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CASTES    AND    TRIBES 

OF 

SOUTHERN    INDIA 


CASTES   AND   TRIBES 


OF 


SOUTHERN    INDIA 


EDGAR   THURSTON,   c.i.e.. 

Superintendent,  Madras  Government  Museum  ;   Correspondant  Etranger, 

Soci6t6  d'Anthropologie  de  Paris  ;  Socio  Corrispondante, 

Societa  Romana  di  Anthropologia. 


ASSISTED    BY 

K.    RANGACHARI,    m.a., 

of  the  Madras  Government  Museum. 


VOLUME  II— C  TO  J 


GOVERNMENT    PRESS,     MADRAS 
1909. 


\l.^- 


ii3r>(;88 


CASTES    AND    TRIBES 
OF  SOUTHERN   INDIA. 

VOLUME  II. 


^^^^ANJI  (gruel). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Padma 
kKife^,  Sale.  Canji  is  the  word  "  in  use  all  over  India 
for  the  water,  in  which  rice  has  been  boiled. 
It  also  forms  the  usual  starch  of  Indian  washermen."* 
As  a  sept  of  the  Sale  weavers,  it  probably  has  reference 
to  the  gruel,  or  size,  which  is  applied  to  the  warp. 

Chacchadi. — Haddis  who  do  scavenging  work,  with 
whom  other  Haddis  do  not  freely  intermarry. 

Chadarapu  Dhompti  (square  space  marriage  offer- 
ing).— A  sub-division  of  Madigas,  who,  at  marriages, 
offer  food  to  the  god  in  a  square  space. 

Chakala.— 5^^  Tsakala. 

Chakkan. — Recorded  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1901,  as  "  a  Malabar  caste  of  oil-pressers  (chakku  means 
an  oil-mill).  Followers  of  this  calling  are  known  also 
as  Vattakkadans  in  South  Malabar,  and  as  Vaniyans  in 
North  Malabar,  but  the  former  are  the  higher  in  social 
status,  the  Nayars  being  polluted  by  the  touch  of  the 
Vaniyans  and  Chakkans,  but  not  by  that  of  the 
Vattakkadans.  Chakkans  and  Vaniyans  may  not  enter 
Brahman  temples.  Their  customs  and  manners  are 
similar  to  those  of  the  Nayars,  who  will  not,  however, 


*  Yule  and  Burnell.     Hobson-Jobson. 


CHAKKILIYAN  2 

marry   their    women."     Chakkingalavan    appears    as   a 
synonym  for  Chakkan. 

Chakkiliyan.— "  The  Chakkiliyans,"  Mr.  H.  A. 
Stuart  writes,*  "are  the  leather-workers  of  the  Tamil 
districts,  corresponding  to  the  Madigas  of  the  Telugu 
country.  The  Chakkiliyans  appear  to  be  immigrants 
from  the  Telugu  or  Canarese  districts,  for  no  mention  is 
made  of  this  caste  either  in  the  early  Tamil  inscriptions, 
or  in  early  Tamil  literature.  Moreover,  a  very  large  pro- 
portion of  the  Chakkiliyans  speak  Telugu  and  Canarese. 
In  social  position  the  Chakkiliyans  occupy  the  lowest 
rank,  though  there  is  much  dispute  on  this  point  between 
them  and  the  Paraiyans.  Nominally  they  are  Saivites, 
but  in  reality  devil-worshippers.  The  avaram  plant 
{Cassia  auriculata)  is  held  in  much  veneration  by  them,t 
and  the  tali  is  tied  to  a  branch  of  it  as  a  preliminary  to 
marriage.  Girls  are  not  usually  married  before  puberty. 
The  bridegroom  may  be  younger  than  the  bride.  Their 
widows  may  remarry.  Divorce  can  be  obtained  at  the 
pleasure  of  either  party  on  payment  of  Rs.  1 2-1 2-0  to 
the  other  in  the  presence  of  the  local  head  of  the  caste. 
Their  women  are  considered  to  be  very  beautiful,  and  it 
is  a  woman  of  this  caste  who  is  generally  selected  for  the 
coarser  form  of  Sakti  worship.  They  indulge  very  freely 
in  intoxicating  liquors,  and  will  eat  any  flesh,  including 
beef,  pork,  etc.  Hence  they  are  called,  par  excellence, 
the  flesh-eaters  (Sanskrit  shatkuli)."  It  was  noted  by 
Sonnerat,  in  the  eighteenth  century,|  that  the  Chakkili- 
yans are  in  more  contempt  than  the  Pariahs,  because 


*  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district. 

t  The  bark  of  the  avaram  plant  is  one  of  the  most  valuable  Indian  tanning 
agents. 

:;:  Voyage  to  the  East  Indies,  1774  and  1781. 


3  CHAKKILIYAN 

they  use  cow  leather  in  making  shoes.  "The  Chucklers 
or  cobblers,"  the  Abbe  Dubois  writes,*  "are  considered 
inferiors  to  the  Pariahs  all  over  the  peninsula.  They  are 
more  addicted  to  drunkenness  and  debauchery.  Their 
orgies  take  place  principally  in  the  evening,  and  their 
villages  resound,  far  into  the  night,  with  the  yells  and 
quarrels  which  result  from  their  intoxication.  The 
very  Pariahs  refuse  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the 
Chucklers,  and  do  not  admit  them  to  any  of  their  feasts." 
In  the  Madura  Manual,  1868,  the  Chakkiliyans  are 
summed  up  as  "dressers  of  leather,  and  makers  of 
slippers,  harness,  and  other  leather  articles.  They  are 
men  of  drunken  and  filthy  habits,  and  their  morals  are 
very  bad.  Curiously  enough,  their  women  are  held  to 
be  of  the  Padmani  kind,  i.e.,  of  peculiar  beauty  of  face 
and  form,  and  are  also  said  to  be  very  virtuous.  It  is 
well  known,  however,  that  zamindars  and  other  rich 
men  are  very  fond  of  intriguing  with  them,  particularly 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paramagudi,  where  they  live  in 
great  numbers."  There  is  a  Tamil  proverb  that  even  a 
Chakkili  Sfirl  and  the  ears  of  the  millet  are  beautiful 
when  mature.  In  the  Tanjore  district,  the  Chakkiliyars 
are  said  t  to  be  "considered  to  be  of  the  very  lowest 
status.  In  some  parts  of  the  district  they  speak  Telugu 
and  wear  the  namam  (Vaishnavite  sect  mark)  and  are 
apparently  immigrants  from  the  Telugu  country." 
Though  they  are  Tamil-speaking  people,  the  Chakkili- 
yans, like  the  Telugu  Madigas,  have  exogamous  septs 
called  gotra  in  the  north,  and  kilai  in  the  south.  Unlike 
the  Madigas,  they  do  not  carry  out  the  practice  of 
making  Basavis  (dedicated  prostitutes). 


*  Hindu  Manners,  Customs  and  Ceremonies. 
•|-  Manual  of  the  Tanjore  district,  1883. 
II-I  B 


CHAKKILIYAN 


The  correlation  of  the  most  important  measurements 
of  the  Madigas  of  the  Telugu  country,  and  so-called 
Chakkiliyans  of  the  city  of  Madras,  is  clearly  brought 
out  by  the  following  figures  : — 


Thirty 

Fifty 

Madigas. 

Chakkiliyans. 

cm. 

cm. 

Stature  

163-1 

162-2 

Cephalic  length 

i8-6 

i8-6 

,,         breadth 

13-9 

13-9 

„         index ... 

75" 

75- 

Nasal  height     ... 

4-5 

4-6 

,,      breadth  ... 

37 

3-6 

„      index 

8o-8 

78-9 

The  Chakkillyan  men  in  Madras  are  tattooed  not 
only  on  the  forehead,  but  also  with  their  name,  conven- 
tional devices,  dancing-girls,  etc.,  on  the  chest  and  upper 
extremities. 

It  has  been  noticed  as  a  curious  fact  that,  in  the 
Madura  district,  "while  the  men  belong  to  the  right- 
hand  faction,  the  women  belong  to  and  are  most 
energetic  supporters  of  the  left.  It  is  even  said  that, 
during  the  entire  period  of  a  faction  riot,  the  Chakkili 
women  keep  aloof  from  their  husbands  and  deny  them 
their  marital  rights."  ^ 

In  a  very  interesting  note  on  the  leather  industry  of 
the  Madras  Presidency,  Mr.  A.  Chatterton  writes  as 
follows. t  "  The  position  of  the  Chakkiliyan  in  the  south 
differs  greatly  from  that  of  the  Madiga  of  the  north,  and 
many  of  his  privileges  are  enjoyed  by  a  '  sub-sect '  of  the 
Pariahs  called  Vettiyans.  These  people  possess  the 
right  of  removing  dead  cattle  from  villages,  and  in  return 


•  Manual  of  the  Madura  district. 

■\  Monograph  of  Tanning  and  Working  in  Leather,  1904. 


5  CHAKKILIYAN 

have  to  supply  leather  for  agricultural  purposes.  The 
majority  of  Chakkiliyans  are  not  tanners,  but  leather- 
workers,  and,  instead  of  getting  the  hides  or  skins  direct 
from  the  Vettiyan,  they  prefer  to  purchase  them  ready- 
tanned  from  traders,  who  bring  them  from  the  large  tan- 
ning centres.  When  the  Chuckler  starts  making  shoes 
or  sandals,  he  purchases  the  leather  and  skin  which  he 
requires  in  the  bazar,  and,  taking  it  home,  first  proceeds 
with  a  preliminary  currying  operation.  The  leather  is 
damped  and  well  stretched,  and  dyed  with  aniline,  the 
usual  colour  being  scarlet  R.R.  of  the  Badische  Anilin 
Soda  Fabrik.  This  is  purchased  in  the  bazar  in  packets, 
and  is  dissolved  in  water,  to  which  a  little  oxalic  acid 
has  been  added.  The  dye  is  applied  with  a  piece  of  rag 
on  the  grain  side,  and  allowed  to  dry.  After  drying, 
tamarind  paste  is  applied  to  the  flesh  side  of  the  skin, 
and  the  latter  is  then  rolled  between  the  hands,  so  as  to 
produce  a  coarse  graining  on  the  outer  side.  In  making 
the  shoes,  the  leather  is  usually  wetted,  and  moulded 
into  shape  on  wooden  moulds  or  lasts.  As  a  rule, 
nothing  but  cotton  is  used  for  sewing,  and  the  waxed 
ends  of  the  English  cobler  are  entirely  unknown.  The 
largest  consumption  of  leather  in  this  Presidency  is  for 
water-bags  or  kavalais,  which  are  used  for  raising  water 
from  wells,  and  for  oil  and  ghee  (clarified  butter)  pots,  in 
which  the  liquids  are  transported  from  one  place  to 
another.  Of  irrigation  wells  there  are  in  the  Presidency 
more  than  600,000,  and,  though  some  of  them  are  fitted 
with  iron  buckets,  nearly  all  of  them  have  leather  bags 
with  leather  discharging  trunks.  The  buckets  hold  from 
ten  to  fifty  gallons  of  water,  and  are  generally  made 
from  fairly  well  tanned  cow  hides,  though  for  very  large 
buckets  buffalo  hides  are  sometimes  used.  The  number 
of  oil  and  ghee  pots  in  use  in  the  country  is  very  large. 


CHAKKILIYAN  6 

The  use  of  leather  vessels  for  this  purpose  is  on  the 
decline,  as  it  is  found  much  cheaper  and  more  convenient 
to  store  oil  in  the  ubiquitous  kerosine-oil  tin,  and  it  is 
not  improbable  that  eventually  the  industry  will  die  out, 
as  it  has  done  in  other  countries.  The  range  of  work 
of  the  country  Chuckler  is  not  very  extensive.  Besides 
leather  straps  for  wooden  sandals,  he  makes  crude 
harness  for  the  ryot's  cattle,  including"  leather  collars 
from  which  numerous  bells  are  frequently  suspended, 
leather  whips  for  the  cattle  drivers,  ornamental  fringes  for 
the  bull's  forehead,  bellows  for  the  smith,  and  small  boxes 
for  the  barber,  in  which  to  carry  his  razors.  In  some 
places,  leather  ropes  are  used  for  various  purposes,  and 
it  is  customary  to  attach  big  coir  (cocoanut  fibre)  ropes 
to  the  bodies  of  the  larger  temple  cars  by  leather  harness, 
when  they  are  drawn  in  procession  through  the  streets. 
Drum-heads  and  tom-toms  are  made  from  raw  hides  by 
\'ettiyans  and  Chucklers.  The  drums  are  often  very 
large,  and  are  transported  upon  the  back  of  elephants, 
horses,  bulls  and  camels.  For  them  raw  hides  are  re- 
quired, but  for  the  smaller  instruments  sheep-skins  are 
sufficient.  The  raw  hides  are  shaved  on  the  flesh  side, 
and  are  then  dried.  The  hair  is  removed  by  rubbing 
with  wood-ashes.  The  use  of  lime  in  unhairing  is  not 
permissible,  as  it  materially  decreases  the  elasticity  of 
the  parchment."  The  Chakkiliyans  beat  the  tom-tom 
for  Kammalans,  Pallis  and  Kaikolans,  and  for  other 
castes  if  desired  to  do  so. 

The  Chakkiliyans  do  not  worship  Matangi,  who  is 
the  special  deity  of  the  INIadigas.  Their  gods  include 
Madurai  Viran,  Mariamma,  Muneswara,  Draupadi  and 
Gangamma.  Of  these,  the  last  is  the  most  important, 
and  her  festival  is  celebrated  annually,  if  possible.  To 
cover  the  expenses  thereof,  a  few  Chakkiliyans  dress  up 


7  CHAKKIYAR 

so  as  to  represent  men  and  women  of  the  Marathi  bird- 
catching  caste,  and  go  about  begging  in  the  streets  for 
nine  days.  On  the  tenth  day  the  festival  terminates. 
Throughout  it,  Gangamma,  represented  by  three  deco- 
rated pots  under  a  small  pandal  (booth)  set  up  on  the 
bank  of  a  river  or  tank  beneath  a  margosa  i^Melia 
azadirachta),  or  pipal  [Ficus  religiosa)  tree,  is  worshipped. 
On  the  last  day,  goats  and  fowls  are  sacrificed,  and 
limes  cut. 

During  the  first  menstrual  period,  the  Chakkiliyan 
girl  is  kept  under  pollution  in  a  hut  made  of  fresh  green 
boughs,  which  is  erected  by  her  husband  or  maternal 
uncle.  Meat,  curds,  and  milk  are  forbidden.  On  the  last 
day,  the  hut  is  burnt  down.  At  marriages  a  Chakkiliyan 
usually  officiates  as  priest,  or  the  services  of  a  V  alluvan 
priest  may  be  enlisted.  The  consent  of  the  girl's  mater- 
nal uncle  to  the  marriage  is  essential.  The  marriage 
ceremony  closely  resembles  that  of  the  Paraiyans.  And, 
at  the  final  death  ceremonies  of  a  Chakkiliyan,  as  of  a 
Paraiyan,  two  bricks  are  worshipped,  and  thrown  into  a 
tank  or  stream. 

Lean  children,  especially  of  the  Mala,  Madiga,  and 
Chakkiliyan  classes,  are  made  to  wear  a  leather  strap, 
specially  made  for  them  by  a  Chakkiliyan,  which  is 
believed  to  help  their  growth. 

At  times  of  census,  some  Chakkiliyans  have  returned 
themselves  as  Pagadaiyar,  Madari  (conceit  or  arrogance), 
and  Ranavlran  (brave  warrior). 

Chakkiyar.— The  Chakkiyars  are  a  class  of  Ambala- 
vasis,  of  whom  the  following  account  is  given  in  the 
Travancore  Census  Report,  1901.  The  name  is  gener- 
ally derived  from  Slaghyavakkukar  (those  with  eloquent 
words),  and  refers  to  the  traditional  function  of  the  caste 
in  Malabar  society.     According  to  the  Jatinirnaya,  the 


CHAKKIYAR  S 

Chakkiyars  represent  a  caste  growth  of  the  Kaliyuga. 
The  offence  to  which  the  first  Chakkiyar  owes  his  posi- 
tion in  society  was,  it  would  appear,  brought  to  light 
after  the  due  performance  of  the  upanayanasamskara. 
Persons,  in  respect  of  whom  the  lapse  was  detected 
before  that  spiritualizing  ceremony  took  place,  became 
Nambiyars.  Manu  derives  Suta,  whose  functions  are 
identical  with  the  Malabar  Chakkiyar,  from  a  pratiloma 
union,  i.e.,  of  a  Brahman  wife  with  a  Kshatriya  husband.* 
The  girls  either  marry  into  their  own  caste,  or  enter 
into  the  sambandham  form  of  alliance  with  Nambutiris. 
They  are  called  Illottammamar.  Their  jewelry  resem- 
bles that  of  the  Nambutiris.  The  Chakkiyar  may  choose 
a  wife  for  sambandham  from  among  the  Nambiyars. 
They  are  their  own  priests,  but  the  Brahmans  do  the 
purification  (punyaham)  of  house  and  person  after  birth 
or  death  pollution.  The  pollution  itself  lasts  for  eleven 
days.  The  number  of  times  the  Gayatri  (hymn)  may 
be  repeated  is  ten. 

The  traditional  occupation  of  the  Chakkiyans  is 
the  recitation  of  Puranic  stories.  The  accounts  of  the 
Avataras  have  been  considered  the  highest  form  of 
scripture  of  the  non-Brahmanical  classes,  and  the  early 
Brahmans  utilised  the  intervals  of  their  Vedic  rites,  i.e.y 
the  afternoons,  for  listening  to  their  recitation  by  castes 
who  could  afford  the  leisure  to  study  and  narrate  them. 
Special  adaptations  for  this  purpose  have  been  composed 
by  writers  like  Narayana  Bhattapada,  generally  known 
as  the  Bhattatirippat,  among  whose  works  Diitavakya, 
Panchalisvayamvara,  Subhadrahana  and  Kaunteyashtaka 
are  the  most  popular.  In  addition  to  these,  standard 
works    like   Bhogachampu    and   Mahanataka  are   often 


*  Pratiloma,  as  opposed  to  an  anuloma  union,  is  the  marriage  of  a  female  of 
a  higher  caste  with  a  man  of  a  lower  one. 


