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Class _E^4=i^-
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Book_L^^
CASSIUS M. CLAY, and GERRIT SMITH.
A I^etter of Cassius M. Ciay, of Lexingrton, Ky., to
tlae Mayor of Dayton, C, with a Review of it
by Oeriit Smitli, of Petertooro, JV. Y,
PUBLISHED BY JACKSON & CHAPLIN.
Lexington, Ky., March 20, 1S44.
W. J. McKINNEY, Esq., Mayor of Dayton, Ohio.
Dear Sir: Your letter of February 15th last, was in due
time received, and 1 have waited thus long with the intention
of not answering it at all: because, as 1 am a private citizen,
not seeking office at the hands of the People, it might seem to
place me in the presumptuous attitude of attempting to influ-
ence, by mere weight of opinion, the votes of my countrymen
in their choice of President : when neither my age, experience,
nor fame, warranted the assumption. But since the reception
of your letter, I have received many of similar import, from
Liberty men and Anti. Slavery Whigs in most of the Northern
States, pressing upon me an expression of opinion, in such a
manner that I should prove false to that spirit of candor which
I proudly cherish as characteristic of the principles which I
advocate, did I, through any affectation of humility, remain
longer silent.
You ask me, "Will you, if you live and are able to vote at
the approaching Presidential election, vote for Henry Clay
for President ? If the Third Party, or Liberty men, should
have an Electoral Ticket in your State, would you vote that
ticket in preference? Were you a citizen of Ohio, which of
these tickets would you vote ?"
The last two questions are such as would require various
other suppositions to be made, before I could give a suitable
answer in justice to myself and all the parties concerned,
which would be too voluminous for the space of a single let-
ter : and, for all practical purposes, they will be sufficiently-
answered in my reply to the first question : that, It is my most
<;^^>
^(;^(.^
decided determination ^Ho vote for Henry Clay for Presi.
dent." Men never have and never will, in all cases, think
alike: all (Government is necessarily a sacrifice, to some ex-
tent, of individual will : that is the best Go^*ernment to each
individual which fosters or allows the most of what that indi-
vidual believes to be conducive to his best interests. The
question then is not, ' Can I find some man to vote for among
seventeen millions, who thinks in all respects as myself?' but,
* Who is the man, all things present and remote considered,
that will most probably be able by success to give effectuation
to those great measures which 1 deem conducive to my wel-
fare, and the welfare of my whole country V This question
every voter in the Republic must determine for himself: For
myself, after looking calmly upon ail the surrounding circum-
stances, Conscience, Patriotism, and (if otliers prefer the term)
enlightened self-interest, constrain me to vote for Henry Clay.
The Tariff, the Currency, the Lands, Economy, Executive
and Ministerial Responsibility, and many other interests, all
depend, in my humble judgment, on Mr. (Clay's election for
beneficial determination. And if he is elected, the decision
of 1840 passed by the People, will be confirmed, and the pol-
icy of the country settled. Then, and (such is the anarchy
of the public mind) not till then, shall we have time to look
about us, and project that otter great reform, the reduction of
American Slavery to its constitutional limits, and to concen-
trate the united condemnation of the civilized world to its
tinal and utter extinction.
Mr. Clay is indeed a Slaveholder — I wish he were not.
Yet it does not become me, who have so lately ceased to be a
Slaveholder myself, to condemn him. It is not my province
to defend Mr. Clay ; this he is abundantly able to do himself.
It remains with posterity to determine how much shall be due
him for the glorious impulse his fervent spirit has given to
Liberty throughout the world : and with them also to say, how
much shall be subtracted from this appreciation, for his only
having failed to do all that could be done in this holy cause.
Cyrus, Themistocles, Plato, Cato, Aristides, Demosthenes,
Cincinnatus, and Cicero, sacrificed to base heathen gods : yet
no man, because they knew not the true God, will say that
they were not religious, great, good, and patriotic men. T.
