  1,200,000  livres;  the  Due  de  Mayenne, 
2,000,000  livres ;  the  Due  de  Vend6me,  600,000  livres ;  the 
Due  d'£pernon,  700,000  livres ;  the  Due  de  Bouillon, 
1,000,000  livres ;  all,  says  M.  Martin,  without  counting 
"  salaries,  pensions,  and  gifts  to  their  friends  and  servants." 
As  a  livre  was  about  the  same  as  a  franc,  and  then  worth 
five  times  as  much  as  now,  the  smallest  of  these  "  gratifica 
tions  "  was  equal  to  £120,000,  and  the  largest  to  nearly 
£800,000  sterling.  It  must  be  added  that  the  eight  Marshals 
of  France  and  six  other  great  officers  of  the  Crown  received 
four  times  as  much  as  in  the  days  of  Henry. 

The  royal  armies  were  successful;  they  drove  the 
princes  before  them,  destroying  their  strongholds,  and 
besieged  them  in  the  fortified  towns  to  which  they  retreated. 
"  They  were  in  despair,"  says  Pontchartrain.  Henry  de 
Richelieu,  a  keen  and  good  soldier,  served  as  aide-de-camp 
to  the  Marshal  de  Montigny. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Richelieu,  as  Secretary  of  State, 
gave  the  Powers  of  Europe  the  first  intimation  that  French 
policy  was  not  for  ever  to  be  bound  up  with  the  interests  of 
Spain — a  great  change,  after  nearly  seven  years  of  Marie 
de  Medicis*  rule,  and  a  striking  forecast  of  the  future. 
England,  Holland,  and  Germany  were  assured  of  the  friend 
ship  of  France,  on  the  understanding  that  no  assistance 
was  given  to  the  rebel  princes.  The  Spanish  marriages, 
Richelieu's  ambassadors  assured  the  Protestant  Powers, 
did  not  bind  Louis  XIII.  either  to  Rome  or  to  Spain  "to 
the  prejudice  of  our  ancient  allies."  The  King  would  give 
equal  treatment  to  his  subjects  of  either  religion.  "  No 
Catholic  is  so  blind  as  to  esteem  a  Spaniard,  in  matters  of 
State,  more  highly  than  a  French  Huguenot." 

Independence  of  Spain  had  already  been  practically 
shown  by  Richelieu  in  not  forbidding  the  Due  de  Les- 
diguieres,  governor  of  Dauphine,  himself  a  distinguished 
Huguenot,  to  lead  an  army  of  his  own  across  the  Alps  in 
order  to  support  Duke  Charles  Emmanuel  of  Savoy  in  his 
quarrel  with  the  Spanish  Viceroy  of  Milan. 

Thus  Richelieu  was  already  giving  Europe  a  taste  of  his 
strength,  and  advancing,  fast  and  fearlessly,  beyond  the 


92  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

narrow  lines  of  the  Bishop  of  Luzon's  courtly  speech  before 
the  States-General.  He  was  no  longer  "the  man  of  the 
clergy,"  but  "  the  man  of  France."  Naturally  he  was  losing 
the  confidence  of  his  empty-headed  patron,  who  scolded 
the  Ministers  like  schoolboys  and  was  violently  jealous  of 
Richelieu's  growing  influence  with  the  Queen. 

"  By  God,  sir,"  he  wrote  to  him  on  some  small  matter  of 
discontent,  "  I  complain  of  you :  you  treat  me  too  ill ;  you 
treat  for  peace  without  me  ;  you  make  the  Queen  write  to 
me  that  for  the  love  of  her  I  am  to  cease  my  pursuit  of 
M.  de  Montbazon  for  the  money  he  owes  me.  In  the  name 
of  all  the  devils,  what  do  you  and  the  Queen  expect  me  to 
do  ?  Rage  gnaws  me  to  the  bones." 

A  Ministry  that  depended  on  such  a  favourite  was  on 
a  slippery  slope  indeed.  The  difficulties,  at  home  and 
abroad,  were  enormous,  and  the  wonder  is  that  Richelieu 
and  his  colleagues,  during  their  few  months  of  uncertain 
power,  were  able  to  do  so  much. 

Just  at  this  time,  when  he  was  fighting  the  princes  and 
parleying  with  Europe,  the  Abbe  de  Marolles  gives  a  snap 
shot  of  him  worth  many  formal  portraits.  The  Abb6  was 
then  a  young  scholar  at  the  university.  His  father,  Claude 
de  Marolles,  a  well-known  soldier  and  courtier,  once  com 
manding  the  Swiss  Guard,  had  joined  the  rebel  princes  and 
was  attempting  to  negotiate  between  the  Due  de  Nevers 
and  the  commanders  of  the  royal  army. 

M.  Mangot,  the  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  sent  for  young 
Michel  de  Marolles  and  inquired  of  him  whether  he  had 
received  letters  from  his  father  or  had  had  news  from  any 
of  his  father's  people.  He  warned  him  to  hide  nothing  of 
the  truth — "  parce  qu'il  y  alloit  du  service  du  roi." 

"  There  was  M.  de  Lu£on,  in  black,  flung  back  (renverse) 
in  a  leathern  chair,  while  M.  le  Garde  des  Sceaux  stood  up 
while  speaking  to  me.  .  .  ."  Presently,  "  M.  de  Lucon,  who 
knew  my  father  pretty  well  and  esteemed  him,  rose  up  in 
his  chair  and  said  that  in  truth  he  did  not  believe  that 
M.  de  Marolles  had  turned  against  the  King's  service  of  his 
own  free  will,  but  that  he  was  sorry  he  should  have  found 
himself  engaged  in  so  bad  a  cause.  Then  he  added  very 


93 

low  that  I  might  retire,  and  that  he  did  not  advise  me  to 
remain  in  Paris." 

Such  a  warning,  in  those  days,  was  not  to  be  despised, 
and  the  young  scholar  was  sent  to  his  home  in  Touraine. 

In  spite  of  the  political  and  military  successes  of  the 
Ministers  he  was  supposed  to  rule,  the  storm  which  over 
whelmed  the  unlucky  Concini  was  gathering  all  through 
that  winter  at  the  Louvre.  Paris  was  careless  and  gay : 
after  letting  out  her  rage  by  sacking  his  house,  she  was 
content  to  enjoy  the  scurrilous  songs  and  pamphlets,  her 
favourite  food,  which  rang  through  the  streets  and  were 
sold  by  hundreds  on  the  Pont  Neuf. 

"  The  year  began  joyously,"  writes  Bassompierre,  a 
lighter-hearted  witness  than  Pontchartrain,  and  a  loyal 
courtier  of  Marie  de  Me~dicis.  "  Many  fine  assemblies,  at 
which,  besides  gambling,  feasting,  and  comedy,  there  was 
also  good  music.  Time  passed  pleasantly  at  the  Fair  of 
Saint-Germain." 

The  Marechal  and  Leonora  shared  little  in  these  amuse 
ments.  He,  at  least,  was  troubled  with  a  heavy  presenti 
ment  of  misfortune  to  come,  and  a  present  grief,  the  illness 
and  death  of  their  little  daughter,  caused  them  both  "  un 
cruel  deplaisir."  The  friendly  soul  Bassompierre,  who  had 
known  him  in  his  Florentine  days,  visited  them  in  their 
sorrow  on  the  very  day  of  the  child's  death.  He  found 
them  together,  "  fort  affliges,"  in  the  little  house  close  to 
the  Louvre. 

"  I  tried  as  well  as  I  could  to  console  or  divert  him,  but 
the  more  I  spoke  the  more  he  grieved,  and  weeping 
answered  me  nothing,  except  "  Seignor,  je  suis  perdu ; 
seignor,  je  suis  ruin6  ;  seignor,  je  suis  miserable." 

Bassompierre  begged  him  to  consider  that  he  was  a 
Marshal  of  France,  and  therefore  that  such  lamentations, 
though  worthy  of  his  wife,  were  unworthy  of  him  ;  adding 
in  the  candid  fashion  of  the  time  that  although  he  had  lost 
an  amiable  daughter  he  had  yet  four  nieces,  by  whose 
means  he  might  ally  himself  with  any  four  great  French 
houses  that  he  might  choose — "  and  many  other  things 
which  God  inspired  me  to- say." 


94  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

"  Ah,  monsieur,"  replied  Concini,  "  I  truly  mourn  my 
daughter,  and  shall  mourn  her  as  long  as  I  live.  Never 
theless,  I  am  a  man  able  to  endure  with  constancy  a  grief 
such  as  this ;  but  the  ruin  of  myself  and  my  wife,  my 
son  and  my  house,  which  I  see  before  my  eyes,  and 
which  my  wife's  obstinacy  makes  inevitable,  causes  me 
to  lament  and  to  lose  patience." 

He  went  on  to  tell  Bassompierre  the  familiar  story  of 
his  life,  curious  enough  from  his  own  point  of  view. 
According  to  him,  he  had  been  perfectly  happy  and 
prosperous  till  within  the  last  few  months — since,  in  fact, 
to  outward  view,  he  had  possessed  almost  sovereign  power. 
His  excitable  southern  nature  was  not  made  to  stand  firm 
against  the  assaults  of  fortune,  party  hatred,  popular  fury 
and  insult  5  *n  all  this  he  saw  warnings  from  heaven  of 
coming  ruin,  terrible  and  complete.  On  his  knees,  he 
said,  he  had  implored  his  wife  to  retire  with  him  to 
Italy,  where  with  their  immense  fortune  they  could 
establish  themselves  magnificently  and  leave  a  fine  heritage 
to  their  son.  But  the  Marechale,  with  more  courage,  if 
also  with  a  more  greedy,  unsatisfied  ambition,  absolutely 
refused  to  leave  France.  It  was  cowardly  and  ungrateful, 
she  said,  to  think  of  forsaking  the  Queen,  to  whom  they 
owed  their  honours  and  their  wealth.  "  If  it  were  not 
for  my  obligations  to  my  wife,"  he  said,  "  I  would  leave 
her,  and  go  where  neither  nobles  of  France  nor  common 
people  would  follow  and  find  me." 

Bassompierre  went  away  reflecting  how  men  uplifted 
by  fortune  are  often  inspired  to  foresee  a  coming  fall ;  but 
also  how  seldom  they  have  resolution  enough  to  avoid  it. 

If  Concini  was  sincere  in  his  wish  to  leave  his  dangerous 
eminence,  this  episode  throws  a  tragic  light  on  his  conduct 
during  the  first  three  months  of  1617.  His  insolent  bravado 
at  Court  and  elsewhere  seems  now  the  desperation  of 
an  adventurer  fighting  hopelessly  for  his  life.  It  was 
hardly  necessary  for  M.  de  Luynes  to  poison  the  King's 
mind  against  the  Marechal  d'Ancre ;  he  did  it  himself.  A 
day  seldom  passed  without  some  new  insult,  some  fresh 
mark  of  disrespect  shown  to  Royalty.  The  Mare"chal 


THE   BISHOP  OF   LU(,'ON  95 

laughed  at  the  boy,  teased  him,  did  not  uncover  in  his 
presence.  Standing  with  one  or  two  attendants  at  a 
window  in  the  Louvre,  Louis  looked  down  with  proud 
and  gloomy  eyes  on  the  Marechal's  splendid  suite  as  it 
pranced  in  the  courtyard  without  a  salute  to  spare  for 
him.  When  the  King  wanted  money — which  frequently 
happened,  for  his  mother  did  not  indulge  him  in  that 
way  or  any  other — the  Marechal  asked  him,  with  an  air 
of  dashing  liberality  which  deeply  offended  the  boy,  why 
he  had  not  applied  to  him. 

Luynes  was  an  ambitious  man,  of  course ;  but  any 
loyal  servant  of  the  King  would  have  done  well  to  be 
angry,  and  Concini,  by  refusing  him  one  of  his  nieces 
in  marriage,  had  made  a  personal  enemy  of  him.  While 
Louis,  sad  and  bored  from  childhood,  went  his  melancholy 
way,  catching  little  birds,  wheeling  barrows  of  turf  to 
make  banks  in  the  Tuileries  gardens,  his  handsome  falconer 
was  always  there,  whispering  a  deeper  discontent  into 
ears  by  no  means  dull.  The  removal  of  Concini,  his  wife 
and  his  parasites,  would  mean  the  Queen-mother's  fall 
from  the  height  of  power  she  had  usurped  ever  since 
the  King  was  declared  major,  thus  ending  her  regency. 
It  would  mean  the  submission  of  the  rebel  princes  and 
nobles,  who  were  even  now  declaring  themselves,  by 
secret  letters  and  messages,  faithful  servants  of  the  King. 
It  would  seat  Louis  XIII.  on  his  father's  throne. 

There  was  only  one  way.  Louis  was  at  first  unwilling 
that  the  Marechal  should  be  killed.  He  discussed  other 
plans  with  Luynes  and  two  or  three  confidants.  He  might 
escape  from  Paris  to  Amboise,  where  a  brother  of  Luynes 
was  in  command  and  where  his  friends  might  gather  round 
him  ;  or  he  might  join  the  princes,  taking  the  command  of 
their  forces,  which  would  thus  become  his  own.  These 
ideas  reached  the  Queen-mother,  and  his  guards  were 
changed  for  others  whom  she  could  trust.  Escape  was 
made  impossible,  and  from  that  time  Concini  was  doomed. 

Luynes  and  his  fellows,  with  the  King's  full  consent, 
plotted  the  affair  with  M.  de  Vitry,  captain  of  the  guard, 
a  bold,  resolute  man.  On  the  morning  of  Monday,  April  24, 


96  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

this  officer  with  a  few  companions  met  Concini  at  the 
entrance  of  the  Louvre  on  his  way  to  pay  his  daily  visit 
to  the  Queen. 

"  Sir,"  said  Vitry,  "  I  arrest  you,  by  order  of  the  King." 

"A  moi !"  cried  Concini,  laying  his  hand  on  his  sword; 
but  before  his  train  of  startled  courtiers  knew  what  was 
happening,  three  of  Vitry's  men  had  fired  their  pistols 
in  his  face  ;  he  fell  dead,  shot  through  the  brain. 

Not  a  sword  was  drawn  to  avenge  him  ;  the  words  "  By 
order  of  the  King,"  had  suddenly  recovered  their  old  magic 
power,  and  the  whole  palace  echoed  with  "  Vive  le  Roi ! " 

On  that  fatal  morning,  the  Bishop  of  Lugon  was  paying 
an  early  visit  to  a  distinguished  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne, 
one  of  the  rectors  of  the  University.  The  news  reached 
the  two  theologians  by  means  of  a  third,  who  brought 
it  from  the  Palais  de  Justice.  M.  d'Ornano,  one  of  the 
conspirators,  had  been  sent  there  direct  from  the  Louvre 
to  inform  the  Parliament  of  what  had  happened :  such  a 
precaution  was  necessary,  for  Paris  was  already  in  an 
uproar.  Rumour  cried  in  the  streets  that  the  young  King 
had  been  wounded,  and  by  the  hand  of  the  Marechal. 
The  shops  were  hastily  shut  and  crowds  were  pouring 
towards  the  Louvre,  to  meet  the  news  that  the  King  was 
well  and  the  Marechal  dead.  Then  Paris  burst  into 
acclamations  of  joy. 

For  the  Bishop  of  Lugon  the  event  was  of  the  most 
serious  consequence,  but  he  wasted  neither  time  nor  words 
in  lamenting  his  patron. 

"  I  was  the  more  surprised,"  he  says,  "  as  I  had  never 
foreseen  that  those  who  were  near  the  King  would  be 
strong  enough  to  design  such  an  enterprise.  I  immediately 
quitted  the  company  of  that  doctor,  famous  both  for  his 
teaching  and  his  virtue,  who  did  not  forget  to  say  quite 
a  propos  what  I  might  have  expected  from  a  man  of  his 
learning — as  to  the  inconstancy  of  fortune  and  the  uncer 
tainty  of  all  that  may  seem  most  settled  in  human  life." 

On  the  Pont  Neuf,  as  he  drove  home,  the  Bishop  met 
his  friend  M.  du  Tremblay,  full  of  the  news,  who  told  him 
that  the  King  was  inquiring  for  him.  Before  presenting 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUgON  97 

himself  at  the  Louvre,  he  sought  out  his  terrified  colleagues, 
Mangot  and  Barbin,  who  feared  the  worst  for  themselves 
and  for  him.  It  was  agreed  that  they  should  go  one  by 
one,  the  Bishop  first,  to  receive  His  Majesty's  commands. 

It  was  the  first  really  alarming  crisis  in  Richelieu's  life. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  so  clever  a  man  must  have  expected 
something  of  the  kind,  must  have  known  that  the  favourite's 
tyranny  could  not  last  for  ever.  It  was  only  a  few  days 
indeed  since  he  and  Barbin,  having  discovered  that  Concini 
meant  to  get  rid  of  them  and  to  replace  them  with  more 
submissive  Ministers,  had  privately  offered  their  resignation 
to  the  Queen,  who  refused  to  receive  it  Also,  it  seems, 
with  a  view  to  his  own  safety,  Richelieu  had  made  some 
advances  towards  friendship  with  M.  de  Luynes.  But,  for 
all  that,  the  moment  was  dangerous.  Both  Court  and 
populace  were  likely  to  turn  against  those  who  had  owed 
their  power  to  the  dead  Marechal ;  various  threats  and 
warnings  had  already  reached  the  ears  of  Barbin.  For 
Richelieu  himself,  as  he  mounted  the  grand  staircase  of  the 
Louvre,  the  signs  were  not  exactly  favourable.  "  I  saw 
many  faces  of  those  who  had  caressed  me  two  hours 
before,  and  who  now  did  not  recognise  me." 

In  the  great  gallery,  crowded  with  courtiers  and  armed 
men,  young  Louis  XIII.  was  standing  on  a  billiard  table,  to 
be  seen  by  all.  There  is  a  picturesque  story  that  he  cried 
out,  on  seeing  the  Bishop  approach,  "  Eh  bien,  Lugon ! 
me  voila  hors  de  votre  tyrannic  !  "  Whatever  the  boy  may 
have  thought  or  said,  M.  de  Luynes  was  not  so  impolitic  as 
to  make  a  mortal  enemy  of  the  most  brilliant  man  in  the 
kingdom.  Mangot  might  be  scornfully  neglected,  Barbin 
might  be  imprisoned — as  they  were — but  Lucon  seemed 
worth  winning,  or  at  least  keeping  in  the  balance  till  the 
King  and  his  mother  had  arranged  their  differences. 

According  to  Richelieu's  own  account,  the  King  spoke 
to  him  kindly — "  saying  that  he  knew  I  had  always  loved 
him  (he  used  those  words)  and  had  taken  his  part  on  various 
occasions,  in  consideration  of  which  he  would  treat  me 
well."  M.  de  Luynes  joined  in,  with  protestations  of  friend 
ship.  But  this  was  merely  personal.  When  Richelieu 

7 


98  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

tried  to  plead  for  his  colleagues,  who  deserved  the  royal 
favour  neither  more  nor  less  than  himself,  Luynes  would 
not  listen.  He  also  replied  very  coldly  to  the  Bishop's 
request  to  see  the  Queen-mother,  now  strictly  guarded  in 
her  own  rooms. 

He  gave  him  to  understand,  however,  that  he  was  still 
of  the  royal  Council,  and  advised  him  to  present  himself 
in  the  Council-chamber.  Richelieu  did  so ;  but  only  to  be 
treated  as  an  intruder.  The  old  Ministers,  Villeroy,  Jeannin 
and  the  rest,  were  already  in  their  former  places,  and  were 
deeply  engaged  in  the  business  of  reversing  Richelieu's 
policy ;  while  sending  despatches  to  all  the  provinces,  to 
the  armies,  to  the  rebel  princes  and  to  foreign  courts  with 
the  news  that  the  King  of  France  had  at  length  come  to 
his  own. 

It  was  a  curious  position  for  the  late  Secretary  of  State. 
After  standing  for  a  few  minutes  inside  the  door,  speaking 
to  one  or  two  councillors,  he  thought  it  best  to  retire 
quietly,  and  went  home  to  his  house. 

At  the  Louvre,  shut  up  in  her  apartments,  but  still 
surrounded  by  her  ladies,  the  Queen-mother  lamented  with 
hard,  tearless  passion — not  the  death  of  her  favourite, 
which  troubled  her  little,  but  the  loss  of  her  own  authority. 
Fear  of  the  future  and  of  her  son's  vengeance  filled  her 
mind,  to  the  exclusion  of  every  other  human  feeling.  She 
had  no  pity  to  spare  even  for  the  miserable  Leonora,  her 
lifelong  friend,  who  was  seized  by  the  guards  immediately 
after  her  husband's  death,  plundered  of  all  her  treasures 
and  imprisoned,  first  in  the  Louvre,  then  in  the  Bastille, 
her  son  Henry  Concini,  a  boy  of  thirteen,  having  been  torn 
from  her.  The  little  Comte  de  la  Pena,  as  they  called  him, 
was  a  pretty  boy  and  a  famous  dancer.  The  Comte  de 
Fiesque,  the  young  Queen's  equerry,  took  him  under  his 
protection  and  brought  him  to  her.  Anne  made  him  dance, 
fed  him  with  sweetmeats,  and  kept  him  in  her  household 
till  his  fatal  name  condemned  him  also  to  prison.  Some 
time  later,  he  was  set  free  and  sent  back  to  Italy. 

The  murderers  of  Concini  robbed  his  dead  body  of 
money  and  jewellery  and  left  it  lying  under  a  staircase 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^'ON  99 

in  the  court  of  the  Louvre,  near  the  gate  through  which 
crowds  of  Parisians  of  every  rank,  who  had  trembled 
before  the  Marechal,  came  crowding  to  pay  their  homage 
to  the  King.  During  the  day  his  house  near  the  Louvre 
and  his  wife's  apartments  were  completely  sacked  and 
pillaged,  their  flying  servants  chased  in  all  directions.  In 
the  evening  his  body  was  carried  secretly  across  the  way 
to  the  Church  of  Saint-Germain  1'Auxerrois  and  buried, 
with  no  funeral  rites,  behind  the  organ. 

But  the  fury  and  rage  of  the  mob  were  far  from  being 
satisfied.  The  Parisians  of  1617  were  the  ancestors  of 
those  of  1793.  "  The  next  morning,"  says  Pontchartrain, 
"  the  25th  of  the  said  month  of  April,  day  of  Saint  Mark, 
about  ten  o'clock,  a  few  women  and  children,  in  the  Church 
of  Saint-Germain  of  the  Auxerrois,  began  to  say  one  to 
another,  standing  over  the  place  where  he  had  been  in 
terred  :  '  See  where  they  have  buried  that  tyrant :  is  it 
right  that  he,  who  did  so  much  evil,  should  lie  in  holy 
ground  and  in  a  church  ?  No,  no ;  out  with  him ;  throw 
him  on  a  dunghill !  '  And  exciting  each  other  with  such 
words,  they  began  with  sticks  to  break  up  the  stone  under 
which  the  body  lay ;  the  women  using  knives  and  scissors, 
until  strong  men  began  to  lend  a  hand.  In  less  than  half 
an  hour  two  or  three  hundred  persons  were  assembled ; 
they  raise  the  stone,  take  out  the  body,  tie  cords  round  the 
neck,  drag  it  out  of  the  church  and  thence  through  the 
streets,  with  horrible  shouts  and  yells,  some  saying  it 
should  be  thrown  into  the  river,  others  that  it  should  be 
burnt,  others  that  it  should  be  hanged  on  a  gibbet ;  each 
one  worse  than  the  last.  Thus  they  found  themselves  at 
the  end  of  the  Pont  Neuf,  where  there  were  two  or  three 
gibbets  set  up." 

Gibbets  had  been  planted  here  and  there  in  the  city  by 
Concini's  orders,  "  to  frighten  those  who  dared  speak  ill 
of  him."  To  cut  the  horrible  story  short,  they  hanged  his 
dead  body  on  one  of  these  and  then  tore  it  to  pieces  with 
the  savagery  of  wild  beasts,  burning  part  and  throwing 
part  into  the  river. 

Richelieu  was  an  eye-witness  of  these  horrors.     He  was 


ioo  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

on  his  way  to  visit  the  Pope's  Nuncio,  and  his  coach  drove 
on  to  the  bridge,  a  favourite  thoroughfare,  to  find  it  a  mass 
of  people  absorbed  in  their  dreadful  work  and  "  so  drunk 
with  fury  that  there  was  no  means  of  getting  them  to  make 
way  for  the  passage  of  coaches." 

The  Bishop's  coachman  was  indiscreet  enough  to  take 
matters  with  the  usual  high  hand  and  to  attempt  to  force 
his  way.  One  of  the  men  who  was  roughly  hustled  made 
a  loud  complaint. 

"  At  that  instant,"  Richelieu  writes,  "  I  saw  my  peril,  in 
case  any  one  should  cry  out  that  I  was  a  partisan  of 
the  Mare"chal  d'Ancre.  To  save  myself,  after  violently 
threatening  my  coachman,  I  asked  them  what  they  were 
doing,  and  when  they  had  answered  me  according  to  their 
fury  against  the  Mar£chal,  I  said  to  them,  '  You  are  men 
who  would  die  to  serve  the  King :  shout,  all  of  you,  Vive 
It  Roi ! '  I  led  them  off,  and  thus  I  gained  free  passage, 
and  I  took  good  care  not  to  return  the  same  way ;  1 
recrossed  by  the  Pont  Notre  Dame." 

A  few  days  later,  after  a  painful  interview  with  her  son 
— at  which  her  stony  calm  broke  down  and  she  wept 
bitterly— and  after  formal  farewells  from  court  and  city, 
Marie  de  M6dicis  quitted  Paris  for  an  honourable  captivity 
at  the  Chateau  de  Blois.  Her  younger  children  took  leave 
of  her  at  the  gate  of  the  city.  She  was  accompanied  by  a 
train  of  faithful  servants,  French  and  Italian,  among  whom 
the  most  distinguished  was  the  Bishop  of  Lugon ;  it  was 
largely  owing  to  his  influence  with  Luynes  that  the  Queen 
had  not  been  treated  with  greater  severity. 

Two  months  later,  after  an  unfair  and  absurd  trial,  the 
Marechale  d'Ancre  was  beheaded  in  the  Place  de  Greve  and 
her  remains  burnt  to  ashes.  Most  of  the  money,  property, 
and  possessions  which  she  and  her  husband  had  accumulated 
during  their  years  of  power  was  bestowed  upon  the  King's 
friend  and  favourite,  now  Due  de  Luynes  and  Lieutenant- 
General  of  Normandy.  For  his  own  not  very  considerable 
share  in  the  ruin  and  death  of  Concini  and  his  wife, 
Louis  XIII.  was  rewarded  by  the  French  people  with  the 
title  of  "  Le  Juste." 


CHAPTER  VII 

1617—1619 

Richelieu  at  Blois — He  is  ordered  back  to  his  diocese — He  writes  a 
book  in  defence  of  the  faith — Marriage  of  Mademoiselle  de  Richelieu — 
The  Bishop  exiled  to  Avignon — Escape  of  the  Queen-mother  from  Blois 
— Richelieu  is  recalled  to  her  service. 

IN  this  swift  and  sudden  way  Richelieu  fell  from  power. 
The  position  in  which  he  now  found  himself  was 
difficult  enough.  He  was  the  Queen-mother's  chief 
friend  and  confidant  in  the  early  days  of  her  exile  at  Blois, 
and  the  head  of  her  council,  but  he  was  surrounded  by 
mischievous  rivals,  some  Italian,  some  French,  who  played 
him  false  and  undermined  his  influence.  The  Queen's 
household,  following  its  royal  mistress's  lead,  was  all  plot 
and  intrigue,  delusion  and  fury.  Almost  the  only  wise 
person,  besides  Richelieu  himself,  was  his  old  friend 
Madame  de  Guercheville,  Marie's  lady  of  honour.  She,  at 
least,  saw  good  cause  for  the  Bishop  of  Lugon's  endeavour 
to  keep  the  little  captive  Court  at  Blois  in  favour  with  the 
Court  of  the  Louvre  by  a  constant  and  civil  correspondence 
with  the  almighty  Luynes.  She  saw  the  force  of  the 
Bishop's  reasoning — that  the  actual  state  of  things  must  be 
accepted — that  the  King  was  the  King,  and  his  subjects, 
including  his  mother,  might  as  well  rebel  against  Heaven. 
Therefore  Richelieu  was  doing  his  best  for  Her  Majesty — 
and  incidentally  for  himself  too — by  representing  her  and 
her  servants  as  absolutely  devoted  to  the  service  of  the 
King. 

It  is  natural  enough  that  Luynes,  listening  to  Richelieu's 
enemies,  was  not  inclined  to  trust  him,  either  as  to  the 

101 


102  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Queen-mother's  peaceable  loyalty  or  his  own.  But  he 
made  no  mistake  as  to  the  Bishop's  political  genius;  and 
therefore,  it  seems,  he  decided  to  deprive  the  Queen-mother 
of  his  services. 

The  intrigue  is  not  very  clear,  even  to  this  day.  Riche 
lieu  had  a  letter  from  his  brother,  the  Marquis,  warning 
him  that  the  King  was  displeased  with  him  and  that  he 
would  shortly  be  ordered  to  retire  to  his  diocese.  After 
wards  it  appeared  that  the  information,  conveyed  by  friends 
at  Court  to  Henry  de  Richelieu,  was  false,  or  at  least 
premature.  But  the  Bishop  acted  on  it  without  delay. 
Knowing  that  Marie  would  not  willingly  part  with  him,  he 
asked  for  a  fortnight's  leave  of  absence  and  went  to  the 
Chateau  de  Richelieu.  From  thence  he  wrote  to  the  King 
and  to  Luynes,  protesting  his  loyalty  and  complaining  of 
the  calumnies  of  his  enemies.  The  King  sent  a  cold  reply, 
advising  him  to  attend  to  the  duties  of  his  diocese  and 
to  remain  within  its  bounds  till  further  orders. 

Marie  de  Medicis  was  passionately  angry,  and  wrote 
furious  letters  to  her  son  and  the  favourite.  It  was  treating 
her  not  like  a  mother,  but  like  a  slave,  she  said,  thus  to 
affront  her  by  removing  her  most  capable  servant.  But 
her  bitter  complaints  were  of  no  avail. 

Richelieu  resigned  himself  in  a  more  dignified  fashion. 
Every  action  of  his  life  must  be  considered  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  he  was  a  politician  of  extraordinary  cleverness, 
with  clear  eyes  fixed  unchangeably  on  the  future  of  power 
which  he  always  meant  to  attain.  For  five  months,  under 
most  troublesome  circumstances,  he  had  practically  ruled 
France.  He  had  built  his  castle  eagerly,  swiftly,  success 
fully  ;  and  then  a  far  less  clever  man,  by  whispering  into 
the  ready  ear  of  a  boy,  had  shaken  it  to  the  ground.  It 
had  been  built,  of  course,  on  the  wrong  foundation  :  the 
Bishop  of  Lucon  had  plenty  of  time  to  reflect,  as  he  sat 
among  his  books  at  Coussay,  on  the  too  late  realised  truth 
that  divinity  hedged  a  king,  that  Louis  XIII.  was  the 
master. 

It  is  doing  Richelieu  no  injustice  to  suggest  that  if  he 
had  been  well  received  in  the  King's  Council-chamber  on 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  103 

that  tragic  April  24,  he  might  never  have  followed  the 
Queen-mother  to  Blois.  His  sincere  admirer,  M.  Avenel, 
says,  "  His  first  thoughts  were  given  to  the  Court  and 
the  Ministry ;  only  his  second  to  exile  and  the  Queen : 
ambitious  by  temperament,  generous  from  necessity,  the 
seeming  heroism  of  his  fidelity  in  misfortune  reduces 
itself  to  this." 

And  that  very  semblance  of  heroic  fidelity  was  probably 
based  on  the  calculation  that  Marie  de  Medicis,  being  the 
King's  mother  and  a  person  not  easily  crushed  or  ignored, 
would  be  reconciled  to  her  son  before  many  months  had 
passed  by.  That  Richelieu  had  any  real  feeling  for  her 
beyond  the  banal  devotion  of  a  courtier  seems  exceedingly 
doubtful.  He  was  a  hard  creature,  made  of  steel  and 
flame,  and  Marie,  a  dozen  years  older  than  himself,  was 
not  an  attractive  woman.  The  hasty  retreat  from  Blois 
was  no  personal  grief  to  him. 

In  short,  Richelieu  now  set  himself  to  please — or  rather, 
not  to  displease — Louis  XIII.,  on  whose  favour  his  fortunes 
so  clearly  depended.  His  faith  in  the  future  never  really 
deserted  him,  though  for  seven  years,  like  Jacob,  he  served 
and  waited  in  the  wilderness. 

During  that  first  summer,  at  his  pleasant  priory  of 
Coussay,  he  wrote  a  book. 

The  worthy  Pere  Cotton,  the  Jesuit  confessor  of 
Henry  IV.  and  Louis  XIII.,  had  been  dismissed  by  Luynes. 
His  successor,  the  Pere  Arnoux,  a  much  less  discreet 
personage,  preached  a  violent  sermon  before  the  King 
against  the  Protestants,  accusing  them  of  misunderstanding 
and  misinterpreting  the  Bible.  Four  ministers  of  Charen- 
ton,  learned  men,  published  a  spirited  reply,  which  was 
suppressed  by  royal  order,  after  discussions  in  the  Sorbonne 
and  the  Parliament.  But  the  Huguenots  boasted  loudly 
that  the  Catholics  could  not  defend  themselves,  and  it 
appeared  to  the  Bishop  of  Lucon  that  indeed  the  Church 
had  supplied  no  remedy  to  save  souls  from  the  evil  effects 
of  reading  "  that  pernicious  book." 

"Therefore,"  he  says,  "I  employed  the  leisure  of  my 
solitude  in  answering  it ;  and  owing  -to  the  length  of 


104  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

time  during  which  I  had  been  diverted  from  the  exercise 
of  my  profession,  I  laboured  with  such  ardour  that  in  six 
weeks  I  finished  the  work." 

This  Defence  of  the  Catholic  Faith  was  a  book  of  250 
pages,  full  of  theological  learning,  and  written  with 
moderation,  tact,  and  practical  good  sense.  The  Bishop 
here  preached  again  those  doctrines  of  toleration,  of  con 
version  by  reasoning,  not  by  force,  with  which  he  had 
met  the  Huguenots  of  his  diocese  ten  years  before.  It 
was  the  book  of  a  statesman  as  much  as  of  a  theologian. 
He  marshalled  an  army  of  arguments  to  prove  the  ministers 
in  the  wrong;  enjoined  on  the  schismatics  loyalty  and 
obedience  to  the  laws;  but  for  the  King  he  advised 
gentleness  and  patience ;  the  object  to  be  sought  by  all 
being  national  unity  and  peace.  The  book  was  printed 
at  Poitiers,  and  published  within  three  months  of  its 
beginning.  It  was  greatly  admired,  and  added  much  to 
its  author's  reputation ;  but  also,  as  he  notes  rather  sadly, 
11  it  burdened  me  with  envy."  His  enemies  saw  that  they 
had  not  silenced  the  Bishop  of  Lucon  by  banishing  him 
to  his  diocese. 

There,  during  these  months  of  enforced  residence,  he 
seems  to  have  worked  with  all  the  freshness  and  "  ardour  " 
consequent  on  absence  and  change  of  thoughts.  He  writes 
in  August  to  the  Nuncio :  "  I  am  here  in  my  diocese, 
where  I  try  to  make  known  by  all  my  actions  that  I  have 
and  shall  have  no  other  passion  than  doing  all  I  can  for 
the  glory  of  God."  A  word  of  personal  complaint  in  his 
letters  is  rare.  He  was  surrounded  by  his  friends,  living 
in  a  pleasant  and  healthy  little  chateau  where  the  people 
loved  him.  Sebastien  Bouthillier  was  now  Dean  of  Lucon 
and  his  constant  companion.  He  had  his  books,  collected 
in  the  days  when  he,  La  Rocheposay,  Saint-Cyran  and 
the  rest  found  their  diversion  in  study;  and  if  all  these 
things  were  not  the  passion  of  his  life,  yet  he  loved  them 
still.  He  might  have  been  far  more  of  a  bookworm  than 
he  really  was,  from  the  tone  of  his  letters  at  this  time. 
"  I  live  at  a  little  hermitage  among  books "  ..."  I  am 
living  quietly  here  in  the  enjoyment  of  my  books  "... 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  105 

"  Serving  God  and  my  friends,  I  am  resolved  to  spend 
the  time  quietly  among  my  books  and  my  neighbours ; " 
and  much  more  of  the  same  kind.  Now  and  then,  it  is 
true,  when  news  from  the  great  outside  world  comes  to 
him,  sitting  helpless  in  his  hermitage,  he  is  seized  with 
restless  impatience  and  confesses  himself  malheureux.  But 
this  is  only  in  letters  to  his  own  family  and  to  his  friend 
Pere  Joseph  :  the  face  turned  to  the  King  and  to  all 
public  personages  is  dignified,  grave  and  serene. 

Richelieu  watched,  from  distance  and  obscurity,  the 
still  rising  fortunes  of  the  Due  de  Luynes.  The  lucky 
Provencal,  of  doubtful  nobility,  was  able  to  choose  a  wife 
among  the  noblest,  richest  and  most  beautiful  women  in 
France.  He  refused  Mademoiselle  de  Vendome,  Henry  IV.'s 
daughter — who  afterwards  married  the  Due  d'Elbeuf — 
probably  from  fear  and  dislike  of  her  odious  brother.  He 
would  have  nothing  to  say  to  Mademoiselle  d'Ailly  and 
her  enormous  fortune,  but  arranged  a  marriage  for  her 
with  his  younger  brother  Cadenet,  a  dashing  soldier,  who 
took  the  title  of  Due  de  Chaulnes  from  one  of  her  estates. 
His  own  choice  fell  on  Marie  de  Rohan,  daughter  of  the 
Due  de  Montbazon,  then  a  lovely  wild  girl  of  seventeen. 
After  his  death  she  married  the  Due  de  Chevreuse,  a 
younger  brother  of  the  Due  de  Guise,  and  was  for  years 
the  most  admired  beauty  and  most  mischievous  woman 
in  Europe. 

Another  piece  of  news  was  the  removal  of  the  Prince  de 
Conde",  "  ce  petit  brouillon,"  whom  Luynes  had  not  dared 
to  set  free,  from  the  Bastille  to  the  Chateau  de  Vincennes. 
His  wife,  Charlotte  de  Montmorency,  was  now  allowed  to 
share  his  imprisonment,  and  the  consequence  was  the  birth 
of  Princess  Anne-Genevieve  de  Bourbon,  afterwards  the 
famous  Madame  de  Longueville.  Louis  de  Bourbon,  the 
great  Conde,  was  not  born  till  after  his  father's  release. 

Later  in  the  year,  the  Due  de  Villeroy  died  at  seventy- 
four.  He  was  one  of  the  best  of  those  old  Ministers  of 
State  whom  Henry  IV.  left  to  his  widow,  the  Regent.  The 
Pope's  Nuncio,  Bentivoglio,  had  a  high  opinion  of  him. 
"  Great  was  his  experience,  great  his  integrity ;  ...  a 


106  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

good  Frenchman  and  a  good  Catholic,"  says  the  Italian 
diplomat.  Richelieu  describes  him  as  a  sincere  man  of 
good  judgment,  but  narrow-minded  and  jealous,  and  adds 
that  he  died  after  fifty-one  years'  service  with  clean  hands, 
possessing  little  more  than  he  had  inherited  from  his  fore 
fathers.  It  was  a  fine  testimonial  to  Villeroy  from  the 
young  rival  who,  if  only  for  a  few  months,  had  thrown  him 
into  the  shade. 

Richelieu  was  less  generous  with  regard  to  Jacques- 
Auguste  de  Thou,  the  "  faithful  and  austere,"  "  light  of 
France"  and  "prince  of  historians,"  as  Camden  called  him, 
who  died  in  that  same  year.  Richelieu  observes  of  him 
that  his  piety  was  not  equal  to  his  learning,  that  knowledge 
and  action  are  different  things,  and  that  the  speculative 
science  of  government  needs  certain  qualities  of  mind  not 
always  found  to  match  it.  The  inwardness  of  this  criticism 
lies  in  the  fact  that  de  Thou,  in  his  Latin  History  of  the  six 
teenth  century,  made  certain  scornful  and  severe  remarks  on 
Richelieu's  ancestors  and  the  part  they  took  in  the  Wars  of 
Religion.  Richelieu,  exceedingly  sensitive  as  to  the  honour 
of  his  family,  never  forgave  this,  and  when  in  1642  Francois- 
Auguste  de  Thou  lost  his  head  in  the  Cinq-Mars  catas 
trophe,  it  was  currently  believed  that  the  Cardinal  might 
have  spared  him  but  for  those  paragraphs  in  his  father's 
history. 

In  November  1617  Nicole  du  Plessis-Richelieu,  the 
Bishop's  younger  sister,  was  married  quietly  in  Paris  to 
a  distinguished  but  eccentric  Angevin  noble,  the  Marquis 
de  Maille-Breze.  Nicole  was  now  a  woman  of  thirty.  She 
had  lived  at  Richelieu  until  her  mother's  death  ;  her  portion 
cannot  have  been  large ;  of  her  brothers,  one  was  a  more 
or  less  struggling  courtier,  one  a  monk,  one  a  politician  out 
of  office.  She  possessed  little  beyond  a  singular  beauty 
and  charm ;  the  Marquis  de  Breze,  who  married  her  for 
love,  cannot  have  foreknown  the  brilliant  thing  he  was 
doing.  Brother-in-law  to  the  most  powerful  man  in  Europe, 
father-in-law  of  the  great  Conde,  Marshal  of  France, 
governor  of  Anjou,  Viceroy  of  Catalonia,  the  Marquis 
had  everything ;  and,  "  extravagant  "  as  he  was,  cared  most 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LU£ON  107 

of  all  for  a  good  dog  and  a  new  book.  But  the  marriage 
turned  out  unhappily.  Nicole  de  Richelieu  went  out  of  her 
mind — one  of  her  mad  fancies  being  that  she  was  made  of 
glass — and  died  shut  up  in  the  castle  of  Saumur.  M.  de 
Breze  was  a  bad  husband,  though  a  clever  and  accomplished 
man.  According  to  the  stories  of  the  time,  it  was  his  un- 
kindness  and  brutal  infidelity  that  upset  poor  Nicole's  weak 
brain. 

The  Bishop,  of  course,  was  not  present  at  his  sister's 
marriage;  but  he  appears  to  have  made  all  the  necessary 
arrangements  with  M.  de  Breze,  leaving  the  actual  cere 
mony  to  be  managed  by  Henry  de  Richelieu  and  his  young 
wife. 

The  Due  de  Luynes  was  nervous  on  his  lonely  pinnacle 
of  power.  The  presence  of  the  Queen-mother  at  Blois  was 
a  constant  anxiety  to  him ;  she  was  not  only,  in  his  eyes,  an 
enemy  to  the  State,  but  his  own  personal  and  unforgiving 
enemy.  And  more  than  the  Queen-mother  he  feared  her 
friends ;  certain  of  the  great  nobles,  who  were  already 
beginning  to  resent  his  exaltation,  and  those  former  minis 
ters  who  had  been  the  real  strength  of  her  rule.  Barbin 
was  still  in  the  Bastille.  With  an  appearance  of  leniency, 
Luynes  made  his  imprisonment  easier  and  winked  at  a 
correspondence  between  him  and  the  Queen.  Copies  of 
every  letter  came  into  the  hands  of  Luynes.  Marie's 
messengers  boasted  of  their  mistress's  new  freedom  and 
speedy  return  to  the  Court. 

These  intrigues,  dangerous  from  Luynes'  point  of  view, 
came  to  a  sudden  end.  Barbin,  strictly  imprisoned,  nearly 
lost  his  head  ;  many  arrests  were  made  ;  two  or  three  poor 
creatures  who  had  written  pamphlets  on  the  Queen's  side 
were  cruelly  put  to  death  ;  Marie's  own  imprisonment  was 
made  much  more  rigorous,  royal  guards  and  royal  spies 
with  new  and  strict  orders  being  set  to  watch  the  Chateau 
de  Blois. 

Thus  setting  himself  to  terrorise  the  Queen-mother  and 
her  friends,  Luynes  did  not  forget  the  Bishop  of  Lugon. 
On  Wednesday  in  Holy  Week,  1618,  Richelieu  received  a 
letter  from  the  King  full  of  vague  accusations  of  "goings 


io8  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

and  comings  and  secret  proceedings  which  caused  umbrage 
and  suspicion,  affecting  the  King's  service  and  the  tran 
quillity  of  his  subjects,"  ordering  him  to  retire  immediately 
to  Avignon,  there  to  remain  till  further  commands. 

"  I  was  not  surprised  at  receiving  this  despatch,"  he  says 
in  his  Memoirs,  "  having  always  expected  unjust,  barbarous 
and  unreasonable  treatment  from  the  cowards  who  governed 
us.  ...  But  as  I  was  accused  of  acting  against  His  Majesty's 
service,  I  humbly  begged  him  to  send  some  dispassionate 
person  to  examine  the  facts  on  the  spot,  being  sure  that 
by  such  means  His  Majesty  would  be  convinced  of  my 
innocence." 

It  does  not  appear  indeed  that  Richelieu  had  been 
much  concerned,  if  at  all,  in  the  recent  intrigues  between 
Blois  and  Paris.  But  Luynes  was  afraid  of  him;  and 
he  was  forced  to  depart  instantly  for  that  exile  which 
was  the  saddest  experience  of  his  younger  life — proving 
once  more  the  old  truth  that  the  night  is  darkest  before 
the  dawn. 

He  left  Lu<pon  on  Good  Friday,  for  the  royal  commands 
admitted  of  no  delay,  and  started  on  the  long,  difficult, 
cross-country  journey  from  Poitou  to  the  Venaissin.  In 
wind-swept  Avignon,  still  a  half-Italian  city  belonging  to 
the  Pope,  he  hired  a  house  and  settled  himself  to  endure 
the  cruel  idleness  of  banishment.  He  was  not  alone.  His 
brother  and  brother-in-law,  M.  de  Richelieu  and  M.  du 
Pont-de-Courlay,  shared  his  exile,  for  they  too  were  old 
adherents  of  the  Queen-mother,  and  Luynes  feared  them 
all.  He  shut  up  his  captive  birds  in  the  same  cage — "  a 
great  consolation  to  us,"  says  the  Bishop,  "  though  it  was 
not  done  for  that  end,  but  in  order  to  keep  us  in  sight 
together." 

Once  more  he  flung  himself  into  hard  study.  He  wrote 
or  dictated  a  large  collection  of  fragmentary  notes,  which 
took  the  form  of  a  kind  of  apology  or  explanation  of 
his  political  views  and  doings.  He  wrote  a  religious 
book,  LInstruction  du  Chretien,  planned  long  before.  He 
seeems  to  have  led  a  solitary  and  studious  life,  seeing  few 
people,  writing  few  letters  except  to  his  diocese,  medi- 


THE   BISHOP  OF   LUgON  109 

tating  much  and  suffering  much,  for  he  was  ill  in  body  as 
in  mind. 

And  in  the  autumn  the  gloom  of  exile  was  deepened  by 
severe  family  sorrows.  The  young  Marquise  de  Richelieu, 
Marguerite  Guiot  des  Charmeaux,  whom  her  husband  had 
been  obliged  to  leave  behind,  died  at  Richelieu  after  the 
birth  of  her  first  child.  The  little  boy,  Francois  Louis, 
only  lived  a  few  weeks,  and  was  then  laid  in  the  vault 
at  Braye  with  his  mother  and  his  ancestors.  It  was  not 
long  before  Henry  de  Richelieu  himself  joined  that  com 
pany. 

He  was  terribly  grieved  and  desolate.  Every  glimpse 
that  we  have  of  his  wife  shows  her  good  and  charming, 
and  the  blows  of  fortune  may  well  have  seemed  to  both 
brothers  too  heavy  to  bear.  The  child's  death  meant  the 
extinction  of  the  direct  male  line  of  du  Plessis-Richelieu. 

After  some  weeks,  by  the  intervention  of  their  old  friend 
Bassompierre,  the  Marquis  and  his  brother-in-law  M.  du 
Pont-de-Courlay  were  allowed  to  go  to  Richelieu  and  to 
Paris  on  their  family  business.  The  Bishop  remained  alone 
at  Avignon. 

His  solitude  there  was  of  his  own  choice,  for  the  Vice- 
Legate  and  other  dignitaries  were  ready  to  make  much  of 
him,  and  a  letter  to  his  brother,  written  in  February  1619, 
shows  him  very  sensible  of  some  special  kindness.  He 
commissions  M.  de  Richelieu  to  buy  and  to  send  him  the 
most  beautiful  hackney  he  can  find — "  mais  belle  tout-a- 
fait " — probably  such  a  gentle,  ambling  creature  as  a  Vice- 
Legate  would  ride — as  well  as  pieces  of  choice  goldsmith's 
work  to  hang  on  watches.  His  anxiety  is  that  the  presents 
should  be  "  something  conformable  to  his  condition,"  for 
it  is  better  to  give  nothing  at  all  than  "  un  maigre  present." 
The  Bishop  of  Lucon,  in  poverty  and  exile,  had  already 
the  splendid  tastes  of  the  Eminentissime. 

But  in  actual  fact  he  was  very  solitary  and  intensely  sad. 
For  once  in  his  life  he  seems  to  have  lost  faith  in  his  star, 
and  as  the  conviction  that  he  would  die  in  exile  gained 
strength,  he  thought  a  good  deal  of  the  poor  little  diocese 
he  might  never  see  again.  He  wrote  a  curious  document, 


i  io  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

a  kind  of  last  will,  dated  February  8,  and  addressed  to  the 
Chapter  of  Lucon.  After  some  expressions  of  sincere 
affection,  he  leaves  his  body  to  the  Cathedral,  "  that  I  may 
repose  when  dead  in  the  same  place  where,  living,  I  desire 
to  be.  .  .  ." 

"...  The  place  of  my  sepulture  shall  be,  if  you  please, 
immediately  above  the  singers'  desk,  leaving  the  higher 
part  of  the  choir,  as  more  honourable,  for  those  who  shall 
come  after  me.  .  .  . 

"  I  leave  you  also  all  the  silver  plate  of  my  chapel, 
my  ornaments,  and  hangings  of  Flemish  tapestry,  to  adorn 
the  choir,  without  any  condition  whatever,  trusting  to  be 
helped  by  your  prayers.  .  .  . 

"  If  I  could  leave  you  anything  more,  I  would  very 
willingly  do  so ;  my  will  surpassing  my  power,  my  wishes 
for  you  must  supply  the  defect. 

"  The  first  benefit  I  wish  you  is  to  live  in  clear  con 
sciousness  of  your  condition,  keeping  before  your  eyes  that 
this  world  is  but  illusion,  and  that  there  is  no  profit  or 
contentment  except  in  the  service  of  God,  who  never  for 
sakes  them  who  serve  Him. 

"  I  desire  for  you  a  bishop  who,  equalling  me  in  affec 
tion,  may  surpass  me  in  all  other  qualities.  ...  I  conjure 
him,  whoever  he  may  be,  to  reside  with  you,  to  visit  his 
diocese,  to  encourage  in  their  duty,  by  his  example  and 
his  teaching,  those  who  have  the  care  of  souls  under 
him,  to  maintain  and  augment  the  seminary  founded  at 
Lucon,  to  which  I  leave  a  thousand  livres  and  my  whole 
library.  .  .  ." 

To  this  seminary  for  priests,  a  favourite  foundation 
of  his,  Richelieu  had  already  given  the  revenues  of  an 
abbey  in  Poitou.  He  ends  his  testament  by  beseeching  the 
Chapter  to  live  in  the  closest  union  with  his  successor. 

"  After  this,  Sirs,  it  only  remains  to  conjure  you  to  love 
my  memory  as  that  of  a  person  who  tenderly  loves  you 
and  passionately  desires  your  salvation." 

Richelieu's  final  farewell  to  the  Lucon  Chapter  was 
written  four  years  later,  in  less  affectionate  and  more 
businesslike  terms.  He  was  about  to  be  plunged  in  the 


THE   BISHOP   OF  LU^ON  m 

political  whirlpool  which  swallowed  the  rest  of  his  life, 
when  he  resigned  the  see  in  favour  of  M.  de  Bragelogne, 
receiving  in  exchange  the  Abbey  of  Notre  Dame  du  Wast 
in  the  diocese  of  Le  Mans,  a  canonry  and  prebend  at 
St.  Martin  of  Tours,  and  a  retiring  pension  of  6,000  livres. 

The  town  of  Blois  was  asleep  in  the  dark  small  hours 
of  February  23,  when  Queen  Marie  de  Medicis  got  out 
of  her  window  in  the  Chateau,  climbed  or  slid  down  a 
hundred  and  twenty  feet  of  ladders — a  really  wonderful 
feat  in  a  woman  of  her  size  and  indolence— hurried 
through  the  silent  streets  to  the  bridge  over  the  Loire, 
got  into  a  coach  with  two  or  three  attendants  and  some 
boxes  of  money  and  jewels,  and  drove  off,  first  to  Loches, 
then  to  Angouleme.  When  Blois,  castle  and  town,  awoke 
in  the  morning,  the  captive  royal  bird  had  flown. 

The  affair  had  been  arranged,  with  extraordinary 
cleverness  and  secrecy,  by  the  Abbe  Rucellai,  one  of 
those  Italians  in  Marie's  household  whose  intrigues  had 
brought  about  the  disgrace  of  Richelieu.  The  active 
agent  was  the  old  Due  d'£pernon. 

He  had  been  a  courtier  of  Henry  III.  and  Henry  IV., 
and  had  not  yet  taken  up  arms  in  actual  rebellion.  It 
was  he  who  stood  by  Marie  de  Medicis  after  the  death 
of  Henry,  and  faced  the  Parliament  with  a  fierce  declara 
tion  of  her  right  to  the  Regency.  She  had  not  been 
grateful :  the  Marechal  d'Ancre  took  the  place  in  her 
court  which  d'£pernon  considered  his  due.  Too  proud 
for  a  lower  position,  he  retired  to  his  estates  and  govern 
ments,  which  were  many,  including  the  town  of  Metz, 
Saintonge,  and  the  Angoumois.  The  rule  of  Luynes 
was  quite  as  offensive  to  him  as  that  of  Concini  had 
been,  and  the  plot  for  the  Queen's  escape  was  welcomed 
by  one  of  the  boldest,  most  romantic  and  adventurous 
characters  of  the  century. 

When  the  time  drew  near,  the  Duke  was  at  Metz.  It 
was  necessary  to  gain  the  Angoumois  by  a  secret  dash 
across  France,  beset  with  so  many  dangers  that  the 
chroniclers  called  that  ride  "le  voyage  d'Amadis."  His 
province  successfully  reached,  the  Duke  sent  two  active 


112  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

young  men  to  Blois  to  manage  the  actual  escape,  and 
himself  waited  for  the  Queen  at  Loches,  then  conveying 
her  to  a  place  of  greater  safety.  She  was  now  free  to 
make  terms  with  her  son  or  to  set  France  on  fire  against 
him. 

The  Due  de  Luynes  heard  of  Her  Majesty's  "  sortie " 
with  amazement  and  alarm.  He  had  long  watched  her 
uneasily;  and  his  brother  afterwards  told  Richelieu  that 
he  had  resolved  to  take  the  King  to  Blois  on  the  pretext 
of  a  friendly  visit,  but  really  to  convey  the  Queen-mother 
"  politely  "  to  Amboise,  his  own  stronghold,  where  "  she 
would  remain  for  the  future  under  good  and  sure  guard." 
He  knew  well  that  her  quarrel  with  him  grew  more  bitter 
with  every  month  of  her  captivity.  During  that  very 
winter  he  had  married  her  second  daughter,  Madame 
Christine,  to  the  Prince  of  Piedmont,  the  Duke  of  Savoy's 
son,  with  scarcely  the  formal  courtesy  of  asking  her 
consent.  Such  an  insult  Marie  was  not  likely  to  forget. 

Once  at  liberty,  she  might  become  the  rallying  centre 
for  all  the  discontented  in  the  kingdom,  and  Luynes  knew 
that  they  were  many.  He  had  offended  the  nobles  by 
withdrawing  various  pensions,  and  had  set  the  great 
Protestant  party  against  him  by  royal  decrees,  especially 
one  which  aimed  at  restoring  Catholic  worship  in  the 
little  kingdom  of  Bdarn. 

For  a  few  days  civil  war  seemed  imminent.  The  King 
and  Luynes,  both  furiously  angry,  began  to  raise  troops, 
and  talked  of  riding  off  to  the  west.  But  Luynes  was 
not  Concini.  He  was  prudent  au  fond,  some  say  timid, 
and  no  soldier.  He  began  to  ask  advice  from  wiser  men 
in  Paris  and  elsewhere,  even  from  the  Due  de  Bouillon, 
head  of  the  Protestants,  and  they  all  with  one  voice 
counselled  peace.  Besides,  the  nobles  showed  no  great 
eagerness  to  rebel  suddenly  against  the  King  by  joining 
the  Queen-mother  and  d'Epernon,  while  Marie's  letters 
to  her  son  gave  a  kind  of  basis  for  negotiations.  It 
was  resolved  to  throw  the  actual  blame  of  the  affair  on 
d'£pernon,  and  a  royal  edict  at  once  deprived  him  of  all 
his  appointments  and  governments,  while  ambassadors, 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUgON  113 

carefully  chosen  to  please  the  Queen,  were  sent  to  her 
at  Angouleme.  It  seemed  possible  that  such  persuasive 
tongues  as  those  of  her  old  favourite  the  Pere  de  Berulle 
and  of  the  Comte  de  Bethune,  Sully's  more  courtly 
brother  and  a  devoted  servant  of  Henry  IV.,  might 
induce  her  to  accept  the  terms  offered  by  her  son 
to  renounce  the  company  of  rebels  against  his  authority, 
and  to  choose  a  peaceable  residence  in  some  other  part 
of  the  kingdom. 

There  were  those  in  Paris  at  the  moment  who  did  not 
wait  for  the  failure  of  these  negotiations  to  suggest  an 
even  wiser  plan.  One  man  in  France  could  manage  the 
Queen-mother :  he  was  in  exile  at  Avignon.  Restore 
him  to  her  council ;  give  him  authority  to  mediate  between 
her  and  the  King;  his  cleverness  and  moderation  would 
soon  bring  her  to  a  less  violent  frame  of  mind,  and  so 
arrange  matters  to  the  King's  satisfaction. 

The  originators  of  this  idea  were  Richelieu's  two 
faithful  friends,  the  Dean  of  Lu^on  and  Pere  Joseph. 

The  wonderful  friar  had  been  much  away  from  France 
during  Richelieu's  exile.  He  had  been  to  Rome  and  to 
Spain,  travelling  mostly  on  foot,  as  the  rule  of  his  Order 
required.  He  had  been  working  hard  on  the  details  of 
a  new  crusade  against  the  Turks,  with  the  object  not 
only  of  rescuing  the  Holy  Places,  but  of  driving  Islam 
out  of  Europe.  It  was  the  favourite  dream  of  Joseph's 
life.  He  worked  at  its  realisation  in  concert  with  the 
Due  de  Nevers,  Charles  de  Gonzague,  who  was  descended, 
through  his  mother,  from  the  Christian  emperors  of  the 
East.  These  two,  with  the  Pope's  sanction,  founded  a 
crusading  order  of  chivalry,  "  La  Milice  Chretienne,"  and 
before  the  Thirty  Years  War  broke  out  their  scheme 
had  become  popular  throughout  Catholic  Europe.  But 
it  was  an  anachronism,  a  mediaeval  romance,  and  as 
such  it  soon  died  away.  The  two  camps  of  Christendom 
had  each  other  to  fight.  The  revolt  of  the  Bohemian 
Protestants  sealed  the  fate  of  Constantinople  and  Palestine. 

Pere  Joseph's  crusading  ardour  was  equalled  by  his 
devotion  to  Richelieu.     He  and   Bouthillier  worked    so 
8 


u4  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

well  on  the  minds  of  Luynes  and  of  the  King  that  it 
was  decided  to  recall  the  Bishop  from  his  exile  and  to 
send  him  to  join  the  Queen-mother  at  Angouleme,  with 
the  understanding  that  while  faithfully  serving  Her 
Majesty  he  would  counsel  nothing  against  the  King's 
interest  and  the  nation's  welfare.  The  letter  of  recall 
was  written  by  Louis  XIII.'s  own  hand,  and  was  con 
veyed  to  Avignon  by  M.  du  Tremblay,  Pere  Joseph's 
brother.  Riding  post-haste,  he  arrived  there  on  March  7, 
1619. 

Here  Richelieu  may  tell  his  own  story. 
"  As  soon  as  I  had  received  His  Majesty's  despatch, 
though  the  weather  was  extraordinarily  bad,  the  snow  deep 
and  the  cold  extreme,  I  posted  away  from  Avignon  to  obey 
my  orders,  led  both  by  inclination  and  duty.  But  my  haste 
was  soon  interrupted,  for  in  a  little  wood  near  Vienne  I  fell 
in  with  a  troop  of  thirty  men  of  the  Sieur  d'Alincourt's 
guards,  commanded  by  his  captain  of  the  guard,  who  met 
me  with  arms  lowered,  saying  that  they  had  orders  to 
arrest  me.  I  begged  the  captain  to  show  me  his  powers, 
but  he  was  provided  with  none.  He  replied  to  me  that  he 
was  executing  the  orders  of  the  Sieur  d'Alincourt,  who  had 
his  orders  from  the  King.  .  .  ." 

The  Bishop's  impatient  rage  may  be  imagined.  He  was 
also  greatly  alarmed,  for  it  was  only  too  possible  that  the 
King  might  have  changed  his  mind.  Resistance  was  out  of 
the  question.  M.  du  Tremblay  rode  off  to  Lyons,  where 
M.  d'Alincourt  was  governor — he  was  the  son  of  the  Due 
de  Villeroy,  and  had  befriended  Richelieu  in  his  young 
days — in  order  to  find  out  which  of  the  royal  commands 
was  the  latest  in  date.  The  Bishop  and  his  servants  were 
conveyed  by  the  soldiers  to  Vienne,  the  stupid  captain 
treating  his  prisoner  "  like  a  criminal."  A  sleepless  night 
at  the  inn  was  made  more  hideous  by  bands  of  men  fighting 
in  the  streets  ;  a  sham  rescue,  it  seems,  was  devised  by  the 
captain  for  the  greater  credit  of  himself  and  his  men.  No 
wonder  that  the  Bishop  was  exceedingly  angry.  "  I 
thought  you  were  ignorant,"  said  he,  "  but  I  now  see  you 
are  malicious." 


THE   BISHOP   OF   LUgON  115 

In  the  meanwhile,  M.  du  Tremblay  had  laid  the  King's 
letter  before  the  governor  of  Lyons,  who  perceived  that  he 
had  made  a  mistake.  It  had  arisen  from  a  morsel  of  gossip 
sent  him  by  his  son,  who  was  at  court  when  the  news  of 
the  Queen's  escape  arrived,  and  to  whom  the  Due  de 
Luynes  had  hurriedly  said — "  If  your  father  could  arrest 
the  Bishop  of  Lucon,  he  would  do  us  a  great  pleasure." 
Luynes  probably  forgot  the  words,  spoken  before  the  idea 
of  making  use  of  the  Bishop  as  a  mediator  had  even  been 
suggested ;  but  M.  d'Alincourt  made  haste  to  act  upon 
them,  sending  spies  to  Avignon  and  cleverly  arranging  the 
enterprise, "  which  was  not  a  very  difficult  one,"  observes 
Richelieu,  "  there  being  question  only  of  stopping  a  man 
travelling  alone." 

The  governor  did  his  best  to  "change  his  rigour  into 
civility."  He  sent  his  coach  to  meet  the  Bishop  on  his  way 
to  Lyons,  with  a  letter  to  his  captain,  who  was  much 
astonished  and  ashamed.  Richelieu  showed  no  resentment. 
He  easily  forgave  the  captain,  dined  with  M.  d'Alincourt 
at  Lyons,  and  then  pursued  his  journey.  Its  risks  were 
not  over,  for  the  snow  lay  deep  in  the  high  wild  country 
between  Lyons  and  Limoges,  and  the  King's  troops,  who 
were  abroad  in  those  parts,  pursued  the  Bishop  for  some 
distance,  supposing  him  to  be  the  Due  d'Epernon's  son, 
the  Archbishop  of  Toulouse. 

Richelieu  arrived  at  Angouleme  on  March  27,  after  a 
journey  of  more  than  three  weeks.  It  was  again  Wednes 
day  in  Holy  Week.  According  to  his  own  account  he  was 
not  made  welcome,  except  by  Madame  de  Guercheville. 
The  Due  d'Epernon  and  his  party  looked  on  him  with 
doubt  and  suspicion  as  an  emissary  of  the  King.  Marie  de 
Medicis,  surrounded  by  them,  hardly  dared  to  show  her 
feelings  of  relief  and  joy. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

1619—1622 

The  Treaty  of  Angouleme— The  death  of  Henry  de  Richelieu— The 
meeting  at  Couzieres— The  Queen-mother  at  Angers— Richelieu's  influence 
for  peace — The  Battle  of  the  Ponts-de-Ce— Intrigues  of  the  Due  de  Luynes 
— Marriage  of  Richelieu's  niece — The  campaigns  in  Be"arn  and  Languedoc — 
The  death  of  Luynes — The  Bishop  of  Lugon  becomes  a  Cardinal. 

NEITHER  the  Due  d'£pernon's  haughty  reserve  nor 
the  Abbe  Rucellai's  malignant  dislike  and  envy 
could  long  affect  Richelieu's  place  among  the 
Queen-mother's  counsellors.  The  Treaty  of  Angouleme 
was  ^ his  work,  in  concert  with  the  King's  ambassadors, 
Berulle,  Bethune,  the  Cardinal  de  la  Rochefoucauld,  and 
last,  not  least,  Pere  Joseph.  On  both  sides  the  past  was 
to  be  forgotten ;  Marie  was  to  live  where  she  chose  and 
to  dispose  freely  of  her  revenues ;  all  her  partisans  were 
restored  to  the  places  and  honours  of  which  royal  edicts 
had  deprived  'them.  On  the  other  hand,  she  gave  up 
the  government  of  Normandy  for  the  smaller  one  of  Anjou, 
with  600,000  crowns  in  money,  and  the  Due  d'^pernon  was 
obliged  to  renounce  Boulogne,  for  which  he  received  an 
indemnity  of  50,000  crowns.  It  was  thought  that  the 
Queen  and  her  party  had  the  best  of  the  bargain,  and 
every  one,  even  the  Due  d'£pernon,  gave  the  Bishop  of 
Lugon  credit  for  the  compromise.  He  had  still  bitter 
enemies  among  the  Queen's  entourage,  but  he  had  also 
firm  friends,  and  the  best  of  these  was  his  brother  Henry, 
distinguished  alike  as  soldier  and  courtier,  on  whom  the 
Queen  immediately  bestowed  the  military  government  of 
her  chief  town  and  castle  of  Angers.  She  thus  gravely 
displeased  her  more  greedy  and  restless  servants,  men 
who  preferred  active  rebellion  with  its  chances  to  peace 

116 


THE  BISHOP  OF  LUgON  117 

and  loyalty.  The  Abbe  Rucellai  was  leader  among  them, 
and  the  Marquis  de  Themines,  captain  of  the  Queen's 
guard,  was  one  of  the  most  ambitious.  Various  insulting 
remarks  made  by  him  came  to  the  ears  of  the  Marquis  de 
Richelieu  ;  the  consequence  was  a  duel,  in  which  Henry 
de  Richelieu  fell,  stabbed  to  the  heart. 

"Death  took  him,"  writes  his  brother,  "but  not  so 
suddenly  but  that  the  Sieur  de  Berulle,  who  chanced  to 
be  passing  by,  had  time  to  give  him  absolution." 

It  was  the  sharpest  grief  that  ever  touched  Richelieu. 
The  two  had  been  much  drawn  together  of  late  years, 
and  they  seemed  at  this  very  time  to  be  starting  together 
on  a  fresh  and  brilliant  career. 

The  Marquis  de  Themines  disappeared  in  disgrace 
from  the  Queen's  circle,  but  others  of  his  party  were  ready 
to  snatch  at  the  government  of  Angers  and  the  command 
of  the  guards.  They  were  disappointed.  Marie  de  Medicis 
replaced  the  dead  Richelieu  by  his  uncle,  Amador  de  la 
Porte,  Commander  of  the  Order  of  Malta,  the  worthy 
and  gallant  man  to  whom  young  Armand  de  Richelieu 
owed  his  early  education  as  collegian  and  cadet.  The 
captaincy  of  the  guard  was  given  to  the  Marquis  de  Breze", 
whose  son  Armand,  afterwards  Due  de  Fronsac,  was  born 
about  this  time. 

Rucellai  and  his  partisans,  seeing  themselves  out- 
generalled,  vanished  one  by  one  and  left  a  clear  field  to 
the  Bishop  of  Lucon,  whose  commanding  influence  grew 
every  day  stronger  with  the  Queen. 

A  meeting  and  formal  reconciliation  between  herself 
and  her  son  became  now  the  question  of  the  moment.  In 
preparation  either  for  this  or  for  the  chance  of  civil  war 
the  Court  had  already  moved  from  Paris,  with  a  strong 
escort  of  troops,  to  the  Loire.  The  first  stopping-place 
was  Amboise,  where  the  King  received  news  that  the 
treaty  had  been  concluded.  At  Angouleme  bonfires  blazed 
and  a  Te  Deum  was  sung ;  at  Tours,  where  the  Court 
proceeded  to  establish  itself  for  the  summer,  things  were 
taken  more  quietly,  perhaps  more  cynically,  for  the  royal 
interview  was  put  off  from  month  to  month,  and  Luynes 


ii8  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

found  that  he  had  a  formidable  person  to  deal  with  in 
the  Queen's  chief  counsellor.  Though  the  treaty  might 
be  signed,  there  were  further  arrangements  to  be  made 
before  Richelieu  would  allow  his  royal  mistress  to  meet 
her  son. 

In  the  meanwhile  there  was  going  and  coming  between 
Tours  and  Angouleme,  where  the  Prince  of  Piedmont 
and  his  young  wife,  with  his  brother,  Prince  Thomas  of 
Savoy,  visited  the  Queen-mother  and  were  magnificently 
received  by  her  loyal  friend  the  Due  d'lvpernon. 

The  long  hot  summer  dragged  slowly  on.  The  young 
King  and  Queen,  Monsieur  (Gaston,  Due  d'Orleans,  a  boy 
of  eleven),  the  little  Princess  Henriette,  the  Due  de  Luynes 
and  the  whole  Court,  passed  the  time  as  best  they  could 
among  the  woods  and  rivers  of  Touraine  and  Anjou. 
They  visited  La  Fleche,  where  the  heart  of  Henry  IV. 
lay  in  the  chapel  of  the  Jesuit  College  founded  by  him — 
and  where  its  ashes  are  still  preserved,  the  embalmed 
heart  itself  having  been  burnt  by  patriots  in  the  Revolution. 
They  made  a  progress  among  stately  sun-baked  chateaux, 
lingering  at  Le  Lude,  the  owner  of  which,  formerly  the 
patron  of  Luynes  and  his  brothers,  now  held  the  important 
post  of  governor  to  Monsieur.  Some  of  the  courtiers, 
such  as  Bassompierre,  found  reasons  for  riding  backwards 
and  forwards,  post-haste,  between  Tours  and  Paris.  The 
Ministers  there  needed  watching,  being  apt  to  sell  rich 
military  appointments  on  their  own  authority. 

At  length  Richelieu  could  delay  no  longer.  He  had 
gained  for  the  Queen-mother  some  additional  advantages 
beyond  the  April  treaty,  and  he  had  extracted  from  Luynes 
a  kind  of  vague  promise,  or  at  least  an  understanding,  that 
he  should  be  recommended  to  the  Pope  for  a  Cardinal's 
Hat.  At  present  this  was  his  chief  object  and  desire. 

At  the  end  of  August  Marie  de  Medicis  left  Angouleme 
to  rejoin  her  son.  She  was  accompanied  to  the  frontier 
of  the  Angoumois  by  the  Due  d'Epernon,  from  whom  she 
parted  with  tears,  and  she  was  escorted  on  her  journey 
by  Hercule  de  Rohan,  Due  de  Montbazon,  father-in-law 
of  Luynes,  whose  chateau  of  Couzieres,  near  Tours,  had 


THE   BISHOP  OF  LUQON  119 

been  chosen  for  the  royal  meeting.  It  was  not  large  or 
important,  being  rather  a  country-house  than  a  castle ;  but 
its  woods  and  gardens  were  beautiful,  and  never,  in  a 
history  not  lacking  in  romance,  was  Couzieres  the  scene 
of  so  much  splendour. 

The  Queen-mother  arrived  there  in  the  evening,  with 
her  train  of  ladies  and  gentlemen,  among  whom  were  the 
Archbishop  of  Toulouse  and  the  Bishop  of  Lucon.  The 
King  left  Tours  the  next  morning  on  horseback,  attended 
by  five  hundred  princes,  lords  and  gentlemen. 

"  He  arrived  at  the  said  Couzieres  before  the  Queen- 
mother  had  ordered  her  dinner;  he  entered  by  the  park 
gate,  and  the  Queen  at  once  came  forth  to  receive  him. 
She  met  him  in  the  garden,  and  there  they  saluted  and 
embraced  each  other  with  a  great  appearance  of  content 
ment  on  both  sides  ;  the  Queen-mother  wept  for  joy." 

According  to  tradition,  they  found  little  to  say  to  each 
other.  "  My  son  has  grown  taller  since  I  saw  him,"  said 
Marie.  "  For  your  service,  Madame,"  said  Louis. 

They  walked  together,  surrounded  by  crowds,  to  the 
house,  and  then,  while  the  Queen  dined,  Louis  strolled  in 
the  garden.  Later  on,  another  splendid  cavalcade  arrived 
from  Tours — that  of  the  reigning  Queen,  who  "  made  her 
compliments  with  many  demonstrations  of  joy"  and  accom 
panied  the  Queen-mother  in  her  coach  to  Tours,  the  King 
flying  his  hawks  in  the  open  country  by  the  way. 