9  CHAKKIYAR 

pressed  into  the  Chakkiyar's  service.  Numerous  upa- 
kathas  or  episodes  are  brought  in  by  way  of  illustration, 
and  the  marvellous  flow  of  words,  and  the  telling  humour 
of  the  utterances,  keep  the  audience  spell-bound.  On 
the  utsavam  programme  of  every  important  temple, 
especially  in  North  Travancore,  the  Chakkiyarkuttu 
(Chakkiyar's  performance)  is  an  essential  item.  A 
special  building,  known  as  kuttampalam,  is  intended  for 
this  purpose.  Here  the  Chakkiyar  instructs  and  regales 
his  hearers,  antiquely  dressed,  and  seated  on  a  three- 
legged  stool.  He  wears  a  peculiar  turban  with  golden 
rim  and  silk  embossments.  A  long  piece  of  cloth  with 
coloured  edges,  wrapped  round  the  loins  in  innumerable 
vertical  folds  with  an  elaborateness  of  detail  difficult  to 
describe,  is  the  Chakkiyar's  distinctive  apparel.  Behind 
him  stands  the  Nambiyar,  whose  traditional  kinship  with 
the  Chakkiyar  has  been  referred  to,  with  a  big  jar-shaped 
metal  drum  in  front  of  him  called  milavu,  whose  bass 
sound  resembles  the  echo  of  distant  thunder.  The 
Nambiyar  is  indispensable  for  the  Chakkiyarkuttu,  and 
sounds  his  mighty  instrument  at  the  beginning,  at  the 
end,  and  also  during  the  course  of  his  recitation,  when 
the  Chakkiyar  arrives  at  the  middle  and  end  of  a 
Sanskrit  verse.  The  Nangayar,  a  female  of  the  Nambi- 
yar caste,  is  another  indispensable  element,  and  sits  in 
front  of  the  Chakkiyar  with  a  cymbal  in  hand,  which 
she  sounds  occasionally.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that, 
amidst  all  the  boisterous  merriment  into  which  the 
audience  may  be  thrown,  there  is  one  person  who  has  to 
sit  motionless  like  a  statue.  If  the  Nangayar  is  moved 
to  a  smile,  the  kuttu  must  stop,  and  there  are  cases 
where,  in  certain  temples,  the  kuttu  has  thus  become  a 
thing  of  the  past.  The  Chakkiyar  often  makes  a  feint 
of  representing  some  of  his  audience  as  his  characters 


CHAKKIYAR  lO 

for  the  scene  under  depictment.  But  he  does  it  in  such 
a  genteel  way  that  rarely  is  offence  taken.  It  is  an 
unwritten  canon  of  Chakkiyarkuttu  that  the  performance 
should  stop  at  once  if  any  of  the  audience  so  treated 
should  speak  out  in  answer  to  the  Chakkiyar,  who,  it 
may  be  added,  would  stare  at  an  admiring  listener,  and 
thrust  questions  on  him  with  such  directness  and  force 
as  to  need  an  extraordinary  effort  to  resist  a  reply.  And 
so  realistic  is  his  performance  that  a  tragic  instance  is 
said  to  have  occurred  when,  by  a  cruel  irony  of  fate,  his 
superb  skill  cost  a  Chakkiyar  his  life.  While  he  was 
explaining  a  portion  of  the  Mahabharata  with  inimitable 
theatrical  effect,  a  desperate  friend  of  the  Pandavas 
rose  from  his  seat  in  a  fit  of  uncontrollable  passion, 
and  actually  knocked  the  Chakkiyar  dead  when, 
in  an  attitude  of  unmistakable  though  assumed  heart- 
lessness,  he,  as  personating  Duryodhana,  inhumanely 
refused  to  allow  even  a  pin-point  of  ground  to  his 
exiled  cousins.  This,  it  is  believed,  occurred  in  a 
private  house,  and  thereeifter  kuttu  was  prohibited  except 
at  temples. 

It  is  noted,  in  the  Gazetteer  of  Malabar,  that 
"  Chakkiyar s  or  Slaghyar-vakukar  are  a  caste  following 
makkattayam  (inheritance  from  father  to  son),  and  wear 
the  punul  (thread).  They  are  recruited  from  girls  born 
to  a  Nambudiri  woman  found  guilty  of  adultery,  after 
the  date  at  which  such  adultery  is  found  to  have 
commenced,  and  boys  of  similar  origin,  who  have  been 
already  invested  with  the  sacred  thread.  Boys  who  have 
not  been  invested  with  the  punul  when  their  mother  is 
declared  an  adulteress,  join  the  class  known  as  Chakkiyar 
Nambiyars,  who  follow  marumakkattayam  (inheritance 
in  the  female  line),  and  do  not  wear  the  thread.  The 
girls  join  either  caste    indifferently.     Chakkiyars   may 


1 1  CHALIYAN 

marry  Nangiyars,  but  Chakkiyar  Nambiyars  may  not 
marry  Illotammamar." 

Chaliyan. — The  Chaliyans  are  a  caste  of  Malayalam 
cotton  weavers,  concerning  whom  Mr.  Francis  writes  as 
follows*'': — "  In  dress  and  manners  they  resemble  the 
artisan  castes  of  Malabar,  but,  like  the  Pattar  Brahmans, 
they  live  in  streets,  which  fact  probably  points  to  their 
being  comparatively  recent  settlers  from  the  east  coast. 
They  have  their  own  barbers  called  Potuvans,  who  are 
also  their  purohits.  They  do  not  wear  the  sacred 
thread,  as  the  Sale  weavers  of  the  east  coast  do.  They 
practise  ancestor  worship,  but  without  the  assistance  of 
Brahman  priests.  This  is  the  only  Malabar  caste  which 
has  anything  to  do  with  the  right  and  left-hand  faction 
disputes,  and  both  divisions  are  represented  in  it,  the 
left  hand  being  considered  the  superior.  Apparently, 
therefore,  it  settled  in  Malabar  some  time  after  the 
beginnings  of  this  dispute  on  the  east  coast,  that  is, 
after  the  eleventh  century  A.  D.  Some  of  them  follow 
the  marumakkatayam  and  others  the  makkatayam  law 
of  inheritance,  which  looks  as  if  the  former  were  earlier 
settlers  than  the  latter." 

The  Chaliyans  are  so  called  because,  unlike  most  of 
the  west  coast  classes,  they  live  in  streets,  and  Teruvan 
(teru,  a  street)  occurs  as  a  synonym  for  the  caste  name. 
The  right-hand  section  are  said  to  worship  the  elephant 
god  Ganesa,  and  the  left  Bhagavati. 

The  following  account  of  the  Chaliyans  is  given  in 
the  Gazetteer  of  the  Malabar  district  :  "  Chaliyans  are 
almost  certainly  a  class  of  immigrants  from  the  east 
coast.  They  live  in  regular  streets,  a  circumstance 
strongly  supporting  this  view.     The  traditional  account 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1901. 


CHALIYAN  12 

is  to  the  same  effect.  It  is  said  that  they  were  originally 
of  a  high  caste,  and  were  imported  by  one  of  the 
Zamorins,  who  wished  to  introduce  the  worship  of 
Ganapathi,  to  which  they  are  much  addicted.  The 
latter's  minister,  the  Mangatt  Acchan,  who  was  entrusted 
with  the  entertainment  of  the  new  arrivals,  and  was 
nettled  by  their  fastidiousness  and  constant  complaints 
about  his  catering,  managed  to  degrade  them  in  a  body 
by  the  trick  of  secretly  mixing  fish  with  their  food. 
They  do  not,  like  their  counterparts  on  the  east  coast, 
wear  the  thread  ;  but  it  is  noticeable  that  their  priests, 
who  belong  to  their  own  caste,  wear  it  over  the  right 
shoulder  instead  of  over  the  left  like  the  Brahman's 
punul,  when  performing  certain  pujas  (worship).  In 
some  parts,  the  place  of  the  regular  punul  is  taken  by  a 
red  scarf  or  sash  worn  in  the  same  manner.  They  are 
remarkable  for  being  the  only  caste  in  Malabar  amongst 
whom  any  trace  of  the  familiar  east  coast  division  into 
right-hand  and  left-hand  factions  is  to  be  found.  They 
are  so  divided  ;  and  those  belonging  to  the  right-hand 
faction  deem  themselves  polluted  by  the  touch  of  those 
belonging  to  the  left-hand  sect,  which  is  numerically 
very  weak.  They  are  much  addicted  to  devil-dancing, 
which  rite  is  performed  by  certain  of  their  numbers 
called  Komarams  in  honour  of  Bhagavathi  and  the 
minor  deities  Vettekkorumagan  and  Gulikan  (a  demon). 
They  appear  to  follow  makkatayam  (descent  from  father 
to  son)  in  some  places,  and  marumakkatayam  (inherit- 
ance in  the  female  line)  in  others.  Their  pollution 
period  is  ten  days,  and  their  purification  is  performed  by 
the  Talikunnavan  (sprinkler),  who  belongs  to  a  some- 
what degraded  section  of  the  caste." 

The  affairs  of  the  caste  are  managed  by  headmen 
called  Uralans,  and  the  caste  barber,  or  Pothuvan,  acts  as 


13  CHALIYAN 

the  caste  messenger.  Council  meetings  are  held  at  the 
village  temple,  and  the  fines  inflicted  on  guilty  persons 
are  spent  in  celebrating  puja  (worship)  thereat. 

When  a  girl  reaches  puberty,  the  elderly  females  of 
Uralan  families  take  her  to  a  tank,  and  pour  water  over 
her  head  from  small  cups  made  of  the  leaves  of  the  jak 
(Artocai'pits  integrifolid)  tree.  She  is  made  to  sit  apart 
on  a  mat  in  a  room  decorated  with  young  cocoanut 
leaves.  Round  the  mat  raw  rice  and  paddy  (unhusked 
rice)  are  spread,  and  a  vessel  containing  cocoanut  flowers 
and  cocoanuts  is  placed  near  her.  On  the  third  evening, 
the  washerman  (Peruvannan)  brings  some  newly- washed 
cloths  (mattu).  He  is  presented  with  some  rice  and 
paddy,  which  he  ties  up  in  a  leaf,  and  does  puja.  He 
then  places  the  cloths  on  a  plank,  which  he  puts  on  his 
head.  After  repeating  some  songs  or  verses,  he  sets  it 
down  on  the  floor.  Some  of  the  girl's  female  relations 
take  a  lighted  lamp,  a  pot  of  water,  a  measure  of  rice,  and 
go  three  times  round  the  plank.  On  the  following  day, 
the  girl  is  bathed,  and  the  various  articles  which  have 
been  kept  in  her  room  are  thrown  into  a  river  or  tank. 

Like  many  other  Malabar  castes,  the  Chaliyans  per- 
form the  tali  kettu  ceremony.  Once  in  several  years, 
the  girls  of  the  village  who  have  to  go  through  this 
ceremony  are  brought  to  the  house  of  one  of  the 
Uralans,  where  a  pandal  (booth)  has  been  set  up. 
Therein  a  plank,  made  of  the  wood  of  the  pala  tree 
{Alstonia  scholaris),  a  lighted  lamp,  betel  leaves  and 
nuts,  a  measure  of  raw  rice,  etc.,  are  placed.  The  girl 
takes  her  seat  on  the  plank,  holding  in  her  right  hand  a 
mimic  arrow  (shanthulkol).  The  Pothuvan,  who  re- 
ceives a  fanam  (coin)  and  three  bundles  of  betel  leaves 
for  his  services,  hands  the  tali  to  a  male  member  of  an 
Uralan  family,  who  ties  it  on  the  girl's  neck. 


CHALLA  14 

On  the  day  before  the  wedding-day  the  bridegroom, 
accompanied  by  his  male  relations,  proceeds  to  the 
house  of  the  bride,  where  a  feast  is  held.  On  the 
following  day  the  bride  is  bathed,  and  made  to  stand 
before  a  lighted  lamp  placed  on  the  floor.  The  bride- 
groom's father  or  uncle  places  two  gold  fanams  (coins) 
in  her  hands,  and  a  further  feast  takes  place. 

In  the  seventh  month  of  pregnancy,  the  ceremony 
called  puli  kudi  (or  drinking  tamarind)  is  performed. 
The  woman's  brother  brings  a  twig  of  a  tamarind  tree, 
and,  after  the  leaves  have  been  removed,  plants  it  in  the 
yard  of  the  house.  The  juice  is  extracted  from  the 
leaves,  and  mixed  with  the  juice  of  seven  cocoanuts. 
The  elderly  female  relations  of  the  woman  give  her  a 
little  of  the  mixture.  The  ceremony  is  repeated  during 
three  days.  Birth  pollution  is  removed  by  a  barber 
woman  sprinkling  water  on  the  ninth  day. 

The  dead  are  buried.  The  son  carries  a  pot  of 
water  to  the  grave,  round  which  he  takes  it  three  times. 
The  barber  makes  a  hole  in  the  pot,  which  is  then 
thrown  down  at  the  head  of  the  grave.  The  barber  also 
tears  off  a  piece  of  the  cloth,  in  which  the  corpse  is 
wrapped.  This  is,  on  the  tenth  day,  taken  by  the  son 
and  barber  to  the  sea  or  a  tank,  and  thrown  into  it. 
Three  stones  are  set  up  over  the  grave. 

Chaliyan  also  occurs  as  an  occupational  title  or  sub- 
division of  Nayars,  and  Chaliannaya  as  an  exogamous 
sept  of  Bant.  In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901, 
Chaliyan  is  given  as  a  sub-caste  of  Vaniyan  (oil- 
pressers).  Some  Chaliyans  are,  however,  oilmongers 
by  profession. 

Challa. — Challa,  meaning  apparently  eaters  of  refuse, 
occurs  as  a  sub-division  of  Yanadis,  and  meaning  butter- 
milk as  an  exogamous   sept  of  Devanga.     Challakuti, 


15  CHANDRA 

meaning  those  who  eat  old  or  cold   food,    is  an  exo- 
gamous  sept  of  Kapus. 

Chamar. — Nearly  three  hundred  members  of  this 
Bengal  caste  of  tanners  and  workers  in  leather  were 
returned  at  the  census,  1901.  The  equivalent  Chamura 
occurs  as  the  name  of  leather-workers  from  the  Central 
Provinces. 

Chandala.— At  the  census,  1901,  more  than  a 
thousand  individuals  returned  themselves  as  Chandala, 
which  is  defined  as  a  generic  term,  meaning  one  who 
pollutes,  to  many  low  castes.  "  It  is,"  Surgeon-Major 
W.  R.  Cornish  writes,*  "  characteristic  of  the  Brahma- 
nical  intolerance  of  the  compilers  of  the  code  that  the 
origin  of  the  lowest  caste  of  all  (the  Chandala)  should 
be  ascribed  to  the  intercourse  of  a  Sudra  man  and  a 
Brahman  woman,  while  the  union  of  a  Brahman  male 
with  a  Sudra  woman  is  said  to  have  resulted  in  one  of 
the  highest  of  the  mixed  classes."  By  Manu  it  was  laid 
down  that  "  the  abode  of  the  Chandala  and  Swapaca  must 
be  out  of  the  town.  They  must  not  have  the  use  of  entire 
vessels.  Their  sole  wealth  must  be  dogs  and  asses. 
Their  clothes  must  be  the  mantles  of  the  deceased  ; 
their  dishes  for  food  broken  pots  ;  their  ornaments  rusty 
iron  ;  continually  must  they  roam  from  place  to  place. 
Let  no  man  who  regards  his  duty,  religious  and  civil, 
hold  any  intercourse  with  them,  and  let  food  be  given  to 
them  in  potsherds,  but  not  by  the  hand  of  the  giver." 

Chandra  (moon). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kuruba. 
The  name  Chandravamsapu  (moon  people)  is  taken  by 
some  Razus,  who  claim  to  be  Kshatriyas,  and  to  be 
descended  from  the  lunar  race  of  kings  of  the  Maha- 
bharata. 


*   Madras  Census  Report,  187 1. 


CHANIPOYINA  l6 

Chanipoyina  (those  who  are  dead).— An  exogamous 
sept  of  Orugunta  Kapu. 

Chapa  (mat). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya. 

Chappadi  (insipid). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Jogi. 

Chapparam  (a  pandal  or  booth). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Devanga. 

Chapparband.— The  Chapparbands  are  manufac- 
turers of  spurious  coin,  who  hail  from  the  Bombay 
Presidency,  and  are  watched  for  by  the  police.  It  is 
noted,  in  the  Police  Report,  1904,  that  good  work  was 
done  in  Ganjam  in  tracing  certain  gangs  of  these  coiners, 
and  bringing  them  to  conviction. 

For  the  following  note  I  am  indebted  to  a  report  * 
by  Mr.  H.  N.  Alexander  of  the  Bombay  Police  Depart- 
ment.    The  name  Chapparband  refers  to  their  calling, 
chapa   meaning   an    impression    or    stamp.      "  Among 
themselves  they  are  known  as  Bhadoos,  but  in  Hindu- 
stan, and  among  Thugs  and  cheats  generally,  they  are 
known    as    Khoolsurrya,    i.e.,  false    coiners.     While    in 
their  villages,  they  cultivate  the  fields,  rear  poultry  and 
breed  sheep,  vvhile  the  women  make  quilts,  which  the 
men  sell  while  on  their  tours.     But  the  real  business  of 
this  class  is  to  make  and  pass  off  false  coin.     Laying 
aside    their  ordinary  Muhammadan  dress,  they  assume 
the  dress  and  appearance  of  fakirs  of  the  Muddar  section, 
Muddar  being  their  Pir,  and,   unaccompanied  by  their 
women,  wander  from  village  to  village.     IMarathi  is  their 
language,  and,  in  addition,  they  have  a  peculiar  slang  of 
their  own.     Like  all  people  of  this  class,  they  are  super- 
stitious, and  will  not  proceed  on  an  expedition  unless  a 
favourable  omen  is  obtained.     The  following  account  is 
given,  showing  how  the  false  coin  is  manufactured.     A 


Madras  Police  Gazette,  1902. 


J 


1 7  CHAPPARBAND 

mould  serves  only  once,  a  new  one  bein^^  required  for 
every  rupee  or  other  coin.  It  is  made  of  unslaked  lime 
and  a  kind  of  yellow  earth  called  shedoo,  finely  powdered 
and  sifted,  and  patiently  kneaded  with  water  to  about 
the  consistency  of  putty.  One  of  the  coins  to  be 
imitated  is  then  pressed  with  some  of  the  preparation, 
and  covered  over,  and,  being  cut  all  round,  is  placed  in 
some  embers.  After  becoming  hardened,  it  is  carefully 
laid  open  with  a  knife,  and,  the  coin  being  taken  out,  its 
impression  remains.  The  upper  and  lower  pieces  are 
then  joined  together  with  a  kind  of  gum,  and,  a  small 
hole  being  made  on  one  side,  molten  tin  is  poured  in, 
and  thus  an  imitation  of  the  coin  is  obtained,  and  it  only 
remains  to  rub  it  over  with  dirt  to  give  it  the  appear- 
ance of  old  money.  The  tin  is  purchased  in  any  bazaar, 
and  the  false  money  is  prepared  on  the  road  as  the 
gang  travels  along.  Chapparbands  adopt  several  ways 
of  getting  rid  of  their  false  coin.  They  enter  shops 
and  make  purchases,  showing  true  rupees  in  the  first 
instance,  and  substituting  false  ones  at  the  time  of 
payment.  They  change  false  rupees  for  copper  money, 
and  also  in  exchange  for  good  rupees  of  other  currencies. 
Naturally,  they  look  out  for  women  and  simple  people, 
though  the  manner  of  passing  off  the  base  coin  is  clever, 
being  done  by  sleight  of  hand.  The  false  money  is  kept 
in  pockets  formed  within  the  folds  of  their  langutis  (loin- 
cloths), and  also  hidden  in  the  private  parts." 