B. Macaulay, one of the most acute and enlightened men of
this or any era, in his review of the life of Francis Bacon,
justly says :
«* We should think it unjust to call St, Louis a wicked man
because, in an age in which toleration was generally regar-
ded as a sin, he persecuted heretics. We should think it un-
just to call Cowper's friend, John Newton, a hypocrite and a
monster, because, at a time when the slave-trade was com-
monly considered by the most respectable people as an inno-
cent and beneficial traffic, he went, largely provided with
hymn-books and handcutfs, on a Guinea voyage. An im-
moral action being in a particular society generally consider-
ed as innocent, is a good plea for an individual who being
one of that society, and having adopted the notions which
prevail among his neighbors, commits that action."
I cannot, then, because Mr. Clay is a slaveholder, in a com-
munity where the whole Christian Church of all denomina-
tions — the only professed teachers of morals among the people
— are also slaveholders, proscribe him, for that single thing
of difTerence between us.
In saying thus much in justification of my course in voting
for Mr. Claj'^, I should be fnlse to my own reputation, ungrate-
ful to that large portion of Anti-Slavery men who have sym-
pathized with me in my feeble efforts in the cause of Univer-
sal Liberty, and recreant to that glorious cause itself, if 1 did
not avow my belief that the time is near at hand when public
sentiment will not, ought not, and cannot hold the Slavehold-
er guiltless — Yes, I will go yet farther, and declare, in the
name of the Christian Religion and our Republican Institu-
tions, based professedly on the principle of 'the greatest good
to the greatest number,' that no man, after the next Presiden-
tial election, when so much light shall have been shed upon
this subject, should be deemed fit to rule over a Republican,
Christian people, who shall violate, by holding slaves, the
only true principles upon which either Christianity or Repub-
licanism can stand the test of philosophical scrutiny for a
single moment.
In conclusion, in refutation of the slanders of the Washing
ton Globe, which are ever harmless where that print is known,
in justice to Mr. Clay, and in vindication of my own self-
respect, you will allow me to say, that my opinions and action
upon the subject of Slavery are all my own ; that, however
much I ma}^ esteem Mr. Clay as a man, a statesman, and a
friend — though I may regard him as one of the most frank,
noble, practical, wise, eloquent, and patriotic of those who, in
this or any other age, have assumed to govern a great Nation,
the Editor of the Globe but makes exhibition of his own igno-
ble spirit, when he insinuates that Henry Clay would play a
double part to deceive the American People, by dictating to
me, or that I, humble as I may be in the estimation of my
country, would be used by him, or any other man, or set of
men, for any dishonorable purpose, or be treated with upon
any other terms than those of absolute equality.
Trusting that your wishes, as well as the purposes of those
persons who have done me the honor to address me by letter
upon this subject, will be best subserved by making this an-
swer public, I send it at once to the press.
Respectfully vour obedient servant,
C. M. CLAY.
P. S. Reform, in Jeremy Bentham's day, was termed " in-
novation;" this owl-faced age has improved in this respect, —
now "fanaticism" is the word — a strong word — yet when will
Americans learn it ? There is a still stronger word than this,
— " Truth.^' If there be really in all this wide Union, a sin-
gle man of the McDuffie school, of good sense, cool, calcula-
ting, quick in the discernment of the "pith o' things," and
above all no "enthusiast," let him read Thomas Carlyle's
*^ Sphinx'^ in the "Past and Present," and then tell us wheth-
er there be a " Sphinx^^ also in America, and solve us the
riddle! The description covers four pages — will not the
»« land of tracts" look to it ? C. M. C.
Peteeboro, March 29, 1844.
CASSiUS M, CLAY, Esq.