Marie's  visit  to  the  Court  at  Tours  was  not  a  success. 
The  precedence  taken  by  Anne  of  Austria  offended  her. 
And  Luynes  was  playing  a  double  game.  He  wanted  the 
reconciliation,  which  would  rid  him  of  an  independent 
adversary  ;  he  wanted  to  work  a  separation  between  Marie 
and  the  nobles  of  her  party,  especially  the  powerful  Due 
d'£pernon  ;  but  he  watched  with  a  jealous  eye  any  appear 
ance  of  a  real  understanding  between  her  and  the  King. 
As  to  her  friends  and  servants,  he  gave  them  fair  words 
and  played  them  false  at  every  turn.  His  conduct,  dis 
honest  or  diplomatic,  may  be  judged  by  the  fact  that  while 
the  King  was  writing  to  the  Pope  to  request  that  the  Arch 
bishop  of  Toulouse  and  the  Bishop  of  Lu£on  should  be 


120  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

promoted  to  be  cardinals,  Luynes  was  giving  the  Court  of 
Rome  to  understand,  by  a  secret  despatch,  that  only  the 
first  name  mentioned  by  the  King  need  be  taken  in  earnest. 
These  "  sourdes  et  deloyales  pratiques,"  as  M.  Avenel  calls 
them,  continued  for  many  months,  and  Richelieu  had  few 
powerful  advocates.  Cardinal  du  Perron  was  dead ;  and 
Cardinal  Bentivoglio,  the  Nuncio,  remarked  coldly  on  the 
extravagance  of  the  Queen-mother's  demand  and  "  la 
sfrenata  ambizione  di  Lusson." 

The  Court  left  Tours  on  its  return  to  Paris  towards  the 
end  of  September.  The  King  wished  his  mother  to  accom 
pany  him,  but  she  refused,  choosing  first  to  take  formal 
possession  of  her  government  of  Anjou.  Travelling  by 
way  of  Chinon,  and  lingering  a  few  days  at  the  stately 
castle  on  the  Vienne,  which  had  been  made  over  to  her  by 
treaty,  and  was  commanded  by  the  Seigneur  de  Chanteloube, 
one  of  her  most  violent  partisans,  she  received  news  which 
deepened  her  displeasure  and  suspicion  with  regard  to  the 
Due  de  Luynes.  Her  younger  son's  governor,  the  Comte 
du  Lude,  had  died  of  fever  at  Tours,  and  now,  without  a 
word  to  her,  Colonel  d'Ornano,  a  creature  of  Luynes  and 
a  quite  unfit  man  for  the  charge,  was  appointed  in  his  stead. 
Another  piece  of  news,  sprung  upon  the  Queen-mother 
without  consultation  or  formal  announcement,  was  that  of 
the  release  of  the  Prince  of  Conde,  her  own  and  Richelieu's 
enemy,  from  Vincennes,  and  his  reception  by  the  King, 
with  a  royal  declaration  blaming  those  who  had  brought 
about  his  captivity.  This  may  have  been  aimed  at  the 
Marechal  d'Ancre,  but  it  struck  the  Queen.  Marie  under 
stood  that  the  first  prince  of  the  blood  was  now  to  be 
played  off  against  herself  in  Luynes'  game. 

She  was  magnificently  received  at  Angers.  The  citizens 
of  that  noble  old  town  were  as  warlike,  independent  and 
keenly  political  now  as  in  the  days  of  King  John,  and  quite 
as  unwilling  to  "  open  wide  their  gates  "  to  any  unpopular 
sovereign.  They  had  been  amusing  themselves  during  that 
summer  by  rioting  against  their  excellent  bishop,  Fouquet 
de  la  Varenne,  on  some  matter  of  ecclesiastical  discipline. 
Commander  de  la  Porte,  with  all  his  courage  and  loyalty, 


THE  BISHOP  OF  LUgON  121 

was  not  quite  the  man  to  manage  "  this  peevish  town."  He 
was  a  good-tempered  chatterbox.  Before  the  Queen's 
entrance  into  the  city,  Richelieu  wrote  a  long  letter  to  "  my 
dear  Uncle,"  in  which,  after  a  number  of  practical  details 
as  to  arms  and  provisions,  he  recommended  gravity  and 
dignity  in  dealing  with  the  bourgeoisie. 

All  went  well  on  October  16,  when  Marie  took  formal 
possession  of  her  city  of  Angers.  Thousands  of  people 
received  her  with  immense  rejoicings.  There  was  a  grand 
military  display,  martial  music  and  ringing  of  bells,  as  the 
Queen  approached,  having  crossed  the  long  arches  and 
causeways  of  the  Ponts-de-Ce.  She  did  not  lodge  in  the 
gloomy  old  castle,  where  Henry  II.  of  England  once  held 
his  court,  but  in  the  most  beautiful  house  in  the  town,  the 
Logis  Barrault,  now  known  to  travellers  as  the  Museum  of 
Angers.  There  a  Court  soon  gathered  round  her,  increasing 
in  numbers  from  day  to  day. 

This  state  of  things  continued  through  the  winter  and 
the  spring.  Over  and  over  again  the  King  invited  his 
mother  to  Paris ;  but  she  and  her  intimate  counsellors 
found  little  satisfaction  in  the  assurances  sent  by  Luynes 
of  the  royal  good-will.  The  promises  went  hand  in  hand 
with  too  many  slights  and  affronts  ;  and  though  Richelieu, 
according  to  his  own  account,  believed  the  Queen-mother's 
right  place  to  be  at  her  son's  Court,  and  though  he  felt  that 
his  own  future  lay  there,  he  hesitated  to  press  his  opinion 
against  that  of  the  majority  of  her  friends.  He  could  not 
fail  to  see,  as  they  did,  that  "  there  was  much  to  be  feared 
in  the  power  of  the  favourites." 

Luynes  and  his  brothers  were  the  first  men  in  France. 
As  to  personal  character,  though  spoilt  by  success,  these 
three  Provencal  adventurers  were  good  fellows  enough  ; 
but  as  to  greediness  and  ambition,  Concini  himself  had  not 
gone  further.  In  order  to  be  independent  of  the  King's 
favour,  Luynes  had  contrived  to  get  most  of  the  strong 
frontier  towns  of  France  into  his  hands.  His  brothers,  one 
of  them  a  Marshal  of  France,  married  two  of  the  richest 
heiresses  in  the  kingdom  and  took  their  place  among  the 
highest  nobility. 


122  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

"  You  would  say,"  writes  Richelieu  in  his  Memoirs, 
11  that  France  exists  for  them  alone ;  that  for  them  she 
abounds  in  all  kinds  of  riches.  .  .  .  The  governments  and 
places  that  they  hold  seem  in  small  proportion  to  those 
they  consider  their  due  ;  .  .  .  what  is  not  to  be  had  for 
money  they  take  by  violence ;  .  .  .  for  their  private  bargains 
they  make  use  of  the  money  raised  from  the  people  for  the 
public  good.  In  a  word,  if  the  whole  of  France  were  to  be 
sold,  Us  acheteroient  la  France  de  la  France  meme? 

Add  to  all  this  the  insolent,  boasting  speeches  which 
came  to  the  Queen-mother's  ears,  the  complaints  of  the 
King's  own  Ministers  and  of  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  who 
liked  the  new  favourites  no  better  than  the  old,  and  the 
anger  of  the  nobles  who  found  their  pensions  unpaid  and 
the  best  appointments  snatched  from  their  teeth ; — it  was 
not  amazing  either  that  Marie  hesitated  as  to  leaving  her 
town  and  Court  in  the  west  to  place  herself,  personally, 
in  the  power  of  Messieurs  de  Luynes,  or  that  Richelieu  was 
slow  in  advising  her  to  do  so. 

In  May  and  June  1620  the  governors  of  provinces  were 
openly  showing  their  discontent.  The  Due  de  Vendome 
could  dispose  of  Brittany,  the  Due  de  Longueville  of 
Normandy,  the  Due  de  Mayenne  of  Guyenne;  and  these 
three,  with  many  others,  left  the  Court  and  retired  to  their 
governments,  where  they  began  to  prepare  for  civil  war. 
The  Due  de  Rohan,  in  the  name  of  the  Protestant  party, 
went  so  far  as  to  advise  the  Queen-mother  to  leave  Angers 
for  Bordeaux  and  to  assemble  an  army  in  the  South.  One 
of  the  chief  malcontents,  the  Comtesse  de  Soissons,  furious 
at  the  release  of  her  cousin  and  enemy,  the  Prince  de 
Conde,  left  Paris  with  her  young  son  and  came  to  Angers. 
As  the  summer  advanced,  the  Queen  having  decided  to 
hold  her  own  in  the  west,  many  of  les  grands  followed 
Madame  la  Comtesse,  and  Marie  was  surrounded  by  a 
crowd  of  restless,  warlike  nobles  and  princes,  who  were 
held  back  with  difficulty  from  declaring  open  and  instant 
war  upon  the  King.  Half  France,  apparently,  was  on  her 
side — princes,  populations,  Catholics,  Huguenots,  and  men 
of  law :  at  one  moment  a  successful  campaign  against  the 


THE   BISHOP   OF   LU^ON  123 

King  and  Luynes  seemed  a  certainty,  and  Angers  was  the 
centre  of  enthusiastic  military  preparations. 

But  Richelieu  was  there — a  power  behind  all  the  dis 
contented  swaggerers  of  Her  Majesty's  Court.  A  small, 
strong  party,  including  the  Queen  herself,  believed  in  him. 
He  had  taken  care  that  his  friends  should  hold  the  places 
nearest  to  her :  Claude  Bouthillier,  brother  of  his  faithful 
Sebastien,  was  at  this  time  her  secretary.  The  clergy,  who 
always  influenced  Marie  de  Medicis,  were  with  him  to  a 
man. 

He  did  not  intend  that  the  misunderstandings  between 
the  Queen-mother  and  the  King,  hardly  mended  by  the 
passing  reconciliation  at  Couzieres,  should  come  to  actual 
war.  It  was  he  who  prevented  the  move  to  the  South; 
he  who,  through  all  these  months  at  Angers,  carried  on 
negotiations  with  Luynes.  Now,  as  always,  he  resented 
the  domination  of  the  princes  and  nobles,  remaining  con 
vinced  that  the  King  must,  in  the  last  resort,  be  the  chief 
authority  in  the  kingdom.  He  deeply  distrusted  Luynes, 
and  not  altogether  for  personal  reasons  of  disappointed 
ambition.  In  a  sense  he  stood  between  the  two  parties ; 
he  did  not  cease  to  be  something  of  a  mediator;  his  advice 
to  Marie  de  Medicis  was  never  that  of  a  political  firebrand. 
Still,  surrounded  by  firebrands — Vend6me  and  his  like — it 
was  difficult  for  the  wisest  counsels  to  prevail,  and  Riche 
lieu  seems  to  have  accepted  the  inevitable,  hoping  that  the 
warlike  show  made  by  the  Queen's  friends  might  so  far 
impress  the  King  as  to  incline  him  to  listen  to  the  serious 
complaints  poured  into  his  ears  by  her  and  by  them. 

The  effect  was  not  precisely  this,  but  Richelieu  was  in 
one  way  content :  it  was  not  the  Queen-mother  who  de 
clared  war.  Louis  XIII.  himself,  egged  on,  not  by  Luynes, 
who  doubted  and  hesitated,  but  by  the  Prince  de  Conde, 
decided  suddenly  to  march  into  Normandy  and  to  crush 
his  enemies  by  armed  force. 

"  I  will  not  stay  in  Paris,"  he  said,  "  to  see  my  kingdom 
made  a  prey  and  my  faithful  servants  oppressed.  .  .  .  My 
conscience  accuses  me  of  no  want  of  piety  with  regard  to 
the  Queen  my  mother,  justice  with  regard  to  my  people, 


124  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

kind  deeds  with   regard   to   the  nobles  of  my   kingdom. 
Therefore,  allons  !  " 

The  words  had  a  ring  of  Henry  IV.,  and  they  were 
justified  by  the  event.  With  a  small  army  the  King  swept 
Normandy.  Rouen  and  Caen  made  no  resistance ;  the 
Due  de  Longueville  and  the  Grand  Prieur  de  Vendome 
fled  before  their  royal  master.  The  first  week  in  August 
found  the  King  on  Angevin  soil ;  on  the  7th  he  was  within 
two  miles  of  Angers,  on  high  ground  commanding  the  road 
between  the  city  and  the  Loire.  Angers  was  to  his  right ; 
the  village  and  bridges  of  the  Ponts-de-Ce  to  his  left. 

For  a  month,  ever  since  the  King  left  Paris,  confusion 
had  reigned  at  Angers.  Negotiations  had  gone  on 
furiously,  for  neither  Louis  XIII.  nor  Luynes  wished  to 
come  to  actual  blows  with  the  Queen-mother.  Richelieu, 
in  public  and  private,  had  done  his  best ;  in  July,  preaching 
before  the  Queen  and  her  Court,  he  warned  her  that  no 
faithful  subject  could  advise  her  to  rebel  against  her  son, 
and  begged  her  to  consider  that  no  arms  could  triumph 
over  an  angel-guarded  King.  But  all  this  was  of  no  avail. 
With  hurry  and  rashness  inconceivable,  considering  that 
neither  d'£pernon,  Rohan,  nor  Mayenne  had  marched  to  join 
them,  the  warlike  party  at  Angers  prepared  for  resistance. 

Marie  had  a  poor  set  of  officers.  The  Comte  de 
Soissons,  supposed  to  be  in  command,  was  a  boy  of 
eighteen ;  he  had  courage  in  plenty,  but  no  experience. 
The  Due  de  Vendome  was  a  clever,  blustering  coward ; 
the  Due  de  Nemours  a  courageous  fool ;  the  Marechal  de 
Bois-Dauphin  was  too  old  for  fighting.  Louis  de  Marillac, 
afterwards  a  Marshal  of  France  with  a  tragic  history,  did 
more  than  any  of  them ;  but  he  also  talked  more,  and  his 
plan  for  the  defence  was  a  foolish  one.  He  and  Vendome 
attempted  to  fortify  the  whole  length  of  the  road,  about 
two  miles,  between  Angers  and  the  Ponts-de-Ce,  by  an 
entrenchment  which,  according  to  Richelieu,  would  have 
needed  twenty  thousand  men  to  defend  it.  He  gave  his 
opinion  freely,  but  soldiers  were  not  going  to  be  advised 
by  a  churchman,  and  "  nothing  could  divert  them  from 
their  enterprise." 


THE   BISHOP   OF  LU^ON  125 

The  sketchy  fortification  was  not  even  finished,  when 
the  King's  troops  swooped  down  to  the  attack.  His 
infantry  fought  in  the  flat  meadows,  under  cover  of  the 
lines  of  hedgerow  trees ;  his  cavalry  plunged  into  the 
Loire,  a  shorter  way  of  reaching  the  bridtges  and  the  little 
old  castle  that  defended  them.  Once  the  passage  of  the 
Loire  was  in  the  King's  hands,  the  Queen-mother's  retreat 
would  be  cut  off  and  she  would  be  separated  from  her 
partisans  in  the  south  country :  this  was  why  the  King, 
advised  by  Conde,  did  not  make  a  direct  attack  on  the  town. 

The  battle  had  hardly  begun  when  the  Due  de  Retz, 
one  of  the  Queen's  commanders,  seized  with  the  idea  that 
some  treacherous  negotiations  were  going  on  in  the  back 
ground,  threw  up  her  cause  and  rode  off  the  field  with 
1500  men.  The  rest  of  the  little  army,  about  2500  men 
against  14,000,  kept  up  an  uncertain  struggle  along  the 
road  and  the  bridges  through  some  sweltering  hours  of  the 
August  day.  A  few  hundred  lives  were  lost,  and  it  was  not 
till  evening  that  the  royal  army  found  itself  in  possession 
of  the  river  branches  and  the  little  town  of  Ponts-de-Ce. 
Even  then  the  wounded  governor  of  the  castle,  M.  de 
Bethancourt,  held  out  there  till  the  next  morning  with  a 
garrison  of  ten  men. 

Few  of  the  Queen's  officers  showed  such  a  spirit. 
Long  before  the  battle  or  rout  was  over,  Cesar,  Due  de 
Vendome,  son  of  Henry  IV.,  came  galloping  back  into 
Angers  with  the  news  that  all  was  lost. 

"He  entered  her  presence,"  says  Richelieu,  " avec  un 
epouvantement  e'pouvantable,  saying,  '  Madame,  I  wish  I  were 
dead.'  On  which  one  of  her  ladies,  who  did  not  lack  wit 
replied,  fort  a  propos,  '  If  that  be  really  your  wish  you 
should  have  stayed  where  you  were.  .  .  .'  The  Due  de 
Vendome  was  promptly  followed  by  all  the  other  chiefs, 
except  the  Comte  de  Saint-Aignan,  who  was  taken 
prisoner." 

So  ended  "  la  drCierie  des  Ponts-de-Ce,"  as  the  wags 
called  it.  Now  was  the  time  for  the  peacemakers.  After 
a  few  distracted  hours,  during  which,  says  Richelieu,  "  fear 
was  absolutely  mistress  of  all  hearts  and  reason  had  no 


126  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

place,"  a  treaty,  quite  amazingly  favourable  to  the  Queen- 
mother,  was  drawn  up  by  himself  and  the  King's  envoys. 

He  must  have  wondered  at  the  success  of  his  own 
diplomacy.  At  first,  looking  round  on  his  terrified  party, 
on  the  helpless  city  with  a  royal  army  at  her  gates,  he  had 
advised  Marie  de  Medicis  to  pack  up  her  jewels  and  ride 
off  by  night  with  a  few  hundred  light  horse,  fording  the 
Loire  and  gaining  the  free  country  beyond,  where  she 
might  make  her  own  terms  with  her  enemies.  But  the 
unexpected  moderation  of  the  King  and  Luynes  made 
everything  easy.  The  treaty  of  Angouleme  was  confirmed; 
the  Queen's  partisans  were  amnestied ;  the  Ponts-de-Ce 
with  their  defences  were  restored  to  her ;  her  debts  were 
paid ;  she  had  full  liberty  to  live  where  she  pleased,  so  long 
as  she  remained  in  good  understanding  with  the  King  and 
his  Ministers. 

All  this  was  the  work  of  Richelieu,  in  concert  with 
Luynes.  The  truth  was,  that  the  rivalry  of  these  two  had 
reached  a  point  where  it  became  plain  that  they  were 
necessary  to  each  other.  Luynes  knew,  or  fancied,  that  the 
King  was  getting  beyond  his  authority  :  the  dismal  boy 
had  grown  into  a  man  and  a  soldier.  The  clever  and 
reckless  Prince  de  Conde  made  him  feel  what  Luynes  never 
felt  or  taught — the  charm  of  war.  And  he  was  ready,  more 
ready  than  Luynes  wished,  for  a  really  cordial  reconcilia 
tion  with  his  mother.  This  took  place  at  the  old  Marechal 
de  Cosse's  magnificent  Chateau  de  Brissac,  south  of  the 
Loire,  five  days  after  the  battle.  Marie  again  wept  tears 
of  joy.  "  I  have  you  now,"  said  Louis,  "  and  you  shall 
never  escape  me  again." 

Detested  as  he  was  by  the  nobles  and  princes,  shadowed 
by  Conde,  threatened  by  the  Queen-mother's  newly  rising 
influence,  Luynes  thought  it  politic  to  place  Richelieu, 
as  far  as  possible,  definitely  on  his  side.  "  With  great 
caresses,"  he  renewed  the  promise  of  a  Cardinal's  Hat. 
A  messenger  was  sent  to  Rome  with  a  letter  from  the 
King ;  and  this  letter  was  soon  followed  by  the  despatch  of 
Sebastien  Bouthillier,  ever  faithful — not,  as  some  writers 
have  preresented  him,  a  private  envoy  from  Richelieu 


THE   BISHOP   OF  LU^ON  127 

himself,  but  authorised  by  Louis,  ready  at  this  moment 
to  gratify  his  mother  in  every  way. 

But  a  thousand  intrigues,  volumes  of  letters,  promises 
made  and  broken  in  France  and  in  Italy,  still  lay  between 
the  Bishop  of  Lu£on  and  his  ambition's  crown.  Bouthillier 
remained  at  Rome  two  years,  working  hard  in  the  dark. 
He  was  made  Bishop  of  Aire  before  his  patron  became 
Cardinal,  but  nothing  checked  his  devoted  labour.  Old 
Paul  V.  was  difficult  and  obstinate.  He  had  enough 
French  cardinals :  the  young  Bishop,  to  whose  early  con 
secration  he  had  half  unwillingly  consented,  had  not  repaid 
him  well :  as  Secretary  of  State,  his  attitude  towards  the 
Holy  See  had  been  doubtful :  he  had  shown  some  inclina 
tion  of  late  to  ally  the  Queen-mother  with  the  Huguenots. 
And  besides  all  this  it  was  well  understood  at  Rome  that 
whatever  letters,  whatever  ambassadors,  might  be  sent  by 
Louis  XIII.,  M.  de  Luynes  was  in  no  hurry. 

While  continuing  his  sourdes  et  deloyales  pratiques — no 
secret  to  Richelieu,  who  endured  them  with  sphinx-like 
patience — Luynes  did  his  best  to  let  all  men  believe  him  on 
the  best  of  terms  with  the  Queen-mother's  chief  counsellor. 
He  suggested  the  union  of  their  families  by  a  marriage 
between  his  nephew,  Antoine  de  Beauvoir  du  Roure, 
Seigneur  de  Combalet,  and  Richelieu's  niece,  Marie  Magde- 
leine  Vignerot  du  Pont-de-Courlay.  She  was  a  very 
pretty  girl  of  sixteen  ;  he  was  a  coarse,  red-faced,  awkward 
soldier.  She  was  not  a  willing  sacrifice ;  neither  was  her 
uncle  particularly  eager;  he  hesitated  long  indeed  for 
several  reasons,  but  the  Queen-mother  advised  him,  for 
fear  of  Luynes,  to  consent,  and  the  marriage  was  celebrated 
in  Paris  in  November,  during  the  Court  festivities  that 
followed  the  triumphant  return  of  Louis  XIII.  from  his 
short  campaign  against  the  Protestants  of  Beam. 

Madame  de  Combalet's  unwelcome  husband  did  not 
annoy  her  long;  he  was  killed  at  the  siege  of  Montpellier 
in  September  1622.  The  young  widow,  a  girl  of  inde 
pendent  spirit,  worthy  of  her  mother's  family,  at  once 
resolved  that  she  would  not  be  sacrificed  again.  She  made 
a  vow — "  un  peu  brusquement,"  says  Tallemant — that  she 


128  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

would  become  a  Carmelite  nun.  ..."  She  dressed  as 
modestly  as  a  devote  of  fifty.  .  .  She  wore  a  gown  of 
woollen  stuff,  and  never  lifted  her  eyes.  With  all  this  she 
was  a  lady-in-waiting  to  the  Queen-mother  and  never 
stirred  from  the  Court.  She  was  then  in  the  full  bloom 
of  her  beauty.  This  sort  of  thing  lasted  a  long  time." 

It  lasted  till  the  supreme  power  of  the  Cardinal  made 
his  niece  equal  to  the  greatest  ladies  in  France  and  a 
probable  match  'for  princes.  But  Madame  de  Combalet — 
better  known  as  Madame  d'Aiguillon — kept  her  vow  so  far 
as  that  she  never  married  again. 

The  campaign  against  the  Protestants  of  Beam,  under 
taken  by  Louis  XIII.  immediately  after  the  battle  of  the 
Ponts-de-Ce,  was  successful  in  its  object  of  enforcing  the 
royal  edict  of  1617  and  restoring  Church  property,  now 
held  by  the  Huguenots,  to  the  use  of  the  Catholic  clergy. 
At  the  same  time,  Henry  IV. 's  independent  little  kingdom 
of  Beam  was  formally  united  to  the  kingdom  of  France. 
All  this  was  done  with  much  noise  and  little  bloodshed.  It 
amused  the  King  immensely.  One  game  for  another,  fight 
ing  was  better  than  falconry.  Through  the  darkening  days 
he  galloped  back  to  Paris,  and  had  the  additional  joy  of 
arriving  before  he  was  expected. 

"  Louis  XIII.  arrived  on  November  7,  early  in  the 
morning,  accompanied  by  fifty-four  young  nobles,  riding  at 
full  speed,  preceded  by  four  post-masters  sounding  the 
horn.  He  rode  through  the  city,  where  he  was  not  ex 
pected.  The  noise  made  by  his  troop  woke  the  citizens, 
they  ran  to  the  windows,  and  as  soon  as  the  monarch  was 
recognised  there  were  cries  of  Vive  le  Roi.  The  guard  at 
the  Louvre,  seeing  an  armed  troop  approach,  stood  on  the 
defence.  They  soon  learned  that  it  was  the  King;  the 
palace  rang  with  transports  of  joy ;  Louis  XIII.  flew  to 
embrace  his  mother  and  his  wife.  The  day  was  for  him 
one  of  triumph.  The  shops  were  shut ;  they  feasted  in  the 
streets  and  lighted  bonfires  in  the  evening." 

But  the  Huguenot  party  did  not  rejoice.  "As  soon," 
says  Richelieu,  "  as  His  Majesty  had  brought  Beam  back 
to  its  duty,  there  was  talk  of  the  assembling  of  Huguenots 


THE  BISHOP  OF  LU^ON  129 

in  many  parts  of  the  kingdom."  And  very  swiftly  the 
matter  advanced  beyond  talk.  From  the  central  assembly 
at  La  Rochelle  orders  went  out  for  the  Protestants  to  rise 
in  all  quarters.  In  May  1621  Louis  XIII.  started  on  a 
campaign  against  them  which,  first  under  the  influence  of 
Luynes,  then  under  that  of  Conde,  lasted  through  the 
greater  part  of  two  years — a  campaign  rather  of  long  sieges 
than  of  pitched  battles,  but  costing  many  distinguished 
lives,  among  them  that  of  the  Due  de  Mayenne. 

At  the  opening  of  this  campaign,  Luynes  made  himself 
Constable  of  France.  He  was  hardly  qualified  for  the 
highest  military  office  in  the  kingdom,  being  not  only  timid 
as  a  soldier,  but  absolutely  ignorant  of  the  science  of  war. 
His  career,  however,  was  now  nearly  at  an  end.  His  star 
had  been  for  some  time  waning,  and  Saint-Simon  might 
well  say  that  he  died  at  the  right  moment,  for  Louis, 
"  whose  eyes  were  opening,"  was  beginning  to  turn  against 
the  man  whom  he  had  so  heartily  admired.  "  II  fut  enfin 
frappe  des  dimensions  de  ce  colosse  forme  tout-a-coup," 
grown  to  supreme  power  in  the  very  moment  of  Concini's 
fall.  He  made  perilous  confidences,  from  which  wise 
courtiers  fled,  calling  the  Constable  "King  Luynes,"  and 
complaining  violently  of  him  and  his  brothers.  Luynes 
did  not,  as  he  believed,  know  his  young  King  through  and 
through. 

The  favourite  fell  as  suddenly  as  he  had  risen.  Three 
days  of  fever,  in  a  village  near  the  castle  of  Monheurt, 
which  the  royal  army  was  besieging,  carried  off  the  richest 
and  most  powerful  man  in  France.  A  few  days  later,  the 
servants  who  conveyed  him  to  his  own  estates  for  burial 
were  playing  at  dice  on  his  coffin  while  they  rested  their 
horses. 

It  is  not  fair  to  judge  Luynes  entirely  from  the  point  of 
view  of  enemies  and  rivals,  even  if  one  cannot  accept  the 
high  praise  bestowed  on  him  by  his  admirers — M.  Victor 
Cousin  for  example.  From  many  of  the  vices  of  a  favourite, 
Luynes  was  free;  on  the  whole,  his  influence  over  Louis  XIII. 
was  rather  good  than  bad.  He  was  good-tempered  and 
affectionate,  though  spoilt  by  power  and  terribly  greedy. 
9 


130  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Clever,  if  not  courageous,  and  something  of  a  statesman, 
it  has  been  said  that  he  "  anticipated  in  some  respects 
the  future  policy  of  Richelieu."  He  certainly  saved 
the  King  from  being  dominated  by  ambitious  princes, 
and  he  did  his  best  to  make  obedient  subjects  of  the 
Huguenots.  But  while  he  carried  on  war  in  France 
against  them,  their  defeats  in  Germany  were  aggrandising 
Spain  and  the  Empire  and  destroying  that  balance  of 
power  which  Richelieu  was  to  restore.  If  Luynes  had 
been  Richelieu,  the  Thirty  Years  War  might  have  been 
stopped  at  its  beginning. 

Richelieu  behaved  with  extraordinary  discretion,  even 
after  the  favourite  had  been  removed  from  his  path. 
Effacing  himself  in  public  life,  he  spent'.his  time  in  assiduous 
attendance  on  Marie  de  Medicis,  both  at  Court  and  in  her 
excursions  into  the  provinces,  during  one  of  which  she 
paid  him  a  visit  at  Coussay.  To  please  her,  they  say,  he 
learned  to  play  the  lute ;  and  scandalous  gossips  found 
pasture  in  whispered  tales  as  to  the  relations  between  the 
Queen  and  her  handsome  Bishop.  All  falsehoods,  pro 
bably  ;  but  in  any  case,  at  this  date  his  influence  with  her 
was  unbounded,  and  as  far  as  politics  went  he  used  it  well 
and  wisely. 

In  the  winter  of  1621-2,  when  Louis  XIII,  after  the 
death  of  Luynes,  turned  to  his  mother  with  unusual  affec 
tion,  Richelieu  advised  the  King,  through  her,  to  cease 
fighting  his  own  Protestant  subjects  and  rather,  with  arms 
or  diplomacy,  to  check  the  rising,  preponderating  power  of 
the  House  of  Hapsburg.  The  advice  was  not  taken.  The 
King's  mind  was  now  ruled  by  the  restless  Conde  and  by 
the  cunning  old  Chancellor  Brulart  de  Sillery  and  his  son, 
Brulart  de  Puisieux.  For  more  than  two  years  longer,  the 
cowardly  policy  and  the  selfish  intrigues  of  men  like  these 
were  able  to  keep  Richelieu  helpless  in  the  background. 
And  it  was  not  till  eight  months  after  the  death  of  Luynes 
that  a  new  Pope,  Gregory  XV.,  consented  to  place  the 
Bishop  of  Lucon  upon  the  roll  of  Cardinals. 


PART  III 

THE  CARDINAL 

1622-1642 

CHAPTER  I 

1622-1624 

Cardinal  de  Richelieu — Personal  descriptions — A  patron  of  thei  arts — 
Court  intrigues — Fancan  and  the  pamphlets — The  fall  of  the  Ministers — 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu  First  Minister  of  France. 

ON     September    5,     1622 — Richelieu's     thirty-seventh 
birthday — the  faithful   Sebastien   Bauthillier    sang 
his  Nunc   Dimittis.      Writing   from   Rome  to    his 
brother,  he  said :  "  It  seems  to  me  that  I  now  have  nothing 
more  to  desire  in  this  world,  since  M.  de  Lugon  is  Cardinal 
.  .  .  Indeed,  God  must  destine  him  for  the  continuing  of 
the  great  works  in  which  he  has  already  been  employed, 
since  He  has  raised  him  to  this  deserved  dignity  in  spite  of 
the  most  powerful  impediments." 

The  news  arrived  in  France  when  Louis  XIII.  was  at 
Avignon,  his  troops  being  engaged  in  that  unlucky  siege  of 
Montpellier  which  closed  his  second  campaign  against  the 
Protestants.  A  letter  was  immediately  sent  to  the  Queen- 
mother,  who  had  spent  the  summer  at  Pougues-les-Eaux 
and  was  on  her  way  to  Lyons  with  her  favourite  Bishop  in 
attendance.  It  reached  her  at  a  village  on  the  road  called 
La  Pacaudiere;  there,  she  herself  announced  the  news  to 
Richelieu.  From  Lyons  he  started  for  Avignon,  travelling 
down  the  Rhone,  to  thank  the  King  in  person.  Three 
months  later,  the  whole  Court  being  at  Lyons,  his  cardinal's 
biretta  was  presented  to  him  by  His  Majesty  with  solemn 


1 32  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

ceremony  at  the  Archbishop's  palace.  The  first  thing  he 
did  with  the  red  cap  so  long  desired  was  to  lay  it  at  the 
feet  of  Marie  de  Medicis.  It  would  always  remind  him,  he 
said,  that  he  had  vowed  to  shed  his  blood  in  her  service. 

And  now — if  one  may  venture  on  a  quotation  from 
M.  Hanotaux1  vivid  pages — "  he  moves  to  his  right  place, 
among  the  great  and  nobly  born.  His  dignity  is  but  the 
finishing  touch.  He  is  thirty-seven  years  old ;  thin,  slender, 
hair  and  beard  black,  eye  clear  and  piercing,  he  still  has 
beauty,  if  beauty  is  compatible  with  an  evident,  intimidating 
superiority.  He  has  the  colourless  complexion  of  a  man 
worn  by  watching  and  suffering,  gnawed  by  his  own 
thoughts.  It  may  with  truth  be  said  of  him  that  the  blade 
wears  out  the  sheath  ;  and  indeed,  long,  slight  and  flexible, 
he  is  like  a  sword.  He  places  the  cardinal's  red  cap  on  his 
triangular  head.  He  wraps  himself  in  flowing  folds  of 
purple.  Thus,  all  red,  he  enters  history,  realising  the  most 
complete  and  powerful  image  of  a  'cardinal'  that  imagi 
nation  and  art  have  ever  dreamed." 

After  this  striking  picture,  it  is  interesting  to  read  the 
impressions  of  Michelet,  whose  prejudices,  historical  and 
religious,  hardly  permitted  him  to  be  fair  to  Richelieu's 
genius,  not  to  mention  his  character. 

Philippe  de  Champagne's  well-known  portrait,  painted 
at  a  much  later  date  than  1622,  but  breathing  all  the  stateli- 
ness,  the  sense  of  innate  power,  which  M.  Hanotaux  so 
finely  suggests,  is  the  text  for  Michelet's  famous  discourse. 
Philippe's  art  is  so  true  and  so  penetrating,  he  says,  that  it 
answers  alike  to  historical  knowledge  and  to  popular 
impressions. 

"  In  that  grey-bearded,  dull-eyed  phantom  with  the 
delicate  thin  hands,  history  recognises  the  grandson  of 
Henry  the  Third's  provost  who  shot  Guise."  [N.B. — 
Richelieu  was  the  Provost's  son,  and  the  Provost  did  not 
shoot  Guise.] 

"  He  comes  towards  you.  You  are  not  reassured.  The 
personage  has  an  air  of  life.  But  is  it  really  a  man  ?  A 
spirit  ?  Yes,  certainly  an  intelligence,  firm,  clear,  luminous 
shall  I  say,  or  of  sinister  brilliancy?  If  he  made  a  few 


CARDINAL   DE  RICHELIEU 

FROM    A    PORTRAIT    BY    PHILIPPE    DE    CHAMPAGNE 


THE   CARDINAL  133 

steps  forward,  we  should  be  face  to  face.  I  have  no  wish 
for  it.  I  fear  that  strong  head  means  nothing  within— no 
heart,  no  bowels.  I  have  seen  too  much,  in  my  studies  of 
sorcery,  of  those  evil  spirits  who  will  not  remain  below, 
but  return,  and  once  again  move  the  world. 

"  What  contrasts  in  him  1  So  hard,  so  supple,  so  entire, 
so  broken !  By  what  tortures  must  he  have  been  ground 
down,  made  and  unmade,  or  let  us  say,  desarticule,  to  have 
become  this  eminently  artificial  thing  which  walks  and  does 
not  walk,  which  advances  without  apparent  sight  or  sound, 
as  if  gliding  over  a  noiseless  carpet  .  .  .  then,  arrived, 
overturns  all. 

"He  gazes  on  you  from  the  depth  of  his  mystery,  the 
sphinx  in  the  red  robe.  I  dare  not  say,  from  the  depth  of 
his  knavery.  For,  contrary  to  the  ancient  Sphinx,  who 
dies  if  divined,  this  man  seems  to  say :  '  Quiconque  me 
devine  en  mourra.' " 

Richelieu  was  now  a  Prince  of  the  Church,  equal  to  the 
greatest  in  the  land.  One  of  the  ends  of  his  "  sfrenata 
ambizione "  was  gained,  but  he  still  had  to  wait  till  the 
incapacity  of  the  Ministers  of  France  compelled  Louis  XIII. , 
half  willingly,  half  unwillingly,  for  he  admired  the  Cardinal's 
talents  while  he  feared  his  dominating  character,  to  summon 
him  to  supreme  political  power. 

During  the  twenty  months  of  waiting,  Richelieu  indulged 
the  natural  tastes  for  building  and  collecting  which  had 
been,  no  doubt,  trained  and  encouraged  by  Marie  de 
Medicis,  herself  so  great  a  lover  of  art  in  its  more  splendid 
forms.  At  this  time  and  a  little  later  he  bought  several 
chateaux  at  no  great  distance  from  Paris — Fleury,  near 
Fontainebleau ;  Bois-le-Vicomte,  which  he  afterwards  ex 
changed  with  Gaston  d'Orleans  for  Champigny,  the 
hereditary  property  of  his  eldest  daughter,  the  heiress  of 
Montpensier ;  Limours,  which  he  sold,  after  spending  large 
sums  on  beautifying  it ;  and  Rueil,  near  Saint-Germain. 
This  last,  when  bought  by  the  Cardinal,  was  merely  a 
small  country-house.  He  made  a  magnificent  place  of  it, 
with  moats  and  terraces,  a  beautiful  park,  and  gardens  in 


134  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

the  Italian  style  which  were  among  the  most  famous  of 
the  century ;  cascades,  fountains,  arches,  grottos,  and  a 
population  of  statues.  He  was  a  great  buyer  of  statuary, 
with  which  all  his  houses  and  gardens  were  largely  adorned. 
He  posed  as  a  very  considerable  patron  of  art,  but  his  pur 
chases  were  not  made  without  economy ;  the  sale  of  various 
ecclesiastical  charges  did  not  bring  in  an  unlimited  fortune. 
Nor  was  his  taste  always  faultless,  even  by  the  pseudo- 
classical  standard  of  the  time. 

In  August  1623  he  wrote  a  long  letter  to  his  private 
secretary,  Michel  Le  Masle,  Prior  of  Les  Roches — formerly 
his  servant  at  the  College  de  Navarre — who  had  been 
sent  to  Italy  on  confidential  business  connected  partly 
with  the  Queen-mother's  Florentine  affairs,  partly  with 
the  election  of  a  new  Pope,  Urban  VIII.  Having  treated 
of  these  subjects,  the  Cardinal  goes  on  to  private  matters 
of  his  own. 

"  The  Sieur  Franchine  advises  me  to  ask  if  you  can 
send  me  some  marble  statues  and  a  marble  basin ;  for 
he  says  that,  not  being  real  antiques,  one  can  have  them 
very  cheap.  I  particularly  want  a  statue  about  three 
feet  high,  and  a  handsome  basin  a  foot  and  a  half  in 
diameter,  to  put  on  his  head.  If  you  have  this  made  to 
order  the  statue  must  hold  it  with  both  hands  above  his 
head.  You  will  remember  that,  being  for  a  fountain,  the 
statue  and  the  basin  must  be  pierced.  .  .  .  M.  d'Alincourt 
five  or  six  months  ago  had  five  very  cheap  statues  brought 
from  Rome.  You  will  inquire  into  the  price  of  marble, 
the  charges  of  sculptors,  in  order  that  we  may  judge,  on 
your  return,  whether  the  work  may  better  be  done  there 
or  in  France." 

M.  des  Roches  is  then  directed  to  find  out  the  cost  of 
"  the  following  statues,  in  bronze  "  : 

"A  Jupiter  six  feet  high,  with  the  face  of  the  late  King, 
a  crown  on  his  head  and  a  sceptre  in  his  hand,  dressed 
as  Jupiter  a  I' antique. 

"  A  Juno  of  the  same  size,  with  the  face  of  the  Queen, 
the  eyes  slightly  turned  towards  heaven,  to  which  she  will 
point  with  one  hand. 


THE  CARDINAL  135 

"  A  god  Terminus,  nine  feet  high,  made  after  the 
sculptor's  fancy,  to  be  set  on  a  column  in  the  midst  of 
the  garden. 

"  A  Hercules  eight  or  nine  feet  high,  holding  up  his 
club  in  the  air,  pierced  so  that  it  may  throw  out  water." 

And  so  forth.  In  his  reply,  M.  des  Roches  was  bold 
enough  to  question  his  patron's  taste  on  several  points; 
remarking,  for  instance,  that  though  water  might  spring 
forth  from  Samson's  jawbone  of  an  ass,  it  could  hardly 
do  so  from  the  club  of  Hercules. 

Water  played  a  great  part  in  the  garden  decoration 
of  those  days.  Canals,  cascades,  lakes,  fountains  glittered 
and  splashed  everywhere ;  and  keen  amusement  was  found 
in  the  various  tricks  played  by  unexpected  jets  dean.  At 
Rueil  the  Cardinal  had  a  wonderful  grotto  with  a  cavern 
into  which  he  used  to  beguile  his  unlucky  guests. 

"An  infinity  of  little  jets  deau  spring  out  of  the 
ground ;  figures  of  animals,  of  every  kind,  spurt  water 
on  every  side ;  and  when  one  tries  to  hurry  out  to  escape 
all  this  water,  the  doors  are  blockaded  by  heavy  water 
falls;  and  outside  the  grotto  other  spouting  figures  com 
plete  the  soaking  of  those  who  have  passed  through  all 
this  water." 

Such  was  the  delightful  humour  of  the  time.  And  it 
was  not  only  ladies  and  gentlemen,  finely  dressed,  who 
were  subjected  to  these  little  "  surprises."  Walls  were 
painted  with  marvellous  perspectives  which  deceived  the 
very  birds  of  the  air.  They  met  their  death  while  flying, 
as  they  thought,  in  the  blue  firmament  of  heaven. 

Rueil  was  the  Cardinal's  favourite  residence  outside  Paris. 
His  town  house  at  this  time  was  in  the  fashionable  Place 
Royale ;  two  or  three  years  later  he  moved  to  the  Petit- 
Luxembourg,  a  charming  hotel  in  the  Rue  Vaugirard, 
close  to  Marie  de  Medicis'  new  palace.  While  high  in 
her  favour  he  had  much  to  do  with  the  artistic  decoration 
of  the  Luxembourg.  He  superintended  her  financial 
affairs,  and  her  builders,  painters,  furnishers  worked  to 
some  extent  under  his  orders.  De  Brosse,  her  architect, 
was  supplied  with  money  by  his  authority.  Rubens, 


1 36  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

who  was  now  painting  the  magnificent  series  of  pictures 
in  her  honour;  Poussin  and  Philippe  de  Champagne, 
young  artists  not  yet  famous,  employed  in  smaller  work 
about  the  palace,  were  dependent  on  him.  We  find  him 
inquiring  through  M.  des  Roches  if  Guido  Reni  of  Bologna, 
then  at  the  height  of  his  glory,  will  come  to  France  for 
a  couple  of  years  to  paint  the  late  King's  battles  in  a 
gallery  of  the  Queen's  new  palace.  But  the  Pope  and 
all  the  Italian  princes  were  struggling  for  Guido,  and 
he  did  not  care  at  this  time  to  leave  his  own  country. 

While  Richelieu  and  the  Queen-mother  waited  and 
looked  on,  se  menageant,  as  a  French  writer  says,  and 
amusing  themselves  with  matters  of  art,  the  confusion  in 
State  affairs  went  on  deepening.  The  weakness  and 
irresolution  of  the  Ministers  were  destroying,  day  by  day, 
French  influence  in  Europe,  while  the  power  of  Spain 
and  Austria  went  on  growing.  Old  allies  of  France  were 
biting  the  dust.  The  progress  of  the  war  in  Germany 
was  against  the  Protestants;  the  Elector  Palatine,  King 
of  Bohemia,  had  been  driven  from  his  dominions,  and 
James  I.,  his  father-in-law,  saw  no  wiser  course  than  to 
bid  for  the  help  of  Spain  by  marrying  his  heir  to  the 
Infanta  ;  it  was  in  this  very  year  1623  that  Prince  Charles 
and  the  Duke  of  Buckingham  visited  Paris  on  their  way 
to  Madrid.  Such  an  alliance  might  have  sealed  the  fate 
of  France  and  almost  made  her  a  vassal  of  Spain;  she 
was  indeed  approaching  that  state,  in  the  helpless  hands 
of  Sillery  and  Puisieux. 

At  home  the  Court  was  full  of  quarrels  and  intrigues : 
the  King,  uneasy,  discontented,  and  wilful  enough,  had 
not  the  wisdom  or  the  character  needed  to  dismiss  his 
useless  Ministers  and  to  put  a  strong  man  in  their  place. 
He  hunted  more  desperately  than  ever,  and  after  a  year 
or  two  of  rapprochement  was  again  becoming  estranged 
from  Queen  Anne,  who  for  her  part  fell  completely  under 
the  influence  of  the  beautiful  young  widow  of  Luynes, 
appointed  by  him  superintendent  of  her  household.  After 
the  death  of  Luynes,  this  appointment  was  violently  dis 
puted  by  Madame  de  Montmorency,  widow  of  the  old 


THE   CARDINAL  137 

Constable,  who  had  formerly  held  it.  Madame  de  Luynes' 
chance  of  keeping  it  lay  in  her  second  marriage  with  the 
Due  de  Chevreuse,  which  ranged  the  great  House  of  Guise 
on  her  side.  The  whole  Court,  men  and  women,  flung 
themselves  into  this  quarrel ;  duels  were  fought  and  bribes 
exacted.  Finally,  the  King  and  the  Ministers  decided  to 
suppress  the  office  altogether,  to  the  bitter  disappoint 
ment  of  both  parties  and  the  wrath  of  the  young  Queen. 
The  Queen-mother,  with  her  favourite  counsellor,  and  the 
Prince  de  Conde,  fallen  into  disfavour  at  Court  and  with 
drawn  in  his  government  of  Berry,  were  the  persons  of 
chief  importance  who  stood  aloof  from  the  fray,  each 
watching  for  some  change  which  might  throw  political 
power  into  the  hands  of  the  Prince  or  the  Cardinal. 

Richelieu,  for  his  part,  was  neither  patient  nor  idle, 
and  while  outwardly  absorbed  by  palaces,  pictures,  statues, 
was  working  underground  with  an  energy  hardly  realised 
by  the  men  of  his  own  day.  He  had  few  confidants.  Pere 
Joseph,  as  always,  knew  and  understood  him  best  and 
admired  him  most  loyally;  but  Pere  Joseph  was  hardly 
in  sympathy  with  the  instrument  chiefly  used  by  Richelieu 
at  this  time — Fancan,  the  famous  pamphleteer. 

This  strange  and  clever  being  was  a  canon  of  Saint- 
Germain-l'Auxerrois.  His  family,  Langlois  by  name,  had 
long  been  attached  to  the  fortunes  of  the  house  of  Richelieu, 
and  his  brother  was  the  Cardinal's  own  man  of  business. 
The  Sieur  de  Fancan  had  had  a  wider  experience  in  the 
employment  of  the  Due  de  Longueville  and  of  the  Comtesse 
de  Soissons.  He  had  done  some  diplomatic  work,  and 
had  developed  bold  opinions  of  his  own  in  matters  of 
politics  and  religion,  posing  as  "  bon  francais  "  in  opposition 
to  Luynes  and  the  Spanish  ultra-Catholic  trend  of  affairs. 
His  Protestant  leanings  carried  him  far,  according  to 
the  correspondence  with  Germany  and  England  discovered 
after  his  death. 

For  several  years  Fancan  was  high  in  Richelieu's 
favour.  Unknown,  anonymous,  brilliant,  unscrupulous, 
he  and  one  or  two  others  made  public  opinion  in  France. 
His  pamphlets  or  libelles,  in  their  blue  covers,  were  sold 


138  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

by  hundreds  on  the  bridges  and  in  the  book-shops  of  Paris. 
They  attacked  the  Ministers  of  the  moment  in  verse  or 
prose  full  of  ironical  fury,  personal  violence  and  political 
wisdom,  coarse,  impudent  and  strong.  Either  in  a  direct 
or  roundabout  way  they  were  addressed  to  the  King. 
Sometimes  France,  on  her  dying  bed,  held  converse  with 
her  ancient  heroes ;  sometimes  Henry  the  Great  talked 
with  the  leaders  of  his  time  ;  sometimes  unworthy  favourites 
were  gibbeted ;  sometimes  the  people  cried  to  their  sovereign 
in  bitter  complaint  of  religious  tyranny  and  civil  war,  and 
boldly  offered  the  counsel  for  which  nobody  asked  them. 

The  King,  the  Ministers,  the  nobles,  the  literary  men, 
the  citizens,  all  read  these  pamphlets,  talked  of  them,  and 
did  not  forget  them.  Louis  was  much  influenced  by  them  ; 
they  touched  his  conscience  and  sense  of  truth,  if  they 
deepened  the  gloom  in  which  he  followed  his  hounds  in 
the  Forest  of  Saint-Germain.  In  the  days  of  the  Brularts 
and  their  successor,  the  Marquis  de  la  Vieuville,  while  the 
affairs  of  the  kingdom  were  slipping  from  bad  to  worse, 
the  pamphlets  not  only  complained  more  loudly  than  ever, 
they  advised  more  strongly  than  ever,  and  the  King  knew 
well  that  their  advice  was  good,  however  unwilling  he 
might  be  to  take  it.  They  told  him  that  there  was  one 
man  in  France  whose  hand  ought  to  be  on  the  helm,  a  man 
who  would  serve  his  own  country  and  his  own  King,  not 
the  interests  of  a  f' -reign  power,;  a  man  of  high  courage, 
prudence  and  incomparable  dexterity,  as  wise  as  he  was 
brilliant,  ready,  like  a  burning  torch,  to  consume  himself 
in  giving  light  to  the  State.  This  man  would  be  the 
saviour  of  France,  renewing  the  great  days  of  Henry.  It 
was  hardly  necessary  to  name  the  Cardinal  de  Richelieu. 

Fancan  only  expressed  the  minds  of  all  thinking  men 
French  or  foreign,  private  or  public,  who  were  independent 
of  the  Ministers  and  above  political  jealousy.  But  while 
thus  serving  France  and  the  Cardinal,  he  was  too  careful 
to  serve  himself.  He  was  in  fact  a  secret  agent,  receiving 
pay  from  both  Catholic  and  Protestant  powers,  and 
successfully  cheating  them  all.  The  independent  game 
became  dangerous  when  Richelieu  was  supreme.  In  the 


THE   CARDINAL  139 

year  1627  it  is  noted  in  the  Memoirs  that  "un  nomine" 
Fancan,"  a  spy  whose  business  was  to  betray  and  ruin 
the  State,  was  imprisoned  in  the  Bastille.  "  All  his  ends 
were  evil,"  says  Richelieu,  "  and  the  means  he  used  to 
attain  them  were  detestable  and  wicked.  His  ordinary 
work  was  the  making  of  libelles  in  order  to  decry  the 
government "  (!). 

A  year  later,  Fancan  died  in  prison.  The  whole  story 
is  mysterious ;  but  Richelieu  was  as  quick  to  rid  himself 
of  a  suspected  friend  as  of  an  open  enemy. 

In  the  winter  of  1623-4  the  Ministry  of  Sillery  and 
Puisieux  came  suddenly  to  an  end.  These  two  men  were 
followed  into  retirement  by  the  scorn  and  hatred  of  a 
public  which  knew  that  they  had  used  their  power  not 
only  to  weaken  France  in  Europe,  but  to  pile  up  large 
fortunes  for  themselves.  The  Chancellor  was  succeeded 
immediately  by  his  colleague,  M.  de  la  Vieuville,  a  man 
of  a  bolder  spirit  and  more  patriotic  views,  but  too 
nervous,  irresolute  and  indiscreet  to  guide  France  through 
her  present  difficulties.  Fancan,  the  ill-rewarded,  attacked 
the  new  Minister  with  new  pamphlets,  accusing  him  and 
his  family  of  appropriating  public  funds.  To  do  La  Vieuville 
justice,  he  began  his  rule  by  a  very  unpopular  but  necessary 
move  towards  economy  in  the  system  of  universal  pensions 
It  must  also  be  remembered  in  his  favour  that  he  advised 
Louis  XIII.  to  listen  to  the  general  voice  and  at  this 
critical  time  to  demand  the  services  of  Richelieu. 

But  neither  he  nor  the  King  intended  to  give  that 
formidable  personage  any  real  authority.  Louis  shrank 
in  terror  from  "  cet  esprit  altier  et  dominateur,"  replying 
to  his  mother,  when  she  pressed  him  to  admit  her  favourite 
to  the  royal  Council,  in  such  prophetic  words  as  these — 
"  Madame,  I  know  him  better  than  you  do  :  he  is  a  man 
of  immeasurable  ambition."  With  the  idea  of  utilising 
the  Cardinal's  talents  while  keeping  him  outside  power, 
La  Vieuville  invented  a  new  subordinate  Council  for  the 
management  of  foreign  affairs,  and  offered  him  the  presidency. 
This  did  not  mean  a  seat  on  the  King's  Council,  or  any 
independent  decision,  for,  as  Richelieu  pointed  out  in  his 


1 40  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

dry  and  courteous  letter  of  refusal,  any  resolution  passed 
by  this  new  body  was  liable  to  be  negatived  by  the  King 
and  his  Council.  He  excused  himself  on  the  ground  of 
ill-health  and  of  lack  of  recent  experience  in  foreign  affairs, 
declaring  that  he  preferred  a  private  life  to  "  un  si  grand 
emploi." 

It  was  not  difficult  to  understand  these  excuses.  What 
was  to  be  done  with  him  ?  The  King  and  La  Vieuville 
tried  to  send  him  as  ambassador  to  Spain,  then  to  Rome ; 
but  he  would  not  go.  The  Queen-mother  obstinately 
pressed  his  claim  to  be  admitted  to  the  Council;  she 
spared  neither  her  son  nor  his  Minister ;  she  even  held 
aloof  from  the  Court  in  her  discontent,  and  it  seems  that 
the  fear  of  another  serious  breach  with  her  had  much 
influence  with  the  King. 

Towards  the  end  of  April,  1624,  the  complications  in 
home  and  foreign  affairs  increasing  every  day,  the  pam 
phlets  stinging  more  sharply,  public  and  private  voices 
waxing  louder,  La  Vieuville  found  himself  forced  to  ajdvise 
the  King  to  admit  Richelieu  to  his  Council — and  this  in 
the  full  consciousness  that  the  Cardinal's  rise  must  mean 
his  own  fall.  Even  now  he  tried,  in  self-defence,  to  limit 
his  new  colleague's  power  for  mischief.  He  was  to  sit  on 
the  Council  for  the  purpose  of  giving  his  opinion,  but 
nothing  more ;  he  might  use  the  influence,  but  not  the 
authority,  of  a  Minister  of  the  Crown.  Richelieu  sw£pt 
this  fragile  barrier  easily  away ;  indeed,  from  his  own 
account,  he  ignored  it  altogether,  and  history  would  have 
forgotten  it,  but  for  some  detailed  reports  sent  from  Paris 
to  his  masters  by  the  Florentine  ambassador. 

The  Cardinal's  Memoirs,  with  his  letter  to  the  King, 
show  him  by  no  means  eager  to  accept  the  offered  place 
which  had  been  for  so  long  "  his  one  thought  by  day,  his 
one  dream  by  night."  All  the  intrigues  of  the  affair  were 
open  to  him,  and  if  he  despised  and  distrusted  La  Vieuville 
and  the  rest  of  the  Council,  he  had  little  confidence  in  the 
jealous,  uncertain  temper  of  the  King.  Writing  to  Louis, 
he  began  by  frankly  acknowledging  that  God  had  given 
him  "some  enlightenment  and  strength  of  mind."  These 


THE  CARDINAL  141 

qualities,  however,  were  rendered  unserviceable  by  extreme 
bodily  weakness — so  much  so  that  he  had  lately  besought 
the  Queen-mother  to  relieve  him  from  his  light  duties  as 
superintendent  of  her  household.  Such  indeed  were  his 
infirmities  that  he  could  not  live  without  frequent  excur 
sions  into  the  country.  He  added  that  he  had  many 
enemies,  especially  those  of  the  Queen-mother,  who  would 
certainly,  on  his  account,  do  their  best  to  make  mischief 
between  their  Majesties ;  while  he  assured  the  King  that 
he  would  rather  die  than  do  anything  against  the  welfare 
of  the  State,  for  which  he  would  shed  the  last  drop  of  his 
blood. 

These  same  enemies  would  take  advantage  of  the  fact 
that  the  Cardinal's  opinion  might  frequently  differ  from 
that  of  His  Majesty's  other  Ministers ;  for,  once  on  the 
Council,  he  would  go  his  own  way  as  to  what  he  thought 
best  for  the  King's  service.  He  would  not  be  merely  an 
ornamental  figure,  set  up  "  to  please  the  public  imagination 
and  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the  world,"  but  an  honest  states 
man  who  would  advise  plainly  and  act  boldly.  All  this 
he  wished  the  King  to  understand,  and  underlying  all  this 
was  the  question — would  Louis,  as  a  loyal  master,  stand 
between  a  faithful  servant  and  those  enemies  ? 

If,  in  spite  of  all  considerations,  the  King  remained  in 
the  same  mind,  the  Cardinal  said  that  he  could  only  obey. 
The  one  condition  was  that,  while  working  regularly  with 
the  rest  of  the  Council,  he  must  ask  to  be  spared  "  the 
visits  and  solicitations  of  private  persons,"  which,  besides 
occupying  his  time  uselessly,  would  complete  the  ruin  of 
his  health. 

It  was  a  proud,  straightforward  letter.  In  it  Louis  XIII. 
felt  the  first  strong  grasp  of  the  hand  which  was  to  hold 
and  lead  him  almost  to  his  life's  end. 

Richelieu  entered  the  Council  on  April  26,  1624.  His 
first  act  was  to  demand  precedence,  as  Cardinal,  of  all  the 
other  Ministers,  and  this  was  granted  after  long  arguments ; 
but  he  did  not  reach  supreme  power  till  the  following 
autumn,  when  La  Vieuville's  incapable  government  ended 
in  sudden  disgrace.  Those  were  dishonest  times ;  and 


I42  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

it  seems  most  probable  that  Richelieu,  while  outwardly 
friendly  to  La  Vieuville,  was  not  only  opposing  his  uncer 
tain  policy  but  hastening  his  fall  by  the  underground  work 
of  Fancan  and  other  paid  pamphleteers. 

On  August  13  the  Marquis  de  la  Vieuville  carried  his 
forced  resignation  to  the  King  at  Saint-Germain,  was 
arrested  by  the  captain  of  the  guard  and  driven  off  to 
be  imprisoned  in  the  castle  of  Amboise.  The  government 
of  France  was  already  in  the  hands  of  Cardinal  de  Riche 
lieu,  and  Louis  XIII.  had  accepted  the  list  of  Ministers 
presented  by  him.  The  eighteen  years'  career  had  begun 
which  changed  France,  making  absolutism  possible,  bring 
ing  in  the  Age  of  Louis  XIV.  and  as  a  consequence,  the 
Revolution. 

Richelieu  wrote  to  Pere  Joseph,  who  had  lately  been 
made  Provincial  of  the  Capuchin  Order : 

"  You,"  he  said,  "  have  been  God's  chief  agent  in  bring 
ing  me  to  this  place  of  honour.  ...  I  pray  you  to  hasten 
your  journey,  and  to  come  to  me  as  soon  as  possible,  to 
share  with  me  the  management  of  affairs.  There  are 
pressing  matters  that  I  can  confide  to  no  one  else,  nor 
decide  without  your  opinion.  Come  then  quickly  to  re 
ceive  these  proofs  of  my  esteem." 

From  this  time  down  to  Pere  Joseph's  death,  in  1638, 
the  two  Eminences,  the  Red  and  the  Grey,  were  seldom 
parted. 


CHAPTER  II 

1624-1625 

Richelieu's  aims — The  English  alliance — The  affair  of  the  Valtelline — 
The  Huguenot  revolt — The  marriage  of  Madame  Henriette — The  Duke  of 
Buckingham. 

IN  the  brilliant  first  chapter  of  Richelieu's  Testament 
Politique,  "  Succincte  Narration  de  toutes  les  grandes 
Actions  du  Roi,"  written  not  long  before  his  death,  he 
reminds  Louis  XIII.  of  the  circumstances  under  which  he 
took  office  in  1624;  when  "the  Huguenots  shared  the  State 
with  your  Majesty,  the  great  nobles  behaved  as  if  they  were 
not  your  subjects,  and  the  powerful  governors  of  provinces 
as  if  they  were  independent  sovereigns.  .  .  .  Foreign 
alliances  were  despised,  private  interests  preferred  to  the 
public  good ;  in  a  word,  the  dignity  of  the  Royal  Majesty 
was  lowered  to  such  a  degree,  through  the  fault  of  those 
who  had  then  the  chief  management  of  your  affairs,  that 
it  had  almost  ceased  to  exist." 

"  I  promised  your  Majesty,"  he  continues,  "  to  use  all 
my  endeavours  and  all  the  authority  that  you  might  be 
pleased  to  give  me,  to  ruin  the  Huguenot  party,  to  abase 
the  pride  of  the  nobles,  to  bring  all  your  subjects  back  to 
their  duty,  and  to  exalt  your  name  to  its  proper  place 
among  Foreign  Nations.  I  represented  that  for  the  attain 
ment  of  these  happy  ends,  your  entire  confidence  was 
necessary  to  me." 

The  Cardinal  had  that  confidence,  without  which  indeed 
he  could  have  done  nothing.  Experience  had  taught  him 
that  however  low  "  the  Royal  Majesty  "  might  have  fallen, 
it  was  and  would  remain  the  centre  of  power,  the  incar 
nation  of  France.  He  was  therefore  resolved  that  his 

'43 


144  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

influence  with  the  King  should  be  personal,  as  well  as 
political.  He  had  long  and  thoroughly  studied  the  strange, 
shy,  gloomy,  conscientious  young  man  of  four-and-twenty, 
on  whom  his  own  fate  and  that  of  the  nation  depended. 
He  knew  that  Louis  was  quite  capable  of  thinking  and 
judging  for  himself,  and  he  made  full  use  not  only  of  his 
personal  magnetism,  but  of  all  the  clever  political  argu 
ment  which  his  genius  suggested.  Louis  was  convinced — 
and  the  conviction  went  on  deepening  with  years — that  his 
own  honour  and  the  well-being  of  his  kingdom  were  safe 
in  the  hands  of  the  new  Minister,  so  frail,  keen,  brilliant, 
and  superbly  sure  of  himself.  That  the  King  ever  came  to 
love  Richelieu  is  hard  to  believe,  considering  all  the  past, 
in  spite  of  affectionate  letters ;  but  he  certainly  admired 
and  trusted  him. 

The  acceptance  of  the  English  marriage  for  Madame 
Henriette  Marie  of  France  was  Richelieu's  first  step  in  the 
way  of  return  to  Henry  I V.'s  foreign  policy.  The  idea  of 
an  English  alliance,  of  course,  was  not  originally  his.  Long 
before  Henry's  youngest  child  was  born,  a  marriage  had 
been  suggested  between  one  of  her  elder  sisters  and 
Henry,  Prince  of  Wales.  At  the  same  time,  Louis  the 
Dauphin  was  to  have  been  betrothed  to  Princess  Elizabeth, 
James  the  First's  eldest  daughter — a  strange  destiny  for  the 
Protestant  heroine,  the  "  Queen  of  Hearts,"  "  th'Eclipse 
and  Glory  of  her  kind ! "  But  Henry's  liking  for  England 
seems  to  have  cooled  considerably  as  time  went  on,  and 
his  latest  political  turn,  doubtfully  and  unwillingly  made, 
was  in  the  direction  of  the  Spanish  marriages  brought 
about  by  Marie  de  Medicis.  As  for  Henriette  Marie,  only 
six  months  old  when  her  father  died,  he  had  carelessly 
promised  her  hand  to  the  young  son  of  his  cousin  the 
Comte  de  Soissons.  He  would  probably  have  broken  this 
promise.  The  Queen-Regent  had  no  scruples  in  doing  so, 
to  the  rage  and  disappointment  of  Monsieur  le  Comte. 

The  present  negotiations  in  their  earlier  stages  were  not 
Richelieu's  work.  He  was  not  in  power  in  1620,  when 
Luynes,  a  poor  diplomatist,  tried  to  turn  the  mind  of  the 
English  King  towards  an  alliance  with  France  rather  than 


THE   CARDINAL  145 

with  Spain ;  nor  in  1623,  when  the  Prince  of  Wales  and 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  those  two  "  venturous  knights  " 
lingering  incognito  in  Paris  on  their  way  to  Madrid,  wit 
nessed  a  ballet  at  the  Louvre  in  which  Princess  Henriette, 
now  thirteen  years  old,  was  dancing.  It  was  afterwards 
said  that  Charles  fell  in  love  with  the  graceful  little  lady  on 
that  occasion,  so  that  his  failure  to  capture  the  Infanta  of 
Spain  troubled  him  little  personally.  As  to  Buckingham, 
who  with  all  his  faults  and  frivolities  had  some  of  the  ideas  of 
a  statesman,  he  was  already  inclined  to  the  French  alliance, 
seeing  in  it  the  one  means  of  defending  the  foreign 
Protestants  and  balancing  the  power  of  Spain.  Through 
the  winter  of  1623-4,  envoys  of  more  or  less  dignity  were 
passing  between  London  and  Paris,  and  the  marriage  was 
talked  of  openly.  All  this  time,  no  doubt,  Richelieu  was 
in  favour  of  it,  and  his  influence,  as  the  Queen-mother's 
chief  adviser,  set  that  way;  but  long  delays  dragged 
out  the  affair,  even  after  the  coming  of  the  English 
Ambassadors  Extraordinary,  Lord  Holland  and  Lord 
Carlisle.  The  chief  difficulty,  as  with  Spain,  was  the 
religious  question.  La  Vieuville's  weakness  as  to  this,  in 
Richelieu's  opinion,  nearly  wrecked  the  negotiations.  After 
he  himself  became  a  Minister  in  April,  there  was  no  more 
danger  that  France  would,  in  Carlisle's  words,  "  be  ridden 
with  a  discreet  high  hand."  The  delays  were  of  Richelieu's 
causing,  and  the  "  high  hand "  was  that  of  France.  He 
meant  to  oppose  Spain  and  the  Empire  and  to  assist — with 
discretion— the  German  and  Dutch  Protestants;  but  he 
also  meant  the  Catholic  Church  to  be  honoured  and  pro 
tected  in  England  and  triumphant  in  France.  In  August, 
when  he  had  arrived  at  supreme  power,  the  English 
ambassadors  found  that  there  was  no  more  dallying 
and  giving  way.  If  they  wanted  the  alliance,  they  must 
accept  the  conditions,  and  very  stringent  these  were.  By 
the  treaty  of  November  1624,  subject  to  the  Pope's  most 
unwillingly  granted  dispensation,  Madame  Henriette  was 
to  go  to  England  with  an  establishment  of  French  Catholics, 
including  a  bishop  and  twenty-eight  priests,  and  was  to 
have  a  "  large  chapel  "  in  every  one  of  her  residences ;  while 
10 


146  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

all  imprisoned  English  Catholics  were  to  be  released,  all 
confiscations  of  their  property  reversed,  and  safety  and 
toleration  assured  them  for  the  future.  Louis  XIII.  and 
Richelieu  had  to  consent  that  these  last  articles  should  be 
secret,  since  the  King  of  England  declared  it  impossible  to 
present  them  to  his  Parliament. 

Another  difficult  affair  that  called  for  Richelieu's  man 
agement  was  that  of  the  Valtelline. 

The  Val  .Tellina,  rich  in  vineyards,  through  which  the 
river  Adda,  descending  from  its  mountain  source  near 
Bormio,  runs  down  its  stony  bed  to  fall  into  the  Lake  of 
Como,  had  long  been  a  bone  of  contention  for  the  Powers. 
It  belonged  to  the  Grison  Leagues,  old  allies  of  France, 
and  the  first  difficulties  arose  when  its  Catholic  inhabitants 
rebelled  against  the  oppressions  of  their  Protestant  masters. 
This  was  in  1620.  On  a  Sunday  long  remembered  the 
Protestants  of  the  valley  were  massacred.  Then  a  Spanish 
army  came  up  from  Milan  to  stand  by  the  Catholics  in  their 
struggle  with  the  enraged  Grisons.  The  Thirty  Years 
War  was  already  two  years  old,  and  the  Val  Tellina  was 
of  European  importance  as  the  best  and  almost  the  only 
passage  for  armies  between  the  Milanese  and  the  Tyrol. 
Here  the  Emperor  and  the  King  of  Spain  could  join  hands, 
much  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Protestant  powers  and  of 
France.  Naturally  therefore  the  Spaniards  took  possession 
of  the  valley  and  its  strongholds,  and  the  Grison  Leagues 
resisted  them  in  vain. 

France  interfered,  but  only  in  the  way  of  diplomacy. 
By  the  Treaty  of  Madrid,  in  1621,  the  new  Spanish  forts 
were  to  be  razed  and  the  valley  restored  to  the  Grisons, 
who  promised  amnesty  and  toleration.  But  this  treaty 
was  not  carried  into  effect.  Louis  XIII.  was  too  deeply 
engaged  in  fighting  his  own  Protestants  to  undertake  the 
defence  of  Protestants  in  Switzerland,  and  France  held 
aloof  under  her  weak  Ministers  while  the  Archduke 
Leopold  swooped  down  upon  the  Grisons  and  once  more 
deprived  them  of  the  Val  Tellina,  besides  forcing  them  to 
surrender  to  Austria  the  Engadine  and  other  districts. 

Still   France  hesitated,   and    it   was    only  the   strong 


THE   CARDINAL  147 

remonstrances  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  the  Venetian  ambas 
sador,  and  the  Constable  de  Lesdiguieres — himself  a 
converted  Huguenot — who  saw  the  valley  made  an  armed 
highway  for  the  enemies  of  France,  Venice,  and  Savoy, 
that  brought  Louis  to  insist  on  the  carrying  out  of  the 
Treaty  of  Madrid.  In  the  winter  of  1622-3 — Richelieu 
being  in  the  background,  and  advising  the  King  through 
Marie  de  Medicis,  to  the  displeasure  of  the  Brularts — the 
three  Powers  made  a  league  to  this  end,  agreeing  -to  raise 
an  army  of  forty  thousand  men. 

The  valley  was  too  precious  to  be  easily  renounced  by 
Spain,  and  yet  she  did  not  wish  to  fight  France  and  Savoy. 
Philip  IV.  and  his  Ministers  found  a  way  out  by  calling 
Pope  Gregory  XV.  to  the  rescue,  and  the  warlike  ardour 
of  France  was  easily  cooled.  The  Treaty  of  Madrid  was 
laid  aside,  and  Louis  XIII.  consented  that  the  fortresses  of 
the  Valtelline  should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Pope, 
pending  their  demolition  and  a  new  arrangement  of  the 
whole  affair.  It  was  understood  that  the  Spaniards  and 
Austrians  would  no  longer  pretend  to  any  rights  over  the 
valley,  and  that  all  foreign  occupation  would  cease  in  three 
months'  time. 

Nothing  of  the  sort  happened.  Gregory  XV.  was 
succeeded  by  Urban  VIII.  in  the  summer  of  1623.  When, 
after  a  long  delay,  the  new  Pope  invited  Spain  to  fulfil 
her  engagements,  she  declined  absolutely.  The  free 
passage  of  the  Valtelline  for  her  troops  was  a  military 
advantage  not  to  be  given  up.  The  Pope  did  not  insist : 
the  action  of  surrendering  the  Valtelline,  with  its  Catholic 
population,  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  Protestant  Grisons, 
seemed  to  him  wicked  and  impious. 

This  was  the  state  of  things  in  the  autumn  of  1624, 
when  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  came  into  his  own.  There 
were  surprises  in  store  both  for  the  Pope  and  for  Spain. 
Philip  IV.  and  his  Ministers  had  little  fear  of  France ;  the 
policy  of  his  royal  brother-in-law  had  as  yet  been  anything 
but  energetic.  Urban  VIII.  and  the  rest  of  the  Catholic 
world  found  it  hard  to  believe  that  a  Cardinal  would  fight 
against  Rome. 


148  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

The  Pope  was  asked,  in  a  polite  but  peremptory  fashion, 
either  to  destroy  the  fortresses  or  to  deliver  them  back 
to  Spain,  with  whom  France  would  then  deal  direct ;  and  in 
any  case  to  withdraw  his  troops  at  once  from  the  valley. 
He  temporised  and  negotiated  in  Spain's  favour.  Riche 
lieu's  patience  was  soon  exhausted.  The  early  winter  saw 
Switzerland  overrun  by  French  troops  under  the  Marquis 
de  Coeuvres,  who  drove  the  Austrians  back  into  the  Tyrol, 
swooped  down  by  Poschiavo  on  Tirano,  and  in  a  few 
weeks'  time  had  taken  all  the  forts  and  driven  the  papal 
troops  out  of  the  Valtelline. 

In  the  course  of  the  same  winter  Richelieu  took  ad 
vantage  of  a  quarrel  between  the  Duke  of  Savoy  and  the 
Republic  of  Genoa  to  support  the  Duke  with  an  army 
under  Lesdiguieres,  aided  by  a  Dutch  fleet,  in  an  attack 
on  Genoese  territory.  Richelieu  had  indeed  no  intention 
of  conquering  Genoa  or  of  strengthening  Savoy;  but 'the 
Republic  was  Spain's  richest  and  most  useful  ally,  and  such 
an  attack  could  not  fail  to  harass  her  terribly  while  she 
was  losing  her  position  in  the  Valtelline,  and  to  weaken 
her  power  in  Italy. 