The  following  additional  information  concerning 
Chapparbands  is  contained  in  the  Illustrated  Criminal 
Investigation  and  Law  Digest  * : — "  They  travel  generally 
in  small  gangs,  and  their  women  never  follow  them. 
They  consult  omens  before  leaving  their  villages.     The)' 


*   I.  No.  4.  1908,  Vellore. 
1 1-2 


CHAPPARBAND  l8 

do  not    leave   their   villages    dressed   as    fakirs.     They 
generally  visit  some  place  far  away  from  their  residence, 
and  there  disguise  themselves  as  Madari  fakirs,  adding 
Shah  to  their  names.     They  also  add  the  title  Sahib, 
and   imitate  the   Sawals,  a  sing-song  begging  tone  of 
their  class.     Their  leader,  Khagda,  is  implicitly  obeyed. 
He  is  the  treasurer  of  the  gangs,  and  keeps  with  him 
the  instruments  used  in  coining,  and  the  necessary  metal 
pieces.     But  the  leader  rarely  keeps  the  coins  with  him. 
The   duty  of  passing  the  false   coins    belongs    to    the 
Bhondars.     A  boy  generally  accompanies  a  gang.     He 
is    called    Handiwal.      He    acts    as    a    handy    chokra 
(youngster),  and  also  as  a  watch  over  the  camp  when 
the   false  coins   are    being   prepared.     They   generally 
camp  on  high  ground  in  close  vicinity  to  water,  which 
serves  to  receive  the  false  coins  and  implements,  should 
danger  be  apprehended.     When  moving  from  one  camp 
to  another,  the  Khagda  and  his  chokra  travel  alone,  the 
former  generally  riding  a  small  pony.     The  rest  of  the 
gang  keep  busy  passing  the  coins  in  the  neighbourhood, 
and  eventually  join  the  pair  in  the  place  pre-arranged. 
If  the  place  be  found  inconvenient  for  their   purpose, 
another  is  selected  by  the  Khagda,  but  sufficient  indica- 
tion is  given  to  the  rest  that  the  rendezvous  might  be 
found  out.     This  is  done  by  making  a  mark  on  the  chief 
pathway  leading  to   the   place   settled   first,   at  a   spot 
where  another  pathway  leads  from  it  in  the  direction  he 
is  going.     The  mark  consists  of  a  mud  heap  on  the  side 
of  the  road,  a  foot  in  length,   six  inches  in  breadth,  and 
six  in  height,  with  an  arrow  mark  pointing  in  the  direc- 
tion taken.     The  Khagda  generally  makes  three  of  these 
marks  at   intervals   of  a  hundred   yards,    to  avoid  the 
chance    of  any    being    effaced.      Moulds    are    made    of 
Multani  or  some  sticky  clay.     Gopichandan  and  badap 


19  CHAPPARBAND 

are  also  used.  The  clay,  after  being  powdered  and 
sifted,  is  mixed  with  a  little  water  and  oil,  and  well 
kneaded.  The  two  halves  of  the  mould  are  then  roughly 
shaped  with  the  hand,  and  a  genuine  coin  is  pressed 
between  them,  so  as  to  obtain  the  obverse  on  one  half 
and  the  reverse  impression  on  the  other.  The  whole  is 
then  hardened  in  an  extempore  oven,  and  the  hole  to 
admit  the  metal  is  bored,  so  as  to  admit  of  its  being 
poured  in  from  the  edge.  The  halves  are  then  separated, 
and  the  genuine  rupee  is  tilted  out  ;  the  molten  alloy  of 
tin  or  pewter  is  poured  in,  and  allowed  to  cool.  Accord- 
ing to  the  other  method,  badap  clay  brought  from  their 
own  country  is  considered  the  most  suitable  for  the 
moulds,  though  Multani  clay  may  be  used  when  they  run 
out  of  badap.  Two  discs  are  made  from  clay  kneaded 
with  water.  These  discs  are  then  highly  polished  on 
the  inner  surface  with  the  top  of  a  jvari  stalk  called 
danthal.  A  rupee,  slightly  oiled,  is  then  placed  between 
the  discs,  which  are  firmly  pressed  over  it.  The  whole 
is  then  thoroughly  hardened  in  the  fire.  The  alloy  used 
in  these  moulds  differs  from  that  used  in  the  others,  and 
consists  of  an  alloy  of  lead  and  copper.  In  both  cases, 
the  milling  is  done  by  the  hand  with  a  knife  or  a  piece 
of  shell.  The  Chapperbands  select  their  victims  care- 
fully. They  seem  to  be  fairly  clever  judges  of  persons 
from  their  physiognomy.  They  easily  find  out  the 
duffer  and  the  grull  in  both  sexes,  and  take  care  to  avoid 
persons  likely  to  prove  too  sharp  for  them.  They 
give  preference  to  women  over  men.  The  commonest 
method  is  for  the  Bhondar  to  show  a  quantity  of  copper 
collected  by  him  in  his  character  of  beggar,  and  ask  for 
silver  in  its  place.  The  dupe  produces  a  rupee,  which 
he  looks  at.  He  then  shakes  his  head  sadly,  and  hands 
back  a  counterfeit  coin,  saying  that  such  coins  are  not 

1 1-2  B 


CHAPPARBAND  20 

current  in  his  country,  and  moves  on  to  try  the  same  trick 
elsewhere.  Their  dexterity  in  changing"  the  rupees  is 
very  great,  the  result  of  long  practice  when  a  Handiwal." 
Further  information  in  connection  with  the  Chappar- 
bands  has  recently  been  published  by  Mr.  M.  Paupa 
Rao  Naidu,  from  whose  account  *  the  following  extract 
is  taken.  "  Chapperbands,  as  their  name  implies,  are 
by  profession  builders  of  roofs,  or,  in  a  more  general 
term,  builders  of  huts.  They  are  Sheikh  Muhammadans, 
and  originally  belonged  to  the  Punjab.  During  the 
Moghul  invasion  of  the  Carnatic,  as  far  back  as 
1687-88,  a  large  number  of  them  followed  the  great 
Moghul  army  as  builders  of  huts  for  the  men.  They 
appear  to  have  followed  the  Moghul  army  to  Aurangabad, 
Ahmednagar,  and  Seringapatam  until  the  year  17 14, 
when  Bijapur  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Peslnvas. 
The  Chapperbands  then  formed  part  of  the  Peshwa's 
army  in  the  same  capacity,  and  remained  as  such  till  the 
advent  of  the  British  in  the  year  181 8,  when  it  would 
appear  a  majority  of  them,  finding  their  peculiar  profes- 
sion not  much  in  demand,  returned  to  the  north.  A  part 
of  those  who  remained  behind  passed  into  the  Nizam's 
territory,  while  a  part  settled  down  in  the  Province  of 
Talikota.  A  legendary  tale,  narrated  before  the  Super- 
intendent of  Police,  Raipur,  in  1904,  by  an  intelligent 
Chapperband,  shows  that  they  learnt  this  art  of  manu- 
facturing coins  during  the  Moghul  period.  He  said  '  In 
the  time  of  the  Moghul  Empire,  Chapperbands  settled  in 
the  Bijapur  district.  At  that  time,  a  fakir  named  Pir 
Bhai  Pir  Makhan  lived  in  the  same  district.  One  of  the 
Chapperbands  went  to  this  fakir,  and  asked  him  to 
intercede  with  God,  in  order  that  Chapperbands  might  be 


*  Criminal  Tribes  of  India,  No.  Ill,  1907. 


21  CHAPPARBAND 

directed  to  take  up  some  profession  or  other.  Tiie  fakir 
gave  the  man  a  rupee,  and  asked  him  to  take  it  to  his 
house  quickly,  and  not  to  look  backwards  as  he  pro- 
ceeded on  his  way.  As  the  man  ran  home,  some 
one  called  him,  and  he  turned  round  to  see  who  it 
was.  When  he  reached  his  house,  he  found  the  rupee 
had  turned  into  a  false  one.  The  man  returned  to  the 
fakir,  and  complained  that  the  rupee  was  a  false  one. 
The  fakir  was  much  enraged  at  the  man's  account  of 
having  looked  back  as  he  ran,  but  afterwards  said 
that  Chapperbands  would  make  a  living  in  future  by 
manufacturing  false  coins.  Since  that  time,  Chapper- 
bands have  become  coiners  of  false  money.'  On  every 
Sunday,  they  collect  all  their  false  rupees,  moulds,  and 
other  implements,  and,  placing  these  in  front  of  them, 
they  worship  Pir  Makhan,  also  called  Pir  Madar.  They 
sacrifice  a  fowl  to  him,  take  out  its  eyes  and  tail,  and 
fix  them  on  three  thorns  of  the  trees  babul,  bir,  and 
thalmakana  ;  and,  after  the  worship  is  over,  they  throw 
them  in  the  direction  in  which  they  intend  to  start. 
The  Chapperbands  conceal  a  large  number  of  rupees  in 
the  rectum,  long  misusage  often  forming  a  cavity  capable 
of  containing  ten  to  twenty  rupees.  So  also  cavities  are 
formed  in  the  mouth  below  the  tongue." 

In  a  case  recorded  by  Mr.  M.  Kennedy,*  "  when  a 
Chapperband  was  arrested  on  suspicion,  on  his  person 
being  examined  by  the  Civil  Surgeon,  no  less  than 
seven  rupees  were  found  concealed  in  a  cavity  in  his 
rectum.  The  Civil  Surgeon  was  of  opinion  that  it  must 
have  taken  some  considerable  time  to  form  such  a  cavity." 
A  similar  case  came  before  the  Sessions  Judge  in  South 
Canara  a  few  years  ago. 


*  Criminal  Classes  in  the  Bombay  Presidency. 


CHAPTEGARA  ±i 

The  following  case  of  swindling,  which  occurred  in 
the  Tanjore  district,  is  recorded  in  the  Police  Report, 
1903.  "  A  gang  of  Muhammadans  professed  to  be  able 
to  duplicate  currency  notes.  The  method  was  to  place 
a  note  with  some  blank  sheets  of  paper  between  two 
pieces  of  glass.  The  whole  was  then  tied  round  with 
string  and  cloth,  and  smoked  over  a  fire.  On  opening 
the  packet,  two  notes  were  found,  a  second  genuine  one 
having  been  surreptitiously  introduced.  The  success  of 
the  first  operations  with  small  notes  soon  attracted 
clients,  some  of  them  wealthy  ;  and,  when  the  bait  had 
had  time  to  work,  and  some  very  large  notes  had  been 
submitted  for  operation,  the  swindlers  declared  that 
these  large  notes  took  longer  to  duplicate,  and  that  the 
packet  must  not  be  opened  for  several  days.  Before 
the  time  appointed  for  opening,  they  disappeared,  and 
the  notes  were  naturally  not  found  in  the  packets.  One 
gentleman  was  fleeced  in  this  way  to  the  value  of 
Rs.  4,600."  The  administration  of  an  enema  to  a  false 
coiner  will  sometimes  bring  to  light  hidden  treasure. 

Chaptegara. — The  Chaptegaras  or  Cheptegaras 
are  described  by  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart*  as  "carpenters  who 
speak  Konkani,  and  are  believed  to  have  come  from 
the  Konkan  country.  Caste  affairs  are  managed  by  a 
Gurikar  or  headman,  and  the  fines  collected  are  paid  to 
the  Sringeri  math.  They  wear  the  sacred  thread,  and 
employ  Karadi  Brahmans  as  purohits.  Infant  marriage 
is  practised,  and  widow  marriage  is  not  permitted.  The 
dead  are  burned  if  means  allow  ;  otherwise  they  are 
buried.  They  are  Saivites,  and  worship  Durga  and 
Ganapati.  They  eat  flesh  and  drink  liquor.  Their  titles 
are    Naik,   Shenai,   etc."     It   is  noted,   in    the    Madras 


•  Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district. 


23  CHELO 

Census  Report,  190T,  that  Saraswat  Brahmans  will  eat 
with  them.  Choutagara  has  been  recorded  as  a  corrupt 
form  of  Chaptegara. 

Charamurti. — A  class  of  Jangams,  who  go  from 
village  to  village  preaching. 

Charodi.— The  Charodis  have  been  described  *  as 
"  Canarese  carpenters  corresponding  to  the  Konkani 
Cheptegaras  (or  Chaptegaras),  and  there  is  very  little 
difference  in  the  customs  and  manners  of  the  two  castes, 
except  that  the  former  employ  Shivalli  and  Konkanashta 
Brahmans  instead  of  Karadis.  Their  title  is  Naika." 
In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  Mesta  is  returned 
as  a  Konkani-speaking  sub-caste  of  Charodi. 

Chatla  (winnow). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Madiga. 
Chatla  Dhompti  occurs  as  a  sub-division  of  Madigas, 
who,  at  marriages,  place  the  offering  of  food,  etc. 
(dhompti),  in  a  winnow. 

Chatri. — Recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1901,  as  an  equivalent  of  Kshatriya.  It  occurs  also  as 
the  name  of  an  exogamous  sept,  meaning  umbrella,  of 
the  Holeyas. 

Chaturakshari. — A  sub-division  of  Satanis,  who 
believe  in  the  efficacy  of  the  four  syllables  Ra-ma-nu-ja. 

Chaudari. — Chaudari,  or  Chowdari,  is  recorded  as  a 
title  of  Haddi,  Kalingi,  and  Komati. 

Chaya  (colour)  Kurup. — A  class  of  Kollans  in 
Malabar,  who  work  in  lacquer. 

Cheli  (goat). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Bottada  and 
Mattiya. 

Chelu  (scorpion). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kuruba. 
The  equivalent  thelu  occurs  among  the  Padma  Sales. 


*  Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district. 


CHEMBADI  24 

Chembadi. — The  Chembadis  are  a  Telugu  caste, 
the  occupations  of  which  are  fresh-water  fishing,  and 
rowing  boats  or  coracles.  In  fishing,  unHke  the  Besthas 
who  use  a  cast-net,  they  employ  a  large  drag-net,  called 
baithivala,  the  two  ends  of  which  are  fastened  to  poles. 
When  a  new  net  is  made,  it  is  folded  up,  and  placed  on 
the  edge  of  a  pond  or  tank.  Mud  is  spread  over  it,  and 
on  it  are  placed  three  masses  of  mud  kneaded  into  a 
conical  shape.  These  represent  the  God,  and  cakes, 
called  kudumulu,  are  set  before  them.  A  male  member 
of  the  caste,  biting  one  of  the  cakes  and  keeping  it 
between  his  teeth,  goes  round  the  net,  and  then  drags 
it  to  the  water,  in  which  the  conical  masses  become 
disintegrated.  Like  the  Besthas,  they  smear  a  new 
net  with  the  blood  of  the  first  fish  caught  in  it,  but  they 
do  not  burn  a  mesh  of  the  net. 

Some  Chembadis  regard  Gurappa  Gurunathadu  as 
their  caste  deity,  and  connect  him,  for  some  unknown 
reason,  with  the  jammi  tree  {Prosopis  spicigera).  Jammi 
occurs  as  the  name  of  a  gotra,  and  some  children  are 
named  Gurappa  or  Gurunathadu.  When  such  children 
are  five,  seven,  or  nine  years  old,  they  are  taken 
on  an  auspicious  day  to  a  jammi  tree  and  shaved,  after 
the  tree  has  been  worshipped  with  offerings  of  cooked 
food,  etc. 

At  the  betrothal  ceremony  in  this  caste,  immediately 
after  the  girl  has  taken  up  areca  nuts,  placed  them  in  her 
lap,  and  folded  them  in  her  cloth,  the  headman  takes  up 
the  betel  leaves  and  areca  nuts  (thambulam)  before  him 
with  crossed  hands.  This  ceremony  corresponds  to  the 
thonuku  thambulam  of  the  lower  classes,  e.g.,  Malas  and 
Mangalas.  Among  the  Mangalas  and  Tsakalas,  the 
thambulam  is  said  to  be  taken  up  by  a  Balija  Setti.  F'or 
the  funeral  ceremonies,  the  Chembadis  engage  a  Dasari 


25  CHEMBOTTI 

of  their  own  caste.  During  their  performances,  flesh  and 
toddy  may  not  be  offered  to  the  deceased  person. 

Chembian.— A  name  assumed  by  some  Palh's  or 
Vanniyans,  who  claim  that  they  belong  to  the  Chola 
race,  on  the  supposition  that  Chembinadu  is  a  synonym 
for  Chola, 

Chembillam  (chembu,  copper). — An  exogamous 
section  of  Mukkuvan. 

Chembotti. — In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901, 
it  is  stated  that  the  name  Chembotti  is  derived  from 
"chembu,  copper,  and  kotti,  he  who  beats."  They 
are  coppersmiths  in  Malabar,  who  are  distinct  from 
the  Malabar  Kammalans.  They  are  supposed  to  be 
descendants  of  men  who  made  copper  idols  for  temples, 
and  so  rank  above  the  Kammalans  in  social  position, 
and  about  equally  with  the  lower  sections  of  the  Nayars. 
The  name  is  also  used  as  an  occupational  term  by 
the  Konkan  Native  Christian  coppersmiths.  In  the 
Cochin  and  Travancore  Census  Reports,  Chembukotti 
is  recorded  as  an  occupational  title  or  sub-caste  of 
Nayars  who  work  in  copper,  chiefly  in  temples  and 
Brahman  houses. 

In  the  Gazetteer  of  the  Malabar  district,  the  Chem- 
bottis  are  described  as  copper-workers,  whose  traditional 
business  is  the  roofing  of  the  Sri-kovil,  or  inner  shrine 
of  the  temple  with  that  metal.  They  are  said  to  have 
originally  formed  part  of  the  Kammalan  community. 
"  When  the  great  temple  at  Taliparamba  was  completed, 
it  was  purified  on  a  scale  of  unprecedented  grandeur,  no 
less  than  a  thousand  Brahmans  being  employed.  What 
was  their  dismay  when  the  ceremony  was  well  forward, 
to  see  a  Chembotti  coming  from  the  Sri-kovil,  where  he 
had  been  putting  finishing  touches  to  the  roof.  This 
appeared  to  involve  a  recommencement   of  the  whole 


CHEMPAKARAMAN  26 

tedious  and  costly  ritual,  and  the  Brahmans  gave  vent  to 
their  feelings  of  despair,  when  a  vision  from  heaven 
reassured  them,  and  thereafter  the  Chembottis  have 
been  raised  in  the  social  scale,  and  are  not  regarded  as 
a  polluting  caste." 

Chembetti,  or  Chemmatti,  meaning  hammer,  occurs 
as  an  exogamous  sept  of  the  Telugu  Yanadis. 

Chempakaraman. — Recorded,  in  the  Travancore 
Census  Report,  1901,  as  an  honorific  title  of  Nayars. 

Chenchu.— The  Chenchus  or  Chentsus  are  a  Telugu- 
speaking  jungle  tribe  inhabiting  the  hills  of  the  Kurnool 
and  Nellore  districts.  In  a  letter  addressed  to  the 
Bengal  Asiatic  Society,*  transmitting  vocabularies  of 
various  tribes  inhabiting  Vizagapatam,  by  Mr.  Newill, 
it  is  stated  that  "  the  Chenchu  tribe,  whose  language 
is  almost  entirely  corrupt  Hindi  and  Urdu  with  a  few 
exceptions  from  Bengali,  affords  one  more  example  to 
the  many  forthcoming  of  an  uncultured  aboriginal  race 
having  abandoned  their  own  tongue."  The  compiler  of 
the  Kurnool  Manual  (1885)  remarks  that  Mr.  Newill's 
vocabulary  "  seems  to  belong  to  the  dialect  spoken  by 
Lambadis,  who  sometimes  wander  about  the  hills,  and 
it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  was  misled  as  to  the  character 
of  the  persons  from  whom  his  list  was  taken."  As 
examples  of  the  words  given  by  Mr.  Newill,  the 
following  may  be  quoted  : — 


Bone,  had. 
Cat,  billeyi. 
Ear,  kan. 
Elephant,  hate. 
Tiger,  bag. 

It  is  probable  that  Mr.  Newill  confused  the  Chenchus 
with   the    Bonthuk    Savaras  {q.v.)   who    speak  corrupt 


One,  yek. 
Ten,  das. 
Far,  dur. 
Drink,  pi. 
Sweet,  mitha. 


*  Journal  Asiatic  Society,  XXV,  1S57. 