My Dear Sir : I have, this day, read your letter to the
Mayor of Dayton. So, notwithstanding you had forfy thou-
sand dollars in slaves, and a slaveholding reputation and in-
fluence, which money could not measure, you have surrender-
ed all, and ceased to be a slaveholder ! God be praised for
this glorious triumph of the truth, which American abolition-
ists have been inculcating, for the last twelve years ! God
be praised for having made them willing to sutler so much
loss, and to count not even their lives dear unto themselves,
for the sake of inculcating it ! And thrice blessed be you— .
and you will be — for having yielded to its power ! No victor
so happy, be his conquests never so numerous and extolled, as
he, who suffers himself to be conquered by truth. Such a
one is, indeed, the greatest of conquerors. His captivity is
the establishnient in his own soul of the supremacy of virtue
over vice-^of right over wrong. It is the matchless victory
pf gaining the rule over one's own spirit.
I welcome your letter, not only because it condemns slave.
^h It^"^ ; Tf '^ ""' '" "^"^''"-^ ^" republicanism and
chnshanity; but because it lays down the principle, (hat a
slaveholder IS untit to be a civil ruler. I wish, that the North-
em political and religious press concurred with vou, in this
latter respect. But, even the New York Tribun^-vour fa^.
vorite newspaper, to which you sent the letter lyinff be
nl'f n'^r'^"',^'"'^-^"'*" arguments against this principle",
that the slaveholder is unworthy of civil office. I am very
sorry to observe, that, even in your own mind, this principle
IS not one of entirely universal applicability. You plead for
an exception to it : a single exception, it is true : and such an
exception, as, I own, it seems rather ungracious to blame you
for pleading for. Henry Clay is your kinsman, neighbor,
friend. He has stood by you, and given you efTective help
m your most memorable perils. He is, withal, the leader,
not to say idol, of that party, from which you are not yet ful-
Jy weaned. Now, that, in these circumstances, you'should
purpose to vote for him, is, indeed, a fault—but a fault, ^o
mitigated by those circumstances, that none, and, especially,
they, who are the subjects of the admiration, gratitude, and
love, excited by the emancipation of your numerous slaves,
can find it easy to fix their eye upon, very steadily or sternly.
And, what alleviates this fault still farther, is, that it is only
ior once more, you would have even Henry Clay voted for
Your proscription of slaveholders is to extend to him also, af!
ter the next Presidential Election. The dispensation of re-
publicans and christians to vote for a buyer and seller of men
even though he be Henry Clay himself, you would have cease,
next November.
Your letter will be of immense service to the Anti-SIavery
cause. Such testimony of one of the noblest minds of the
South against slavery— testimony, no longer contradicted by
your slaveholdmg; but sustained, proven to be deeply sincere,
and made solemn and impressive, by the emancipation of your
slaves, will tell upon every Northern neighborhood. And even
the declaration of your purpose tocastyourvote forHenry Clay
will work far less injury than many fear. For 1st, that vote is
too obvious a violation of your own admitted principles, and
too obvious an inconsistency with yourself, to carry much in.
fluence with it. 2d, it will be regarded as a yielding to the
pressure of circumstances and to human weaknesses, rather
than as the conclusion of wise, deliberate, unbiassed reason,
ings. 8d, those amongst us, who are hunting for excuses
for their intended vote for Henry Clay, will not find any in
your intention to vote for him. That you, his neighbor,
a*
6
warm personal friend, and relative, should be irresistibly
tempted to vote for him, is a fact, having no apphcation to
themselves— having no application to persons in circumstan-
ces so totally unlike your own.
Nevertheless, a little harm will mingle with the great good
of your letter. We have a class of Abolitionists who are
called, " The just-this-once men." They generally vote the
anti-slavery ticket ; but, occasionally, the intoxicating expe-
dients of the pro-slavery parties prevail over their too easy
principles, and they beg the privilege of voting, «just this
once," with those parties— of bowing down agam, "just this
once," in the ^' House of Rimmon." It is true, that many ot
the causes of your voting for Henry Clay are to be found in
your peculiar circumstances, and are, therefore, without any
bearing on the persons of whom I speak. Notwithstanding,
when they read your letter, and see, that you reserve to your,
self the privilege of going, "just this once," in opposition to
the principle of anti-slavery voting, they will be but too apt
to feel, that they now have the authority of an eminently wise
and upright man to justify the departure from it, of which
they are themselves occasionally guilty. In vam, will it be
for us to remind them, that your opposition to this principle
is to be but for once ; and that theirs has already been repeat-
ed. They will reply, that, the first time they violated this
principle, they were as sure, that they should not violate it
again, as Cassius M. Clay now is, that his adherence to it
will never relax, after the next election.