At  this  crisis  in  foreign  affairs  discontent  at  home  rose 
furious,  and  might  have  wrecked  a  smaller  man.  Richelieu 
found  himself  suddenly  beset  with  a  swarm  of  enemies, 
private  and  public.  The  campaign  in  favour  of  the  Swiss 
Protestants,  the  strong  opposition  to  Rome  and  to  Spain, 
enraged  society  and  the  Church ;  and  while  this  storm  was 
only  beginning  to  grumble,  the  French  Huguenots  broke 
out  into  sudden,  most  untimely  rebellion. 

The  Treaty  of  Montpellier  had  left  them  discontented. 
Their  last  war  had  ended,  in  the  autumn  of  1622,  with 
submissions  and  renunciations  hard  to  be  borne  by  so 
proud  and  independent  a  party.  If  the  King  was  bound 
to  observe  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  which  assured  them 
toleration,  they,  on  their  side,  were  forced  to  dismantle 
their  fortifications,  and  to  cease  from  all  assemblies  not 
strictly  religious.  Two  strong  places  only,  La  Rochelle 
and  Montauban,  were  left  in  their  hands.  The  Due  de 
Rohan,  now  their  chief  leader — the  old  Due  de  Bouillon 


THE   CARDINAL  149 

died  in  1623 — was  deprived  of  his  provincial  governments, 
though  indemnified  by  smaller  posts  and  large  sums  of 
money.  Also  the  King  promised  the  destruction  of  Fort 
Louis,  built  by  him  to  command  the  entrance  to  the  harbour 
of  La  Rochelle.  This  last  article  of  the  treaty  was  not 
carried  out :  hence  great  displeasure  in  the  Protestant  camp. 

In  the  eyes  of  some  politicians,  notably  the  Pope's 
Nuncio,  the  Peace  of  Montpellier,  with  its  concessions  to 
rebel  subjects,  was  somewhat  disgraceful  to  the  King  of 
France.  Richelieu  was  of  the  same  opinion,  to  judge  by 
his  own  words.  But  he  was  too  wise  not  to  let  the  sleeping 
dogs  of  the  kingdom  lie.  Civil  war  was  at  all  times  the 
last  thing  he  desired  ;  and  at  this  moment,  with  two  foreign 
campaigns  on  his  hands, — campaigns  against  the  great 
enemies  of  Protestantism — the  active  disloyalty  of  the  Due 
de  Rohan  moved  him  to  high  indignation. 

Writing  on  January  12,  1625,  to  M.  de  la  Ville-aux- 
Clercs,  Ambassador  Extraordinary  in  London — employed, 
with  the  Marquis  d'Effiat,  in  the  final  arrangements  for  the 
royal  marriage — Richelieu  says  : 

"  You  know  how  the  Huguenots  have  cut  out  work  for 
us,  sending  ships  to  sea  and  seizing  the  Isle  of  Re.  .  .  . 
Never  was  so  bad  an  action  as  this  of  the  Antichrist  brothers, 
who,  seeing  the  King  at  war  for  the  interests  and  dignity  of 
the  Crown,  take  up  arms  to  trouble  the  feast." 

To  the  French  ambassador  at  Rome — M.  de  Marque- 
mont,  Archbishop  of  Lyons  and  afterwards  Cardinal — 
Richelieu  writes  on  January  27 : 

"  The  news  you  have  heard  of  the  Huguenots  is  only 
too  true :  incited  by  the  devil  or  others  equally  bad,  they 
have  shown  their  evil  will  by  a  surprise  entry  into  the  Port 
of  Blavet,  landing  with  cannon,  with  which  they  battered 
the  fort  for  two  days.  .  .  .  The  King  has  news  that,  the 
whole  province  hurrying  against  them,  they  have  already 
re-embarked  in  order  to  escape,  and  are  carrying  off  two  or 
three  ships  of  M.  de  Nevers,  which  were  in  the  harbour." 

The  "freres  antichristi"  were  Henry  Due  de  Rohan  and 
his  brother  Benjamin,  Due  de  Soubise.  They  were  the 
two  actively  distinguished  leaders  who  remained  to  the 


150  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

Huguenot  party :  Le  Plessis-Mornay  was  dead ;  the  Due 
de  Lesdiguieres  had  changed  his  religion  and  become 
Constable  of  France  ;  the  Marquis  de  la  Force,  a  brave  and 
very  provincial  old  soldier,  and  Gaspard  de  Coligny,  Due  de 
Chatillon,  held  loyally  to  the  Peace  of  Montpellier,  and  each 
accepted  a  Marshal's  baton  from  the  King ;  the  new  Due 
de  Bouillon  was  content  to  watch  events  from  his  north 
eastern  citadel  of  Sedan. 

Thus  the  interior  peace  of  France  was  largely  in  the 
hands  of  the  brothers  Rohan,  of  whom  the  younger  was  a 
firebrand,  an  adventurer,  never  happy  unless  employed  in 
some  foolhardy  enterprise,  though  capable,  on  occasion,  of 
running  away ;  one  of  those  restless  spirits  to  whom  religion 
meant  opposition  to  law  and  authority;  the  very  type  of 
the  fighting  Huguenot,  robber  on  land  and  pirate  by  sea. 
Such  men,  to  whom  nothing  was  sacred,  were  indeed  to 
be  found  under  both  religious  banners,  one  and  all  the 
opponents  of  royalty  and  of  Richelieu. 

Henry,  first  Due  de  Rohan,  was  a  different  kind  of 
person.  A  sincere  Protestant,  he  carried  out  in  his  life  the 
stern  morality  of  his  creed.  He  had  a  genius  for  war,  wrote 
brilliantly  on  tactics,  but  was  a  diplomat  as  well  as  a  soldier, 
and  those  who  knew  him  best  saw  in  that  thoughtful 
character  as  much  personal  ambition  as  religious  conscience. 
Both  brothers  were  influenced  by  their  ancestry.  They 
were  descended  from  the  old  Kings  of  Navarre  through 
Isabeau,  daughter  of  Jean  d'Albret ;  and  if  the  sons  of 
Henry  IV.  died  childless,  which  seemed  not  unlikely,  Henry 
de  Rohan  was  the  next  heir  to  the  kingdom  of  Navarre. 
He  had  been  acknowledged  as  such,  in  his  youth,  by 
Henry  IV.  What  the  Spaniards  had  left  of  that  kingdom 
was  now  united  to  the  crown  of  France.  Thus  the  Duke 
may  very  well  have  seen  in  himself  a  possible  pretender, 
a  rival  to  Conde  and  the  Bourbons,  at  adreamed-of  moment 
when  the  strongest  would  win. 

And  his  mother,  Catherine  de  Parthenay-Soubise,  was 
not  the  woman  to  discourage  such  lifelong  fancies  in  her 
sons.  Fairy  blood,  that  of  the  Lusignans,  ran  in  her  veins  ; 
"  grande  reveuse,"  her  absence  of  mind  and  many  oddities 


THE  CARDINAL  151 

were  the  talk  of  Paris ;  her  favourite  vision  was  that  of 
the  Due  de  Nevers  and  Pere  Joseph,  a  crusade  against 
the  Turks.  We  are  told  that  she  was  not  pleased  when 
Henry  IV.,  whom  she  disliked,  made  her  eldest  son  a  Duke, 
her  husband  being  the  eleventh  Viscount  of  his  name. 
According  to  the  proud  old  family  motto,  that  name  alone 
made  its  bearer  a  King's  equal. 

Madame  de  Rohan  had  more  reason  to  be  discontented 
at  her  son's  marriage,  arranged  by  Henry,  with  Marguerite 
de  Bethune,  daughter  of  the  Due  de  Sully,  then  a  mere 
child.  They  were  married  in  the  Protestant  temple  at 
Charenton,  and  the  story  goes  that  the  famous  and  waggish 
minister  Du  Moulin  asked  aloud,  when  the  little  girl  in  her 
white  frock  was  led  up  to  him — "  Do  you  present  this  child 
to  be  baptised  ? "  The  white  robe  of  innocence  did  not 
long  suit  the  Duchesse  de  Rohan,  and  never  had  a  good 
man  a  worse  wife.  Very  pretty,  attractive  and  clever,  she 
led  a  life  worthier  of  the  Valois  Court  than  of  the  fine  old 
Huguenot  houses  of  Sully  and  Rohan.  Not  even  Madame 
de  Chevreuse,  herself  a  Rohan  by  birth,  was  more  free  of 
moral  restraint.  The  Due  de  Rohan,  concerned  with  greater 
matters,  seemed  superbly  unconscious  of  his  wife's  love- 
affairs,  and  turned  away  coolly  from  the  shocked  pastors 
who  tried  to  enlighten  him.  In  a  political  sense,  they  were 
one.  Whenever  her  husband  needed  her  help,  Madame 
de  Rohan  sent  her  lovers  to  the  right-about,  plotted  for 
him,  followed  him  in  his  campaigns.  In  the  winter  of  1625, 
when  the  Due  de  Rohan  was  trying  to  support  his  brother's 
naval  raid  by  a  revolt  in  Languedoc,  Aubery  describes  how 
"  the  Duchesse  de  Rohan  his  wife  acted  with  no  less  vigour, 
and,  as  if  it  were  her  design  to  throw  terror  into  vulgar 
minds,  travelled  often  by  night  with  torches,  in  a  mourning 
coach  drawn  by  eight  black  horses." 

"Suscites  par  le  diable  ou  quelques  autres  qui  ne  valent 
pas  mieux."  No  doubt  the  Cardinal  had  accurate  know 
ledge  of  the  influences,  diabolical  or  other,  which  had 
brought  about  the  Huguenot  rising  at  this  awkward 
moment.  It  was  partly  the  work  of  the  angry  people  of 
La  Rochelle,  who  saw  their  town  perpetually  threatened 


152  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

by  royal  forts  on  land  and  their  harbour  watched  by  royal 
ships  at  sea.  They  counted  on  the  help  of  the  Protestant 
powers,  England  and  Holland,  to  make  a  favourable 
bargain  with  the  King's  government,  already  entangled 
in  the  Swiss  and  Genoese  campaigns.  And  they  were 
backed  up  in  a  quarter  which  might  well  have  been 
unexpected.  The  money  that  provided  Soubise  with 
ships  came  from  Spain.  Rohan  and  he,  more  than  once 
treating  secretly  with  the  enemies  of  France,  may  not 
have  deserved  Richelieu's  epithet  of  "  Antichristi,"  but 
were  certainly  anti-patriotic. 

As  the  Cardinal  wrote  to  the  ambassadors,  the  Due 
de  Soubise,  not  content  with  seizing  the  Isle  of  Re  and 
thus  commanding  La  Rochelle,  had  sailed  north  and 
pounced  on  the  harbour  of  Blavet,  on  the  Brittany  coast, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river  below  Hennebon.  The  harbour 
had  been  fortified  by  Louis  XIII.  in  the  former  civil  wars, 
and  was  known  as  Port  Louis.  Six  battleships  were  now 
lying  there,  five  of  which  did  not  belong  to  the  King, 
but  had  been  lent  him  by  the  Due  de  Nevers.  Soubise 
took  the  town  and  the  ships — including  the  famous  great 
Vierge,  of  eighty  guns — and  attacked  the  castle,  which  held 
out  long  enough  for  the  Due  de  Vendome,  governor  of 
Brittany,  to  come  to  the  rescue.  Soubise  then  escaped 
to  sea,  but  with  difficulty,  carrying  four  of  his  prizes 
with  him ;  and  sailing  like  a  bold  pirate  southward,  taking 
the  island  of  Oleron  as  a  base  for  his  operations,  became 
a  terror  to  vessels  of  war  or  merchandise  all  along  the 
coast.  Later  on  he  stormed  up  the  Gironde  in  support 
of  the  Due  de  Rohan,  who  had  already  set  Guienne  and 
Languedoc  in  a  blaze. 

All  this  trouble,  arising  at  such  an  unwelcome  moment, 
caused  terrible  agitation  among  the  King's  councillors. 
Most  of  them,  says  Richelieu,  were  "  si  eperdus,"  that  they 
saw  no  choice  but  between  immediate  peace  with  Spain 
and  submission  to  all  the  Huguenot  demands.  He  him 
self  would  have  no  such  craven  yielding  to  the  storm. 
With  little  slackening  of  energy  in  the  Swiss  and  Genoese 
campaigns,  he  set  to  work  to  crush  the  revolt  at  home, 


THE   CARDINAL  153 

acting  on  the  medical  maxim  that  a  small  internal  injury 
is  more  to  be  feared  than  one  greater  and  more  painful, 
but  external  only. 

His  understanding  with  England  and  Holland  now 
bore  some  fruit.  Their  statesmen,  less  consistent  than 
their  populations,  did  not  refuse  to  support  him  against 
his  rebels,  in  spite  of  their  religion.  England,  already 
on  the  edge  of  war  with  Spain,  sent  eight  ships  to  the 
help  of  the  French  Government ;  the  Dutch  fleet  was 
diverted  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Atlantic,  and 
twenty  French  ships  made  up  a  fleet  of  fifty  or  sixty 
sail,  commanded  in  chief  by  Duke  Henry  de  Montmorency, 
High  Admiral  of  France.  Richelieu  had  not  much  faith 
in  this  young  man,  the  late  Constable's  only  son  and 
the  Princesse  de  Conde's  brother— one  of  the  hand 
somest  and  boldest  of  the  fierce  order  that  the  Cardinal 
meant  to  subdue.  But  as  far  as  Montmorency  was  con 
cerned  the  time  of  vengeance  was  not  yet.  He  and  the 
Dutch  Admiral,  after  a  long  fight  with  Soubise  on  the 
sea,  scattered  his  fleet,  took  the  islands  of  Re  and  Oleron, 
and  came  very  near  to  capture  La  Rochelle  itself. 

Here  Richelieu  held  his  hand.  He  was  not  yet  ready 
for  that  great  siege,  or  for  the  final  crushing  of  the 
Protestant  power  in  France. 

On  May  n,  when  the  Huguenot  revolt  was  in  full 
swing,  Princess  Henriette,  low  of  stature,  with  lovely 
black  eyes  and  obstinate  mouth,  was  married  by  proxy 
at  Notre  Dame  to  the  new  King  of  England.  A  high  stage 
was  set  up  outside  the  west  doors  of  the  cathedral,  and 
on  this  the  ceremony  was  performed,  after  the  pattern 
of  the  wedding  of  Henry  IV.  and  Marguerite  de  Valois  : 
a  Protestant  prince  could  not  be  married  within  the  walls. 
Here  may  have  lain  some  foretaste  of  sadness  for  her  who 
was  to  be  known  as  la  Reine  Malheureuse,  though  she 
was  ready,  with  strong  religious  faith,  to  accept  the  almost 
missionary  character  of  Queen  of  a  heretic  country,  an 
Esther  for  her  own  people.  But  the  tones  of  warning 
were  silent  that  day.  She  had  not  even  received  the 
letter  in  which  Marie  de  Medicis,  inspired  by  the  Pere 


154  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

de  Berulle — not  by  Richelieu,  though  he  claims  that  credit 
in  his  Memoirs — laid  down  in  eloquent  sentences  the 
duties  of  her  new  life.  For  the  bride  of  fifteen  all  was 
joy  and  festival.  King  Charles's  proxy  was  Claude,  Due 
de  Chevreuse,  of  royal  blood,  a  younger  son  of  Henry 
le  Balafre  and  brother  of  Charles,  Due  de  Guise.  He  was 
one  of  the  handsomest  and  most  splendid  of  Louis  XIII. 's 
courtiers,  and  his  famous  wife,  the  widow  of  Luynes, 
Queen  Anne's  favourite  lady,  possessed  all  the  magnificent 
confiscated  jewellery  of  the  unlucky  Marechale  d'Ancre. 
This  gorgeous  pair  were  to  escort  the  young  Queen  to 
England. 

After  the  ceremony,  at  which  the  Due  de  Chevreuse 
acted  his  part  of  a  Protestant  prince  to  admiration,  a  royal 
banquet  was  held  in  the  hall  of  the  Archbishop's  palace, 
then  close  to  the  cathedral. 

"There  were  bonfires  in  all  the  streets  of  Paris,"  writes 
Richelieu,  "  and  lights  in  the  windows,  which  turned 
night  into  brilliant  day.  The  Cardinal,  who  with  such 
pains  and  prudence  had  brought  this  alliance  to  a  happy 
end,  feeling  obliged  to  show  his  contentment,  which 
exceeded  that  of  all  others,  presented  their  Majesties  and 
the  Court  with  a  supper  and  fireworks  which  were  worthy 
of  the  magnificence  of  France." 

The  Cardinal's  high  contentment  did  not  last  long.  At 
the  moment  there  were  reasons  for  it :  slight  hopes,  which 
soon  faded,  of  a  swift  end  to  the  revolt ;  the  arrival  of  the 
Pope's  nephew  and  legate,  Cardinal  Barberini,  to  negotiate 
a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  Valtelline  affair.  Then  all 
was  upset,  in  Richelieu's  view,  by  the  descent  on  Paris 
of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham. 

Ostensibly,  that  great  personage  came  as  his  master's 
special  representative,  to  fetch  home  Charles's  Queen. 
In  Paris  "  his  Person  and  Presence  was  wonderfully 
admired  and  esteemed "  ..."  he  out-shined,"  as  Lord 
Clarendon  tells  us,  "  all  the  bravery  that  Court  could 
dress  itself  in,  and  over-acted  the  whole  Nation  in  their 
own  most  peculiar  Vanities." 

Cardinal  de  Richelieu's  "  pains  and  prudence  "  had  not 


THE   CARDINAL  155 

been  in  order  to  the  satisfying  of  this  gentleman,  who 
unluckily  ruled  both  fashion  and  politics  in  England,  and 
he  was  by  no  means  disposed  to  make  peace  or  war  at 
Buckingham's  bidding.  For  the  Duke's  visit  was  far  from 
being  one  of  mere  courtesy.  He  had  two  political  ends 
in  view :  first,  to  defeat  the  Pope's  legate  and  to  keep 
France  at  war  with  Spain ;  second,  to  make  so  close  an 
alliance  with  France  that  she  would  be  bound  to  fight  for 
the  restoration  of  the  Elector  Palatine  to  his  dominions. 
Richelieu  would  have  none  of  this  state  of  bondage. 
Louis  X1IL,  led  by  him,  stood  firm  and  independent.  He 
would  accept  peace  with  Spain  when  he  judged  it  advisable, 
and  he  would  not  throw  himself  into  the  war  in  Germany, 
except  by  allowing  Count  Mansfeldt,  on  the  Protestant 
side,  to  be  reinforced  by  a  couple  of  thousand  French 
horse  at  the  expense  of  those  who  employed  them.  This 
concession,  which  does  not  sound  great,  was  made  with 
the  view  of  keeping  England  in  a  good  temper,  at  least 
so  long  as  the  King  of  France  had  his  Huguenot  rebels 
to  contend  with. 

Buckingham  pressed  for  peace  in  that  direction,  but 
was  answered,  with  sufficient  haughtiness,  that  in  the 
interest  of  the  King  his  master  he  ought  to  be  silent. 
"  For  no  prince,"  said  Richelieu,  "  should  assist,  even  by 
words,  the  rebellious  subjects  of  another." 

Buckingham  promised,  swaggered,  threatened  a  little. 
He  would  send  a  hundred  ships  to  ravage  the  coast  of 
Spain,  and  would  land  an  army  of  15,000  men  in  Flanders, 
if  King  Louis  would  supply  6000  cavalry.  He  would 
conquer  Artois  and  make  a  present  of  it  to  France.  But 
if  the  French  received  these  offers  coldly,  England  would 
seek  the  friendship  of  Spain  and  recover  the  Palatinate 
by  treaty. 

To  which  Richelieu  replied  that  it  was  for  the  English 
to  consider  whether  it  would  be  for  their  advantage  to 
send  a  fleet  to  Spain  and  an  army  to  Flanders ;  that  his 
King  advised  them  to  think  well  beforehand  whether 
these  would  be  the  best  means  of  recovering  the  Palatinate. 
If  the  same  result  could  be  gained  by  treaty,  he  advised 


156  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

them  to  prefer  the  latter  course.  As  to  the  polite  offer 
of  Artois,  the  King  of  France  had  no  wish  for  conquests, 
and  in  marrying  his  sister  to  the  King  of  England  desired 
no  acquisition  but  his  friendship. 

Between  the  lines  of  the  Memoirs  it  is  easy  to  read 
Richelieu's  scornful  dislike  of  the  splendid  upstart  who 
ruled  England  and  tried  to  play  the  game  of  politics 
with  him ;  a  dislike  which  deepened  into  distrust  and 
uneasiness  later,  when  Buckingham's  cause  for  quarrel 
with  the  French  government  had  become  that  of  a  pas 
sionate,  disappointed  man  rather  than  that  of  a  politician, 
however  foolhardy. 

The  story  of  Henrietta's  progress  to  Calais  has  often 
been  told ;  a  story  in  which  the  interest  quite  leaves 
Charles's  little  bride  to  centre  itself  round  the  beautiful 
young  Queen  of  France  and  the  love-affair  in  which 
Buckingham,  at  least,  was  desperately  in  earnest.  Her 
husband's  unkind  neglect  might  have  given  the  Queen 
every  excuse,  even  if  her  dearest  friend,  Madame  de 
Chevreuse,  had  not  been  a  standing  example  of  the  morals 
favoured  by  society.  It  is  certain  that  Anne  was  strongly 
attracted  by  the  great  charmer  of  his  age;  but  religion 
and  Spanish  dignity,  not  to  mention  the  care  of  her  elder 
ladies  and  the  watchfulness  of  the  Court,  were  a  sufficient 
protection.  Only  the  most  notorious  scandal-mongers 
dared  to  hint  otherwise. 

Lord  Clarendon's  very  discreet  account  of  the  affair 
sets  forth  plainly  the  political  result  of  Buckingham's 
anger. 

"  In  his  Embassy  in  France  ...  he  had  the  Ambition 
to  fix  his  Eyes  upon,  and  to  dedicate  his  most  violent 
Affection  to,  a  Lady  of  a  very  sublime  Quality ;  Insomuch 
as  when  the  King  had  brought  the  Queen  his  Sister  as 
far  as  he  meant  to  do,  and  delivered  her  into  the  hands 
of  the  Duke  to  be  by  him  conducted  into  England;  the 
Duke,  in  his  Journey,  after  the  departure  of  that  Court, 
took  a  resolution  once  more  to  make  a  visit  to  that  great 
Lady,  which  he  believ'd  he  might  do  with  much  privacy. 
But  it  was  so  easily  discover'd,  that  provision  was  made 


THE   CARDINAL  157 

for  his  Reception  ;  and  if  he  had  pursued  his  Attempt, 
he  had  been  without  doubt  Assassinated ;  of  which  he 
had  only  so  much  notice,  as  serv'd  him  to  decline  the 
Danger.  But  he  swore,  in  the  instant,  '  that  he  would  See 
and  Speak  with  that  Lady,  in  Spight  of  the  Strength 
and  Power  of  France.'  And  from  the  time  that  the  Queen 
arriv'd  in  England,  he  took  all  the  ways  he  could  to 
Undervalue  and  Exasperate  that  Court  and  Nation,  by 
causing  all  those  who  fled  into  England  from  the  justice 
and  displeasure  of  that  King,  to  be  receiv'd  and  entertain'd 
here,  not  only  with  ceremony  and  security,  but  with 
bounty  and  magnificence ;  and  the  more  extraordinary 
the  Persons  were,  and  the  more  notorious  their  King's 
displeasure  was  towards  them  (as  at  that  time  there  were 
very  many  Lords  and  Ladies  in  those  circumstances)  the 
more  respectfully  they  were  receiv'd,  and  esteem'd.  He 
omitted  no  opportunity  to  Incense  the  King  against  France, 
and  to  dispose  him  to  assist  the  Hugonots,  whom  he 
likewise  encourag'd  to  give  their  King  some  trouble.  .  .  ." 

Among  these  "extraordinary  Persons"  was  the  Due 
de  Soubise,  who  fled  to  the  English  coast  after  his  defeat 
at  sea  and  remained  in  England,  welcome  alike  to  lords 
and  commons ;  doing  his  best  the  while  to  shake  down 
the  already  tottering  friendship  between  Charles  I.  and 
his  royal  French  brother-in-law. 


CHAPTER  III 

1626 

Peace  with  Spain — The  making  of  the  army  and  navy — The  question  of 
Monsieur's  marriage — The  first  great  conspiracy — Triumph  of  Richelieu 
and  death  of  Chalais. 

THE  Duke  of  Buckingham  had  to  do  with  a  mind 
immeasurably  superior  to  his  own ;  and  if  he,  in  the 
autumn  of  1625,  was  pushing  on  a  quarrel  with 
France,  Cardinal  de  Richelieu's  game,  for  the  present,  was 
to  disappoint  him.  The  English  fleet,  playing  at  piracy, 
carried  off  French  merchant  ships :  English  influence  led 
the  Dutch  to  recall  the  fleet  they  had  lent  to  France ;  a 
serious  annoyance  to  Richelieu,  who  had  not  yet  had  time 
to  make  a  navy.  He  had  other  reasons  for  being  angry 
with  King  Charles,  who,  from  Henrietta's  first  arrival  in 
England,  had  frankly  shown  his  dislike  of  the  "  Monsers" 
she  brought  with  her  and  seemed  ready  to  treat  all  his 
marriage  promises,  open  or  secret,  as  waste  paper.  But 
Richelieu  intended  England  to  be  the  powerful  mediator 
between  Louis  XIII.  and  the  Huguenots;  to  this  end,  he 
ignored  a  whole  series  of  pin-pricks,  invited  English 
ambassadors  to  Paris,  and  let  it  be  understood  that  France, 
once  at  peace  internally,  would  be  ready  to  give  active  help 
in  Germany. 

That  bleeding  wound  of  civil  war  had  so  weakened  the 
campaign  in  North  Italy  as  to  make  it  ineffectual.  An 
Austrian  force,  pouring  down  over  the  Saint-Gothard,  had 
reinforced  Genoa,  and  Lesdiguieres,  with  no  fleet  to  sup 
port  him,  had  been  obliged  to  retire.  But  the  Spaniards 
had  failed  to  recover  the  Valtelline.  It  remained  for  the 

158 


THE   CARDINAL  159 

present  in  the  hands  of  the  French ;  a  difficult  question  to 
be  settled  with  the  Pope,  and  Cardinal  Barberini's  mission 
to  that  end  resulted  in  nothing  but  words.  He  went  back 
to  Rome,  in  high  discontent,  at  the  end  of  September,  and 
Richelieu,  so  far  from  slackening  his  hold,  sent  the  Marechal 
de  Bassompierre  to  reinforce  the  Marquis  de  Cceuvres  in 
Switzerland.  It  seemed  that  there  was  nothing  to  be  done 
in  the  Catholic  interest  with  "  le  Roy  du  Roy,"  the  man 
people  already  called  atheist,  Huguenot,  "  le  Cardinal  de  la 
Rochelle." 

This  was  not  quite  the  case,  however.  Though  Riche 
lieu  would  not  treat  with  Cardinal  Barberini,  he  had  already 
entrusted  his  other  self,  Pere  Joseph,  with  powers  for 
negotiating  with  Urban  VIII.  at  Rome.  At  the  moment, 
the  mission  of  Barberini  made  this  impossible,  but  it  seems 
that  the  Capuchin — never  publicly  mentioned  in  State 
affairs,  but  always  to  be  found  pulling  the  strings  for 
Richelieu  in  the  background — passed  on  his  instructions  to 
the  Comte  du  Fargis,  French  ambassador  at  Madrid,  who 
set  to  work  on  the  hard  task  of  framing  a  treaty  to  please 
everybody — Spain,  Austria,  the  Pope,  the  Grison  Leagues 
and  France — but  notably  that  secret  party  in  France, 
headed  by  the  Queen-mother,  M.  de  Marillac,  afterwards 
Chancellor,  and  Pere  de  Berulle,  among  whom  Richelieu's 
opponents  were  now  to  be  found.  M.  du  Fargis,  in  his 
communications  with  the  Spanish  Minister,  Count  Olivarez, 
considered  rather  the  wishes  of  this  French  ultra-Catholic 
party,  reported  to  him  by  his  brilliant  and  mischievous 
wife,  now  in  Paris,  than  the  intentions  of  Richelieu.  The 
consequence  was,  that  several  attempts  at  a  treaty  were 
scornfully  repudiated  by  the  French  government,  and  it 
was  not  till  May  1626  that  any  agreement  was  arrived  at. 
A  nominal  sovereignty  over  the  Valtelline  was  restored 
to  the  Orisons,  and  Spain  renounced  any  right  of  passage. 
The  Catholic  religion  was  established  in  the  valley,  and 
the  forts  were  restored  to  the  Pope,  to  be  demolished  by 
his  troops.  All  parties  were  fairly  satisfied,  except  the 
Duke  of  Savoy,  whose  quarrel  with  Genoa  was  coolly  set 
aside  without  any  reference  to  him.  And  the  English 


160  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

government,  which  had  almost  forced  the  French  Hugue 
nots  to  accept  an  unprofitable  peace  from  Louis  XIII. 
in  February,  saw  with  immense  irritation  the  conclusion  of 
peace  between  France  and  Spain.  This  was  not  the  end 
they  had  worked  for  ;  and  the  secret  diplomacy  of  Richelieu 
was  regarded  in  England  as  a  dishonourable  trick. 

He  cared  not  at  all.  Peace  was  necessary  to  him  at 
this  time :  how  necessary,  a  glance  at  his  home  projects 
is  enough  to  prove.  He  now  set  to  work  upon  them  in 
earnest;  backed  up  by  public  opinion,  both  in  1625  and 
1626,  in  the  shape  of  assemblies  of  the  Notables — princes, 
dukes,  and  peers  of  France,  archbishops  and  bishops, 
crown  officers,  presidents  of  courts  of  law,  and  the  provost 
of  the  merchants  of  Paris.  At  these  assemblies  the  chief 
personages  of  the  kingdom  were  invited  to  advise  the  King. 
Richelieu  took  care  that  their  advice  should  accord  with 
his  own,  for  his  day  of  absolute  power  was  only  dawning. 
He  had  his  way  with  them :  as  a  body,  they  gave  their 
consent  to  his  policy  at  home  and  abroad. 

The  creation  of  a  navy  was  his  most  popular  measure. 
No  longer  should  the  King  of  France  be  forced  to  borrow 
ships  where  he  could,  to  protect  French  coasts  and  French 
merchant  vessels  against  "pirates  of  all  nations."  Michel 
de  Marillac,  if  he  had  secretly  opposed  Richelieu  in  the 
affair  of  the  Spanish  treaty,  was  heartily  with  him  here, 
and  he  was  one  of  those  whose  eloquence  led  the  Notables 
to  vote  with  enthusiasm  the  building  or  purchase  of  forty- 
five  battle-ships.  The  sea-going  trade  of  France,  its  enor 
mous  losses  and  dangers  under  the  present  system,  was  the 
text  which  inspired  Marillac. 

"  We  have  everything  we  need,"  he  cried,  "  to  make  us 
strong  at  sea.  We  have  wood  and  iron  for  ship-building, 
linen  and  flax  for  sails  and  cordage ;  sailors  in  abundance, 
who  will  serve  our  neighbours  if  not  employed  at  home ; 
the  best  ports  in  Europe  .  .  .  and  yet  our  neighbours  rob 
us  of  our  fishing  .  .  .  pirates  ravage  our  coasts  and  carry 
off  the  King's  subjects  captive  to  Barbary." 

It  was  time,  he  said,  that  France  should  wake  from 
her  lethargy  of  many  years. 


THE   CARDINAL  161 

The  words  of  Marillac  on  this  occasion  were  the 
thoughts  of  Richelieu,  and  he  set  about  carrying  them  out 
in  his  own  way.  He  had  already  taken  to  himself  supreme 
power  over  naval  affairs,  by  buying  out  the  Due  de  Mont- 
morency  and  presenting  himself  with  letters  patent  which 
conferred  the  new  office  of  Grand  Master  and  Superinten 
dent-General  of  Navigation  and  Commerce. 

Authority  over  the  army — which  he  made  almost  en 
tirely  from  small  and  chaotic  beginnings  till  it  became  the 
force  that  conquered  at  Rocroy — was  gained  by  Richelieu 
through  the  abolition  of  the  old  office  of  Constable  of 
France.  The  Due  de  Lesdiguieres,  its  last  holder,  died  in 
1626,  and  military  supremacy  under  the  King  passed  into 
the  hands  of  a  War  Minister — that  is  to  say,  into  those  of 
Richelieu  himself. 

Equally  difficult  with  the  creation  of  army  and  navy 
were  the  necessary  reforms  in  the  Church,  in  finance,  in 
local  government,  and  the  establishment  throughout  France 
of  order  and  the  royal  authority.  The  Cardinal  shrank 
from  nothing.  Many  of  the  details  of  his  projected  work 
were  never  carried  out,  and  it  has  been  well  said  that  he 
was  a  more  successful  statesman  abroad  than  at  home, 
where  a  mass  of  privileges  and  vested  interests,  with  the 
growing  necessity  for  heavy  taxes,  were  millstones  hung 
round  a  financial  reformer's  neck.  Richelieu's  success  in 
crushing  the  great  nobles  brought  no  benefit  to  the  common 
people ;  it  was  all  for  the  advantage  of  the  King.  Among 
his  early  dreams  wer.e  those  of  encouraging  agriculture 
and  manufactures  after  the  example  of  Henry  IV.  and 
Sully ;  but  he  did  little  good  of  this  kind,  except  in  the 
way  of  colonisation.  Under  his  protection  new  French 
commercial  companies,  after  a  long  struggle  with  England, 
gained  a  more  secure  footing  in  Canada  and  the  West 
Indies. 

For  the  first  few  years  of  Richelieu's  ministry  he  was 
working  against  tremendous  odds.  His  health  was  terribly 
bad.  All  through  the  winter  of  1625-6  he  suffered  from 
fever  and  constant  headaches,  so  that  he  was  often  forced 
to  leave  Paris  in  the  midst  of  his  work  and  to  fly  for  rest 

ii 


162  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

and  change  to  one  of  his  country-houses.  Once  at  least, 
when  summoned  back  on  public  affairs  to  the  Petit- 
Luxembourg,  he  writes  to  Claude  Bouthillier :  "  I  am  so 
persecuted  by  my  head  .  .  .  my  pain  is  excessive.  ...  I 
am  so  persecuted  by  my  head,  I  know  not  what  to  say. 
But  even  were  I  worse,  I  would  rather  die  than  not  drag 
these  important  affairs  to  a  conclusion." 

At  this  very  time,  in  the  spring  of  1626,  the  discontent 
he  had  already  caused  in  high  quarters  began  to  show  its 
teeth,  and  the  first  of  many  conspiracies  was  formed 
against  him. 

He  had  very  few  sincere  friends  except  in  his  own 
family,  and  among  the  men  who  worked  with  him,  and 
whom  he  entirely  trusted.  Marie  de  Medicis,  indeed,  had 
not  yet  actually  broken  with  him ;  they  were  apparently 
on  the  same  terms  as  before.  But  in  actual  fact  the 
distance  between  them  was  widening  every  day.  In 
fluenced  by  Berulle,  the  Queen-mother  had  become  more 
devote ;  she  disapproved  of  the  long  delay  in  making  peace 
with  Rome  and  Spain,  and  of  the  treaty  with  the  Hugue 
nots,  helped  on  by  the  intervention  of  heretic  England. 
She  was  angry  with  England  for  other  reasons :  the  pre 
sumption  of  Buckingham,  the  treatment  of  the  young 
Queen's  French  household.  All  these  things  were  turning 
her  mind  against  Richelieu's  policy.  And  he  was  not  very 
diplomatic  with  regard  to  his  patroness.  He  showed  too 
plainly  perhaps  that  her  friendship  was  no  longer  of  the 
highest  importance  to  him.  He  had  gained  what  he 
wanted ;  he  was  the  first  man  in  France,  indispensable  to 
the  King.  Ill,  impatient,  overworked,  straining  every  nerve 
to  keep  his  hold  on  affairs  and  his  influence  with  his  royal 
master,  it  was  hardly  strange  that  he  should  fail  a  little 
in  grateful  attention  to  a  stupid  elderly  woman,  even 
though  he  owed  her  everything. 

But  Marie  de  Medicis  was  not  responsible  for  this  first 
great  "  storm,"  as  the  Cardinal  calls  it  in  his  Memoirs. 
The  clouds  rolled  up  round  the  King's  young  brother, 
Monsieur,  Due  d'Anjou,  and  were  brought  to  a  head  by 
Richelieu's  decision  that  he  should  marry  Mademoiselle  de 


GASTON   DE   FRANCE,    DUG   D'ORLEANS 


THE  CARDINAL  163 

Montpensier,  the  only  child  of  the  last  lord  of  Champigny 
and  the  present  possessor  of  his  enormous  wealth. 

The  plan  of  this  match  was  nothing  new.  Henry  IV. 
and  Marie  de  Medicis  had  betrothed  the  heiress  to  their 
son  Nicolas,  Due  d'Orleans,  when  both  were  infants.  After 
the  boy's  early  death  it  was  proposed  that  he  should  be 
replaced  by  his  younger  brother,  Gaston,  but  there  was  no 
formal  contract.  The  Queen  had  never  renounced  the  idea, 
specially  welcome  to  her  because  of  her  friendship  with  the 
girl's  mother,  the  Duchesse  de  Montpensier,  afterwards 
Duchesse  de  Guise,  and  of  the  warm  affection  she  had 
always  felt  for  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier  herself,  who 
was  now  twenty-one,  three  years  older  than  Gaston,  and 
of  a  singularly  sweet  character. 

As  to  Monsieur,  he  has  been  described  often  enough. 
Handsome,  intelligent,  weak,  foolish,  restless,  impression 
able,  gay  and  agreeable,  false  and  cowardly,  he  inherited 
little  of  Henry  IV.  but  his  vices  and  frivolities.  He  had 
been  ill-trained  by  his  governor,  Colonel — now  Mare"chal — 
d'Ornano,  the  Corsican  officer  who  had  won  his  post  by 
devotion  to  Luynes  at  the  time  of  Concini's  death.  Since 
those  days  d'Ornano  had  owed  some  gratitude  to  Cardinal 
de  Richelieu,  and  he  was  now  superintendent  of  his  former 
pupil's  household.  The  Cardinal  had  lately  displeased  him 
by  refusing  to  admit  him,  with  Monsieur,  to  the  royal 
Council ;  and  disappointed  personal  ambition  was  the  chief 
cause  of  his  throwing  in  his  lot  with  those  who  were  bent 
on  making  Monsieur  the  head  of  an  opposing  party  in  the 
State.  On  the  whole,  d'Ornano  was  probably  more  foolish 
than  dangerous.  Great  ladies  did  what  they  pleased  with 
him  ;  and  he  seems  to  have  confided  his  dreams  of  power, 
both  for  his  young  master  and  for  himself,  to  no  less  a 
person  than  Pere  Joseph,  the  actual  ear  of  Richelieu. 

But  the  centre  of  the  cyclone  was  not  in  Monsieur's 
own  household  :  it  was  in  the  heart  of  the  young  childless 
Queen.  Long  afterwards  Anne  of  Austria  told  Madame 
de  Motteville  that  she  had  done  all  she  could  to  prevent 
Monsieur's  marriage  with  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier, 
believing  that  marriage  to  be  entirely  against  her  own 


164  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

interests.  Already  she  was  neglected  enough,  unhappy 
enough.  Louis  XIII.,  if  not  the  worst  of  husbands,  was 
sulky,  suspicious,  resentful.  The  Queen  and  her  intimate 
friends  lived  in  an  atmosphere  of  gloom,  almost  of  per 
secution,  under  the  shadow  of  the  King  and  his  Minister. 
Louis  hated  Madame  de  Chevreuse,  and  with  some  reason 
if  it  is  true  that  her  wild  spirits  had  led  Anne  into  romping 
games  which  more  than  once  cost  France  a  Dauphin. 

But  it  seemed  to  the  Queen  that  Gaston's  proposed 
marriage  made  her  position  hopeless.  If  he  had  children, 
heirs  to  the  crown,  his  wife  would  certainly  be  regarded  as 
the  first  woman  in  France,  and  the  prospect  filled  Anne 
with  jealous  miser}'-.  Personally,  of  course,  she  could  do 
little  in  opposition,  and  the  extent  of  her  share  in  the  great 
conspiracy  was  much  exaggerated  by  scandalous  tongues 
and  pens.  But  Madame  de  Chevreuse  threw  herself  into  her 
mistress's  cause  with  all  the  more  energy  because  she  hated 
both  Richelieu  and  the  King.  The  Marshal  d'Ornano's 
discontent  found  a  hearty  ally  in  her,  loveliest  and  most 
daring  of  intrigantes,  and  also  in  the  Princesse  de  Conde, 
who  had  her  own  reasons  for  disliking  the  Montpensier 
marriage.  That  younger  branch  of  the  Bourbons  would 
thus  be  exalted  above  the  branch  of  Bourbon-Conde, 
now  next  in  succession  to  the  crown.  If  Monsieur  must 
marry — a  troublesome  necessity — the  Conde"s  wished  for 
a  match  between  him  and  their  daughter  Anne-Genevieve, 
now  seven  years  old.  The  delay  would  please  the  Queen ; 
in  the  meantime  the  Prince  de  Cond6  was  ready  to  back 
Mar6chal  d'Ornano  in  demanding  honours  and  appanages 
for  Monsieur  and  even  a  share  in  the  government.  The 
alternative  to  the  Conde  marriage  was  one  with  a  foreign 
princess ;  in  either  case  the  young  prince  would  be  inde 
pendent  of  his  brother,  his  mother  and  Cardinal  de  Richelieu. 
He  was  as  popular,  lively  and  good-natured  as  the  King 
was  unsociable  and  forbidding;  and  under  the  circum 
stances  such  a  "cabale,"  as  Richelieu  calls  it,  was  likely 
to  spread  far. 

The  Cardinal  saw  his  danger.  The  greater  among  the 
conspirators  were  rather  scornful  of  caution  and  secrecy. 


THE   CARDINAL  165 

If  Richelieu's  knowledge  of  their  objects  was  at  first  vague, 
hardly  a  rebel  name  escaped  him.  From  the  Prince  de 
Conde,  still  holding  aloof  from  the  Court,  and  the  young 
Comte  de  Soissons,  who  intended  himself  to  marry  Made 
moiselle  de  Montpensier,  to  Cesar,  Due  de  Vend6me, 
governor  of  Brittany,  who  was  prepared  to  make  his 
province  the  head-quarters  of  an  insurrection,  and  his 
brother  Alexandre,  the  Grand  Prior,  with  many  others  of 
less  high  descent  but  yet  among  les  grands — Richelieu 
knew  them  all.  Behind  them  loomed  shadows  of  foreign 
Powers  :  the  Dutch,  indignant  at  the  coldness  of  their  ally 
and  at  her  treaty  with  Spain  ;  the  English,  "  from  faithless 
ness  alone " ;  the  Spaniards,  from  natural  enmity  and 
interested  ambition  ;  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  to  avenge  his 
wounded  pride ;  and  then,  of  course,  the  Huguenot  party 
in  France— past  experience  teaching  them,  Richelieu  says 
bitterly,  that  they  always  profited  by  the  troubles  of  the 
State. 

The  ends  of  the  conspiracy  revealed  themselves  with  a 
certain  slowness,  reaching  the  Cardinal  through  one  spy 
and  another.  All  through  the  spring  of  1626  the  air  was 
full  of  dark  and  threatening  rumours.  Opposition  to  the 
Montpensier  marriage  was  a  mere  starting-point.  Monsieur 
was  little  but  the  figure-head  of  a  faction  opposed  to  the 
whole  of  Richelieu's  policy  and  bent  on  forcing  his  fall. 
The  refusal  of  Monsieur's  demands  was  to  be  the  signal 
for  open  revolt,  in  which  the  Huguenots  would  make 
common  cause  with  the  princes  and  half  the  great  nobles 
of  the  kingdom.  The  boldest  conspirators  talked  of  killing 
the  Cardinal,  "  the  dragon  who  watched  unceasingly  over 
his  master's  safety  " ;  of  throwing  the  King  into  prison,  and 
in  case  of  his  death  of  marrying  Monsieur  to  the  Queen. 
It  seems  certain  that  Anne  herself  was  unjustly  accused  of 
being  even  aware  of  such  desperate  schemes  as  these ;  but 
she  was  never  quite  cleared  from  the  injurious  suspicion. 

Early  in  May,  when  the  Court  was  at  Fontainebleau, 
Richelieu  decided  to  strike ;  he  had  evidence  enough  to 
convince  the  King  that  his  brother's  attitude  was  danger 
ous.  M.  d'Ornano  came  to  wait  on  His  Majesty.  Louis 


166  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

received  him  graciously.  The  same  night  he  was  arrested, 
and  the  next  night  found  him  a  prisoner  at  the  castle  of 
Vincennes.  His  brothers  and  intimate  friends  were  thrown 
into  the  Bastille.  "  My  husband  is  dead,"  said  Madame 
d'Ornano  when  she  heard  of  his  capture ;  and  the  words 
were  spoken  but  a  few  months  too  soon. 

Monsieur  was  furiously  angry.  He  remonstrated  loudly 
with  the  King,  who  merely  answered  that  he  had  acted 
on  the  advice  of  his  Council.  The  Prince  then  attacked 
M.  d'Aligre,  the  Chancellor,  a  timid  personage,  who  humbly 
excused  himself,  declaring  that  he  had  given  no  advice  of 
the  kind.  Gaston  went  blustering  to  Richelieu,  from  whom 
he  met  with  a  different  reception  and  a  different  reply. 
The  Cardinal  not  only  acknowledged  that  the  King  had 
asked  his  advice ;  he  added  that  he  had  given  it  strongly 
in  favour  of  the  arrest  of  M.  d'Ornano,  which  he  considered 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  State  and  of 
Monsieur  himself.  Gaston  replied  with  insulting  language 
and  flung  away. 

"The  Cardinal  hated  Monsieur,"  says  a  writer  of  the 
time,  and  we  can  well  believe  it — with  the  scornful  hatred 
of  a  proud  and  brilliant  man  bearing  the  whole  burden  of 
the  State  on  his  shoulders,  and  finding  himself  constantly 
thwarted  and  threatened  by  an  insolent,  privileged  bo}'. 
He  hated  him  more  because  of  the  reconciliations  he  had 
to  arrange,  the  flatteries  he  had  to  use,  the  fatherly  yet 
respectful  manner  in  which  the  King's  brother  must  be 
treated  by  the  King's  First  Minister — conscious,  for  the 
next  dozen  years,  that  his  sickly  master  might  die  childless 
and  be  succeeded  by  this  young  fellow  whose  will  and 
power  for  mischief  were  only  balanced  by  his  weakness 
of  character.  Until  the  birth  of  a  Dauphin,  in  1638,  de 
stroyed  Gaston's  political  importance,  he  was  to  be  the 
chief  obstacle  in  Richelieu's  career,  the  chief  thorn  in  his 
side. 

The  arrest  of  the  Marechal  d'Ornano  had  all  the  effect 
that  Richelieu  intended ;  but  if  it  warned  and  terrified  the 
more  prudent  conspirators,  it  infuriated  the  bolder,  younger 
spirits  of  Monsieur's  faction.  Madame  de  Chevreuse  and 


THE   CARDINAL  167 

a  few  young  men,  led  by  the  Grand  Prieur  de  Vend6me 
and  Henry  de  Talleyrand-Perigord,  Comte  de  Chalais, 
decided  that  Richelieu  must  die.  They  planned  that 
Monsieur  should  invite  himself  and  a  party  of  his  friends 
to  dine  with  the  Cardinal  at  Fleury,  his  country-house 
near  Fontainebleau.  This  gracious  act  might  be  supposed 
to  mean  that  the  Prince  forgave  his  friend's  arrest.  But 
the  real  intention  was  that  the  Cardinal's  guests  should 
murder  him.  In  the  confusion  that  would  follow,  Mon 
sieur's  party  meant  to  do  as  they  pleased  with  the  King 
and  the  government. 

Richelieu  was  saved  by  the  weakness  of  one  of  the 
chief  conspirators.  The  Comte  de  Chalais,  Keeper  of 
the  King's  Wardrobe,  a  young  man  of  twenty-eight,  was 
at  this  time  the  favoured  lover  of  Madame  de  Chevreuse. 
He  would  have  killed  a  dozen  cardinals  to  please  her, 
and  he  was  ready  to  stab  her  enemy  with  his  own  hand. 
For  all  that,  he  ruined  the  enterprise.  On  the  eve  of  the 
great  day  he  confided  the  plan  to  Commander  de  Valengay, 
a  loyal  courtier,  though  a  friend  of  his  own. 

M.  de  Bassompierre  may  tell  the  story,  for  he  was  at 
Fontainebleau  at  the  time. 

"  The  said  Commander  reproached  him  for  his  treachery, 
that  being  the  King's  servant  he  should  dare  to  under 
take  this  against  his  First  Minister ;  saying  that  he  must 
give  him  warning,  and  that  in  case  he  refused  to  do  this 
he  would  do  it  himself:  to  which  Chalais,  being  intimi 
dated,  consented ;  and  they  both  went  in  that  same  hour 
to  Fleury,  in  order  to  warn  M.  le  Cardinal,  who  thanked 
them,  and  begged  them  to  go  and  inform  the  King  of 
the  same  :  which  they  did  ;  and  the  King,  at  eleven  o'clock 
in  the  evening,  sent  to  order  thirty  of  his  gendarmes  and 
thirty  light  horse  to  go  immediately  to  Fleury.  The  Queen- 
mother  also  dispatched  thither  the  nobles  of  her  household. 
It  happened  as  Chalais  had  said  :  towards  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning  Monsieur's  officers  arrived  at  Fleury,  sent 
to  prepare  his  dinner.  M.  le  Cardinal  left  them  in  the 
house,  came  to  Fontainebleau,  and  went  straight  to  the 
bed-chamber  of  Monsieur,  who  was  getting  up,  and  was 


1 68  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

sufficiently  amazed  to  see  him.  He  reproached  Monsieur 
for  not  having  honoured  him  with  his  commands  to 
provide  dinner,  which  he  would  have  done  as  best  he 
could,  and  said  that  he  had  left  the  house  in  possession 
of  his  people.  After  this,  having  handed  Monsieur  his 
shirt,  he  went  away  to  the  King,  and  afterwards  to  the 
Queen-mother"  .  .  .  leaving  Gaston  effectually  frightened 
by  his  terrible  coolness. 

So  ended  the  Fleury  plot.  The  friends  of  M.  de 
Chalais  were  completely  puzzled  as  to  how  the  informa 
tion  could  have  reached  Richelieu,  until,  the  Court  having 
returned  to  Paris,  he  made  his  confession  to  Madame 
de  Chevreuse,  promising  more  faithfulness  in  future. 

For  a  moment  a  kind  of  paralysis  seems  to  have  seized 
both  parties  in  the  game.  Ill  in  body  and  troubled  in 
mind,  realising  that  his  public  life  must  be  one  long 
struggle  against  deadly  foes  at  home  and  abroad,  Richelieu 
actually  offered  his  resignation  to  the  King.  It  was  plain, 
he  said,  that  he  alone  was  the  cause  of  divisions  in  the 
State.  His  enemies  were  so  many  that  he  lived  at  Court 
in  continual  peril  of  assassination.  If  it  were  the  King's 
will  that  in  spite  of  danger  he  should  continue  to  serve 
him,  he  was  ready  to  do  so,  but  he  knew  that  his  departure 
would  be  for  the  peace  of  the  realm.  Writing  also  to 
the  Queen-mother,  he  begged  her  to  take  his  part  with 
the  King,  adding  that  unless  he  could  be  more  careful 
of  his  health  in  future  his  career  as  a  statesman  would 
of  necessity  be  short. 

Such  fits  of  depression  were  nothing  new.  It  is  likely 
enough  that  Richelieu  was  in  earnest,  for  the  moment 
at  least.  But  if  his  object  was  to  measure  the  confidence 
and  loyalty  he  might  expect  from  his  master  through 
the  difficult  times  he  foresaw,  the  experiment  succeeded. 
In  a  long  and  kind  letter,  Louis  refused  to  let  his 
Minister  go. 

11  Mon  Cousin,"  he  wrote,  " .  .  .1  have  every  confidence 
in  you,  and  never  has  any  one  served  me  as  well  as  you. 
...  I  desire  and  beg  you  not  to  retire,  for  my  affairs  would 
go  ill.  ...  I  pray  you  to  have  no  fear  of  the  calumnies 


THE   CARDINAL  169 

which  in  my  Court  no  one  can  escape.  ...  Be  assured  that 
I  will  protect  you  against  every  one,  and  that  I  will  never 
abandon  you.  The  Queen,  my  mother,  promises  you  as 
much.  ...  Be  assured  that  I  shall  never  change,  and  that, 
by  whomsoever  you  may  be  attacked,  you  will  have  me 
for  your  second." 

As  to  the  Cardinal's  health,  the  King  promised  to  spare 
him  as  much  as  possible,  to  dispense  him  from  all  visits, 
and  to  give  him  frequent  rest  and  relaxation.  Following 
on  these  favours,  he  ordered  him  for  his  greater  security 
a  guard  of  a  hundred  men. 

After  the  Fleury  affair,  Richelieu  retired  for  some  days 
to  his  house  at  Limours.  Here,  at  the  end  of  May,  he 
received  two  important  visits.  One  was  from  the  Prince 
de  Conde,  tired  of  his  isolation,  alarmed  by  the  fate  of 
d'Ornano,  and  convinced  at  length  that  the  man  at  the 
head  of  affairs  would  be  safer  as  a  friend  than  as  an  enemy. 
He  was  well  received,  for  Richelieu  had  already  given 
Louis  XIII.  the  counsel  which  he  now  acted  upon — the 
wise  counsel  given  long  ago  by  the  Duke  of  Milan  to 
Louis  XI. — that  the  princes  leagued  against  the  King  should 
be  divided  amongst  themselves. 

Monsieur  le  Prince  slept  at  Limours,  and  remained  the 
next  day  to  dinner.  He  talked — Cond£  always  talked 
much  and  plausibly — and  the  Cardinal,  by  his  own  account, 
listened  respectfully  and  answered  frankly.  They  discussed 
the  affairs  of  Monsieur.  It  was  Conde's  opinion  that  he 
should  be  kindly  treated,  but  kept  in  his  place :  as  to 
the  Marechal  d'Ornano,  his  arrest  had  been  "a  master 
stroke"  and  should  be  followed  up  by  his  trial.  He 
recommended  to  the  Cardinal  more  caution  in  dealing 
with  powerful  men,  but  would  not  hear  of  his  retirement 
from  the  head  of  affairs.  It  would  be  the  ruin  of  the 
State,  he  said.  He  told  him  that  he  had  long  desired  his 
friendship ;  that  France  had  never  before  seen  so  great  or 
so  disinterested  a  Minister,  whose  glorious  deeds  could 
not  be  denied,  even  by  his  enemies.  All  this  and  much 
more  flattery  ended  in  an  alliance  between  the  Prince  and 
the  Cardinal,  which  actually  lasted  their  lives.  Conde" 


became  a  loyal  subject  of  the  King  and  a  devoted  adherent 
and  admirer  of  Richelieu. 

The  other  visit  was  from  Monsieur  himself.  The 
consequences  of  this  interview  were  not  so  lasting,  though 
for  the  moment  satisfactory.  The  royal  boy  was  in  a 
chastened  frame  of  mind.  He  was  ready  to  make  his 
formal  submission  to  the  King,  without  any  condition, 
even  as  to  the  safety  of  M.  d'Ornano,  who  had  thus  a 
foretaste  of  the  destiny  of  all  Monsieur's  friends.  Richelieu's 
fatherly  admonitions  had  their  full  effect.  The  next  day, 
in  Paris — Pentecost,  May  31 — the  Prince  vowed  on  the 
Gospels  eternal  love  and  loyalty  to  the  King  and  to  the 
Queen  his  mother.  A  solemn  family  compact  was  drawn 
up  and  signed  :  Louis,  Marie,  Gaston. 

The  Cardinal's  next  step  was  the  disgrace  of  M.  d'Aligre, 
the  Chancellor,  who  had  failed  to  face  Monsieur  in  the 
matter  of  d'Ornano's  arrest.  The  seals  were  transferred 
to  Michel  de  Marillac.  Then  the  Vendome  princes  had 
their  turn. 

If  the  Due  de  Vend6me— the  "Cesar-Monsieur  "  flattered 
and  feared  by  Henry  IV.'s  Court — had  been  a  man  of 
character  to  match  his  position,  no  one  of  the  great  nobles 
could  have  equalled  him  in  power  and  popularity.  Even 
as  a  vain  and  vicious  coward,  few  men  in  the  kingdom 
were  more  dangerous  to  Richelieu's  plans  and  Louis  XIII.'s 
government.  From  his  province  of  Brittany,  the  Duke 
had  watched  the  failure  of  the  great  conspiracy  in  which 
he  and  his  brother  were  deeply  engaged.  They  feared, 
and  with  reason,  that  their  own  ruin  would  follow  that 
of  the  Marechal  d'Ornano.  As  the  month  of  May  passed, 
and  nothing  was  done,  Cesar  proceeded  to  fortify  himself 
at  Nantes,  while  Alexandre,  a  bolder  man,  watched  events 
in  Paris  and  sought,  not  without  success,  to  discover  the 
real  mind  of  his  half-brother  the  King. 

Early  in  June  came  the  startling  news  that  Louis  and 
the  Court  were  setting  out  for  Brittany.  They  were 
already  on  the  road,  and  the  Cardinal,  lingering  a  few 
days  at  Limours  for  his  health's  sake,  was  about  to  follow, 
when  he  was  unexpectedly  visited  by  Alexandre  de 


THE   CARDINAL  171 

Vend6me,  hurrying  post-haste  to  fetch  his  brother  from 
Nantes  to  meet  the  displeased  King. 

From  Richelieu's  own  account,  it  was  a  characteristic 
interview.  He  had  long  distrusted  these  two  young  men, 
whom  Henry  IV.  had  indulged  and  exalted  with  the 
short-sighted  idea  that  they  would  be  Louis  XIII.'s  most 
loyal  subjects.  On  the  contrary,  says  Richelieu,  both 
contributed  to  every  effort  that  was  made  to  shake  the 
royal  authority,  and  both — had  they  been  able — would 
have  done  the  kingdom  irreparable  harm.  With  grim 
satisfaction  the  Cardinal  saw  these  royal  birds  now 
struggling  in  the  net  he  had  spread  for  them.  It  was  not 
necessary  to  spare  them  as  Gaston,  legitimate  prince  and 
heir-presumptive,  had  been  spared. 

Richelieu  has  been  accused  of  deceiving  the  Grand 
Prior  with  false  hopes  of  favour  and  clemency,  thus 
encouraging  him  to  place  his  brother  and  himself  in  the 
King's  hands.  He  might  have  thought  himself  justified 
in  doing  so,  if  necessary.  On  the  contrary,  if  he  is  to 
be  believed,  he  tried  to  guard  against  any  accusation  of 
the  kind.  He  pretended  to  be  aware  neither  of  the 
anxious  terror  that  had  brought  the  young  man  to  Limours, 
nor  of  the  "  fausse  hardiesse  "  which  led  him  to  play  this 
game  of  bluff  for  himself  and  for  his  brother,  acting 
innocence  and  a  frank  readiness  to  face  the  King. 

"  When  the  Grand  Prior  told  the  Cardinal  that  he  was 
going  to  fetch  his  brother,  he  did  not  answer  him  that 
he  was  doing  either  well  or  ill,  because  he  saw  that  they 
could  not  save  themselves,  or  resist  the  King's  power, 
if  they  remained  in  Brittany,  and  he  thought  it  better 
that  His  Majesty  should  take  the  trouble  to  fetch  them 
thence,  or  even  take  them  on  their  road,  than  give  them 
a  pretext  to  say "  (what  they  did  say)  "  that  they  had 
been  attracted  by  fine  words,  deceived  and  caught  by 
false  hopes." 

Finding  that  the  Cardinal  would  give  him  no  clear 
lead,  Alexandre  de  Vendome  hastened  on  his  way.  A 
few  days  later,  he  and  his  brother,  "  making  a  virtue  of 
necessity,"  met  the  King  at  Blois.  The  next  day,  both 


i;2  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

were  arrested  and  conveyed  to  the  castle  of  Amboise, 
from  which  they  were  transferred  to  Vincennes.  The 
Due  de  Vendome's  question — "  What  about  Monsieur  ? 
Has  he  been  arrested  or  no  ? " — was  hardly  needed  to 
warn  Richelieu,  who  arrived  at  Blois  that  same  evening, 
that  the  conspiracy  was  still  alive  and  dangerous. 

The  Comte  de  Chalais,  unimaginably  rash  and  foolish, 
was  playing  a  game  he  could  only  lose.  His  escape  after 
the  Fleury  affair  had  been  narrow  enough,  and  he  had 
then  solemnly  promised  loyalty  to  the  Cardinal,  even 
undertaking  to  act  as  his  spy,  informing  him  of  any  evil 
counsels  that  might  reach  Monsieur.  But  Chalais  was 
not  his  own  master.  Madame  de  Chevreuse  drove  him 
into  a  path  where  there  was  no  more  turning  back,  and 
after  the  arrest  of  the  Vendome  princes  he  became  the 
active  agent  and  cat's-paw  of  a  new  combination  of  old 
rebel  forces  which  swiftly  dragged  Monsieur  into  its 
centre,  his  vows  of  loyalty  hardly  spoken  and  the  ink 
of  his  signature  not  yet  dry. 

While  the  King  continued  his  slow  progress  into 
Brittany  to  assure  himself  of  the  loyalty  of  the  province, 
he  was  actually  enveloped  in  a  cloud  of  conspiracy.  Every 
night,  according  to  Bassompierre,  the  Comte  de  Chalais 
visited  Monsieur  in  his  room,  and  for  two  or  three  hours 
talked  and  plotted  treason :  an  easy  adventure  for  the 
Master  of  the  King's  Wardrobe,  who  had  his  lodging  close 
to  royalty.  The  plan  was  that  Monsieur  should  leave  the 
Court  and  fly  either  south-west  or  north-east ;  either  to  the 
Huguenots  at  La  Rochelle,  prepared  to  receive  him  by 
the  influence  of  Madame  de  Chevreuse  and  Madame  de 
Rohan,  or  to  the  Due  d'£pernon  and  his  son  at  Metz.  The 
Comte  de  Soissons,  whom  the  King  had  left  behind  as 
governor  of  Paris,  furious  at  the  arrest  of  his  friends  the 
Vendome  princes,  was  eager  not  only  to  help  with  arms 
and  men  towards  a  civil  war,  but  to  seize  his  own  advantage 
by  carrying  off  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier. 

This  last  detail  of  the  plot,  it  seems,  was  the  first 
to  reach  the  King's  ears,  and  he  defeated  it  by  sending 
for  the  heiress  and  her  mother,  the  Duchesse  de  Guise, 


THE   CARDINAL  173 

who  immediately  followed  the  Court  on  its  westward 
journey. 

This  piece  of  ill-luck  was  swiftly  followed  by  others. 
Monsieur  himself  was  undecided,  timid,  difficult  to  move 
to  instant  action.  Disliking  the  Huguenot  leaders,  he  was 
unwilling  to  place  himself  in  their  hands.  Metz  was  his 
favourite  idea  ;  but  the  Marquis  de  la  Valette  would  not  act 
independently  of  his  father,  and  the  old  Due  d'£pernon, 
it  seems,  had  had  enough  of  quarrels  with  the  King,  for  he 
went  so  far  as  to  send  him  the  letter  that  Monsieur  had 
written. 

Richelieu  seems  to  have  felt  a  certain  scornful  pity  for 
the  unfortunate  Chalais,  whose  evil  report  was  brought  to 
him  by  other  spies.  More  than  once  he  had  him  warned 
that  he  was  on  the  road  to  ruin ;  yet  "  the  poor  gentleman  " 
went  on  with  his  desperate  schemes.  And  even  the  spies 
had  not  discovered  the  extent  of  these.  Chalais  was 
betrayed  to  his  destruction  by  a  friend,  the  Comte  de 
Louvigny,  who  quarrelled  with  him  because  he  would  not 
take  his  side  in  some  trivial  dispute  with  the  Comte  de 
Candale,  another  son  of  the  Due  d'£pernon.  Chalais  made 
it  clear  that  neither  he  nor  his  friends  could  afford  to  be  on 
ill  terms  with  that  family. 

This  quarrel  took  place  between  Saumur  and  Nantes, 
as  the  Court  travelled  down  the  Loire  in  all  the  fresh 
beauty  of  early  summer.  M.  de  Bassompierre,  who  was 
present,  a  courtier  of  long  experience,  thought  nothing  of 
it — a  mere  matter  of  an  amourette — and  it  is  pretty  certain 
that  public  opinion  was  with  him  in  denouncing  Louvigny 
as  "  ce  m6chant  garcon "  for  the  revenge  he  took.  Having 
been  known  as  "  parfait  ami  de  Chalais,"  the  confidant  of 
his  secrets,  he  straightway  poured  them  all  into  the  ears  of 
the  Cardinal  and  the  King.  Bassompierre  hints  that  in  his 
rage  and  spite  he  told  even  more  than  the  truth ;  but  that 
alone  was  enough  to  condemn  Chalais. 

He  was  arrested  at  Nantes  on  July  8.  On  the  nth,  the 
Estates  of  Brittany  were  opened  by  the  King  amid  loyal 
rejoicings,  a  new  governor,  the  Mare"chal  de  The"mines,  taking 
the  place  of  the  Due  de  VendOme.  By  this  appointment 


174  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Richelieu  showed  a  certain  magnanimity ;  forgetting  his 
own  brother's  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Marechal's  son,  he 
remembered  and  rewarded  the  old  soldier's  faithfulness  in 
1616,  when  by  the  arrest  of  Conde  he  had  checked  the 
rebel  party  and  lightened  the  task  of  the  Richelieu-Barbin 
ministry. 

While  Chalais  lay  in  prison  through  those  summer  days, 
his  fate,  if  ever  doubtful,  was  decided  by  the  poltroonery 
of  the  prince  for  whom  he  had  conspired.  To  assure  his 
own  safety  and  to  gain  some  of  his  ends,  if  not  all, 
Monsieur  made  a  full  confession  to  the  Cardinal  first,  then 
to  the  King  in  Council.  In  his  long  and  confused  declara 
tions,  preserved  in  the  French  Archives,  a  few  points  stand 
out  clearly :  that  he  described  all  his  plans  against  the 
State,  especially  against  the  Cardinal;  treason,  revolt, 
murder,  and  civil  war :  that  he  denounced  all  his  friends, 
not  only  d'Ornano  and  Chalais,  but  his  Vendome  half- 
brothers,  the  Comte  de  Soissons  and  many  more.  He  did 
not  quite  spare  Madame  de  Chevreuse  or  even  the  Queen. 
On  the  other  hand,  he  once  again  promised  obedience  to 
the  King  and  consented  to  marry  Mademoiselle  de  Mont- 
pensier ;  but  the  reward  he  asked  for  his  submission  was 
not,  as  it  might  well  have  been,  the  pardon  of  his  friends, 
but  the  great  appanage  that  he  had  long  demanded.  Riche 
lieu  found  it  politic  to  satisfy  him  so  far,  and  Gaston 
became  Duke  of  Orleans  and  of  Chartres  and  Count  of 
Blois ;  but  his  actual  income,  in  the  form  of  pensions,  still 
depended  largely  on  the  pleasure  of  the  King. 

"  After  which,"  says  Richelieu,  "  the  marriage  was  made 
without  further  difficulty  on  Monsieur's  side.  The  Cardinal 
married  them  on  August  5,  in  the  Chapel  of  the  Fathers  of 
the  Oratory  at  Nantes,  in  whose  house  the  Queen-mother 
was  lodged." 

In  the  last  days,  when  the  formalities  of  the  trial  of 
Chalais  were  already  begun,  Monsieur  made  some  weak 
attempt  to  save  him ;  but  the  victim  was  marked  for  death. 
His  own  prayers,  entreaties,  and  despairing  confessions, 
his  mother's  agonised  letter  to  the  King,  the  efforts  of 
some  of  his  friends — more  courageous  than  Madame  de 


THE   CARDINAL  175 

Chevreuse,  who  dared  not  even  answer  his  last  adoring 
letters — were  all  of  no  avail.  He  was  condemned  to  the 
frightful  death  of  a  traitor. 

The  King  commuted  its  worst  horrors.  Chalais  was 
beheaded  at  Nantes  on  August  19.  At  the  end  he  bore  his 
fate  like  a  soldier ;  and  if  his  agony  was  unusually  long 
and  terrible,  the  cause  lay  in  the  mistaken  kindness  of  his 
friends,  who  had  managed  to  kidnap  the  public  executioner. 
His  place  was  taken  by  a  condemned  wretch  from  the 
prison  who  thus  earned  his  own  pardon.  They  say  that  at 
the  twentieth  blow  from  that  unskilful  arm  young  Chalais 
still  groaned — "j£sus  Maria!"  and  a  shudder  of  pity  ran 
through  the  staring  crowd. 


CHAPTER  IV 

1627—1628 

Two  famous  edicts — The  tragedy  of  Bouteville  and  DCS  Chapelles — 
The  death  of  Madame  and  its  consequences — War  with  England— The 
Siege  of  La  Rochelle. 

RICHELIEU  had  triumphed.  Monsieur  was  safely 
married ;  for  the  moment  contented  and  range.  The 
restless,  foolish,  unhappy  Chalais  was  dead ;  the 
Mare"chal  d'Ornano  had  died  in  prison,  not  without  a 
suspicion  of  poison  which  seems  unjustified  ;  the  VendOme 
brothers  were  securely  bolted  into  the  damp  dungeons  of 
Vincennes ;  the  Comte  de  Soissons  had  fled  to  Savoy ; 
Madame  de  Chevreuse,  banished  from  the  Court,  had  taken 
refuge  with  Duke  Charles  of  Lorraine ;  Queen  Anne  was 
in  disgrace.  Conspiracy  was  scotched,  if  not  killed ;  the 
storm  had  blown  over,  and  the  highest  in  France,  it  seemed, 
lay  at  the  Cardinal's  mercy. 

By  two  popular  edicts  he  pursued  his  plan  of  crushing 
the  nobles  and  making  the  King  supreme.  One  destroyed, 
first  in  Brittany,  then  all  over  France,  every  feudal  strong 
hold  that  was  not  needed  for  the  defence  of  province  or 
kingdom.  Such  a  measure  was  something  of  a  revolution, 
for  it  struck  sharply  at  the  local  strength  and  independent 
authority  of  the  nobles,  great  and  small.  Peasants  and 
townspeople  were  delighted  to  help  the  royal  officials  in 
smashing  gates  and  tearing  down  tall  watch-towers  and 
walls  six  feet  thick,  which  had  threatened  their  liberty  for 
so  many  centuries.  As  is  usual  in  revolutions,  a  good 
deal  of  injustice  was  done ;  many  proprietors  suffered  for 


THE  CARDINAL  177 

the  sins  of  a  few;  promised  indemnities  were  not  paid. 
And  after  all,  Richelieu  or  no  Richelieu,  civilisation  was 
in  fact  advancing.  Manners  were  changing.  Every  year 
widened  the  difference  between  the  centuries,  left  Henry  IV. 
farther  behind  and  brought  Louis  XIV.  nearer.  Richelieu, 
in  his  dealing  with  the  great  men,  their  fortresses  and 
their  governments,  only  hurried  the  inevitable  march.  But 
he  also  gained  his  own  immediate  ends. 

The  other  famous  edict  forbade  duels.  They  had  long 
been  forbidden,  under  the  severest  penalties ;  but  the 
passions  of  men  and  the  usages  of  society  had  been  too 
strong  for  the  law,  which  had  become  almost  a  dead  letter. 
The  nobles  of  France  fought  each  other  "  by  day  and  night, 
by  moonlight,  by  torchlight,  in  the  public  streets  and 
squares,"  and  on  the  slightest  quarrel.  The  Church  pro 
tested,  the  law  threatened,  without  avail.  Richelieu  once 
more  brought  forward  the  royal  authority,  forbidding  duels 
on  pain  of  death,  with  the  firm  intention  of  making  an 
example  of  any  man  who  should  dare  to  disobey. 

The  occasion  was  not  long  in  coming.  Frangois  de 
Montmorency,  Comte  de  Bouteville,  was  one  of  the  best- 
known  duellists  in  France — or  in  Europe,  for  that  matter. 
At  twenty-seven  he  had  already  fought  twenty-two  duels. 
Fighting  was  his  passion.  "  If  you  want  to  fight,"  said  the 
President  de  Chevry  to  a  punctilious  gentleman,  "  go  and 
pull  a  hair  out  of  Bouteville's  beard ;  il  vous  fera  passer 
votre  envie" 

In  the  spring  of  1627  Bouteville  was  in  Flanders,  having 
made  France  too  hot  to  hold  him.  The  Archduchess 
Isabel,  from  her  Court  at  Brussels,  wrote  to  ask  his 
pardon  of  Louis  XIII.,  who  refused  it,  adding,  however, 
that  he  might  return  to  France  safe  from  justice,  on 
condition  that  he  appeared  neither  in  Paris  nor  at  Court. 
This  answer  touched  Bouteville's  pride.  He  had  a  quarrel 
with  the  Baron  de  Beuvron ;  he  resolved  to  fight  it  out 
in  Paris  in  the  teeth  of  King,  Cardinal,  and  edicts  new 
and  old.  Each  man  had  two  seconds :  it  was  a  triple  duel 
with  swords,  three  against  three ;  and  it  was  fought  in 
broad  daylight  in  the  Place  Royale,  the  most  fashionable 

12 


1 78  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

square  in  Paris.  The  windows  of  the  high  red  houses 
were  crowded  with  spectators. 

Both  principals  escaped  unhurt ;  but  the  Comte  des 
Chapelles,  Bouteville's  second,  killed  his  adversary,  M.  de 
Bussy  d'Amboise,  governor  of  Vitry.  Honour  being  satis 
fied,  the  survivors  fled  for  their  lives.  M.  de  Beuvron  and 
two  other  men  got  away  safely  to  England.  M.  de  Boute- 
ville  and  M.  des  Chapelles,  on  their  way  to  Lorraine,  were 
foolhardy  enough  to  sleep  at  Vitry,  where  the  fatal  news 
had  outrun  them,  and  "the  dead  man's  mother,"  says 
Bassompierre,  "  arrested  them." 