27  CHENCHU 

Oriya,  and  are  called  Chenchu  vandlu,  and,  like  the 
Chenchus,  believe  that  the  god  Narasimha  of  Ahobilam 
married  a  girl  belonging  to  their  tribe.  As  a  further 
example  of  the  confusion  concerning  the  Chenchus,  I 
may  quote  the  remarks  of  Buchanan  *  about  the  Irulas, 
who  are  a  Tamil-speaking  jungle  tribe :  "  In  this  hilly 
tract  there  is  a  race  of  men  called  by  the  other  natives 
Cad  Eriligaru,  but  who  call  themselves  Cat  Chensu. 
The  language  of  the  Chensu  is  a  dialect  of  the  Tamil, 
with  occasionally  a  few  Karnata  or  Telinga  words  inter- 
mixed, but  their  accent  is  so  different  from  that  of 
Madras  that  my  servants  did  not  at  first  understand 
what  they  said.  Their  original  country,  they  say,  is  the 
Animalaya  forest  below  the  ghats,  which  is  confirmed 
by  their  dialect."  In  the  Census  Report,  1901,  Chenchu 
is  said  to  be  the  name  by  which  Irulas  of  North  Arcot 
and  the  Mysore  plateau  are  called  sometimes,  and,  in 
the  Census  Report,  1891,  Chenchu  is  given  as  a  sub- 
division of  the  Yanadis.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
the  Chenchus  and  Yanadis  are  descended  from  the 
same  original  stock.  Mackenzie,  in  the  local  records 
collected  by  him,  speaks  of  the  Chenchus  as  being 
called  Yanadi  Chenchus.  The  Chenchus  themselves 
at  the  present  day  say  that  they  and  the  Yanadis  are 
one  and  the  same,  and  that  the  tribes  intermarry. 

In  Scott's  '  Ferishta,'  the  Chenchus  are  described  as 
they  appeared  before  Prince  Muhammad  Masum,  a  son 
of  Aurangzib,  who  passed  through  the  Kurnool  district 
in  1694,  as  "exceedingly  black,  with  long  hair,  and  on 
their  heads  wore  caps  made  of  the  leaves  of  trees. 
Each  man  had  with  him  unbarbed  arrows  and  a  bow  for 
hunting.     They  molest  no  one,  and  live  in  caverns  or 


*  Journey  through  Mysore,  Canara,  and  Malabar. 


CHENCHU  28 

under  the  shady  branches  of  trees.     The  prince  presen- 
ted some  of  them  with  gold  and  silver,  but  they  did  not 
seem  to  put  any  value  on  either,  being  quite  unconcerned 
at  receiving  it.     Upon  the  firing  of  a  gun,  they  darted 
up  the  mountains  with  a  surprising  swiftness  uncommon 
to  man.     In  Taylor's  '  Catalogue  raisonne  of  Oriental 
Manuscripts,'  the  Chenchus  are  described  as  people  who 
"  live  to  the  westward  of  Ahobalam,  Srisailam,  and  other 
places,  in  the  woods  or  wilds,  and  go  about,  constantly 
carrying  in  their  hands  bows  and  arrows.     They  clothe 
themselves  with  leaves,  and  live  on  the  sago  or  rice  of 
the  bamboo.     They  rob  travellers,  killing  them  if  they 
oppose.     This  people  afflict  every  living  creature  (kill 
for  food  is  supposed  to  be  meant)."     It  is  noted  in  the 
Kurnool    Manual    that    in    former    times   the    Chenchu 
headman  used  to  "dispose  of  murder  cases,  the  murderer, 
on  proof  of  guilt,   being  put  to  death  with  the  same 
weapons    with    which    the    murder    was    committed.^ 
Captain  Newbold,  writing  in   1846,  says  that,  passing 
through  the  jungle  near  Pacharla,  he  observed  a  skull 
bleached    by  the  sun  dangling    from  the   branch   of  a 
tamarind  tree,  which  he  was  informed  was  that  of  a  mur- 
derer and  hill-robber  put  to  death  by  the  headman.     In 
the  time  of  the  Nabobs,  some  of  the  Chenchu  murderers 
were  caught  and  punished,  but  the  practice  seems  to 
have  prevailed  among  them  more  or  less  till  the  intro- 
duction of  the  new  police  in  i860,  since  which  time  all 
cases   are    said   to    be    reported   to    the   nearest   police 
officer." 

A  Chenchu  Taliari  (village  watchman),  who  came  to 
see  me  at  Nandyal,  was  wearing  a  badge  with  his  name 
engraved  on  it  in  Telugu,  which  had  been  presented  to 


*  Journal  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  VIII,  1846. 


72 


29  CHENCHU 

him  by  Government  in  recoonition  of  his  shooting  with 
a  double-barrelled  gun  two  Donga  Oddes  who  had  rob- 
bed a  village.  Another  aged  Taliari  had  a  silver  bangle 
bearing  a  Telugu  inscription,  which  had  been  given 
to  him  in  acknowledgment  of  his  capturing  a  murderer 
who  was  wanted  by  the  police,  and  came  to  his  hut. 
The  casual  visitor  explained  that  he  was  on  his  way 
to  Hyderabad,  but  the  Chenchu,  noticing  blood  on  his 
clothes,  tied  him  to  a  post,  and  gave  information  that  he 
had  secured  him.  The  same  man  had  also  received 
presents  for  reporting  cases  of  illicit  distillation  under 
the  Abkari  Act. 

In  recent  accounts  of  the  Chenchus  of  the  Nalla- 
malai  hills  by  a  forest  officer,  it  is  noted  that  pilgrims,, 
on  their  way  to  the  Srisailam  temple,  "  are  exploited  at 
every  turn,  the  Chentzu  being  seen  in  his  true  colours  at 
this  period,  and,  being  among  the  most  active  agents 
in  the  exactions,  but  not  being  by  any  means  the  only 
plunderer.  In  return  for  the  protection,  the  Chentzu 
levies  a  toll  per  head,  and  as  much  more  as  he  can  extort. 
We  had  to  interfere  with  the  perquisites  of  one  drugged 
specimen  of  this  race,  who  drew  a  knife  on  a  peon 
(orderly),  and  had  to  be  sent  down  under  escort  .  .  . 
It  is  commonly  supposed  that  the  Chentzus  are  a  semi- 
wild,  innocent,  inoffensive  hill  tribe,  living  on  roots, 
honey,  wild  fruits,  and  game.  If  this  was  so,  we  should 
have  no  difficulty  in  controlling  them.  They  are  actually 
a  semi-wild,  lazy,  drinking  set  of  brigands.  They  levy 
blackmail  from  every  village  along  the  foot  of  the  hills, 
and,  if  any  ryot  (cultivator)  refuses  to  pay  up,  his  crop 
silently  disappears  on  some  moonless  night.  They  levy 
blackmail  from  every  pilgrim  to  the  shrines  in  the  hills. 
They  levy  blackmail  from  the  graziers  in  the  hills.  They 
borrow  money  from   Kcmatis  and  Buniahs  (merchants 


CHENCHU  30 

and  money-lenders),  and  repay  it  in  kind — stolen  timber, 
minor  forest  produce,  etc.  They  are  constantly  in  debt 
to  the  Komatis,  and  are  practically  their  slaves  as 
regards  the  supply  of  timber  and  other  forest  produce. 
They  think  nothing  of  felling  a  tree  in  order  to  collect 
its  fruits,  and  they  fire  miles  of  forest  in  order  to  be  able 
to  collect  with  ease  certain  minor  produce,  or  to  trace 
game.  They  poison  the  streams  throughout  the  hills, 
and  in  short  do  exactly  as  they  please  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  Nallamalais."  The  Conser- 
vator of  Forests  expressed  his  belief  that  this  picture 
was  not  overdrawn,  and  added  that  the  Chenchus  are 
"  a  danger  to  the  forest  in  many  ways,  and  I  have  always 
thought  it  a  pity  that  they  were  given  some  of  the 
riehts  at  settlement,  which  stand  aoainst  their  names. 
These  rights  were — 

(i)  Rights  of  way,  and  to  carry  torches. 

(2)  Rights  to  draw  and  drink  water  from,  wash  or  bathe  in  all 

streams,  springs,  wells  and  pools. 

(3)  Rights  to  forest  produce  for  home  use. 

(4)  Rights  to  fish  and  shoot. 

(5)  Rights   to  graze  a  limited  number   of  cattle,    sheep  and 

goats. 

(6)  Rights  to  collect  for  sale  or  barter  certain  minor  produce. 

In  connection  with  right  (3),  the  District  Forest 
Officer  suggested  that  "  the  quantity  to  be  taken  annually 
must  be  limited,  especially  in  the  case  of  wood,  bamboos, 
fibre,  firewood  and  honey.  The  quality  of  the  wood  and 
of  other  forest  produce  should  be  defined.  Chenchus 
do  not  require  teak  or  ebony  beams  or  yegi  {^Ptei'ocarpus 
Ma7'S2ipitim)  spokes  and  felloes  for  domestic  purposes  ; 
but,  as  the  right  now  stands,  they  can  fell  whatever 
they  like,  and,  though  we  may  know  it  is  for  sale  to 
merchants,  the  Chenchus  have  only  to  say  it  is  for 
domestic  use,  and  they  cannot  be  punished.     The  wood 


31  CHENCHU 

should  be  limited  to  poles  and  smaller  pieces  of  third- 
class  and  unclassified  trees." 

In  1898  the  Governor  in  Council  made  the  follow- 
ing rules  for  regulating  the  exercise  of  the  rights 
of  the  Chenchus  living  in  the  reserved  forests  on  the 
Nallamalais  : — 

1.  The  carrying  of  torches,  and  the  lighting  of 
fires  in  fire-protected  blocks  during  the  fire  season  are 
prohibited. 

2.  There  shall  be  no  right  to  wash  or  bathe  in 
such  springs,  wells,  pools  or  portions  of  streams  as  are 
especially  set  apart  for  drinking  purposes  by  the  District 
Forest  Officer. 

3.  No  more  than  the  quantity  which  the  Collector 
may  consider  to  be  actually  required  for  domestic  use 
shall  be  removed  in  the  exercise  of  the  right  to  take 
wood,  bamboos,  fibre,  thatching  grass,  firewood,  roots, 
fruits,  honey  and  other  forest  produce.  The  term 
"  other  forest  produce "  shall  be  taken  to  mean  other 
minor  forest  produce,  not  including  tusks  and  horns. 
No  wood  other  than  poles  and  smaller  pieces  of  third 
class  and  unclassified  trees  shall  be  removed. 

4.  No  gudem  (Chenchu  village)  shall,  without  the 
special  permission  of  the  Collector,  be  allowed  to  keep  a 
larger  number  of  guns  than  that  for  which  licenses  had 
been  taken  out  at  the  time  of  settlement.  Every  gun 
covered  by  a  license  shall  be  stamped  with  a  distinctive 
mark  or  number.  The  use  of  poison  and  explosives  in 
water,  and  the  setting  of  cruives  or  fixed  engines,  or 
snares  for  the  capture  or  destruction  of  fish,  are  strictly 
prohibited. 

5.  For  purposes  of  re-generation,  a  portion  of  the 
area  set  apart  for  the  grazing  of  cattle,  not  exceeding 
one-fifth,   may  be  closed  to  grazing  at  any  time,   and 


CHENCHU  32 

tor  such  length  of  time  as  the   District   Forest  Officer 
deems  fit. 

6.  The  right  of  pre-emption  of  all  minor  forest 
produce  collected  by  the  Chenchus  for  sale  or  barter 
shall  be  reserved  to  the  Forest  department.  The 
exercise  of  the  right  of  collecting  wood  and  other  pro- 
duce for  domestic  use,  and  of  collecting  minor  produce 
for  sale  or  barter,  shall  be  confined  to  natural  growth, 
and  shall  not  include  forest  produce  which  is  the  result 
of  special  plantation  or  protection  on  the  part  of  the 
Forest  department. 

In  connection  with  a  scheme  for  dealing  with  the 
minor  forest  produce  in  the  Nallamalais,  the  Conserva- 
tor of  Forests  wrote  as  follows  in  1905.  "  I  believe 
that  it  is  generally  recognised  that  it  is  imperative  to 
obtain  the  good-will  of  the  Chenchus  even  at  a  consider- 
able loss,  both  from  a  political  and  from  a  forest  point 
of  view  ;  the  latter  being  that,  if  we  do  not  do  so,  the 
whole  of  the  Nallamalai  forests  will,  at  a  not  very 
remote  date,  be  utterly  destroyed  by  fire.  The  Chen- 
chus, being  a  most  abnormal  type  of  men,  must  be  treated 
in  an  abnormal  way  ;  and  the  proposals  are  based, 
therefore,  on  the  fundamental  principle  of  allowing  the 
two  District  Forest  Officers  a  very  free  hand  in  dealing 
with  these  people.  What  is  mainly  asked  for  is  to  make 
an  experiment,  of  endeavouring  to  get  the  Chenchus  to 
collect  minor  produce  for  the  department,  the  District 
Forest  Officers  being  allowed  to  fix  the  remuneration  as 
they  like,  in  money  or  barter,  as  they  may  from  time  to 
time  find  on  the  spot  to  be  best."  In  commenting  on 
the  scheme,  the  Board  of  Revenue  stated  that  "  action 
on  the  lines  proposed  is  justified  by  the  present  state  of 
the  Nallamalais.  These  valuable  forests  certainly  stand 
in  danger  of  rapid  destruction  by  fire,  and,  according  to 


33  CHENCHU 

the   local   officers,    the    Chenchus    are   almost    entirely 
responsible.     The  department  has  at  present  no  means 
of  bringfine  influence  to  bear  on  the  Chenchus,  or  secur- 
ing  their  assistance   in    putting  out  fires.     Repressive 
measures  will  be  worse  than  useless,  as  the  Chenchus 
will  merely  hide  themselves,  and  do  more  damage  than 
ever.     The  only  way  of  getting  into  touch  with  them  is 
to  enforce    the  right  of  pre-emption  in  the  matter    of 
minor  produce  reserved  to  Government  at  the  time  of 
forest  settlement,  and  by  dealing  with  them  in  a  just 
and  generous  way  to  secure  their  confidence.     If  this 
is  achieved,  the  department  may  hope  to  secure  their 
co-operation    and    valuable    assistance    in    preventing 
jungle  fires.     The    department  can    certainly   afford  to 
sell  at  a  profit,  and  at  the  same  time  give  the  Chenchus 
better  prices  than  the  sowcars  (money-lenders),  who  are 
said  invariably  to  cheat  them.     The  Board  believes  that 
the  ultimate  loss  from  advances  will  not  be  serious,  as 
advances  will  ordinarily  be  small  in  amount,  except  in 
cases  where  they  may  be  required  by  Chenchus  to  pay 
off  sowcars.     It  will  be  well,  therefore,  if  the  Collector 
and  the  District  Forest  Officers  will  ascertain  as  soon  as 
possible  how  much   the  Chenchus  are  indebted  to  the 
sowcars,  as  it  will  probably  be  necessary  for  the  success 
of  the  scheme  to  liquidate  these  debts." 

From  a  note  on  the  Chenchus  of  the  Nallamalai 
hills,  I  gather  that  "  a  striking  contrast  is  aftbrded 
between  those  who  inhabit  the  belt  of  forest  stretching 
from  Venkatapuram  to  Bairnuti,  and  those  who  dwell  in 
the  jungle  on  the  skirts  of  the  great  trunk  road,  which 
formed  the  chief  means  of  communication  between  the 
principal  towns  until  the  Southern  Mahratta  railway 
diverted  traffic  into  another  channel.  In  the  former 
we  behold  the  Chenchu  semi-civilised  and  clothed.  He 
n-3 


CHENCHU  34 

possesses  flocks  and  herds,  smiling  fields  and  even  gar- 
dens, and  evinces  an  aptitude  for  barter.  The  superiority 
of  the  Bairnuti  Chenchu  has  been  brought  about  by  the 
influence,  example,  labours,  and  generosity  of  a  single 
Englishman,  v/ho  built  a  substantial  stone  dwelling  in 
the  depths  of  the  great  Bairnuti  forest.  There  also  he 
erected  indigo  vats,  and  planted  indigo,  and  a  grove  of 
choice  mango  grafts,  orange  and  lime  trees.  He 
bought  buffaloes,  and  by  careful  selection  and  breeding 
evolved  a  magnificent  type.  These  buffaloes  have  now 
become  almost  entirely  fruit-eaters,  and  are  engaged  in 
seeking  for  and  devouring  the  forest  fruits,  which — par- 
ticularly the  mowhra  and  forest  fig — litter  the  ground  in 
vast  quantities.  This  habit  of  fruit-eating  imparts  to 
their  milk  a  peculiarly  rich  nutty  flavour,  and  the  cream 
is  of  abnormally  rich  quality.  The  Chenchus  manufac- 
ture this  into  ghee  (clarified  butter),  which  they  turn  to 
profitable  account.  Tlie  brethren  of  the  Bairnuti  Chen- 
chus dwelling  in  the  forest  of  Pacherla  present  very 
different  conditions  of  life.  They  accentuate  their  naked- 
ness by  a  narrow  bark  thread  bound  round  the  waist, 
into  which  are  thrust  their  arrows  and  knife.  This  is 
their  full  dress.  The  hair,  they  aver,  is  the  great  and 
natural  covering  of  mankind.  Why,  therefore,  violate 
the  ordinary  laws  of  nature  by  inventing  supererogatory 
clothing  ?  A  missionary  sportsman  was  fairly  non- 
plussed by  these  arguments,  particularly  when  his 
interlocutors  pointed  to  a  celebrated  pass  or  gorge, 
through  which  the  amorous  Kristna  is  averred  to  have 
pursued  and  captured  a  fascinating  Chenchu  damsel. 
*  You  see,'  said  the  Chenchu  logician,  '  the  beauty  of  her 
form  was  so  manifest  in  its  rude  simplicity  that  even  the 
god  could  not  resist  it.'  Bn  passant  it  may  be  noted 
that,    when    a    Chenchu   wishes   to  express  superlative 


^.  :^mM 


H: 


m 


"^v*^*^;-- '^'"  ■-'■■   -—        ■--■',/  '■-■•',■"'    .,,.'-•.'•'      -,,-.%'-  .   ■■   ■  '-^r^^: 


^■"Ai- 


CiiEXLil L"    TREi:-CJ ,1M  1!I XG. 