I observe your two excuses for casting a pro-slavery vote,
at the coming election. One is, that darkness prevails, in
respect to the character and criminality of slavery; and that
light will not take the place of this darkness, unti after the
election is past. Be it so, notwithstanding I totally fail to
understand it, that the next election will prove to be the divi-
ding line between darkness and light on this subject;— never-
theless, how will this give you, in whom "the darkness is past
and the true light now shineth," the right to cast a pro-slavery
vote, at that election? If all other men are, your letter shows,
that vou are not ignorant, that it is wrong to make a slave-
holder a civil ruler. And, if, in their ignorance, all other
men vote for a slaveholder, I know not what right you have
to vote in their darkness, rather than in your own light ; and
to make their ignorance, rather than your own knowledge,
the standard of your conduct, if, in the providence of God,
your mind has been singled out for illumination by His truin,
are you at liberty to defer to a benighted majority, and to act,
as it acts ? I am aware, that Judge L. of Missouri denies the
right to call in question the conduct of the inajoruy : but I
am also aware, that a higher authority than Judge L. says:
"Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil. So far from
vour beina at liberty to act, in the supposed case, as the majority
acts • you are to regard the revelation of truth to your mind
as your commission and obligation to employ this truth for the
enlightenment of that majority.
From the doctrine of your letter, that good men can, through
iirnorance, live even in great sins, few Abolitionists will be
found to dissent. But you will pardon me for not being^ble
to perceive, that either this doctrine, or your quotation from
Macaulav, which, 1 cheerfully admit, serves to justify it, has
any pertinence whatever to the question before us— has any
bearino- whatever on the point of voting. I find no fault with
vou fo? intimating, that Henry Clay is ignorant of the moral
nature of slaveholding. 1 find no fault with you for number,
incrhim, as you impliedly do, with "religious, great, good,
and patriolic"'men." But what I contend for is, that you have
no more ri^^ht to vote for him, under the supposition, that he
does not know the sinfulness of slavery— no more right to vote
for him under the supposition, that he is a great and good, than
under the supposition, that he is a little and bad man— no
more rit^ht to vote for him, under the supposition, that he is a
Ghristi^n, than under the supposition, thu.t he is an infidel.
And, in this connection, i would say, that the leading consid-
eration of the Abolitionist in his vote is extensively misappre-
bended. Tens of thousands of persons suppose, that the Ab-
olitionist, in his bigotry and narrowness, votes for his candr-
date, because he thinks him sinless ; and withholds his vote
from rival candidates, because he thinks them sinners. But,
thev are mistaken. The Abolitionist passes by pro-slavery
tickets, not because the names on them are the names of sin-
ners, but because they are the names of men, who, whether
saints or sinners, will, if elected, refuse to wield their official
power for the overthrow of slavery. He prefers the anti-
slavery ticket, not because its names are those of sinless men,
but because they are the names of men, who, hov/ever imper-
fect their practices or principles, will, if elected, use their
office, as far as they constitutionally can, to deliver the land
from the curse of slavery. In all this the Abolitionist exhib-
its good sense. When I am choosing a man to act for me, 1
must see to it, that 1 make choice of one, who will act upoii,
and act out, my own principles. When 1 am voting to fill
the office, which has power to grant, or withhold, licenses for