They  were  brought  back  to  Paris,  imprisoned  in  the 
Bastille,  and  after  a  short  trial  sentenced  to  death.  Then 
the  whole  opinion  of  society  rose  passionately  in  their 
favour.  Such  edicts  were  useless ;  human  nature  could 
not  obey  them.  Men  must  quarrel,  and  there  was  one 
honourable,  approved  way  of  settling  their  quarrels  :  they 
must  fight.  If  they  did  not  they  were  scorned  as  cowards ; 
the  King  himself  sneered  at  their  prudence,  their  obedience 
to  his  own  edicts.  Thus  cried  every  gentleman  in  France, 
and  the  Cardinal's  heart  must  have  echoed  the  cry.  Though 
he  would  not  save  the  victims,  saying  that  it  was  a  question 
which  throat  should  be  cut — that  of  the  duel  or  that  of 
the  law;  though  he  listened  unmoved  to  the  prayers  of 
their  friends  and  relations — the  Princesse  de  Cond6  and 
the  Due  de  Montmorency  were  Bouteville's  cousins,  for  the 
best  blood  of  France  ran  in  his  veins — yet  the  words  with 
which,  in  his  Memoirs,  he  mourns  the  two  young  men, 
have  a  ring  of  sincerity.  Famous  for  courage  in  their 
lives,  it  did  not  fail  them,  he  says,  at  the  approach  of  a 
disgraceful  death. 

"  There  was  nothing  feeble  in  their  speech,  nothing  low 
in  their  actions.  They  received  the  news  of  death  as  if  it 
had  been  that  of  pardon.  .  .  .  They  were  well  prepared 
to  die.  .  .  .  There  was  one  difference  between  them  : 
Bouteville  appeared  sad  in  those  last  hours,  and  the  Comte 
des  Chapelles  joyful ;  Bouteville  sad  for  the  faults  he  had 
committed,  and  the  other  joyful  for  the  hope  he  had  of 
Paradise." 


THE   CARDINAL  179 

The  two  were  beheaded  in  the  Place  de  Greve  on 
June  21,  1627.  Their  deaths,  following  on  his  signal 
triumphs  of  the  preceding  year,  made  the  name  of  Richelieu 
hateful  and  terrible  to  the  nobles  of  France.  They  began 
to  feel  that  he  might  be  as  almighty  in  power  as  he  was 
relentless  in  action.  But  they  did  not  cease  to  fight 
duels. 

Another  tragic  event  in  the  early  summer  of  that  year 
was  the  death  of  Monsieur's  young  wife,  a  few  days  after 
the  birth  of  her  child — not  the  prince  whose  arrival  had 
been  anxiously  expected  all  the  winter,  the  suspense  adding 
pride  and  importance  to  Monsieur  and  Madame,  gloom  and 
jealousy  to  the  King  and  Queen — but  a  princess,  afterwards 
known  as  the  Grande  Mademoiselle,  the  greatest  heiress  in 
Europe,  whose  distinguished,  eccentric  presence  was  to  be 
familiar  to  the  French  Court  for  more  than  sixty  years. 

"  That  death,"  says  Bassompierre,  "  changed  the  face  of 
the  Court,  gave  rise  to  new  designs,  and  in  short  was  the 
cause  of  many  evils  which  have  since  come  to  pass." 

The  Duchess  had  no  more  sincere  mourner  than  Car 
dinal  de  Richelieu.  "  Deplorable  .  .  .  prejudicial  to  the 
welfare  of  the  State,"  he  writes  of  the  death  of  Madame, 
"...  who  in  ten  months  was  wife  of  a  great  prince, 
sister-in-law  of  the  three  first  and  greatest  kings  of 
Christendom,  a  mother,  and  a  corpse." 

The  Cardinal  had  good  reasons  for  his  regret.  Monsieur, 
who  since  his  marriage  had  lived  peaceably,  content  with 
his  own  trifling  amusements,  influenced  by  his  wife's  gentle 
attraction  rather  than  by  a  set  of  ambitious  favourites,  now 
became  once  more  a  centre  of  varied  intrigue.  And  it  was 
not  only  his  ready  disloyalty,  but  the  constant  scandal  of 
his  private  life,  which  induced  Louis  XIII.  and  Richelieu 
to  do  their  best  to  satisfy  his  restless  spirit.  The  foolish 
and  vicious  boy,  a  widower  at  nineteen,  was  after  all  the 
only  hope  of  the  direct  royal  line. 

By  way  of  consoling  the  Prince  and  occupying  his  mind, 
"the  King,"  says  a  memoir-writer  of  that  century,  "pro 
posed  to  him  all  kinds  of  honest  exercise,  principally  that 
of  the  chase :  there  being  hardly  a  day  on  which  His  Majesty 


i8o  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

did  not  so  divert  himself,  he  imagined  that  Monsieur 
would  take  the  same  pleasure  in  it " — which  he  did  not, 
being  a  Parisian  and  a  gambler.  "  And  since  Monsieur 
possessed  no  house  near  Paris  where  he  could  sometimes 
take  the  air,  His  Majesty  thought  well  to  give  him  that  of 
Limours,  belonging  to  the  Cardinal  de  Richelieu ;  thus 
gratifying  His  Highness  in  the  belief  that  he  would  take 
pleasure  in  beautifying  it.  It  was  purchased  at  the  same 
price  for  which  it  had  been  acquired,  which  amounted  to 
400,000  livres,  including  the  domain  of  Montlhery  ;  and  with 
a  further  payment  of  300,000  livres  to  the  Cardinal  de 
Richelieu,  as  well  for  the  furniture  as  for  his  expenditure 
and  the  improvements  he  had  made." 

The  writer  goes  on  to  explain  that  the  Cardinal  gladly 
seized  this  opportunity  of  getting  rid  of  Limours. 

"  The  Cardinal  was  disgusted  with  that  house,  finding 
it  unpleasant  and  unhealthy ;  both  because  of  its  low 
situation,  yet  without  fountains  or  other  waters,  and  because 
of  many  other  things  that  were  lacking ;  and  he  was  happy 
to  seize  a  good  chance  of  getting  rid  of  it,  and  greatly  to  his 
advantage ;  which  he  could  not  have  expected  in  any  other 
quarter.  For  the  Queen-mother's  persuasion  decided  the 
King  to  gratify  the  Cardinal  her  creature,  in  whom  she  had 
then  every  confidence." 

The  last  sentence  hardly  bears  the  stamp  of  truth.  In 
the  year  1627  and  later,  Richelieu  could  not  be  described 
as  the  creature  of  Marie  de  Medicis,  and  her  confidence  in 
him  had  almost  ceased  to  exist. 

In  the  spring  of  that  year  the  discontent  between  France 
and  England  flashed  out  into  war.  This  had  been  imminent 
since  the  early  autumn  of  1626,  when  Charles  I.  roughly 
drove  out  his  wife's  French  household  ;  and  Bassompierre's 
embassy  of  remonstrance  had  only  smoothed  matters  over 
for  the  time.  Richelieu  did  not  desire  war  with  England  ; 
it  meant  a  new  struggle  with  the  Huguenots.  He  intended 
to  fix  his  own  date  for  that,  and  to  make  it  final.  He  was 
not  yet  ready.  But  this  time  Buckingham's  jealous  anger 
and  restless  ambition  were  strong  enough  to  force  his  hand. 
Louis  XIII.  had  refused  to  receive  the  Duke  again  at  the 


THE   CARDINAL  181 

French  Court.  This,  according  to  contemporaries,  be  they 
right  or  wrong,  was  the  chief  and  secret  cause  of  the  war. 
Outwardly,  it  was  brought  about  by  quarrels  and  piracies 
on  both  sides  at  sea,  as  well  as  by  Charles  I.'s  sympathy 
with  the  oppressed  Huguenots ;  but  every  enemy  of 
Richelieu's  government,  Protestant  or  Catholic,  was  more 
or  less  drawn  into  a  coalition  against  him.  Not  only  the 
Due  de  Soubise  and  his  friends  in  England,  and  the  Due 
de  Rohan  in  Languedoc,  but  Duke  Charles  of  Lorraine, 
influenced  by  Madame  de  Chevreuse,  the  Duke  of  Savoy 
and  his  guest  the  Comte  de  Soissons,  and  the  Archduchess 
Isabel,  ruler  of  the  Low  Countries,  who  did  her  best  to 
draw  Spain  to  England's  side,  were  concerned  in  this  great 
enterprise  of  crushing  Cardinal  de  Richelieu.  As  a  fact,  at 
this  very  time,  Spain  and  France  were  allied  by  treaty 
against  England ;  but  Richelieu  differed  from  the  Queen- 
mother  and  the  rest  of  the  Catholic  party  in  profoundly 
distrusting  Olivarez ;  and  he  knew,  quite  as  well  as  his 
many  enemies  did,  that  an  English  victory  would  leave 
France,  divided  in  herself,  standing  alone  against  Europe. 

From  mid-winter  onward,  the  English  fleet  was  pre 
paring  ;  through  what  enormous  difficulties,  readers  of 
English  history  know.  From  week  to  week,  all  through 
the  spring,  more  and  more  alarming  reports  crossed  the 
Channel :  the  English  were  coming ;  any  day  might  see 
their  sails  in  the  north-west,  bearing  down  on  the  coast  of 
France.  La  Rochelle  was  their  destination  ;  but  they  could 
not  reach  the  Huguenot  city  without  first  seizing  one  or 
both  of  the  islands,  Re  and  Oleron,  which  guard  it  from 
the  sea.  Of  these,  Re  was  now  the  strongest,  new  royal 
forts  having  been  built  there  since  the  last  Huguenot  revolt, 
to  overawe  the  town.  Convinced  that  the  English  "  could 
do  nothing  there,"  Richelieu  threw  himself  with  fiery  energy 
into  the  task  of  strengthening  Oleron  and  the  forts  on  the 
mainland.  His  letters,  written  during  those  months  to  the 
governors  of  towns  and  castles  on  the  coast,  especially  to 
M.  de  Guron,  governor  of  Marans,  M.  de  Launay-Razilly, 
commanding  in  OleYon,  M.  de  Toiras  and  others,  including 
his  brother-in-law  the  Marquis  de  Br6ze,  and  his  friend 


1 82  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

and  lieutenant  M.  de  Sourdis,  Bishop  of  Maillezais,  after 
wards  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux — kinsman  and  successor  of 
his  enemy  Cardinal  Sordido — are  a  really  wonderful  study. 
Few  great  statesmen  have  shown  such  a  genius  for  detail. 
As  the  danger  approached  his  letters  flew  to  all  parts  of 
the  coast,  and  in  reading  them  one  may  almost  hear  the 
heavy  strokes  of  the  axe  in  Breton  forests,  the  hammering 
of  ship-builders,  the  creaking  of  cordage,  the  clank  of  arms 
and  the  rolling  of  cannon-balls,  the  rumbling  of  waggons 
laden  with  tools,  powder,  provisions  for  the  islands.  M.  de 
Guron,  through  those  months  of  March,  April  and  May,  can 
have  slept  but  little  He  had  to  understand  "at  half  a  word." 
He  had  to  cope  with  the  angry  tempers  of  the  men  who 
worked  under  him ;  he  had  to  consider  the  poor  people  of 
the  islands  and  to  take  care  that  the  soldiers  did  not  oppress 
them.  Over  and  over  again  Richelieu  writes  in  the  interest 
of  the  peasants  ;  they  must  not  be  taxed  or  tormented.  In 
fact,  they  were  neighbours  of  his  old  Lucon  days ;  a  very 
few  miles  to  the  north,  the  spire  of  his  cathedral  rose  over 
the  marshes  ;  almost  every  letter  shows  his  familiarity  with 
every  inch  of  that  coast. 

Another  characteristic  point  is  the  gentle  tone  in  which 
Richelieu  writes  of  the  Huguenots,  grimly  watching  from 
the  walls  of  La  Rochelle  the  strengthening  of  the  islands, 
the  gathering  of  armies,  the  hurrying  to  their  coast  of  a 
crowd  of  young  Catholic  nobles,  the  desperate  energy  of 
equipment  with  which  ships  and  boats  were  being  collected 
from  north  and  south  to  meet  the  coming  storm.  The 
people  of  La  Rochelle  were  anxious,  and  with  reason. 
Their  minds  were  divided,  not  altogether  rejoicing  in  the 
English  descent,  as  they  proved  a  little  later — for  when 
the  Due  de  Soubise,  coming  from  England,  presented 
himself  at  the  gates,  they  were  shut  against  him  until  his 
mother,  old  Madame  de  Rohan  of  the  dreams  and  visions, 
went  down  herself  to  the  harbour,  commanded  that  the 
gates  should  be  opened,  took  his  hand  and  led  him  in. 
The  citizens  of  La  Rochelle  might  resist  the  rulers  of  their 
own  country,  but  they  were  not  unanimously  ready  to 
welcome  a  foreign  invader,  and  it  was  Richelieu's  policy  to 


THE   CARDINAL  183 

encourage  this  doubtfulness.  Writing  to  M.  de  Navailles, 
commander  of  the  cavalry  in  the  island  of  Re,  he  more  than 
once  enjoins  him  to  assure  Messieurs  de  la  Rochelle,  who 
might  be  disquieted  by  the  warlike  preparations  going  on 
at  their  very  gates,  of  the  excellent  intentions  of  His 
Majesty.  They  need  fear  nothing,  as  long  as  they  paid 
him  the  respect  and  obedience  they  owed.  These  military 
works  were  not  for  their  harm,  but  for  his  own  security. 
Again,  writing  to  his  uncle  the  Commander  de  la  Porte, 
governor  of  Angers,  Richelieu  says:  "Let  the  Huguenots 
spread  what  reports  they  will :  provided  they  continue  in 
obedience,  they  will  always  be  well  treated.  We  intend 
no  harm  to  them,  but  only  to  prevent  their  doing  any." 

The  alarms  and  the  frenzied  preparations  went  on 
through  the  spring  and  far  into  the  summer,  and  were 
at  their  height  while  the  Bouteville  affair  and  the  death 
of  Madame  occupied  the  mind  of  Paris.  On  the  day  of 
the  royal  obsequies  at  Saint-Denis,  the  English  fleet  had 
already  sailed  from  "  Porsemus,"  as  Richelieu  spells  it, 
and  ten  or  twelve  days  later  it  appeared  off  La  Rochelle. 
Louis  XIII.  had  already  left  Paris  for  the  west  coast. 
Monsieur  was  appointed  lieutenant-general  of  the  royal 
armies  in  Poitou,  which  were  actually  commanded  by  the 
King's  old  cousin,  the  Due  d'Angouldme,  with  Louis  de 
Marillac,  brother  of  the  Chancellor,  as  second  in  command, 
and  by  the  Marshals  de  Schomberg  and  de  Bassompierre. 
Later  in  the  year,  the  Prince  de  Conde  and  the  Due  de 
Montmorency  were  charged  with  checking  the  Due  de 
Rohan  in  Languedoc.  By  that  time,  Toiras  being  block 
aded  by  the  English  in  the  Isle  of  Re,  and  the  attitude 
of  La  Rochelle  being  no  longer  doubtful,  Richelieu  had 
ceased  to  show  patience  and  toleration  of  the  King's  rebels. 
The  day  he  had  long  foreseen  had  at  last  arrived.  "  Faut 
ruiner  les  Huguenots.  Si  Re  se  sauve,  facile.  S'il  se 
perd,  plus  difficile,  mais  faisable  et  necessaire  comme 
1'unique  remede  de  la  perte  de  Re.  Autrement  les  Anglois 
et  Rochelois  seroyent  unis  et  puissans." 

These  notes  form  part  of  a  report  drawn  up  by  the 
Cardinal's  secretaries  of  an  interview  between  himself  and 


1 84  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

Conde,  which  took  place  at  Richelieu  in  the  early  autumn. 
The  words  may  probably  have  been  Condi's :  that  foolish 
firebrand  was  in  favour  of  setting  the  whole  kingdom  in 
a  blaze  of  religious  war,  of  persecuting  the  Protestants 
and  pulling  down  their  houses,  in  hopes  that  they  might 
make  such  reprisals  as  would  infuriate  the  country  against 
them  and  lead  to  something  like  their  extermination. 
These  mad  ideas  were  far  enough  from  Richelieu ;  but 
he,  equally  with  Conde,  was  now  resolved  to  crush  the 
rebel  power,  and  to  bring  all  Frenchmen  under  the  King's 
authority. 

But  a  long  and  difficult  struggle  lay  before  him. 

The  King  was  ill  when  he  left  Paris,  and  after  one  day's 
journey  fever  seized  him  so  violently  that  he  could  go 
no  farther.  For  weeks  he  lay  between  life  and  death  at 
Villeroy,  on  the  road  to  Orleans.  He  was  there  in  the 
middle  of  July,  when  a  courier  arrived  from  the  Marquis 
de  Br6ze,  bringing  news  that  the  English  had  landed  in 
R6,  and  after  sharp  fighting,  many  precious  lives  being 
lost  on  both  sides,  had  forced  M.  de  Toiras  to  retire  into 
the  fort  of  Saint-Martin,  where  he  was  closely  besieged. 
No  one  disputed  the  desperate  courage  of  Toiras ;  but  he 
earned  great  blame  from  the  Cardinal  for  his  rashness 
and  want  of  foresight ;  the  citadel  being  hardly  in  a  state 
of  defence,  and  provisioned  for  seven  or  eight  weeks  only. 
Boasting  that  he  could  drive  off  the  English  with  one  arm, 
he  had  indeed  never  faced  the  possibility  of  being  shut 
up  in  Saint-Martin.  The  despised  enemy  was  to  teach  him 
a  sharp  lesson. 

The  situation  was  serious  to  the  last  degree,  and 
Richelieu  had  to  meet  it  alone.  The  King  was  far  too 
ill  to  hear  such  news,  and  his  life  was  more  valuable  to 
France  than  any  forts  and  islands :  the  Cardinal  had  to 
accept  a  responsibility  never  yet  openly  his.  Walking 
gingerly  in  a  crowd  of  enemies,  he  had  till  now  sheltered 
himself  under  the  authority  of  the  King.  Now  he  rose 
supreme,  to  give  those  "  prompt  and  powerful  orders " 
which,  as  he  says,  were  the  only  way  to  face  the  storm. 
"  A  thousand  cares  tormented  and  agitated  his  mind ;  but 


THE   CARDINAL  185 

the  greatest  of  all,  which  troubled  him  most,  was  to  show 
no  anxiety  before  the  King.  .  .  .  All  the  day  he  was  with 
him ;  at  night  he  seldom  left  him ;  and  yet  his  mind  was 
always  busy  with  the  orders  which  secretly,  from  hour 
to  hour,  he  had  to  send  out  for  the  succour  of  the  island 
and  the  hindering  of  the  English.  .  .  .  For  he  heard  that 
there  was  scarcity  in  the  forts  of  Re,  and  that,  if  not 
promptly  relieved,  they  were  lost." 

From  the  gates  of  Villeroy  rode  couriers,  agents,  envoys, 
carrying  orders  and  money  to  all  parts.  The  State  funds 
were  so  low  that  Richelieu  was  compelled  to  use  his  own 
money  and  credit :  he  ventured  all  without  hesitation.  He 
sent  a  large  sum  to  Le  Havre,  for  the  equipment  of  five 
ships ;  to  Saint-Malo,  for  eight  ships  and  eleven  great  guns  ; 
to  Brouage  and  Les  Sables  d'Olonne,  that  any  quantity 
of  provisions  of  all  kinds,  wine,  meat,  flour,  biscuit,  might 
be  ready  to  be  thrown  into  the  besieged  citadel.  For  that 
purpose  he  ordered  a  number  of  pinnaces  from  Bayonne 
and  the  river-mouths  on  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  which  could 
approach  the  islands,  sailing  or  rowing,  when  the  weather 
made  large  ships  useless.  Three  bold  sea-captains,  Beaulieu, 
Courcelles,  and  Canteleu,  promised  to  carry  victuals  into 
Re  or  to  die  in  the  attempt.  Richelieu  invited  help  from 
Spain,  in  accordance  with  treaties;  but  that  cautious 
government  waited  to  send  ships  till  Buckingham  had 
sailed  away  for  England  and  something  like  a  French 
navy,  created  by  Richelieu's  marvellous  practical  energy 
and  commanded  by  the  Due  de  Guise,  was  cruising  in  the 
waters  of  La  Rochelle. 

This  did  not  happen  till  December.  No  relief  of  Saint- 
Martin  became  possible  till  the  first  days  of  October,  when 
on  a  stormy  night  a  number  of  small  boats  slipped  through 
the  English  fleet  and  brought  in  a  supply  of  provisions 
and  a  reinforcement  of  four  hundred  men  to  M.  de  Toiras 
and  his  starving,  exhausted  garrison.  By  this  time  the 
King  had  recovered,  and  he  and  the  Cardinal  had  joined 
the  army  before  La  Rochelle. 

With  their  arrival  the  luck  turned,  and  the  English 
attack  began  to  fail,  though  the  people  of  La  Rochelle 


1 86  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

were  now  ready  to  give  Buckingham  everything  he  wanted, 
except — for  after  all,  they  were  French — a  permanent 
foothold  in  their  islands.  The  commanders  on  the  coast, 
under  Richelieu's  immediate  orders,  worked  with  double 
activity.  Schomberg  landed  in  Re,  Saint-Martin  was 
relieved,  and  after  some  hard  fighting  the  English  were 
driven  back  with  serious  loss  to  their  ships.  A  few  days 
later  Buckingham  sailed  away  to  England,  leaving  behind 
him  the  best  part  of  his  army,  colours,  horses,  guns,  and 
baggage.  He  never  saw  France  again.  The  English  flags 
taken  in  Re  were  carried  in  triumph  through  Paris  and 
hung  up  in  Notre  Dame. 

And  now  the  fight,  one  of  the  sternest  in  history,  the 
details  of  which  would  fill  a  volume,  was  between  Cardinal 
de  Richelieu  and  the  proud  old  city  of  La  Rochelle,  the 
stronghold  which  for  two  hundred  years,  either  in  politics 
or  religion,  had  repeatedly  and  successfully  braved  the  kings 
of  France.  "  The  Cardinal  had  to  expect,"  says  M.  Martin, 
"  a  terrible  resistance.  The  population  of  La  Rochelle, 
swelled  by  the  zealous  Huguenots  of  the  surrounding 
country,  numbered  at  least  thirty  thousand  souls — a  race  of 
fierce  and  intrepid  corsairs,  hardened  to  fatigue  and  danger, 
accustomed,  for  sixty  years  past,  to  live  with  restless 
vigilance  in  the  perpetual  state  of  siege  which  they  had 
imposed  on  themselves  in  order  to  preserve  their  stormy 
liberties." 

These  liberties  Richelieu  was  resolved  that  they  should 
no  longer  enjoy.  And  except  for  the  support  of  the  King 
and  of  his  few  trusted  lieutenants,  he  was  almost  alone 
in  that  resolution.  The  nobles  of  France,  even  the  com 
manders  of  the  army,  saw  very  well  that  the  entire  con 
quest  of  the  Huguenots  was  a  long  step  towards  their  own 
impotence  under  an  absolute  King  and  a  strong  Minister. 
Even  the  gay  soldier  Bassompierre  said  half  seriously, 
"We  shall  be  fools  enough  to  take  La  Rochelle!"  Such 
opinions,  of  which  he  was  well  aware,  did  not  give  the 
Cardinal  a  moment's  pause.  He  made  some  attempt  to 
disarm  his  enemies  by  civilities  to  the  Queen-mother, 
by  obtaining  a  Cardinal's  Hat  for  her  saintly  and  dis- 


THE   CARDINAL  187 

tinguished  friend  Pere  de  Berulle — his  own  friend  in 
his  Lucon  days;  but  he  was  too  clever  to  expect  much 
result,  and  he  probably  cared  little  at  this  moment,  when 
all  his  instincts  of  a  soldier,  a  born  general,  were  flaming 
up  within  him  at  the  sight  of  camps  to  be  ruled,  armies 
to  be  moved,  great  towering  walls  to  be  laid  low.  Ruin 
might  follow,  if  it  must :  the  Huguenots  should  have 
their  lesson. 

He  had  summoned  Pere  Joseph,  his  chief  counsellor,  to 
join  him  before  La  Rochelle.  The  Capuchin  walked  from 
Paris  in  leisurely  fashion,  visiting  convents  in  Poitou 
and  preaching  by  the  way.  He  reached  the  camp  on 
one  of  those  days  in  October  when  the  Cardinal,  lately 
arrived,  was  absent  on  the  coast  directing  the  despatch 
of  fresh  troops  and  stores  to  the  islands.  He  was 
lodged  in  the  Cardinal's  quarters,  a  small  moated  house 
called  Pont-la-Pierre,  on  the  sand-hills,  only  a  hundred 
paces  from  the  flat  sea-shore  at  Angoulins,  just  south  of 
La  Rochelle.  That  very  night  there  was  an  alarm  that 
five  hundred  men  were  coming  in  boats  from  the  town, 
to  blow  up  the  house  and  kill  or  capture  the  Cardinal. 
Though  two  regiments,  according  to  Bassompierre,  were 
quartered  at  Angoulins,  the  house  was  outside  immediate 
help,  and  on  a  dark  and  windy  night  might  well  be  sur 
prised.  Pere  Joseph  had  scarcely  arrived  when  he  was 
invaded  by  M.  de  Marillac  and  two  hundred  musketeers. 
A  whole  army  indeed  was  on  foot  to  receive  the  adven 
turers.  Regiments  were  lying  flat  among  the  dunes;  the 
King  himself  was  on  horseback  all  night  in  heavy  rain, 
watching  behind  Pont-la-Pierre  with  a  troop  of  cavalry. 
All  these  precautions  seemed  absurd  to  Bassompierre 
and  his  brother  officers,  who  did  not  love  the  Cardinal 
or  appreciate  the  King's  anxious  care  for  his  safety. 
After  all,  the  expected  attack  did  not  come  off.  Either 
the  men  of  La  Rochelle  were  warned,  or,  as  Pere  Joseph 
thought,  the  weather  was  too  much  for  them.  He  himself 
was  praised  by  the  King  for  his  intrepidity ;  for  when 
he  might  have  retired  to  the  royal  quarters  he  preferred  to 
remain  at  Pont-la-Pierre  in  charge  of  the  Cardinal's  papers. 


1 88  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

The  character  of  Louis  XIII.  never  shows  so  well  as 
in  time  of  war.  The  gloomy,  nervous,  irresolute  young 
man  was  a  daring  soldier.  In  spite  of  his  weak  health 
he  shunned  no  hardship ;  the  outdoor  endurance  learnt 
in  the  hunting-field  proved  itself  of  real  value  in  battle 
and  siege.  Early  in  December  of  that  year,  when  the 
regular  blockade  of  La  Rochelle  had  begun,  Cardinal 
de  Richelieu  wrote  to  the  Queen-mother  with  a  report 
of  the  King's  health : 

"  .  .  .  Although  the  country  is  most  evil,  tempest,  wind 
and  rain  being  the  usual  course,  and  the  soil  constantly 
a  quagmire,  His  Majesty  does  not  cease  to  dwell  here 
with  as  much  gaiety  as  if  he  were  in  the  most  beautiful 
place  in  the  world.  .  .  .  He  is  constantly  at  work  ...  he 
has  regulated  his  army,  reformed  his  regiments  ...  he 
reviews  his  army,  visits  his  works.  .  .  .  The  day  before 
yesterday  he  spent  three  hours  on  the  dyke  that  he  is 
making,  to  bar  the  harbour.  Not  only  did  he  overlook 
the  work,  but  set  an  example  by  working  with  his  own 
hands.  His  Majesty  alone  does  much  more  to  advance 
his  affairs  than  all  those  who  have  the  honour  to  be 
employed  under  his  command.  The  men  of  La  Rochelle 
make  little  sorties,  but  are  always  beaten  back." 

The  Cardinal  was  wise  enough  to  give  the  King  the 
credit  of  all  his  own  marvellous  doings  at  this  time.  It 
was  practicable  to  blockade  La  Rochelle  by  land ;  but 
as  long  as  the  harbour  and  channel  were  open,  it  was 
impossible  to  hinder  the  city  from  receiving  supplies  by 
sea.  At  the  same  time,  the  difficulties  connected  with 
the  land  siege  were  considerable  enough  ;  and  the  army 
regulations  carried  out  by  Richelieu,  mentioned  in  his 
letter  to  Marie  de  Me"dicis,  were  as  stern  as  they  were 
necessary.  Three  leagues  of  circumvallation,  strengthened 
by  forts  and  redoubts,  had  to  be  held  by  a  host  of 
more  or  less  undisciplined  men,  whose  careless  com 
manders  thought  more  of  their  own  interests  and  their 
own  quarrels  than  of  the  service  of  the  King.  Before 
Louis  and  the  Cardinal  arrived  on  the  scene,  the  Due 
d'Angouleme  had  been  negligent  or  humane  enough  to 


LOUIS   XIII 


THE  CARDINAL  189 

allow  the  Rochellois  to  come  out  into  their  fields  and 
gather  in  their  harvest;  and  after  the  siege  had  really 
begun,  he  allowed  a  hundred  and  twenty  oxen  to  be 
smuggled  one  night  into  the  city.  It  might  have  cost  a 
lesser  man  his  head. 

Richelieu  once  in  full  authority,  no  more  such  weakness 
was  shown ;  but  if  implacably  stern  towards  the  besieged, 
he  showed  himself  just  and  benevolent  towards  both  the 
King's  soldiers  and  the  poor  peasants  of  that  unhappy 
land,  who  had  dragged  on  miserable  lives  through 
generations  of  religious  wars.  The  soldiers  were  forbidden 
to  rob  the  peasants,  or  to  interfere  with  their  field  work. 
The  army  was  regularly  paid  and  provided  with  food 
and  clothing,  while  the  officers  found  themselves  reinforced 
and  overshadowed  by  a  crowd  of  warlike  ecclesiastics, 
the  Bishops  of  Maillezais,  of  Mende,  of  Nimes,  and  others, 
not  to  mention  Pere  Joseph  and  his  train  of  friars,  who 
fought  and  fortified,  preached  and  prayed,  besieging  the 
heretics  in  the  spirit  of  crusaders  and  waging  a  holy  war 
for  Richelieu's  political  ends. 

The  Due  d'Angouleme,  with  his  fellow  generals  Schom- 
berg  and  Bassompierre — Monsieur  having  quickly  with 
drawn  from  the  uncomfortable  siege  to  find  amusement 
and  mischief  in  Paris — commanding  an  army  from  which 
blasphemy  and  crime  were  banished,  were  charged  with 
the  land  blockade  and  with  such  outside  work  as  pulling 
down  the  castles  of  rebel  Huguenot  nobles  in  the  neigh 
bouring  country — among  them  that  of  the  Due  de  Soubise. 
Warned  by  such  severities,  and  impressed  by  the  failure 
of  the  English  to  succour  La  Rochelle,  several  of  the 
Huguenot  gentlemen  of  Poitou  came  into  the  camp  to 
assure  the  King  of  their  loyalty.  The  most  distinguished 
among  them,  the  Due  de  la  Tremoi'lle,  listened  to  the 
persuasive  voice  of  Pere  Joseph  and  became  a  Catholic, 
and  certain  of  his  friends  followed  his  example — a  signal 
triumph  for  Richelieu  which  was  not  encouraging  to  the 
starving  heroes  of  La  Rochelle.  Towards  the  same  time 
the  young  Comte  de  Soissons  returned  from  Savoy,  and 
instead  of  supporting  the  Due  de  Rohan,  as  he  had 


190  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

threatened,  in  Languedoc,  asked  the   King's  pardon  and 
joined  the  royal  army. 

In  February  1628  the  King's  cheerful  interest  in  the 
siege  suddenly  failed.  The  monotony  of  camp  life,  the 
slow  advance  of  the  necessary  works,  and  the  horrible 
weather,  bored  him  unbearably :  "  son  ennui  vint  jusqu'a 
tel  point,"  writes  Richelieu,  "  qu'il  estimoit  sa  vie  etre  en 
p£ril  s'il  ne  faisoit  un  tour  a  Paris."  He  may  probably 
have  been  right,  for  the  damp  marshes  on  which  the 
army  lived  were  hardly  healthy  for  a  man  subject  to 
low  fever ;  Richelieu  himself  was  prostrated  by  it  several 
times  in  that  spring.  All  the  same,  he  was  angry  and 
scornful  at  the  King's  desertion.  He  was  also  uneasy 
on  his  own  account,  for  Paris  seethed  with  the  intrigues 
of  his  deadly  enemies,  and  political  clouds  were  gathering 
in  the  south.  For  a  moment  it  seemed  possible  that  La 
Rochelle  would  escape :  the  departure  of  both  King  and 
Cardinal  would  have  brought  the  siege  to  an  end.  In 
remaining  alone,  Richelieu  made  a  bold  venture  which 
was  justified.  The  King  returned  from  Paris  in  April ; 
in  the  meanwhile,  he  made  the  Cardinal  his  lieutenant- 
general,  with  supreme  authority  over  his  forces  by  land 
and  sea. 

Richelieu's  first  care  was  to  finish  the  great  dyke  or 
mole  by  means  of  which  alone  the  harbour  of  La  Rochelle 
could  be  barred  against  all  entrance  from  the  sea.  Two 
famous  workmen  from  Paris,  Metezeau  and  Tiriot,  engineer 
and  master-mason,  undertook  this  tremendous  piece  of 
work,  at  which  the  regiments  laboured  in  turn.  Several 
times,  in  the  early  winter,  the  great  beams  and  blocks  of 
stone  were  swept  away  by  furious  seas,  but  Richelieu  only 
began  again :  the  two  arms  of  the  mole  were  well  advanced 
in  spring,  and  the  Rochellois  could  watch  from  their  ram 
parts  the  growing  of  those  cruel  prison  walls  against  which 
Atlantic  waves  tumbled  in  vain.  The  narrow  passage  in 
the  centre  was  blocked  by  sunken  ships  laden  with  stones, 
and  then  the  doomed  city  was  in  the  hands  of  her 
enemies  :  they  had  only  to  wait  for  her  surrender. 

We  may  see  Cardinal    de    Richelieu  as  artists  have 


THE   CARDINAL  191 

fancied  him,  standing  on  the  wet  rugged  stones  of  the  great 
mole,  green  water  washing  and  foaming  almost  round  his 
feet.  Immense  hulls  of  English  ships  loom  in  the  offing,  and 
small  boats  full  of  armed  men  are  dancing  on  the  waves. 
The  gigantic  beams  of  the  chevaux  de  /rise  protecting  the 
mole  are  splintered  by  cannon-balls.  A  fresh  breeze  is 
blowing :  the  Cardinal's  scarlet  cloak  falls  back  from  his 
slight  steel-clad  shoulders ;  he  wears  a  sword ;  he  is  bare 
headed,  except  for  a  skull-cap.  He  stands  in  his  high  boots, 
with  folded  arms,  looking  out  to  sea,  unmoved,  confident 
in  his  defences  ;  while  a  group  of  soldiers  and  ecclesiastics, 
some  yards  behind  him,  talk  and  stare  excitedly. 

The  Cardinal's  mole  and  his  other  fortifications  were  too 
much  for  the  English  fleet  when  it  returned  in  May :  it 
hardly  even  attempted  an  attack,  but  sailed  away  in  a  week, 
leaving  La  Rochelle  a  prey  to  famine,  though  not  yet  to 
despair. 

The  story  of  that  terrible  summer  has  often  been  told : 
how  fresh  English  promises,  with  the  desperate  heroism  of 
Guiton,  the  famous  mayor,  encouraged  the  town  to  hold 
out  to  the  last ;  how  the  weak  died  by  thousands,  and  the 
strong  lived  on  grass,  shell-fish,  stewed  hides  and  leather 
and  worse  food  still ;  how  old  men,  women  and  children, 
driven  out  of  the  city  as  useless  mouths,  were  not  allowed, 
even  at  the  request  of  Madame  de  Rohan,  to  pass  through 
the  royal  lines,  but  were  forced  to  turn  back,  so  that  many, 
the  gates  being  shut  upon  them,  died  miserably  between 
the  walls  and  the  camp. 

It  was  the  end  of  September,  three  weeks  after  the 
murder  of  Buckingham,  when  an  English  fleet  and  army 
arrived  at  last,  too  late :  a  French  fleet  awaited  them, 
French  batteries  were  in  full  force.  The  harbour  was  not 
to  be  entered,  even  by  means  of  fire-ships,  and  after  two 
days'  hard  fighting  the  winds  of  heaven  declared  themselves 
against  the  luckless  city ;  a  gale  forced  the  English  to  run 
for  shelter,  and  the  prayers  of  La  Rochelle  could  not  induce 
them  to  renew  the  battle.  A  week  later  the  city  sur 
rendered  to  the  King :  quite  half  her  population  were  dead ; 
less  than  two  hundred  remained  of  her  heroic  fighting  men. 


192  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

On  October  30  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  entered  the  city 
on  horseback.  It  was  a  fearful  sight.  "  On  trouva  la  ville 
pleine  de  morts,  dans  les  chambres,  dans  les  maisons,  et 
dans  les  rues  et  places  publiques ; "  for  the  wretched 
survivors  had  lacked  strength  to  bury  their  dead.  On  the 
morning  of  All  Saints'  Day  the  victorious  commander  said 
mass  in  the  reconsecrated  Church  of  Sainte-Marguerite, 
assisted  by  his  lieutenant,  M.  de  Sourdis,  now  Archbishop 
of  Bordeaux.  He  then  carried  the  keys  of  the  city  to  meet 
the  King,  who  made  his  state  entry  on  the  same  day,  the 
Cardinal  riding  alone  before  His  Majesty,  preceded  by 
the  three  commanders  of  the  army.  An  enormous  convoy 
of  provisions  was  a  more  welcome  sight  to  the  wolfish 
creatures  crowding  in  their  streets  full  of  tragedy  and 
falling  on  skeleton  knees  at  Louis  XIlI.'s  feet. 

The  city,  once  submissive,  was  treated  severely,  but  not 
barbarously.  Richelieu  would  crush  rebels  with  his  whole 
strength,  but  he  left  men  free  to  practise  their  own  religion, 
provided  it  did  not  interfere  with  their  obedience  to  the 
State.  In  this  he  was  consistent :  a  wiser  man  than 
Louis  XIV.,  he  would  never  have  revoked  the  great  Henry's 
edict  and  deprived  France  of  a  multitude  of  her  most 
capable  citizens.  The  walls  and  towers  of  La  Rochelle 
were  razed  to  the  ground ;  the  city  lost  her  proud  self- 
governing  independence,  and  became  subject  to  the  royal 
authority.  But  an  amnesty  was  offered  to  the  leading 
Huguenots,  and  the  Cardinal  placed  the  gallant  Guiton, 
corsair  by  nature,  in  command  of  one  of  His  Majesty's 
ships. 


CHAPTER  V 

1628-1630 

The  Due  de  Nevers  and  the  war  of  the  Mantuan  Succession— The 
rebellion  in  Languedoc— A  new  Italian  campaign — Richelieu  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief. 

A  FEW  days  after  the  submission  of  La  Rochelle  a 
great  storm  destroyed  the  mole  which  had  been  the 
city's  destruction.  Winds  and  floods  devastated  the 
west  of  France,  and  the  Cardinal  and  the  Chancellor  were 
nearly  drowned  in  crossing  the  Loire  on  their  journey  with 
the  Court  back  to  Paris. 

There  was  no  time  for  delay.  France  was  on  the  eve 
of  a  new  war  ;  and,  though  the  Huguenot  question  was  not 
really  settled  as  long  as  the  Due  de  Rohan  kept  rebellion 
stirring  in  Languedoc,  Richelieu  felt  himself  safe  in  laying 
it  aside  for  the  moment.  Spain  and  Savoy  had  attacked 
the  Duke  of  Mantua ;  his  fortress  of  Casale  in  Montferrat 
had  been  blockaded  by  Spanish  troops  for  some  months 
before  the  fall  of  La  Rochelle,  but  had  held  out  gallantly 
in  the  hope  of  relief  from  France ;  indeed,  a  body  of 
French  volunteers  had  already  forced  their  way  in,  led  by 
the  Cardinal's  trusted  agent,  M.  de  Guron,  whom  he  had 
sent  from  La  Rochelle  to  manage  matters  with  Savoy  until 
the  French  were  free  to  act  openly. 

The  difficulty  now  was  that  French  opinion  found  itself 
deeply  divided  on  the  question  of  Mantua.  The  new  Duke 
was  Charles  de  Gonzague,  Due  de  Nevers,  who  had 
succeeded  Vincenzo  di  Gonzaga  as  a  lineal  descendant  of 
the  old  family.  His  succession  to  Mantua  and  Montferrat 
13  '93 


I94  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

was  disputed  in  various  quarters  and  for  various  reasons. 
The  Duke  of  Savoy  claimed  Montferrat,  the  Duke  of 
Guastalla  claimed  Mantua ;  Spain  would  not  have  a  French 
prince  ruling  in  Italy,  and  the  Emperor  Ferdinand  II. 
insisted  on  his  right  as  suzerain  to  hold  the  provinces  and 
to  decide  the  matter. 

The  Due  de  Nevers  was  one  of  the  greatest  nobles  in 
France.  And  not  only  that :  he  was  the  head  of  the  house 
of  Paleologus,  and  the  natural  heir,  had  it  still  existed, 
to  the  throne  of  Constantinople.  He  was  a  high-minded, 
magnificent  personage,  brave,  chivalrous,  romantic — Pere 
Joseph's  intimate  friend  and  fellow-crusader.  Under  the 
regency  he  had  been  a  disturbing  element,  and  Marie  de 
Me"dicis  hated  him  for  reasons  of  her  own.  In  those 
days  her  rage  against  him  had  led  her  to  speak  scornfully 
of  his  birth  and  his  race. 

"  Which  coming  to  the  Duke's  knowledge,"  says  M.  de 
Montglat,  "  he  said  that  he  knew  well  the  respect  he  owed 
her  as  the  mother  of  his  King ;  but  that,  on  the  other  hand, 
every  one  was  aware  that  the  Gonzagas  were  princes 
before  the  Medici  were  gentlemen.  These  words  so  piqued 
the  Queen  that  she  never  forgave  him." 

Therefore  there  was  a  private  motive  of  revenge  behind 
the  strong  opposition  offered  by  the  Queen-mother  and  her 
friends — the  Chancellor  Marillac,  on  this  occasion,  joining 
his  voice  once  more  with  those  of  the  Cardinal  de  Berulle, 
the  Princesse  de  Conti  and  her  lover  Bassompierre,  and  all 
those  of  the  Court  who  hated  and  envied  Richelieu — to  the 
plan  of  marching  at  once,  with  the  victorious  army  of 
La  Rochelle,  to  the  succour  of  the  Duke  of  Mantua.  They 
argued  that  the  troops  needed  rest  after  their  eighteen 
months  of  hardship ;  that  the  Huguenot  party  was  not  yet 
really  crushed  and  would  have  time  to  rise  again  ;  that  the 
Duke  of  Mantua's  difficulties  mattered  little  in  comparison 
with  a  peaceful  settlement  at  home.  To  these  zealous 
Catholics  it  appeared  horribly  inconsistent  that  the  Pope 
should  send  congratulations  and  command  Te  Deums,  and 
that  a  Cardinal's  Hat  should  be  bestowed  on  Alphonse  de 
Richelieu,  now  Archbishop  of  Lyons — a  striking  departure 


THE   CARDINAL  195 

from  the  precedent  which  forbade  that  honour  to  two 
brothers — all  this  to  glorify  the  conquest  of  La  Rochelle ; 
while  the  hero  of  that  conquest  was  ready  and  eager  to 
plunge  into  war  with  the  Catholic  powers,  Austria  and 
Spain. 

This  was  the  keenest  trial  of  strength  that  had  yet 
taken  place  between  the  Queen-mother  and  her  former 
protege.  To  all  her  arguments  she  added  those  of  family 
affections  and  old  alliance :  the  Queen  of  Spain  and  the 
future  Duchess  of  Savoy  were  the  King's  sisters;  peace 
with  Spain  and  the  Empire  had  been  the  chief  object  of 
her  own  policy  as  Regent.  In  reply,  Richelieu  maintained 
his  views  :  the  honour  of  France  was  concerned  in  the 
Mantuan  affair;  the  Duke's  legitimate  right  could  not  be 
disputed ;  and  if  France  were  to  suffer  the  pretensions  of 
Spain,  Savoy,  and  the  Empire,  she  would  be  acting  a  part 
both  cowardly  and  foolish.  Never  would  Louis  XIII.'s 
Minister  consent  thus  to  degrade  his  King.  The  Cardinal 
went  on  to  make  a  statement  of  his  policy  and  his  inten 
tions,  promising  that  by  the  month  of  May  Casale  would 
be  relieved  and  the  royal  army  free  to  deal  with  the 
Huguenots  in  Languedoc.  "  So  that  your  Majesty  will,  I 
hope,  return  victorious  to  Paris  in  the  month  of  August." 
In  a  more  personal  strain  he  reproached  the  King  for  want 
of  confidence,  and  frankly  pointed  out,  in  Marie's  presence, 
the  faults  of  character  which  made  him  a  difficult  master 
to  serve.  Then  once  more  he  alluded  to  his  own  weak 
health,  and  offered  to  lay  down  the  burden  of  office,  too 
heavy,  he  said,  for  him  to  bear. 

Marie  de  Medicis  listened,  and  perhaps,  with  her  eyes 
fixed  on  her  gloomy  and  worried  son,  hoped  for  an  instant 
that  the  Cardinal's  career  was  ended.  Nothing  of  the  kind. 
"  When  the  King  had  heard  all  this  with  as  much  patience 
as  the  humours  of  the  great  generally  bestow  on  the  most 
important  affairs,  he  told  the  Cardinal  that  he  was  resolved 
to  profit  by  what  had  been  said,  but  would  hear  no  more 
of  his  retirement." 

From  this  conference,  says  M.  Martin,  "  Richelieu  sortit 
rot"  Our  point  of  view  shows  this  as  a  fact ;  but  neither 


196  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

the  Cardinal  himself  nor  his  enemies  saw  it  at  the  time. 
The  Queen-mother's  hostility  was  only  now  becoming  open 
and  active ;  the  "  Day  of  Dupes,"  when  Richelieu  ran  his 
greatest  risk  and  reached  his  zenith  of  power,  was  still 
almost  two  years  distant. 

The  King  left  Paris  for  the  south  on  January  15,  1629, 
travelling  through  eastern  France,  while  the  army  of  La 
Rochelle,  under  Marshals  Schomberg,  Bassompierre,  and 
de  Crequy,  having  "  refreshed  itself  "  among  the  mountains 
of  Auvergne,  marched  to  join  His  Majesty  in  Dauphine. 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu  travelled  with  the  King  from  Chalons. 
On  his  way  from  Paris  he  stopped  at  Les  Caves,  near 
Nogent-sur-Seine,  a  country  house  belonging  to  his  old 
friend  Claude  Bouthillier,  then  a  Secretary  of  State,  after 
wards  Surintendant  des  Finances,  the  father  of  young  Leon 
Bouthillier,  Comte  de  Chavigny,  who  became  Richelieu's 
right  hand  and  was  loved  by  him  as  a  son.  At  Les  Caves 
the  Cardinal  met  the  Prince  de  Conde,  and  conferred  with 
him  as  to  the  crushing  of  the  Huguenots  in  Languedoc. 
But  he  had  room  for  other  thoughts.  A  letter  to  M.  Bou 
thillier,  written  on  leaving  Les  Caves,  is  attractive  in  its 
detachment  from  the  whirlpool  of  politics  and  war. 

"  I  cannot  leave  your  house  to  pursue  my  way,"  he 
writes,  "  without  thanking  you  for  the  good  cheer 
Madame  Bouthillier  has  bestowed  on  us ;  which  was  such, 
that  if  you  had  yourself  been  here  you  could  have  added 
nothing  to  it.  ...  Also  I  must  tell  you  that  whereas  you 
described  this  house  as  a  farm,  it  may  be  called  a  very 
fine  and  pretty  house,  leaving  nothing  to  be  desired  but 
the  building  of  a  gallery  on  the  left  hand  of  the  entrance, 
in  order  to  match  the  right  wing.  .  .  ."  In  a  postscript, 
the  Cardinal  advises  M.  Bouthillier  as  to  the  purchase  of 
a  chateau  at  Pont-sur-Yonne,  where  in  later  years,  rich 
and  beneficent,  M.  le  Surintendant  and  his  wife  often 
entertained  royalty. 

A  month  later  found  Louis  XIII.  and  his  army  at  the 
foot  of  the  Alps,  on  the  frontiers  of  France  and  Piedmont. 
Some  negotiations  between  Richelieu  and  the  Prince  of 
Piedmont,  the  King's  brother-in-law,  having  ended  in 


THE   CARDINAL  197 

nothing,  the  French  proceeded  to  invade  Savoyard  territory. 
It  was  not  an  easy  matter,  in  the  first  days  of  March,  over 
mountain  paths  buried  in  snow,  to  reach  and  to  storm 
the  rocky  and  barricaded  gorge  which,  beyond  Mont 
Genevre  on  the  French  side,  led  to  the  fortified  town  of 
Susa,  the  gateway  of  Piedmont.  The  whole  gorge  was 
commanded  by  Spanish  and  Piedmontese  troops,  firing 
down  on  the  invaders ;  the  Duke  of  Savoy  himself  was  in 
the  field. 

In  the  dark  hours  of  early  morning,  Louis  XIII.  led 
his  regiments  to  the  attack.  Plunging  on  foot  through 
the  snow,  "  freely  hazarding  his  person,"  says  Aubery, 
"and  running  the  same  risk  as  the  least  soldier  in  his 
army,"  the  story  goes  that  the  victory  was  largely  owing 
to  his  own  resolute  courage.  The  marshals  in  command, 
they  say,  and  even  the  Cardinal,  were  inclined  to  hesitate 
at  an  adventure  that  looked  so  dangerous.  The  King 
climbed  the  mountain  and  met  a  goatherd,  who  showed 
him  a  path  by  which  the  barricades  and  their  defenders 
could  be  out-flanked.  While  the  main  body,  under  the 
marshals,  rushed  furiously  on  the  barricades  and  cleared 
the  gorge  at  the  point  of  the  sword,  the  royal  musketeers 
scaled  the  rocks  and  drove  down  the  enemy,  first  to  the 
barricades,  then  along  the  road  to  Susa.  In  the  helpless 
rout  of  his  troops  the  Duke  of  Savoy  narrowly  escaped 
being  taken  prisoner. 

A  few  days  were  enough  to  reduce  the  romantic  moun 
tain  town  of  Susa,  and  the  relief  of  Casale  followed  at 
once ;  for  the  furious  energy  of  the  French,  acting  as  one 
man  under  the  inspiring  force  of  Richelieu,  was  too  much 
for  Charles  Emmanuel  of  Savoy.  He  sent  his  daughter- 
in-law  in  great  magnificence  to  visit  her  royal  brother 
at  Susa,  and  hastily  made  a  treaty  with  France,  of  which 
he  was  not  long  in  repenting;  but  the  immediate  and 
necessary  consequence  was  the  retirement  from  Montferrat 
of  the  Spanish  general,  Don  Gonzalez  de  Cordova.  A 
half-promise  that  Philip  IV.  of  Spain  would  induce  the 
Emperor  to  grant  the  new  Duke  of  Mantua  his  desired 
investiture  was  not  so  easy  of  fulfilment. 


198  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

There  were  diplomatic  wheels  within  wheels.  While 
Richelieu's  negotiations  with  Savoy  and  Spain  were  still 
in  progress,  Spain  was  turning  a  favourable  ear  to  the 
Due  de  Rohan,  who  proposed  to  "  keep  France  in  a  state 
of  war  as  long  as  His  Catholic  Majesty  pleased";  under 
taking  that  his  party,  if  successful  in  establishing  a 
Protestant  republic  in  the  south,  should  assure  liberty 
of  conscience  and  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion  to 
Catholics,  on  the  condition  of  a  handsome  subsidy  and 
pensions  for  himself  and  his  brother.  This  agreement  was 
actually  signed  at  Madrid  on  May  3,  when  Richelieu  was 
still  at  Susa,  the  King  and  the  larger  part  of  the  army 
having  already  re-crossed  the  Alps  and  marched  through 
Dauphine  to  the  Rhone.  So  far  the  prophecy  had  been 
fulfilled :  the  month  of  May  had  found  the  royal  forces  free 
to  join  Conde",  Montmorency  and  d'£pernon,  and  thus  to 
deal  with  the  rebels  in  Languedoc. 

They  were  not  capable  of  much  resistance.  The 
brothers  Rohan  and  Soubise,  with  their  friends,  had  no 
regular  army  to  oppose  the  King  of  France  and  his  fifty 
thousand  men.  A  recent  treaty  between  France  and 
England  had  deprived  them  of  Charles  I.'s  possible  help, 
and  Richelieu's  movements  were  far  too  quick  for  Spain. 
By  the  middle  of  May  the  royal  armies  had  poured  like 
a  devastating  torrent  over  Languedoc  and  part  of  Guienne, 
destroying  the  green  crops,  the  growing  corn,  all  the  year's 
food  of  the  strong  little  towns  and  villages,  and  driving 
the  scattered  people  to  the  mountains.  Every  detail  of 
the  campaign  was  planned  by  Richelieu,  and  it  was  he 
who  arranged  that  the  King  himself  should  escape  the 
early  summer  heats  by  crossing  the  Cevennes  to  the 
Tarn  country  and  carrying  out  there  the  general  scheme 
of  destruction. 

The  first  step  in  the  campaign  was  the  decisive  one,  and 
cost  more  to  both  sides  than  all  the  rest.  Privas  on  its 
high  ridge,  the  gallant  little  stronghold  of  the  Vivarais, 
seventeen  years  earlier  the  seat  of  a  general  Protestant 
Synod,  was  now  called  upon  literally  to  give  its  life  for  the 
cause.  After  a  fortnight's  fighting  siege,  during  which 


THE  CARDINAL  199 

many  lives  were  lost,  the  inhabitants  and  the  garrison 
insisted  that  their  brave  commander,  St.  Andre"  de 
Montbrun,  should  make  terms  with  the  King.  These  were 
refused,  and  the  surrender  had  to  be  unconditional.  Town 
and  people  were  treated  with  terrible  severity.  Both 
besiegers  and  besieged  have  been  blamed  for  a  furious  fire 
which  broke  out  as  the  royal  troops  were  entering  the 
fortress  ;  in  the  awful  night  of  confusion  and  massacre  that 
followed,  Privas  was  sacked  and  burnt  to  the  ground  with 
every  circumstance  of  savagery. 

At  such  times  Louis  XIII.  was  hard  and  inflexible.  He 
would  have  hanged  St.  Andre,  had  not  the  Cardinal  inter 
vened  to  save  him.  Indeed,  on  this  occasion  and  others, 
Richelieu  showed  a  humanity  for  which  most  writers  have 
given  him  little  credit.  Towards  political  offenders  he  was 
indeed  "  the  Iron  Cardinal " — no  mercy  for  those  who  came 
in  the  way  of  his  great  designs;  but  he  had  pity  on  the 
helpless  fugitives  of  Privas. 

He  was  ill  in  bed  on  the  fatal  night  of  May  29.  "  But 
in  spite  of  his  illness,"  writes  Aubery,  "  having  mounted 
his  horse  with  two  hundred  gentlemen,  he  went  himself 
to  meet  the  crowd  of  inhabitants  who  had  forsaken 
their  homes  and  their  goods ;  and  among  others  he  saved 
twelve  young  girls  from  sixteen  to  eighteen  years  old, 
caused  them  to  be  led  in  safety  to  the  Chateau  d'Autremont, 
and  recommended  them  with  much  charity  to  the  Lady  of 
that  place,  who  took  great  care  of  them.  Afterwards  one 
brought  to  him  an  infant  of  seven  months,  found  in  the 
arms  of  his  dead  mother  ;  and  having  praised  and  rewarded 
the  soldier  for  saving  from  among  the  dead  him  who  had 
but  begun  to  live,  he  gave  the  child  a  nurse,  and  commanded 
that  he  should  be  well  brought  up  and  should  be  called 
Fortunat  de  Privas.  .  .  ." 

That  such  actions  should  be  remembered  as  exceptional, 
only  proves  what  was  then  the  usual  fate  of  wretched  non- 
combatants.  The  well-known  horrors  of  the  Thirty  Years 
War,  then  raging  in  Germany,  soon  to  be  shared  in  by 
France,  are  witness  enough.  Compared  with  Tilly  and 
Mansfeldt  in  their  campaigns  of  mercenary  ravage  and 


200  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

slaughter,  Richelieu's  dealings  with  the  Huguenot  faction 
appear,  considering  all  things,  actually  gentle. 

After  the  taking  of  Privas,  the  royal  armies  swept  the 
south  with  little  difficulty.  One  after  another  the  towns 
and  fortified  villages  opened  their  gates  and  laid  down  their 
arms,  and  when  the  King  made  his  triumphal  entry  into 
Nimes,  early  in  July,  Richelieu  had  attained  the  first  great 
end  of  his  policy;  the  Huguenot  "state  within  the  State" 
had  practically  ceased  to  exist. 

The  Due  de  Rohan  and  the  Protestants  of  the  south, 
once  conquered,  were  treated  with  moderation.  A  general 
amnesty  was  offered  :  Rohan  retired  to  Venice,  a  free  man. 
Liberty  of  conscience  was  assured  by  the  confirmation  of 
the  Edict  of  Nantes.  The  one  severe  condition  was  the 
razing  of  all  the  Huguenot  fortifications  throughout  the 
provinces.  This  had  to  be  accepted  and  carried  out,  sorely 
against  the  will  of  the  many  proud  little  towns  and  village 
strongholds  scattered  through  the  mountains  and  valleys 
of  that  stern  country,  which  now  found  themselves  tame 
and  defenceless  under  the  power  of  the  Crown.  Only  one 
town,  Montauban  of  fighting  memory,  stood  out  and  refused 
to  destroy  the  walls  and  towers  that  were  her  glory  and 
pride.  She  refused  so  obstinately  that  the  King,  tired  of 
his  hot  campaign,  began  his  journey  back  to  Paris  on 
July  15,  leaving  the  Cardinal,  himself  ill  of  fever,  to  bring 
her  to  reason. 

This  he  did  with  such  success,  after  two  or  three  weeks 
of  argument,  the  Montauban  deputies  following  him  from 
town  to  town,  that  they  at  last  consented  to  swallow  the 
bitter  pill  of  complete  submission.  In  the  middle  of  August 
he  entered  Montauban  peaceably  with  a  strong  force,  and 
was  received  with  almost  royal  honours  and  specially 
harangued  by  the  Protestant  ministers.  After  lingering 
a  few  days  to  see  the  destruction  of  the  ramparts  well 
begun,  "  il  retourna  triomphant  a  Paris,  au  grand  creve- 
cceur  de  ses  ennemis." 

But  those  enemies  were  increasing  in  number,  strength, 
and  confidence.  The  chances  seemed  far  more  even  to 
lookers-on  of  that  day  than  to  us,  who  possess  the  balances 


THE   CARDINAL  201 

of  history.  The  reigning  Queen,  the  Queen-mother,  Mon 
sieur,  all  the  princes  of  the  blood  except  Conde — Alexandre 
de  Vendome  had  died  at  Vincennes  in  the  early  spring  of 
1629,  and  his  family  held  Richelieu  responsible — most  of 
the  great  nobles  and  ladies  of  the  Court ;  statesmen  such 
as  Michel  de  Marillac ;  Marshals  of  France  such  as  his 
brother  Louis,  lately  promoted  to  that  rank,  Bassompierre, 
and  others ;  ecclesiastics  such  as  the  Cardinal  de  Berulle — 
all  these,  openly  or  secretly,  for  personal  or  political  reasons, 
were  opposed  to  Richelieu.  He  had  his  hearty  adherents, 
the  followers  of  his  star,  but  they  were  few  and  rather 
clever  than  powerful.  His  only  real  support  was  the  King. 
And  Louis  XIII.  showed  considerable  strength  of  character 
in  standing  by  his  Minister  against  such  odds,  social  and 
religious. 

Arriving  victorious  at  Fontainebleau,  Richelieu  was 
received  with  angry  coldness  by  Marie  de  Medicis.  He 
had  not  only  carried  out  the  policy  she  hated  as  to  Mantua, 
Spain,  and  Savoy,  but  he  had  shown  the  rebel  Huguenots 
what  seemed  to  her  a  scandalous  toleration.  A  furious 
jealousy  of  his  influence  with  the  King  was  so  evident  a 
motive  of  her  rage,  that  the  Cardinal  found  it  politic  to  bow 
before  the  storm. 

Once  more  he  solemnly  offered  his  resignation  to  the 
King;  once  more  Louis,  torn  between  the  claims  of  his 
mother  and  his  Minister,  having  spent  a  day  in  tears,  refused 
to  receive  it.  On  the  contrary,  he  heaped  fresh  honours  on 
the  Cardinal.  By  letters  patent  he  became  "  chief  Minister 
of  State,"  the  first  time  in  French  history  that  such  an 
appointment  had  been  formally  made.  A  kind  of  peace 
was  patched  up  with  the  Queen-mother.  She  and  her 
friends  only  bided  their  time ;  the  death  of  Cardinal  de 
Berulle,  a  few  days  after  Richelieu's  return  from  the  south, 
removed  one  of  the  best  of  her  counsellors  and  left  her 
more  completely  in  the  hands  of  a  violent  faction. 

Now,  in  the  autumn,  the  Duke  of  Mantua  found  him 
self  again  in  a  desperate  plight.  The  Emperor  Ferdinand, 
victorious  over  the  Protestants  of  the  north,  turned  to 
revenge  the  check  that  France  had  given  to  his  feudal 


2O2 

authority  and  to  the  armies  of  Spain.  The  unlucky 
Orisons  found  their  country  once  more  overrun,  this 
time  by  an  imperial  army  under  Marshal  Colalto,  which 
descended  the  Val  Tellina  and  stormed  across  the  Lombard 
plain  to  the  siege  of  Mantua,  very  slightly  hindered  by 
a  Venetian  force  which  had  come  to  the  Duke's  aid.  At 
the  same  time  the  valiant  old  Marquis  Spinola,  the  Spanish 
governor  of  Milan,  invaded  Montferrat  and  again  besieged 
Casale,  where  M.  de  Toiras,  the  hero  of  the  Isle  of  Re, 
was  now  in  command. 

It  looked  as  if  the  French  were  to  lose  all  advantages 
gained  by  their  brilliant  spring  campaign.  The  whole 
aspect  of  affairs  was  alarming,  for  the  danger  was  not 
only  that  which  the  Duke  of  Mantua's  imploring  letters 
pressed  upon  the  King.  Imperial  armies  were  massing 
on  the  eastern  frontier  of  France,  threatening  Champagne, 
and  it  was  necessary  that  a  French  force  should  be  sent 
to  watch  them.  The  Duke  of  Lorraine's  loyalty  was 
uncertain.  It  cannot  have  been  without  misgivings  that 
Richelieu  placed  that  gate  of  the  kingdom  in  charge  of 
his  suspected  enemy  Louis  de  Marillac,  with  Monsieur, 
the  light  and  treacherous,  in  nominal  chief  command. 

As  to  himself,  he  left  Court  intrigues  behind  him,  left 
his  master  to  the  persuasions  of  men  and  women  who 
hated  him,  and  accepted  the  royal  commission  of  "  Lieu- 
tenant-G6neral  de  la  les  Monts,"  which  not  only  gave 
him  the  supreme  command  of  the  new  Italian  campaign, 
but  made  him  the  actual  representative  of  Royalty  in  all 
matters  political  and  military.  No  Constable  of  France 
had  ever  reached  such  a  height  of  delegated  power. 

At  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  December  29  he  took 
leave,  says  Aubery,  of  the  King  and  the  Queens  at  the 
Louvre.  "  He  then  dined  in  the  chamber  of  Madame 
de  Combalet,  his  niece,  then  lady-in-waiting  to  the 
Queen-mother,  and  towards  three  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon  he  mounted  into  his  coach,  having  with  him  the 
Cardinal  de  la  Valette  and  the  Due  de  Montmorency, 
who  were  both  at  one  portiere,  and  the  Marechaux  de 
Bassompierre  and  de  Schomberg  at  the  other.  Outside 


THE   CARDINAL  203 

the  gates  of  the  Louvre  he  was  joined  by  a  troop  of  a 
hundred  cavaliers,  all  men  of  rank,  who  accompanied  him 
for  half  a  league  outside  the  city,  where  his  train  and  his 
guards  awaited  him.  .  .  .  Thus  he  took  his  way,  in  the 
depth  of  winter,  to  carry  succour  to  Montferrat,  leaving 
the  Court  and  Paris  in  a  season  whose  rigour  is  particularly 
felt  in  the  open  country." 

Letters  written  by  the  Cardinal  from  Lyons  show  how 
his  thoughts  lingered  behind  at  Paris,  among  the  enemies 
and  friends  he  had  left  there.  Having  obtained  a  piece 
of  the  True  Cross  from  the  Celestins  at  Avignon,  he  sent 
it,  with  a  letter,  to  Marie  de  Medicis,  by  the  hands  of  his 
niece,  her  lady-in-waiting.  Enclosed  with  the  treasure 
was  a  confidential  letter  to  Madame  de  Combalet — one  of 
his  three  friends  in  Marie's  household,  the  other  two  being 
his  cousin  Charles  de  la  Meilleraye,  captain  of  the  guard, 
and  Denys  Bouthillier  de  Ranee,  private  secretary— asking 
her  to  beg  from  Her  Majesty  the  favour  of  three  lines 
in  her  own  hand,  to  be  shown  to  those  who  made  it 
their  business  to  inquire  if  she  had  written  to  him.  Such 
lines  would  be  of  more  value,  he  says,  than  whole  sheets 
from  the  secretary,  "  qui  est  bon  pour  d'autres,  mais  non 
pour  une  antienne  creature." 

The  odd  touch  of  something  like  sentiment,  appealing  to 
the  Queen's  memory,  seems  to  justify  what  has  been  said 
of  the  great  Cardinal — that  he  did  not  understand  women. 
It  looks  as  if  he  had  persuaded  himself  that  the  recent 
reconciliation  would  be  lasting,  that  Marie  had  forgotten 
her  grudges  and  might  be  expected,  in  his  interest,  to 
silence  the  curious  and  the  impertinent. 

A  campaign  against  Germany  and  Spain  sounded 
formidable,  but  in  fact  it  resolved  itself  into  a  duel  between 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu  and  the  Duke  of  Savoy.  That 
cunning  old  prince  did  not  at  once  break  through  the 
Treaty  of  Susa,  which  bound  him  to  take  the  French 
side  in  case  the  Duke  of  Mantua  was  again  attacked  by 
Spain ;  but  he  did  his  best,  by  every  device  in  his  power, 
to  hinder  the  march  of  the  French  army.  The  danger  did 
indeed  become  less  immediate;  plague,  fever,  and  floods 


204  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

forced  Marshal  Colalto  to  retire  from  Mantua,  and  M.  de 
Toiras  held  his  own  in  Casale.  Even  before  Richelieu 
had  crossed  the  mountains,  the  Pope's  intervention  brought 
about  some  talk  of  peace,  while  Charles  Emmanuel  made 
endless  difficulties  as  to  the  terms  on  which  the  French, 
to  gain  Montferrat,  should  pass  through  the  territories 
of  Savoy. 

But  all  these  delays  only  made  Richelieu  more  resolute 
and  more  impatient.  He  descended  into  Dauphine,  swept 
an  army  over  the  Alps  in  terrible  weather,  and  took  up 
his  quarters  at  Susa,  still  in  French  hands.  Charles 
Emmanuel  continued  the  game  he  was  playing  with  both 
sides ;  the  Cardinal  soon  knew  that  while  negotiating 
with  him  as  to  joint  action  against  Spain  the  Duke  was 
in  communication  with  the  Spanish  and  imperial  com 
manders,  was  trying  to  make  sure  of  the  passes  behind 
the  French  army,  and  was  delaying  the  supplies  purchased 
with  French  gold  for  Casale.  The  Duke  seemed,  in  fact, 
to  hold  the  key  of  the  situation. 

This  state  of  things  did  not  last  long.  It  may  be  said 
that  when  the  Marquis  du  Chillou  exchanged  sword  for 
crosier  France  lost  a  great  field-marshal;  yet  it  is  only 
partly  true.  Over  and  over  again  Richelieu  the  soldier 
proved  himself  the  match  in  genius,  will,  and  spirit  of 
Richelieu  the  cardinal  and  statesman.  The  conqueror  of 
La  Rochelle  was  now  fully  equal  to  the  difficult  campaign 
forced  upon  him  by  the  disloyal  movements  of  the  Duke 
of  Savoy. 

Instead  of  crossing  the  frontier  into  Montferrat,  to  the 
immediate  relief  of  Casale,  Richelieu  marched  his  22,000 
men  on  Rivoli,  where  his  false  ally,  with  his  sons  and  the 
armed  forces  of  Savoy,  lay  in  wait  to  command  the  French 
rear.  At  the  news  of  this  advance,  Duke  and  princes, 
Savoyards  and  Piedmontese,  fled  back  pell-mell  to  Turin. 

It  was  one  of  the  picturesque  moments  in  Richelieu's 
life.  At  the  dawn  of  a  March  day,  under  torrents  of  rain 
and  hail,  he  forded  the  swollen  river  Dora  at  the  head  of 
his  cavalry.  The  infantry  crossed  by  a  narrow  bridge. 
Horse  and  foot  were  alike  in  a  bad  humour,  after  many 


THE   CARDINAL  205 

days  of  forced  marches  in  terrible  weather  by  mountain 
and  plain.  They  cursed  their  leader  freely  enough  as  he 
splashed  through  the  ford  and  caracoled  on  the  farther 
bank,  armed  to  the  teeth  and  escorted  by  pages  and  guards. 
Little  trace  of  the  ecclesiastic  in  that  handsome  general 
officer,  his  worn  face  under  a  feathered  hat,  a  steel  cuirass 
on  his  body,  ready  to  share  in  all  the  hardships  of  his 
discontented  men.  In  his  Memoirs  Richelieu  has  nothing 
but  good  to  say  of  the  soldiers,  whose  insolence,  according 
to  others,  vexed  him  at  the  time.  "  The  poor  soldiers  did 
their  duty  gaily,"  he  writes.  But  the  next  day  all  griev 
ances  were  forgotten.  In  snug  quarters  at  Rivoli,  drinking 
the  Duke  of  Savoy's  good  wine  and  devouring  his  stores, 
the  men  were  shouting  merrily,  "  Vive  le  grand  Cardinal  de 
Richelieu ! " 

He  was  too  wise  to  advance  against  Spain  and  Austria, 
leaving  Savoy  and  Piedmont  to  attack  him  in  the  rear.  His 
next  move  really  decided  the  war.  He  swept  back  towards 
the  mountains,  took  Pinerolo  after  a  short  siege,  and  seized 
on  several  strong  frontier  places,  the  gateways  of  the  Alps 
between  Dauphine  and  Piedmont.  Once  more,  as  in  earlier 
centuries,  "  France  held  the  keys  of  Italy." 

The  war  dragged  on  through  the  summer ;  its  history 
must  be  read  elsewhere.  The  Court  moved  to  Lyons,  and 
Richelieu  met  the  King  at  Grenoble  early  in  May.  To 
gether,  in  a  short  and  easy  campaign,  they  conquered 
Savoy.  Chambery  opened  its  gates  on  May  15. 

The  extreme  unhealthiness  of  the  season — plague  rag 
ing  in  Northern  Italy — prevented  Louis  from  personally 
taking  the  command  of  his  Italian  army.  From  St.  Jean 
de  Maurienne  he  and  the  Cardinal  watched  the  course  of 
events,  while  sending  the  Due  de  Montmorency  across 
Mont  Cenis  with  troops  to  reinforce  the  marshals  in 
command  at  Pinerolo.  The  combined  armies  made  fresh 
conquests  and  behaved  magnificently;  but  the  great  heat 
and  the  ravages  of  disease  were  enemies  as  formidable  as 
Spaniards  and  Imperialists,  who  on  their  side  held  doggedly 
to  their  objects  and  gained  at  least  one  tremendous  success. 
The  storming  of  Mantua  by  the  Emperor's  troops  on  the 


206  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

night  of  July  17  was  a  crime  against  civilisation.  Art 
treasures  never  to  be  replaced  were  lost  and  destroyed  in 
the  sack  of  the  old  Gonzaga  palace  on  its  gleaming  lake, 
a  shrine  of  Renaissance  beauty  since  the  days  of  Isabella 
d'Este. 

Immediately  after  this  catastrophe  Charles  Emmanuel 
of  Savoy  died  of  despair  at  the  loss  of  his  towns  and 
provinces.  His  son,  the  husband  of  Madame  Christine  of 
France,  was  more  alive  to  the  wisdom  of  an  alliance  with 
Louis  XIII.  An  obstacle  was  thus  removed  from  the  path 
of  the  peace  negotiations,  which  went  on  in  spite  of  active 
war  all  through  the  summer  and  the  early  autumn ;  the 
chief  agents  in  them  being  Pere  Joseph,  at  the  Diet  of 
Ratisbon,  and  a  young  Italian  diplomat  in  the  service  of 
the  Pope,  named  Giulio  Mazarini. 

When,  late  in  October,  the  war  ended  with  the  retire 
ment  of  the  Austrians  and  Spaniards,  the  relief  of  Casale, 
and  the  restoration  of  Mantua  to  Duke  Charles,  it  seemed 
as  if  Richelieu's  triumphs  abroad  and  at  home  were  signal 
and  complete.  And  yet,  at  this  very  time,  he  was  on  the 
edge  of  destruction. 


CHAPTER  VI 

1630 

Illness  of  Louis  XIII.—"  Le  Grand  Orage  de  la  Cour"— The  "Day 
of  Dupes." 