35  CHENCHU 

admiration  of  a  belle,  he  compares  her  to  a  monkey.  In 
his  eyes,  the  supremest  beauty  of  femininity  is  agility. 
The  girl  who  can  shin  up  a  lofty  tree,  and  bring  him 
down  fruit  to  eat  is  the  acme  of  feminine  perfection.  *  Ah, 
my  sweet  monkey  girl,'  said  a  demoralised  Chcnchu, 
who  was  too  idle  to  climb  up  a  tree  himself,  *  she  has 
been  climbing  trees  all  day,  and  throwing  me  fruit. 
There  is  not  a  man  in  the  forest  who  can  climb  like  my 
monkey  girl.'  The  Chenchus  are  wisely  employed  by 
the  authorities  as  road-police  or  Taliaris,  to  prevent 
highway  dacoities.  This  is  an  astute  piece  of  diplomacy. 
The  Chenchus  themselves  are  the  only  dacoits  there- 
abouts, and  the  salary  paid  them  as  road-police  is 
virtually  blackmail  to  induce  them  to  guarantee  the 
freedom  of  the  forest  highways.  The  Chenchu  barters 
the  produce  of  the  forests  in  which  he  lives,  namely, 
honey  and  wax,  deer  horns  and  hides,  tamarinds,  wood 
apples  (yFeronia  elepkantttm),  and  mowhra  {Bassia  lati- 
folia)  fruit  and  flowers,  and  realises  a  very  considerable 
income  from  these  sources.  He  reaps  annually  a  rich 
harvest  of  hides  and  horns.  The  sambur  {Cervus  tmi- 
color)  and  spotted  deer  {Cervus  axis)  shed  their  horns 
at  certain  seasons.  These  horns  are  hidden  in  the  rank 
luxuriant  grass.  But,  when  the  heat  of  the  dry  weather 
has  withered  it,  the  Chenchu  applies  fire  to  it  by  rubbing 
two  dried  sticks  together,  and,  walking  in  the  wake  of 
the  flames,  picks  up  the  horns  disclosed  to  view  by  the 
reduction  of  the  vegetation  to  ashes.  He  supplements 
this  method  with  his  bow  and  rifle,  and  by  the  latter 
means  alone  obtains  his  hides.  The  Chenchu  is  every 
bit  as  bad  a  shot  as  the  average  aboriginal.  He  rarely 
stalks,  but,  when  he  does,  he  makes  up  by  his  skill  in 
woodcraft  for  his  inexpertness  with  his  gun.  He  under- 
stands the  importance  of  not  giving  the  deer  a  slant  of 

I  1-3  D 


CHENCHU  3<> 

his  wind,  and,  if  they  catch  a  glimpse  of  him,  he  will 
stand  motionless  and  black  as  the  tree  trunks  around. 
The  ambush  by  the  salt-lick  or  water-hole,  however,  is 
his  favourite  method  of  sport.  Here,  fortified  with  a 
supply  of  the  pungent-smelling  liquor  which  he  illicitly 
distils  from  the  mowhra  flower  he  will  lie  night  and  day 
ruthlessly  murdering  sambur,  spotted  deer,  nilgai  [Bose- 
laphiis  trdgocamelus),  four-horned  antelope  {Jfetracerus 
quadricornis).  Tigers  often  stalk  down,  and  drink  and 
roll  in  the  pool,  but  the  Chenchu  dares  not  draw  a  bead 
on  him.  Perhaps  the  indifference  of  his  shooting,  of 
which  he  is  conscious,  deters  him."  When  in  danger 
from  tigers  or  leopards,  the  Chenchus  climb  a  tree,  and 
shout.  The  Chenchus  recognise  two  distinct  varieties 
of  leopards  called  chirra  puli  and  chirta  puli,  concerning 
which  Blanford  writes  as  follows.*  "  Most  of  the 
sportsmen  who  have  hunted  in  Central  India,  and  many 
native  shikaris  (sportsmen)  distinguish  two  forms,  and  in 
parts  of  the  country  there  is  some  appearance  of  two 
races — a  larger  form  that  inhabits  the  hills  and  forests, 
and  a  smaller  form  commonly  occurring  in  patches  of 
grass  and  bushes  amongst  cultivated  fields  and  gardens. 
The  larger  form  is  said  to  have  a  shorter  tail,  a  longer 
head  with  an  occipital  crest,  and  clearly  defined  spots  on 
a  paler  ground-colour.  The  smaller  form  has  a  com- 
paratively longer  tail,  a  rounder  head,  less  clearly  defined 
spots,  and  rougher  fur.  I  cannot  help  suspecting  that 
the  difference  is  very  often  due  to  age." 

A  Chenchu  who  was  asked  by  me  whether  they  kill 
wild  beasts  replied  that  they  are  wild  beasts  themselves. 
In  devouring  a  feast  of  mutton  provided  for  those  who 
were  my  guests  in  camp,  they  certainly  behaved  as  such, 


•  Fauna,  British  India,  Mammalia. 


CllK-NCHL' 


'hi  CHENCHU 

gnawing  at  the  bones  and  tearing  off  the  flesh.  To  the 
Chenchus  a  feast,  on  however  Uberal  a  scale  the  food 
may  be,  is  nothing  without  a  copious  supply  of  toddy,  of 
which  even  infants  receive  a  small  share.  In  the  absence 
of  toddy,  they  sometimes  manufacture  illicit  liquor  from 
the  llower-buds  of  the  mahua  (or  mowhra)  tree.  The 
man  who  gained  the  prize  (a  coarse  cotton  cloth)  in  a 
shooting  match  with  bow  and  arrow,  with  the  head  of  a 
straw  scarecrow  as  bull's-eye,  was  in  an  advanced  stage 
of  intoxication,  and  used  his  success  as  an  argument 
in  favour  of  drink.  In  a  long  distance  shooting  match, 
the  prize  was  won  with  a  carry  of  144  yards,  the  arrow 
being  shot  high  into  the  air.  It  was  noted  by  Captain 
Newbold  that  the  Chenchus  are  not  remarkably  expert 
as  archers,  to  judge  from  the  awkwardness  they  exhibited 
in  dispatching  an  unfortunate  sheep  picketed  for  them 
at  forty  yards,  which  was  held  out  to  them  as  the  prize  for 
the  best  marksman.  Some  time  ago  a  Chenchu,  who 
was  the  bully  of  his  settlement,  beat  another  Chenchu 
and  his  wife.  The  injured  man  appealed  to  the  District 
Forest  Officer,  and,  explaining  that  he  knew  the  law  did 
not  allow  him  to  kill  his  enemy,  applied  for  a  written 
permit  to  go  after  him  with  a  bow  and  arrow. 

Some  Chenchus  bear  on  the  head  a  cap  made  of 
wax-cloth,  deer  or  hare  skin.  By  the  more  fashionable 
the  tufted  ear  or  bushy  tail-end  of  the  large  Indian 
squirrel  (Sciurus  Indicus)  is  attached^by  way  of  ornament 
to  the  string  with  which  the  hair  of  the  head  is  tied  into 
a  bunch  behind.  Leafy  garments  have  been  replaced  by 
white  loin-cloths,  and  some  of  the  women  have  adopted 
the  ravike  (bodice),  in  imitation  of  the  female  costume 
in  the  plains.  Boys,  girls,  and  women  wear  bracelets 
made  of  Phoenix  or  palmyra  palm  leaves.  By  some 
pieces   of  stick  strung  on  a  thread,  or  seeds  of  Givotia 


CHENCHU  38 

rottleriformis,  are  worn  as  a  charm  to  ward  off  various 
forms  of  pain.  Some  of  the  women  are  tattooed  on 
tiie  forehead,  corners  of  the  eyes,  and  arms.  And  I 
saw  a  few  men  tattooed  on  the  shoulder  as  a  cure  for 
rheumatism. 

The  huts  of  which  a  present  day  gudem  is  composed 
are  either  in  the  shape  of  bee-hives  like  those  of  the 
Yanadis,  or  oblong  with  sloping  roof,  and  situated  in  a 
grove  near  a  pond  or  stream.  The  staple  food  of  the 
Chenchus  consists  of  cereals,  supplemented  by  yams 
i^Dioscored)  which  are  uprooted  with  a  digging-stick 
tipped  with  iron,  forest  fruits,  and  various  animals  such 
as  peacock,  crow,  lizard  {Varanus),  bear,  and  black 
monkey.  They  are  very  fond  of  the  young  flowers  and 
buds  of  the  mahua  tree,  and  tamarind  fruits,  the  acidity  of 
which  is  removed  by  mixing  with  them  the  ashes  of  the 
bark  of  the  same  tree. 

The  forest  products  collected  by  the  Chenchus 
include  myrabolams,  fruits  of  the  tamarind,  Semecarpus 
anacarctiilni,  Sapindus  tidfoliahis  (soap-nut),  Buckanania 
latifolia,  Buckanania  angitstifolia,  and  Ficus  glomerata  ; 
roots  of  Aristolochia  Indica  and  Hemidesmus  Indicus  ; 
seeds  of  Abrtts  precatorius  ;  flowers  of  Bassia  latifolia  ; 
horns,  and  honey. 

The  Chenchus  recognise  two  kinds  of  bees,  large 
and  small,  and  gather  honey  from  nests  in  trees  or 
rocks.  It  is  stated  in  the  Cuddapah  Manual  that 
"  the  Yenadis  or  Chenchus  alone  are  able  to  climb 
miraculously  into  difficult  and  apparently  inaccessible 
places,  and  over  perpendicular  cliffs  in  some  places 
from  a  hundred  to  two  hundred  feet  high.  This  they 
do  by  means  of  a  plaited  rope  made  of  young  bam- 
boos tied  together.  Accidents  sometimes  happen  by 
the  rope  giving  way.     It  is    a   nervous  sight  to  watch 


39  CHENCHU 

them  climbing  up  and  down  this  frail  support.  From 
below  the  men  look  like  little  babies  hanging  mid- 
way. The  rope  being  fastened  on  the  top  of  the  cliff 
by  means  of  a  peg  driven  into  the  ground  or  by  a  tree, 
the  man  swings  suspended  in  the  air  armed  with  a  basket 
and  a  stick.  The  Chenchu  first  burns  some  brushwood 
or  orass  under  the  hive,  which  is  relinquished  by  most 
of  the  bees.  This  accomplished,  he  swings  the  rope, 
until  it  brings  him  close  to  the  hive,  which  he  pokes  with 
his  stick,  at  the  same  time  holding  out  his  basket  to 
catch  the  pieces  broken  off  from  the  hive.  When  the 
basket  is  full,  he  shakes  the  rope,  and  is  drawn  up 
(generally  by  his  wife's  brother).  The  bamboo  ropes 
are  never  taken  away  ;  nor  are  they  used  a  second  time, 
a  fresh  one  being  made  on  each  occasion,  and  at  each 
place.  They  are  to  be  seen  hanging  for  years,  until  they 
decay  and  fall  down  of  themselves." 

Like  other  Telugu  classes,  the  Chenchus  have 
exogamous  septs  or  intiperu,  of  which  the  following  are 
examples  : — gurram  (horse),  arati  (plantain  tree),  mania 
(trees),  tota  (garden),  mekala  (goats),  indla  (houses), 
savaram  (sovereign,  gold  coin),  and  gundam  (pit). 

Of  the  marriage  customs  the  following  account  is 
given  in  the  Kurnool  Manual.  "  The  Chenchus  do  not 
follow  a  uniform  custom  in  respect  to  marriage  ceremo- 
nies. Their  marriage  is  performed  in  three  ways.  A 
man  wishing  to  marry  selects  his  own  bride,  and  both 
retire  for  one  night  by  mutual  consent  from  the  gudem. 
On  the  following  morning,  when  they  return,  their 
parents  invite  their  friends  and  relatives,  and  by  formally 
investing  them  with  new  clothes,  declare  them  duly 
married.  To  complete  the  ceremony,  a  meal  is  given 
to  those  assembled.  The  second  method  is  as  follows. 
A  small  space,  circular  in  form,  is  cleaned  and  besmeared 


CHENCHU  40 

with  cowdung.  In  the  centre  a  bow  and  arrow  tied 
together  are  fixed  in  the  ground,  and  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  are  made  to  move  round  it,  when  the  men 
assembled  bless  them  by  throwing  some  rice  over  them, 
and  the  marriage  is  complete.  According  to  the  third 
mode,  a  Brahmin  is  consulted  by  the  elders  of  the  family. 
An  auspicious  day  is  fixed,  and  a  raised  pial  (platform) 
is  formed,  on  which  the  bride  and  bridegroom  being 
seated,  a  tali  (marriage  badge)  is  tied,  and  rice  poured 
over  their  heads.  The  services  of  the  Brahmin  are 
engaged  for  three  or  four  days,  and  are  rewarded  with  a 
piece  of  new  cloth  and  some  money.  This  ceremony 
resembles  that  of  the  ryot  (cultivating)  class  among  the 
Hindus.  It  is  evidently  a  recent  Brahminical  innovation. 
On  marriage  occasions  generally  tom-toms,  if  available, 
are  beaten,  and  a  dance  takes  place."  In  the  second 
form  of  marriage,  as  described  to  me,  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  sit  opposite  each  other  with  four  arrows 
stuck  in  the  ground  between  them.  In  Mackenzie's 
record  it  is  stated  that  the  Chenchus  make  the  bridal 
pair  sit  with  a  single  arrow  between  them,  and,  when 
there  is  no  shadow,  some  elderly  men  and  women  throw 
rice  over  their  heads.  The  importance  of  the  arrow 
with  the  Chenchus,  as  with  the  Yanadis,  is  that  the 
moment  when  it  casts  no  shadow  is  the  auspicious  time 
for  the  completion  of  the  marriage  rite.  The  remarriage 
of  widows  is  permitted,  and  the  second  husband  is  said 
to  be  in  most  cases  a  brother  of  the  deceased  one. 

As  an  example  of  the  Chenchu  songs,  the  following 
marriage   song,   sung   by  two  men  and  a  woman,  and 
recorded  by  my  phonograph,  may  be  cited  : — 
The  tali  was  of  avaram  *  leaves, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 


*  Cassia  auriculala. 


-J 


z 

u: 


41  CHENCHU 

The  bashingham  *  was  made  of  the  leaf  of  a  wild  tree, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Wild  turmeric  was  used  for  the  kankanam  f, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Wearing  a  garment  made  of  the  leaves  of  the  paru  tree, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Wearing  a  bodice  made  of  the  leaves  of  the  pannu  tree, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Roaming  over  inaccessible  hills, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Wandering  through  dense  forests, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Committing  acts  that  ought  not  to  be  done, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Obalesa's  marriage  was  celebrated, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
A  four-cornered  dais  was  made. 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
On  the  dais  arrows  were  stuck, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Bamboo  rice  was  used  to  throw  on  the  heads  of  the  pair, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
Cocoanut  cups  were  stuck  on  the  points  of  the  arrow, 

Oh  !  the  lord  of  the  Chenchus. 
The  marriage  was  thus  celebrated. 

At  a  dance  in  my  honour,  men  and  women  executed 
a  series  of  step  dances  in  time  with  a  drum  (thappata) 
resembling  a  big  tambourine,  which,  at  the  conclusion 
of  each  dance,  was  passed  to  and  fro  through  a  blazing 
fire  of  cholum  straw  to  bring  it  up  to  the  proper  pitch. 
An  elderly  hag  went  through  a  variety  of  gesticulations 
like  those  of  a  Deva-dasi  (dancing-girl).  A  man  dressed 
up  in  straw  and  fragments  of  mats  picked  up  near  my 
camp,  and  another  disguised  as  a  woman,  with  bells 
round  his  ankles,  supplied  the  comic  business. 


*  Marriage  chaplet  worn  on  the  forehead, 
t  Wrist-lhreads  dyed  with  turmeric. 


CHENCHU  42 

In  the  Kurnool  Manual  it  is  stated  that  "  as  soon  as 
a  child  is  born,  the  umbilical  cord  is  cut  (with  a  knife  or 
arrow),  and  the  child  is  washed  in  cold  or  hot  water, 
according  as  the  season  is  hot  or  cold.  On  the  third 
day,  all  the  women  of  the  tribe  are  invited,  and  served 
with  betel  nut.  On  the  fourth  day,  an  old  woman  gives 
a  name  to  the  child.  The  baby  is  generally  laid  in  a 
cradle  made  of  deer  skins,  and  suspended  from  a  bamboo 
by  means  of  strings  or  dusara  creepers." 

The  dead  are  carried  to  the  burial-place  in  a  cloth 
slung  on  a  pole.  The  body,  after  it  has  been  laid  in  the 
grave,  is  covered  over  with  leafy  twigs,  and  the  grave  is 
filled  in.  The  spot  is  marked  by  a  mound  of  earth  and 
stones  piled  up.  On  the  second  or  third  day,  some 
cooked  food  is  offered  to  the  soul  of  the  deceased 
person,  near  the  grave,  and,  after  some  of  it  has  been 
set  apart  for  the  crows,  the  remainder  is  buried  in  the 
mound  or  within  the  grave.  The  same  rite  is  repeated 
after  the  eighth  day. 

The  Chenchus  are  said  ■%  like  the  Yanadis,  to 
worship  a  god  called  Chenchu  Devata,  to  whom  offerings 
of  honey  and  fruits  are  sometimes  made.  They  believe, 
as  has  been  mentioned  already,  that  the  god  Narasimha 
of  Ahobilam,  whom  they  call  Obalesudu,  carried  off  a 
beautiful  Chenchu  girl,  named  Chenchita,  and  married 
her.  To  prevent  the  occurrence  of  a  similar  fate  to 
other  females  of  the  tribe,  Chenchita  ordained  that  they 
should  in  future  be  born  ugly,  and  be  devoid  of  personal 
charms.  The  Chenchus  claim  Obalesudu  as  their 
brother-in-law,  and,  when  they  go  to  the  temple  for  the 
annual  festival,  carry  cloths  as  presents  for  the  god  and 
goddess.     The  legend  of  their  origin  is  told  as  follows 


*   Madras  Census  Report,  1891. 


43 


CHENCHU 


by  Captain  Newbold.  "  Previous  to  the  incarnation  of 
Sri  Krishna  in  the  Dwapara  Yug  (the  third  of  the  great 
ages),  the  Chenchwars  were  shepherds  of  the  Yerra 
Golla  caste.  Obal  Iswara,  the  swami  (deity)  of  Obalam, 
a  celebrated  hill  shrine  in  the  Nalla  Mallas,  having 
taken  away  and  kept  as  a  Chenchita  a  maid  of  the  Yerra 
Golla  family,  begat  upon  her  children,  of  whom  they 
are  descendants."  Among  other  minor  deities,  the 
Chenchus  are  said  to  worship  Ankalamma,  Potu  Razu, 
Sunkalamma,  Mallamma,  and  Guruppa. 

In  the  absence  of  lucifer  matches,  the  Chenchus 
make  fire  with  flint  and  steel,  and  the  slightly  charred 
floss  of  the  white  cotton  tree,  Eriodeiidron  anfractuosum, 
I  am  informed  that,  like  the  Paniyans  of  Malabar,  they 
also  obtain  fire  by  friction,  by  means  of  the  horizontal  or 
sawing  method,  with  two  pieces  of  split  bamboo. 

Some  Chenchus  still  exhibit  the  primitive  short 
stature  and  high  nasal  index,  which  are  characteristic  of 
other  jungle  tribes  such  as  the  Kadirs,  Paniyans,  and 
Kurumbas.  But  there  is  a  very  conspicuous  want  of 
uniformity  in  their  physical  characters,  and  many  indi- 
viduals are  to  be  met  with,  above  middle  height  or  tall, 
with  long  narrow  noses.  A  case  is  noted  in  the  Kurnool 
Manual,  in  which  a  brick-maker  married  a  Chenchu  girl. 
And  I  was  told  of  a  Boya  man  who  had  married  into  the 
tribe,  and  was  living  in  a  gudem.  In  this  way  is  the 
pure  type  of  Chenchu  metamorphosed. 


Stature,  cm. 

Nasal  index. 

AV. 

162-5 

MAX. 

MIN. 
149-6 

AV. 

81-9 

MAX. 

957 

MIN. 

68-1 

By   the   dolichocephalic    type   of    head   which    has 
persisted,  and  which  the  Chenchus  possess  in  common 


CHENCHU 


44 


with  various  other  jungle  tribes,  they  are,  as  shown  by 
the  following  table,  at  once  differentiated  from  the 
mesaticephalic  dwellers  in  the  plains  near  the  foot  of  the 
Nallamalais  : — 


Cephalic 
index. 

Number  of  cases 

in  which  index 

exceeded  80. 

40  Chenchus     ... 

74-3 

I 

60  GoUas          

•■  !          77-5 

9 

50  Boyas           

77-9 

14 

39  Tola  Balijas 

78- 

10 

49  MotiUi  Kapus 

78- 

16 

19  Upparas 

78S 

4 

16  Mangalas     

78S 

7 

17  Ycrukalas     

..  1         78-6 

6 

12  Mcdaias       

..  1         S07 

8 

The  visual  acuity  of  the  Chenchus  was  tested  with 
Cohn's  letter  E,  No.  6.  For  clinical  purposes,  the  visual 
acuity  would  be  represented  by  a  fraction,  of  which  6  is 
the  denominator,  and  the  number  of  metres  at  which  the 
position  of  the  letter  was  recognised  by  the  individual 
tested  is  the  numerator,  ^.^., 


6 


2"l6. 