8
making drunkards, I am to concern myself, not so much about
the genera rel.g.ous character of the candda.es°as about lie
question of Ihe.r faithfulness to the principles of temperance
So too when I am votin.. ,o fill the office' of Presided of iT;
IJni.ed States, „ ,s an insufficient excuse for my pro. laverv
vote to say, as you virtually do: "Tlie man f„r',v^ „„^ '
S'L'd ;:,ri:^.^r.'^'^' ™°'^"-^- -ehgiou.great,
fnr^ iT"' "' ' u""' ^^■'"^" '*"> '■""""^ "f «ne of v-our excuses
for yoting ,or Henry Clay. The other is, that iie is sound
in respect to several questions in political econl" ° Tct
you enumerate, and that his election is important to" the pio
per disposal of these questions. Now, I will, ,f y^u njease
admit all (hat you claim for Henry Clay cincerniJthX'
questions: and yet, yourself being judgeLvmir own Lto
being my a„thonty-he is not entitled to von'r vole I know
tha your letter says, that the election of Henry c1;y Ltd tlTo
proper disposnot these questions, are necessary to p leVue
he way for .riumphant action against slavery ; and, fallow
for vo ng for him. Hut. I know too, that your letter "]t
hrwifla , ' 'th^tT'"'"' r f'-'^"^'^" «'■'" 'I'e next election^
ne will, and, tliat,Joo, whatever may be the result of such
e ec.ion-however unfavorable, in your eyes, its learinron
the economical questions referred to-be unworthy of th"e of"
fice of a civil ruler I put it to you then,dear sir, kindly, but i
esist.bIy,whetherInee,lsummonanyotherwitn'essto ti'est id"
than yourself, to prove the emptiness of this other excuse for
your vote for Henry Clay, and to deprive you of even a show
But 'iris"h ', "" ''""' '■"^ ""■■^' =>" ""justifiable vote
ami in', e nr" 1 " T " '"'■■" ^°' '"^ °>''" condemnation-
ami in the present instance, entirely unnecessary, lour ex
cuse can easily be shown to be unsound, wiiliout o lotin;
JheTsITV'"r'\ '' •=-''"''°'' ■<"• - moment? abidf
If tl s and but n f ^- ' k""""" "°' "" ^''"''°™ chris'tianity
or till, land, but the pure Christianity of the Bible
in in ri "°' ^^r:^"^"" "'^ ''^a^' '•'S'" of 'lie least being
m all His universe. To believe that He does, is to belie"!
fon^de^n "T*' ""^ i" '^''''"y "^^ '''y '•""ndation of our
confidence in Him. 2d. All men should feel, that they are
His servan s, and that their conduct must harmon zfwith
H.S principles and character. The Bible, declares "mparUal
.ty to be an attribute not of God only, but also (M Jv 45 )
9
of all them, who are counted worthy to be Elis children. 3d.
When then we barter away tlie great, original, inherent, rights
of one man for another man's more secure possession of such
rights ; and, most emphatically, when we take these sacred
rights from one man, and barter them away for the promotion
of the mere pecuniary interests of another, we outrage some
of the plainest principles of the Divine government, and prove
ourselves to be Atheists and rebels, instead of the servants of
God. 4th. But, is not the willingness of certain anti-slavery
men to elect a slaveholder to the Presidency, provided his
views, in respect to the Tariff and other financial measures,
agree with their own, red with the guilt of the worst kind of
such a barter ? Do they not virtually say : " We will con-
sent to leave the slaves of the District of Columbia and of the
Territory of Florida in their chains, for the sake of securing
an improvement in the pecuniary circumstances of the whites?
— for the sake of it in our own circumstances?" Thousands
of professing Christians are, this day, defending such compro-
mises, and declaring them to be indispensable. But, before I
can be convinced, that men can innocently, and must necessa-
rily, practice such compromises, 1 must be convinced, that God
is so great a bungler, as not to be able to carry on His gov-
ernment, without invading the rights of some of His subjects.