LOUIS  XIII.,  always  weak  in  health,  suffered  seriously 
from  the  pestilential  air  of  that  summer.  In  August 
he  rejoined  the  Court  at  Lyons,  where  he  fell  ill 
of  fever  and  dysentery,  and  the  Cardinal,  hurrying  back 
from  Savoy,  found  his  royal  master  almost  in  extremity. 
By  the  end  of  September,  after  seven  bleedings  in  one 
week,  the  case  was  given  up  as  hopeless.  Louis  received 
the  last  Sacraments,  the  whole  Court  believed  him  dying, 
and  a  swift  courier  summoned  Gaston  d'Orleans  from 
Paris.  That  "  blind  and  frivolous  instrument  of  the  enemies 
of  the  State  "  became  suddenly  a  personage  of  the  very 
highest  importance. 

Richelieu,  as  he  watched  his  dying  master,  was  probably 
the  most  deeply  troubled  man  in  all  the  distracted  Court. 
"  He  saw,"  writes  M.  Martin,  "  his  power  crumbling,  his 
life  threatened,  his  work,  even  dearer  to  him  than  life— his 
work,  hardly  sketched  out,  on  the  brink  of  destruction, 
his  country  falling  back  into  the  abyss  from  which  he 
had  raised  her." 

He  was  indeed  in  imminent  danger.  His  enemies,  the 
Queen-mother  in  chief,  flattered  themselves  that  his  fate 
was  at  last  in  their  hands.  The  King's  death  was  to  be 
the  signal  for  his  arrest.  In  the  meanwhile,  Marie  held 
counsel  with  her  friends  as  to  what  should  be  done  with 
him.  All,  according  to  tradition,  held  different  opinions. 
Some  condemned  him  to  death,  and  among  these,  to  his 

207 


208  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

own  undoing,  was  the  Marechal  de  Marillac.  Some  were 
for  lifelong  imprisonment ;  the  mildest  talked  of  perpetual 
exile.  The  story  goes  that  Richelieu,  the  omniscient, 
always  well  served  by  spies  and  himself  ready  to  play 
the  part  on  occasion,  listened  to  the  debate  through  a 
chink  hidden  by  tapestry.  Further,  that  there  came  a 
day  when  each  of  his  enemies  met  the  fate  he  had  recom 
mended  for  the  Cardinal. 

Louis  XIII.  was  well  aware  of  the  danger  in  which  his 
death  would  leave  his  most  distinguished  servant.  He 
respected  Richelieu,  even  if  he  had  not,  in  his  own  queer 
way,  a  kind  of  affection  for  him.  At  this  crisis  he  sent 
for  the  Due  de  Montmorency — with  all  his  faults,  one 
of  the  most  generous  and  chivalrous  of  Frenchmen — and 
commended  the  Cardinal  to  his  protection.  It  seems  that 
Montmorency  had  already  offered  it,  with  a  safe  refuge 
in  his  government  of  Languedoc.  These  facts  added 
bitterness  to  the  terrible  events  of  two  years  later. 

Montmorency's  kindness  was  not  needed.  An  internal 
abscess  broke,  and  the  King  began  to  recover.  But  the 
Cardinal's  position  was  far  from  safe.  During  days  of 
weary  convalescence,  the  tender  nursing  of  Louis'  mother 
and  his  wife  gained  for  them  a  new  and  strong  influence 
over  his  mind.  Perhaps  Queen  Anne's  hatred  of  the 
Cardinal  was  even  more  thorough-going  than  that  of  her 
mother-in-law ;  and  she  had  more  power  to  injure  him, 
if  the  malicious  Court  gossip  of  the  day  is  at  all  based 
on  facts.  Had  he  really  made  love  to  her,  in  his  awkward 
and  pedantic  fashion  ?  It  is  only  fair  to  say  that  M.  Avenel, 
his  most  thorough  and  careful  student,  could  find  not  one 
line  of  certain  evidence  for  any  of  the  stories  of  this  kind 
that  were  told  against  him. 

However,  the  voices  of  the  two  women  prevailed  so 
far  that  Louis,  weak  and  exhausted,  made  them  a  kind 
of  conditional  promise.  He  could  not  dispense  with  his 
Minister  while  the  war  in  Italy  still  went  on.  Let  that 
be  successfully  ended — and  then,  possibly,  he  might  see 
his  way  towards  ending  Richelieu's  career. 

With  this  prospect  in  view,  the  Queen-mother  waited 


THE   CARDINAL  209 

patiently.  When  the  news  of  peace  arrived,  the  Court 
had  just  accomplished  its  journey,  made  chiefly  by  river, 
from  Lyons  to  Paris,  and  it  was  noticed  by  the  way 
that  Her  Majesty  accepted  the  Cardinal's  company  and 
respectful  attention,  treating  him,  apparently,  with  all 
her  former  confidence.  It  seemed  to  ignorant  spectators 
only  natural  that  she  should  celebrate  the  relief  of  Casale, 
the  end  of  the  war,  with  bonfires  and  fireworks :  the 
Princesse  de  Conti  hardly  needed  her  frank  explanation  : 
"  It  is  not  at  the  Duke  of  Mantua's  good  luck,  but  at 
the  Cardinal's  ruin,  that  I  rejoice." 

But  the  feux  de  joie  blazed  too  soon.  Marie  found  that 
her  son,  restored  to  health  and  victorious,  was  not  quite 
ready  to  dismiss  the  genius  to  whom  his  kingdom  owed 
so  much.  It  was  a  bitter  disappointment.  Marie  held 
her  more  violent  feelings  in  check,  listened  perforce  to 
the  King's  assurances  of  Richelieu's  loyalty,  and  consented 
to  meet  him  on  the  royal  Council  as  usual.  She  was 
even  prepared  for  a  formal  reconciliation  with  her  "  antienne 
creature,"  to  be  sealed  by  receiving  back  Madame  de 
Combalet  into  the  service  and  favour  from  which  she 
had  been  dismissed  some  months  before. 

But  here  Marie's  dissembling  ended;  and  on  November  9, 
1630,  with  a  burst  of  feminine  fury,  began  that  "  grand 
orage  de  la  Cour"  which  threatened  to  break  Armand 
de  Richelieu  in  full  upward  flight :  the  man  already  feared 
by  Catholic  Europe  and  the  hope  of  the  northern  Pro 
testants,  with  whose  new  leader,  Gustavus  Adolphus  of 
Sweden,  his  diplomacy  was  even  now  allying  France. 

Madame  de  Combalet  appeared  that  morning  at  the 
Luxembourg,  and  was  received  by  the  Queen-mother  and 
the  King  in  all  the  splendour  of  the  new  palace,  with 
its  silver-framed  windows,  its  walls  and  ceilings  decorated 
by  great  artists,  already  the  admiration  of  Europe.  Madame 
de  Combalet  herself  was  made  for  Courts,  though  she 
disliked  and  despised  them.  Still  young  and  very  hand 
some,  her  quiet  dignity  was  at  home  anywhere :  in  the 
Carmelite  convent  from  which  all  her  uncle's  persuasion 
and  authority  had  hardly  withdrawn  her;  at  the  head  of 
14 


210  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

his  house ;  or,  as  now,  at  the  feet  of  frowning  Royalty. 
On  her  knees  she  made  the  Queen  a  polite  and  respectful 
speech,  begging  to  be  restored  to  favour.  At  first  Marie 
was  stiff  and  cold ;  then  she  became  angry ;  then,  as  rage 
got  the  better  of  her  ponderous  temperament,  she  forgot 
all  her  promises  and  poured  out  on  the  unlucky  lady 
such  a  torrent  of  abuse  and  insult  that  Louis  himself 
stepped  forward,  gave  his  hand  to  Madame  de  Combalet, 
and  asked  her  to  retire.  A  nervous,  sensitive  woman,  it 
was  no  wonder  that  she  left  the  presence  in  floods  of  tears. 

The  Cardinal,  arriving  by  appointment  for  his  own 
audience  of  reconciliation,  met  his  niece  at  the  door.  The 
sight  of  her  face  was  so  sharp  a  warning  that  he  hesitated, 
we  are  told,  before  passing  on.  In  the  meanwhile  the 
Queen-mother  was  assuring  her  son  that  she  had  not 
changed  her  mind :  her  reception  of  the  Cardinal  would 
be  all  he  could  desire.  This  was  an  affair  of  State;  the 
disgrace  of  a  useless  creature  like  la  Combalet  could 
signify  to  no  one. 

If  Marie  believed  in  her  own  intention,  she  reckoned 
without  her  passionate  temper.  It  is  true  that  she  received 
the  Cardinal  with  tolerable  graciousness,  but  many  minutes 
had  not  passed  before  her  tone  changed  for  the  worse. 
"  Peu  a  peu,  la  maree  monte  "  :  the  rising  tide  of  anger. 
Richelieu  heard  himself  called  an  ungrateful,  perfidious 
knave,  a  traitor  to  his  King  and  country.  The  Queen- 
mother  refused  to  sit  with  him  any  more  on  the  Council. 
Along  with  Madame  de  Combalet,  La  Meilleraye,  and 
Denys  Bouthillier,  he  was  roughly  dismissed  from  her 
service — he  still  held  his  old  charge  of  superintendent  of 
her  household.  He  might  go,  she  said  at  last,  and  never 
willingly  would  she  look  upon  his  face  again. 

Richelieu  listened  quietly.  He  attempted  no  useless 
prayer  or  argument,  but  bowed,  and  went. 

There  was  something  of  a  scene  between  Louis  XIII. 
and  his  mother.  Marie  justified  herself  with  success,  as  it 
seemed  to  her,  solemnly  assuring  the  King  that  Richelieu 
was  in  every  way  false  to  him  ;  that  his  secret  ambition 
was  "  to  marry  his  niece  to  the  Comte  de  Soissons  and  to 


THE   CARDINAL  211 

make  the  Comte  King."  These  and  many  more  accusations 
she  poured  into  the  sullen  ears  of  her  son.  Let  him  be 
rid  of  this  evil  man,  this  terrible  Minister,  the  ruin  of 
France !  Let  him  put  his  trust  in  faithful  servants  such 
as  the  brothers  Marillac.  With  Michel  as  First  Minister 
and  Louis  as  Commander-in-chief,  the  safety  and  honour 
of  France  would  be  assured.  But  before  all  things  let 
him  keep  his  promise  and  be  rid  of  Richelieu. 

A  stronger  man  than  Louis  XIII.  would  have  found 
the  position  a  difficult  one.  He  had  to  choose  between 
his  mother — on  whose  side  were  his  wife,  his  brother, 
nearly  all  the  Court  and  half  the  kingdom — and  the 
Minister  whose  personal  influence  over  him  was  con 
siderable,  and  on  whom,  as  reason  told  him,  the  greatness 
of  France,  both  within  and  without,  now  very  largely 
depended.  Duty  to  his  mother,  duty  to  his  country — 
Louis  XIII.  had  a  conscience,  and  it  was  torn  in  two. 

He  was  lodging  at  the  Hotel  des  Ambassadeurs,  in  the 
Rue  de  Tournon — once  Concini's  house,  sacked  by  the 
mob  in  1616 — for  he  had  come  up  from  Versailles  to  visit 
the  Queen-mother,  and  the  Louvre  was  under  repair.  He 
walked  back  from  the  Luxembourg,  shut  himself  into  his 
room  with  his  gentleman-in-waiting,  Saint-Simon — a  wise 
young  man  whom  Richelieu,  luckily  for  himself,  had 
appointed  to  the  post — tore  the  buttons  off  his  coat  in 
a  violent  fit  of  nerves,  and  flung  himself  on  the  bed. 

Presently  he  poured  out  his  worried  soul  to  Saint- 
Simon.  What  did  he  think  of  the  Queen-mother's  conduct, 
and  of  the  whole  affair  ?  The  young  man  was  very  dis 
creet  ;  but  he  reminded  the  King  that  he  was  a  king,  as 
well  as  a  son,  and  ventured  to  give  his  opinion  that  "  the 
Cardinal  was  necessary  to  France."  "  Enfin,  sire,  vous 
6tes  le  maitre."  "  Yes,  I  am,"  said  Louis,  "  and  they  shall 
feel  it." 

The  next  day — Sunday,  November  10,  St.  Martin's  Eve — 
Louis  went  again  to  the  Luxembourg.  He  was  resolved, 
it  seems,  to  have  his  way,  and  to  persuade  or  command 
his  mother  to  change  her  mind.  Bassompierre  attended 
him  to  the  palace,  and  gives  some  vivid  details  of  the 


212  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

interview  in  the  Queen's  cabinet,  although  neither  he  nor 
any  other  courtier  was  present.  He  says  that  while  the 
King  and  his  mother  were  talking,  all  the  doors  being 
carefully  shut,  "  Monsieur  le  Cardinal  arrived ;  who,  finding 
the  door  of  the  ante-chamber  fastened,  entered  the  gallery 
and  knocked  at  the  door  of  the  cabinet,  but  no  one  replied. 
At  length,  impatient  of  waiting,  knowing  the  ways  of  the 
house,  he  passed  through  the  little  chapel,  the  door  of 
which  had  not  been  closed  :  thus  M.  le  Cardinal  entered 
the  cabinet.  The  King  was  somewhat  astonished,  and 
said  to  the  Queen  with  dismay :  '  Here  he  is.'  M.  le 
Cardinal,  who  perceived  their  astonishment,  said  to  them  : 
'  I  am  sure  you  were  talking  of  me.'  The  Queen  answered 
him  :  '  We  were  not.'  On  which  he  having  replied  to  her, 
1  Confess  it,  madame,'  she  said  it  was  so,  and  upon  that 
spoke  against  him  with  great  sharpness,  declaring  that 
she  would  have  no  more  to  do  with  him,  and  many  other 
things." 

Richelieu  preserved  his  sphinx-like  patience.  To  Marie's 
insults  and  reproaches  he  answered  not  a  word ;  but  he 
realized  that  he  was  in  danger,  and  he  did  his  best  to 
soften  the  angry  woman  by  pleading  for  himself,  even 
with  tears — which,  says  an  enemy,  he  had  at  command — 
declaring  his  innocence  and  his  entire  devotion  to  Her 
Majesty. 

The  Queen,  on  her  side,  wept  passionately,  crying  out 
that  all  he  said  and  did  was  knavery  and  mummery.  Then, 
turning  to  her  son,  she  asked  him  if  he  preferred  "  un 
valet"  to  his  mother;  for  he  must  choose  between  them 
two. 

"  Then  it  is  Only  natural  that  I  should  be  sacrificed," 
said  the  Cardinal ;  and  immediately,  once  more,  he  offered 
his  resignation  to  the  troubled  King,  begging  to  be  allowed 
to  retire  to  some  place  where  he  might  end  his  days  in 
repose. 

To  all  appearance  Louis  accepted  his  resignation  and 
granted  his  request,  even  advising  him  to  retire  to  Pontoise. 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu  left  the  palace  and  went  back  to  his 
hotel,  the  Petit-Luxembourg — the  Palais-Cardinal,  though 


THE   CARDINAL  213 

in  progress,  was  not  yet  finished — with  every  reason  to 
believe  himself  a  disgraced  and  ruined  man. 

It  is  not  likely  that  Louis  really  intended  to  part  with 
his  Minister.  But  it  was  touch-and-go.  He  had  gained 
time  by  pacifying  his  mother  for  the  moment,  and  had 
thought  to  do  wisely  by  removing  the  hated  object  from 
her  sight.  His  next  step  was  to  send  envoys  to  reason 
and  negotiate  at  the  Luxembourg.  Pere  Suffren,  the  royal 
confessor,  and  Cardinal  Bagni,  the  Pope's  Nuncio,  both  did 
their  best,  but  absolutely  in  vain.  At  the  moment  of  her 
suddenly  snatched  triumph,  Marie  de  Medicis  was  not 
likely  to  listen  to  them.  Early  the  next  morning  the  King 
hurried  back  to  his  hunting-lodge  at  Versailles.  It  looked 
as  though  his  promises  of  four  years  ago  had  been  mere 
waste  of  breath  and  of  paper,  for  he  had  not  seen  Riche 
lieu  again.  With  regard  to  the  two  Marillacs,  he  had 
seemingly  obeyed  his  mother.  Michel,  as  Minister,  was 
summoned  to  follow  His  Majesty  to  Versailles,  and  a  courier 
rode  off  post-haste  for  Italy,  carrying  despatches  which 
appointed  Louis  to  the  chief  command  of  the  army. 

This  was  St.  Martin's  Day,  Monday,  November  11,  the 
"  Journee  des  Dupes." 

News  of  the  Cardinal's  fall  spread  swiftly  through  Paris. 
The  Parisians  did  not  love  him :  his  good  work  in  im 
proving  the  city,  carrying  on  the  additions  to  the  Louvre, 
building  a  new  bridge,  rebuilding  the  Sorbonne  at  his  own 
cost,  was  counterbalanced  by  acts  of  tyranny.  Citizens 
had  been  more  or  less  forced  to  sell  their  houses,  vegetable 
gardens  had  been  seized,  a  part  of  the  old  wall  of  Charles  V. 
had  been  destroyed,  all  to  make  room  for  the  Palais- 
Cardinal.  On  that  Monday  morning  all  Paris,  high  and 
low,  courtiers  and  canaille,  ran  in  crowds  to  the  Luxem 
bourg  to  congratulate  the  Queen-mother  on  her  victory. 
In  and  round  the  palace  the  crush  of  the  dupes  was  so 
great  that  there  was  no  room  to  move.  Marie,  the  centre 
of  it,  saw  herself  once  more  a  ruler  in  France,  her  son 
submissive,  her  faithful  friends  rewarded,  her  enemy 
ruined  and  exiled.  Some  wise  man  advised  her  to  make 
assurance  sure  by  following  the  King  to  Versailles ;  she 


214  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

laughed  the  counsellor  away.  Why  hide  in  the  woods 
when  there  was  so  much  to  be  done  in  the  city? — am 
bassadors  sending  couriers  half  over  Europe ;  joyful 
meetings  with  Queen  Anne,  with  Monsieur ;  audiences  of 
great  lords  and  ladies,  one  by  one ;  all  the  happy,  noisyr 
popular  confusion  of  a  sudden  return  to  power. 

Close  by,  at  the  Petit-Luxembourg,  Richelieu  had  his 
moment  of  despair.  To  fall  from  so  great  a  height  meant 
death,  at  least  to  all  his  ambitions  ;  perhaps  literally,  for 
his  enemies,  so  many  and  so  strong,  would  hardly  be 
satisfied  with  exile.  And  he  knew  the  nature  of  the 
King.  Held  by  his  own  strong  influence,  all  was  well, 
but  Louis  was  too  nervous  to  endure  such  scenes  as  those 
of  the  last  few  days,  if  by  any  possible  sacrifice  he  could 
end  them.  Richelieu  might  be  the  victim  of  the  King's 
hatred  of  worry  as  much  as  of  the  Queen-mother's  hatred 
of  himself. 

Several  far-seeing  men  had  the  courage  to  separate 
themselves  from  the  crowd  pressing  to  the  greater  Luxem 
bourg.  One  of  these  was  the  Cardinal  de  la  Valette,  the 
ugly,  generous,  soldierly  second  son  of  the  Due  d'£pernon ; 
another,  the  Marquis  de  Chateauneuf,  a  distinguished 
Councillor  of  State,  afterwards  ruined  by  his  passion  for 
Madame  de  Chevreuse  ;  another,  that  worthy  man  the 
Marquis  de  Rambouillet,  whose  wife  had  for  some  years 
reigned  over  half  society  from  her  hotel  near  the  Louvre. 
These  good  friends,  with  a  few  others,  would  not  allow 
Richelieu  to  despair.  Though  his  papers  were  packed  and 
his  coach  was  ordered  for  the  journey  to  Pontoise,  they 
entreated  him  not  to  go.  Cardinal  de  la  Valette  reminded 
him  of  the  old  proverb,  "  Qui  quitte  la  partie  la  perd,"  and 
gave  the  advice — to  wiser  ears  than  the  Queen's — that  he 
should  follow  his  royal  master  to  Versailles,  on  the  pretext 
of  bidding  him  farewell.  In  the  midst  of  their  discussion 
some  one  arrived  from  Versailles  with  a  verbal  message 
from  Saint-Simon,  advising  the  same  course.  This  strong 
and  direct  encouragement  had  a  marvellous  effect  on 
Richelieu's  depressed  spirits.  "  Transported  with  joy,  he 
kissed  the  messenger  on  both  cheeks," 


THE   CARDINAL  215 

No  time  was  lost,  we  may  well  believe.  The  Cardinal's 
coach  rumbled  out  of  Paris,  but  his  horses'  heads  were 
turned  to  the  south-west,  not  to  the  north.  In  a  long 
private  interview  with  the  King  he  regained  all  he  had 
seemed  to  lose,  and  took  a  final  and  solid  hold  on  power. 
The  courtiers,  being  admitted,  heard  from  the  King's  own 
lips  that  he  ordered  the  Cardinal  to  remain  with  him, 
serving  him  well  as  before ;  "  that  he  would  find  means  to 
appease  his  mother  and  to  gain  her  consent  to  what  he 
did,  while  removing  from  her  those  persons  who  gave  her 
pernicious  counsel." 

The  Cardinal  was  treated  in  a  princely  manner  and 
lodged  in  the  chateau,  a  special  mark  of  favour  in  days 
when  Versailles  was  only  a  small  country-house  in  the 
midst  of  immense  forests.  From  his  lodging,  the  next  day, 
he  wrote  several  letters.  One  was  to  the  King,  expressing 
his  extreme  satisfaction  and  extraordinary  gratitude,  assur 
ing  him  that  never  was  servant  so  devoted  to  his  master's 
glory,  declaring  to  His  Majesty  "  que  je  suis  la  plus  fidele 
creature,  le  plus  passionne  sujet,  et  le  plus  zele  serviteur 
que  jamais  roy  et  maitre  ait  eu  au  monde.  Je  vivray  et 
finiray  en  cet  estat,  comme  estant  cent  fois  plus  a  Vostre 
Majeste  qu'a  moy-mesme.  .  .  ." 

He  also  wrote  to  his  sister,  the  Marquise  de  Breze,  and 
to  his  uncle,  Amador  de  la  Porte.  Knowing  that  "  common 
report  often  represents  things  as  other  than  they  are,"  he 
first  tells  the  news  of  his  disgrace  with  the  Queen-mother, 
who  finds  his  own  services,  those  of  his  niece  de  Combalet 
and  of  his  cousin  La  Meilleraye,  no  longer  agreeable  to  her. 
But  he  begs  his  sister  and  his  uncle  not  to  be  amazed  or 
afflicted  by  this  misfortune,  since  it  arose  from  no  fault ; 
and  also  because  he  has  the  consolation  of  the  King's 
presence  and  favour.  To  the  old  Commander,  irritable  and 
garrulous,  he  adds  a  word  of  discreet  counsel.  "As  I  am 
not  capable  of  any  other  desire  than  to  live  and  die  the 
Queen's  servant,  I  pray  you  always  to  speak  conformably 
to  this.  I  warn  you,  knowing  your  freedom  of  speech,  and 
that  you  might  be  carried  away  by  the  affection  you  bear 
me,  Jt  would  not  be  reasonable  that  all  my  obligations  to 


216  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

so  good  a  princess  should  be  forgotten  because  personally 
I  now  disgust  her." 

He  could  afford  to  appear  magnanimous.  Even  as  he 
wrote  the  news  was  flying  to  Paris,  not  only  of  his  triumph, 
but  of  the  utter  discomfiture  of  the  Queen-mother's  party 
and  the  ruin  of  her  friends.  Michel  de  Marillac,  the  Chan 
cellor,  had  been  arrested  and  deprived  of  the  seals,  which 
were  given  to  the  Marquis  de  Chateauneuf.  The  courier 
who  conveyed  the  news  of  his  high  appointment  to  the 
Marechal  de  Marillac  was  followed  at  once  by  another, 
bearing  the  King's  command  that  the  Marechal  de  Schom- 
berg  should  arrest  him.  On  the  very  evening  of  St.  Martin's 
Day,  well  named  "  Day  of  Dupes,"  Richelieu's  swift  ven 
geance  was  already  overtaking  his  enemies.  A  few  hours 
later  Marie  de  Medicis  was  alone  in  her  deserted  Luxem 
bourg.  Courtiers  and  canaille  were  rushing  to  meet  the 
King's  coach  as  he  drove  into  Paris,  with  Cardinal  de 
Richelieu  at  his  portiere. 


CHAPTER  VII 

1631-1632 

Flight  from  France  of  the  Queen-mother  and  Monsieur — New  honours 
for  Cardinal  de  Richelieu— The  fall  of  the  Marillac  brothers— The  Due  de 
Montmorency  and  Monsieur's  ride  to  Languedoc — Castelnaudary — The 
death  of  Montmorency — Illness  and  recovery  of  the  Cardinal. 

A  FEW    months    were    enough    to    rid    Cardinal    de 
Richelieu  of  his  most  active  enemies.     One  after 
another,  in   the  first  half  of  the  year   1631,   they 
disappeared  from  the  scene  by  exile  or  imprisonment,  in 
some  cases  ending  in  death. 

After  the  crushing  disappointment  of  the  "  Day  of  Dupes," 
Marie  de  Medicis  submitted  to  a  kind  of  reconciliation  with 
her  "former  creature"  who  had  so  convincingly  proved 
his  strength.  Gaston  d'Orleans  too,  led  by  his  favourites, 
M.  de  Puylaurens  and  President  Le  Coigneux,  whom 
Richelieu  thought  it  worth  while  to  bribe  heavily,  visited 
the  Cardinal  and  promised  him  his  friendship.  But  it  was 
not  to  be  expected  that  either  mother  or  son  should  be  in 
earnest.  Gaston  hardly  needed  the  discontent  of  his  favour- 
rites — eager  for  places  and  honours  which  the  Cardinal  was 
not  in  a  hurry  to  give — to  throw  him  once  more  into  violent 
opposition. 

On  January  30,  attended  by  a  dozen  gentlemen,  the 
young  Prince  appeared  at  the  Petit-Luxembourg.  He  told 
the  Cardinal  "  that  he  had  come  to  retract  the  promise  of 
friendship  which  he  had  given  him  a  few  days  before ;  on 
the  contrary,  to  declare  his  resentment  that  a  man  of  his 
sort  should  so  far  have  forgotten  himself  as  to  set  the  royal 
family  in  a  blaze.  That,  owing  his  whole  fortune  and 

217 


218  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

elevation  to  the  Queen  his  benefactress,  instead  of  proving 
his  gratitude,  as  a  good  man  and  a  faithful  servant  would 
have  done,  he  had  become  her  chief  persecutor,  by  his 
artifices  continually  blackening  her  in  the  eyes  of  the  King; 
and  that  as  to  himself,  he  had  treated  him  not  only  without 
respect,  but  with  insolence !  And  that  he  would  have 
reproved  him  sooner,  had  he  not  been  restrained  by  his 
quality  as  a  priest ;  but  that  this  would  not  save  him  in  the 
future  from  the  quite  extraordinary  treatment  deserved 
by  the  gravity  of  his  offences  against  personages  of  such 
dignity." 

"  This  discourse,"  continues  the  chronicler,  "  was  made 
with  so  much  heat  and  such  threatening  gestures  of  hands 
and  eyes,  that  the  Cardinal  made  no  answer,  not  knowing 
whether  it  was  all  in  earnest  or  only  meant  to  frighten 
him." 

The  moment  was  alarming  enough,  for  Monsieur's 
people,  so  fierce  were  their  looks,  seemed  to  be  waiting 
their  moment  to  fall  upon  their  prey.  The  Prince  went 
down  to  his  coach  in  a  terrible  humour,  swearing  and 
threatening  all  the  way,  while  the  Cardinal  attended  him 
bare-headed  and  prudently  silent.  It  was  not  till  the 
blustering  company  had  driven  off  that  he  regained  his 
usual  composure.  None  the  less,  we  are  assured,  he  was 
extremely  glad  to  see  the  King,  who  came  dashing  "a  toute 
bride"  to  the  door,  as  his  champion  and  protector,  not 
many  minutes  later. 

Monsieur  left  Paris  immediately  for  Orleans,  where  he 
swaggered  for  some  weeks  and  tried  to  rouse  a  civil  war  by 
posing  as  a  friend  to  the  populace  and  a  resister  of  taxation. 
Since  he  refused  to  submit  to  his  brother  and  to  return  to 
Court,  Richelieu  was  prepared  to  bring  him  to  his  senses 
by  armed  force.  But  he  preferred  self-banishment.  In  the 
middle  of  March  he  rode  across  country  to  Besangon,  and 
then  took  refuge  with  the  Duke  of  Lorraine.  He  was 
followed  into  exile  by  a  number  of  persons  of  quality, 
notably  his  half-brother  the  Comte  de  Moret,  the  Due 
d'Elbeuf,  brother-in-law  of  the  Due  de  Vendome,  the  Due 
de  Bellegarde,  governor  of  Burgundy,  and  M-  and  Madame 


THE  CARDINAL  219 

du  Fargis,  in  disgrace  at  Court  because  of  their  intimate 
friendship  with  the  brothers  Marillac. 

Each  day  of  that  winter  and  spring  brought  fresh  and 
painful  experience  to  Marie  de  Medicis.  She  saw  herself 
checked  in  every  direction  by  an  enemy  who  worked  with 
extraordinary  prudence,  keeping  all  the  outward  forms  of 
due  respect  while  he  lured  her  gradually  to  ruin.  No 
doubt  her  presence  in  Paris,  her  atmosphere  of  plot  and 
intrigue,  was  dangerous  to  him,  if  not  to  the  State.  The 
question  was,  how  to  remove  her  from  the  centre  of  things 
without  a  public  scandal. 

In  February  the  Court  went  to  Compiegne  for  hunting, 
and  to  spend  the  Carnival.  As  Richelieu  had  foreseen, 
the  Queen-mother  was  not  deterred  by  "  the  incommodity 
of  the  season "  from  following  the  King :  she  would  not 
repeat  her  mistake  of  St.  Martin's  Day.  At  Compiegne 
the  King  made  a  last  unsuccessful  attempt  to  soften  her 
heart  towards  the  Cardinal.  As  she  firmly  refused  to 
listen  to  any  arguments,  it  was  decided  that  she  must 
be  separated  from  a  Court  in  which  her  presence  was 
a  centre  for  the  factious  and  the  ill-intentioned. 

The  Chateau  of  Compiegne  was  roused  early  on  the 
morning  of  February  23.  The  King  had  announced  that 
he  would  go  hunting  at  dawn ;  and  in  fact  he  and  the 
Cardinal,  with  a  large  attendance,  rode  out  of  the  gates 
before  either  of  the  Queens  was  awake.  Instead  of  turning 
into  the  dim  glades  of  the  forest,  the  royal  party  rode  hard 
for  Paris. 

Pere  Suffren,  the  Marechal  d'Estrees— formerly  known 
as  Marquis  de  Coenores — and  a  Secretary  of  State,  M.  de  la 
Ville-aux-Clercs,  were  left  behind  with  the  King's  apologies 
and  farewells  to  his  mother,  whom  he  never  saw  again. 
They  were  also  entrusted  with  a  letter,  begging  Her  Majesty 
to  retire  to  Moulins,  where  she  might  live  in  all  honour  and 
liberty  as  governor  of  the  Bourbonnais ;  it  being  understood 
that  in  her  present  mind  she  was  no  longer  welcome  at 
Court.  This  very  unpleasant  news  was  broken  to  Marie 
before  she  left  her  bed,  not  by  the  appointed  messengers, 
but  by  Queen  Anne,  her  daughter-in-law,  who  paid  her  a 


220  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

hurried  visit  before  following  the  King,  and  parted  from  her 
with  embraces  and  tears.  "  Both,"  says  Madame  de  Motte- 
ville,  "  were  deeply  moved  at  finding  themselves  the  victims 
of  the  Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  their  common  enemy.  It  was 
the  last  time  they  saw  each  other." 

As  to  Moulins,  Marie  would  have  none  of  it.  She  could 
not  openly  refuse  to  obey  the  King,  but  her  excuses 
dragged  on  from  day  to  day :  bad  roads  and  wintry 
weather;  an  epidemic  in  the  Bourbonnais;  the  ruinous 
state  of  the  Chateau  de  Moulins ;  a  severe  cold  which  kept 
her  in  her  room.  All  the  spring  royal  messengers  were 
galloping  between  Compiegne  and  Paris.  Sometimes  they 
carried  persuasion,  sometimes  threats.  If  the  Queen- 
mother  disliked  the  Bourbonnais,  would  she  accept  her 
old  abode  of  Angers,  with  the  government  of  Anjou  ?  Let 
her  remember  that  no  law  in  Holy  Scripture  obliged  a  son 
to  live  always  with  his  mother  when  of  age  to  govern 
himself,  whereas  we  are  enjoined  in  divers  places  to  obey 
the  King,  as  God's  lieutenant  on  earth.  And  many  more 
arguments ;  but  in  short,  her  disobedience  was  insupport 
able,  and  would  in  the  end  force  the  King  to  treat  her  more 
rigorously. 

It  appeared  that  of  her  own  free  will  she  would  never 
leave  Compiegne.  In  spite  of  the  great  courtesy  shown 
her  by  M.  d'Estrees,  in  command  of  the  guard — every 
morning  he  came  to  her  for  the  pass-word,  and  every 
night  offered  her  the  keys  of  the  town — she  treated  herself 
as  a  prisoner.  As  the  season  advanced,  though  free  of  all 
the  country  round,  she  never  went  beyond  the  castle  walls, 
hoping  thus,  says  Aubery,  to  excite  general  hatred  against 
the  Cardinal. 

In  the  meanwhile  her  friends  disappeared  one  by  one. 
Her  physician,  Vautier,  was  flung  into  the  Bastille;  the 
same  fate  befell  the  unlucky  Bassompierre.  The  Due 
de  Guise,  intriguing  for  Monsieur,  his  stepson-in-law,  in 
his  government  of  Provence,  was  forced  to  fly  to  Italy, 
a  lifelong  exile  as  it  proved.  The  Princesse  de  Conti, 
the  Duchesse  d'Elbeuf  (Henriette  de  Vendome),  the 
Duchesse  de  Roannez,  the  Mar6chale  d'Ornano,  and  other 


THE   CARDINAL  221 

great  ladies,  were  ordered  to  retire  to  their  country 
houses ;  and  the  brilliant  Princesse  de  Conti,  sister  of 
Guise,  the  Queen-mother's  constant  friend,  adored  by 
Bassompierre,  to  whom  they  say  she  was  secretly  married, 
died  at  Eu  of  a  broken  heart  on  the  last  day  of  April. 

In  June  a  report  reached  the  Queen-mother  at  Com- 
piegne  that  a  royal  army  was  to  be  sent  to  remove  her 
by  force.  If  this  story  was  invented  with  the  object  of 
driving  her  out  of  the  kingdom,  it  served  its  end.  On 
July  1 8,  at  ten  o'clock  at  night,  she  left  Compiegne  on 
foot  and  almost  alone — an  easier  escape  than  that  from 
the  Chateau  de  Blois.  A  coach  and  six,  with  outriders, 
was  waiting  in  the  shadow  of  the  forest.  The  Queen 
intended  to  stop  at  La  Capelle,  a  small  strong  place  in 
Picardy,  close  to  the  frontier  of  the  Low  Countries :  the 
governor,  M.  de  Vardes,  had  promised  to  receive  her.  But 
this  coming  to  Richelieu's  ears,  the  father  of  M.  de  Vardes, 
who  had  formerly  commanded  at  La  Capelle,  was  sent 
post-haste  from  Paris  to  supersede  his  son,  and  the  gates 
were  shut  against  the  fugitive  Queen.  She  was  thus 
obliged  to  cross  the  frontier,  which  she  did,  never  to 
return ;  and  was  received  with  great  honour  at  Avesnes 
in  Artois,  by  the  officers  of  the  Archduchess  Isabel. 

So  the  great  Henry's  Florentine  widow  removed  herself 
from  the  path  of  Cardinal  de  Richelieu ;  to  his  advantage 
and  her  own  loss  and  ruin. 

This  political  triumph  was  followed  by  new  honours  and 
personal  dignities.  For  a  year  past  he  had  borne,  with 
other  Cardinals,  the  new  titles  of  Eminentissime  and 
Eminence,  decreed  by  Pope  Urban  VIII.,  and  shared  only 
by  the  ecclesiastical  Electors  of  the  Empire  and  the  Grand 
Master  of  Malta.  He  had  added  to  his  worldly  goods  and 
to  his  spiritual  power  by  becoming  Coadjutor  of  the  Abbot 
of  Cluny,  and  the  strength  of  his  resolute  will  for  reform 
was  felt  by  the  great  religious  orders  as  well  as  by  the 
secular  clergy. 

In  September  1631  letters  patent  from  the  King  created 
him  Due  de  Richelieu  and  a  peer  of  France,  and  he  took  his 
seat  in  Parliament  with  great  state,  escorted  by  the  Prince 


222  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

de  Conde,  the  Due  de  Montmorency,  and  a  crowd  of  the 
first  men  in  France.  From  that  time  he  bore  the  singular 
title  of  "  Cardinal-Due."  He  also  became  governor  of 
Brittany ;  and  one  fortified  town  after  another,  throughout 
the  north  of  France,  fell  into  his  hands  and  were  garrisoned 
by  friends  of  his  own.  He  rewarded  the  Prince  de  Conde 
and  the  Cardinal  de  la  Valette  with  the  governments  of 
Burgundy  and  Anjou. 

One  foreign  Power,  at  least,  was  not  behindhand  in 
paying  homage  to  the  man  whom  the  King  of  France 
delighted  to  honour.  The  Republic  of  Venice  sent  him 
letters  of  Venetian  nobility,  to  descend  to  any  one  of  his 
relations  he  might  choose.  "And  she  sent  them  with 
ceremony  by  an  express  Gentleman,  to  whom  His  Eminence 
did  not  forget  to  present  a  very  fine  chain  of  gold." 

It  seemed  that  Richelieu  had  little  now  to  fear  from 
open  enemies  at  home,  though  the  secret  dread  of  assassina 
tion  clung  about  him  with  reason  to  his  life's  end.  He  had 
already  shown  a  certain  sense  of  security  by  acts  of  indul 
gence  or  of  conciliation :  the  Due  de  Vendome  had  been 
set  at  liberty  and  the  Duchesse  de  Chevreuse  had  been 
allowed  to  return  to  the  Court,  while  her  husband  was 
made  governor  of  Picardy.  Champagne,  the  important 
frontier  province,  was  given  as  a  mark  of  royal  confidence 
to  the  Comte  de  Soissons. 

But  there  were  those,  not  more  guilty,  but  more  dan 
gerous  from  their  very  worth  and  mental  distinction,  who 
felt  the  weight  of  Richelieu's  vengeance.  Michel  de  Marillac, 
counted  in  his  own  time  among  "  martyrs  of  the  State," 
after  languishing  for  many  months  in  his  prison  at  Chateau- 
dun,  died  of  grief  at  the  tragic  death  of  his  soldier  brother. 
The  trial  and  death  of  Marillac  "1'Epee"  are  generally 
allowed  to  be  dark  stains  on  the  Cardinal's  career.  Politic 
ally,  there  was  no  case  against  him,  and  the  Parliament, 
when  first  approached  by  Richelieu's  tool,  the  notorious 
Laffemas,  refused  to  commit  him  for  trial.  Richelieu  then 
appointed  a  Royal  Commission,  which  sat  at  Verdun,  the 
charge  against  the  Marshal  being  one  of  peculation  and 
oppression  when  governor  there.  Even  now  the  Cardinal 


THE   CARDINAL  223 

failed  to  secure  a  condemnation.  The  Commissioners 
shrank  from  enforcing  the  extreme  of  the  law  against  a 
distinguished  soldier  whose  sins  were  common  to  his 
time  and  his  trade,  and  the  trial  dragged  on  very  slowly, 
till  Richelieu  brought  matters  to  a  point  by  summoning  the 
Commission,  strengthened  by  members  of  his  own  choosing 
and  presided  over  by  the  new  Chancellor,  M.  de  Chateau- 
neuf,  to  meet  at  his  country-house  of  Rueil.  Louis  de 
Marillac  was  brought  from  the  fortress  of  Ste.  Menehould, 
where  he  had  been  imprisoned  since  his  sudden  arrest 
some  fifteen  months  before.  He  was  condemned  to  death, 
but  only  by  a  small  majority  of  his  judges.  Threatening 
letters  from  the  Queen-mother  and  Monsieur  did  him  no 
good,  but  yet  the  Cardinal,  in  his  own  house  and  with  a 
packed  jury,  could  not  secure  unanimity.  All  France 
agreed  with  the  prisoner's  own  cry  :  "  Condemned  to  die 
for  hay  and  straw!  Not  reason  enough  to  whip  a  lackey!" 

He  was  beheaded  in  the  Place  de  Greve  on  May  2,  1632, 
and  buried  in  the  Church  of  the  Feuillants,  long  since 
swept  away  to  make  room  for  the  Rue  Castiglione.  There 
might  be  read,  for  less  than  two  hundred  years,  the  simple 
and  dignified  epitaph  in  which  his  heirs  handed  down  to 
posterity  the  high  virtues  of  "  this  illustrious  victim  of  a 
powerful  and  vindictive  Minister."  Madame  de  Marillac, 
who  bore  the  familiar  name  of  Catherine  de  Medicis,  died 
of  grief  within  a  few  months  of  her  husband. 

A  dozen  years  later,  when  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  was 
dead,  the  Parliament  of  Paris  registered  a  decree  acquitting 
Louis  de  Marillac  of  the  crimes  for  which  he  ostensibly 
suffered. 

In  that  same  year  1632  a  still  nobler  head  was  to  fall. 
The  story  of  Henry  de  Montmorency's  ruin  tangles  itself 
with  the  treasonable  adventures  of  Gaston  d'Orleans. 

Duke  Charles  of  Lorraine,  nominally  a  vassal  of  the 
Empire,  had  reasons  of  his  own  for  giving  trouble  to 
France.  For  nearly  a  century  she  had  held  part  of  the  old 
province  of  Lorraine,  including  the  "  Three  Bishoprics," 
Metz,  Toul,  and  Verdun.  In  giving  armed  support  to  the 
exiled  French  prince,  Charles  IV.  had  the  Empire  at  his 


224  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

back,  and  a  successful  invasion  of  France,  with  the  con 
sequent  fall  of  Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  was  likely  not  only 
to  restore  his  territory  but  to  be  a  decisive  incident  in  the 
Thirty  Years'  War.  At  this  moment  of  happy  expectation, 
Monsieur  fell  in  love  with  the  young  Princess  Marguerite 
of  Lorraine,  the  Duke's  sister.  A  year  or  two  before  he 
had  been  desperately  in  love  with  Princess  Marie  de 
Gonzague,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Mantua,  and  the 
Queen-mother  had  imprisoned  her  at  Vincennes  to  be  out 
of  his  way.  This  was  a  more  serious  affair.  A  secret, 
hurried  marriage  at  Nancy  united  Gaston  to  the  one 
woman  who  kept  her  hold  on  him  through  the  rest  of  his 
frivolous  life. 

But  even  before  the  marriage,  the  Duke  of  Lorraine's 
plans  of  conquest  had  fallen  through.  French  armies  had 
crossed  his  frontier,  driving  before  them  the  small  force 
which  the  Emperor  had  sent  to  his  aid.  From  the  stronghold 
of  Metz,  Louis  XIII.  and  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  were  able 
to  dictate  their  own  terms.  The  Duke  of  Lorraine  was 
to  become  a  faithful  ally  of  France,  and  all  her  enemies 
were  to  be  expelled  from  his  territory.  In  consequence  of 
this  treaty,  Monsieur  joined  his  mother  at  Brussels.  Left 
to  himself,  he  might  have  been  reconciled  with  the  King, 
and  Richelieu  did  his  best  to  that  end  ;  but  his  own  friends 
and  favourites  found  it  to  their  interest  to  keep  him  in 
rebellion. 

It  was  not  till  after  the  signature  of  the  treaty  that 
Louis  XIII.  was  made  aware  of  his  brother's  marriage, 
to  which  he  had  definitely  refused  his  consent.  In  this 
and  other  ways  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  had  played  Richelieu 
false.  The  consequence  was  that  a  French  army  once 
more  swept  over  the  province,  seizing  towns  and  fortresses 
and  bringing  Richelieu's  favourite  dream — that  of  extending 
the  French  frontier  to  the  Rhine — perceptibly  nearer. 

At  this  moment,  having  taught  the  Duke  a  second  severe 
lesson,  Richelieu  held  his  hand.  The  victories  of  Gustavus 
Adolphus  in  Germany  were  an  effectual  check  on  the 
house  of  Hapsburg,  and  hindered  the  advance  of  the 
Spanish  and  Imperial  troops  on  the  Rhine.  A  French 


THE   CARDINAL  225 

army  was  needed  at  home.  Monsieur  had  left  Brussels 
with  a  small  army  of  German,  Walloon,  and  Spanish 
mercenaries,  and  had  made  a  dash  through  Lorraine,  Bur 
gundy,  and  Auvergne  on  his  way  to  Languedoc,  with  the 
encouragement  of  the  Due  de  Montmorency.  Leaving 
Marechal  d'Effiat  in  command  on  the  German  frontier, 
Richelieu  despatched  Schomberg  and  La  Force  by  different 
routes  to  the  south. 

Henry  de  Montmorency,  by  every  title  the  flower  of 
the  French  nobility,  was  now  thirty-seven  years  old.  He 
was  descended  in  the  direct  line,  through  nineteen  genera 
tions,  from  an  ancestor  who  was  baptized  with  Clovis. 
Ever  since  then  the  heads  of  the  family  had  borne  the 
proud  legend  of  "  Premier  Chrestien  que  Roy  en  France ; 
premier  Seigneur  de  Montmorency  que  Roy  en  France ; 
premier  Baron  de  France."  Their  war-cry  was  "  Dieu 
ayde  au  premier  Chrestien  " ;  their  motto,  "  Sans  tache." 
Montmorency's  father,  his  grandfather,  and  several  of  his 
ancestors  had  borne  the  title  of  Constable  of  France,  and 
he  was  himself  High  Admiral,  till  Richelieu  purchased  the 
charge  and  assumed  the  duties  under  another  name.  He 
had  succeeded  to  the  government  of  Languedoc  at  his 
father's  death  in  1614,  before  he  was  twenty.  A  popular 
governor  of  a  very  difficult  province  constantly  torn  by 
civil  war,  he  spent  the  greater  part  of  his  time  in  the 
south.  When  not  engaged  in  keeping  down  his  turbulent 
Protestants  or  in  managing  his  provincial  Estates,  always 
discontented,  he  was  to  be  found  in  the  front  rank  of 
Louis  XIII.'s  campaigns.  He  did  not  care  greatly  for  life 
at  Court,  though,  as  a  boy,  he  had  been  a  special  favourite 
with  Henry  IV.,  who  gave  him  his  name,  and  though,  by 
the  marriages  of  his  half-sister  and  sister — one  with  the 
Due  d'Angouleme,  the  other  with  the  Prince  de  Conde — 
he  was  nearly  connected  with  the  royal  family.  But  he 
lived  magnificently,  when  in  Paris,  at  the  Hotel  de  Mont 
morency,  and  in  the  country  at  his  chateaux  of  £couen  or 
Chantilly.  He  was  the  admiration  of  society — handsome, 
a  bold  rider,  a  fine  dancer,  and  a  very  great  flirt,  in  spite 
of  the  constant  love  between  him  and  his  young  Roman 


226  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

wife,  the  best  and  most  devoted  of  women,  Maria  Felice 
Orsini.  Their  story  is  among  the  most  touching  romances 
of  the  century. 

In  many  ways  the  Due  de  Montmorency  stood  above 
the  ordinary  ranks  of  the  noblesse,  and  a  little  apart  from 
them.  As  proud  and  sensitive  as  any,  a  certain  high  touch 
of  generous  chivalry  kept  him  free  of  their  vindictive 
prejudices — as  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  had  proved  in  the 
day  when  Louis  XIII.  lay  ill  at  Lyons.  His  loyalty  to 
the  King  had  always  been  unimpeachable. 

But  as  early  as  1629  the  storm  which  was  to  sweep 
Montmorency  into  rebellion  and  ruin  had  begun  to  growl 
in  the  south.  The  governor  of  Languedoc  felt  a  dangerous 
sympathy  with  his  province,  one  of  the  old  independent 
pays  d'Etats,  which  saw  itself  deprived  of  power  and 
autonomy  in  the  matter  of  taxation  by  a  centralizing 
edict.  In  the  view  of  the  provincial  Estates,  their  "  most 
sacred  rights"  were  thus  invaded  and  torn  away.  And 
there  were  not  wanting  enemies  of  Richelieu  to  fan  the 
flame. 

At  first  it  seemed  as  if  the  Cardinal  would  yield  to  the 
remonstrances  of  Languedoc.  During  the  winter  of  1631-2 
Montmorency  was  able  to  announce  to  his  Estates  that 
the  hated  edict  would  be  withdrawn.  However,  months 
dragged  on  in  useless  argument  with  the  Cardinal's  com 
missioners,  who,  in  Montmorency's  own  view,  were  merely 
amusing  the  Estates  while  they  led  them  on  to  a  deeper 
ruin ;  while  his  friends  whispered  that  he  himself,  as  well 
as  his  province,  was  on  the  brink  of  destruction.  Some 
slight  coldness  at  Court,  consequent  on  a  quarrel  of  his 
with  the  Due  de  Chevreuse,  was  made  to  signify  that 
his  political  opposition  to  Richelieu,  frank  and  reasonable 
as  it  might  be,  would  bring  about  sharp  and  terrible 
reprisals. 

In  this  temper  the  proudest  noble  and  most  chivalrous 
man  in  France  read  a  manifesto  published  by  Gaston 
d'Orleans  in  June  1632,  in  which  he  summoned  the  French 
to  rise  on  behalf  of  himself  and  the  exiled  Queen-mother, 
not  against  the  King,  but  against  the  "tyrant"  who  had 


THE   CARDINAL  227 

usurped  his  authority ;  while  at  the  same  time  it  was 
proposed  to  make  Languedoc,  already  known  to  be  dis 
affected,  the  scene  of  the  new  civil  war. 

There  were  circumstances  which  attached  Montmorency 
to  the  Queen-mother's  cause.  His  wife  was  related  to  her, 
and  had  always  been  treated  by  her  with  the  utmost 
kindness.  If  he  had  shown  a  friendliness  to  Richelieu 
which  may  have  justified  the  Cardinal  in  being  amazed  at 
the  present  turn  of  events,  it  was  yet  most  natural  that 
he  should  feel  resentment  at  the  Queen's  forced  exile. 
Richelieu  and  many  historians  following  him  have  thrown 
the  whole  blame  of  the  Duke's  rising  on  Madame  de  Mont 
morency  and  her  affection  for  the  Queen.  Recent  re 
searches  have  shown  this  view  to  be  most  unfair.  Through 
the  spring  and  early  summer  of  1632  the  Duchess  was 
lying  ill  of  fever  and  knew  little  of  public  events.  It  was 
not  till  the  latest  moment,  too  late  for  any  drawing  back, 
that  she  heard  from  her  husband  of  Monsieur's  advance 
with  his  consent  to  Languedoc.  With  useless  tears  she 
learned  that  he,  who  had  fought  so  loyally  for  the  King, 
was  now  arming  against  him.  When  the  Prince  himself 
visited  her  on  his  arrival  she  said  to  him  :  "  Sir,  if  M.  de 
Montmorency  could  have  'deferred  to  the  counsel  of  a 
woman,  he  would  never  have  given  you  entrance  into  his 
government." 

The  fatal  step  was  taken  with  the  full  concurrence  of 
the  Estates  of  Languedoc,  in  session  at  Pezenas.  D'Elbene, 
Bishop  of  Albi,  who  has  been  described  as  Montmorency's 
evil  genius,  induced  them  formally  to  disregard  the  royal 
edict  and  to  sign  a  solemn  declaration  in  which  they 
called  on  the  Duke  to  make  their  interests  his,  as  they 
would  make  his  theirs,  that  all  might  act  together  for 
His  Majesty's  service  and  the  good  of  their  country.  Thus 
"  the  Estates  signed  their  final  abdication  ;  and  the  Duke 
his  death-warrant." 

Monsieur's  ride  through  France,  with  a  group  of  wild 
companions,  at  the  head  of  two  thousand  undisciplined 
horse,  was  not  likely  to  do  his  cause  good  in  the  country. 
Clamouring  constantly  for  pay  and  receiving  nothing  but 


228  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

fair  words  and  promises,  it  was  to  be  expected  that 
the  soldiers  should  provide  for  themselves.  All  along 
Monsieur's  route,  his  biographer  tells  us,  at  the  earliest 
news  of  his  approach,  people  fled  from  the  villages  and 
open  country  into  the  towns,  which  one  and  all  shut 
their  gates.  But  it  was  the  season  of  fruit  and  crops, 
"  so  that  the  army  had  not  much  to  suffer."  "  Nous 
entrames  dans  la  Limagne,  qu'il  faisoit  beau  voir  en  cette 
saison  des  fruits,  si  la  licence  des  gens  de  guerre  ne  lui 
eut  un  moment  fait  changer  de  face."  And  the  fate  of 
the  Limagne — the  most  fertile  district  of  Auvergne — was 
a  sample  of  the  rest. 

Monsieur  and  his  precious  army  entered  Languedoc 
in  the  first  week  of  August,  two  months  before  the 
Due  de  Montmorency  was  ready  for  him.  The  session 
of  the  Estates  was  only  just  over;  there  had  been  no 
time  to  raise  money,  to  collect  troops,  or  to  make  sure 
of  several  strong  places  whose  loyalty  to  the  governor 
was  doubtful.  The  King  had  still  a  powerful  party  in 
Languedoc,  and  the  people  generally,  with  a  bitter 
experience,  dreaded  civil  war.  Meanwhile,  with  swift 
decision,  directed  from  Paris  by  Richelieu,  Marshals  de 
Schomberg  and  de  la  Force  were  advancing  from  the 
east  and  the  west,  hemming  in  Languedoc  and  its  unlucky 
governor. 

The  armies  met  at  Castelnaudary — spelt  by  Aubery 
Castelnau-d'Arry — and  the  result  of  the  fight  was  never 
doubtful.  Though  Monsieur  had  had  some  small  successes 
since  entering  Languedoc,  his  friends  and  officers  spoiled 
all  by  quarrels  among  themselves.  Puylaurens,  the  Due 
d'Elbeuf,  and  the  Comte  de  Moret,  each  claimed  the 
leadership  under  him,  and  all  refused  to  give  precedence 
to  the  Due  de  Montmorency.  He  was  bitterly  reproached 
for  the  unreadiness  which  was  no  fault  of  his ;  and  he, 
at  least,  dashed  forward  in  a  spirit  of  reckless  despair 
to  the  encounter  with  the  Marechal  de  Schomberg  and 
the  Marquis  de  Breze,  whose  army,  though  small,  was 
perfectly  disciplined,  while  that  of  Monsieur  fell  almost 
at  once  into  panic  and  confusion. 


THE  CARDINAL  229 

Castelnaudary  was  rather  a  rout  than  a  battle.  Many 
of  the  mercenaries  fled  without  striking  a  blow,  and  those 
who  died  fighting  were  mostly  among  the  unfortunate 
"  gens  de  qualite "  who  had  thrown  in  their  lot  with 
Monsieur.  Among  these  victims  the  most  distinguished 
was  young  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  Comte  de  Moret,  son 
of  Henry  IV.  by  Jacqueline  de  Bueil :  she  long  survived 
as  Comtesse  de  Vardes,  a  devout  and  eccentric  lady. 
Many  persons  believed  that  her  son,  who  had  taken 
orders  and  held,  with  other  rich  preferments,  the  Abbey 
of  St.  Etienne  at  Caen,  was  carried  off  alive  into  Italy 
after  Castelnaudary,  and  ended  his  days,  sixty  years 
later,  as  a  pious  hermit  in  Anjou.  The  tradition  is  not 
without  probability. 

No  such  uncertainty  hangs  round  the  fate  of  Henry 
de  Montmorency.  He  fell  wounded  in  a  desperate  charge 
along  a  hollow  lane,  made  in  support  of  the  Comte  de 
Moret,  whose  men  were  in  full  flight  before  the  enemy. 
The  lane  was  commanded  by  royal  musketeers,  who 
shot  down  all  the  Duke's  followers  except  a  few  who 
dashed  forward  with  him  into  the  ranks  of  the  "cardi- 
nalistes."  "  I  have  sacrificed  myself  for  cowards  !  "  Henry 
cried  to  the  officer  who  took  him  prisoner — the  Comte 
de  Saint-Preuil,  himself  one  day  to  be  condemned  by/ 
Richelieu. 

The  King  and  the  Cardinal  were  on  their  way  to 
Languedoc  when  the  short  campaign  thus  suddenly  ended. 
To  make  peace  with  Monsieur  was  their  first  care,  and 
this  was  easily  brought  about.  At  first  his  demands  were 
haughty  and  considerable,  including  a  large  sum  of  money, 
the  return  of  the  Queen-mother,  a  fortress  or  two,  and 
a  free  pardon  for  the  Due  de  Montmorency.  All  these 
conditions  were  bluntly  rejected.  Richelieu  was  not 
impressed  by  the  Prince's  solemn  promise  to  love  and 
esteem  him  in  future. 

Gaston's  first  thought  was  to  escape  to  Spain,  but  the 
way  was  blocked  by  the  royal  troops,  and  a  very  few 
days  saw  him  in  abject  submission  to  the  King.  He  even 
promised — surely  an  unnecessary  baseness — to  take  no 


230  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

further  interest  in  certain  persons  who  had  been  united 
with  him,  and  to  make  no  complaint  should  the  King 
punish  them  as  they  deserved.  Having  thus  delivered 
up  Montmorency  and  all  those  who  had  fought  in  his 
cause  and  the  Queen-mother's,  Gaston  rode  off  for  Touraine 
with  the  Due  d'Elbeuf  and  a  few  others  whom  the  King 
pardoned,  while  the  remnant  of  his  army  straggled  across 
the  mountains  into  Spain. 

Then  the  King  and  the  Cardinal,  from  their  head 
quarters  at  Beziers,  set  about  arranging  the  affairs  of 
Languedoc ;  and  seldom,  in  his  political  career,  did 
Richelieu  show  a  greater  wisdom.  While  tremendous 
severity  was  shown  to  bishops,  barons,  all  the  feudal 
magnates  who  had  encouraged  or  joined  in  the  re 
bellion — death,  confiscation,  tearing  down  of  castles  and 
fortresses — the  provincial  Estates  were  very  differently 
treated.  They  were  convoked  at  Beziers,  and  most  of 
their  just  demands  were  granted  by  the  King.  On  pay 
ment  of  a  heavy  fine  they  kept  to  some  extent  their 
ancient  liberties. 

But  a  terrible  example  was  made.  After  Castelnaudary 
the  wounded  governor  had  been  taken  to  the  castle  of 
Lectoure,  and  at  the  end  of  October,  nearly  two  months 
later,  he  was  brought  to  Toulouse  to  be  tried  for  his  life. 
The  King  and  the  Cardinal  were  already  there,  and  all 
the  prayers  of  province  and  kingdom,  of  high  and  low, 
had  for  six  weeks  been  prayed  in  vain.  The  fact  that 
M.  de  Montmorency  was  one  of  the  very  greatest  men  in 
France,  that  his  pardon  was  humbly  begged  for  not  only 
by  his  miserable  wife,  but  by  the  Princesse  de  Conde,  the 
Due  d'Epernon  and  his  sons,  the  Dues  d'Angouleme, 
de  Chatillon,  de  Chevreuse,  and  many  others,  only  made 
his  condemnation  more  sure.  Richelieu  was  bent  on 
teaching  France,  once  for  all,  the  lesson  she  had  been 
slow  in  learning,  that  no  head  was  high  enough  to  escape 
the  vengeance  of  the  King.  He  listened,  not  untouched 
certainly,  but  unmoved,  even  to  the  crying  in  the  streets — 
"  Grace,  grace !  Misericorde  ! " — with  which,  night  and  day, 
the  people  of  Toulouse  tried  to  soften  the  hearts  of  King 


THE   CARDINAL  231 

and  Minister.  And  if  we  are  to  believe  the  biographer 
of  Pere  Joseph,  any  leanings  towards  mercy  in  either 
were  checked  by  the  fiery  zeal  of  the  "  Eminence  grise," 
who  pressed  upon  them  both,  in  secret  council  of  three, 
that  "to  pardon  this  criminal  would  encourage  all  the 
rebels  in  the  kingdom,  who  would  not  fail  to  invite 
Monsieur  to  place  himself  once  more  at  their  head, 
since  they  would  be  sure  of  impunity  .  .  .  whereas,  a 
chief  of  this  rank  and  quality  being  put  to  death,  no 
one  would  henceforth  dare  to  declare  himself  for  the 
King's  brother." 

The  trial,  presided  over  by  Richelieu's  Chancellor, 
Chateauneuf,  was  short  and  decisive :  there  was  no 
doubt  of  the  result;  but  we  are  told  that  the  judges 
wept  when  they  pronounced  the  sentence,  and  the 
courtiers  wept  when  they  heard  it.  Henry  de  Mont- 
morency  died  that  same  day,  October  30,  1632,  on  the 
scaffold  at  Toulouse,  patiently  and  bravely,  as  became  the 
"  premier  Chrestien."  In  his  will,  made  the  day  before, 
he  left  a  valuable  picture,  a  St.  Sebastian,  to  Cardinal 
de  Richelieu.  The  mourning  throughout  France  was  such 
as  had  not  been  seen  since  the  death  of  King  Henry  IV. 

Terrified  by  so  sharp  an  object-lesson,  Gaston  d'Orleans 
made  one  more  dash  across  France  and  again  took  refuge 
at  Brussels.  This  was  a  consequence  not  at  all  intended 
by  Cardinal  de  Richelieu. 

Worry  and  strain,  political  anxieties  constantly  fresh, 
the  knowledge  that  he  was  furiously  hated  by  society,  that 
dozens  of  desperate  men  had  vowed  to  kill  him,  and  were 
watching  for  their  opportunity — a  strong  man  would  have 
felt  the  burden,  and  Richelieu,  whatever  the  power  of  his 
spirit,  was  always  delicate  and  frail  of  body.  One  of  the 
worst  illnesses  of  his  life  came  upon  him  immediately  after 
the  death  of  the  Due  de  Montmorency. 

The  King  hurried  back  to  his  hunting  near  Paris,  and 
it  had  been  arranged  that  the  Cardinal  should  escort  Queen 
Arine  from  Toulouse  to  Bordeaux,  and  then  to  La  Rochelle, 
after  which  she  was  to  honour  him  with  a  visit  at  his 
hardly  finished,  magnificent  chateau  and  new  town  of 


232  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Richelieu.  It  was  a  bad  time  of  year  for  travelling,  and 
the  Queen  and  her  ladies,  one  may  believe,  thought  the 
whole  thing  a  bore  ;  but  the  Eminentissime  had  his  reasons 
for  insisting,  and  could  not  be  refused. 

He  was  ill  when  they  left  Toulouse.  At  Bordeaux  he 
became  worse,  and  was  forced  to  take  to  his  bed;  a  few 
days  more  saw  him  in  apparent  extremity.  A  weight  of 
bad  news  fell  upon  him.  The  loyal  Marechal  de  Schom- 
berg  died  in  Languedoc,  where  he  had  succeeded  Mont- 
morency  as  governor.  The  death  of  Gustavus  Adolphus 
seemed  at  first  a  mortal  blow  to  the  Protestant  cause 
and  the  allies  of  France  in  Germany. 

The  Queen  and  her  Court  did  not  remain  at  Bordeaux 
throughout  the  Cardinal's  illness,  but  passed  on  to  make 
their  tour  of  the  western  provinces,  his  place  as  their 
entertainer  being  taken  by  the  Commander  de  la  Porte 
and  the  Marquis  de  la  Meilleraye.  The  position  was 
curious  enough.  At  any  moment  news  of  the  Cardinal's 
death  might  have  overtaken  them.  All  France  believed 
that  he  was  dying;  rumours  flew  through  the  provinces 
that  he  was  already  dead.  People  held  their  breath  an 
instant,  then  forgot  prudence  and  rejoiced,  ten  years  too 
soon,  as  though  the  report  must  be  true.  M.  de  Chateau- 
neuf  and  Madame  de  Chevreuse  behaved  with  a  rashness 
that  seems  amazing,  whatever  his  passion  for  her  and 
whatever  her  hatred  of  Richelieu.  Even  before  the  Queen 
left  Bordeaux,  while  the  Cardinal's  few  devoted  friends 
were  watching  by  his  sick  bed,  they,  wjth  the  rest  of  the 
lively  Court  party,  were  dancing  in  public  and  private 
without  even  any  outward  show  of  anxiety,  and  it  was 
they,  in  wild  spirits,  who  made  the  dark  and  wintry 
journey  to  La  Rochelle  a  voyage  de  plaisir.  M.  de  Chateau- 
neuf  already  imagined  himself  First  Minister,  and  Madame 
de  Chevreuse,  ruling  the  Queen  and  him,  saw  France  at 
her  feet. 

And  then  the  Cardinal  recovered.  "  From  the  gates 
of  the  tomb,"  says  M.  Martin,  "  he  rose  terrible  and  struck 
down  those  imprudent  persons  who  had  dared  to  reach 
out  with  a  too  hasty  hand  towards  his  spoils."  The  King 


THE   CARDINAL  233 

travelled  many  leagues  from  Paris  to  meet  him,  and 
received  him  in  his  arms ;  the  courtiers  crowded  to  con 
gratulate  him,  weeping  for  joy !  A  few  weeks  later,  the 
one  disgraced  and  in  prison,  the  other  an  exile  from  Court, 
M.  de  Chateauneuf  and  Madame  de  Chevreuse  had  time 
to  reflect  on  their  own  foolishness  and  the  amazing  fortunes 
of  Cardinal  de  Richelieu. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

The  Cardinal  and  his  palaces — The  chateau  and  town  of  Richelieu — The 
Palais-Cardinal — Richelieu's  household,  daily  life,  and  friends— The  Hotel 
de  Rambouillet — Mademoiselle  de  Gournay — Boisrobert  and  the  first 
Academicians— Entertainments  at  the  Palais-Cardinal — Mirame. 

THE  restless,  ambitious  energy  and  the  passion  for 
detail  which  made  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  the  hardest 
worker  of  his  time  in  politics,  were  thrown  equally 
into  his  characteristic  amusements.  His  love  of  building 
and  furnishing  splendidly  carried  him  far  beyond  such 
pleasant  country-houses  as  Rueil,  Limours,  or  Bois-le- 
Vicomte,  luxurious  as  they  were.  The  Palais-Cardinal 
itself,  in  the  heart  of  Paris  and  almost  royal,  had  certain 
limitations,  the  architect  being  blamed  for  a  lack  of  height 
and  dignity.  Le  Mercier  excused  himself,  we  are  told,  by 
the  Cardinal's  own  orders :  he  desired  to  give  no  cause 
for  jealousy  to  the  great  ones  of  the  kingdom  who  did 
not  love  him  "  because  of  the  extreme  hauteur  with  which 
he  treated  them,  and  to  show  moderation,  even  in  the 
disposing  of  his  palace,  in  the  sight  of  those  powerful 
persons  who  were  envious  of  such  prodigious  credit  and 
grandeur." 

No  scruples  interfered  in  the  lonely  valley  of  the  Mable, 
where  for  miles  around  the  name  of  Richelieu  now  had 
no  rival.  Even  Champigny,  the  once  dreaded  house  of  the 
Montpensiers,  had  come  into  the  Cardinal's  possession  by 
a  more  or  less  forced  exchange  with  Gaston  d'Orleans,  his 
little  daughter's  untrustworthy  guardian.  The  fine  old 
chateau  was  pulled  down ;  its  former  outbuildings  make 
the  chateau  of  to-day ;  and  the  chapel,  with  its  precious 

234 


a  a 

u  £ 

5 


THE   CARDINAL  235 

windows,  its  tombs  and  picturesque  cloister,  was  only 
saved  by  the  Pope's  refusal  to  consent  to  its  destruction. 
The  Cardinal-Due,  though  First  Minister  of  France  and 
head  of  her  army  and  navy,  could  not  flatly  disobey  the 
Church  in  a  private  matter. 

There  is  more  actually  left  of  the  old  Montpensier 
buildings  than  of  the  magnificent  palace,  foreshadowing 
the  splendour  of  Versailles,  into  which  Cardinal  de 
Richelieu  transformed  the  river-fortress  of  his  ancestors. 
Wide  lawns,  stiff  alleys  and  avenues,  still  moats  with 
water-lilies,  one  small  pavilion  looking  sadly  over  the  trees 
towards  a  high  gateway  where  no  one  seems  to  enter  ; 
this  is  all  that  remains  of  the  far-famed  Chateau  de 
Richelieu. 

It  was  in  the  year  1625,  soon  after  he  came  to  power, 
that  the  Cardinal  visited  Richelieu  with  Madame  de 
Combalet,  and  resolved  on  the  transformation.  After  this 
the  work  went  on  for  years,  and  was  hardly  finished  when 
he  died,  though  long  before  that  the  palace  was  the 
admiration  of  Europe,  only  surpassed  in  France  by 
Fontainebleau.  It  was  approached  by  an  avenue  a  mile 
and  a  quarter  long,  ending  in  an  immense  demi-lune  on 
which  the  first  court  opened  by  a  stately  gateway  with 
flanking  pavilions.  This  court  led  to  a  second ;  a  bridge 
over  the  moat  which,  as  in  old  days,  surrounded  the  actual 
chateau,  gave  admittance  to  another  gateway  under  a  dome, 
guarded  by  a  figure  of  Renown  and  other  mythological 
statues.  Within  this  was  the  cour  dhonneur,  a  square  of 
great  buildings,  with  high  pavilions  at  the  four  corners 
and  in  the  centre  opposite  the  gateway.  Here  was  the 
grand  staircase  of  variegated  marble ;  and  here,  after  the 
ruin  of  the  House  of  Montmorency,  stood  the  famous 
Slaves  of  Michel  Angelo,  brought  from  the  Duke's  Chateau 
of  Ecouen.  Statues  and  busts  were  everywhere. 

The  further  front,  beyond  another  bridge,  looked  upon 
square  gardens  "  embroidered  with  flowers,"  where  pea 
cocks  strutted,  and  through  .which  flowed  the  imprisoned 
Mable  in  a  broad  canal  full  of  fish.  Beyond  this  again  was 
another  vast  half-moon  space  of  garden  and  parterre,  with 


236  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

statues,  fountains,  grottoes,  an  orangery,  and  a  "chapel ; 
and  all  was  surrounded  by  the  great  deer-park  and  the 
woods  in  ordered  beauty,  long  alleys  striking  into  them, 
lost  in  the  shade. 

The  decoration,  in  and  out,  of  this  wonderful  place 
shared  the  Cardinal's  thoughts  with  the  keenest  interests 
of  his  political  life ;  and  the  collection  of  works  of  art,  for 
Richelieu  and  the  Palais-Cardinal,  meant  in  itself  a  large 
correspondence.  Besides  all  this,  he  had  undertaken  to 
create  a  town  outside  the  gates  of  his  new  palace,  its  main 
street  to  be  of  hotels  on  one  dignified  plan,  after  the  model 
of  the  Place  Royale,  built  for  themselves  by  his  chief 
officers  and  the  nobles  whom  he  meant  to  attend  his  Court 
at  Richelieu.  That  Court  was  never  held,  but  the  town 
rose  out  of  the  earth,  "  as  if  by  enchantment,"  with  all 
kinds  of  privileges  and  immunities  granted  by  the  King, 
and  its  symmetrical  buildings  have  long  survived  their 
raison  detre,  the  chateau.  There  is  indeed  more  life  now 
in  that  seventeenth-century  street  than  when  La  Fontaine 
wrote  of  its  admired  but  monotonous  rows  of  houses : 

"  La  plupart  sont  inhabits  ; 
Je  ne  vis  personne  en  la  rue  ; 
II  m'en  deplait ;  j'aime  aux  citds 
Un  peu  de  bruit  et  de  cohue." 

The  Cardinal's  devoted  friend,  the  Archbishop  of 
Bordeaux,  acted  as  surveyor  of  the  works  at  Richelieu, 
and  in  a  letter  to  him  in  June  1632,  between  the  execution 
of  Marillac  and  Monsieur's  invasion  of  Languedoc,  we  have 
evidence  of  the  way  in  which  every  exterior  and  interior 
detail  was  thought  out  by  an  unresting  brain.  The 
painting  of  the  rooms  was  now  in  full  swing,  being  mostly 
designed  by  Simon  Vouet,  the  King's  favourite  painter,  and 
carried  out  by  him  and  other  artists. 

After  giving  orders  as  to  the  decoration  of  a  large  room 
above  the  entrance,  the  Cardinal  proceeds  : 

"  The  vaulted  cabinet  at  the  side  should  be  painted  in 
grisaille  on  the  stone  vaulting,  partly  by  the  painter  from 
Lyons,  and  partly  by  other  painters,  who  will  enrich  the 


THE   CARDINAL  237 

grisaille  with  gold.  M.  de  Bordeaux,  being  on  the  spot, 
will  make  them  agree  together  as  to  what  each  shall  do. 
In  this  cabinet  there  must  be  a  wainscot  six  feet  high 
with  a  recess  to  hold  rarities,  and  the  said  wainscot  shall 
be  painted  in  grisaille  of  one  tint  and  gilded  to  match  the 
vaulting.  M.  Vouet  can  very  well  design  the  paintings." 

Architectural  details  regarding  the  level  of  different 
rooms,  their  respective  heights,  their  flat  or  vaulted  ceilings, 
fill  a  good  part  of  the  letter.  Everywhere  there  are  six- 
foot  wainscotings  with  shelves  or  recesses  for  "  rarities  "  ; 
for  His  Eminence's  collection  of  objets  dart  was  already 
famous  in  Europe. 

Then  he  goes  on  to  the  gardens. 