The  average  distances  in  metres,  at  which  the  letter 
was  recognised  by  the  various  castes  and  tribes  examined 
by  myself  and  Dr.  W.  H.  R.  Rivers,  were  as  follows  : — 


1 6  Sholagas  (Rivers) 
94  Kotas     ... 
i8o  Badagas 
50  Paraiyans 
58  Telugu  ryats 
28  Chenchus 
55  Uralis  (Rivers) 
30  Brahmans,  Mysore 
30  Non-Brahmans,  Mysore 


I2'9 
12-8 
I  2*6 

12-5 

12*4 

12-3 

I2"2 
12*2 
12*2 


45  CHERUMAN 

In  all  classes,  it  may  be  noted,  the  average  acuity 
was  between  12  and  13  metres  (13  to  14  yards),  and 
ranged  between  V.A.  =  2"i5  and  V.A.  =  2*03.  The 
maxima  distances,  at  which  the  position  of  the  letter 
was  recognised,  were: — Sholaga,  i8m;  Paraiyan,  19m  ; 
Badaga  and  Dikshitar  Brahman,  20m.  No  cases  of 
extraordinary  hyper-acuity  were  met  with.  The  nine 
classes,  or  groups  of  classes  examined,  cover  a  wide 
range  of  degrees  of  civilisation  from  the  wild  jungle 
Chenchus,  Sholagas,  and  Uralis,  to  the  cultured  Brah- 
man. And,  though  the  jungle  man,  who  has  to  search 
for  his  food  and  mark  the  tracks  and  traces  of  wild 
beasts,  undoubtedly  possesses  a  specially  trained  keen- 
ness of  vision  for  the  exigencies  of  his  primitive  life,  the 
figures  show  that,  as  regards  ordinary  visual  acuity,  he 
has  no  advantage  over  the  more  highly  civilised  classes. 

There  were,  in  1904-05,  two  Board  upper  primary 
schools  for  the  Chenchus  of  the  Kurnool  district,  which 
were  attended  by  seventy-three  pupils,  who  were  fed 
and  clothed,  and  supplied  with  books  and  slates  free  of 
charge. 

Chenu   (dry  field). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kamma. 

Cheppat.^A  sub-division  of  Maran. 

Cherukara.— Recorded,  in  the  Travancore  Census 
Report,  1 901,  as  a  sub-division  of  Nayar. 

Cheruku. — Cheruku  (sugar-cane)  or  Cherukula  has 
been  recorded  as  an  exogamous  sept  of  Boya,  Jogi  and 
Odde. 

Cheruman.— The  Cherumans  or  Cherumukkal  have 
been  defined  as  a  Malayalam  caste  of  agricultural  serfs, 
and  as  members  of  an  inferior  caste  in  Malabar,  who 
are,  as  a  rule,  toilers  attached  to  the  soil.  In  the 
Madras  Census  Report,  1891,  it  is  stated  that  "this 
caste  is  called  Cheruman  in  South  Malabar  and  Pulayan 


CHERUMAN  46 

in  North  Malabar.  Even  in  South  Malabar  where  they 
are  called  Cheruman,  a  large  sub-division  numbering 
over  30,000  is  called  Pula  Cheruman.  The  most 
important  of  the  sub-divisions  returned  are  Kanakkan, 
Pula  Cheruman.  Eralan,  Kudan  and  Rolan.  Kanakkan 
and  Pula  Cheruman  are  found  in  all  the  southern  taluks, 
Kudan  almost  wholly  in  Walluvanad,  and  Eralan  in 
Palghat  and  Walluvanad."  In  the  Census  Report,  1901, 
Alan  (slave),  and  Paramban  are  given  as  sub-castes  of 
Cheruman. 

According  to  one  version,  the  name  Cheruma  or 
Cheramakkal  signifies  sons  of  the  soil ;  and,  according 
to  another,  Cheriamakkal  means  little  children,  as 
Parasurama  directed  that  they  should  be  cared  for,  and 
treated  as  such.  The  word  Pulayan  is  said  to  be  derived 
from  pula,  meaning  pollution. 

Of  the  Cherumans,  the  followino-  account  is  oriven  in 
the  Gazetteer  of  Malabar.  "  They  are  said  to  be  divided 
into  39  divisions,  the  more  important  of  which  are  the 
Kanakka  Cherumans,  the  Pula  Cherumans  or  Pulayas, 
the  Era  Cherumans  or  Eralans,  the  Roli  Cherumans  or 
Rolans,  and  the  Kudans.  Whether  these  sub-divisions 
should  be  treated  as  separate  castes  or  not,  it  is  hardly 
possible  to  determine  ;  some  of  them  at  least  are 
endogamous  groups,  and  some  are  still  further  sub- 
divided. Thus  the  Pulayas  of  Chirakkal  are  said  to  be 
divided  into  one  endogamous  and  eleven  exogamous 
groups,  called  Mavadan,  Elamanam,  Tacchakudiyan, 
Kundaton,  Cheruvulan,  Mulattan,  Talan,  Vannatam, 
Eramiilodiyan,  Mullaviriyan,  Egudan,  and  Kundon. 
Some  at  least  of  these  group  names  obviously  denote 
differences  of  occupation.  The  Kundotti,  or  woman  of 
the  last  group,  acts  as  midwife  ;  and  in  consequence  the 
group    is  considered    to  convey  pollution    by  touch    to 


47  CHERUMAN 

members  of  the  other  groups,  and  they  will  neither  eat 
nor  marry  with  those  belonging  to  it.  Death  or  birth 
pollution  is  removed  by  a  member  of  the  Mavadan  class 
called  Maruttan,  who  sprinkles  cowdung  mixed  with 
water  on  the  feet,  and  milk  on  the  head  of  the  person 
to  be  purified.  At  weddings,  the  Maruttan  receives  32 
fanams,  the  prescribed  price  of  a  bride,  from  the  bride- 
groom, and  gives  it  to  the  bride's  people.  The  Era 
Cherumans  and  Kanakkans,  who  are  found  only  in  the 
southern  taluks  of  the  district,  appear  to  be  divided  into 
exogamous  groups  called  Kuttams,  many  of  which  seem 
to  be  named  after  the  house-name  of  the  masters  whom 
they  serve.  The  Cherumans  are  almost  solely  employed 
as  agricultural  labourers  and  coolies  ;  but  they  also  make 
mats  and  baskets." 

It  is  noted*  by  Mr.  L.  K.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer 
that  "  from  traditions  current  among  the  Pulayas,  it 
would  appear  that,  once  upon  a  time,  they  had  dominion 
over  several  parts  of  the  country.  A  person  called 
Aikkara  Yajaman,  whose  ancestors  were  Pulaya  kings, 
is  still  held  in  considerable  respect  by  the  Pulayas  of 
North  Travancore,  and  acknowledged  as  their  chieftain 
and  lord,  while  the  Aikkaranad  in  the  Kunnethnad  taluk 
still  remains  to  lend  colour  to  the  tale.  In  Trivandrum, 
on  the  banks  of  the  Velli  lake,  is  a  hill  called  Pulayanar 
Kotta,  where  it  is  believed  that  a  Pulaya  king  once  ruled. 
In  other  places,  they  are  also  said  to  have  held  sway. 
As  a  Paraya  found  at  Melkota  the  image  of  Selvapillai, 
as  a  Savara  was  originally  in  possession  of  the  sacred 
stone  which  became  the  idol  in  the  temple  of  Jaganath, 
so  also  is  the  worship  of  Padmanabha  at  Trivandrum 
intimately  connected  with  a  Pulayan.     Once  a   Pulaya 


*  Monograph,  Eth.  Survey  of  Cochin,  No.  6,  1906. 


CHERUMAN  48 

woman,  who  was  living  with  her  husband  in  the  Ananthan 
kadu  (jungle),  suddenly  heard  the  cry  of  a  baby.  She 
rushed  to  the  spot,  and  saw  to  her  surprise  a  child  lying 
on  the  ground,  protected  by  a  snake.  She  took  pity  on 
it,  and  nursed  it  like  her  own  child.  The  appearance  of 
the  snake  intimated  to  her  the  divine  origin  of  the 
infant.  This  proved  to  be  true,  for  the  child  was  an 
incarnation  of  Vishnu.  As  soon  as  the  Raja  of  Travan- 
core  heard  of  the  wonderful  event,  he  built  a  shrine  on 
the  spot  where  the  baby  had  been  found,  and  dedicated 
it  to  Padmanabha.  The  Pulayas  round  Trivandrum 
assert  to  this  day  that,  in  former  times,  a  Pulaya  king 
ruled,  and  had  his  castle  not  far  from  the  present  capital 
of  Travancorc.  The  following  story  is  also  current 
amonof  them.  The  Pulavas  Qot  from  the  o-od  Siva  a 
boon,  with  spade  and  axe,  to  clear  forests,  own  lands, 
and  cultivate  them.  When  other  people  took  possession 
of  them,  they  were  advised  to  work  under  them." 

According  to  Mr.  Logan,*  the  Cherumans  are  of  two 
sections,  one  of  which,  the  Iraya,  are  of  slightly  higher 
social  standing  than  the  Pulayan.  "  As  the  names 
denote,  the  former  are  permitted  to  come  as  far  as  the 
eaves  (ira)  of  their  employers'  houses,  while  the  latter 
name  denotes  that  they  convey  pollution  to  all  whom 
they  meet  or  approach."  The  name  Cheruman  is 
supposed  to  be  derived  from  cheru,  small,  the  Cheruman 
being  short  of  stature,  or  from  chera,  a  dam  or  low-lying 
rice  field.  Mr.  Logan,  however,  was  of  opinion  that 
there  is  ample  evidence  that  "  the  Malabar  coast  at  one 
time  constituted  the  kingdom  or  Empire  of  Chera,  and 
the  nad  or  county  of  Cheranad  lying  on  the  coast  and 
inland  south-east  of  Calicut  remains  to  the  present  day 


*  Manual  of  Malabar. 


49  CHERUMAN 

to  give  a  local  habitation  to  the  ancient  name.  More- 
over, the  name  of  the  great  Emperor  of  Malabar,  who  is 
known  to  every  child  on  the  coast  as  Cheraman  Perumal, 
was  undoubtedly  the  title  and  not  the  name  of  the 
Emperor,  and  meant  the  chief  (literally,  big  man)  of  the 
Chera  people." 

Of  the  history  of  slavery  in  Malabar  an  admirable 
account  is  given  by  Mr.  Logan,  from  which  the  follow- 
ing extracts  are  taken.  "  In  1792,  the  year  in  which 
British  rule  commenced,  a  proclamation  was  issued 
against  dealing  in  slaves.  In  1 8 1 9,  the  principal  Collector 
wrote  a  report  on  the  condition  of  the  Cherumar,  and 
received  orders  that  the  practice  of  selling  slaves  for 
arrears  of  revenue  be  immediately  discontinued.  In 
1 82 1,  the  Court  of  Directors  expressed  considerable 
dissatisfaction  at  the  lack  of  precise  information  which 
had  been  vouchsafed  to  them,  and  said  '  We  are  told 
that  part  of  the  cultivators  are  held  as  slaves  :  that  they 
are  attached  to  the  soil,  and  marketable  property.'  In 
1836,  the  Government  ordered  the  remission  in  the 
Collector's  accounts  of  Rs.  927-13-0,  which  was  the 
annual  revenue  from  slaves  on  the  Government  lands  in 
Malabar,  and  the  Government  was  at  the  same  time 
*  pleased  to  accede  to  the  recommendation  in  favour  of 
emancipating  the  slaves  on  the  Government  lands  in 
Malabar.'  In  1841,  Mr.  E.  B.  Thomas,  the  Judge  at 
Calicut,  wrote  in  strong  terms  a  letter  to  the  Sadr  Adalat, 
in  which  he  pointed  out  that  women  in  some  taluks 
(divisions)  fetched  higher  prices,  in  order  to  breed  slaves  ; 
that  the  average  cost  of  a  young  male  under  ten  years 
was  about  Rs.  3-S-0,  of  a  female  somewhat  less ;  that 
an  infant  ten  months  old  was  sold  in  a  court  auction  for 
Rs.  1-10-6  independent  of  the  price  of  its  mother  ;  and 
that,  in  a  recent  suit,  the  right  to  twenty-seven  slaves 
1 1-4 


CHERUMAN  50 

was  the  '  sole  matter  of  litigation,  and  was  disposed  of  on 
its  merits.'  In  a  further  letter,  Mr.  Thomas  pointed  out 
that  the  slaves  had  increased  in  numbers  from  144,000  at 
the  Census,  1835,  to  159,000  at  the  Census,  1842.  It 
was  apparently  these  letters  which  decided  the  Board  of 
Directors  to  send  out  orders  to  legislate.  And  the 
Government  of  India  passed  Act  V  of  1843,  of  which 
the  provisions  were  widely  published  through  Malabar. 
The  Collector  explained  to  the  Cherumar  that  it  was  in 
their  interest,  as  v/ell  as  their  duty,  to  remain  with  their 
masters,  if  kindly  treated.  He  proclaimed  that  '  the 
Government  will  not  order  a  slave  who  is  in  the  employ 
of  an  individual  to  forsake  him  and  go  to  the  service  of 
another  claimant  ;  nor  will  the  Government  interfere 
with  the  slave's  inclination  as  to  where  he  wishes  to 
work.'  And  again,  '  Any  person  claiming  a  slave  as 
janmam,  kanam  or  panayam,  the  right  of  such  claim  or 
claims  will  not  be  investigated  into  at  any  one  of  the 
public  offices  or  courts.'  In  1852,  and  again  in  1855,  the 
fact  that  traffic  in  slaves  still  continued  was  brought  to 
the  notice  of  Government,  but  on  full  consideration  no 
further  measures  for  the  emancipation  of  the  Cherumar 
were  deemed  to  be  necessary.  The  Cherumar  even  yet 
have  not  realised  what  public  opinion  in  England  would 
probably  have  forced  down  their  throats  fifty  years  ago, 
and  there  is  reason  to  think  that  they  are  still,  even  now, 
with  their  full  consent  bought  and  sold  and  hired  out, 
although,  of  course,  the  transaction  must  be  kept  secret 
for  fear  of  the  penalties  of  the  Penal  Code,  which  came 
into  force  in  1862,  and  was  the  real  final  blow  at  slavery  in 
India.  The  slaves,  however,  as  a  caste  will  never  under- 
stand what  real  freedom  means,  until  measures  are  adopted 
to  give  them  indefeasible  rights  in  the  small  orchards 
occupied    by    them    as    house-sites."     It    is  noted  by 


51  CHERUMAN 

Mr.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer  that  *'  though  slavery  has  been 
abolished  many  years  ago,  the  name  valliyal  (a  person 
receiving  valli,  i.e.,  paddy  given  to  a  slave)  still  survives." 
By  the  Penal  Code  it  is  enacted  that — 

Whoever  imports,  exports,  removes,  buys,  sells,  or 
disposes  of  any  person  as  a  slave,  or  accepts,  receives, 
or  detains  against  his  will  any  person  as  a  slave,  shall 
be  punished  with  imprisonment  for  a  term  which  may 
extend  to  seven  years,  and  shall  also  be  liable  to  a  fine. 

Whoever  habitually  imports,  exports,  removes,  buys, 
sells,  traffics  or  deals  in  slaves,  shall  be  punished  with 
transportation  for  life,  or  with  imprisonment  for  a  term 
not  exceeding  ten  years,  and  shall  be  liable  to  a  fine. 

Whoever  unlawfully  compels  any  person  to  labour 
against  the  will  of  that  person,  shall  be  punished  with 
imprisonment  for  a  term  which  may  extend  to  one  year, 
or  with  a  fine,  or  with  both. 

"  Very  low  indeed,"  Mr.  S.  Appadorai  Iyer  writes,* 
"  is  the  social  position  of  these  miserable  beings. 
When  a  Cherumar  meets  a  person  of  superior  caste, 
he  must  stand  at  a  distance  of  thirty  feet.  If  he  comes 
within  this  prohibited  distance,  his  approach  is  said  to 
cause  pollution,  which  is  removed  only  by  bathing  in 
water.  A  Cherumar  cannot  approach  a  Brahman  village 
or  temple,  or  tank.  If  he  does  so,  purification  becomes 
necessary.  Even  while  using  the  public  road,  if  he  sees 
his  lord  and  master,  he  has  to  leave  the  ordinary  way 
and  walk,  it  may  be  in  the  mud,  to  avoid  his  displeasure 
by  accidentally  polluting  him.  To  avoid  polluting 
the  passer-by,  he  repeats  the  unpleasant  sound  '  O, 
oh,  O — '.  [In  some  places,  e.g.,  Palghat,  one  may  often 
see  a    Cheruman   with   a   dirty   piece   of  cloth    spread 


*  Calcutta  Review,  1900. 
11-4  B 


CHERUMAN  52 

on  the  roadside,  and  yelling  in  a  shrill  voice  '  Ambrane, 
Ambarane,  give  me  some  pice,  and  throw  them  on 
the  cloth.']  His  position  is  intolerable  in  the  Native 
States  of  Cochin  and  Travancore,  where  Brahman  in- 
fluence is  in  the  ascendant ;  while  in  the  Palghat  taluk  the 
Cherumars  cannot,  even  to  this  day,  enter  the  bazaar." 
A  melancholy  picture  has  been  drawn  of  the  Cherumans 
tramping  along  the  marshes  in  mud,  often  wet  up  to 
their  waists,  to  avoid  polluting  their  superiors.  In  1904, 
a  Cheruman  came  within  polluting  distance  of  a  Nayar, 
and  was  struck  with  a  stick.  The  Cheruman  went  off 
and  fetched  another,  whereupon  the  Nayar  ran  away. 
He  was,  however,  pursued  by  the  Cherumans.  In 
defending  himself  with  a  spade,  the  Nayar  struck  the 
foremost  Cheruman  on  the  head,  and  killed  him.*  In 
another  case,  a  Cheruman,  who  was  the  servant  of  a 
Mappilla,  was  fetching  grass  for  his  master,  when  he 
inadvertently  approached  some  Tiyans,  and  thereby 
polluted  them.  The  indignant  Tiyans  gave  not  only  the 
Cheruman,  but  his  master  also,  a  sound  beating  by  way 
of  avenging  the  insult  offered  to  them. 

The  status  of  the  Pulayas  of  the  Cochin  State  is 
thus  described  by  Mr.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer.  "  They 
abstain  from  eating  food  prepared  by  the  Velakkathala- 
vans  (barbers),  Mannans  (washermen),  Panans,  V^ettu- 
vans,  Parayans,  Nayadis,  Ulladans,  Malayans,  and 
Kadars.  The  Pulayas  in  the  southern  parts  of  the  State 
have  to  stand  at  a  distance  of  90  feet  from  Brahmans 
and  64  feet  from  Nayars,  and  this  distance  gradually 
diminishes  towards  the  lower  castes.  They  are  polluted 
by  Pula  Cherumas,  Parayas,  Nayadis,  and  Ulladans. 
[The    Pula  Cherumas  are  said  to  eat  beef,   and  sell  the 


•  Madras  Police  Report,  1904. 