1 see, that you approvingly quote the maxim: " The great-
est good of the greatest number." The frequent repetition of
this maxim in the celebrated letters of " O. P. Q." written, a
dozen years ago, in the city of Paris, gave it a fresh and in-
creased popularity. But, the maxim is no less false than pop-
ular. Christianity requires "the greatest good of the wliola
number." It is in accordance with this maxim, that the indi-
vidual is so often sacrificed in answer to the claims of society.
Society has proved itself to be a bloody Moloch, on whose al-
tar millions of individuals have been slain. It is in accord-
ance with this maxim, that nations give up millions of indi-
viduals to be slaughtered on the battle field. And this same
maxim is the justifying plea of slavery for crushing millions
in its iron folds. Would that the practice under this maxim
did not exceed its letter ! But, like every other permitted
wrong, it transcends its prescribed limits. A community sets
out to promote "the greatest good of the greatest number,"
hy means of the sacrifice of a small number. But, soon how-
ever, the foul and murderous wrong grows into the policy of
benefitting a select and aristocratic few, at the expense of the
many. Who will deny, that it has already thus increased
Qnd magnified itself in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Lou-
10
isiana, in each of which States the slave population exceeds
the free? — the sacrificed the sacrificers ?
Gocl be praised for the plain teaching of His word, that one
man's rights stand not in the way of another's — that one man's
happiness interferes not with another's — tlmt every man is
every other man's brother — nay more, that every man is bound
to see in every other man another self. My friend, my broth-
er, from the bottom of my heart do I commend to you this
plain teaching. You have — and blessed be God for it ! — you
have begun to drink of its spirit. Drink deeper of it ; and
you will then be prepared to say, that, come what will of
Banks and Tariffs, and other dollars and cents questions, you
will never again vote power over the slave into the hands of
the slaveholder. Drink deeper of it ; and you will then re-
gard all such questions, as but « the small dust of the bal-
ance," compared with personal rights. Drink deeper of it ;
and you will then be ready to admit, that ihe least right of
the least inf^mt amongst the tens of thousands of our fellow
immortals, whom slavery treads under foot in the District of
Columbia and in Florida, and who are thus trodden on with
the express approbation of our General Government and of
Henry Clay, is entitled to an infinitelv more solicitous pro-
tection, at the hands of that Governme'nt and of Henry Clay,
than are all the pecuniary interests of all the nation.
1 rejoice, that you did not find it in your heart to give a
negative answer to the question, whether, if you were a citi-
zen of Ohio, you would vote the Liberty Party Electoral- tick-
et ; or to the question, whether, if there were'such a ticket in
your own Stale, you would vote it. Liberty will,probabl3^ have
no ticket in Kentucky, the present year. If she should have,
you would find it much harder to refuse to vote it, than to vote
for Henry Clay. Would, my dear Sir, that you might experi-
ence such a baptism of the spirit of Libertv,as should make you
willing to cast a solitary vote for her ! Would that she might
irresistibly impel you to compose a vote of the names of black
men, if there are not white men — ay, of slaves even, if there
are not freemen, in your State, to represent your anti-slavery
principles. Posterity would accord more honor to you for
casting such a vote, than to your distinguished namesake for
the most triumphant success of his highest ambition.
Pardon me, dear Sir, that I have so freely expressed the
concern of my heart, respecting the character of your vote.