"  My  uncle  tells  me  that  the  canal  at  Richelieu  is  full 
of  weeds.  At  the  end  of  the  summer,  when  the  lawns  are 
levelled  and  the  masons  are  no  longer  working  on  the 
banks  of  the  said  canal,  it  must  be  entirely  drained  and  all 
the  weeds  must  be  rooted  up  and  burnt  in  its  bed ;  and 
when  it  is  clean  and  dry  let  it  be  filled  again,  and  put  a  boat 
on  it,  and  make  a  bargain  with  a  strong  and  vigorous  man 
who  has  nothing  else  to  do,  that  he  will  not  suffer  a  weed  in 
it  but  will  tear  them  up  as  they  grow,  which  may  be  done 
with  tools  of  iron  made  for  the  purpose.  In  that  country  it 
suffices  a  man  if  he  have  enough  to  live  on,  so  that  I  think 
a  hundred  francs  or  forty  crowns  will  acquit  me." 

With  quite  as  eager  an  interest,  both  now  and  again 
later,  even  when  Monsieur  is  "  drawing  towards  Languedoc  " 
and  political  storms  are  darkening  all  the  horizon,  he  writes 
of  pictures  from  Mantua  that  he  is  sending  to  Richelieu,  of 
the  preservation,  with  new  floors  and  beams,  of  his  father's 
old  rooms — a  fancy  which,  in  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier's 
opinion,  spoiled  the  grandeur  of  the  house — of  building  a 
park  wall ;  and  last,  not  least,  of  the  new  town  and  the 
houses  that  his  friends  are  building  there.  A  little  hurry, 
he  thinks,  would  not  be  out  of  place,  for  he  is  bent  on 
making  Richelieu,  his  own  town,  a  centre  of  trade,  of  justice, 
of  enlightenment,  to  all  the  western  country. 

Though  almost  incredible,  it  appears  to  be  a  fact  that 
the  Cardinal  died  in  1642  without  ever  having  visited  his 


238  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

new  palace  and  little  city  of  Richelieu.  Various  royal  and 
distinguished  guests,  however,  were  entertained  there  in 
his  lifetime  by  his  niece  or  other  representatives. 

But  Paris  knew  the  Cardinal  intimately  well.  His  last 
eight  years  of  life  and  work  were  chiefly  spent  at  the 
Palais-Cardinal.  From  its  completion,  in  the  winter  of 
1633-4,  ne  lived  there  in  almost  royal  splendour.  Though 
the  exterior  may  have  suffered  from  jealousy  in  high  places^ 
the  apartments  were  far  more  gorgeous,  more  heavily 
luxurious,  than  those  at  Richelieu — which  must  have 
possessed,  from  descriptions,  a  kind  of  cool  beauty  and 
delicate  grace  suited  to  the  tender  lines  and  colouring  of 
Poitou.  At  the  Palais-Cardinal,  the  windows  were  glazed 
with  "  large  squares  of  crystal  mounted  in  silver."  Rooms, 
halls,  staircases,  galleries,  cabinets,  were  a  blaze  of  colour ; 
there  were  ceilings  all  gold,  with  allegorical  pictures  in 
mosaic,  to  the  Cardinal's  glory.  The  walls  were  hung 
with  pictures  by  the  greatest  artists,  French  and  Italian  ; 
there  was  a  gallery  of  famous  men,  some  of  the  portraits 
painted  by  Philippe  de  Champagne,  others  by  Simon  Vouet. 
The  furniture  throughout  was  magnificent,  and  the  art 
treasures  of  every  kind  represented  the  work  of  collectors 
all  over  Europe.  The  gardens,  in  those  early  days,  were 
charming  in  their  formal  beauty ;  lawns  and  clipped  box 
hedges,  a  mosaic  of  flowers,  long  alleys  of  trees,  and  a  high 
terrace  with  a  famous  iron-work  balustrade  which  was 
destroyed  in  1786  by  the  bad  taste  of  the  Due  de  Chartres, 
then  possessor  of  the  palace. 

The  Cardinal's  household  was  large,  and  devoted  to  him  ; 
whatever  his  character  at  Court  and  abroad,  at  home  he 
was  neither  an  ogre  nor  a  sphinx,  but  a  hard-working, 
autocratic,  fiery,  not  ungenerous  gentleman.  His  chaplains 
and  almoners  could  bear  witness  to  his  widespread  charity, 
ranging  from  the  sick  and  poor  in  the  streets  of  Paris  to 
peasants  ruined  by  war,  and  from  colleges  and  hospitals  to 
small  forgotten  convents  which  found  themselves  supplied, 
by  his  orders,  with  bread  and  meat  they  had  no  money 
to  buy. 

The  Cardinal's  household   included  at  least  five-and- 


THE   CARDINAL  239 

twenty  pages  of  noble  birth,  who  received  the  same  training 
in  arms,  horsemanship,  mathematics,  and  dancing  as  if  they 
had  belonged  to  Royalty.  A  number  of  "  gentlemen  of 
condition  "  waited  on  him  constantly  and  dined  at  his  second 
table  ;  the  first  was  reserved  for  himself — when  well  enough 
to  be  there — and  for  his  intimate  friends,  relations,  and 
special  guests.  He  had  five  hard-worked  private  secretaries, 
clerical  and  lay :  the  Prieur  des  Roches,  Charpentier,  Chere, 
Mulot,  Rossignol ;  his  private  physician,  M.  Citoys,  often 
served  him  in  the  same  way.  Among  his  State  secretaries 
and  special  agents,  who  directed,  as  we  know,  an  army  of 
spies  at  home  and  abroad,  Pere  Joseph  and  his  Capuchin 
clerks  held  the  first  place.  "  Ezechieli,"  as  the  Cardinal 
called  him,  had  his  offices  in  the  palace,  and  visited  His 
Eminence  by  day  and  by  night. 

The  Bouthilliers,  father  and  son,  with  M.  de  Noyers, 
were  among  his  most  confidential  counsellors  and  fellow- 
workers  ;  and  in  more  private  fashion  LarTemas,  head  of 
the  Paris  police  and  known  as  "  le  bourreau  du  Cardinal," 
brought  him  the  evil  report  of  his  enemies.  In  later  years 
Mazarin  became  his  trusted  diplomatic  agent  and  chosen 
successor.  The  Cardinal  de  la  Valette,  the  Archbishop  of 
Bordeaux,  the  Marquis  de  Breze,  the  Marquis  de  la  Meille- 
raye — these  two  being  created  by  him  Marshals  of  France 
— may  be  described  as  his  aides-de-camp ;  and  beyond  all 
these  buzzed  a  crowd  of  political  pamphleteers  and  other 
writers  in  the  Cardinal's  pay;  conspicuous  among  them 
Renaudot — founder  under  him  of  the  Gazette  de  France,  the 
first  approach  to  a  modern  newspaper — Corneille  the  poet, 
and  various  members  of  the  young  Academy. 

The  Cardinal  was  fond  of  music,  and  his  band  of  twelve 
instruments  attended  him  everywhere.  But  what  really 
made  his  train  "  august  and  majestic,"  says  Aubery,  was 
the  strong  force  of  guards  always  present  for  his  defence. 
The  King  had  added  two  hundred  musketeers  and  a 
company  of  gendarmes  to  the  hundred  horse  originally 
granted  him,  and  these  troops  were  quartered  in  and 
around  his  palace,  being  on  duty  by  turns,  as  if  attending 
on  Royalty. 


240  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

The  officers  of  the  guard  were  not  always  lucky  enough 
to  please  His  Eminence.  This  is  a  characteristic  story  : 

"  He  had  said  one  day  to  Saint-Georges,  his  captain  of 
the  guard,  that  he  wished  to  walk  after  dinner  in  his  gallery 
at  the  Palais-Cardinal  and  would  see  no  one  there  ;  never 
theless,  entering  with  M.  de  Noyers,  he  found  two  Capu 
chins.  After  giving  them  a  favourable  audience,  and  finish 
ing  his  business  with  M.  de  Noyers,  he  scolded  his  captain 
of  the  guard  for  disobeying  his  orders,  and  treated  him  to 
hard  words,  telling  him  plainly  that  he  would  be  obeyed, 
and  that  if  he  ever  committed  such  a  fault  again,  he  would 
not  come  off  so  cheaply. 

11  The  gentleman,  furious  at  such  disgrace,  and  believing 
that  he  could  not  remain  in  the  service  with  honour,  took 
leave  to  retire,  without  farewell,  to  some  inn  in  the  Rue 
St.  Honore.  So  that  M.  le  Cardinal,  seeing  him  no  more, 
asked  for  news  of  him ;  and  learning  what  had  happened, 
begged  the  Commander  de  la  Porte  to  go  and  find  him  and 
bring  him  back.  But  the  Commander  failing  to  do  so, 
His  Eminence  charged  M.  de  la  Meilleraye  to  go  in  his 
turn,  and  to  bring  him  back  by  any  means  in  his  power. 
Which  at  last  he  did,  after  trouble  enough  in  persuading 
him.  So  that  His  Eminence,  seeing  him  enter  the  room, 
went  five  or  six  steps  to  meet  him,  and  embracing  him  with 
much  kindness,  said :  '  Saint-Georges,  we  were  both  very 
hasty ;  but  if  you  are  like  me,  you  will  never  think  of  it 
again.  God  forbid  that  my  hastiness  should  ruin  the  for 
tunes  of  a  gentleman  such  as  you :  on  the  contrary,  I  will 
do  you  all  the  good  I  can.'  " 

After  which  one  does  not  wonder  that  the  Cardinal's 
own  people  liked  him. 

His  constant  ill-health,  with  the  weight  of  State  affairs, 
made  a  regular  life  necessary  to  him.  He  went  to  bed  at 
eleven,  but  after  three  or  four  hours  of  restless  sleep  he  was 
generally  to  be  found  sitting  up  in  his  room,  his  worn  face 
bent  over  portfolio  or  writing-table,  his  thin  hand  and 
active  brain  guiding  the  politics  of  Europe.  Thus  he 
would  work  from  candlelight  to  dawn,  writing  and  dic 
tating,  till  fatigue  obliged  him  to  lie  down  and  sleep  again. 


THE   CARDINAL  241 

But  he  was  up  before  eight  and  working  with  his  secretaries ; 
then,  when  dressed,  he  received  the  King's  other  Ministers; 
then  heard  mass,  which  he  celebrated  himself  on  great 
festivals ;  and  then,  before  the  mid-day  dinner,  gave 
audience  in  the  garden  to  any  one  who  wished  to  see  him. 
After  dinner  he  talked  with  his  friends  and  guests  till  it 
was  necessary  to  visit  the  King,  to  receive  ambassadors  and 
great  men,  to  attend  in  public  to  important  affairs  of  State. 
It  was  not  till  evening  that  he  allowed  himself  any  real 
quiet  and  recreation.  Then  we  may  see  him  strolling  again 
in  the  garden,  playing  with  his  favourite  cats,  listening  to 
music,  laughing  with  the  few  familiars,  such  as  the  lively 
Abbe  de  Boisrobert,  whose  privilege  it  was  to  amuse  him  ; 
and  so,  with  private  prayers  that  lasted  half  an  hour,  ended 
his  days  at  the  Palais-Cardinal. 

He  was  always,  of  course,  unpopular  at  Court  and  in 
society;  not  only  because  he  was  feared  and  mistrusted, 
but  owing  to  an  air  of  pedantry  and  affectation  which  was 
unpleasing  to  everybody  and  especially  so  to  .women  ;  yet 
he  particularly  liked  to  make  himself  agreeable  to  them. 
When  all  the  fables  of  his  love-affairs  are  cleared  away, 
this  characteristic  trait  remains.  He  despised  women,  but 
he  was  ready  to  bid  pretty  high,  sometimes,  for  their 
confidence  and  admiration.  Several  times,  for  instance, 
Madame  de  Chevreuse  escaped  with  the  punishment  of 
temporary  exile  for  plots  and  treasons  which  would  have 
cost  a  man  his  head.  The  Cardinal  would  have  been  glad 
to  stand  high  in  her  favour,  as  well  as  in  that  of  her  royal 
mistress.  As  their  hatred  grew  with  years,  so  did  his  hard 
ness  and  severity,  till  the  Duchess,  leaving  Queen  Anne  in 
danger  and  disgrace,  fled  finally  to  Spain. 

His  niece,  with  whom  he  was  on  the  most  intimate, 
affectionate  terms,  seems  to  have  been  the  only  woman 
who  really  cared  for  Cardinal  de  Richelieu.  For  her  he 
planned  various  great  marriages  in  France  and  Lorraine, 
all  of  which  came  to  nothing.  He  gave  her  the  Petit- 
Luxembourg  when  he  moved  to  his  new  palace,  but  she 
still  overlooked  his  housekeeping  and  was  the  leading 
figure  in  his  entertainments.  Society  realized  her  power, 
16 


242  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

and  treated  her  with  considerable  reverence,  though  it 
laughed  behind  her  back  and  told  many  malicious  stories. 
As  a  fact,  Madame  de  Combalet — created  Duchesse  d'Ai- 
guillon  in  1638 — filled  a  difficult  position  well ;  strengthen 
ing  it  by  friendships  with  distinguished  women  such  as 
the  Princesse  de  Conde"  and  Mademoiselle  d'Angennes,  the 
famous  Julie  of  the  poets,  the  star  of  her  mother's  salon  at 
the  Hotel  de  Rambouillet. 

The  Marquis  de  Rambouillet  has  been  already  mentioned 
as  a  steady  friend  of  Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  and  though 
His  Eminence  was  not  to  be  seen  at  Madame  de  Ram- 
bouillet's  assemblies — the  centre  of  civilising  influence  long 
before  his  noonday  of  power — he  took  a  keen  and  partly 
sympathetic  interest  in  all  that  went  on  there.  His  brilliant 
intelligence  could  not  fail  to  recognise  the  great  work  done 
for  society  by  "  the  divine  Arthe"nice  "  in  her  blue  drawing- 
room,  where  savage  manners  were  softened  and  refined, 
military  roughness  was  smoothed,  coarse  gossip  discour 
aged  ;  some  touch  of  culture  and  literary  taste  being  made 
a  passport  to  the  hostess's  favour.  It  seems  certain  that 
political  intrigue  found  no  place  at  the  Hotel  de  Ram 
bouillet  ;  but  it  is  characteristic  of  Richelieu's  nervous,  sus 
picious  mind  that  he  was  not  convinced  of  this.  The  long 
flirtation  carried  on  by  his  friend  the  Cardinal  de  la  Valette 
with  the  Princesse  de  Conde,  both  of  them  constant  guests 
there,  caused  him  some  anxiety,  and  the  story  goes  that  he 
sent  Pere  Joseph  to  Madame  de  Rambouillet  with  promises 
of  advancement  for  her  husband  if  she  would  keep  him 
informed  of  the  "  intrigues  "  of  these  two.  The  Marquise 
replied :  "I  do  not  believe,  Father,  that  Madame  la 
Princesse  and  M.  le  Cardinal  de  la  Valette  have  any 
intrigues ;  but  if  they  have,  I  should  not  be  the  person 
to  act  as  a  spy ! "  It  seems  that  Cardinal  de  la  Valette, 
who  was  clever  and  witty,  did  indulge  in  the  dangerous 
pleasure  of  laughing  at  Richelieu's  pedantries,  and  with 
Madame  de  Rambouillet  herself,  "  in  whom  he  had  entire 
confidence,"  and  who  enjoyed  the  joke. 

Richelieu's  keenness  of  intellect  and  political  intuition 
were  not  matched  by  the  delicate  wit  and  lightness  of 


THE   CARDINAL  243 

touch  that  are  usually  a  Frenchman's  birthright.  He  was 
rather  fond  of  making  jokes,  but  they  were  often  heavy, 
if  not  grim,  and  better  calculated  to  amuse  himself  than 
his  hearers.  Mademoiselle  de  Gournay  had  experience  of 
this.  She  was  a  clever  literary  woman  in  a  time  when 
such  women  were  rare.  Montaigne  adopted  her  as  a 
daughter,  and  by  his  wish  she  published  an  edition  of  his 
works  after  his  death,  with  a  preface  of  her  own.  This 
was  in  1595.  At  the  height  of  Richelieu's  fame  she  was 
an  old  and  eccentric  woman,  living  in  Paris,  known  as 
the  author  of  L'Ombre,  a  poetical  work  full  of  ancient 
and  far-fetched  words  and  high-flown  sentiments.  The 
fashionable  young  poets  and  literary  men  of  Paris  found 
pleasure  in  teasing  and  ridiculing  Mademoiselle  de 
Gournay. 

In  1635  she  edited  a  new  edition  of  Montaigne,  which 
she  dedicated  to  Cardinal  de  Richelieu.  She  was  invited 
to  an  audience  at  the  Palais-Cardinal.  Richelieu  paid  her 
the  necessary  compliments,  but  in  obsolete  words  which 
he  had  carefully  chosen  out  of  L'Ombre.  He  was  highly 
pleased  with  himself,  and  his  attendants  were  choking  with 
laughter.  But  Mademoiselle  de  Gournay  was  an  aristo 
crat.  Not  for  nothing  was  she  bien  demoiselle,  as  Tallemant 
says.  "  Elle  avoit  vu  le  beau  monde." 

" '  You  are  laughing  at  the  poor  old  woman,'  she  said. 
'  Laugh,  great  genius,  laugh :  it  is  right  that  every  one 
should  contribute  to  your  diversion.'" 

The  Eminentissime  was  ashamed  of  himself,  and  asked 
her  pardon.  Afterwards  he  pensioned  her  handsomely, 
and  not  only  her,  but  her  old  servant  Mademoiselle  Jamyn 
and  her  favourite  cat  Piaillon,  not  forgetting  Piaillon's 
kittens.  The  Abbe  de  Boisrobert,  Mademoiselle  de 
Gournay's  good  friend,  brought  these  claims  irresistibly 
before  a  lover  of  cats. 

At  the  height  of  favour  as  jester,  verse-maker  and 
confidential  gossip,  Boisrobert  was  a  fount  of  honours 
and  pensions  at  the  Palais-Cardinal.  Poor  poets  and  other 
literary  men  were  the  special  objects  of  his  care.  He  was 
a  clever  busybody  who  went  everywhere  and  knew  every 


244  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

one  of  the  scribblers  in  verse  and  prose,  social,  political, 
theological,  classical,  dramatic,  or  of  more  trifling  kind, 
who  had  drifted  up  mostly  from  the  provinces  into 
Parisian  garrets  and  hung  about  the  hotels  of  the  great, 
depending  on  patronage  for  their  daily  bread.  It  was 
among  these  scattered  units  of  varied  birth  and  talent, 
all  belonging  to  "  the  republic  of  letters,"  that  the  French 
Academy  began  to  exist,  and  Boisrobert  has  the  right  to 
be  called  one  of  its  founders. 

His  character  of  favourite  and  of  universal  patron,  as 
well  as  his  literary  skill,  admitted  him  to  weekly  meetings 
of  a  few  chosen  spirits  in  the  Marais,  at  the  house  of 
Valentin  Conrart,  bourgeois,  Protestant,  and  man  of  letters. 
Boisrobert's  position  at  the  Palais-Cardinal  made  it  natural 
that  he  should  carry  the  report  of  these  meetings  direct 
to  Richelieu.  The  Minister  was  not  altogether  pleased. 
He  disliked  private  assemblies;  too  often,  in  his  expe 
rience,  they  meant  conspiracy,  and  he  would  gladly  have 
made  them  illegal. 

The  arguments  of  Boisrobert,  if  they  did  not  quite 
reassure  the  Cardinal,  suggested  to  him  a  means  of  utilis 
ing  these  literary  meetings  to  the  advantage  of  the  State 
and  of  the  French  language.  He  proposed  to  Conrart  and 
his  friends,  through  Boisrobert,  that  they  should  become 
a  public  body  with  letters-patent,  bound  by  its  own 
statutes  and  holding  its  assemblies  under  royal  authority, 
with  the  object  of  purifying  and  regularising  the  language 
and  literature  of  France.  The  men  of  letters  struggled  a 
little,  for  liberty  was  sweet.  But  they  soon  submitted, 
and  the  Forty  Immortals  took  their  place  among  those 
French  institutions  which  have  survived  the  old  world  in 
which  they  were  born. 

As  long  as  Richelieu  lived  the  Academy  worked  under 
his  presiding  authority.  He  encouraged  no  frivolity,  no 
discussion  of  trifles,  but  insisted  on  hard,  steady  work. 
The  great  Dictionary,  first  planned  by  the  poet  Chapelain, 
was  seriously  begun  in  1634  and  carried  on  by  the  most 
methodical  among  the  new  academicians,  some  of  whom 
were  considerably  laughed  at  by  the  free  literary  world 


THE   CARDINAL  245 

outside.  They  were,  in  fact,  slaves  to  a  Minister  who, 
besides  having  an  unfounded  faith  in  his  own  taste,  was 
a  critic  swayed  by  reasons  extra-literary :  one  need  hardly 
mention  that  the  Academy,  under  Richelieu,  snubbed 
Corneille  and  condemned  Le  Cid}  too  Spanish  and  too 
independent  to  please  His  Eminence. 

The  slavery  was  profitable :  places  and  pensions  made 
life  liveable  for  the  wiser  academicians  of  Richelieu's 
day — whose  survivors  were  described  by  La  Bruyere  as 
"vieux  corbeaux,"  croaking  as  their  master  had  taught 
them.  And  they  grew  to  love  their  chains,  while  pouring 
flattery  at  the  great  man's  feet.  Guillaume  Colletet,  more 
drunkard  than  poet,  composed  a  rondeau  which  was 
presented  by  Boisrobert  to  the  Cardinal: 

"  Au  grand  Armand  je  vous  invite  a  boire  ! 
Trinquer  pour  lui,  c'est  oeuvre  meritoire. 
C'est  le  support  du  Parnasse  fran$ois ; 
C'est  1'Appollon  qui  verse  quelquefois 
Ses  rayons  d'or  jusque  dans  nostre  armoire. 

Si  sa  vertu  veut  qu'on  chante  sa  gloire, 
Sa  sante  veut  qu'on  en  fasse  memoire 
Et  que  Ton  crie,  a  table,  a  haute  voix : 
Au  grand  Armand ! 

N'y  boire  pas,  c'est  avoir  1'ame  noire. 
Done,  pour  blanchir  la  nostre  comme  yvoire, 
Roys  des  esprits,  beuvez  comme  des  Roys  ! 
Bacchus  viendra  couronner  vos  exploits 
Et  Boisrobert  en  contera  Phistoire 

Au  grand  Armand  ! " 

It  is  to  the  honour  of  Pierre  Corneille  that  he  did  not, 
till  many  years  later,  find  a  place  among  these  "roys  des 
esprits."  The  Cardinal  had  been  disappointed  in  him. 
Before  the  Academy  existed  he  was  one  of  five  poetical 
secretaries  who  were  employed  by  His  Eminence  to 
arrange  his  own  original  ideas  in  poetry  and  drama.  The 
other  four  were  Boisrobert,  1'Estoile,  Colletet,  and  Rotrou. 
It  seems  that  Corneille  was  too  honest  for  his  place ;  his 
criticism  too  frank  and  his  opinion  too  positive.  He  was 
soon  dismissed,  the  Cardinal  finding  that  he  lacked  "  esprit 


246  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

de  suite  " ;  which  may  be  translated  as  the  gift  of  following 
blindly  wherever  his  patron  chose  to  lead. 

Richelieu  had  a  passion  for  plays  and  ballets,  and 
employed  a  troup  of  actors  of  his  own.  They  were  the 
third  company  in  Paris,  the  others  belonging  to  the  Theatre 
des  Marais  and  the  H6tel  de  Bourgogne.  There  were 
two  theatres  at  the  Palais-Cardinal,  and  the  smaller  was 
generally  used  for  the  comedies,  dances,  and  other  enter 
tainments  constantly  attended  by  their  Majesties  and  the 
Court.  Here  were  performed  pieces  arranged  by  the 
Cardinal's  own  authors :  Les  Tuileries  and  LAveugle  de 
Smyrne,  dull  comedies  magnificently  staged ;  livelier  pieces 
such  as  Clorise,  by  Baro,  a  very  popular  play-writer ;  other 
fashionable  plays  ;  ballets  in  which  young  Royalties  danced 
— Mademoiselle,  Gaston's  daughter,  Mademoiselle  de  Bour 
bon,  Mademoiselle  de  Longueville,  Mademoiselle  de  Ven- 
dome,  the  Due  d'Enghien ;  his  future  wife  Mademoiselle 
de  Maille-Breze,  and  other  nieces  and  cousins  of  the 
Cardinal.  These  gay  fantastic  ballets,  even  more  than 
regular  plays,  were  the  delight  of  society,  young  and 
old.  All  the  courtiers  and  great  ladies  joined  in  them ; 
Louis  XIII.  himself  often  composed  both  the  words 
and  the  music  of  lutes,  spinets,  violins,  and  forgot  his 
gloomy  stiffness  in  dancing. 

In  the  intervals  of  the  performances  the  Cardinal's 
guests  enjoyed  rare  fruits  and  dainty  sweetmeats,  handed 
round  by  his  pages  in  baskets  tied  with  English  ribbons 
of  gold  and  silver  tissue.  When  comedy  and  dance  were 
over  the  company  was  offered  a  gorgeous  supper  on  the 
great  service  of  plate  which  the  Cardinal  left  to  the  King. 

The  entertainments  at  the  Palais-Cardinal  reached  their 
zenith  in  January  1641,  with  the  representation  of  Mimme. 
Richelieu,  to  quote  a  contemporary,  "  temoigna  des  ten- 
dresses  de  pere  pour  cette  piece  " ;  and  it  seems  actually 
to  have  been  in  great  part  his  work,  in  collaboration  with 
the  academician  Desmarets.  The  larger  of  his  two 
theatres,  holding  three  thousand  persons,  was  used  for 
the  first  time  and  decorated  with  special  magnificence.  It 
was  rather  a  vast  saloon  than  a  theatre,  with  gilded 


THE   CARDINAL  247 

galleries  for  the  most  distinguished  guests ;  the  ordinary 
admiring  crowd  finding  place  on  the  floor.  His  Eminence, 
happy  and  triumphant,  was  near  the  Queen  :  the  Abbe  de 
Marolles,  once  a  timid  student,  now  a  critical  spectator, 
describes  him  as  dressed  in  a  long  mantle  of  flame-coloured 
taffeta  over  a  black  soutane,  with  collar  and  facings  of 
ermine. 

The  scenery  of  the  play,  with  the  new  machinery 
which  astonished  all  eyes,  had  been  ordered  from  Italy 
by  Cardinal  Mazarin,  now  a  familiar  figure  in  Paris  and 
Richelieu's  right  hand.  There  was  a  long  perspective  of 
palaces  and  gardens,  with  terraces,  grottos,  fountains, 
statues,  all  looking  out  over  the  sea,  "  with  agitations," 
says  the  Gazette,  "which  seemed  natural  to  the  waves  of 
that  vast  element,  and  two  large  fleets,  one  appearing  two 
leagues  distant,  both  of  which  passed  in  sight  of  the 
spectators." 

Over  this  lovely  scene  night  gradually  fell,  and  all  was 
lit  up  by  the  moon.  Then,  just  as  naturally,  day  dawned 
and  the  sun  rose,  taking  his  turn  in  this  "  agre"able 
tromperie." 

The  majority  of  the  guests  were  amazed  and  transported 
beyond  measure.  A  few  critics,  among  whom  was  the 
Abbe"  de  Marolles,  did  not  particularly  care  for  all  this 
"fine  machinery  and  grand  perspective."  He  found  it 
fatiguing  to  the  eyes  and  the  mind :  in  his  opinion  a 
comedy  should  depend  for  success  on  story,  poetry,  and 
fine  acting.  "  Le  reste  n'est  qu'un  embarras  inutile." 

There  were  other  more  malicious  critics  who  saw  in  the 
story  of  the  play — the  love  of  Princess  Mirame,  daughter 
of  the  King  of  Bithynia,  for  the  daring  sailor  Arimant, 
commanding  the  fleet  of  Colchos,  with  all  the  tragical 
events  which  at  last  brought  about  a  happy  ending — a 
veiled  allusion  to  the  old  romance  of  Queen  Anne  and  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham.  It  is  very  improbable,  to  say  the 
least,  that  Richelieu,  who  had  at  this  time  ceased  to  per 
secute  the  Queen,  should  choose  to  offend  her  afresh  by 
stirring  up  grievances  fifteen  years  old.  His  object,  never 
indeed  attained,  was  to  live  at  peace  among  princes  and 


248  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

nobles  who  had  learnt  their  lesson.  What  really  annoyed 
him  in  connection  with  this  performance  of  Mirame  was 
the  discovery  by  his  watchful  enemies  of  various  disre 
putable  persons  among  the  invited  guests.  The  King 
was  displeased ;  Monsieur  enjoyed  the  incident ;  and  the 
Cardinal  could  only  revenge  himself  on  an  unlucky  official 
who  had  been  too  free  with  his  cards  of  admittance. 

In  spite  of  fault-finders  Mirame  was  a  triumph.  Stand 
ing  up  in  his  place,  the  Cardinal  joyfully  acknowledged 
the  constant  thunders  of  applause,  then  waving  his  hand 
for  silence,  that  none  of  his  fine  lines  might  be  missed. 
When  the  play  was  over,  and  the  Queen  had  passed  on  a 
golden  bridge  drawn  by  peacocks  to  a  silver  throne  pre 
pared  for  her  beyond  the  lifted  curtain  of  the  stage,  to 
preside  over  a  grand  ball  that  ended  the  evening,  there 
was  no  prouder  man  in  Europe  than  her  host — the  weary, 
sickly  statesman  who  had  already  given  provinces  to 
France  and  made  her  paramount  in  Italy  and  Spain. 


CHAPTER  IX 

1633-1637 

Conquests  in  Lorraine — The  return  of  Monsieur — The  fate  of  Puy- 
laurens — France  involved  in  the  Thirty  Years'  War — Last  adventures 
of  the  Due  de  Rohan — Defeat,  invasion,  and  panic — The  turn  of  the 
tide — Narrow  escape  of  the  Cardinal— The  flight  of  the  Princes. 

FROM  the  year  1630,  Richelieu  had  employed  historians 
and  antiquaries  in  hunting  up  documents  to  justify 
his  plans  for  the  greater  glory  of  France.  Amazing 
were  the  pretensions  that  these  learned  persons  encouraged 
him  to  make  for  his  King.  According  to  them,  Louis  XIII. 
might  claim  sovereign  rights  over  England,  Spain,  Milan, 
Naples,  and  Sicily,  not  to  mention  Flanders,  Artois, 
Franche-Comte,  Lorraine,  and  other  frontier  provinces. 
How  far  Richelieu's  dreams  of  conquest  really  extended, 
it  is  difficult  to  say.  But  the  year  1633  found  him  resolved 
at  least,  in  his  own  words,  to  "  re-establish  the  monarchy 
in  its  original  greatness"  by  asserting  "the  ancient  rights 
of  the  Crown  " ;  and  Duke  Charles  of  Lorraine  soon  gave 
him  his  desired  opportunity  of  annexing  a  large  part  of 
the  old  Austrasian  province. 

Relying  on  imperial  support  and  on  his  sister's 
marriage  with  the  heir-presumptive  of  France,  the  Duke 
had  broken  treaties  and  had  neglected  to  pay  homage 
for  his  French  fief,  the  duchy  of  Bar.  In  the  summer 
of  1633  the  Parliament  of  Paris  was  directed  by  Richelieu 
to  declare  that  duchy  confiscated  to  France.  In  August 
a  French  army,  led  by  the  King  and  the  Cardinal,  marched 
once  more  upon  the  frontier  of  Lorraine. 

The  Duke  tried  to  gain  time,  hoping  for  the  help  of 

249 


250  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

a  Spanish  army  under  the  Duke  of  Feria,  which  was 
advancing  from  Italy.  He  sent  his  brother,  Cardinal 
Nicolas-Frangois,  to  negotiate  with  the  French,  offering 
not  only  to  consent  to  the  dissolution  of  his  sister's 
marriage,  but  that  the  Cardinal,  who  had  taken  only 
minor  orders,  should  ally  himself  with  Richelieu  by 
marrying  Madame  de  Combalet.  This  proposal  was 
coolly  put  aside  by  Richelieu,  who  observed  that  he 
had  not  advised  the  King  to  enter  Lorraine  with  a 
powerful  army  for  his  private  family  ends.  He  insisted 
that  Nancy,  the  capital,  with  Princess  Marguerite  in 
person,  should  be  placed  in  the  King's  hands  as  a  pledge 
of  submission. 

As  to  his  sister,  Duke  Charles  was  willing  enough, 
being  painfully  aware  that  the  alliance  with  Gaston  was 
a  mistake  which  might  ruin  him  ;  but  he  would  not  consent 
to  surrender  his  capital,  protesting,  with  oaths,  that  he 
would  rather  burn  it  down.  Nevertheless,  the  city  did 
not  stand  a  long  siege  ;  but  when  Louis  XIII.  and  Richelieu 
made  their  entry,  their  promised  captive  had  escaped. 
By  the  help  of  her  brother  the  Cardinal,  and  with  great 
spirit  and  courage  on  her  own  part,  Madame  Marguerite 
had  slipped  out  of  Nancy  at  the  beginning  of  the  blockade, 
and  in  a  page's  disguise  had  joined  her  husband  at 
Brussels.  There  she  was  formally  received  as  Duchess 
of  Orleans  by  the  Queen-mother  and  the  Infanta,  and 
the  marriage  was  confirmed  by  the  Archbishop  of  Malines. 

Richelieu  was  not  altogether  displeased.  Well  con 
vinced  of  his  power  to  separate  Monsieur  from  his  new  wife 
as  soon  as  the  Prince  himself  should  return  to  France  and 
his  duty,  he  was  not  sorry  to  have  an  honourable  excuse  for 
going  to  extremes  with  the  Duke  of  Lorraine.  No  hostage, 
no  capital.  Duke  Charles  was  helpless  ;  his  sister  was  no 
longer  in  his  hands ;  his  Spanish  allies,  checked  on  their 
way  by  a  Protestant  army,  failed  to  come  to  his  aid.  He 
had  to  see  a  parliament  established  in  Metz  and  almost 
the  whole  of  his  province  garrisoned  by  French  troops. 
When  the  King  returned  to  Paris  the  lilies  of  France  were 
flying  over  Lorraine.  Town  after  town  submitted,  fortress 


THE   CARDINAL  251 

after  fortress.  In  January  1634  Charles  abdicated  for  the 
time  in  favour  of  his  brother  the  Cardinal,  and  with  the 
small  remains  of  his  army  took  service  under  the  Emperor. 

Then  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  bent  all  his  energies  to 
forcing  on  Gaston's  return  to  France  and  reconciliation 
with  his  brother.  He  regarded  this  as  a  necessity  of 
State,  and  he  was  equally  resolved  that  the  Queen-mother, 
who  had  made  some  overtures  on  her  own  account,  should 
never  again  set  foot  in  France.  Both  Marie  and  Gaston, 
while  quarrelling  between  themselves,  played  the  Minister's 
game  by  their  own  foolishness.  A  murderer,  caught  at 
Metz,  was  suspected  with  reason  of  being  sent  from 
Brussels  by  Chanteloube,  Marie's  unwise  counsellor, 
to  attempt  the  life  of  Richelieu :  he  lost  his  own.  The 
same  fate  befell  others,  in  Lorraine  and  elsewhere,  charged 
with  the  same  designs ;  and  while  this  secret  campaign 
went  on,  Gaston  and  his  favourite  Puylaurens  made  an 
independent  treaty  with  Spain,  promising  to  invade  France 
with  a  foreign  army  to  be  supplied  by  the  Imperial  generals 
in  the  Low  Countries. 

Well  served  by  spies,  Richelieu  knew  all  this.  He 
replied  to  Monsieur's  treason  by  representing  to  the 
King  that  such  a  prince,  who  could  promise  French 
fortresses  to  the  enemy,  was  not  fit  to  wear  the  crown ; 
and  with  a  bold  decision  before  which,  at  such  a  crisis, 
not  even  the  hereditary  monarchy  was  sacred,  he  proposed 
a  league  of  nobles  and  princes  of  the  blood  who  should 
pledge  themselves,  in  case  of  Louis'  death,  against  the 
unconditional  succession  of  his  brother.  France  after  all, 
in  the  eyes  of  Richelieu,  was  greater  than  her  kings. 

By  the  autumn  of  1634  Puylaurens  and  his  master 
knew  that  they  had  made  a  huge  mistake  in  allying 
themselves  with  Spain.  No  troops  were  forthcoming, 
and  it  began  to  be  evident  that  the  prospect  was  not 
one  of  triumph  and  revenge,  but  of  ruin  and  perpetual 
exile.  All  through  September  M.  de  Puylaurens  was 
negotiating  secretly  with  Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  promising 
for  Monsieur,  among  other  things,  the  renunciation  of  his 
marriage,  and  also  making  a  good  bargain  for  himself. 


252  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Gaston  left  Brussels  one  day  in  October,  and  galloped 
hard  to  the  frontier.  He  had  been  an  exile  for  two  years, 
and  was  enchanted  to  see  France  again.  His  little  daughter, 
Mademoiselle,  now  seven  years  old,  met  him  at  Limours, 
and  flew  joyfully  into  the  arms  of  a  gay  and  fascinating 
father. 

As  to  Madame,  left  behind  in  Flanders,  her  marriage 
was  solemnly  declared  null  and  void  by  an  assembly  of 
French  clergy,  as  having  been  contracted  against  the  civil 
law.  In  this  decision,  however,  the  clergy  acted  on  Gallican 
lines,  independently  of  the  Pope,  who  was  of  a  different 
opinion;  and  although,  after  long  resistance,  Monsieur 
formally  submitted,  he  had  protected  himself  in  advance  by 
a  letter  to  Urban  VIII.  refusing  to  be  bound  by  any  extorted 
promise.  The  consequence  was,  that  Richelieu's  apparent 
triumph  in  this  affair  of  the  Lorraine  marriage  only  lasted 
his  life.  Gaston  and  Marguerite  remained  faithful  to  each 
other ;  and  the  stiff  Madame  who  reigned  in  after  years  at 
Blois  and  at  the  Luxembourg  was  the  same  Princess,  the 
heroine,  in  her  adventurous  girlhood,  of  a  secret  marriage 
and  a  romantic  escape. 

It  was  that  private  letter  of  Gaston's  to  the  Pope  which 
brought  about  the  ruin  of  the  unlucky  Puylaurens.  He 
had  gained  high  favour  with  Richelieu,  who  had  purchased 
his  faithful  service,  as  he  thought,  by  making  him  a  duke 
and  a  peer  of  France  and  by  marrying  him  to  his  own  first 
cousin,  Mademoiselle  Philippe  de  Pontchateau,  younger 
daughter  of  his  aunt,  Louise  du  Plessis,  his  father's  sister. 
The  marriage  took  place  in  Paris  at  the  end  of  November 
1634,  and  on  the  same  day  the  Due  de  la  Valette,  son  of 
the  Due  d'£pernon  and  widower  of  Henry  IV.'s  daughter, 
Mademoiselle  de  Verneuil,  was  married  to  the  elder  sister, 
Marie  de  Pontchateau,  and  the  Comte,  afterwards  Marechal, 
de  Guiche  to  another  cousin,  Mademoiselle  du  Plessis  de 
Chivray.  The  Cardinal  celebrated  the  triple  wedding  by 
a  magnificent  fete.  At  this  time  the  first  nobles  in  France 
found  it  politic  to  quarrel  for  the  honour  of  his  alliance,  and 
it  was  matter  of  general  talk  in  society  that  he  meant  to 
marry  Monsieur  to  Madame  de  Combalet,  the  Lorraine 


THE  CARDINAL  253 

marriage  being  set  aside.  This  report  even  reached  the 
ears  of  Monsieur's  little  daughter,  and  filled  her  with  just 
indignation. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  wedding  the  Cardinal's  spies 
brought  him  not  only  the  secret,  well  kept  by  Puylaurens, 
of  Monsieur's  letter  to  Rome,  but  proofs  of  a  fresh  treason 
able  correspondence  carried  on  by  the  new  Duke  with 
Spain.  Swiftly  fell  Richelieu's  vengeance.  Puylaurens, 
with  several  of  his  friends,  was  arrested  at  the  Louvre  on 
February  14,  and  carried  off  by  royal  order  to  Vincennes. 
The  entreaties  of  Monsieur,  newly  reconciled  at  Court, 
delayed  his  trial,  but  he  died  after  four  months  of  prison. 
"  His  good  fortune,"  says  Richelieu,  "  withdrew  him  from 
this  world,  and  saved  him  from  the  infamy  of  a  shameful 
death,  which  he  could  not  have  escaped." 

Whether  the  fatal  atmosphere  of  the  dungeons  of 
Vincennes  was  assisted  by  poison  of  a  more  active  kind, 
will  never  be  known.  That  suspicion  hung  about  the  deaths 
of  many  of  the  Cardinal's  prisoners.  Richelieu  consoled 
the  young  widow  of  Puylaurens  by  marrying  her  to  the 
Comte  d'Harcourt,  of  the  House  of  Lorraine,  younger 
brother  of  the  Due  d'Elbeuf,  a  queer  personage,  but  a  fine 
soldier.  He  had  fought  a  successful  duel  with  Bouteville, 
in  itself  a  distinction.  He  proved  himself  worthy  of  the 
Cardinal's  favour  by  serving  His  Eminence  faithfully  for 
the  rest  of  his  life. 

But  for  Richelieu,  the  Thirty  Years'  War  might  have 
ended  with  the  death  of  Wallenstein  and  the  imperial 
victories  which  followed  it.  Even  the  Protestant  princes 
of  Germany  were  ready  for  a  compromise  with  the  Emperor. 
But  Richelieu  had  no  intention  of  accepting  a  general  peace 
which  would  leave  his  Swedish  friends  weak  and  dissatisfied, 
his  own  conquests  incomplete,  Spain  and  Austria  easily 
predominant  in  Italy  and  the  Low  Countries.  He  resolved 
that  France,  as  an  ally  of  Sweden,  Holland,  and  the  German 
Protestants,  should  now  take  an  active  part  in  the  war, 
and  he  prepared  for  the  actual  declaration  by  a  treaty 
with  the  Dutch  for  the  partition  of  the  Spanish  Nether 
lands,  to  be  followed  by  one  with  the  Dukes  of  Savoy, 


254  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

Parma,  and  Mantua,  for  the  conquest  and  division  of  the 
Milanese. 

In  May  1635,  after  some  military  provocation  "on  the 
part  of  Spain,  Louis  XIII.  sent  his  herald-at-arms  to 
Brussels — a  noble  Gascon,  Jean  Gratiollet,  Captain  of 
Abbeville — and  solemnly  declared  war  against  his  brother- 
in-law,  Philip  IV.,  while  publicly  inviting  the  Low  Countries 
to  rebel  against  Spain.  "  Europe  was  amazed,"  says  a 
modern  French  writer,  "  to  see  Richelieu  suddenly  take  up 
arms  for  those  same  Huguenots  whom  he  had  crushed  with 
such  good  will  at  La  Rochelle." 

Europe  was  amazed :  and  what  of  the  French  nation, 
flung  unconsulted  into  the  struggle  with  Catholic  Europe 
which  might  easily  have  become  a  fight  for  its  own  exist 
ence?  The  three  Estates  of  the  realm  had  each  its  own 
separate  point  of  view.  The  princes  and  nobles  loved  war ; 
but  the  majority,  Catholic  and  hating  Richelieu,  were  rebels 
at  heart.  However,  each  man  had  his  orders :  content  or 
malcontent,  each  governor  found  himself  dispatched  to  his 
own  province,  each  commander  to  his  post,  while  generals 
dashed  hither  and  thither  in  pursuit  of  armies  which  had 
to  be  hired,  recruited,  disciplined,  poured  in  half-a-dozen 
directions  over  the  frontier — Germany,  Flanders,  Lorraine, 
Switzerland,  Italy.  Richelieu,  the  directing  brain,  at  this 
moment  of  high  energy,  moved  the  members  even  against 
their  will. 

To  most  of  the  clergy,  again,  the  war  was  of  the  nature 
of  sacrilege ;  and  still  more  so,  later  on,  the  demand  of  an 
enormous  payment  of  arrears  for  lands  held  under  the 
Crown,  which  had  been  suffered  to  go  free  for  nearly  a 
hundred  years.  But  at  a  time  when  the  taxes  of  France 
had  rolled  up  to  more  than  a  hundred  million  francs  a  year, 
a  gigantic  and  as  yet  unheard-of  sum,  Richelieu  could  no 
longer  grant  the  clergy  the  privilege  of  paying  no  tax  but 
their  prayers,  which  he  had  himself  claimed  for  them  at  the 
States-General  of  1613. 

"The  people  give  their  goods,  the  nobles  their  blood, 
the  clergy  their  prayers."  As  ever,  the  patience  of  the  most 
heavily  taxed  seemed  almost  inexhaustible ;  and  it  was  not 


THE  CARDINAL  255 

till  France  was  deeply  engaged  in  the  war,  her  middle  class 
and  her  peasantry  crushed  by  Richelieu's  intendants  and 
financiers  under  burdens  every  week  more  enormous,  that 
in  the  south  and  the  north  populations  made  some  effort 
to  save  themselves  ;  made  it  by  rioting,  their  only  resource, 
and  found  themselves — Croquants  in  Guienne,  Va-nu-pieds 
in  Normandy — in  a  last  state  worse  than  the  first. 

In  spite  of  all  these  discontents  there  were  ways  in 
which  Frenchmen  now  realized  the  national  unity  which 
was  Richelieu's  dream.  The  famous  leader,  Duke  Henry 
de  Rohan,  was  again  in  arms,  not  now  as  a  Huguenot 
chief,  but  commanding  an  army  against  the  Duke  of 
Lorraine,  fighting  for  his  duchy  with  imperial  troops 
behind  him.  In  the  spring  of  1635,  it  was  to  Rohan  that 
Richelieu  committed  the  task  of  preparing  for  his  designs 
on  Milan  by  a  new  occupation  of  the  Valtelline,  thus  once 
more  playing  the  old  game  of  blocking  the  chief  military 
road  between  Austria  and  Spain.  All  went  well  at  first, 
the  Duke  proving  himself  a  loyal  subject  and  a  good 
general.  The  cause  that  finally  discomfited  him  and  drove 
him  at  last  to  throw  up  his  command  and  to  retire  to 
Geneva  was  the  failure  of  Richelieu's  government  to  pay  a 
promised  indemnity  to  the  Grisons,  rightful  possessors  of 
the  valley,  who  after  two  years'  French  occupation,  secretly 
encouraged  by  Spain,  rebelled  suddenly  against  Rohan  and 
insisted  on  the  evacuation  of  their  territory.  Blamed  by 
Richelieu  for  a  failure  which  was  no  fault  of  his,  and 
broken  by  severe  illness,  the  Huguenot  hero  was  still 
ready  to  bear  arms  for  France.  In  the  spring  of  1638  he 
volunteered  to  serve  under  Duke  Bernard  of  Saxe- Weimar 
— the  great  soldier  who,  if  actually  fighting  for  his  own 
hand,  nevertheless  gave  Alsace  to  France — and  died  of  his 
wounds  after  the  siege  of  Rheinfeld,  having  lived  long 
enough  to  know  with  what  swift  brilliance  Bernard  had 
turned  defeat  into  victory. 

For  many  months,  as  readers  of  history  know,  the 
fortune  of  war  went  against  Richelieu.  The  ravages  of 
the  French  and  the  Dutch  armies  in  the  Netherlands,  under 
the  Prince  of  Orange  and  the  Marshals  de  Chatillon  and 


256  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

de  Breze,  did  not  incline  the  population  to  change  masters. 
In  Germany,  one  town  after  another  fell  into  imperialist 
hands,  and  it  was  only  with  difficulty  that  the  French  held 
their  own  in  Lorraine.  The  invasion  of  the  Milanese 
failed;  and  later  on  the  deaths  of  the  Dukes  of  Savoy 
and  of  Mantua  deprived  France  of  two  important  allies. 

The  French  fleet,  though  making  a  fine  show  for 
those  days — forty-seven  men-of-war — wasted  its  strength 
in  vainly  flourishing  about  the  coast ;  and  owing  to  the 
quarrels  of  its  commanders,  the  Comte  d'Harcourt  and 
the  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  with  M.  de  Vitry,  governor 
of  Provence — the  slayer  of  Concini— did  not  for  a  long 
time  succeed  in  even  recovering  the  Isles  of  Lerins,  seized 
by  Spain  at  the  opening  of  the  war. 

And  then,  in  July  1636,  a  terrible  disaster  threatened 
France.  Imperial  troops  crossed  the  frontier,  and  had  taken 
two  strong  places  in  Picardy,  La  Capelle  and  Le  Catelet, 
before  the  French  commanders  were  ready  to  oppose  them. 
Imperial  cavalry  crossed  the  Somme  and  advanced  to  the 
Oise,  the  Comte  de  Soissons  retreating  before  them,  and 
spread  a  very  natural  terror  throughout  the  country. 
They  were  mostly  Croats  and  Hungarians,  fierce  and 
savage  men,  whose  road  was  marked  by  robbery,  fire,  and 
slaughter.  Their  leader  was  the  Bavarian,  John  of  Werth, 
a  name  of  fear  in  the  campaigns  of  his  day. 

Paris  was  in  a  state  of  terror  and  fury.  The  black 
shadows  of  the  streets,  in  the  sweltering  heat  of  late  July 
and  early  August,  were  loud  with  raging  men  and  women, 
whose  voices  taught  the  Cardinal-Due  his  unpopularity. 
Paris  was  ill  fortified,  ill  defended,  and  part  of  her  strong 
old  walls  had  been  destroyed  by  him  for  the  sake  of  his 
Palais-Cardinal.  They  cried  against  him  because  of  that ; 
because  of  his  ingratitude  to  the  Queen-mother,  his  failure, 
so  far,  in  the  war  he  had  undertaken,  his  alliance  with 
heretics.  And  Richelieu  knew  that  their  fear,  if  not  their 
hatred,  was  too  well  justified.  The  Comte  de  Soissons, 
whose  army,  camping  in  the  forests  and  holding  the  fords 
of  the  Oise,  protected  Paris,  was  not  above  suspicion  as 
to  his  loyalty ;  the  Due  de  Chaulnes,  governor  of  Picardy, 


THE   CARDINAL  257 

was  lazy  and  negligent;  money  and  men  were  lacking 
for  the  defence  of  a  divided,  discontented,  panic-stricken 
country. 

The  first  news  of  the  invasion  found  the  King  and  the 
Cardinal  absent  from  Paris  as  usual  in  the  heat  of  summer. 
They  returned  at  once  to  the  stifling,  frantic  city. 

Then  "  the  great  Armand "  showed  the  stuff  he  was 
made  of.  "  Remember,  I  pray  you,"  he  wrote  to  the  Comte 
de  Soissons,  "  on  such  occasions  as  these,  moments  are 
worth  years."  Paris  being  always  and  before  all  things 
a  Catholic  city,  he  appealed  to  her  religion.  All  the 
bishops  in  the  kingdom  were  commanded  to  hold  pro 
cessions  within  and  without  their  cathedrals,  with  the 
special  devotions  of  the  Forty  Hours.  From  every  church 
in  Paris  and  in  the  whole  of  France,  with  every  chapel 
of  convent  or  monastery,  the  bells  clanged  out,  calling  the 
faithful  to  pray  for  their  country.  In  his  own  person, 
the  Cardinal  vowed  to  the  Paris  convent  of  the  Filles  du 
Calvaire,  in  the  Marais,  Pere  Joseph's  favourite  foundation, 
a  large  sum  of  money  and  a  silver  lamp  to  burn  perpetually 
before  Our  Lady's  altar. 

Whatever  his  own  personal  faith  may  have  been,  he 
knew  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  people.  That  he  did  not 
fear  their  angry  voices  he  proved  by  driving  alone,  "  at 
a  foot's  pace,  without  suite  and  without  guards,"  through 
the  wild  crowds  in  the  streets,  from  the  Palais-Cardinal 
to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  bearing  the  royal  order  that  the 
city  trades  and  companies  should  assemble  for  the  purpose 
of  giving  their  help  to  the  King.  His  courage  triumphed. 
The  people,  says  Montglat,  "  dared  not  say  a  word  to 
him." 

Royal  decrees  followed  thick  and  fast ;  their  succession 
was  like  the  sending  round  of  the  Fiery  Cross,  summoning 
men  to  serve  their  country.  Those  Parisians  who  had 
planned  to  escape  John  of  Werth  and  his  pillaging  horde 
by  flying  with  all  their  movable  goods  to  Orleans  or  some 
other  city  of  the  west,  found  the  gates  of  Paris  shut  against 
them.  All  privileges  and  exemptions  were  abolished  in  the 
city.  All  men  capable  of  bearing  arms  were  ordered  to 
17 


258  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

present  themselves  for  enrolment,  either  at  the  Hotel  de 
Ville,  where  the  old  Marechal  de  la  Force  sat  on  the  steps 
to  receive  them,  or  mounted  and  armed  at  Saint-Denis. 
All  the  workshops  of  Paris  were  closed ;  all  building 
stopped ;  no  master  of  a  trade,  excepting  bakers,  butchers, 
armourers,  gun-makers,  saddlers,  and  the  like,  might  keep 
more  than  one  apprentice;  the  rest,  with  masons,  stone 
cutters,  carpenters,  artisans  of  every  sort,  must  serve  the 
King.  From  each  owner  of  a  coach,  a  horse  was  demanded ; 
and  every  house  in  Paris  was  expected  to  furnish  a  man 
with  belt  and  sword.  The  peasants  of  the  surrounding 
villages  were  set  to  work  on  new  fortifications  at  Saint- 
Denis. 

A  day  sufficed  to  change  terror  into  enthusiasm.  On 
August  5  representatives  of  all  the  trade  guilds  and  syndi 
cates  were  received  by  Louis  XIII.  in  the  great  gallery  of 
the  Louvre,  "  and  offered  him  their  persons  and  their  goods 
with  so  great  gaiety  and  affection,  that  most  of  them 
embraced  and  kissed  his  knees."  Louis  rose  to  the  occasion 
and  kissed  them  all,  not  excepting  the  chief  of  the  cobblers, 
whose  guild  made  the  noble  gift  of  5,000  francs.  The 
Parliament — not  without  grudging  conditions — the  muni 
cipality,  the  colleges,  monasteries,  and  other  bodies,  poured 
money  at  the  King's  feet :  there  was  enough  to  pay  and 
keep,  for  three  months  at  least,  twelve  thousand  foot  and 
three  thousand  horse. 

In  the  meanwhile,  the  news  that  the  enemy  had  taken 
Corbie  on  the  Somme,  thus  drawing  alarmingly  near  to 
Amiens,  on  the  direct  road  to  Paris,  fanned  the  flame  so 
fiercely  that  "tout  le  jeune  bourgeois,"  says  Montglat,  "a 
toute  force,  vouloit  aller  a  la  guerre."  Not  many  days  later, 
the  King  and  the  Cardinal  advanced  to  Amiens,  and  a  strong 
army,  commanded  by  Monsieur  and  the  Comte  de  Soissons, 
held  the  enemy  in  effectual  check  along  the  banks  of  the 
Somme.  By  the  middle  of  September,  all  the  actual  danger 
of  invasion  was  past,  though  the  Imperialists  still  held 
Corbie.  John  of  Werth  and  his  merry  men,  loaded  with 
booty,  had  galloped  back  across  the  frontier  of  Artois. 

Corbie  was  not  retaken  till  November,  but  the  Cardinal 


THE   CARDINAL  259 

Infant,  his  aunt's  successor  as  ruler  of  the  Netherlands, 
with  the  other  Spanish  and  Imperialist  generals,  discour 
aged  by  the  advance  of  the  French  army,  had  already  with 
drawn  from  French  territory ;  and  it  seemed,  as  the  autumn 
advanced,  as  if  the  fortune  of  war  was  changing  in  Riche 
lieu's  favour.  The  enemy  was  repulsed  everywhere  :  in 
Burgundy,  by  Weimar,  Conde,  and  the  Cardinal  de  la 
Valette ;  on  the  Spanish  frontier,  where  St.  Jean  de  Luz 
was  taken,  but  further  advance  was  resisted  by  the  old 
Due  d'£pernon  and  the  Comte  de  Grammont,  governors  of 
Guyenne  and  of  Beam ;  on  the  Morbihan  coast,  where  a 
Spanish  force,  disembarking  near  Vannes,  attacked  the 
Abbey  of  Prieres.  The  sturdy  monks  defended  themselves 
so  gallantly  that  the  country-side  had  time  to  rise  against 
the  invaders,  who  fled  back  in  disorder  to  their  ships. 

At  this  moment  of  danger,  the  two  young  men  whom 
Richelieu  had  called  to  the  command  of  the  King's  armies 
were  busily  plotting  his  destruction.  To  them  and  their 
like  the  death  of  the  Minister  and  the  anarchy  that  must 
follow  were  not  only  desirable  for  their  own  ends,  but  the 
best  medicines  for  the  ills  of  France. 

Monsieur  and  the  Comte  de  Soissons  were  seldom 
friends,  except  when  they  joined  hands  against  Richelieu, 
and  it  happened  that  at  this  time  each  was  nursing  special 
grievances  :  Monsieur,  as  to  his  forbidden  marriage  and  the 
death  of  Puylaurens ;  Soissons,  because  the  Cardinal  had 
dared  to  offer  him  his  niece  in  marriage,  had  refused  him 
the  command  of  the  army  in  Alsace,  and  more  recently  had 
shown  distrust  by  setting  Monsieur  over  him  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  army  on  the  Oise.  There  were  not 
wanting  faithful  friends  who  pointed  out  to  both  princes 
that  now  was  the  moment  to  revenge  themselves.  The 
army  was  theirs ;  the  Cardinal  was  at  Amiens ;  the  King, 
staying  at  the  Chateau  de  Demuin,  a  few  miles  away,  rode 
constantly  into  the  city  to  hold  council  with  his  Ministers. 
It  was  natural  that  the  princes  in  command  of  the  army 
should  attend  the  council.  The  rest  was  easily  thought 
out,  with  the  help  of  M.  de  Montresor,  a  follower  of 
Monsieur,  M.  de  Saint-lbal,  in  M.  le  Comte's  confidence, 


260  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

and  two  "  solid  men,"  Varicarville  and  Bardouville.  These 
six  conspirators  fixed  a  day  on  which  the  Cardinal  should 
be  stabbed  to  death  after  the  King  had  left  the  council. 

All  went  well  for  their  purpose.  On  the  appointed  day, 
"  the  council  being  ended,  the  King  went  away  with  all  his 
guards,  and  the  Cardinal  remained  alone  in  the  courtyard 
with  Monsieur  and  the  Comte  de  Soissons.  Immediately," 
writes  the  Marquis  de  Montglat,  "  Varicarville,  who  knew 
the  secret,  stationed  himself  behind  the  Cardinal,  expecting 
the  signal  which  Monsieur  was  to  give,  while  Saint-Ibal 
and  Bardouville  took  their  stand,  one  on  the  right,  the 
other  on  the  left.  But  instead  of  commanding  that  the 
projected  deed  should  be  done,  Monsieur,  seized  with  fear, 
remounted  the  staircase  without  a  word  ;  while  Montr6sor, 
surprised  at  the  change,  followed  him,  telling  him  that  his 
enemy  was  in  his  power,  and  that  he  had  only  to  speak." 

It  was  not  the  first  time  that  Richelieu  had  owed  his 
life  to  Gaston's  temperament.  So  eperdu  was  the  Prince,  so 
utterly  had  his  nerve  failed  him,  that  he  could  only  mutter 
something  about  "  another  time,"  and  escaped  as  quickly  as 
possible,  leaving  the  Comte  de  Soissons,  "  dans  la  derniere 
confusion,"  face  to  face  with  Richelieu.  Unaware  of  his 
danger,  and  the  King's  brother  having  disappeared,  the 
Cardinal  bade  his  other  enemy  farewell  and  retired  to  his 
lodging.  The  fingers  of  Saint-Ibal,  Varicarville,  Bardou 
ville,  relaxed  on  their  dagger-hilts,  and  one  may  imagine 
that  these  three  gentlemen  stared  rather  blankly  on  each 
other  as  their  doomed  victim  walked  away. 

When  the  story  became  known,  which  was  not  im 
mediately,  many  persons  blamed  the  Comte  de  Soissons 
that  he  had  not  made  up  for  Monsieur's  weakness  by 
finishing  the  affair.  "  He  excused  himself,"  says  Montglat, 
"  by  the  respect  he  owed  Monsieur,  so  that  he  dared 
undertake  nothing  in  his  presence  without  his  command." 
He  was  too  wise  to  act  alone  in  such  a  matter :  the  position 
of  Gaston's  cat's-paw,  to  be  disclaimed  and  forsaken  and 
left  to  the  King's  justice,  was  not  attractive.  The  army 
might  rally  round  the  heir  to  the  throne  in  sudden  rebellion  ; 
the  Comte  de  Soissons  was  not  equally  secure. 


THE  CARDINAL  261 

Three  days  later  there  was  another  chance,  for  Richelieu 
visited  the  camp ;  but  he  was  attended  by  his  own  guards, 
and  the  assassination  was  "judged  impossible."  On  this 
occasion  a  whisper  of  the  plot  reached  his  ears,  and  with 
his  usual  fearlessness  he  spoke  of  it  to  the  Comte  de  Soissons, 
haughtily  reprimanding  him. 

The  princes  were  frightened,  for  their  plots  had  gone 
beyond  the  death  of  Richelieu.  They  had  disloyally  done 
their  best  to  delay  the  relief  of  Corbie  ;  they  had  attempted 
to  draw  the  Due  d'£pernon  into  the  project  of  a  rising, 
already  favoured  by  the  Due  de  Bouillon  and  others, 
the  object  of  which  was  to  lay  hold  on  the  government, 
to  reinstate  the  Queen-mother,  and  to  make  peace  with 
Spain.  They  failed ;  the  various  successes  of  the  autumn 
were  against  them ;  the  Due  d'£pernon,  though  two  of 
his  sons  were  on  their  side,  refused  to  listen  to  them. 
After  the  re-taking  of  Corbie,  having  returned  from  the 
army  to  Paris,  they  were  seized  with  a  great  fear  of 
the  Cardinal.  He  was  certain  to  know  all ;  he  was  of 
a  temper  that  never  forgave ;  the  Court,  they  felt  assured, 
was  not  a  safe  place  for  them.  They  took  counsel  with 
each  other  and  resolved  to  fly,  at  once,  on  a  dark  November 
night,  while  Paris  was  singing  and  rejoicing  over  the 
good  news  of  victory. 

Both  princes,  before  leaving  Paris,  paid  a  separate 
visit  to  the  Tuileries.  There,  under  the  care  of  M.  de 
Montglat's  mother,  Madame  de  Saint-Georges,  lived 
Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier,  Gaston's  daughter,  now 
nine  years  old,  a  person  of  decided  character,  and  one 
of  Richelieu's  most  hearty  haters.  The  Comte  de  Soissons 
paid  great  court  to  this  little  lady,  the  richest  heiress  in 
France  if  not  in  Europe.  Though  four  years  older  than 
her  father  and  twenty-three  years  older  than  herself,  and 
having  failed  ten  years  earlier  to  run  away  with  her 
mother,  he  proposed  to  marry  her,  and  Gaston  was  ready 
to  consent.  This  plan  was  one  of  the  links  that  now  united 
them.  Mademoiselle  herself  liked  Monsieur  le  Comte,  and 
accepted  his  compliments  and  sugar-plums  with  satisfaction  : 
but  at  this  time  she  did  not  understand  his  object. 


262  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

It  is  doubtful  if  the  royal  consent  would  ever  have  been 
given  to  this  marriage.  But  a  curious  little  passage  in  the 
Cardinal's  own  Memoirs  shows  how  keenly  he  noticed 
every  detail  in  the  lives  of  the  princes,  and  on  what  slight 
if  sure  grounds  he  accused  them  of  conspiracy. 

"The  next  day  at  evening,  which  was  the  night  of  the 
ipth  to  the  20th,  Monsieur  and  he  (M.  le  Comte)  left  Paris ; 
and  that  it  was  plotted  between  them  is  shown  by  this  : 
Monsieur  having  arrived  in  Paris,  and  visiting  Mademoiselle 
his  daughter,  Madame  de  Saint-Georges  told  him  that  M.  le 
Comte  had  but  just  gone  out.  He  leaned  his  head  against 
a  chimney-piece,  remained  long  thoughtful,  then  said,  and 
repeated  several  times,  '  What !  Monsieur  le  Comte  is  here  ? 
What !  He  has  not  gone  to  Champagne  ! '  Which  showed 
plainly  that  there  was  a  plot  between  them." 

Disguised  and  almost  alone,  the  princes  retired  in 
different  directions  :  Monsieur  to  his  castle  of  Blois,  the 
Comte  de  Soissons  to  neutral  ground  at  Sedan,  held  by 
its  sovereigns  of  the  House  of  Bouillon  for  more  than 
a  hundred  years.  From  these  retreats  they  sent  their 
demands  and  remonstrances  to  Louis  XIII.,  while  on  the 
other  hand  they  corresponded  with  the  Queen-mother  and 
with  Spain. 

Richelieu  seems  to  have  treated  the  discontents  of 
the  Comte  de  Soissons  with  some  scorn.  He  allowed 
negotiations  with  him  to  drag  on  for  some  months,  and 
then  advised  the  King  not  only  to  forgive  him,  but  to 
allow  him  to  remain  four  years  at  Sedan  unless  he  chose 
to  return  to  the  Court :  a  leniency  for  which  the  Cardinal 
has  been  blamed ;  dangerous  to  the  State  and  fatal  to 
Soissons  himself. 

As  to  Monsieur,  a  mixture  of  threats  and  entreaties, 
the  advance  of  royal  troops  to  Orleans,  the  clever  manage 
ment  of  M.  de  Chavigny,  the  Cardinal's  most  trusted  agent, 
soon  brought  about  a  change  in  his  weathercock  mind. 
He  met  the  King  at  Orleans  in  February  1637,  "with 
many  demonstrations  of  friendship."  Indeed,  "  dissimula 
tion  went  so  far,  that  there  appeared  to  be  a  sincere 
reconciliation  between  Monsieur  and  the  Cardinal." 


CHAPTER  X 

1637—1639 

Palace  intrigues— Mademoiselle  de  Hautefort — Mademoiselle  de  la 
Fayette — The  affair  of  the  Val-de-Grace— The  birth  of  the  Dauphin— The 
death  of  Pere  Joseph — Difficulties  in  the  Church. 

IN  Richelieu's  own  mind  his  worst  enemies  were  to  be 
found  among  his  nearest  neighbours.  "  Les  intrigues 
de  cabinet,"  says  M.  de  Montglat,  "donnerent  plus 
de  peine  au  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  que  toute  la  guerre 
etrangere."  Not  only  mischievous  great  ladies  like  the 
Duchesse  de  Chevreuse,  but  every  man  or  woman  who  had 
anything  to  do  with  the  Court,  were  objects  of  his  watchful 
suspicion,  and  to  most  of  them,  while  they  begged  his 
favour  and  flocked  to  his  entertainments,  he  seemed  the 
cruel  ogre,  the  mysterious  sphinx,  so  long  represented  in 
history. 

He  never  really  trusted  the  King.  Louis  was  fond  of 
gossip,  easily  amused  by  small  things,  and  often  attracted 
by  persons  undesirable  from  Richelieu's  point  of  view. 
And  even  at  his  height  of  power  he  found  it  impossible 
to  carry  out  the  ideal  arrangement  which  would  have 
hindered  any  one  not  bound  to  his  own  service  from 
approaching  the  King  at  times  such  as  the  petit  coucher, 
when  intimate  talk  was  allowed,  and  men  might  even  dare 
to  tell  a  story  against  the  Eminentissime  himself.  They 
would  probably  repent ;  for  though  Louis  might  laugh 
and  enjoy  such  jokes,  he  had  a  way  of  repeating  them  to 
the  Cardinal,  if  only  with  a  half-childish  notion  of  teasing 
him.  The  consequences  to  a  chattering  courtier  might  be 
serious. 

263 


264  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

The  influence  of  these  gentlemen  with  the  King  was 
seldom  really  dangerous,  and  yet  the  Cardinal  was  justified 
in  his  distrust,  for  the  majority  hated  him,  and  he  went 
about  always  with  his  life  in  his  hand,  not  because  of 
ambitious  princes  alone.  Men's  consciences  were  no  pro 
tection  to  him.  For  instance,  the  Abbe  de  Retz,  afterwards 
Cardinal  and  Coadjutor  of  the  Archbishop  of  Paris,  felt 
little  doubt  that  he  would  have  done  a  right  action,  socially 
and  politically,  had  he  carried  out  a  plan  for  killing 
Richelieu  in  the  chapel  of  the  Tuileries,  at  the  long-deferred 
christening  of  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier. 

Over  and  over  again  Richelieu  tried  to  confine  the 
King's  special  favour  to  persons  chosen  by  himself,  and 
over  and  over  again  he  failed.  It  was  not  so  much  that 
people  played  him  false,  as  that  he  found  them — men  and 
women — too  proud,  too  independent,  and  too  faithful  to 
their  order  for  the  place  he  meant  them  to  fill — that  of  the 
King's  favourites  and  his  own  spies.  There  was  Made 
moiselle  de  Hautefort,  with  whom  Louis  fell  in  love  when 
she  was  a  beautiful  girl  of  fifteen,  brought  to  Court  from 
her  native  province  by  her  grandmother,  Madame  de  la 
Flotte,  and  appointed  one  of  the  Queen-mother's  maids-of- 
honour.  After  the  "  Day  of  Dupes,"  when  Marie  de  Medicis 
left  France  and  her  household  was  broken  up,  Madame 
de  la  Flotte  became  lady-in-waiting  to  the  young  Queen 
in  the  place  of  Madame  du  Fargis,  whom  Richelieu  sent 
into  exile ;  and  Mademoiselle  de  Hautefort,  transferred  at 
the  same  time,  was  specially  recommended  by  Louis  to  his 
wife's  favour. 

At  first,  very  naturally,  Queen  Anne  was  not  pleased. 
Marie  de  Hautefort  was  in  every  way  a  dazzling  person. 
Madame  de  Motteville  declares  that  she  made  a  greater 
effect  at  Court  than  any  other  beauty.  "  Her  eyes  were 
blue,  large,  and  full  of  fire ;  her  teeth  white  and  even ; 
her  complexion  had  the  white  and  red  suitable  to  a  fair 
beauty."  Added  to  this,  she  had  a  sharp  tongue ;  she  was 
high-spirited,  "  railleuse,"  and  by  no  means  soft-hearted. 

Louis  XIII.'s  love-affairs  contrast  curiously  with  those 
of  his  father.  Nothing  could  be  more  innocent,  more  purely 


THE   CARDINAL  265 

platonic,  than  his  devotion  to  Mademoiselle  de  Hautefort. 
He  hardly  dared  approach  her ;  his  talk  was  of  dogs  and 
of  birds ;  and  yet  he  showed  the  stormy  jealousy  and  the 
sulks  and  humours  of  a  passionate  lover,  and  spent  hours 
in  writing  songs  and  music  for  his  lady.  She  disputed 
with  him  freely  and  laughed  at  him  unmercifully. 

At  the  beginning  Richelieu  encouraged  this  singular 
affection.  But  after  about  three  years  he  saw  reason  to 
change  his  mind.  Mademoiselle  de  Hautefort  was  not 
inclined  to  act  as  his  political  agent,  and  she  had  soon 
given  the  loyalty  of  a  warm  and  generous  nature  to  her 
mistress,  the  Queen,  whom  she  saw  neglected  by  Louis 
and  subject  to  the  tyranny  of  the  Cardinal.  This  is  to  say 
that  the  woman  most  admired  by  the  King  had  joined 
the  Spanish  party  at  Court  and  was  rightly  counted  by 
Richelieu  among  his  enemies. 

It  cost  him  little  trouble  to  drive  Mademoiselle  de 
Hautefort  out  of  favour — at  least  for  a  time.  When  Louis 
had  become  slightly  tired  of  his  quarrels  with  the  fair 
beauty  and  slightly  chilled  by  her  friendship  with  the 
Queen,  it  was  made  easy  for  him  to  find  consolation  in 
the  dark  eyes  of  Louise  de  la  Fayette,  a  cousin  of  Pere 
Joseph,  whose  family  was  supposed  to  be  devoted  to  the 
Cardinal. 

Mademoiselle  de  la  Fayette  was  as  good  and  gentle  as 
she  was  lovely ;  in  the  varied  records  of  the  French  Court 
there  exists  no  sweeter  figure.  During  two  years  she  and 
the  eccentric  King  adored  each  other  with  a  tender  affection 
and  mutual  confidence  quite  absent  from  the  Hautefort 
affair;  yet  this,  like  the  other,  never  passed  the  bounds 
of  friendship.  It  went  so  far,  however,  that  the  girl's 
conscience  was  alarmed,  and  she  began  to  think  of  taking 
refuge  in  a  convent. 

The  idea  was  not  unwelcome  to  Cardinal  de  Richelieu. 
The  Court  was  full  of  his  spies,  who  warned  him  that 
Mademoiselle  de  la  Fayette's  intimate  talk  with  the  King 
was  not  to  his  advantage ;  that  she  was  inspired  by  Pere 
Caussin,  the  royal  confessor,  to  speak  to  Louis  in  favour 
of  his  mother,  his  wife,  his  brother,  and  all  the  other 


266  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

victims  of  a  warlike,  heretical  policy ;  that  she  was  en 
couraged  by  her  uncle  the  Bishop  of  Limoges  and  her 
brother  the  Chevalier  de  la  Fayette,  to  set  him  against 
the  Cardinal ;  that  the  Bishop  had  even  been  heard  to  say, 
"  When  the  Cardinal  is  ruined,  we  will  do  this  and  that. 
As  for  me,  I  shall  inhabit  the  Hotel  de  Richelieu." 

The  Court  was  buzzing  with  intrigues  all  through  1636, 
the  "  year  of  Corbie,"  while  the  King  still  enjoyed,  as  far 
as  possible,  the  society  of  the  only  woman  who  had  ever 
loved  him  for  his  own  sake.  Mademoiselle  de  la  Fayette, 
torn  between  conscience  and  affection,  was  dragged  one 
way  and  the  other  by  two  sets  of  advisers,  each  headed 
by  a  dignified  ecclesiastic  moved  by  reasons  beyond  mere 
anxiety  for  her  welfare  and  that  of  the  King.  The  Pere 
Carre,  Superior  of  the  Dominicans  in  Paris  and  a  favourite 
director  of  Court  ladies,  was  one  of  Richelieu's  chief  spies 
and  most  devoted  servants.  Mademoiselle  de  la  Fayette 
came  to  him  for  counsel.  He  encouraged  her  scruples 
and  blessed  her  vocation :  "  II  faisait  parler  Dieu,"  says 
M.  Cousin,  "  selon  1'interet  et  au  commandement  de 
Richelieu." 