53  CHERUMAN 

hides  of  cattle.]  The  Kanakka  Cherumas  of  the  ChittOr 
taluk  pollute  Era  Cherumas  and  Konga  Cherumas  by 
touch,  and  by  approach  within  a  distance  of  seven  or  eight 
feet,  and  are  themselves  polluted  by  Pula  Cherumas, 
Parayas,  and  Yettuvans,  who  have  to  stand  at  the  same 
distance.  Pulayas  and  Vettuvans  bathe  when  they 
approach  one  another,  for  their  status  is  a  point  of 
dispute  as  to  which  is  superior  to  the  other.  When 
defiled  by  the  touch  of  a  Nayadi,  a  Cheruman  has  to 
bathe  in  seven  tanks,  and  let  a  few  drops  of  blood  flow 
from  one  of  his  fingers.  A  Brahman  who  enters 
the  compound  of  a  Pulayan  has  to  change  his  holy 
thread,  and  take  panchagavyam  (the  five  products  of  the 
cow)  so  as  to  be  purified  from  pollution.  The  Valluva 
Pulayan  of  the  Trichur  taluk  fasts  for  three  days,  if  he 
happens  to  touch  a  cow  that  has  been  delivered  of  a 
calf  He  lives  on  toddy  and  tender  cocoanuts.  He  has 
also  to  fast  three  days  after  the  delivery  of  his  wife." 
In  ordinary  conversation  in  Malabar,  such  expressions 
as  Tiya-pad  or  Cheruma-pad  (that  is,  the  distance  at 
which  a  Tiyan  or  Cheruman  has  to  keep)  are  said  to  be 
commonly  used.* 

By  Mr.  T.  K.  Gopal  Panikkar  the  Cherumans  are 
described  f  as  "a  very  inferior  race,  who  are  regarded 
merely  as  agricultural  instruments  in  the  hands  of  the 
landlords  their  masters,  who  supply  them  with  houses  on 
their  estates.  Their  daily  maintenance  is  supplied  to 
them  by  their  masters  themselves.  Every  morning  the 
master's  agent  summons  them  to  his  house,  and  takes 
them  away  to  work  in  the  fields,  in  ploughing,  drawing 
water  from  wells,  and  in  short  doing  the  whole  of  the 
cultivation.     In  the  evening  a  certain  quantity  of  paddy 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Malabar  district.  f  Malabar  and  its  Folk,  1900. 


CHERUMAN  54 

(unhusked  rice)  is  distributed  to  them  as  wages.  Both 
theory  and  practice,  in  the  great  majority  of  cases,  are 
that  they  are  fed  at  the  master's  cost  the  whole  year 
round,  whether  they  work  in  the  fields  or  not.  But  it  is 
very  seldom  that  they  can  have  a  holiday,  regard  being 
had  to  the  nature  of  agriculture  in  Malabar.  It  is  the 
Cheruma  that  should  plough  the  land,  sow  the  seed, 
transplant  the  seedlings,  regulate  the  flow  of  water  in 
the  fields,  uproot  the  weeds,  and  see  that  the  crops  are 
not  destroyed  by  animals,  or  stolen.  When  the  crops 
ripen,  he  has  to  keep  watch  at  night.  The  sentry  house 
consists  of  a  small  oval-shaped  portable  roof,  constructed 
of  palmyra  and  cocoanut  leaves,  supported  by  four  posts, 
across  which  are  tied  bamboos,  which  form  the  watch- 
man's bed.  Wives  sometimes  accompany  their  husbands 
in  their  watches.  When  the  harvest  season  approaches, 
the  Cheruman's  hands  are  full.  He  has  to  cut  the  crops, 
carry  them  to  the  barn  (kalam),  separate  the  corn  from 
the  stalk,  and  winnow  it.  The  second  crop  operations 
immediately  follow,  and  the  Cheruma  has  to  go  through 
all  these  processes  again.  It  is  in  the  summer  season 
that  his  work  is  light,  when  he  is  set  to  prepare 
vegetable  gardens,  or  some  odd  job  is  found  for  him  by 
his  master.  The  old,  infirm,  and  the  children  look  after 
their  master's  cattle.  Receiving  his  daily  pittance  of 
paddy,  the  Cheruman  enters  his  hut,  and  reserves  a 
portion  of  it  for  the  purchase  of  salt,  chillies,  toddy, 
tobacco,  and  dried  fish.  The  other  portion  is  reserved 
for  food.  The  Cheruman  spends  the  greater  part  of  his 
wages  on  toddy.  It  is  a  very  common  sight  in  Malabar 
to  see  a  group  of  Cherumans,  including  women  and 
children,  sitting  in  front  of  a  toddy  shop,  the  Cheruman 
transferring  the  unfinished  portion  of  the  toddy  to  his 
wife,    and    the    latter   to    the    children.     A   Cheruman, 


55  CHERUMAN 

however,  rarely  gets  intoxicated,  or  commits  crime.  No 
recess  is  allowed  to  the  Cherumans,  except  on  national 
holidays  and  celebrated  temple  festivals  observed  in 
honour  of  the  goddess  Bhagavati  or  Kali,  when  they  are 
quite  free  to  indulge  in  drink.  On  these  days,  their  hire  is 
given  in  advance.  With  this  they  get  intoxicated,  and 
go  to  the  poora-paramba  or  temple  premises,  where  the 
festival  is  celebrated,  in  batches  of  four,  each  one  tying 
his  hands  to  another's  neck,  and  reciting  every  two 
seconds  the  peculiar  sound  : 

Lalle  lalle  lalle  ho. 

Lalle  lalle  lalle  ho. 

"  On  the  European  plantations  in  the  Wynad  the 
Cherumans  are  in  great  request,  and  many  are  to  be  seen 
travelling  nowadays  without  fear  in  railway  carriages  on 
their  way  to  the  plantations.  A  few  also  work  in  the 
gold  mines  of  Mysore." 

Like  other  servile  classes,  the  Cherumans  possess 
special  privileges  on  special  occasions.  For  example,  at 
the  chal  (furrow)  ceremony  in  Malabar  "the  master  of 
the  house,  the  cultivating  agent,  and  Cherumans  assemble 
in  the  barn,  a  portion  of  the  yard  in  front  of  the  building 
is  painted  with  rice-water,  and  a  lighted  bell-lamp  is 
placed  near  at  hand  with  some  paddy  and  rice,  and  several 
cups  made  of  the  leaves  of  the  kanniram  {Strycknos  nux- 
vomica) — as  many  cups  as  there  are  varieties  of  seed  in 
the  barn.  Then,  placing  implicit  faith  in  his  gods,  and 
deceased  ancestors,  the  master  of  the  house  opens  the 
barn  door,  followed  by  the  Cheruman  with  a  new  painted 
basket  containing  the  leaf  cups.  The  master  then  takes 
a  handful  of  seed  from  a  seed-basket,  and  fills  one  of  the 
cups,  and  the  cultivating  agent,  head  Cheruman,  and 
others  who  are  interested  in  a  good  harvest,  fill  the  cups 
till  the  seeds  are  exhausted.     The  basket,  with  the  cups, 


CHERUMAN  56 

is  next  taken  to  the  decorated  portion  of  the  yard.     A 
new  ploughshare  is  fastened  to  a  new  plough,  and  a  pair 
of  cattle  are  brought  on  to  the  scene.     Plough,  cattle,  and 
basket  are  all    painted  with    rice-water.     A   procession 
proceeds    to    the    fields,    on    reaching   which    the    head 
Cheruman  la)  s  down  the  basket,  and  makes  a  mound  of 
earth  with  the  spade.     To  this  a  little  manure  is  added, 
and  the  master  throws  a  handful  of  seed  into   it.     The 
cattle  are  then  yoked,  and  one  turn  is  ploughed  by  the 
head  Cheruman.     Inside  this  at  least  seven  furrows  are 
made,  and  the  plough  is  dropped  to  the  right.    An  offering 
is  made  to  Ganapathi  (the  elephant  god),  and  the  master 
throws  some  seed  into  a  furrow.     Next  the  head  Cheru- 
man calls  out  '  May  the  gods  on  high  and  the  deceased 
ancestors  bless  the  seed,  which  has  been  thrown  broad- 
cast, and  the  cattle  w^hich  are  let  loose  ;  the  mother  and 
children  of  the  house,  the  master,  and  the  slaves,  may 
they  also  vouchsafe  to  us  a  good  crop,  good  sunshine,  and 
good  harvest.'     A  cocoanut  is  then  cut  on  the  plough- 
share, and  from  the  cut  portions  several  deductions  are 
made.     If  the  hinder  part  is  larger  than  the  front  one,  the 
harvest  w^ill  be  moderate.     If  the  cut  passes  through  the 
eyes  of  the  nut,  or  if  no  water  is  left  in  the  cut  portions, 
certain  misfortune  is  foreboded.     The  cut  fragments  are 
then  taken  with  a  little  water  inside  them,  and  a  leaf  of 
the  tulsi  plant  {Ocimicrn  sancttim)  ^^ro^T^^d.  in.      If  the  leaf 
turns  to   the   right,   a   prosperous    harvest   is   assured  ; 
whereas,  if  it  turns  to  the  left,  certain  calamity  will  follow. 
This  ceremonial  concluded,  there  is  much  shouting,  and 
the  names  of  all  the  gods  may  be  heard  called  out  in  a 
confused  prayer.     The  party  then   breaks    up,  and  the 
unused  seeds  are  divided  among  the  workmen."  ^     At 


*  Karunakara  Menon,  Madras  Mus.  Bull.,  V.  2,  1906. 


57  CHERUMAN 

the  ceremony  in  Malabar,  when  the  transplantation  of 
rice  is  completed,  during"  which  a  goat  is  sacrificed  to 
Muni,  the  protector  of  cattle  and  field  labourers,  the 
officiating  priest  is  generally  the  cultivation  agent  of  the 
family,  who  is  a  Nayar,  or  sometimes  a  Cheruman. 

In  connection  with  the  harvest  ceremonial  in  Cochin, 
Mr.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer  writes  as  follows.  "  There 
are  some  curious  customs  connected  with  the  harvest, 
prevailing  among  the  Pulayas  of  the  southern  parts  of  the 
State.  Before  reaping,  the  Pulaya  headman  asks  his 
master  whether  he  may  begin  to  reap.  With  his  permis- 
sion, he  faces  the  east,  and  puts  the  sickle  to  the  stalks. 
The  first  bundle  he  reserves  for  the  gods  of  his  master, 
and  the  second  for  those  of  his  castemen.  Before 
thrashing,  the  same  headman  takes  a  few  bundles  of 
corn  from  the  sheaf  intended  for  their  gods,  and  sprinkles 
toddy  on  them.  Another  Pulayan  does  the  same  for  the 
various  reapers,  and  says,  as  he  does  so  *  Come,  thrashing 
corn,  increase.'  This  is  called  filling  the  thrashing  floor, 
and  each  man  thrashes  his  own  sheaves.  When  the 
thrashing  is  over,  the  headman  puts  his  master's  sheaf 
in  the  centre  of  the  floor,  and  his  own  at  a  short  distance 
outside,  in  order  that  the  two  sets  of  gods  may  look 
kindly  on  them.  The  headman  is  privileged  to  measure 
the  corn  sitting  with  his  two  assistants,  saying  '  Come, 
paddy,  increase,'  as  he  counts.  He  also  calls  out  '  Good 
paddy,  one ',  '  bad  paddy,  two ',  and  so  on,  until  he  counts 
ten.  The  eleventh  is  the  share  for  the  reaper.  He  takes 
a  handful,  and  places  it  in  a  basket,  half  of  which  falls  to 
him,  his  assistants  and  the  watchman,  while  the  other 
half  is  given  away  in  charity  to  the  poor  men  that  come 
to  the  thrashing  place.  In  the  northern  parts  of  the 
State,  before  reaping,  offerings  of  goats,  fowls,  and 
cocoanuts,  are  made  to  Mallan  and  Muni.     The  Cheruma 


CHERUMAN 


58 


headman  faces  east,  and  applies  his  sickle  to  the  stalks, 
reserving  the  first  stalk  for  the  deities  above  mentioned. 
The  corn  is  thrashed  and  measured  by  one  of  them,  and, 
as  he  does  so,  he  says  '  Labham '  (profit)  for  one, 
'  Chetham  '  (loss)  for  two,  and  counts  up  to  ten.  The 
eleventh  goes  to  the  share  of  the  reapers.  Thus  they 
get  one  para  for  every  ten  paras  of  corn.  The  poor 
people  that  attend  are  also  given  a  handful  of  the  grain. 
After  reaping,  the  members  of  the  castes  named  in  the 
table  below  receive  a  small  portion  of  the  corn  for  their 
services  rendered  to  the  farmers  in  the  course  of  the 
months  durine  which  cultivation  has  been  carried  on  : — 


Caste. 

Purpose  for  which  paddy 
is  given. 

Remuneration. 

Carpenters  ... 

For    making     and    repairing 

Ab 

g  bundle  of 

ploughs,  etc. 

corn. 

Blacksmiths 

For  making   sickles,    knives, 
and  other  tools. 

Do. 

Parayan 

For   lifting   and    placing   the 
loads  of  stalks  on  the  heads 
of  the  Cherumans,  who  carry 
them  to  the  farmyard. 

Do. 

Washerman  or  Man- 

For  keeping  off  birds,  insects. 

Do. 

nan. 

etc.,  from  the  fields  by  magic. 

Vilkurup     ... 

For  treating  Cherumas  during 
their  illness,  and  for  sham- 
pooing them. 

Do. 

Kaniyan   or    astrolo- 

For giving  information  of  the 

Do. 

ger. 

auspicious  times  for  plough- 
ing,    sowing,    transplanting 
and  reaping,  and  also  of  the 
time  for  giving    rice,    vege- 
tables,    oil,     etc.,     to     the 
Cherumas  during  the  Onam 
festival. 

59  CHERUMAN 

"The  Pulayans  receive,  in  return  for  watching,  a 
small  portion  of  the  field  near  the  watchman's  rest-hut, 
which  is  left  unreaped  for  him.  It  fetches  him  a  para 
of  paddy. 

"  The  Cherumas  who  are  engaged  in  reaping  get  two 
bundles  of  corn  each  for  every  field.  For  measuring 
the  corn  from  the  farmyard,  a  Cheruman  gets  an  edan- 
gazhy  of  paddy,  in  addition  to  his  daily  wage.  Three 
paras  of  paddy  are  set  apart  for  the  local  village  deity. 
During  the  month  of  Karkadakam,  the  masters  give 
every  Cheruman  a  fowl,  some  oil,  garlic,  mustard,  anise 
seeds,  pepper,  and  turmeric.  They  prepare  a  decoction 
of  seeds,  and  boil  the  flesh  of  the  fowl  in  it,  which  they 
take  for  three  days,  during  which  they  are  allowed  to  take 
rest.     Three  davs'  wao-es  are  also  gfiven  in  advance." 

In  Travancore,  a  festival  named  Macam  is  held,  of 
which  the  following  account  has  been  published. "^  "  The 
Macam  (tenth  constellation  Regulus,  which  follows 
Thiru  Onam  in  August),  is  regarded  by  Hindus  as  a  day 
of  great  festivity.  One  must  enjoy  it  even  at  the  cost  of 
one's  children,  so  runs  an  adage.  The  day  is  considered 
to  be  so  lucky  that  a  girl  born  under  the  star  Regulus  is 
verily  born  with  a  silver  spoon  in  her  mouth.  It  was 
on  Macam,  some  say,  that  the  Devas,  to  free  themselves 
from  the  curse  they  were  put  under  by  a  certain  sage, 
had  to  churn  the  sea  of  milk  to  procure  ambrosia.  Be 
the  cause  which  led  to  the  celebration  what  it  may,  the 
Hindus  of  the  present  day  have  ever  been  enthusiastic 
in  its  observance ;  only  some  of  the  rude  customs  con- 
nected with  it  have  died  out  in  the  course  of  time,  or 
were  put  a  stop  to  by  Government.  Sham  fights  were, 
and  are  still,  in  some  places  a  feature  of  the  day.     Such 


Madras  Mail,  1908. 


CHERUMAN  6o 

a  sham  fight  used  to  be  carried  on  at  Pallam  until,  about 
a  hundred  years  ago,  it  was  stopped  through  the  inter- 
vention of  Colonel  Munro,  the  British  Resident  in 
Travancore.  The  place  is  still  called  Patanilam  (battle 
field),  and  the  tank,  on  opposite  sides  of  which  the 
contending  parties  assembled,  Chorakulam  (pool  of 
blood).  The  steel  swords  and  spears,  of  curious  and 
various  shapes,  and  shields  large  enough  to  cover  a  man, 
are  even  now  preserved  in  the  local  temple.  Many  lives 
were  lost  in  these  fights.  It  is  not  generally  known, 
even  to  people  in  these  parts,  that  a  sham  fight  takes 
place  on  Macam  and  the  previous  day  every  year  at  a 
place  called  Wezhapra,  between  the  Changanacherry  and 
Ambalapuzha  taluks.  Three  banyan  trees  mark  the 
place.  People,  especially  Pulayas  and  Pariahs,  to  the 
number  of  many  thousands,  collect  round  the  outside 
trees  with  steel  swords,  spears,  and  slings  in  their  hand. 
A  small  bund  (embankment)  separates  the  two  parties. 
They  have  to  perform  certain  religious  rites  near  the  tree 
which  stands  in  the  middle,  and,  in  doing  so,  make  some 
movements  with  their  swords  and  spears  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  music.  If  those  standing  on  one  side  of  the 
bund  cross  it,  a  regular  fight  is  the  result.  In  order  to 
avoid  such  things,  without  at  the  same  time  interfering 
with  their  liberty  to  worship  at  the  spot,  the  Government 
this  year  made  all  the  necessary  arrangements.  The 
Police  were  sent  for  the  purpose.  Everything  went  off 
smoothly  but  for  one  untoward  event.  The  people  had 
been  told  not  to  come  armed  with  steel  weapons,  but 
with  wooden  ones.  They  had  to  put  them  down,  and 
were  then  allowed  to  go  and  worship." 

Of  conversion  to  Muhammadanism  at  the  present 
time,  a  good  example  is  afforded  by  the  Cherumans. 
"This  caste,"  the  Census  Superintendent,  1881,  writes, 


6l  CHERUMAN 

"numbered  99,009  in  Malabar  at  the  census  of  1871, 
and,  in  1881,  is  returned  as  only  64,735.  There  are  40,000 
fewer  Cherumans  than  there  would  have  been  but  for 
some  disturbing  influence,  and  this  is  very  well  known 
to  be  conversion  to  Muhammadanism.  The  honour  of 
Islam  once  conferred  on  the  Cheruman,  he  moves  at  one 
spring  several  places  higher  than  that  which  he  originally 
occupied."  "  Conversion  to  Muhammadanism,"  Mr. 
Logan  writes.  "  has  had  a  marked  effect  in  freeing  the 
slave  caste  in  Malabar  from  their  former  burthens.  By 
conversion  a  Cheruman  obtains  a  distinct  rise  in  the 
social  scale,  and,  if  he  is  in  consequence  bullied  or  beaten, 
the  influence  of  the  whole  Muhammadan  community 
comes  to  his  aid."  It  has  been  noted  *  that  Cheruman 
converts  to  Islam  take  part  in  the  Moplah  (Mappilla) 
outbreaks,  which  from  time  to  time  disturb  the  peace  of 
Malabar. 

The  home  of  the  Cheruman  is  called  a  chala  or  hut, 
which  has  a  thatched  roof  of  grass  and  palm-leaves 
resembling  an  immense  bee-hive.  A  big  underground 
cell,  with  a  ceiling  of  planks,  forms  the  granary  of  the 
occupants  of  these  huts.  The  chief  house  furniture 
consists  of  a  pestle  and  mortar,  and  two  or  three 
earthenware  pots. 

The  habitations  of  the  Pulayas  of  Cochin  arc  thus 
described  by  Mr.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer.  "Their  huts 
are  generally  called  madams,  which  are  put  up  on  the 
banks  of  fields,  in  the  middle  of  rice  flats,  or  on  trees 
along  their  borders,  so  as  to  enable  them  to  watch  the 
crops  after  the  toils  of  the  day.  They  are  discouraged 
from  erecting  better  huts,  under  the  idea  that,  if  settled 
more  comfortably,  they  would  be  less  inclined  to  move 


*  S.  Appadorai  Iyer. 