Take, if you please, in return, the like liberty with me and
the anti-slavery men of the North. Tell us, how you would
have us vote. If you shall not vote an anti-slavery electoral
11
ticket next Fall, you will have the excuse, that no such ticket
was nominated in Kentucky. But, if we shall not vote one,
it will not be for such a lack, and we shall not have such an
excuse. There will be anti-slavery electoral tickets in all
the free States. Shall we vote them ? 1 anticipate your
emphatic affirmative reply. Were we not to vote them, your
heart would grieve bitterly over oim- unfaithfulness to the
cause, which is dearer to you than any other cause. If you
shall not vote an anti.slavery ticket, another of vour excuses,
as we have seen, will be, that you dwell in the mkht of great
darkness respecting slavery. But, if we shall not— we, who
hve where floods of light are poured forth on this subject
you would yourself be among the very first to reproach us
with our utterly excuseless "fellowship with the works of
darkness." If you shall not vote an anti.slavery ticket next
Fall, you will, as we have already said your letter informs us,
make as much of an excuse, as you can, out of the fact, that
you voted in accordance with your views on the Tariff and
certain other questions in political economy. But, it by no
means follows, that you would have us turn away from our
anti.slavery tickets to vote for men, who will represent our
views on such questions. All of us have sympathy with the
VVhigsor Democrats on these questions— a part with one
and a part with the other; and, therefore, were our votes to
follow this sympathy, there would be no Liberty Party left
It would be reabsorbed by those parties, from which we came
out— and from which we came out for the very reason, that
they allow these questions to come into competition with, and
even to merge, the claims of the slave. The Liberty Party
which you had the honesty and courage so recently' to eulo
gizeina public meeting in your own State, would then be
wrecked and ruined. The American anti.slavery cause would
then have perished from the treachery of its own friends I
know, that from such inevitable consequences of our sufferinff
the consideration of dollars and cents, instead of that of in-
alienable human rights, to govern our votes, your spirit recoils,
as promptly and as widely, as our own; and, that, whilst yoii
are yourself yielding to the peculiar and strong temptations
to leave your own duty undone, you bid us go forward and
manftilly do ours. Rest assured, my dear Sir, that we shall
not disobey such nghfeous instructions. If you can afford
to cast one more pro-slavery vote, we cannot. We have re
pented too sorely of our past voting against the slave, that we
should ever again repeat the enormous crime. And, besides,
we have stood by hira too long, that we should now forsake
12
him. We will continue to hold up the standard of freedom,
as well as such feeble ones can. Next Autumn will witness
your last sin against your enslaved brethren; and then your
strong hands will also grasp that standard ; and then, too,
thousands and tens of thousands will flock to it, under the in.
spiration of your example. Slavery will succeed in the ap-
proaching election. A .slaveholder, or a guiltier servant of
slavery, will then be elected to the Chief Magistracy. But,
one consolation under so painful a conclusion is, that this will
be the last national political triumph of tliis system of match-
less fraud and horrors. The Presidential election, four years
hence, if indeed God shall spare our guilty nation so long,
will write upon our standard : " Jehovah has triumphed — His
people are free." I am, dear Sir, with jrreat regard, your
friend, GERRIT SMITH.
TRACTS! TRACTS!! TRACTS!!!
N. Y. S. ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
We have in our Office at present the following Tracts; and shall publish
monthly, or oftener, during the summer, as the wants of the cause may in-
dicate. We publish of ftco sices.
Four Page size — ^^Twelve Pages for one Cent.
CAUSK OF THE HARD TIMES.
INFLUENCE OF THE SLAVE POWER.
DANIEL O'CONNELL'S SPEECH.
LAWLESSNESS OF SLAVERY.
SHALL SLAVERY LAST FOREVER?
REVIEW OF JUNIUS.
New England Tracts.
PERSONS HELD TO SERVICE.
THE TYRANT PAUPERS.
THE MIS.SOURI COMPROMISE.
THE COMPACT.
BIBLE POLITICS.
DON'T THROW AWAY YOUR VOTE.
THE RIGHT SORT OF POLITICS. ■ 1
Eight Page size— Eight Pages for one Cent.
O'CONNELL'S LETTER TO CIN. REPEALERS.
DUTIES iSt DIGNITIES OF AMERICAN FREEMEN. !
CONDITION OF LIVING.
THE DUELIST.
We solicit orders from all parts of the countiy. We shall keep on hand
all the Tracts of the New England Tract Association, and shall furnish those
who may order at the New England price. Terms: CASH IN ALL CAS»i.S.
JAMES C. JACKSON,
Cor, Sec'y of the N. Y. S. Anti^Slavery Society.
Utica, April, 1844.