On  the  other  hand  Pere  Caussin,  a  Jesuit,  and  appar 
ently  an  honest  man,  took  advantage  of  his  place  as  the 
King's  confessor  to  advise  Mademoiselle  de  la  Fayette  to 
remain  at  Court.  He  saw  no  reason  why  Louis  should 
be  deprived  of  a  perfectly  innocent  friendship  for  the  sake 
of  foolish  scruples  and  a  half-imaginary  vocation.  Such 
an  opinion,  if  disinterested,  would  have  been  worthy  of 
all  respect ;  but  at  the  French  Court,  divided  between 
Richelieu's  spies  and  Richelieu's  enemies,  this  was  almost 
impossible.  The  reasons  that  had  moved  Cardinal  de 
Berulle  and  the  brothers  Marillac,  the  grievances  of  the 
Queen-mother,  of  the  Pope  and  of  the  princes,  all  found 
voice  in  Pere  Caussin.  He  was  closely  allied,  too,  with 
another  distinguished  Jesuit,  Pere  Monot,  the  confessor 
of  Christine,  Duchess  of  Savoy,  who  was  at  this  very  time 
in  Paris  working  against  Richelieu  in  the  interests  of  Spain. 
Considering  all  this,  it  is  no  great  wonder  that  Pere  Caussin 
presently  found  himself  disgraced  and  banished  to  Brit- 


THE   CARDINAL  267 

tany,  a  harmless  Jesuit  of  eighty  years  old  being  appointed 
royal  confessor  in  his  place.  It  seems  that  Richelieu  did 
not  wish  to  break  the  tradition  which  gave  the  care  of 
the  King's  conscience  to  that  Order. 

Tired  of  intrigue,  pushed  on  by  Pere  Carre  and  her 
own  doubts,  Louise  de  la  Fayette  entered  the  Convent  of 
the  Visitation  in  the  Rue  Saint-Antoine,  in  May  1637. 
For  some  months  the  King  continued  to  visit  her  there, 
until  Richelieu,  whose  influence  had  been  a  good  deal 
shaken  by  her  arguments,  had  regained  his  personal 
power,  and  Mademoiselle  de  Hautefort,  still  at  Court,  her 
old  dominion. 

The  tragi-comedy  known  as  "  the  Affair  of  the  Val-de- 
Grace,"  which  played  itself  out  in  the  summer  of  1637, 
proved  that  Richelieu's  star  was  still  in  the  ascendant. 
The  war  with  Spain  had  added  fresh  distress  to  Queen 
Anne's  position,  so  long  a  false  and  lonely  one.  The  secret 
sympathy  of  half  the  Court  and  of  all  the  malcontents  in 
the  kingdom  did  not  compensate  the  Queen  for  the  loss 
of  her  friends,  exiled  one  by  one  as  Richelieu  came  to 
suspect  'them,  or  for  the  entire  separation  from  her  own 
family  and  its  allies  in  Austria,  the  Netherlands,  and 
Lorraine.  The  Queen  did  not  easily  resign  herself.  In 
spite  of  espionnage,  she  wrote  and  sent  letters  to  her 
brothers,  the  King  of  Spain  and  the  Cardinal-Infant,  as 
well  as  to  Madame  de  Chevreuse,  living  in  banishment  at 
Tours.  These  letters  were  written  in  a  refuge  to  which 
spies  did  not  penetrate :  the  Benedictine  Abbey  of  the 
Val-de-Grace  in  the  Faubourg  St.  Jacques.  The  Abbess, 
of  Spanish  origin,  was  a  devoted  servant  of  the  Queen. 

It  is  no  insult  to  Richelieu's  patriotism  to  believe  that 
he  had  never  pounced  on  smaller  game  with  equal  satis 
faction.  The  famous  letters  themselves,  if  we  may  believe 
Madame  de  Motteville,  contained  no  actual  treason  against 
the  King  or  the  State ;  but  they  did  contain  "  railleries " 
against  the  Cardinal,  and  in  any  case  they  were  written 
to  the  enemies  of  France,  and  belonged  to  the  political 
opposition  so  long  irreconcilable,  which  he  crushed  more 
sternly  every  year  he  lived.  We  may  think  what  we 


268  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

please  about  his  more  personal  motives  of  spite  and 
revenge :  that  he  had  made  love  to  the  Queen  and  that 
she  had  laughed  at  him  seemed  to  the  gossips  of  the  time 
a  sufficient  explanation  of  everything.  The  Cardinal,  they 
said,  wished  to  send  her  back  to  Spain,  to  divorce  her  from 
the  King,  to  marry  him  to  Madame  de  Combalet !  In  the 
following  year  that  much-talked-of  lady  was  consoled  for 
the  loss  of  so  many  great  matches  by  being  created 
Duchesse  d'Aiguillon  in  her  own  right.  Her  uncle  paid 
an  enormous  sum  of  money  for  the  title  and  the  estates 
belonging  to  it. 

The  Queen's  troubles  in  the  summer  of  1637  began  with 
the  intercepting,  by  Richelieu's  people,  of  a  letter  in  cypher 
which  she  had  written  to  Madame  de  Chevreuse.  The 
bearer,  La  Porte,  her  valet-de-chambre,  was  the  person 
to  whom  she  trusted  all  her  secret  correspondence. 
Suddenly  thrown  into  the  Bastille,  examined  first  by 
Richelieu's  terrible  agents  and  then  by  the  Cardinal 
himself,  threatened  with  torture  and  death,  the  faithful 
man  refused  to  say  one  word  that  could  incriminate  his 
royal  mistress.  Even  the  Cardinal  admired  his  fidelity. 

It  was  in  August,  and  the  Court  was  at  Chantilly.  The 
Queen  in  her  alarm  first  denied  everything,  solemnly  and 
on  oath;  then  thought  it  prudent  to  make  some  kind  of 
confession.  She  sent  for  the  Cardinal,  who  came  accom 
panied  by  his  two  chief  secretaries,  M.  de  Chavigny  and 
M.  de  Noyers.  Madame  de  Se"nece,  the  mistress  of  her 
household,  was  in  attendance  on  the  Queen. 

The  Cardinal,  according  to  himself,  was  respectful, 
fatherly,  but  severe.  When  the  Queen  began  to  assure 
him  of  the  harmlessness  of  her  letters,  he  said  at  once 
that  he  did  not  believe  her,  but  promised  her  his  own 
faithful  service  and  the  King's  forgiveness  if  she  would 
confess  everything.  On  this,  Anne  sent  the  witnesses  out 
of  the  room  and  remained  alone  with  Richelieu.  We  have 
only  his  word  for  what  passed :  that  the  Queen,  speaking 
"  with  much  displeasure  and  confusion,"  confessed  to  a 
correspondence  with  Spain  and  with  Flanders,  carried  on 
by  secret  means  and  in  terms  which  might  justly  displease 


ANNE   OF  AUSTRIA,   CONSORT   OF   LOUIS   XIII 

FROM   A    MINIATURE   AT   SOUTH    KENSINGTON    MUSEUM 


THE   CARDINAL  269 

the  King;  that  she  exclaimed  several  times,  "Quelle  bonte 
faut-il  que  vous  ayez,  Monsieur  le  Cardinal ! " ;  that  she 
protested  her  eternal  gratitude,  saying,  "Give  me  your 
hand,"  while  holding  out  her  own,  famous  for  its  beauty ; 
which  the  Cardinal  respectfully  refused  to  touch. 

He  made  her  write  and  sign  her  confession,  and  then 
caused  the  King  to  bestow  a  formal  forgiveness,  not 
sweetened  by  a  list  of  requirements  as  to  her  future 
conduct.  She  was  to  visit  no  convents  and  to  write  no 
letters  without  the  King's  permission,  her  maids  and  her 
ladies-in-waiting,  especially  "  Fillandre,  premiere  femme  de 
chambre,"  who  had  charge  of  her  writing-desk,  being  set 
as  spies  and  gaolers  over  her.  Not  much  wonder  that  the 
lively  little  niece,  Mademoiselle  de  Montpensier,  visiting 
Chantilly  in  that  disturbed  month  of  August,  found  the 
Queen  in  bed,  ill  with  fear  and  worry. 

For  this  was  not  the  end  of  it.  The  Cardinal  was  dis 
satisfied,  still  suspecting  concealment.  La  Porte  in  his 
prison  was  once  more  threatened  with  torture.  A  spy  was 
sent  to  him — one  of  the  Queen's  officers,  gained  over  by 
Richelieu  and  Laffemas.  He  brought  a  supposed  message 
from  the  Queen  to  La  Porte,  commanding  him  to  tell  all  he 
knew.  But  if  Anne's  enemies  were  clever  and  resource 
ful,  so  also  were  her  friends.  The  romantic  courage  of 
Mademoiselle  de  Hautefort  and  of  the  Chevalier  de  Jars, 
himself  confined  in  the  Bastille,  had  found  a  way  of  convey 
ing  a  letter  to  La  Porte,  warning  him  of  the  extent  of  the 
Queen's  confessions.  He  was  thus  prepared  to  tell  the  same 
story — all  of  which  seems  to  justify  Richelieu's  suspicion. 

Madame  de  Motteville  says  that  the  remembrance  of 
those  summer  weeks  at  Chantilly  "faisoit  horreur  a  la 
Reine."  She  was  within  an  ace  of  following  her  mother-in- 
law's  example  in  a  flight  from  France.  Mademoiselle  de 
Hautefort  and  the  Prince  de  Marcillac— afterwards  Due  de 
la  Rochefoucauld — were  ready  to  ride  off  with  her  to 
Brussels.  Her  life  at  the  Court  had  become  unendurable. 
Richelieu  brought  forward  the  terrors  of  the  law  in  the 
person  of  Chancellor  Seguier,  who  not  only  examined  the 
Queen  "  like  a  criminal,"  but  made  a  thorough  search  at 


270  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

the  Abbey  of  the  Val-de-Grace,  where  her  letters  and  papers 
were  supposed  to  be  hidden.  Either  because  the  Abbess 
was  fearless  and  loyal,  or  because  there  was  nothing  to  find, 
the  Chancellor  found  no  papers  of  a  later  date  than  1630. 

So  the  storm  passed  over.  Richelieu  could  prove 
nothing ;  the  King  and  Queen  were  reconciled ;  and  the 
only  consequence  was  a  fresh  exile  for  Madame  de  Chevreuse, 
who  rode  for  her  life  from  Tours  and  crossed  the  Pyrenees 
into  Spain. 

Mademoiselle  de  Hautefort  remained  in  favour  for  two 
more  years  ;  the  Queen  valued  her  friendship,  and  the  King, 
after  his  final  parting  with  Mademoiselle  de  la  Fayette,  had 
returned  to  his  old  love ;  she  became  a  lady-in-waiting,  with 
the  title  of  Madame  and  other  privileges.  But  Richelieu 
was  still  afraid  of  her.  Rather  cautiously  and  slowly,  from 
1637  till  the  end  of  1639,  he  was  working  for  her  ruin.  In 
the  Queen's  very  household  he  had  a  spy,  long  unsuspected 
and  exceedingly  clever  at  her  odious  trade,  Mademoiselle 
de  Chemerault,  a  young  maid-of-honour,  an  intimate  friend 
of  Madame  de  Hautefort.  From  the  most  private  interior 
of  the  Court,  this  girl  reported  every  word  and  deed  to  a 
Madame  Maline,  who  conveyed  the  information  direct  to 
Richelieu  in  letters  which  still  exist,  a  mine  of  ancient 
gossip  written  in  the  curious  jargon  used  by  him  in  his 
secret  notes.  Everybody  has  a  nickname :  the  Cardinal 
himself,  in  these  notes,  is  sometimes  Amadeo,  sometimes 
I  Oracle ;  the  King  and  Queen  are  Cephale  and  Procris ; 
Madame  de  Hautefort  is  PAurore,  Madame  d'Aiguillon 
VenuS)  Mademoiselle  de  la  Fayette,  la  Delaissee,  Made 
moiselle  de  Chemerault  herself,  le  bon  Ange.  These  letters 
warned  the  Cardinal  of  all  the  loves  and  hatreds,  the  private 
and  public  discontents  and  desires,  which  moved  the  Queen 
and  her  friends,  and  kept  him  in  touch  with  every  detail  of 
the  stormy  yet  affectionate  intercourse  between  Madame  de 
Hautefort  and  the  King.  Her  empire,  if  only  intermittent, 
was  dangerous ;  the  more  so,  because  she  was  known  to  be 
on  friendly  terms  with  the  Comte  de  Soissons  and  with 
Monsieur. 

Richelieu  believed  in  "  the  expulsive  power  of  a  new 


THE   CARDINAL  271 

affection."  Young  Henry  d'Effiat,  Marquis  de  Cinq-Mars, 
was  brought  to  Court  by  him  with  the  definite  object  of 
distracting  the  King  from  the  society  of  Madame  de  Haute- 
fort.  This  plan  being  on  the  way  to  succeed,  the  Cardinal 
took  advantage  of  one  of  the  King's  journeys,  when  the 
lady  was  not  there  to  plead  her  own  cause,  to  accuse  her  of 
being  as  dangerous  an  intrigante  as  Madame  de  Chevreuse, 
adding  that  he  could  no  longer  endure  this  fighting  in  the 
dark,  and  that  Louis  must  choose  between  Madame  de 
Hautefort  and  himself.  With  some  show  of  regret,  the 
King  yielded.  Madame  de  Hautefort  was  banished  from 
Court,  and  retired  to  her  grandmother's  country  estates. 
Four  years  later,  when  Richelieu  and  Louis  XIII.  were 
dead,  she  was  recalled  and  honoured  among  the  old  friends 
who  had  been  faithful  to  the  Regent  in  adversity. 

The  Queen's  own  troubles  and  humiliations  came  to  an 
end  in  September  1638.  On  the  5th — Richelieu's  birthday 
and  also  the  date  on  which  he  became  Cardinal,  Duke,  and 
Peer — the  long-wished-for  Dauphin  was  born  at  Saint- 
Germain.  All  France  rejoiced  ;  the  towns,  especially  Paris, 
held  high  festival,  with  singing  of  Te  Deum,  firing  of  cannon, 
ringing  of  bells,  keeping  open  house  for  all  comers.  The 
Cardinal,  who  was  in  Picardy,  wrote  rapturous  letters  to 
the  King  and  Queen. 

"  I  hope  and  believe  that  God  has  given  Monseigneur 
le  Dauphin  to  Christendom  to  appease  its  troubles,  and 
to  bring  to  it  the  blessing  of  peace.  I  vow  to  him,  from 
his  birth,  the  same  passionate  devotion  I  have  always  had 
for  the  King  and  for  your  Majesty,  whose  faithful  servant  I 
am  and  shall  be  eternally.  .  .  ." 

The  Cardinal's  rejoicing  was  sincere.  In  the  birth  of 
the  future  Louis  XIV.  he  rightly  saw  the  triumph  of  his 
own  policy  as  well  as  the  saving  of  France  from  the 
danger,  which  the  King's  weak  health  made  imminent,  of 
falling  into  the  hands  of  Gaston  d'Orleans  and  his  crew. 
Two  years  later,  in  1640,  the  birth  of  Philippe  was  an 
additional  security. 

But  the  joy  of  September  1638  was  soon  followed  by 
one  of  the  most  real  sorrows  of  Richelieu's  life.  In 


272  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

December  he  lost  Pere  Joseph,  his  adviser  and  shadow, 
the  intimate  friend  of  thirty  years.  Through  all  difficulties 
and  changes  the  two  men  had  worked  together.  Both 
were  hard  and  pitiless  politicians,  driving  at  the  same  ends 
in  Church  and  State.  Francois  du  Tremblay,  the  monk, 
was  the  more  imaginative,  the  more  enthusiastic,  and  the 
less  human  of  the  two.  He  was  not,  like  Richelieu, 
personally  ambitious,  and  he  lived  the  simple  life  of  a  friar, 
while  his  keen  cleverness  and  ready,  fearless  resource 
made  him  the  first  of  diplomatists.  If  he  was  eager  for  the 
Cardinal's  Hat  steadily  refused  by  Pope  Urban  VIII.,  it  was 
because  of  the  advantages  this  honour  would  have  brought 
to  his  beloved  Capuchin  Order. 

Pere  Joseph  had  been  ill  for  some  time  at  his  convent 
in  Paris  when  the  Cardinal  wrote  to  beg  him  to  come 
to  Rueil,  offering  to  send  his  own  litter  that  he  might 
travel  comfortably.  This  offer  he  accepted.  Richelieu 
received  him  with  much  affection,  and  at  first  he  seemed 
to  rally :  he  dictated  a  circular  letter  to  his  congregation 
of  the  Filles  du  Calvaire,  answered  letters  from  missionaries 
in  the  East,  and  listened  with  pleasure  to  a  book  describing 
the  exploits  of  Godefory  de  Bouillon  in  the  Holy  Land ; 
the  spirit  of  a  crusader  was  in  him  to  the  last.  Another 
seizure  brought  him  very  near  death,  but  he  lingered 
till  December  18,  while  Richelieu  tried  to  cheer  his 
"Ez6chi6li's "  failing  ears  with  news  of  the  victories  by 
which  France  was  now  reaping  the  fruit  of  so  much  effort 
and  suffering. 

With  great  funeral  pomp  the  Capuchin  was  borne  back 
to  Paris  and  buried  in  his  convent  church  in  the  Rue  St. 
Honore,  where  for  nearly  a  hundred  and  seventy  years 
his  stately  Latin  epitaph,  composed  by  Cardinal  de 
Richelieu,  told  the  world  how  he  had  lived  in  the  midst 
of  splendour  and  riches,  austere  and  poor.  His  bones 
lay  beside  those  of  the  famous  Pere  Ange,  Due  de  Joyeuse 
and  Marshal  of  France.  In  1804,  when  the  already 
profaned  church  was  pulled  down  and  the  Rue  Mont- 
Thabor  built  over  its  site,  their  remains  were  removed 
to  the  cemetery  of  Montmartre. 


THE   CARDINAL  273 

Paris  of  the  streets  made  her  own  epitaph  for  Pere 
Joseph  : 

"  Cy  git  au  choeur  de  cette  Eglise 
Sa  petite  Eminence  grise, 
Et  quand  au  Seigneur  il  plaira 
Son  Eminence  rouge  y  gira." 

The  Cardinal's  Hat  desired  by  Richelieu  for  his  old 
friend  was  eventually  given  to  Jules  Mazarin,  the  clever 
Italian  statesman  who,  originally  an  agent  of  the  Vatican 
but  now  naturalised  in  France,  had  risen  so  high  in 
Richelieu's  opinion  that  he  appointed  him  in  Pere  Joseph's 
place  one  of  his  principal  Secretaries  of  State. 

Mazarin  was  in  fact  a  peacemaker  between  Richelieu 
and  the  Pope,  and  his  promotion  to  be  Cardinal  was 
really  a  sign  of  their  reconciliation.  The  Church  of  France 
had  been  supported  by  Rome  in  resistance  to  the  new 
laws  and  revived  taxes  and  the  many  complicated  exactions 
made  upon  her  great  possessions  in  aid  of  the  war.  The 
cry  of  sacrilege  rose  high ;  the  archbishops  and  bishops 
were  divided,  the  majority  eager  to  resist  a  Minister  whom 
they  called  "  tyrant,"  "  apostate,"  and  other  hard  names, 
the  minority  ready  to  hail  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  as  "  the 
Head  of  the  Gallican  Church."  There  was  actually  a  talk 
of  appointing  him  Patriarch.  Why  not  ?  said  the  Jesuits, 
wisely  respectful  of  the  civil  power.  Books  and  violent 
pamphlets  were  written  on  both  sides  of  the  question. 

The  Pope  refused  to  issue  bulls  for  the  appointment 
of  French  bishops  so  long  as  the  French  Government  held 
on  its  present  course.  Richelieu  was  prepared  to  do 
without  them.  The  King  refused  to  receive  the  Nuncio, 
or  to  recognize  his  authority.  The  Pope  absolutely 
refused  to  confirm  Richelieu's  own  election  as  Abbot- 
General  of  the  Orders  of  Citeaux  and  Premontre,  or  to 
countenance  his  project  of  advanced  reform  in  his  own 
Order  of  Cluny.  A  private  quarrel  in  Rome  made  matters 
worse ;  one  of  the  French  Ambassador's  gentlemen  was 
killed,  and  the  ambassador's  wrath  irritated  the  Pope  into 
forbidding  any  funeral  honours  to  be  paid  in  Rome  to 
Richelieu's  lieutenant,  the  soldier-Cardinal  de  la  Valette, 
18 


274  CARDINAL  DE  RICHELIEU 

who  died  at  Rivoli  in  the  midst  of  his  Savoyard  campaign 
of  1639. 

The  quarrel  was  at  last  made  up :  for  the  French 
Church,  as  for  the  government,  it  was  really  a  question 
of  money,  and  both  agreed  to  a  compromise.  Richelieu's 
Finance  Secretaries  withdrew  some  part  of  their  im- 
'  mense  demands  ;  the  clergy,  very  unwillingly,  granted  the 
rest ;  Urban  VIII.  was  appeased,  and  Mazarin  became  a 
Cardinal. 

If  Richelieu  opposed  the  Pope,  the  friend  of  the  Haps- 
burgs,  and  asserted  the  liberty  of  the  Gallican  Church  in 
such  matters,  for  instance,  as  the  annulling  of  Monsieur's 
marriage,  he  was  neither  unorthodox,  nor  unfriendly  to 
different  forms  of  religious  effort.  The  great  charities  of 
the  seventeenth  century  grew  and  flourished  under  his 
shadow.  The  spirit  of  St.  Francois  de  Sales  lived  on  in 
the  Order  of  the  Visitation,  devoted  to  the  sick  and  the 
poor.  Vincent  de  Paul,  with  his  Mission  of  Lazarist 
Fathers  and  his  Sisters  of  Charity,  bringing  light  into  dark 
places  and  helping  the  miserable,  both  in  Paris  and  in 
the  deserts  of  the  country,  was  a  familiar  and  beautiful 
figure  through  most  of  Richelieu's  reign.  Monsieur 
Vincent's  great  Mission  work,  the  training  of  the  younger 
clergy,  also  nobly  carried  on  by  the  congregations  of 
the  Oratory,  of  St.  Nicolas  du  Chardonnet  and  of  Saint- 
Sulpice,  had  lain  very  near  Richelieu's  own  heart  in  his 
young  days. 

The  Cardinal  extended  his  powerful  protection  to  the 
teaching  Orders,  Jesuits,  Ursulines,  and  others;  and  the 
reformed  Benedictines  of  Saint-Maur,  so  famous  for 
ecclesiastical  and  historical  learning,  owed  their  distinc 
tion  largely  to  him.  He  did  very  much,  indeed,  towards 
the  reform  and  discipline  of  the  regular  clergy,  and  with 
a  longer  life  he  might  have  removed  many  of  the  abuses 
which  spoiled  their  religious  ideal.  But  his  chief  and 
immediate  object  was  to  nationalize  the  Orders,  and  to 
bring  them  under  the  same  authority  with  France  as  a 
whole. 

"  A  central  and  supreme  authority  " ;  absolutism ;  obedi- 


THE   CARDINAL  275 

ence :  these  were  the  root-principles  of  Richelieu's  rule. 
He  hated  original,  independent  thought  or  action,  in  Church 
or  State ;  it  was  of  the  nature  of  rebellion.  Personal  quite 
as  much  as  political,  this  imperious,  dominating  temper  was 
the  chief  secret  of  his  triumph  in  matters  where  reason 
and  equity  have  in  the  long  run  decided  against  him ;  for 
instance,  the  many  cases  in  which  he  appointed  his  own 
judges  and  tribunals  to  try  his  prisoners,  the  slower  and 
often  fairer  proceedings  of  the  parliamentary  law-courts 
being  found  unbearable  by  his  impatient  and  positive 
mind. 

The  same  dominating  spirit  explains  Richelieu's  treat 
ment  of  his  old  friend  the  Abbe  de  Saint-Cyran.  He  could 
be  tolerant  of  Protestants  :  their  private  heresies  mattered 
little,  as  long  as  their  public  conduct  was  loyal.  But  the 
advance  of  Jansenist  opinions  within  the  French  Church 
was  another  thing.  In  the  case  of  M.  de  Saint-Cyran,  as 
strong-willed  a  personage  as  the  Cardinal  himself,  it  meant 
a  very  powerful  spiritual  influence  not  quite  strictly  ortho 
dox,  with  a  stiff  morality  and  an  independence  of  mind 
which  judged  and  condemned  much  of  the  Cardinal's  own 
theory  and  practice.  He  did  his  best  to  win  Saint-Cyran, 
whose  learning  and  high  character  were  of  European  fame. 
But  bishoprics  would  not  tempt  the  man  who  did  not 
choose  to  range  himself  among  the  Cardinal's  slaves,  who, 
though  none  too  loyal  to  the  Pope,  declared  openly  that 
the  Church  could  not  annul  Monsieur's  marriage,  and  who 
agreed  with  Jansenius  in  denouncing  the  alliance  of  France 
with  heretics. 

The  great  director  and  glory  of  Port-Royal  was  im 
prisoned  at  Vincennes  in  1638,  and  remained  there  till  after 
the  death  of  Richelieu.  The  Eminentissime  could  not 
afford  to  tolerate  a  man  the  watchwords  of  whose  spirit 
were  independence,  boldness,  and  truth.  "  He  is  more 
dangerous,"  he  said,  "  than  half  a  dozen  armies." 


CHAPTER  XI 

1639—1642 

Victories  abroad — The  death  of  the  Comte  de  Soissons — Social  triumphs 
— Marriage  of  the  Due  d'Enghien — The  revolt  against  the  taxes — The 
conspiracy  of  Cinq-Mars— The  Cardinal's  dangerous  illness — He  makes  his 
will — The  ruin  of  his  enemies — His  return  to  Paris. 

FOR  the  last  three  or  four  years  of  Cardinal  de  Riche 
lieu's  life  his  figure  stands  out  against  a   horizon 
glowing  with  the  fires  of  victory. 
After  the  death  of  Bernard  of  Saxe- Weimar  in   1639, 
Richelieu's  diplomacy  transferred  his  army  and  his  lieu 
tenants  to  Louis  XIII.'s  service,  and  the  conquest  of  Alsace 
for  France  was  the  consequence.    The  Comte  de  Guebriant, 
the  brilliant  soldier  who  succeeded  Weimar  in  the  com 
mand,  carried  the  war  into  Germany,  and  by  a  series  of 
victories,  in   conjunction    with    the    Swedes,   "  made  the 
Emperor  tremble  in  Ratisbon." 

In  the  Spanish  Netherlands,  the  Mare"chal  de  la  Meil- 
leraye  took  Arras  after  a  two  months'  siege,  and  gave  back 
to  France  the  ancient  province  of  Artois.  In  northern  Italy 
the  campaign  was  more  troublesome.  The  princes  of 
Savoy,  the  new  Duke  being  a  child,  disputed  the  regency 
with  their  sister-in-law  Christine  of  France,  and  allied 
themselves  with  Spain.  Christine  herself,  influenced  by 
Pere'Monot,  had  leanings  towards  the  imperial  side,  and  it 
was  not  till  the  Spaniards  had  swept  over  Piedmont  and 
taken  Turin  and  besieged  Casale  that  she  brought  herself 
to  turn  for  help  to  Richelieu.  Even  then,  jealous  for  her 
son's  independence  and  her  own,  she  would  not  consent  to 

276 


THE   CARDINAL  277 

send  him  to  France  for  education,  much  less  to  hand  over 
his  whole  dominions  to  be  occupied  by  her  brother's  armies. 
Her  obstinacy  triumphed,  for  Richelieu  withdrew  his  con 
ditions  and  sent  the  Comte  d'Harcourt  to  relieve  Casale 
and  retake  Turin;  operations  which  were  brilliantly  carried 
out.  The  Spaniards  were  driven  out  of  the  country ;  the 
Savoyard  princes,  finding  the  fortunes  of  war  against  them, 
submitted  to  the  Duchess-regent,  who  returned  victorious 
to  her  capital.  France  gained,  besides  a  firm  alliance  with 
Savoy,  a  paramount  position  in  North  Italy. 

Spain  was  in  trouble  by  land  and  by  sea.  Her  fleets 
were  defeated  and  half  destroyed  by  the  French  in  the 
Mediterranean  and  the  Bay  of  Biscay,  and  by  the  Dutch, 
Richelieu's  allies,  in  the  English  Channel.  The  old  province 
of  Catalonia,  with  the  frontier  counties  of  Roussillon  and 
Cerdagne,  revolted  against  the  burdens  heaped  on  them  by 
Olivarez  and  offered  their  allegiance  to  the  King  of  France. 
French  armies  overran  Roussillon,  besieged  Perpignan,  and 
driving  on  over  the  mountains,  fought  side  by  side  with  the 
rebels  in  Catalonia.  Before  the  death  of  Richelieu  almost 
all  the  province  was  in  French  hands,  and  his  brother-in- 
law,  the  Marquis  de  Breze,  had  reigned  for  some  months  as 
Viceroy  at  Barcelona.  It  looked  as  though  the  south 
eastern  frontier  of  France  would  be  extended,  as  in  the 
days  of  Charlemagne,  to  the  Ebro.  The  power  of  Spain 
was  furthered  handicapped  by  the  revolt  of  Portugal. 
Encouraged  by  France,  she  claimed  and  seized  her  inde 
pendence,  recalled  her  old  royal  family  of  Braganza  to 
the  throne,  and  added  one  more  to  the  active  allies  of 
Richelieu. 

The  tragic  end  of  the  Comte  de  Soissons  was  a  more 
personal  triumph  for  the  Cardinal.  Monsieur  le  Comte 
had  spent  his  time  at  Sedan  in  weaving  plots  with  the 
Due  de  Bouillon  and  the  wild  Archbishop  of  Rheims,  now 
Due  de  Guise,  while  waiting  for  some  turn  of  events  that 
might  restore  his  fortunes.  In  the  summer  of  1641  Riche 
lieu  decided  to  break  up  this  nest  of  conspirators.  He 
required  the  Due  de  Bouillon  to  withdraw  his  hospitality, 
and  ordered  the  Comte  de  Soissons  to  banish  himself  to 


278  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

Venice.  Both  refused.  It  was  now  open  war  between 
them  and  Richelieu.  They  tried,  but  failed,  to  draw 
Gaston  d'Orleans  into  their  quarrel ;  for  once  he  was 
prudent  in  time.  They  published  a  manifesto,  as  usual 
declaring  themselves  loyal  subjects  of  Louis  XIII.,  moved 
solely  by  a  patriotic  desire  to  get  rid  of  the  tyrant  Minister. 
"  Pour  le  Roy,  centre  le  Cardinal,"  was  the  device  on  their 
banners. 

They  prepared  to  invade  France  with  a  small  army  of 
imperial  troops,  supported  by  Duke  Charles  of  Lorraine, 
who  was  now  prepared  to  break  his  last  treaty  with 
Richelieu.  They  were  met  by  a  royal  army  commanded 
by  the  brave  but  lethargic  Coligny,  Marechal  de  Chatillon. 
He  was  rather  seriously  beaten  by  the  rebels  in  the  first 
and  only  engagement  of  the  little  campaign.  But  this 
news,  which  cost  Richelieu  a  few  hours  of  great  wrath 
and  anxiety,  was  followed  immediately  by  other  news 
which  made  it  of  no  importance :  "  the  bitter  and  the 
sweet,"  His  Eminence  wrote  to  M.  Bouthillier — "  the 
sweet "  being  the  death  of  Soissons,  who  was  shot  by  an 
unknown  hand  in  the  confusion  of  that  victorious  skirmish 
through  the  woods  of  La  Marfee,  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Meuse. 

Richelieu  had  a  right  to  rejoice,  for  one  of  his  trusted 
spies  wrote  to  him  :  "  If  M.  le  Comte  had  not  been  killed, 
he  would  have  been  welcomed  by  the  half  of  Paris  .  .  . 
so  says  every  one  .  .  .  and  that  all  France  would  have 
joined  him,  because  of  the  sol  au  livre  and  the  other 
vexations  laid  upon  the  people,  who  are  very  malcontent." 

The  revolt  died  with  Soissons,  for  neither  Bouillon  nor 
Guise  bore  a  name  to  be  followed  far.  Bouillon  submitted 
and  was  pardoned ;  Guise  fled  to  Brussels,  and  did  not 
return  till  the  days  of  the  "  bonne  Regence."  The  Cardinal 
persuaded  Louis — with  difficulty,  they  say — not  to  wreak 
his  vengeance  on  the  Prince's  dead  body,  but  to  restore 
him  to  his  mother.  Some  time  afterwards  His  Eminence 
paid  a  visit  of  condolence  to  Madame  la  Comtesse.  "  Elle 
etoit  sur  son  lict,  et  ne  respondit  aux  complimens  que  par 
ses  larmes." 


THE   CARDINAL  279 

The  death  of  Louis  de  Bourbon  freed  Richelieu  not 
only  from  a  political  and  personal  enemy,  but  from  one 
of  the  proudest  of  the  princes  who  scorned  the  lofty  social 
claims  of  himself  and  his  family.  These  reached  their 
highest  point  in  1641.  His  uncle,  Amador  de  la  Porte, 
was  Grand  Prior  of  France,  and  enjoyed  several  rich 
governments.  His  pious  and  eccentric  brother,  Alphonse, 
was  Archbishop  of  Lyons,  Primate  of  Gaul,  and  Cardinal. 
Richelieu  could  not  make  a  statesman  of  this  worthy 
ecclesiastic,  but  those  who  failed  to  treat  him  with  the 
honour  due  to  a  great  prince  of  the  Church  found  them 
selves  in  disgrace.  The  Cardinal's  first  cousin,  Charles 
de  la  Porte,  Marquis  de  la  Meilleraye,  was  a  Marshal  of 
France,  Grand  Master  of  the  Artillery  with  his  residence 
at  the  Arsenal,  and  a  Knight  of  the  Order.  One  of  the 
Cardinal's  favourite  commanders,  he  distinguished  him 
self  in  many  campaigns,  and,  though  a  good  man  in  the 
main,  was  said  to  have  enriched  himself  from  the  public 
finances.  He  afterwards  succeeded  Richelieu  as  Governor 
of  Brittany. 

The  Cardinal  did  his  best  to  pour  honours  on  the 
families  of  his  two  sisters,  Franchise  and  Nicole.  Madame 
de  Combalet,  now  Duchesse  d'Aiguillon  and  all-powerful 
with  her  uncle,  had  one  brother,  Francois  de  Vignerot, 
Marquis  du  Pont-de-Courlay,  who  ruined  himself  in  spite 
of  splendid  appointments  and  earned  terrible  scoldings 
from  the  Cardinal,  who  paid  his  debts  and  as  far  as 
possible  disinherited  him.  It  was  his  eldest  son,  Armand 
Jean,  born  in  1629,  whom  the  Cardinal  adopted  as  heir  to 
his  name,  arms,  and  titles,  and  the  greater  part  of  his 
possessions.  This  boy  took  the  name  of  Du  Plessis,  and 
succeeded  to  the  duchy,  peerage,  and  estates  of  Richelieu. 
The  title  of  Marquis  de  Richelieu  passed  to  the  younger 
brother,  Jean  Baptiste  Amador  de  Vignerot,  and  his  de 
scendants  succeeded  in  time  to  the  duchy  of  Aiguillon,  left 
by  Madame  d'Aiguillon  to  her  niece,  her  brother's  only 
daughter,  Mademoiselle  d'Agenois. 

The  Marquis  de  Maille-Breze,  whose  unhappy  wife  died 
in  1635,  accepted  enormous  benefits  from  his  brother-in- 


28o  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

law  without  much  show  of  thanks.  In  Richelieu's  last 
years  he  held  some  of  the  highest  military  commands  in 
the  kingdom,  and  was  too  clever  and  capable  not  to  acquit 
himself  well,  though  with  airs  of  ennui  and  fits  of  temper. 
His  children  did  not  inherit  his  intelligence.  His  son, 
Armand  Jean,  Due  de  Fronsac,  failed  to  distinguish  himself 
in  the  navy;  his  daughter,  Claire  Clemence,  a  dull  little 
girl  with  a  touch  of  the  heroic,  hardly  seemed  equal  to 
her  fate— that  of  linking  the  family  of  Richelieu  with  the 
blood  royal  of  France. 

The  brilliant  matches  made  by  the  Cardinal's  cousins, 
Mesdemoiselles  de  Pontchateau  and  others,  had  already 
proved  that,  as  Montglat  says,  "  the  greatest  were  happy 
and  honoured  to  be  allied  with  him."  Among  these 
"  greatest "  was  the  first  prince  of  the  blood,  the  Prince 
de  Conde.  He  had  been  Richelieu's  faithful  and  rather 
servile  follower  ever  since  their  reconciliation  in  1626, 
being  shrewd  enough  to  see  that  this  was  the  path  to 
wealth  and  power.  So  early  as  1633,  when  Mademoiselle 
de  Bre"ze  was  only  five  years  old,  he  had  proposed  a 
marriage  between  her  and  his  son  Louis,  Due  d'Enghien, 
and  the  Cardinal  had  accepted  the  offer.  In  1641  the 
marriage  was  celebrated  in  Paris  with  great  magnificence. 
The  bridegroom  was  sulky  and  unwilling :  already,  at 
twenty,  he  was  a  fighting  hero,  a  man  of  the  world,  and 
desperately  in  love  with  Mademoiselle  du  Vigean.  To  him 
his  childish  little  wife  was  profoundly  uninteresting.  But 
the  match  gave  keen  pleasure  to  Cardinal  de  Richelieu ; 
and  the  Prince  de  Conde  proved  his  satisfaction  by  offering 
to  marry  his  daughter,  Mademoiselle  de  Bourbon  (the 
famous  Duchesse  de  Longueville),  to  young  Armand  de 
Maille-Breze.  The  Cardinal  replied,  according  to  Made 
moiselle  de  Montpensier,  with  dignity  and  good  sense  : 
"  Qu'il  vouloit  bien  donner  des  demoiselles  a  des  princes,  et 
non  pas  des  gentilhommes  a  des  princesses." 

But  there  was  the  other  side  of  the  shield.  There 
were  dark  shadows  behind  the  victories  and  social 
triumphs  which  lifted  France  and  her  great  Minister  so 
high  in  Europe.  During  Richelieu's  last  years  his  armies 


THE   CARDINAL  281 

were  sometimes  forced  to  other  work  than  that  of  fighting 
Imperialists.  The  provincial  government  of  France  had 
become,  in  many  quarters,  little  but  a  hard  and  ex 
tortionate  system  of  tax-collecting,  and  the  richest  districts 
naturally  fared  the  worst.  When  Bullion,  Bouthillier's 
colleague  in  the  management  of  the  finances,  wrote 
despairingly  in  the  autumn  of  1639  to  Chavigny,  "  Nous 
sommes  maintenant  au  fond  du  pot,"  and  added  his  fear 
that  foreign  war  might  bring  about  civil  war,  the  great 
fertile  province  of  Normandy,  ruined  by  injustice,  tyranny, 
and  enormous  taxation,  was  actually  in  open  rebellion ; 
the  "  Va-nu-pieds "  were  marching  in  bands  over  the 
country,  murdering  tax-gatherers,  destroying  Govern 
ment  property,  while  even  the  tradespeople  of  Rouen 
and  Caen  rose  and  burned  the  houses  and  bureaux  of 
the  royal  officers  and  killed  them  and  their  servants  in 
the  streets. 

Richelieu  wrote  very  sharply  to  his  financiers  on  their 
mismanagement  and  ill-judged  severity.  As  to  the 
Normandy  affair,  they  must  remedy  that  "  by  prudence 
and  skill,"  as  best  they  could  :  no  troops  could  be  spared 
to  help  '  them.  However,  His  Eminence  had  to  yield 
to  necessity,  and  Colonel  de  Gassion,  with  6,000  men, 
marched  into  Normandy,  occupied  Caen  and  Rouen,  put 
hundreds  of  peasants  to  the  sword,  hanged  or  sent  to 
the  galleys  hundreds  more,  while  those  who  escaped  fled 
the  country.  The  whole  population  was  disarmed  ;  the 
Norman  Parliament  ceased  for  the  time  to  exist,  and 
the  province  had  to  pay  a  heavy  indemnity  besides  all 
the  arrears  of  the  taxes  it  had  refused,  which  were 
reimposed  in  the  fullest  rigour.  The  towns  were  deprived 
of  all  their  liberties  and  privileges,  their  municipal  courts 
being  suspended  ;  for  two  years  Normandy  was  governed 
by  a  Royal  Commission,  and  lay  in  deep  disgrace  under 
a  kind  of  martial  law.  All  this  was  an  example— extreme, 
certainly — of  Richelieu's  domestic  government,  the  wrong 
side  of  his  glory. 

The  Norman  revolt  worried  him  terribly ;  the  more 
so  as  he  knew  that  it  was  instigated  by  his  enemies; 


282  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

not  Spain  alone,  but  England,  hindered  by  internal 
troubles  from  taking  an  open  part  in  the  war.  Richelieu 
had  indeed  earned  little  gratitude  from  Charles  I.  His 
creation  of  a  navy,  his  colonising  and  trading  policy,  had 
for  years  made  France  a  dangerous  rival  to  England  in 
home  and  foreign  seas,  and  of  late  his  far-seeing  states 
manship,  by  encouraging  the  rebel  party  in  Scotland, 
had  helped  to  bias  the  King  in  favour  of  his  mother-in- 
law's  quarrel.  Marie  de  Medicis  was  an  honoured  guest 
at  the  English  Court  for  nearly  three  years,  from  1638 
to  1641. 

This  old  friend  and  enemy  of  the  Cardinal  did  not 
survive  him.  She  died,  poor  and  miserable,  at  Cologne, 
in  the  summer  of  1642 :  her  children  reigning  in  all 
Christendom,  she  had  not  an  inch  of  earth  to  call  her 
own.  The  Cardinal,  lying  ill  at  Tarascon,  caused  a  solemn 
service  to  be  held  in  her  memory. 

Another  deepening  shadow  on  his  last  years  was  the 
state  of  his  health.  In  addition  to  the  old  ills  of  frequent 
fever  and  headache,  he  now  suffered  from  painful  and 
distressing  complaints  which  kept  him  constantly  in  the 
hands  of  physician  or  surgeon ;  and  the  consequences 
were  much  depression,  irritability,  and  suspiciousness, 
with  increased  hardness  and  severity  to  those  who 
offended  him,  so  that  great  and  small  feared  him  more 
than  ever  and  loved  him  less.  In  this  condition  of  mind 
and  body  he  entered  on  the  year  1642,  during  which  he 
was  to  encounter  his  last  conspiracy,  to  suffer  his  last 
doubts  of  the  King's  trust  and  favour,  and  triumphantly 
to  end  his  career. 

Already,  in  the  autumn  and  winter  of  1641,  there  was 
mortal  enmity  between  Richelieu  and  the  young  favourite 
he  had  given  to  Louis  XIII.  The  success  of  Cinq-Mars 
was  complete :  the  King  could  not  pass  a  day  without 
him ;  he  was  Grand  Equerry,  cut  a  splendid  figure  at 
Court,  was  popular  and  gay,  made  love  to  great  ladies, 
dreamed  of  marrying  Princess  Marie  de  Gonzague  and 
climbing  to  the  highest  rank  in  the  kingdom.  If  the 
friendship  of  the  King  had  stormy  episodes  which  might 


THE   CARDINAL  283 

have  warned  a  less  vain  and  confident  courtier  against 
putting  his  trust  in  princes,  there  were  also  times  when 
Louis  was  ready  to  listen  with  grim  enjoyment  and  even 
with  sympathy  to  the  young  man's  rash  talk  against  the 
Cardinal.  Richelieu  had  not  found  in  Cinq-Mars  the  tool 
he  expected,  and  revenged  himself  sharply  by  word  and 
deed.  He  treated  "  M.  le  Grand "  with  scornful  anger 
as  an  impertinent  boy,  laughed  at  his  social  ambitions 
and  barred  his  access  to  the  royal  Council. 

Cinq-Mars  swore  vengeance  ;  his  talk  was  of  "  poniards 
and  pistols."  He  had  been  a  secret  ally  of  the  Sedan 
conspirators ;  now,  with  a  few  confederates,  among  whom 
were  his  intimate  friends  M.  de  Fontrailles  and  M.  de  Thou, 
he  began  seriously  to  plot  the  destruction  of  the  Cardinal. 
The  first  idea  was  simply  assassination ;  but  the  dangers 
were  obvious,  and  Francois  de  Thou  had  a  troublesome 
conscience.  They  widened  their  plan  into  a  political 
conspiracy,  including  Monsieur,  the  lately  pardoned  Due 
de  Bouillon,  and  the  Spanish  government.  De  Thou 
shrank  also  from  high  treason,  but  he  was  not  the  man 
to  betray  his  friends;  he  had  been  injured  in  his  career 
by  Richelieu,  and  also,  private  reasons  apart,  regarded 
him  as  "the  oppressor  of  France  and  the  perturbator  of 
Europe."  His  hope  seems  to  have  been  that  Louis  him 
self  might  be  induced  by  his  favourite's  strong  influence 
to  dismiss  his  Minister. 

If  this  ever  seemed  probable,  it  was  in  the  early  days  of 
1642.  The  King  and  the  Cardinal  were  both  ill  when  they 
left  Paris  for  Roussillon,  the  Spanish  campaign  being  in 
full  swing.  They  travelled  separately,  the  royal  party  a 
day  in  advance ;  the  Cardinal's  suite  was  so  large  that  the 
same  night's  lodging  was  seldom  enough  for  both,  and  the 
progress  was  slow.  Leaving  Paris  in  January,  they  reached 
Narbonne  in  the  second  week  of  March. 

Cinq-Mars  had  not  wasted  his  time.  He  had  gone  so 
far,  they  say,  with  the  bored,  discontented  King,  as  to 
suggest  not  only  the  Cardinal's  disgrace,  but  his  murder. 
Louis  listened,  says  Aubery,  with  horror ;  yet  he  neither 
warned  the  Cardinal  nor  took  any  steps  to  defend  him. 


284  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

He  wrote  to  him  indeed  in  the  first  days  of  March,  when 
the  weary  journey  was  nearly  over,  "songes  seulement 
a  vostre  persone " ;  but  this  might  naturally  refer  to 
Richelieu's  health,  which  was  growing  worse  every  day. 
The  King  saw  no  real  danger,  probably,  in  the  irresponsible 
chatter  of  M.  le  Grand.  He  was  half  amused  ;  he  was  often 
very  impatient  of  his  Minister's  domineering  temper,  and 
not  unwilling  to  use  his  favourite  as  a  safety-valve.  In 
that  there  was  nothing  new;  but  all  the  history  shows 
that  the  King  leaned  on  the  Cardinal's  genius,  trusted 
him,  if  he  did  not  love  him,  and  had  too  much  good 
sense  ever  seriously  to  think  of  depriving  the  kingdom 
of  his  services. 

Cinq-Mars  was  discouraged,  at  least  as  to  the  violent 
death  he  proposed  for  the  Cardinal.  Not  only  was  the 
King  a  little  cold,  for  his  favour  was  beginning  to  wane, 
but  Monsieur  and  the  Due  de  Bouillon,  on  whose  presence 
and  help  he  had  counted,  were  prudently  careful  to  keep  at 
a  distance.  He  placed  all  his  hopes,  therefore,  on  the  secret 
treaty  with  Spain,  which  was  actually  brought  to  him  at 
Narbonne.  Fontrailles,  disguised  as  a  Capuchin  friar,  had 
carried  it  to  Madrid  for  the  signature  of  Olivarez.  In  it 
the  King  of  Spain  promised  an  army  of  17,000  men  and  a 
large  sum  of  money  to  Monsieur,  the  Due  de  Bouillon,  and 
Cinq-Mars,  who  were  to  command  this  force  under  the 
Emperor  and  to  hold  Sedan  in  his  name  while  Spain  invaded 
France.  All  the  French  conquests  of  the  last  four  years 
were  to  be  restored,  and  the  work  of  Richelieu  entirely 
undone.  The  precious  document  was  sent  to  Monsieur  for 
his  signature,  which  he,  with  newly  developed  caution,  was 
in  no  hurry  to  give.  Richelieu  had  offered  the  command 
in  North  Italy  to  the  third  chief  conspirator,  Bouillon.  His 
brother,  the  Vicomte  de  Turenne,  always  of  stainless 
loyalty,  was  fighting  in  Roussillon  with  the  Marechal  de 
la  Meilleraye  and  the  young  Due  d'Enghien. 

The  King  passed  on  to  the  siege  of  Perpignan,  leaving 
the  Cardinal  seriously  ill  at  Narbonne.  His  sufferings  at 
this  time,  both  of  mind  and  body,  were  very  great,  and  may 
be  traced  through  the  letters  which,  day  by  day,  he  dictated 


THE   CARDINAL  285 

and  sent  to  M.  de  Noyers,  his  Secretary  for  War,  in  attend 
ance  on  the  King.  Louis  was  himself  far  from  well,  but 
the  Cardinal's  constant,  eager  inquiries,  during  this  enforced 
separation,  betray  anxieties  beyond  the  matter  of  health  ; 
for  Cinq-Mars  was  always  at  his  post,  and  if  Richelieu 
knew  nothing  yet  of  the  Spanish  treaty,  he  suspected  every 
thing  as  to  his  enemy's  personal  designs.  The  thought  of 
these,  and  the  agony  of  clinging  to  that  power  which,  in  the 
last  resort,  depended  on  the  favour  of  the  King,  were  worse 
to  the  strong  spirit  than  days  and  nights  of  pain  caused  by 
cruel  sores  and  barbarous  remedies. 

Early  in  May  he  writes  from  Narbonne :  "  Unluckily, 
though  the  surgeons  say  I  am  better,  they  cannot  lift  me 
from  one  bed  to  another  without  extraordinary  pain  " ;  and 
three  days  later  :  "  As  I  thought  to  be  entering  the  haven, 
a  new  tempest  has  driven  me  far  away."  A  fresh  abscess 
had  appeared  on  his  already  crippled  right  arm.  "To 
console  me,  they  talk  of  playing  with  knives  again,  on 
which  I  shall  find  it  hard  to  resolve,  having  neither  strength 
nor  courage  enough.  I  pray  God  to  grant  me  these,  that 
I  may  conform  to  His  will."  Two  days  later :  "  I  suffered 
extraordinary  pain  last  night.  .  .  .  They  have  decided  to 
make  an  opening  in  the  bend  of  the  arm.  But  they  fear 
they  may  cut  the  vein.  I  am  in  the  hand  of  God.  I  would 
I  had  finished  my  testament,  but  I  cannot  do  it  without 
you,  and  you  cannot  move  till  Perpignan  is  taken." 

The  slight  ease  given  by  the  operation  lasted  only  a 
few  days,  more  abscesses  forming ;  and  it  seems  that  the 
Cardinal  thought  himself  a  dying  man.  M.  de  Noyers 
having  arrived  at  his  pressing  summons,  Pierre  Falconis, 
notary-royal  of  the  town  of  Narbonne,  was  employed  to 
write  out  that  remarkable  will  of  seventeen  sheets  which 
shows  his  mind  at  its  clearest  and  strongest.  Madame 
d'Aiguillon  and  M.  de  Noyers  were  his  executors,  and 
among  the  witnesses  were  Cardinal  Mazarin  and  Hardouin 
de  Pe"refixe,  his  chamberlain,  afterwards  Archbishop  of 
Paris.  Falconis  attested  that  "  mondit  seigneur  le  Cardinal- 
Due"  was  unable,  owing  to  the  state  of  his  right  arm, 
himself  to  sign  his  testament. 


286  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

The  end  was  not  yet.  The  doctors  advised  a  move 
from  the  marshes  and  stagnant  lakes  of  Narbonne  to  the 
healthier  air  of  Provence  and  the  Rhone.  Any  ordinary 
conveyance  was  impossible  for  the  Cardinal's  pain-racked 
body.  He  travelled  in  his  bed,  carried  by  eighteen  men  in 
an  immense  litter  hung  with  crimson  and  gold.  So  large, 
we  are  told,  was  the  "  machine,"  that  gateways  had  to  be 
widened,  doors  and  windows  taken  out,  walls  pulled  down, 
at  the  many  stopping-places  on  His  Eminence's  journey. 
He  was  overtaken  by  bad  news :  the  Marechal  de  Guiche 
had  been  defeated  by  the  Spaniards  near  Cambray,  and  for 
a  few  days  there  was  great  alarm  in  the  north  of  France, 
with  new  outcries  against  the  Cardinal ;  his  enemies  were 
even  mad  enough  to  accuse  him  of  having  arranged  the 
defeat  in  order  to  prove  himself  still  necessary  to  France. 
If  this  absurd  report  reached  him,  his  already  troubled 
mind  was  soothed  by  a  letter  from  the  King,  brought  to 
him  at  Aries  by  M.  de  Chavigny  :  "  Je  finiroy  en  vous 
asseurant  que  quelque  faux  bruit  qu'on  fasse  courre  je  vous 
ayme  plus  que  jamais  et  qu'il  y  a  trop  longtemps  que  nous 
sommes  ensemble  pour  nous  jamais  separer  ce  que  je  veux 
bien  que  tout  le  monde  sache." 

Richelieu's  reply  to  that  letter  was  to  send  the  King, 
by  the  hand  of  Chavigny,  a  copy  or  rough  sketch  of  his 
brother's  secret  treaty  with  Spain. 

By  what  means  that  copy  reached  him  has  been  one 
of  the  secrets  of  history.  Among  many  guesses,  Michelet 
favours  the  story  that  Queen  Anne,  aware  of  the  treaty, 
took  this  means  of  making  her  peace  with  the  Cardinal. 
But  it  seems  more  likely,  on  the  whole,  that  Richelieu's 
own  spies  at  the  Court  of  Madrid  had  made  the  discovery. 
In  any  case  it  meant  for  him  a  final  triumph. 

At  first  the  King  was  irresolute.  Ill  from  the  heat, 
he  had  returned  to  Narbonne  from  the  camp  at  Perpignan, 
leaving  the  siege  to  his  officers.  Though  he  knew  Cinq- 
Mars  to  be  a  traitor,  he  did  not  at  once  arrest  him,  half 
hoping,  perhaps,  that  the  "  pauvre  diable  "  might  save  his 
life  by  escaping  over  the  frontier.  Fontrailles  had  already 
done  so,  but  Cinq-Mars,  proud,  foolhardy,  confident  in  his 


THE   CARDINAL  287 

master's  affection,  followed  him  to  Narbonne.  Urgent 
letters  to  the  King  from  the  Cardinal  decided  his  fate. 
When  too  late  he  hid  himself  in  a  house  at  Narbonne; 
the  mistress  had  pity  on  his  curly  head,  but  her  hard 
hearted  husband  denounced  him ;  the  royal  guards  seized 
him  and  conveyed  him  to  the  castle  of  Montpellier.  De 
Thou,  the  least  guilty  of  all  and  the  first  to  be  taken, 
was  sent  to  Tarascon,  where  Richelieu  had  already  arrived. 
The  Due  de  Bouillon,  arrested  at  Casale,  was  brought 
back  to  France  and  imprisoned  at  Lyons  in  the  old 
castle  of  Pierre-Encise,  which  in  those  days  still  dominated 
the  city. 

The  King's  illness  disinclined  him  to  linger  in  the 
south,  either  for  the  conquest  of  Roussillon  or  for  the 
trial  of  traitors.  On  the  very  day  of  his  favourite's  arrest 
he  left  Narbonne  for  Fontainebleau,  and  stopped  at 
Tarascon  for  an  interview  with  the  Cardinal.  Both  were 
so  ill  that  Louis  was  carried  on  a  bed  into  his  Minister's 
room,  and  there,  side  by  side,  the  rulers  of  France,  neither 
of  whom  had  a  year  to  live,  discussed  the  Spanish  treaty 
and  its  authors.  Louis  gave  them  up,  without  conditions, 
to  the  vengeance  of  Richelieu.  He,  assured  of  the  King's 
eternal  faith  and  affection,  forgot  bodily  pain  in  mental 
triumph,  and  was  ready  to  take  up,  with  all  his  old  energy, 
the  full  regal  power  and  authority  with  which  he  found 
himself  suddenly  invested.  This  extended  not  only  to  the 
punishment  of  State  criminals,  but  to  the  Spanish  campaign 
and  the  whole  government  of  the  south. 

It  seems  that  Bouillon  and  Cinq-Mars  had  a  legal 
loophole  of  escape.  They  appeared  in  the  actual  treaty 
only  as  "  deux  seigneurs  de  qualite,"  their  names,  with  that 
of  Sedan,  being  added  in  a  secret  memorandum ;  Monsieur 
and  His  Catholic  Majesty  of  Spain  were  the  only  two  per 
sons  openly  mentioned.  The  fate  of  his  fellow-conspirators 
therefore  depended  largely  on  Monsieur ;  and  they,  knowing 
this,  may  well  have  despaired. 

He  was  at  Blois,  "  faisant  le  malade,"  when  the  news 
of  the  arrest  of  Cinq-Mars  reached  him.  As  a  first  pre 
caution,  he  burned  the  original  treaty.  Then,  finding  that 


288  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

all  was  known,  he  sent  the  Abbe  de  la  Riviere  to  Richelieu 
with  letters  of  confession  and  grovelling  entreaties  for 
pardon.  Richelieu  told  the  messenger  that  his  master 
deserved  death,  and  might  think  himself  fortunate  if  he 
escaped  with  confiscation  and  banishment.  He  had  no 
longer  the  saving  quality  of  being  heir  to  the  throne 
of  France.  He  was  terribly  frightened.  The  Cardinal, 
with  great  show  of  severity,  insisted  that  he  should 
renounce  for  ever  all  "charges  and  administrations"  in 
the  kingdom,  and  should  retire  for  the  present,  on  a 
pension,  to  Annecy  in  Savoy,  after  being  confronted  at 
Lyons  with  his  captive  confederates.  This  trial  the  King 
spared  him ;  but  he  had  to  save  himself  by  signing  a 
declaration  that  Messieurs  de  Bouillon  and  de  Cinq-Mars 
were  in  fact  the  two  "seigneurs  de  qualite"  to  whom  the 
Spanish  treaty  referred. 

Cinq-Mars  and  de  Thou  were  brought  to  their  trial  at 
Lyons.  Rumour  and  gossip  seem  to  have  coloured  too 
highly  the  dramatic  situation  so  often  painted  and  de 
scribed.  According  to  the  story  believed  by  Madame 
de  Motteville,  M.  de  Montglat,  and  society  generally,  both 
prisoners  were  conveyed  by  river,  the  boat  in  which  they 
travelled  being  towed  by  the  great  barge  on  which  the 
Cardinal  had  embarked  in  his  gorgeous  litter.  As  a  fact, 
it  was  de  Thou  alone  who  made  part  of  this  spectacle 
of  vindictive  triumph,  Cinq-Mars  being  fetched  by  a  troop 
of  horse  from  Montpellier.  The  voyage  against  the  swift 
waters  of  the  Rhone  was  long  and  slow.  On  each  bank 
a  squadron  of  the  Cardinal's  guards  kept  pace  with  the 
boats.  They  left  Tarascon  on  August  17,  and  did  not 
reach  Lyons  till  September  3,  when  de  Thou,  with  Cinq- 
Mars,  joined  the  Due  de  Bouillon  in  the  castle  of  Pierre- 
Encise. 

Their  trial  began  immediately;  and  for  Cinq-Mars  the 
verdict  was  certain,  even  had  not  the  jury  been  partly 
composed  of  Richelieu's  own  commissioners,  notably  that 
Laubardemont  who  had  for  years  been  a  name  of  terror 
to  his  enemies.  Chancellor  Seguier,  with  a  touch  of 
humanity,  tried  to  save  Francois  de  Thou :  this  gallant 


THE   CARDINAL  289 

gentleman  was  plainly  guiltless  of  any  active  conspiracy. 
But  there  were  old  private  grudges  in  his  case,  and 
Richelieu's  state  of  mind  and  body  made  any  hope  of 
mercy  vain.  Laubardemont,  acting  for  him,  brought  up 
an  old  law  of  Louis  XL  which  punished  with  death  those 
who  knew  of  a  plot  without  revealing  it.  This  law  had 
seldom  been  carried  out  in  full  severity,  but  its  existence 
was  enough  to  condemn  the  man  who  had  been  a  too 
faithful  friend,  and  de  Thou  shared  Cinq-Mars'  sentence. 
The  Due  de  Bouillon  saved  his  head  by  resigning  his 
strong  fortress  of  Sedan  to  the  King — "  who  much  desired 
it,"  says  Montglat,  "  because  it  was  situated  on  the  river 
Meuse,  and  served  as  a  retreat  for  all  the  malcontent." 

The  sentence,  pronounced  on  September  12,  was  carried 
out  that  same  day  in  the  square  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville  at 
Lyons.  Many  writers  have  described  the  heroic  calmness 
with  which  the  two  young  men  met  their  death  and  the 
universal  pity  and  mourning  throughout  society.  M.  de 
Montglat  expresses  the  feeling  of  his  order.  "  Thus  died 
M.  le  Grand,  aged  twenty-two  years,  handsome,  well-made, 
generous,  liberal,  and  having  all  the  parts  of  an  honnete 
homme,  had  he  not  been  ungrateful  to  his  benefactor,  and 
had  he  shown  more  judgment  in  his  conduct.  As  to  M.  de 
Thou,  he  was  beloved  of  every  one  :  he  was  indeed  a  man 
of  great  merit,  regretted  by  the  whole  Court,  where  many 
believed  that  he  was  condemned  without  reason." 

Three  days  before  the  execution  Perpignan  opened  its 
gates  to  the  French,  and  Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  who  left 
Lyons  for  Paris  as  soon  as  the  trial  was  over,  wrote  from 
his  first  stage  to  M.  de  Chavigny  :  "  These  three  words  are 
to  tell  you  that  Perpignan  is  in  the  King's  hands  and  that 
M.  le  Grand  and  M.  de  Thou  are  in  the  other  world,  where 
I  pray  God  they  may  be  happy." 

Louis  XIII. ,  we  are  told,  received  the  news  of  his  old 
favourite's  death  with  equal  heartlessness — "  remembering 
no  more  the  friendship  he  had  borne  him  and  without  any 
feeling  of  compassion." 

Travelling  in  his  great  "  machine,"  the  Cardinal  made 
his  slow  journey  chiefly  by  canals  and  rivers. ?-  October 


290 


CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 


was  advanced  when  he  slept  the  last  night  at  Fontainebleau, 
embarked  on  the  Seine,  landed  in  Paris,  and  was  borne  on 
to  his  retreat  at  Rueil,  the  Court  being  at  Saint-Germain. 

It  was  a  triumphal  return ;  his  enemies  were  fallen ; 
and  from  every  side  news  of  fresh  victories  came  to  greet 
the  dying  Minister  who  had  given  France  her  new  place 
among  the  nations. 


CHAPTER  XII 

1642 

The  Cardinal's  last  days — Renewed  illness — His  death  and  funeral— His 
legacies — The  feeling  in  France — The  Church  of  the  Sorbonne. 

IN   the  first  days  after  Cardinal  de   Richelieu's   return 
from  the  south,  few  persons,  certainly  not  himself, 
realized  that  his  career  was   so  near  its  end.    The 
doctors,  however,  knew  what  they  were  doing  when  they 
healed  the  wounds  in  his  arm ;  his  chief  surgeon  remon 
strated,  but  to  no  purpose,  for  the  Cardinal  would  have  it 
done.    "  He  has  dealt  himself  a  mortal  blow,"  the  surgeon 
said  to  a  friend. 

For  the  moment,  infirm  as  he  was,  he  took  a  new  hold 
on  life.  During  those  autumn  weeks  at  Rueil  he  was 
eager,  imperious,  restless,  suspicious,  ever  planning  for  the 
future,  in  case  he  should  survive  the  King;  strangely 
haughty,  irritable,  and  nervous,  insisting  that  his  armed 
guards  should  attend  him  everywhere,  even  in  the  royal 
presence.  Louis  XIII.,  himself  too  ill  and  depressed  to 
enjoy  his  hunting  as  usual,  was  pestered  by.  Chavigny  and 
de  Noyers  with  messages  from  the  Eminentissime,  insisting 
on  the  disgrace  of  four  of  his  best-liked  officers — among 
whom  was  M.  de  Troisville,  or  Treville,  the  famous  captain 
of  musketeers — whose  only  crime  was  that  they  had 
formerly  been  friends  of  Cinq-Mars,  and  that  Richelieu 
feared  their  hatred  and  their  influence.  The  King  resisted 
long,  but  at  last,  by  sheer  angry  obstinacy,  the  Cardinal 
gained  his  point,  and  the  four  gentlemen  were  dismissed 
from  the  Court,  though  not  from  the  army;  the  King 

showing  "  great  displeasure,  even  to  shedding  of  tears." 

291 


292  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

In  November  His  Eminence  moved  from  Rueil  to  the 
Palais-Cardinal,  and  there,  still  magnificent  though  gloomy 
of  spirit  and  too  ill  to  be  actually  present,  he  entertained 
the  Court  with  the  performance  of  an  "  heroic  comedy " 
called  Europe,  partly  his  own,  partly  the  work  of  Desmarets. 
Here  were  celebrated  the  victories  of  France  over  Germany, 
Spain,  and  her  own  internal  disloyalties,  as  well  as  her 
triumphs  in  art,  commerce,  and  luxury.  In  truth,  the 
piece  was  a  glorification  of  the  ministry  of  Armand  de 
Richelieu. 

It  was  not  long  before  Nature  took  her  revenge  and 
justified  the  doctors.  "  On  Friday,  November  28,  1642,  in 
the  night,"  says  Aubery,  "  the  Cardinal-Due  was  attacked 
by  a  great  pain  in  his  side  with  fever.  On  Sunday,  the 
pain  and  fever  having  much  augmented,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  bleed  him  twice,  and  the  Duchesse  d'Aiguillon 
and  the  Marechaux  de  Breze  and  de  la  Meilleraye  decided 
to  sleep  at  the  Palais-Cardinal."  On  Monday  morning  the 
Cardinal  was  better;  but  in  the  afternoon  and  night  he 
became  so  much  worse,  with  difficulty  of  breathing,  that 
the  doctors  bled  him  again.  On  Tuesday  the  King  ordered 
special  prayers  in  all  the  Paris  churches,  and  came  himself 
from  Saint-Germain  to  visit  his  dying  Minister.  Whether 
sorry  or  glad,  who  knows !  At  this  supreme  hour,  as  all 
through  Richelieu's  career,  there  are  contradictory  accounts 
of  the  relations  between  the  two  men.  Aubery's  dignified 
narrative  shows  us  a  gracious  and  sympathetic  King,  hand 
ing  nourishment  to  the  invalid,  listening  with  sorrowful 
attention  to  the  last  counsels  of  the  statesman  who  had  led 
him  and  France  so  far,  and  who  now,  while  reminding 
His  Majesty  of  his  past  services  and  recommending  his 
family  and  friends  to  his  care,  was  chiefly  concerned  that 
Monsieur  should  have  no  share,  now  or  ever,  in  the 
government,  and  that  Cardinal  Mazarin,  the  fittest  of  all 
the  present  Ministers,  should  take  up  the  burden  which 
must  be  laid  down.  For  it  was  plain  to  Richelieu  himself, 
as  well  as  to  King,  friends,  and  physicians,  that  he  had  not 
many  hours  to  live. 

Louis  did    more    than  listen  to  the  Cardinal's   dying 


THE   CARDINAL  293 

prayers  and  counsels ;  he  respected  them.  But  gossips 
and  memoir-writers  agree  that  he  left  the  Palais-Cardinal 
"fort  gai,"  laughing  and  joking  with  the  Cardinal's  rela 
tions  and  admiring  the  splendours  of  the  great  house  which 
now,  by  his  will,  was  to  become  royal  property. 

When  the  King  was  gone,  Richelieu  asked  his  physicians 
how  long  he  had  to  live.  They  replied  evasively — they 
could  not  tell ;  there  was  no  cause  to  despair,  and  so  forth. 
Then  he  called  for  M.  Chicot,  the  King's  physician,  and 
told  him  to  answer  truly,  not  as  doctor,  but  as  friend. 
Chicot  gave  him  twenty-four  hours.  "  C'est  parler,  cela  I" 
said  Richelieu,  and  sent  for  the  Cur6  of  Saint-Eustache, 
his  parish  church,  to  receive  his  confession  and  to  ad 
minister  the  last  Sacraments. 

"Treat  me  as  the  meanest  of  your  parishioners,"  he 
said  to  the  priest ;  and  the  crowd  in  his  room  could  hear, 
through  their  own  sobs,  the  voice  of  their  master  repeating 
Pater  and  Credo,  joining  in  prayers,  declaring  his  faith  in 
God  and  the  Church,  answering  to  the  question  whether 
he  forgave  his  enemies  :  "  I  have  had  no  enemies  but  those 
of  the  State."  It  was  a  bold  assertion  from  the  lips  of  such 
a  man,  and  the  Bishop  of  Lisieux,  standing  by,  was  startled 
by  the  confident  words.  But  one  may  very  well  imagine 
that  Armand  de  Richelieu  believed  it  of  himself. 

On  Wednesday  the  doctors,  having  bled  him  again,  the 
pain  and  fever  growing  steadily  worse,  made  their  bows 
and  retired ;  they  could  do  no  more.  A  country  quack 
was  then  allowed  to  try  his  skill :  many  such,  probably, 
haunted  the  gates  of  the  palace ;  but  this  man,  Le  Fevre 
by  name,  had  some  friend  at  Court  who  admitted  him  to 
the  sick-room,  and  the  Cardinal  did  not  refuse  his  reme 
dies.  At  first  they  seemed  successful.  Soothing  draughts 
and  opium  pills  lulled  the  sharp  pain,  and  when  the  King, 
who  had  remained  at  the  Louvre,  paid  his  second  visit  in 
the  afternoon,  the  Cardinal  appeared  slightly  better.  The 
gossips  say  that  Louis  departed  "  less  joyful." 

A  quiet  night  brought  so  calm  a  morning — Thursday, 
December  4,  1642 — that  the  Cardinal's  own  people  began 
to  rejoice  in  the  hope  of  his  recovery ;  and  if  the  doctors, 


294  CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 

knowing  better,  shook  their  heads,  M.  Le  Fevre  had  his 
moment  of  triumph.  But  the  patient  himself  was  not 
deceived. 

Those  to  whom  he  gave  audience  in  the  course  of  that 
morning — gentlemen  sent  by  the  Queen  and  Monsieur — 
listened  to  the  words  of  a  dying  man.  Only  on  his 
death-bed  assuredly  would  Richelieu  have  humbly  begged 
Anne's  pardon  for  any  causes  of  grievance  which,  "  in  the 
course  of  our  lives,"  she  might  have  had  against  him. 

"  A  little  before  noon,"  says  Aubery,  "  he  felt  extra 
ordinarily  weak,  and  perceiving  thus  that  his  end  infallibly 
drew  near,  he  said,  with  a  tranquil  countenance,  to  the 
Duchesse  d'Aiguillon :  '  My  niece,  I  am  very  ill ;  I  am 
going  to  die ;  I  pray  you  to  leave  me.  Your  tenderness 
affects  me.  Do  not  suffer  the  pain  of  seeing  me  die.'  " 

She,  the  person  he  had  loved  best,  left  him  unwillingly 
and  in  tears,  and  his  confessor  was  instantly  called  to  say 
the  prayers  for  the  dying.  A  few  minutes  of  unconscious 
ness,  then  two  heavy  sighs,  and  Cardinal  de  Richelieu  was 
dead. 

He  was  only  fifty-seven ;  but  the  worn  face,  wasted 
body  and  whitened  hair  were  those  of  a  much  older  man. 
The  Parisians  came  in  immense  crowds  to  look  on  him 
as  he  lay  in  state  at  the  Palais-Cardinal,  where  the  royal 
guards,  even  before  he  was  dead,  had  replaced  his  own. 
He  lay  on  a  bed  of  brocade  in  his  magnificent  Cardinal's 
robes  and  cap,  with  the  ducal  coronet  and  mantle  at  his 
feet.  The  captain  of  his  guards,  M.  de  Bar,  sat  in  deep 
mourning  at  his  right  hand ;  and  on  either  side,  by  the 
light  of  many  tall  wax  tapers  in  great  silver  candlesticks, 
a  double  choir  of  monks  intoned  psalms  perpetually. 

On  the  evening  of  December  13  "  the  body  of  the 
Cardinal-Due  was  transported  from  his  palace  to  the 
Church  of  the  Sorbonne  on  a  magnificent  car,  covered  with 
a  great  pall  of  black  velvet  crossed  with  white  satin  and 
enriched  with  the  arms  of  His  Eminence,  embroidered  in 
gold  and  silver — the  six  horses  which  drew  it  entirely 
covered  with  drapery  of  the  same — surrounded  by  his 


SI 


THE   CARDINAL  295 

pages,  each  holding  a  large  candle  of  white  wax,  preceded 
and  followed  by  so  great  a  quantity  of  the  same  lights, 
which  were  carried  and  borne  before  the  relations,  con 
nexions,  friends,  servants,  and  officers  of  the  deceased,  who 
were  present  in  coaches,  on  horseback,  and  on  foot,  that 
the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  that  funeral  took  place 
was  brighter  than  the  noon :  the  wide  streets  of  this  city 
being  found  too  narrow  for  the  innumerable  crowds  of 
people  by  which  they  were  lined,  as  in  the  greatest  and 
most  august  ceremonies." 

So  far  the  Gazette  de  France.  With  every  mark,  as  it 
seems,  of  outward  respect,  the  gleaming  cavalcade  made 
its  way  through  the  darkness  of  the  city.  They  carried 
him  over  the  Pont  Neuf,  where  Henry's  statue  commanded 
Paris  and  the  Seine,  and  up  the  hill,  through  the  old 
University  quarter  for  which  he  had  done  so  much,  and 
laid  him  in  the  vault  he  had  prepared  for  himself  and  his 
family  under  the  stately  new  Church  of  the  Sorbonne. 
His  funeral  ceremonies  extended  for  weeks,  far  into  the 
following  year,  with  grand  state  services  at  Notre  Dame 
and  solemn  requiems  in  all  the  churches  of  Paris.  A  long 
and  flattering  epitaph,  engraved  on  copper  and  fastened 
to  the  wall  of  the  crypt  where  he  lay,  was  meant  to  keep 
his  fame  alive  till, France  herself  should  be  no  more.  It 
began :  "  Icy  repose  le  grand  Armand-Jean  du  Plessis, 
Cardinal  de  Richelieu,  Due  et  Pair  de  France  :  Grand  en 
naissance,  grand  en  esprit,  grand  en  sagesse,  grand  en 
science,  grand  en  courage,  grand  en  fortune,  mais  plus 
grand  encore  en  piete.  .  .  ."  After  describing  the  hero's 
fine  deeds  and  wonderful  qualities,  his  genius,  grace,  and 
majesty,  the  epitaph— said  to  have  been  composed  by 
Georges  de  Scudery — went  on  to  announce  that  "il  est 
mort  comme  il  a  vecu,  grand,  invincible,  glorieux  et  pour 
dernier  honneur,  pleure  de  son  Roi ;  et  pour  son  eternel 
bonheur,  il  est  mort  humblement,  chretiennement  et 
saintement.  .  .  ." 

It  was  not  till  towards  the  end  of  the  century  that  the 
marble  tomb  by  Girardon  was  placed  above  the  vault  in 
the  Church  of  the  Sorbonne. 


296  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

By  his  will,  made  at  Narbonne,  the  Cardinal  confirmed 
the  promised  gift  he  had  made  to  the  Crown  in  1636  of  the 
Palais-Cardinal,  most  of  his  magnificent  gold  and  silver 
plate,  diamonds,  and  a  large  sum  of  money.  He  divided 
his  lands,  chateaux,  and  other  property  between  his  nephew 
and  great-nephews  and  Madame  d'Aiguillon,  leaving  the 
lion's  share  with  his  name  and  title,  as  has  been  said,  to 
Armand  de  Vignerot,  who  was  also  entrusted  with  his 
precious  library.  Many  of  his  artistic  treasures  and  all  his 
remaining  jewellery  went  to  Madame  d'Aiguillon.  With 
the  most  particular  care  and  in  the  strongest  words  he 
guarded  against  any  future  dismemberment  of  the  estates 
he  left  to  his  family.  Fortunate  for  him  that  his  fame  and 
honour  did  not  depend  on  the  chateaux,  the  gardens,  the 
forests,  the  collections  and  possessions  of  every  kind 
which  had  so  long  shared  his  thoughts  with  France  and 
her  glory. 

The  legacies  to  his  servants  and  humbler  friends  showed 
the  Cardinal  in  his  pleasantest  light,  as  a  just  and  generous 
master.  Not  one  was  forgotten,  from  his  chaplains,  officers 
and  gentlemen,  his  secretaries  and  le  petit  Mulct,  secretary's 
clerk,  to  cooks,  grooms,  muleteers,  and  footmen.  The 
smallest  legacy  was  six  years'  wages.  That  he  did  not 
forget  past  benefits  was  shown  by  a  legacy  to  a  M.  de 
Broye,  the  necessitous  nephew  of  that  Claude  Barbin 
who  had  helped  him  to  his  place  in  the  Ministry  in  the 
days  of  the  Marechal  d'Ancre. 

"  He  was  extremely  regretted,"  says  Montglat,  "  by  his 
relations,  friends,  and  servants,  who  were  numerous  ;  for  he 
was  the  best  master,  relation,  or  friend  that  ever  was  ;  and 
provided  that  he  was  convinced  a  man  loved  him,  his 
fortune  was  made  ;  for  he  never  forsook  those  who  attached 
themselves  to  him."  At  the  same  time,  he  was  personally 
solitary  and  inaccessible,  and  after  the  death  of  Pere  Joseph, 
though  surrounded  by  those  whom  loyalty  or  interest  kept 
faithful  to  him,  no  man  could  call  himself  his  intimate 
friend. 

"  II  est  mort  un  grand  politique  " — a  great  politician 
is  dead  :  these  were  the  short  cold  words  with  which 


THE   CARDINAL  297 

Louis  XIII.  honoured  the  memory  of  the  man  who  had 
"  raised  France  to  her  highest  point  since  Charlemagne ; 
crushed  the  Huguenot  party,  which  had  rebelled  against 
five  kings ;  humbled  the  House  of  Austria,  which  claimed 
to  be  the  law-giver  of  Christendom ;  and  established  the 
King's  power  so  firmly,  by  subduing  the  princes,  that 
nothing  in  the  kingdom  could  resist  him  any  more." 

As  a  King,  there  is  no  doubt  that  Louis  regretted  his 
great  Minister  ;  he  had  proved  over  and  over  again  that  he 
knew  how  to  value  the  statesman  who  had  given  him  new 
authority  and  France  new  prestige ;  he  had  proved  it  to  the 
bitter  cost  of  those  who  reckoned  on  his  personal  impatience, 
as  a  man,  of  the  yoke  laid  upon  him  by  a  tyrannical  and 
worrying  tutor.  That  yoke  was  now  removed  ;  and  though 
the  King  appeared  to  be  Richelieu's  chief  mourner,  while 
following  his  last  counsels  and  carrying  out  his  policy, 
contemporaries  were  very  sure  that  in  the  depths  of  his 
soul  he  was  glad  to  be  rid  of  him. 

France,  as  a  whole,  drew  a  long  breath  of  relief  and  joy. 
It  was  not  only  "  les  grands  du  royaume,"  soon  to  be  flock 
ing  back  from  prison  and  from  exile,  Monsieur,  appearing 
once  more  at  Court,  the  Due  de  Vendome,  leaving  his  refuge 
in  England,  who  welcomed  their  freedom  from  the  political 
terror  which  had  weighed  down  their  gay  lives  ;  it  was  also 
the  people  of  lower  degree,  citizens,  peasants,  who  had  felt 
the  oppression  of  Richelieu's  heavy  taxes.  They  had  paid 
for  his  wars  by  pinching  and  starvation ;  for  his  objects 
they  cared  little,  the  vision  of  most  of  them  being  naturally 
bounded  by  their  own  parish.  All  through  the  provinces, 
in  the  villages,  in  the  towns,  large  and  small,  even  in  Paris 
itself,  blazing  bonfires  lit  up  the  winter  nights  when  the 
Eminentissime  lay  dead. 

"  II  est  passe,  il  a  pile  bagage 
Ce  Cardinal  .... 
II  est  en  plomb  1'eminent  personnage 
Qui  de  nos  maux  a  ri  plus  de  vingt  ans  .  .  . 
II  est  passd  .  .  .  ." 

That  well-known  rondeau  was  one  of  the  mildest  among 
the  satirical  poems  full  of  hatred,  violence,  and  indecency 


298  CARDINAL   DE   RICHELIEU 

which  circulated  in  society  after  the  death  of  him  whom 
they  called  "  le  ministre  des  enfers."  And  if  his  country 
men  had  listened  for  an  echo  of  their  rejoicing,  they  might 
have  heard  it  in  the  "  great  contentment "  of  the  enemies  of 
France. 

Cardinal  de  Richelieu's  noblest  monument  in  Paris  is 
his  stately  building  of  the  Sorbonne.  His  resting-place  in 
the  crypt  of  its  Church  was  disturbed  in  the  Revolution, 
and  his  bones  were  scattered,  but  his  embalmed  face-mask 
was  preserved  by  reverent  hands  and  ultimately  replaced 
in  his  tomb.  The  Church  is  no  longer  used  for  worship ; 
but  Armand  de  Richelieu  still  reclines  there  in  marble 
peace.  His  eyes  are  raised  to  the  heaven  in  which  he 
certainly  believed.  He  is  supported  in  his  mortal  weakness 
by  Religion,  holding  the  book  he  wrote,  when  Bishop  of 
Lucon,  in  defence  of  the  Catholic  Faith ;  and  Science — in 
the  likeness  of  his  beloved  niece,  Madame  d'Aiguillon — lies 
mourning  at  his  feet. 


INDEX 


Agenois,     Mademoiselle     d'     (Marie 

Therdse  de  Vignerot),  279. 
Aiguillon,     Duchesse    d'     (see    Com- 

balet),  12,  15,  128,  242,  268,  279, 

285,  292,  294,  296,  298 
Ailly,  Mademoiselle  d'  (Duchesse  de 

Chaulnes),  105 
Ailly,  Cardinal  d',  18 
Albi,  D'ElbSne,  Bishop  of,  227 
Albret,  Isabeau  d',  150 
Albret,  Jean  d',  150 
Aligre,  Etienne  d'  (Chancellor),  166, 

170 

Alincourt,  Charles  de  Neufville,  Mar 
quis  d',  37,  64,  H4-i5>  J34 
Alincourt,  Marquise  d',  37 
Ancre,  Concino  Concini,  Marechal  d' 

(see  Concini),  56,  73,  76,  79,   81, 

84-5,  87-9,  93-100,  in,  120,  296 
Ancre,    Leonora   Galigai,   Marechale 

d',  56,  73-4,  79-8i,  87,  93-4,  98, 

100,  154 

Angennes,  Julie  d',  242 
Angouleme,  Charles  de  Valois,  Comte 

d'Auvergne,    Due  d',   35,   77,   90, 

183,  188-9,  225,  230 
Anjou,  Due  d',  (see  Gaston) 
Anne  of  Austria,  Queen,  64,  72,  77, 

81,  82,  98,  119,  136,  156,  163-5, 

176,  179,  201,  208,  214,  219,  231-2, 
241,      247-8,    264-5,    267-71,      286, 

A294 

Arnoux,  Pere,  103 
ubery,  le  Sieur,  151,  197,  *99,  202, 
220,  228,  239,  283,  292,  294 

Aumont,  Jean,  Marechal  d',  7,  8 

Auvergne  (see  Angouleme) 

Avenel,  M.,  86,  103,  120,208 

Bagni,  Cardinal,  213 
Bar,  M.  de,  294 
Barberini,  Cardinal,  154,  159 
Barbin,    Claude,  76,  81,    86-90,  97, 
107,  296 


Bardouville,  260 
Baro,  246 

Baschet,  M.  Armand,  48,  50 
Bassompierre,  Baron  de,  31,  32,  80, 
93,  118,  159,  167,  172-3,  178-80, 

183,    186-7,    189,    194,    196,    201-2, 
211,  220-21 

Batiffol,  M.  Louis,  29,  80 
Beaufort,   Gabrielle   d'Estrees,    Du 
chesse  de,  35 
Beaulieu,  185 
Beauvau,  Seigneur  de,  n 
Bellegarde,    Roger     de    Saint-Lary, 

Due  de,  218 

Belle-Isle,  Marquis  de,  58 
Bentivoglio,  Cardinal,  105,  120 
Berulle,  Pierre,  Cardinal  de,  22,  45, 

55,  113, 116-17,  153, 159,  162,  187, 

194,  20 1,  266 

Bethancourt,  Seigneur  de,  125 
B6thune,   Philippe,   Comte  de,    113, 

116 

Beuvron,  Baron  de,  177-8 
Biron,   Armand,   Marechal  de  Gon- 

taut-,  7,  8 
Biron,   Charles,   Marechal   de    Gon- 

taut-,  30,  51 
Bois-Dauphin,  Marechal  de,  73,  75, 

76,  124 
Boisrobert,  Fra^ois,  Abbe  de,  239, 

243-5 

Bouillon,  Frederic  Maurice  de  la 
Tour  d'Auvergne,  Due  de,  150, 
261, 277-8,  283-4,  287-9 

Bouillon,  Godefroy  de,  272 

Bouillon,  Henry  de  la  Tour  d'Au 
vergne,  Due  de,  35,  36,  65,  66,  69, 

73,  85,90,91,  "2 
Bourbon,    Madame     Eleonore    de 

(Abbess  of  Fontevrault),  47,  58-60 
Bourbon,  Gabrielle  Ang61ique  de  (see 

Verneuil,  Mademoiselle  de) 
Bourbon,  Madame  Louise  de  Lave- 

dan  de  (Abbess  of  Fontevrault)  ,6 1 


299 


3oo 


CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 


Bourbon,    Mademoiselle    de    (see 

Longueville,  Duchesse  de) 
Bourges,  Madame  de,  40,  41,  56 
Bouteville,    Franfois     de     Montmo- 

rency,  Comte  de,  177-8,  253 
Bouthillier,  Claude,  n,  123,  162,  196, 

239,  278,  281 
Bouthillier,  Denys,  10,  n 
Bouthillier,  Denys  (see  Ranee) 
Bouthillier,  Leon  (see  Chavigny) 
Bouthillier,  Sebastien  (Dean  of   Lu- 

9on),  n,  45,  52,  54,  56,  66,  104, 113, 

126-7,  T3T 

Bouthillier,  Madame,  196 
Bouthillier,  Victor,  n 
Bragelogne,    Emery   de    (Bishop   of 

Lu9on),  in 
Brantes,    Seigneur   de     (see   Piney- 

Luxembourg) 
Breze,     Marechal    de     (see    Maille- 

Breze) 
Brienne,     Henry    Auguste    de    Lo- 

menie,  Comte  de,  89 
Brosse,  Jacques  de,  135 
Broye,  M.  de,  296 
Buckingham,  George  Villiers,  Duke 

of,  136,  145,  154-6,  i58,  l8°,  185-6, 

191,  247 
Bueil,   Jacqueline  de    (Comtesse  de 

Vardes),  229 
Bullion,  Claude  de,  281 
Bussy  d'Amboise,  M.  de,  178 

Cadenet,  Seigneur  de  (see  Chaulnes) 
Candale,  Louis  Charles  de  Nogaret, 

Comte  de,  173 
Canteleu,  185 

Carlisle,  James,  Earl  of,  145 
Carre,  Pere,  266-7 
Caussin,  Pere,  265-6 
Chalais,   Henry  de  Talleyrand-Peri- 

gord,  Comte  de,  167-8,  172-6 
Champagne,   Philippe  de,   132,   136, 

238 
Chanteloube,    Jacques,  Seigneur  de, 

120,  251 

Chapelain,  Jean,  244 
Chapelles,  Comte  des,  178 
Charlemagne,  277,  297 
Charles  I.,  King    (of    England),  136, 

145-6,  156-8,  180-81,  198,  282 
Charles  V.,  Emperor,  5 
Charles  V.,  King,  18,  213 
Charles  VI.,  King,  19 
Charles  VII.,  King,  3 
Charles  IX.,  King,  6,  35 
Charpentier,  239 
Chartres,  Due  de,  238 
Chateauneuf,  Charles  de  1'Aubepine, 

Marquis  de,  214,  216,  223,  232-3 


Chatillon,  Gaspard  de  Coligny,  Due 
et  Marechal  de,  150,  230,  255,  278 

Chaulnes,  Honore  d'Albert,  Due  de, 
83,  105,  256 

Chavigny,  Leon  Bouthillier,  Comte 
de,  n,  196,  239,  262,  268,  281,  286, 
289,  291 

Chemerault,  Mademoiselle  de,  270 

Chere,  239 

Chevreuse,  Claude  de  Lorraine,  Due 
de,  105,  154,  226,  230 

Chevreuse,  Marie  de  Rohan,  Duch 
esse  de,  72,  105,  137,  151,  156,  164, 
166-8,  172,  174-6,  181,  214,  222, 
232-3,  241,  263,  267-8,  270-71 

Chevry,  President  de,  177 

Chicot,  M.,  293 

Chillou,  Marquis  du  (see  Richelieu, 
Cardinal  de) 

Chivray,  Mademoiselle  du  Plessis  de 
(Comtesse  de  Guiche),  252 

Christine  de  France  (Duchess  of 
Savoy),  68, 112,  195,  206,266,276-7 

Cinq-Mars,  Henry  Coiffier  d'Effiat, 
Marquis  de,  106,  271,  282-9,  291 

Citoys,  Francois,  239 

Clarendon,  Edward  Hyde,   Earl  of, 

154,  i56 

Clement,  Jacques,  8 
Clerembault,  Louis  de,  3 
Clerembault,  Perrine  de,  2 
Cceuvres,  Franyois  Annibal  d'Estrees, 

Marquis  de  (see  Estrees,  Marechal 

d'),  148,  159 

Coigneux,  President  Le,  217 
Colalto,  Marechal,  202-4 
Colletet,  Guillaume,  245 
Combalet,  Antoine   de   Beauvoir   du 

Roure,  Seigneur  de,  127 
Combalet,  Madame  de  (see  d'Aiguil- 

lon),   12,  127,  202-3,  209-10,  215, 

235,  242,  250,  252,  268 
Concini,  Concino  (see  Ancre,  Mare 
chal  d'),  36,  63,  72,  80,  86,  211, 

256 
Concini,    Henry    (see   Comte   de   la 

Pena) 
Conde,  Charlotte  de  Montmorency, 

Princesse   de,    32,    105,    153,    178, 

230,  242 
Conde,  Franfoise  d'Orleans-Longue- 

ville,  Princesse  de,  33 
Conde,  Henry  de  Bourbon,  Prince  de, 

32,  56,  65,  66,  68,  69,  72-8,  84-6, 

90,   105,   120,   122-3,   I26,  129-30, 

I37>  1*64-5,  I<59,  183-4,  196,  198, 

2OI,  222,  225,  259,  28o 

Conde,  Louis  I.  de  Bourbon,  Prince 

de,  33 
Conde,  Louis  II.  de  Bourbon,  Due 


INDEX 


301 


d'Enghien,   Prince  de,   12,  105-6, 

246,  280,  284 
Conrart,  Valentin,  244 
Conti,  Francois  de  Bourbon,  Prince 

de,  32,  53,  90 
Conti,  Louise  de  Lorraine,  Princesse 

de,  32,  194,  209,  220-21 
Cordova,  Don  Gonzalez  de,  197 
Corneille,  Pierre,  239,  245 
Coss6-Brissac,  Due   et  Marechal  de, 

126 

Cotton,  Pere,  45,  55,  103 
Courcelles,  185 
Cousin,  M.  Victor,  129,  266 
Cramoisy,  71 
Crequy,  Charles,  Marechal  de,  196 

Desmarets,  Jean,  246,  292 
Du  Moulin,  151 

Edmunds,  Sir  Thomas,  72 

Effiat,  Antoine  Coiffier,  Marechal  d', 
149, 225 

Elbeuf,  Charles  de  Lorraine,  Due  d', 
105,  218,  228,  230,  253 

Elbeuf,  Duchesse  d'  (see  Vendome) 

Elector  Palatine  (Frederic,  King  of 
Bohemia),  73,  136,  155 

Elizabeth  (Electress  Palatine),  144 

Elizabeth,  Queen  (of  England),  i 

Elizabeth,  Queen  (of  Spain),  64, 
68, 195 

Enghien,  Due  d'  (see  Conde,  Louis  II., 
Prince  de) 

Epernon,  Jean  Louis  de  Nogaret  de 
la  Valette,  Due  d',  35,  53,  56, 
68,  73,  85,  91,  ni-12,  115,  116, 
118-19,  124,  172-3,  198,  214,  230, 
252,  259,  261 

Escoman,  Dame  d',  54 

Este,  Isabella  d'  (Duchess  of  Man 
tua),  206 

Estoile,  Claude  de  1',  245 

Estoile,  Pierre  de  1',  34,  36 

Estrees,Fran9oisAnnibal,  Marechal  d' 
(see  Coeuvres),  219-20 

Falconis,  Pierre,  285 

Fancan,  Langlois,    Sieur  de,    137-9, 

142 
Fargis,   Charles  d'Angennes,   Comte 

du,  159,  219 
Fargis,   Magdeleine    de   Silly,    Com- 

tesse  du,  159,  219,  264 
Fayette,  Chevalier  de  la,  266 
Fayette,  Mademoiselle  Louise  de  la, 

265-7,  270 

Fenouillet  (Bishop  of  Montpellier),  34 
Ferdinand   II.,   Emperor,    146,   201, 

251,  276,  284 


Ferdinand  of  Spain,  Cardinal- Infant, 

259,  267 

Feria,  Duke  of,  250 
Fiesque,  Comte  de,  98 
Flotte,  Madame  de  la,  264 
Fontaine,  Jean  de  la,  236 
Fontrailles,  Vicomte  de,  283-4,  286 
Force,  Jacques  Nompar  de  Caumont, 

Marechal  de  la,  150,  228,  258 
Franchine,  le  Sieur,  134 
Fran9ois  I.,  King,  3,  4 
Fronsac,  Due  de  (see  Maille-Breze) 

Gassion,  Colonel  de,  281 

Gaston  de  France  (Monsieur),  68, 
118,  133,  162-70,  172-4,  179-80, 
183,  189,  201-2,  207,  214,  217-18. 
220,  223-31,  234,  236-7,  248, 
250-53,  258-62,  270-71,  274-5, 
278,  283-4,  287,  292,  294,  297 

Gerson,  Jean,  18 

Girardon,  Fra^ois,  295 

Givry,  Cardinal  de,  25 

Gontaut-Biron  (see  Biron) 

Gonzague,  Princesse  Marie  de,  224, 
282 

Gournay,  Mademoiselle  de,  243 

Grammont,  Comte  de,  259 

G  randier,  Urbain,  44 

Gratiollet,  Jean,  254 

Gregory  XV.,  Pope  (Ludovisi),  130, 

147 

Guastalla,  Duke  of,  194 
Gu6briant,  Comte  de,  276 
Guercheville,  Marquise  de,  55,   101, 

"5 
Guiche,    Antoine     de    Grammont, 

Comte  et  Marechal  de,  252,  286 
Guise,   Duchesse   de    (Catherine    de 

Cleves),  32 
Guise,  Charles,   Due   de,  34,  53,  56, 

73,  75,  85,  90,  105,  154,  185,  220 
Guise,  Henry,  Due  de  (Le  Balafre), 

*>  8,  32,  33,  132,  154 
Guise,  Henry,  Due  de  (Archbishop  of 

Rheims),  277-8 

Guise,  Duchesse  de,  Henriette  Cathe 
rine  de  Joyeuse  (see  Montpensier) 
Guiton,  191-2 

Guron,  Jean,  Seigneur  de,  181-2,  193 
Gustavus  Adolphus  (King  of  Sweden), 

209,  224,  232 

Hanotaux,  M.  Gabriel,  21,  132 
Harcourt,  Henry  de  Lorraine,  Comte 

d',  253,  277 
Hautefort,  Mademoiselle  (afterwards 

Madame)  de,  264-5,  267,  269-71 
Hay,  James,  Lord  (see  Carlisle),  85 
Henriette  Marie  de  France  (Queen  of 


302 


CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 


England),  68,  118,  I44~5»  I53~4, 
156 

Henry  II.,  King  (of  England),  121 

Henry  II.,  King,  5 

Henry  III.,  King,  6,  8,  16,  132 

Henry  IV.,  King,  8,  10,  12,  13,  16, 
23,  24,  26-37,  47,  48,  52-55,  64, 
65,  69,  70,  79.  83, 103, 105, 113, 118, 
124,  128,  138,  144,  151,  153,  161, 
163,  170-71,  177,  221,  225,  229, 
252,  295 

Henry,  Prince  of  Wales,  144 

Herouard,  Jean,  82 

Holland,  Henry  Rich,  Earl  of,  145 

Isabel,  Archduchess,  177,  181,  221 

James  I.,  King  (of  England),  28, 136, 
144 

Jamyn,  Mademoiselle,  243 

Jansenius,  23,  275 

Jars,  Chevalier  de,  269 

Jeanne,  Queen,  17 

Jeannin,  President,  81,  98 

John,  King  (of  England),    120 

Joseph,  P£re  (Francois  du  Tremblay), 
46,  57-62,  85,  105,  113-14,  n6, 
137,  142,  151,  159,  163,  187,  189, 
206,  231,  239,  242,  257,  265,  272-3, 
296 

Joyeuse,  Due  de  (P6re  Ange),  34,  59, 
272 

La  Brosse,  42 

La  Bruyere,  Jean  de,  245 

Laffemas,  Isaac,  222,  239,  269 

La  Porte,  Amador  de,  10,  n,  14,  16, 

20,  117,  120,  183,  215,  232,  279 
La  Porte,  Charles  de  (see  Meilleraye) 
La  Porte,  Francois  de,  7,  1 1 
La  Porte,  Suzanne   de  (Madame  de 

Richelieu),  7,  11-14,  23,  65,  75,  86 
La  Porte  (the  Queen's  valet),  268-9 
Laubardemont,  Baron  de,  288-9 
Launay-Razilly,  Claude,  Seigneur  de, 

181 

Le  Fevre,  293-4 
Le  Jay,  Nicolas,  73,  76 
Le  Mercier,  15,  234 
Lemoine,  Cardinal,  17 
Leopold,  Archduke,  146 
Le  Roy,  Guyon,  3 
Le  Roy,  Jacques,  3 
Lesdiguieres,  Franfois  de  Bonne,  Due 

et  Marechal  de,  91,  147,  150,  158, 

161 
Limoges,    Frangois    de    la    Fayette, 

Bishop  of,  266 
Lisieux,  Bishop  of,  293 
Longueville,     Anne     Genevi£ve     de 


Bourbon,  Duchesse  de,  105,  164, 

246,  280 
Longueville,   Henry  d'Orleans,   Due 

de,  66,  76,  86,  91,  122,  124,  137 
Longueville,  Mademoiselle  de,  246 
Lorraine,  Charles,  Duke  of,  176,  181, 

202,  218,  223-4,  249-51,  255,  278 
Lorraine,    Princesse   Marguerite    de 

(Duchesse  d'Orleans),  224,  250 
Lorraine,  Nicolas  Franfois,  Cardinal 

de,  250-51 

Louis  XL,  King,  6,  169,  289 
Louis  XII.,  King,  4 
Louis  XIII.,   King,  32,  42,  53,  64, 

68,    82-5,    94-105,    114-15,    "9- 

31,    J33,    I36-44,    146-50,   152-8, 

160-80,  183-92,  194-202,  205-16, 

218-22     224-32,    236,    239,    241, 

246-51,  254,  257-60,  262-71,  273, 

276-8,  282-9,  291-3,  297 
Louis  XIV.,  King,  28,  69,  142,  177, 

192,  271 
Louis,  Saint,  34 
Louvigny,  Comte  de,  173 
Lude,  Fran9ois  de  Daillon,  Comte  du, 

83,  120 

Lusignan,  Guy  de,  2 
Luynes,  Charles   d'Albert,  Due    de, 

83,  84,  94-8,  100-102,  105,  107-8, 

112,  114-15,  H7-24, 126-7, 129-30 
Luynes,  Marie  de  Rohan,  Duchesse 

de  (see  Chevreuse) 

Maille-Breze,  Armand  Jean  de  (Due 
de  Fronsac),  117,  280 

Maille-Breze,  Claire  Clemence  de, 
12,  246,  280 

Maille-Breze,  Marechal  et  Marquis 
de,  12,  106-7,  II7»  J8i>  184,  228, 
239,  256,  277,  279,  292 

Maille-Breze,  Marquise  de  (see  Ni 
cole  de  Richelieu) 

Maline,  Madame,  270 

Mangot,  Claude,  81,  86-9,  92,  97 

Mansfeldt,  Count,  155,  199 

Mantua,  Charles  de  Gonzague,  Duke 
of  (see  Nevers) 

Mantua,  Vincenzo  di  Gonzaga,  Duke 

of,  193 
Marcillac,    Prince    de     (Due    de    la 

Rochefoucauld),  269 
Marconnay,  Madame   de   (Fran9oise 

du  Plessis),  n,  13,  41 
Marillac,  Madame  de   (Catherine  de 

Medicis),  223 
Marillac,   Louis,   Marechal   de,    124, 

183,  189,  201-2,  208,  211,  213,  216, 

222-3,  236,  266 
Marillac,    Michel    de,    159-61,     170, 

194,  201,  211,  213,  216,  222,  266 


INDEX 


303 


Marolles,  Claude  de,  92 
Marolles,  Abb£  Michel  de,  92,  247 
Marquemont,  Cardinal  de,  149 
Martin,  M.  Henri,  72,  77,  91,   185, 

195,  207,  232 

Mary,  Queen  (of  Scotland),  i 
Maurice,  Prince,  31 
Mausson,  Sieur  de,  5,  6 
Mayenne,  Charles  de  Lorraine,  Due 

de,  65,  66,  91,  122,  124,  129 
Mazarin,   Jules    (Cardinal),   n,  206, 

239,  247,  273,  285,  292 
M6dicis,  Queen  Catherine  de,  55 
Medicis,  Queen  Marie  de,  28-30,  32, 
33,    35,    54-7,    61,    68-70,    72-9, 
82-6,  88,  89,  91,  92,  94-103,  107, 
111-15,    116-28,    130-37,    139-41, 
144-7,   J53>    J59,    162-4,    167-70, 
180,  186-8,  194-6,  201-3,  207-21, 
223-4,  227,  229-30,   250-51,  256, 
261-2,  264,  266, 282 
Meilleraye,     Charles    de    la    Porte, 
Marechal  et  Due   de  la,    u,  203, 
210,  215, 232, 239-40, 276, 279, 284, 
292 

Mercoaur,  Due  de,  36 
Metezeau,  190 

Michelet,  Jules,  43,  132,  286 
Miron,  Robert,  67,  70,  71 
Monet,  Pere,  266,  276 
Montaigne,  Michel  de,  243 
Montalto,  Philothee,  74 
Montbazon,  Hercule  de  Rohan,  Due 

de,  53,  92,  105,  118 
Montbrun,  St.  Andr6  de,  199 
Montespan,  Madame  de,  4 
Montglat,  Baronne  de,  30 
Montglat,     Fran£ois     de    Clermont, 
Marquis  de,    194,   257-8,   260-61, 
263,  280,  288-9,  296 
Montigny,    Francis   de   la    Grange, 

Marechal  de,  90,  91 
Montluc,  Marechal  de,  3 
Montmorency,  Henry  I.,  Connetable 

et  Due  de,  35,  64,  153 
Montmorency,    Henry   II.    Due  de, 
35,  !53,  161,  178,    183,  202,   205, 
208, 222-3,  225-32 
Montmorency,   Duchesse  de    (Laur 
ence  de  Montoison),  136 
Montmorency,   Duchesse  de    (Maria 

Felice  Orsini),  226-7 
Montmorency,  Mademoiselle  de  (see 

Conde,  Princesse  de) 
Montpensier,  Due  de,  3,  33 
Montpensier,  Duchesse  de  (Catherine 

Marie  de  Lorraine),  8,  33 
Montpensier,  Henry  de  Bourbon,  Due 

de,  14,  33,  34,  42 
Montpensier,    Duchesse   de    (Henri 


ette   Catherine   de    Joyeuse),    33, 
59,  163,  172 

Montpensier,  Duchesse  de  (la  Grande 
Mademoiselle)  15,  33,  133,  179, 
237,  246,  252,  261-2,  264,  269, 
280 

Montpensier,  Mademoiselle  de  (Du 
chesse  d'Orleans),  33,  162-4, 172-4, 
179 

Montresor,  Comte  de,  259-60 
Moret,  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  Comte 

de,  218,  228-9 

Mornay,  Philippe  du  Plessis-,  47,  150 
Motteville,  Madame  de,  163,220,  264, 

267,  269,  288 
Mulct  (chaplain),  22 
Mulct  (secretary),  239 
Mulct  (le  petit),  296 

Navailles,  Seigneur  de,  183 
Navarre,  Princesse  Catherine  de,  33 
Nemours,  Henry,  Due  de,  124 
Neufbourg,  M.  de,  65 
Nevers,  Charles  de  Gonzague,  Due  de 
(see  Mantua),  66,  90,  113,  151-2, 
193-4,  201-3,  206,  209, 224, 256 
Noyers,  le  Sieur  Sublet  de,  239-40, 

268,  285,  291 

Olivarez,  Count,  159,  181,  277,  284 
Orange,  Prince  of,  255 
Oresme,  Nicolas,  18 
Orleans,  Due  d'  (see  Gaston) 
Orleans,  Duchesse  d1  (see  Lorraine) 
Orleans,  Nicolas,  Due  d',  163 
Orleans,  Due  d'  (see  Philippede 

France) 

Orleans-Longueville,    Madame    An 
toinette  d',  58-61 
Ornano,  Marechal  d',  96,  120,  163-6, 

169-70,  174,  176 
Ornano,  Marechale  d',  166,  220 

Paul  V.,   Pope    (Borghese),  23,   24, 

58-60,  127 

Paul,  Vincent  de,  22,  274 
Pena,  Henry  Concini,  Comte  de  la,  98 
Perefixe,   Hardouin   de,   31,  54,   55, 

285 

Perron,  Cardinal  du,  53,  69,  120 
Philip  II.,  King  (of  Spain),  i 
Philip  III.,  King  (of  Spain),  82 
Philip  IV.,  King  (of  Spain),  64, 146-7, 

197,  267,  284 

Philippe  Auguste,  King,  17,  85 
Philippe  le  Bel,  King,  17 
Philippe  de  France  (Due  d'Orleans), 

271 
Piedmont,  Victor  Amedee,  Prince  of 

(see  Savoy) 


304 


CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 


Piney-Luxembourg,    L6on    d'Albert, 

Due  de,  83 

Plessis,  Francois  du,  3 
Plessis,  Fransoise  du  (see  Marconnay) 
Plessis,  Geoffrey  du,  2 
Plessis,  Jacques  du,  14,  16,  39 
Plessis,     Louise     du      (Madame     de 

Pon.tch3.teau),  252 
Plessis,  Pierre  du,  2 
Plessis- Richelieu  (see  Richelieu) 
Plessis,  Sauvage  du,  2 
Pluvinel,  M.  de,  20-22 
Polignac,  Dame  Anne  de,  5 
Pontchartrain,      Paul     Phelypeaux, 

Seigneur  de,  88,  89,  91,  93 
Pontchateau,  Mademoiselle  Philippe 

de  (Duchesse  de  Puylaurens), 252-3, 

280 
Pontchateau,  Mademoiselle  Marie  de 

(Duchesse  de  la  Valette),  252,  280 
Pont-de-Courlay,  Frangois  de  Vigne- 

rot,  Marquis  du,  279 
Pont-de-Courlay,    Marie    Magdeleine 

Vignerot  du  (see  Aiguillon) 
Pont-de-Courlay,  Rene  de  Vignerot, 

Seigneur  de,  n,  55,  108-9 
Poussin,  Nicolas,  136 
Puisieux,    Pierre    Brulart    de,    130, 

136,  139 

Puylaurens,  Antoine  de  Lage,  Due 
de,  217,  228,  251-3 

Rabelais,  22 

Rambouillet,  Catherine  de  Vivonne, 

Marquise  de,  242 
Rambouillet,     Charles     d'Angennes, 

Marquis  de,  214,  242 
Ranee,  Armand  Jean  de,  n 
Ranee,  Denys  Boutbillier,  Baron  de, 

n,  203,  210 
Rapine,  Florimond,  68 
Ravaillac,  Francois,  32,  52,  54 
Renaudot,  Theophraste,  239 
Reni,  Guido,  136 
Retz,  Abbe  de  (afterwards  Cardinal), 

264 

Retz,  Due  de,  125 
Richelieu,    Alphonse  de  (Archbishop 

of  LyoHsand  Cardinal),  12,  16,  21, 

22,  63,  86,  194,  279 
Richelieu,    Antoine     du    Plessis    de 

(la  Maine),  3,  4,  33,  43 
Richelieu,  Armand  Jean  du   Plessis 

de  (see  Cardinal-Due  de  Richelieu) 
Richelieu,     Cardinal -Due     de:     his 

birth,  family  and  childhood,  1-15  ; 

education  at  the  University,   16- 

20;    training  as   a   soldier,  21-2; 

second     University     course,     23  ; 

consecration  as  Bishop  of  Lucon, 


24-5  ;  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne, 
26  ;  at  the  Court  of  Henry  IV., 
27-30  ;  life  and  work  in  the  dio 
cese  of  Lugon,  38-46  ;  friendship 
with  Pdre  Joseph,  46-7  ;  Instruc 
tions  et  Maximes,  48-52  ;  visit  to 
Paris,  55-6 ;  affair  of  Fontev- 
rault,  57-62  ;  political  troubles, 
64-6  ;  speech  at  States-General, 
69-70  ;  Chaplain  to  Queen  Anne, 
72-5  ;  Private  Secretary  to  Marie 
de  Medicis,  84  ;  death  of  his 
mother,  86 ;  appointed  Foreign 
Secretary,  87  ;  First  Ministry, 
88-92  ;  fall  from  power,  97-8  ; 
exile  with  the  Queen-mother, 
100-2  ;  retirement  in  his  diocese, 
103-7  I  banishment  to  Avignon, 
108-10 ;  recalled  to  the  Queen- 
mother's  service,  114-15;  death 
of  his  brother  Henry,  117;  in 
fluence  with  Marie  de  Medicis, 
123  ;  diplomatic  success,  126  ; 
marriage  of  his  niece,  127  ;  stories 
and  intrigues,  130 ;  receives  the 
Cardinal's  Hat,  131  ;  personal 
descriptions,  132-3  ;  purchase  and 
decoration  of  country-houses,  133- 
6  ;  employment  of  Fancan,  137-8  ; 
admitted  to  the  Royal  Council, 
140 ;  First  Minister  of  France, 
142  ;  political  aims,  143  ;  the 
English  marriage,  144-6  ;  affair  of 
the  Valtelline,  146-8  ;  Huguenot 
Rebellion,  148-53  ;  negotiations 
with  Buckingham,  155  ;  peace 
with  Spain,  159  ;  Army  and  Navy, 
etc.,  160-61  ;  ill  health  and  suffer 
ing,  162  ;  defeat  of  Chalais  con 
spiracy,  163-75 ;  edict  against 
feudal  strongholds,  176 ;  edict 
against  duels,  1 77-9 ;  war  with 
England,  180 ;  Siege  of  La  Ro- 
chelle,  181-92  ;  War  of  Mantuan 
Succession,  193-7  •'  final  defeat 
of  Huguenots,  198-200 ;  offers 
his  resignation  to  Louis  XIII., 
201  ;  Italian  campaign,  202-6 ; 
The  King's  illness,  207-8 ;  the 
Cardinal  in  imminent  danger, 
209-14;  his  triumph,  215-16; 
victory  over  his  enemies,  217-20  ; 
new  honours,  221-2  ;  political 
vengeance,  222-3  ;  triumph  over 
the  Due  de  Montmorency,  225- 
31  ;  illness  and  recovery,  232-3  ; 
palaces  and  chateaux,  234-8 ; 
his  household  and  friends, 
239-42  ;  the  Academy  founded 
by  him,  244-5  ;  the  performance 


INDEX 


305 


of  Mirame,  246-8  ;  dreams  of 
conquest  realised,  249-51  ;  family 
alliances,  252  ;  France  joins  in 
the  Thirty  Years'  War,  254 ; 
defeat  and  panic,  255-6 ;  high 
courage  of  the  Cardinal,  257 ; 
danger  of  assassination,  259-60  ; 
Court  intrigues,  263-7;  Richelieu's 
persecution  of  Queen  Anne,  267-70 ; 
death  of  PSre  Joseph,  271-2 ; 
reforms  in  the  Church,  274-5 ; 
disappearance  of  enemies,  277 ; 
family  honours,  279-80  ;  internal 
worries,  281  ;  ill  health,  282 ; 
enmity  with  Cinq-Mars,  283-4 ; 
terrible  sufferings  and  last  will, 
285  ;  final  triumphs,  286-9  ;  jour 
ney  back  to  Paris,  290  ;  last  illness, 
292-3  ;  death  at  the  Palais-Car 
dinal,  294 ;  funeral  at  the  Sor- 
bonne,  295  ;  general  feeling  in 
France,  296-7  ;  the  tomb  in  the 
Church  of  the  Sorbonne,  298 

Richelieu,  Fra^ois  du  Plessis  de 
(le  Sage),  3,4,33 

Richelieu,  Fran9ois  du  Plessis  de 
(Grand  Provost),  i,  6-9,  10,  12,  20, 
132 

Richelieu,  Fra^ois  Louis  de,  109 

Richelieu,  Fran9oise  de  (Madame  du 
Pont- de-Cour lay),  u,  63,  279 

Richelieu,  Henry,  Marquis  de,  12, 
14,  16,  31,  43,  55,  56,  86,  91,  102, 
107-9,  116-17 

Richelieu,  Louis  du  Plessis  de 
(grandfather),  4,  7,  n,  12 

Richelieu,  Louis  du  Plessis  de 
(uncle),  6 

Richelieu,  Marquise  de  (Marguerite 
Guiot  des  Charmeaux),  109 

Richelieu,  Nicole  de  (Madame  de 
Maille-Breze),  12,  86,  106-7,  2I5 

Riviere,  Abbe  de  la,  288 

Roannez,  Duchesse  de,  220 

Rochechouart,  Antoine  de,  4 

Rochechouart,  Fran9oise  de  (Dame 
de  Richelieu),  4,  5,  6,  7,  n,  12, 
46 

Rochefoucauld,  Francois,  Cardinal 
de  la,  1 16 

Rocheposay,  M.  de  la  (Bishop  of 
Poitiers),  45,  65,  66,  104 

Roches,  Michel  Le  Masle,  Prieur  des, 
134-6,  239 

Rohan,  Henry,  Due  de,  65,  74,  75, 
122,  124,  148-52,  181,  189,  193, 
198,  200,  255 

Rohan,   Duchesse  de  (Marguerite  de 

Bethune),  151 
Rohan,  Vicomtesse  de  (Catherine  de 

2O 


Parthenay-Soubise),    150-51,    172, 

182,  191 

Rossignol,  Antoine,  239 
Rotrou,  Jean  de,  245 
Rubens,  Pierre-Paul,  135 
Rucellai,  the  Abbe,  in,  116-17 

Saint- Aignan,  Comte  de,  125 
Saint-Cyran,  Abbe  de  (Duvergier  de 

Hauranne),  45,  65,  66,  104,  275 
Sainte-Croix,  Madame  de,  45 
Saint-Georges,    Jeanne    de    Harlay, 

Marquise  de,  261-2 
Saint-Georges,  le  Sieur  de,  240 
Saint-Ibal,  M.  de,  259-60 
Saint-Preuil,  Comte  de,  229 
Saint-Simon,   Claude,    Due  de,  211, 

214 

Saint-Simon,  Louts,  Due  de,  129 
Sales,  St.  Fran9ois  de,  22,  274 
Savoy,  Charles  Emmanuel  I.,  Duke 

of,  87,  91,   112,   147-8,   159,   165, 

181,  194,  197,  203-6 
Savoy,  Prince  Thomas  of,  118 
Savoy,  Victor  Amedee  I.,  Duke  of 

(Prince  of  Piedmont),  112,  118,  196, 

253, 256 
Saxe-Weimar,  Duke  Bernard  of,  255, 

259,  276 
Schomberg,  Henry,  Marechal  de, 

183,  189,  195,  202,  216,  228,  232 
Scudery,  Georges  de,  295 

Seguier,  PiSrre  (Chancellor),  269-70, 

288 

Senece,  Baron  de,  70 
Senece,  Marquise  de,  268 
Sillery,  Nicolas  Brulart  de,  64,  68, 

76,  81,  130,  136,  139 
Smith,  Richard,  23 
Soissons,  Anne  de  Montane,  Comtesse 

de,  90,  122,  137,  278 
Soissons,  Charles  de  Bourbon,  Comte 

de,  32,  33,  44,  56,  90,  144 
Soissons,  Louis  de  Bourbon,  Comte 

de,  90,  124,  165,  172,  174,  176,  181, 

189,  210,  222,  256-62,  270,  277-9 

Soubise,  Benjamin  de  Rohan,  Due 
de,  76,  149-53.  i57f  181-2,  189, 
198 

Soufflot,  17 

Sourdis,  Cardinal  Fran9ois  de  (Arch 
bishop  of  Bordeaux),  63,  67,  182 

Sourdis,  Henry  de  (Bishop  of  Maille- 
zais  and  Archbishop  of  Bordeaux), 

182,  189,  192,  236-7,  239,  256 
Spinola,  Marquis,  202 
Suffren,  Pere,  213,  219 

Sully,  Maximilien  de  Bethune,  Due 
de,  27,  29,  36,  43,  55,  57,  64,  65, 
76,  86,  88,  89,  161 


306 


CARDINAL  DE   RICHELIEU 


Tallemant   des   Reaux,    Gedeon,   7, 

127,  243 
Th6mines,  Antoine,  Marquis  de,  32, 

117 
Themines,  Marquis  et  Marechal  de, 

173 

Thianges,  Madame  de,  4 
Thou,  Jacques  Auguste  de,  106 
Thou,    Franfois    Auguste    de,    106, 

283,  288-9 
Tilly,  Comte  de,  199 
Tiriot,  190 
Toiras,  Jean,  Marechal  de,  181, 184-5, 

202,  204 
Touchet,    Marie     (Comtesse     d'En- 

traigues),  35 

Tremblay,    Charles   Le   Clerc,    Seig 
neur  du,  85,  96,  114-15 
Tremblay,  Francois  Le  Clerc,  Mar 
quis  du  (see  Pere  Joseph) 
Tremoille,  Henry,  Due  de  la,  76,  189 
Troisville  (ou  Treville),  M.  de,  291 
Turenne,   Henry  de  la  Tour  d'Au- 
vergne,  Vicomte  et  Marechal  de, 
284 

Urban  VIII.,  Pope  (Barberini),  134, 
147,  221,  252,  272-5 

Valen9ay,  Achille  de  (Commander, 
afterwards  Cardinal),  167 

Valette,  Bernard  de  Nogaret,  Mar 
quis,  then  Due  de  la,  35,  173,  252 

Valette,  Louis  de  Nogaret,  Cardinal 
de  la  (Archbishop  of  Toulouse), 
115,  119,  202,  214,  222,  239,  242, 
259,  273 

Valois,  Queen  Marguerite  de,  30,  67, 

79,  i53 

Vardes,  Comte  de,  221 
Vardes,  Comtesse  de  (see  Bueil) 
Varenne,  Fouquet  de  la  (Bishop  of 

Angers),  120 

Varenne,  Guillaume    Fouquet,   Mar 
quis  de  la,  83 
Varicarville,  260 
Vautier,  220 


Vendome,     Alexandra     de      (Grand 

Prieur  de  France),  124,   165,   167, 

170-71,  176,  201 
Vendome,    Catherine    Henriette    de 

(Duchesse  d'Elbeuf),  105,  220 
Vendome,  Cesar,  Due  de,  33,  35,  66, 

91,  122-5,  152,   165,  170-73,  176, 

218,  297 
Vendome,  Duchesse  de  (Fran9oise  de 

Lorraine),  36 

Vendome,  Mademoiselle  de,  246 
Verneuil,     Henriette     d'Entraigues, 

Marquise  de,  35,  78 
Verneuil,  Mademoiselle  de,  35 
Vieuville,    Charles,    Marquis    de    la, 

138-42,  145 

Vigean,  Mademoiselle  du,  280 
Vignerot,  Armand  Jean  de,  279,  296 
Vignerot,  Fra^ois  de  (see  Pont-de- 

Courlay) 
Vignerot,  Jean  Baptiste  Amador  de, 

279 
Vignerot,    Marie     Therese     de    (see 

Agenois) 
Vignerot,    Rene    de    (see     Pont-de- 

Courlay) 
Ville-aux-Clercs,  Henry  Auguste  de 

Lomenie,  Sieur  de    la  (Comte  de 

Brienne),  149,  219 
Villeroy,  Nicolas  de  Neufville,  Due 

de,  37,  51,  64,  74,  77,  81,  88,  98, 

105-6,  115 
Vitry,  Nicolas  de  1'Hopital,  Marechal 

de,  95,  96,  256 
Vivonne,  Due  de,  4 
Voltaire,  Fra^ois  Arouet  de,  8,  17 
Vouet,  Simon,  236-8 

Wallenstein,  Comte  de,  253 
Werth,  John  of,  256-8 

Yon,  Jean,  18,  19,  22 
Yver,  Francois,  14,  16,  23 

Zamet,  Sebastien,  30 
Zamet,  Sebastien  (Bishop  of  Langres), 
90 


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CONTENTS 


General  Literature       ...  2 

Ancient  Cities    ....  13 

Antiquary's  Books    .        .  13 

Arden  Shakespeare  ...  14 

Classics  of  Art           ...  14 

'  Complete '  Series     ...  15 

Connoisseur's  Library      .       .  15 

Handbooks   of  English  Church 

History 16 

Handbooks  of  Theology  .       .  16 

'  Home  Life  '  Series  ...  16 
Illustrated  Pocket  Library  of 

Plain  and  Coloured  Books  .  16 

Leaders  of  Religion          .        .  17 

Library  of  Devotion         .        .  17 

Little  Books  on  Art         .       .  18 

Little  Galleries          ...  18 

Little  Guides      ....  18 

Little  Library    ....  19 


Little  Quarto  Shakespeare 
Miniature  Library     . 
New  Library  of  Medicine 
New  Library  of  Music    . 
Oxford  Biographies  . 
Four  Plays. 
States  of  Italy  . 
Westminster  Commentaries 

'  Young  '  Series  . 
Shilling  Library 
Books  for  Travellers 
Some  Books  on  Art. 
Some  Books  on  Italy 

Fiction 

Books  for  Boys  and  Girls 
Shilling  Novels  . 
Sevenpenny  Novels  .       . 


30 


A    SELECTION    OF 


MESSRS.     METHUEN'S 
PUBLICATIONS 


IN  this  Catalogue  the  order  is  according  to  authors.  An  asterisk  denotes 
that  the  book  is  in  the  press. 

Colonial  Editions  are  published  of  all  Messrs.  METHUEN'S  Novels  issued 
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General  Literature.  Colonial  Editions  are  only  for  circulation  in  the  British 
Colonies  and  India. 

All  books  marked  net  are  not  subject  to  discount,  and  cannot  be  bought 
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price  for  ordinary  books. 

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published  by  Messrs.  Methuen.  A  complete  and  illustrated  catalogue  of  their 
publications  may  be  obtained  on  application. 


Abraham  (G.  D.).  MOTOR  WAYS  IN 
LAKELAND.  Illustrated.  Second 
Edition.  Demy  Svo.  js.  6d.  net. 

Adoook  (A.  St.  John).  THE  BOOK- 
LOVERS  LONDON.  Illustrated.  Second 
Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  6s.  net. 

Ady  (Cecilia  M.).  PIUS  II.:  THE 
HUMANIST  POPE.  Illustrated.  Demy  Svo. 
IDS.  bd.  net. 

Andrewes    (Lancelot).      PRECES    PRI- 

VATAE.       Translated     and     edited,    with 
Notes,  by  F.  E.  BRIGHTMAN.     Cr.  Svo.    6s. 

Aristotle.  THE  ETHICS.  Edited,  with 
an  Introduction  and  Notes,  by  JOHN 
BURNET.  Demy  Svo.  ioj.  6d.  net. 

Atkinson  (C.  T.).  A  HISTORY  OF  GER 
MANY,  1715-1815.  Demy  Svo.  i2s.  6d.  net. 

Atkinson  (T.  D.).  ENGLISH  ARCHI 
TECTURE.  Illustrated.  Third  Edition. 
Fcap.  Svo.  3-r.  6d.  net. 

GLOSSARY  OF  TERMS  USED  IN 
ENGLISH  ARCHITECTURE.  Illus 
trated.  Second  Edition.  Fcap.  Svo.  js.  6d. 
net. 

ENGLISH  AND  WELSH  CATHE 
DRALS.  Illustrated.  Demy  Svo.  los.  6d. 
net. 

Bain  (F.  W.).  A  DIGIT  OF  THE  MOON: 
A  HINDOO  LOVE  STORY.  Tenth  Edition. 
Fcap.  Svo.  y.  6J.  net. 


THE  DESCENT  OF  THE  SUN  :  A  CYCLE 

OF  BIRTH.      Sixth    Edition.      Fcap.   Svo. 

3.$.  6d.  net. 
A  HEIFER    OF    THE    DAWN.      Eighth 

Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.     2S.  td.  net. 
IN  THE  GREAT  GOD;S  HAIR.     Fifth 

Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.     2s.  6d.  net. 
A    DRAUGHT    OF   THE   BLUE.    Fifth 

Edition     Fcap.  Svo.     is.  6d.  net. 
AN   ESSENCE  OF  THE  DUSK.     Third 

Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.     zs.  6d.  net. 
AN    INCARNATION   OF  THE    SNOW. 

Third  Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.     $s.  6d.  net. 
A  MINE  OF  FAULTS.      Third  Edition. 

Fcap.  Bvo.     3.?.  6d.  net. 
THE  ASHES  OF  A  GOD.     Second  Edition. 

Fcap.  Svo.     3.?.  6d.  net. 
BUBBLES     OF     THE     FOAM.      Secona 

Edition.     Fcap.  ^to.     $s.  net.     Also  Fcap. 

Svo.     3t.  6d.  net. 

Balfour    (Graham).       THE     LIFE     OF 
ROBERT  LOUIS  STEVENSON.    Illus 
trated.    Eleventh  Edition.    In  one  Volume. 
Cr.  Svo.      Buckram,  6s 
Also  Fcap.  Svo.     is.  net. 

Baring  (Hon.   Maurice).    LANDMARKS 

IN  RUSSIAN  LITERATURE.     Second 

Edition.     Cr.  Svo.     6s.  net. 
RUSSIAN      ESSAYS     AND     STORIES. 

Second  Edition.     Cr.  Svo.     $s.  net. 
THE      RUSSIAN       PEOPLE.         Second 

Edition.     Demy  Svo.     i$s.  net. 


GENERAL  LITERATURE 


3 


Baring-Gould     (8.).       THE     LIFE     OF 

NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  Illustrated. 

Second  Edition.     Royai  Svo.     zo.t.  def.  rr?/. 
THE    TRAGEDY    OF    THE    CAESARS: 

A   STUDY  OF  THE   CHARACTERS  OF  THE 

C^SARS  OF  THE  JULIAN   AND  CLAUDIAN 

HOUSES.      Illustrated.       Seventh    Edition. 

Roval  Svo.     IDS.  6d.  net. 
THE  VICAR  OF  MORWENSTOW.     With 

a  Portrait.    Third  Edition.    Cr.  Sva.    $s.  6d. 

Also  Fcnp.  Svo.    is.  net. 
OLD  COUNTRY  LIFE.    Illustrated.    Fifth 

Edition.    Large  Cr.  Svo.     6s. 

Also  Fcap.  Svo.     is.  net. 
A    BpOK    OF    CORNWALL.     Illustrated. 

Third  Edition.     Cr.  Svo.     6s. 
A   BOOK   OF   DARTMOOR.      Illustrated. 

Second  Edition.     Cr.  Svo.     6s. 
A  BOOK  OF  DEVON.    Illustrated.     Third 

Edition.     Cr.  Svo.     6s. 

Baring-Gould  (8.)  and  Sheppard  (H.  Fleet- 
wood).  A  GARLAND  OF  COUNTRY 
SONG.  English  Folk  Songs  with  their 
Traditional  Melodies.  Demy  4/0.  6s. 

SONGS  OF  THE  WEST.  Folk  Songs  of 
Devon  and  Cornwall.  Collected  from  the 
Mouths  of  the  People.  New  and  Revised 
Edition,  under  the  musical  editorship  of 
CECIL  J.  SHARP.  Large  Imperial  Svo. 
$s.  net. 

Barker  (E.).  THE  POLITICAL 
THOUGHT  OF  PLATO  AND  ARIS 
TOTLE.  Demy  Svo.  lot.  6d.  net. 

Bastable  (C.  F.).  THE  COMMERCE  OF 
NATIONS.  Seventh  Edition.  Cr.  Svo. 
is.  6d. 

Beckford  (Peter).  THOUGHTS  ON 
HUNTING.  Edited  by  J.  OTHO  PAGKT. 
Illustrated.  Third  Edition.  DetnySvo.  6s. 

Belloc  (H.).  PARIS.  Illustrated  Third 
Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

HILLS  AND  THE  SEA.    Fourth  Edition. 
Fcap.  Svo.     ss. 
Also  Fcap.  Svo.     is.  net. 

ON  NOTHING  AND  KINDRED  SUB 
JECTS.  Fourth  Edition.  Fcap.  Svo.  <s. 

ON  EVERYTHING.    Third  Edition.  Fcap. 

ON  SOMETHING.    Second  Edition.    Fcap. 

SDO.     ss. 
FIRST    AND    LAST.       Second    Edition. 

Fcap.  Svo.     5*. 
THIS  AND  THAT  AND  THE  OTHER. 

Second  Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.     $s. 
MARIE    ANTOINETTE.     Illustrated. 

Third  Edition.    Demy  Svo.     iss.net. 
THE    PYRENEES.      Illustrated.      Second 

Edition.     Demy  Svo.     js.  (id.  net. 

Bennett  (Arnold).  THE  TRUTH  ABOUT 
AN  AUTHOR.  Crrwn  Svo.  6s. 

Bennett  (W.  H.).  A  PRIMER  OF  THE 
BIBLE.  Fifth  dition  Cr.  Svo.  as.  €d. 


Bennett  (W.  H.)  and  Adeney  (W.  F.).    A 

BIBLICAL  INTRODUCTION.     With  a 

concise  Bibliography.     Sixth  Edition.     Cr. 

Svo.     ^s.  6d.     Also  in  Two  Volumes.    Cr. 

Svo.    Each  3.5.  (,</.  net. 
Benson  (Archbishop).     GOD'S   BOARD. 

Communion    Addresses.      Second   Edition. 

Fcap.  Svo.     3S.  6d.  net. 
Berrlman  (Algernon   E.).      AVIATION. 

Illustrated.      Second  Edition.       Cr.    Svo. 

los.  6d.  net. 
Bicknell  (Ethel  E.).     PARIS  AND  HER 

TREASURES.      Illustrated.     Fcap.    Svo. 

Round  corners.     55.  net. 

Blake  (William).  ILLUSTRATIONS  OF 
THE  BOOK  OF  JOB.  With  a  General 
Introduction  by  LAUKENCE  BINYON.  Illus 
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Bloemfontein  (Bishop  of)*  ARA  CCELI : 
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Sixth  Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  $s.  (d.  net. 

FAITH  AND  EXPERIENCE.  Second 
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Boulenger  (G.  A.).  THE  SNAKES  OF 
EUROPE.  Illustrated.  Second  Edition. 
Cr.  Svo.  6t. 

Bowden  (E.  M.).  THE  IMITATION  OF 
BUDDHA.  Quotations  from  Buddhist 
Literature  for  each  Day  in  the  Year.  Sixth 
Edition.  Cr.  i6mo.  is.  6d. 

Brabant  (F.  G.).  RAMBLES  IN  SUSSEX. 
Illustrated.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

Bradley  (A.   G.).     THE  ROMANCE  OF 

NORTHUMBERLAND.  Illustrated. 

Third  Edition.    Demy  Svo.    js.  6d.  net. 
Braid   (James).       ADVANCED     GOLF. 

Illustrated.    Seventh  Edition.    Demy  Svo. 

lo*.  6d.  net. 

Bridger  (A.  E.).  MINDS  IN  DISTRESS. 
A  Psychological  Study  of  the  Masculine 
and  Feminine  Minds  in  Health  and  in  Dis 
order.  Second  Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  is.  6d. 
net. 

Brodrick  (Mary)  and  Morton  (A.  Ander 
son).  A  CONCISE  DICTIONARY  OF 
EGYPTIAN  ARCHEOLOGY.  A  Hand 
book  for  Students  and  Travellers,  Illus 
trated.  Cr.  Svo.  3*.  6d. 

Browning  (Robert).  PARACELSUS. 
Edited  with  an  Introduction,  Notes,  and 
Bibliography  by  MARGARET  L.  LEK  and 
KATHARINE  B.  LOCOCK.  Fcap.  Svo.  3.1. 6d. 
net. 

Buckton  (A.  M.).  EAGER  HEART:  A 
CHRISTMAS  MYSTERY-PLAY.  Twelfth  Edi 
tion.  Cr.  Svo.  is.  net. 

Bull  (Paul).  GOD  AND  OUR  SOLDIERS. 
Second  Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

Burns  (Robert).  THE  POEMS  AND 
SONGS.  Edited  by  ANDREW  LANG  and 
W.  A.  CRAIGIE.  With  Portrait.  Third 
Edition.  Wide  Demy  Svo.  6s. 


METHUEN  AND  COMPANY  LIMITED 


Caiman  (W.  T.).  THE  LIFE  OF 
CRUSTACEA.  Illustrated.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

Carlyle  (Thomas).  THE  FRENCH 
REVOLUTION.  Edited  by  C.  R.  L. 
FLETCHER.  Three  Volumes.  Cr.  Svo.  i8j. 

THE  LETTERS  AND  SPEECHES  OF 
OLIVER  CROMWELL.  With  an  In 
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and  Appendices  by  S.  C.  LOMAS.  Three 
Volumes.  Demy  Svo.  i8j.  net. 

Chambers  (Mrs.  Lambert).  LAWN 
TENNIS  FOR  LADIES.  Illustrated. 
Second  Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  2S.  6d.  net. 

Chesser  (Elizabeth  Sloan).  PERFECT 
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Chesterfield  (Lord).  THE  LETTERS  OF 
THE  EARL  OF  CHESTERFIELD  TO 
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Tiva  Volumes.  Cr.  Svo.  i2S. 

Chesterton  (Q.  K.).  CHARLES  DICKENS. 

With  two  Portraits  in  Photogravure.    Eighth 

Edition.     Cr.  Svo.     6s. 

Also  Fcap.  Svo.     is.  net. 
THE  BALLAD  OF  THE  WHITE  HORSE. 

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ALL   THINGS   CONSIDERED.    Seventh 

Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.     $s. 
TREMENDOUS    TRIFLES.      Fifth  Edi 
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ALARMS  AND   DISCURSIONS.    Second 

Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.     55. 
A    MISCELLANY    OF    MEN.        Second 

Edition.     Fcap.  Svo.    $J. 

Clausen  (George).  ROYAL  ACADEMY 
LECTURES  ON  PAINTING.  Illustrated. 
Cr.  Svo.  5*.  net. 

Conrad  (Joseph).  THE  MIRROR  OF 
THE  SEA :  Memories  and  Impressions. 
Fourth  Edition.  Fcap.  Bvo.  $s. 

Coolidge  (W.  A.  B.).  THE  ALPS:  IN 
NATURE  AND  HISTORY.  Illustrated. 
Demy  Svo.  ^s.  6d.  net. 

Correvon  (H.).  ALPINE  FLORA.  Trans- 
lated  and  enlarged  by  E.  W.  CLAVFORTH. 
Illustrated.  Square  Demy  Svo.  i6s.  net. 

Coulton  (G.  G.).  CHAUCER  AND  HIS 
ENGLAND.  Illustrated.  Second  Edition. 
Demy  Svo.  los.  6d.  net. 

Cowper  (William).  POEMS.  Edited,  with 
an  Introduction  and  Notes,  by  J.  C.  BAILEY. 
Illustrated.  Demy  Svo.  los.  6d.  net. 


Cox  (J.   C.).     RAMBLES    IN    SURREY. 

Illustrated.     Second  Edition.     Cr.  Svo.     6s. 
RAMBLES    IN    KENT.     Illustrated.     Cr. 

Svo.     6s. 

Crawley  (A.  E.).  THE  BOOK  OF  THE 
BALL:  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  WHAT  IT  DOES  AND 
WHY.  Illustrated.  Cr.  Svo.  3*.  6d.  net. 

Davis  (H.  W.  C.).  ENGLAND  UNDER 
THE  NORMANS  AND  ANGEVINS: 
1066-1272.  Third  Edition.  Demy  Svo. 
los.  6d.  net, 

Dawbarn  (Charles).  FRANCE  AND 
THE  FRENCH.  Illustrated.  DemyZvo. 
los.  6d.  net. 

"Dearmer  (Mabel).  A  CHILD'S  LIFE  OF 
CHRIST.  Illustrated.  New  and  Cheaper 
Edition.  Large  Cr.  Svo.  zs.  6d.  net. 

Deffand  (Madame  du).  LETTRES  DE 
LA  MARQUISE  DU  DEFFAND  A 
HORACE  WALPOLE.  Edited,  with  In 
troduction,  Notes,  and  Index,  by  Mrs. 
PAGET  TOYNBEE.  Three  Volumes.  Demy 
Bvo.  £3  3S.  net. 

Dickinson  (G.  L.).  THE  GREEK  VIEW 
OF  LIFE.  Ninth  Edition.  Cr.  Svo. 
zs.  6d.  net. 

Ditchfleld  (P.  H.).     THE  OLD-TIME 

PARSON.     Illustrated.     Second  Edition. 

Demy  Svo.     js.  6d.  net. 
THE       OLD       ENGLISH       COUNTRY 

SQUIRE.   Illustrated.   Demy  Svo.    IDS.  6d. 

net. 

Dowden  (J.).  FURTHER  STUDIES  IN 
THE  PRAYER  BOOK.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

Driver  (8.  R.)-  SERMONS  ON  SUB 
JECTS  CONNECTED  WITH  THE 
OLD  TESTAMENT.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

Dumas  (Alexandra).  THE  CRIMES  OF 
THE  BORGIAS  AND  OTHERS.  With 
an  Introduction  by  R.  S.  GARNETT.  Illus 
trated.  Second  Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

THE  CRIMES  OF  URBAIN  GRAN- 
DIER  AND  OTHERS.  Illustrated.  Cr. 
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THE  CRIMES  OF  THE  MARQUISE 
DE  BRINVILLIERS  AND  OTHERS. 
Illustrated.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

THE  CRIMES  OF  ALI  PACHA  AND 
OTHERS.  Illustrated.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

MY  PETS.  Newly  translated  by  A.  R. 
ALLINSON.  Illustrated.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

Dunn-Pattlson  (R.  P.).  NAPOLEON'S 
MARSHALS.  Illustrated.  Second 

Edition.     Demy  Svo.     IZ.T.  6d.  net. 


GENERAL  LITERATURE 


THE  BLACK  PRINCE.  Illustrated. 
Second  Edition.  Demy  Svo.  js.  6W.  net. 

Durham  (The  Earl  of).  THE  REPORT 
ON  CANADA.  With  an  Introductory 
Note.  Second  Edition.  Demy  Svo.  4*.  6d. 
net. 

Egerton  (H.  E.).  A  SHORT  HISTORY 
OF  BRITISH  COLONIAL  POLICY. 
Fourth  Edition.  Demy  Svo.  Js.  6d.  net. 

Evans  (Herbert  A.).  CASTLES  OF 
ENGLAND  AND  WALES.  Illustrated. 
Demy  Svo.  IM.  6d.  net. 


Ewald  (Carl).  MY  LITTLE  BOY. 
Translated  by  ALEXANDER  TEIXEIRA  CE 
MATTOS.  Illustrated.  Fcap.  Svo.  5*. 

Fairbrother  (W.  H.).  THE  PHILO 
SOPHY  OF  T.  H.  GREEN.  Second 
Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  3*.  6d. 

ffoulkes  (Charles).  THE  ARMOURER 
AND  HIS  CRAFT.  Illustrated.  Royal 
4(0.  £2  2s.  net. 

DECORATIVE  IRONWORK.  From  the 
xith  to  the  xvuith  Century.  Illustrated. 
Royal  4/0.  £2  vs.  net. 

Firth  (C.  H.).  CROMWELL'S  ARMY. 
A  History  of  the  English  Soldier  during  the 
Civil  Wars,  the  Commonwealth,  and  the 
Protectorate.  Illustrated.  Second  Edition. 
Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

Fisher  (H.  A.  L.).  THE  REPUBLICAN 
TRADITION  IN  EUROPE.  Cr.  Svo. 
6s.  net. 

FltzGerald  (Edward).  THE  RUBAlYAT 
OF  OMAR  KHAYYAM.  Printed  from 
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mentary  by  H.  M.  BATSON,  and  a  Biograph 
ical  Introduction  by  E.  D.  Ross.  Cr.  Svo. 
6s. 

Also  Illustrated  by  E.  J.  SULLIVAN.  Cr. 
4  to.  i$s,  net. 

Flux  (A.  W.).  ECONOMIC  PRINCIPLES. 

Demy  Svo.     ?s.  6d.  net. 

Fraser  (E.).  THE  SOLDIERS  WHOM 
WELLINGTON  LED.  Deeds  of  Daring, 
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THE  SAILORS  WHOM  NELSON  LED. 
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Fraser  (J.  F.).  ROUND  THE  WORLD 
ON  A  WHEEL.  Illustrated.  Fi/th 
Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 


Galton  (Sir  Francis).  MEMORIES  OF 
MY  LIFE.  Illustrated.  Third  Edition. 
Demy  Svo.  ioj.  6d.  net. 

Gibbins  (H.  de  B.).  INDUSTRY  IN 
ENGLAND:  HISTORICAL  OUT 
LINES.  With  Maps  and  Plans.  Eighth 
Edition.  Demy  Svo.  ioj.  6d. 

THE  INDUSTRIAL  HISTORY  OF 
ENGLAND.  With  5  Maps  and  a  Plan 
Twentieth  Edition.  Cr.  Svo.  3*. 

ENGLISH  SOCIAL  REFORMERS. 
Third  Edition.  Cr.  Stto.  as.  6d. 

Gibbon  (Edward).  THE  MEMOIRS  OF 
THE  LIFE  OF  EDWARD  GIBBON. 
Edited  by  G.  BIRKBECK  HILL.  Cr.  Svo.  6s. 

THE  DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE 
ROMAN  EMPIRE.  Edited,  with  Notes, 
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Illustrated.  Each  ics.  6d.  net.  Also  in 
Seven  Volumes.  Cr.  Svo.  6s.  each. 

Glover  (T.  R.).  THE  CONFLICT  OF 
RELIGIONS  IN  THE  EARLY  ROMAN 
EMPIRE.  Fifth  Edition.  Demy  Svo. 
7-r.  6d.  net. 

VIRGIL.  Second  Edition.  Demy  Svo.  js- 
6d.net. 

THE  CHRISTIAN  TRADITION  AND 
ITS  VERIFICATION.  (The  Angus  Lee- 
ture  for  1912.)  Second  Edition.  Cr.  Svo. 
js.  6d.  net. 

Godley  (A.  D.).    LYRA  FRIVOLA.    Fifth 

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VERSES    TO    ORDER.     Second  Edition. 

Fcaf.  Svo.     aj.  6d. 

SECOND  STRINGS.     Fcaf.  Svo.     M.  6d. 

Goatling  (Frances  H.).  AUVERGNE 
AND  ITS  PEOPLE.  Illustrated.  Demy 
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Gray  (Arthur).  CAMBRIDGE.  Illustrated. 
Demy  Svo.  tos.  6d.  net. 

Grahame  (Kenneth).  THE  WIND  IN 
THE  WILLOWS.  Seventh  Edition.  Cr. 

Svo.  •  6s. 
Also  Illustrated.     Cr.  4(0.    71.  6d.  net. 

Granger  (Frank).  HISTORICAL  SOCI 
OLOGY  :  A  TEXT-BOOK  OF  POLITICS. 
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Gretton  (M.  Sturge).  A  CORNER  OF 
THE  COTSWOLDS.  Illustrated.  Second 
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Grew  (Edwin  Sharpe).  THE  GROWTH 
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MASTER  ROCKAFELLAR'S  VOYAGE.    W.  Clark 
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HALO,  THE.     Baroness  von  Hutten. 
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FICTION 


Methucn's  Shilling  Hovels—  continued. 


JOSEPH.     Frank  Danby. 

LADY  BETTY  ACROSS  THE  WATER.      C.  N. 
and  A.  M.  Williamson. 

LIGHT  FREIGHTS.    W.  W.  Jacobs. 
LONG  ROAD,  THE.    John  Oxenham. 
MIGHTY  ATOM,  THE.     Marie  Corelli. 
MIRAGE.     E.  Temple  Thurston. 

MISSING  DELORA,  THE.    E.  Phillips  Oppen- 
heim. 

ROUND  THE  RED  LAMP.   Sir  A.  Conan  Doyle. 

SA?D,  THE  FISHERMAN.      Marmaduke  Pick- 
thall. 


SEARCH  PARTY,  THE.     G.  A.  Birmingham. 
SECRET  WOMAN,  THE.     Eden  Phillpotts. 
SEVERINS,  THE.     Mrs.  Alfred  Sidgwick. 
SPANISH  GOLD.     G.  A.  Birmingham 
SPLENDID  BROTHER.     W.  Pett  Ridge. 
TALES  OF  MEAN  STREETS.     Arthur  Morrison. 

TERESA    OP    WATLING    STREET.       Arnold 
Bennett. 

TYRANT,  THE.     Mrs.  Henry  de  la  Pasture. 
UNDER  THE  RED  ROBE.    Stanley  J.  Weyman. 
VIRGINIA  PERFECT.     Peggy  Webling. 

WOMAN    WITH    THE    FAN,    THE.      Robert 
Hichens. 


ANGEL.    B.  M.  Croker. 

BROOM  SQUIRE,  THE.    S.  Baring-Gould 

BY  STROKE  OF  SWORD.     Andrew  Balfour. 

HOUSE    OF    WHISPERS,    THE.      William   Le 
Queux. 

HUMAN  BOY,  THE.    Eden  Phillpotts. 
I  CROWN  THEE  KING.     Max  Pemberton. 
LATE  IN  LIFE.     Alice  Pen-in. 
LONE  PINE.     R.  B.  Townshend. 
MASTER  OF  MEN.     E.  Phillips  Oppenheim. 
MIXED  MARRIAGE,  A.    Mr.  F.  E.  Penny. 


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Cutcliffe  Hyne. 


C.    J. 

C.  N.  &  A.  M. 


PRINCESS  VIRGINIA,  THE. 
Williamson. 

PROFIT  AND  Loss.     John  Oxenham. 

RED  HOUSE,  THK.    E.  Nesbit. 

SIGN  OF  THE  SPIDER,  THE.    Bertram  Mitford. 

SON  OF  THE  STATE,  A.    W.  Pett  Ridge. 


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