CHERUMAN  62 

as  cultivation  required.  The  madams  are  very  poor  huts, 
supported  on  four  small  posts,  and  thatched  with  leaves. 
The  sides  are  protected  with  the  same  kind  of  leaves. 
There  is  only  one  room,  and  the  floor,  though  slightly 
raised,  is  very  damp  during  the  rainy  months.  These 
temporary  buildings  are  removed  after  the  harvest,  and 
put  up  in  places  where  cultivation  has  to  be  carried  on. 
All  the  members  of  the  family  sleep  together  in  the  same 
hut.  Small  temporary  huts  are  sometimes  erected,  which 
are  little  better  than  inverted  baskets.  These  are  placed 
in  the  rice  field  while  the  crop  is  on  the  ground,  and  near 
the  stacks  while  it  is  being  thrashed.  In  the  northern 
parts  of  the  State,  the  Pulaya  huts  are  made  of  mud  walls, 
and  provided  with  wooden  doors.  The  roofs  are  of 
bamboo  framework  thatched  with  palmyra  palm  leaves. 
The  floor  is  raised,  and  the  huts  are  provided  with  pyals 
(raised  platforms)  on  three  sides.  They  have  also  small 
compounds  (grounds)  around  them.  There  is  only  one 
room  inside,  which  is  the  sleeping  apartment  of  the 
newly  married  youngsters.  The  others,  I  am  told,  sleep 
on  the  verandahs.  The  utensils  consist  of  a  few  earthen 
pots  for  cooking  and  keeping  water,  and  a  few  earthen 
dishes  for  taking  food.  In  addition  to  these,  I  found  a 
wooden  mortar,  a  few  pestles,  two  pans,  two  winnowing 
pans,  a  fish  basket  for  each  woman,  a  few  cocoanut  shells 
for  keeping  salt  and  other  things,  a  few  baskets  of  their 
own  making,  in  one  of  which  a  few  dirty  cloths  were 
placed,  some  mats  of  their  own  making,  a  bamboo  vessel 
for  measuring  corn,  and  a  vessel  for  containing  toddy." 

"  During  the  rainy  season,  the  Cherumas  in  the  field 
wear  a  few  green  leaves,  especially  those  of  the  plantain 
tree,  tied  round  their  waists,  and  a  small  cone-shaped 
cap,  made  of  plantain  leaf,  is  worn  on  the  head.  This 
practice,  among   the   females,   has   fallen   into  disuse  in 


6$  CHERUMAN 

Malabar,  though  it  is  to  some  extent  still  found  in  the 
Native  States.  The  Cherumi  is  provided  with  one  long 
piece  of  thick  cloth,  which  she  wraps  round  her  waist, 
and  which  does  not  even  reach  the  knees.  She  does  not 
cover  the  chest."  *  The  Cheruma  females  have  been 
described  as  wearing,  when  at  work  in  the  open,  a  big 
oval-shaped  handleless  umbrella  covered  with  palm 
leaves,  which  they  place  on  their  back,  and  which  covers 
the  whole  of  their  person  in  the  stooping  attitude.  The 
men  use,  during  the  rainy  season,  a  short-handled  palm- 
leaf  umbrella. 

The  women  are  profusely  decorated  with  cheap  jewelry 
of  which  the  following  are  examples  : 

1.  Lobes  of  both  ears  widely  dilated  by  rolled 
leaden  ornaments.  Brass,  and  two  glass  bead  necklets, 
string  necklet  with  flat  brass  ornaments,  the  size  of  a 
Venetian  sequin,  with  device  as  in  old  Travancore  gold 
coins,  with  two  brass  cylinders  pendent  behind,  and 
tassels  of  red  cotton.  Three  brass  rings  on  right  little 
finger ;  two  on  left  ring  finger,  one  brass  and  two  steel 
bangles  on  left  wrist. 

2.  Several  bead  necklets,  and  a  single  necklet  of 
many  rows  of  beads.  Brass  necklet  like  preceding,  with 
steel  prong  and  scoop,  for  removing  wax  from  the  ears 
and  picking  teeth,  tied  to  one  of  the  necklets.  Attached 
to,  and  pendent  from  one  necklet,  three  palm  leaf  rolls 
with  symbols  and  Malayalam  inscription  to  act  as  a 
charm  in  driving  away  devils.  Three  ornamental  brass 
bangles  on  right  forearm,  two  on  left.  Iron  bangle 
on  left  wrist.  Thin  brass  ring  in  helix  of  each  ear. 
Seventy  thin  brass  rings  (alandoti)  with  heavy  brass 
ornament  (adikaya)  in  dilated  lobe  of  each  ear. 


*  Calcutta  Review,  1900. 


CHERUMAN  64 

3.  In  addition  to  glass  bead  necklets,  a  necklet 
with  heavy  heart-shaped  brass  pendants.  String  round 
neck  to  ward  off  fever. 

4.  String  necklet  with  five  brass  cylinders  pendent  ; 
five  brass  bangles  on  right  wrist ;  six  brass  and  two  iron 
bangles  on  left  wrist. 

Right  hand,  one  copper  and  five  brass  rings  on 
middle  finger  ;  one  iron  and  three  brass  rings  on  little 
finger. 

Left  hand,  one  copper  and  five  brass  rings  on 
middle  finger ;  three  brass  and  two  copper  rings  on  ring 
finger  ;  one  brass  ring  on  little  finger. 

5.  Trouser  button  in  helix  of  left  ear. 

6.  Brass  bead  necklet  with  pendent  brass  ornament 
with  legend  "  Best  superior  umbrella  made  in  Japan, 
made  for  Fazalbhoy  Peeroo  Mahomed,  Bombay." 

A  Cheruman,  at  Calicut,  had  his  hair  long  and 
unkempt,  as  he  played  the  drum  at  the  temple.  Another 
had  the  hair  arranged  in  four  matted  plaits,  for  the  cure 
of  disease  in  performance  of  a  vow.  A  man  who  wore  a 
copper  cylinder  on  his  loin  string,  containing  a  brass 
strip  with  mantrams  (consecrated  formulse)  engraved  on 
it,  sold  it  to  me  for  a  rupee  with  the  assurance  that  it 
would  protect  me  from  devils. 

Concerning  the  marriage  ceremony  of  the  Cherumans 
in  Malabar,  Mr.  Appadorai  Iyer  writes  that  "the  bride- 
groom's sister  is  the  chief  performer.  It  is  she  who  pays 
the  bride's  price,  and  carries  her  off.  The  consent  of 
the  parents  is  required,  and  is  signified  by  an  interchange 
of  visits  between  the  parents  of  the  bride  and  bridegroom. 
During  these  visits,  rice-water  (conji)  is  sipped.  Before 
tasting  the  conji,  they  drop  a  fanam  (local  coin)  into  the 
vessel  containing  it,  as  a  token  of  assent  to  the  marriage. 
When  the  wedding  party  sets  out,  a  large  congregation 


65  CHERUMAN 

of  Cherumans  follow,  and  at  intervals  indulge  in  stick 
play,  the  women  singing-  in  chorus  to  encourage  them 
'  Let  us  see,   let  us  see  the  stick  play  (vadi  tallu),   Oh  ! 
Cheruman.'     The  men  and  women    mingle    indiscrimi- 
nately in  the  dance  during  the  wedding  ceremony.     On 
the  return  to  the  bridegroom's  hut,  the  bride  is  expected 
to  weep  loudly,  and  deplore  her  fate.     On  entering  the 
bridegroom's   hut,   she   must   tread   on   a  pestle   placed 
across  the  threshold."     During  the  dance,  the   women 
have   been   described   as   letting   down   their    hair,   and 
dancing  with  a  tolerable  amount  of  rhythmic  precision 
amid  vig^orous  drumminof  and   sino^ino".     Accordino-  to 
another    account,    the    bridegroom    receives    from     his 
brother-in-law  a  kerchief,  which  the  giver  ties  round  his 
waist,  and  a  bangle  which  is  placed  on  his  arm.     The 
bride  receives  a  pewter  vessel  from  her  brother.      Next 
her  cousin  ties  a  kerchief  round  the  groom's  forehead, 
and  sticks  a  betel  leaf  in  it.     The  bride  is  then  handed 
over  to  the  bridegroom. 

Of  the  puberty  and  marriage  ceremonies  of  the 
Pulayas  of  Cochin,  the  following  detailed  account  is 
given  by  Mr.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer.  "  When  a  Pulaya 
girl  comes  of  age,  she  is  located  in  a  separate  hut.  Five 
Vallons  (headmen),  and  the  castemen  of  the  kara  (settle- 
ment), are  invited  to  take  part  in  the  performance  of  the 
ceremony.  A  song,  called  malapattu,  is  sung  for  an  hour 
by  a  Parayan  to  the  accompaniment  of  drum  and  pipe. 
The  Parayan  gets  a  para  of  paddy,  and  his  assistants 
three  annas  each.  As  soon  as  this  is  over,  seven  cocoa- 
nuts  are  broken,  and  the  water  thereof  is  poured  over 
the  head  of  the  girl,  and  the  broken  halves  are  distributed 
among  the  five  Vallons  and  seven  girls  who  are  also 
invited  to  be  present.  Some  more  water  is  also  poured 
on   the   girl's   head  at   the   time.     She   is   lodged    in   a 


CHERUMAN  66 

temporary  hut  for  seven  days,  during  which  food  is  served 
to  her  at  a  distance.  She  is  forbidden  to  go  out  and 
play  with  her  friends.  On  the  morning  of  the  seventh 
day,  the  Vallons  of  the  kara  and  the  castemen  are  again 
invited.  The  latter  bring  with  them  some  rice,  vege- 
tables, and  toddy,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  feast. 
At  dawn,  the  mother  of  the  girl  gives  oil  to  the  seven 
Pulaya  maidens,  and  to  her  daughter  for  an  oil-bath. 
They  then  go  to  a  neighbouring  tank  (pond)  or  stream  to 
bathe,  and  return  home.  The  girl  is  then  neatly  dressed, 
and  adorned  in  her  best.  Her  face  is  painted  yellow, 
and  marked  with  spots  of  various  colours.  She  stands 
before  a  few  Parayas,  who  play  on  their  flute  and  drum, 
to  cast  out  the  demons,  if  any,  from  her  body.  The  girl 
leaps  with  frantic  movements,  if  she  is  possessed  by 
them.  In  that  case,  they  transfer  them  to  a  tree  close 
by  driving  a  nail  into  the  trunk  after  due  offerings.  If 
she  is  not  possessed,  she  remains  unmoved,  and  the 
Parayas  bring  the  music  to  a  close.  The  girl  is  again 
bathed  with  her  companions,  who  are  all  treated  to  a 
dinner.  The  ceremony  then  comes  to  an  end  with  a 
feast  to  the  castemen.  The  ceremony  described  is 
performed  by  the  Valluva  Pulayas  in  the  southern  parts, 
near  and  around  the  suburbs  of  Cochin,  but  is  unknown 
among  other  sub-tribes  elsewhere.  The  devil-driving 
by  the  Parayas  is  not  attended  to.  Nor  is  a  temporary 
hut  erected  for  the  girl  to  be  lodged  in.  She  is  allowed 
to  remain  in  a  corner  of  the  hut,  but  is  not  permitted  to 
touch  others.  She  is  bathed  on  the  seventh  day,  and 
the  castemen,  friends  and  relations,  are  invited  to  a 
feast. 

"  Marriage  is  prohibited  among  members  of  the  same 
koottam  (family  group).  In  the  Chittur  taluk,  members 
of  the  same  village  do  not  intermarry,  for  they  believe 


^ 


6;  CHERUMAN 

that  their  ancestors  may  have  been  the  slaves  of  some 
local  landlord,  and,  as  such,  the  descendants  of  the  same 
parents.  A  young  man  may  marry  among  the  relations 
of  his  father,  but  not  among  those  of  his  mother.  In  the 
Palghat  taluk,  the  Kanakka  Cherumas  pride  themselves 
on  the  fact  that  they  avoid  girls  within  seven  degrees  of 
relationship.  The  marriage  customs  vary  according  to 
the  sub-division.  In  the  southern  parts  of  the  State, 
Pulaya  girls  are  married  before  puberty,  while  in  other 
places,  among  the  Kanakka  Cherumas  and  other  sub- 
tribes,  they  are  married  both  before  and  after  puberty. 
In  the  former  case,  when  a  girl  has  not  been  married 
before  puberty,  she  is  regarded  as  having  become 
polluted,  and  stigmatised  as  a  woman  whose  age  is 
known.  Her  parents  and  uncles  lose  all  claim  upon  her. 
They  formally  drive  her  out  of  the  hut,  and  proceed  to 
purify  it  by  sprinkling  water  mixed  with  cow-dung  both 
inside  and  outside,  and  also  with  sand.  She  is  thus 
turned  out  of  caste.  She  was,  in  former  times,  handed 
over  to  the  Vallon,  who  either  married  her  to  his  own 
son,  or  sold  her  to  a  slave  master.  If  a  girl  is  too 
poor  to  be  married  before  puberty,  the  castemen  of  the 
kara  raise  a  subscription,  and  marry  her  to  one  of 
themselves. 

•'  When  a  young  Pulayan  wishes  to  marry,  he  applies 
to  his  master,  who  is  bound  to  defray  the  expenses.  He 
gives  seven  fanams  *  to  the  bride's  master,  one  fanam 
worth  of  cloth  to  the  bride-elect,  and  about  ten  fanams 
for  the  marriage  feast.  In  all,  his  expenses  amount  to 
ten  rupees.  The  ceremony  consists  in  tying  a  ring 
attached  to  a  thread  round  the  neck  of  the  bride.  This 
is  provided  by  her  parents.     When  he  becomes  tired  of 


*  One  fanam  =  four  annas  eight  pies. 
n-5  B 


CHERUMAN  68 

his  wife,  he  may  dispose  of  her  to  any  other  person  who 
will  pay  the  expenses  incurred  at  the  marriage.     There 
are   even    now   places  where   husband  and  wife   serve 
different  masters,  but  more  frequently   they    serve  the 
same   master.     The   eldest   male   child    belongs   to   the 
master  of  the  mother.     The  rest  of  the  family  remain 
with   the  mother  while  young,  but,  being  the  property 
of  the  owner,  revert  to  him  when  of  an  age  to  be  useful. 
She  also  follows  them,  in  the  event  of  her  becoming  a 
widow.      In  some  places,  a  man  brings  a  woman  to  his 
master,  and  says  that  he  wishes  to  keep  her  as  his  wife. 
She  receives  her  allowance  of  rice,  but  may  leave  her 
husband  as  she  likes,  and  is  not  particular  in  changing 
one  spouse  for  another.     In  other  places,  the  marriage 
ceremonies  of  the  Era  Cherumas  are  more  formal.     The 
bridegroom's  party  goes  to  the  bride's  hut,  and  presents 
rice  and  betel  leaf  to  the  head  of  the  family,  and  asks 
for    the   bride.     Consent    is    indicated    by    the    bride's 
brother  placing  some  rice  and  cloth  before  the  assembly, 
and  throwing  rice  on  the  headman  of  the  caste,  who  is 
present.     On  the  appointed  day,  the  bridegroom  goes 
to  the  hut  with  two  companions,  and  presents  the  girl 
with  cloth  and  twelve   fanams.      From   that  day  he   is 
regarded  as  her  husband,   and  cohabitation   begins  at 
once.      But  the  bride  cannot  accompany  him  until  the 
ceremony  called   mangalam   is  performed.     The  bride- 
groom's  party   goes    in    procession   to   the   bride's   hut, 
where  a  feast  awaits  them.     The  man  gives  sweetmeats 
to  the  girl's  brother.     The  caste  priest  recites  the  family 
history    of  the    two    persons,    and    the   names   of  their 
masters   and   deities.     They   are   then   seated   before  a 
lamp  and  a  heap  of  rice  in  a  pandal   (booth).     One  of 
the   assembly   gets   up,  and   delivers    a  speech  on  the 
duties  of  married  life,    touching  on   the   evils   of  theft, 


69  CHERUMAN 

cheating,  adultery,  and  so  forth.  Rice  is  thrown  on  the 
heads  of  the  couple,  and  the  man  prostrates  himself  at 
the  feet  of  the  elders.  Next  day,  rice  is  again  thrown 
on  their  heads.  Then  the  party  assembled  makes  pre- 
sents to  the  pair,  a  part  of  which  goes  to  the  priest,  and 
a  part  to  the  master  of  the  husband.  Divorce  is  very 
easy,  but  the  money  paid  must  be  returned  to  the 
woman. 

"In  the  Ooragam  proverthy  of  the  Trichur  taluk,  I 
find  that  the  marriage  among  the  Pulayas  of  that  locality 
and  the  neighbouring  villages  is  a  rude  form  of  samban- 
dham  (alliance),  somewhat  similar  to  that  which  prevails 
among  the  Nayars,  whose  slaves  a  large  majority  of 
them  are.  The  husband,  if  he  may  be  so  called,  goes  to 
the  woman's  hut  with  his  wages,  to  stay  therein  with  her 
for  the  night.  They  may  serve  under  different  masters. 
A  somewhat  similar  custom  prevails  among  the  Pula 
Cherumas  of  the  Trichur  taluk.  The  connection  is  called 
Merungu  Kooduka,  which  means  to  tame,  or  to  associate 
with. 

"  A  young  man,  who  wishes  to  marry,  goes  to  the 
parents  of  the  young  woman,  and  asks  their  consent  to 
associate  with  their  daughter.  If  they  approve,  he  goes 
to  her  at  night  as  often  as  he  likes.  The  woman  seldom 
comes  to  the  husband's  hut  to  stay  with  him,  except 
with  the  permission  of  the  thamar  (landlord)  on  auspicious 
occasions.  They  are  at  liberty  to  separate  at  their  will 
and  pleasure,  and  the  children  born  of  the  union  belong 
to  the  mother's  landlord.  Among  the  Kanakka  Cheru- 
mas in  the  northern  parts  of  the  State,  the  following 
marital  relations  are  in  force.  When  a  young  man 
chooses  a  girl,  the  preliminary  arrangements  are  made 
in  her  hut,  in  the  presence  of  her  parents,  relations,  and 
the  castemen  of  the  village.     The  auspicious  day  is  fixed, 


CHERUMAN  JO 

and  a  sum  of  five  fanams  is  paid  as  the  bride's  price. 
The  members  assembled  are  treated  to  a  dinner.  A 
similar  entertainment  is  held  at  the  bridegroom's  hut  to 
the  bride's  parents,  uncles,  and  others  who  come  to  see 
the  bridegroom.  On  the  morning  of  the  day  fixed  for  the 
wedding,  the  bridegroom  and  his  party  go  to  the  bride's 
hut,  where  they  are  welcomed,  and  seated  on  mats  in  a 
small  pandal  put  up  in  front  of  the  hut.  A  muri  (piece 
of  cloth),  and  tw^o  small  mundus  (cloths)  are  the  marriage 
presents  to  the  bride.  A  vessel  full  of  paddy  (unhusked 
rice),  a  lighted  lamp,  and  a  cocoanut  are  placed  in  a 
conspicuous  place  therein.  The  bride  is  taken  to  the 
booth,  and  seated  by  the  side  of  the  bridegroom.  Before 
she  enters  it,  she  goes  seven  times  round  it,  with  seven 
virgins  before  her.  With  prayers  to  their  gods  for 
blessings  on  the  couple,  the  tali  (marriage  badge)  is 
tied  round  the  bride's  neck.  The  bridegroom's  sister 
completes  the  knot.  By  a  strange  custom,  the  bride's 
mother  does  not  approach  the  bridegroom,  lest  it  should 
cause  a  ceremonial  pollution.  The  ceremony  is  brought 
to  a  close  with  a  feast  to  those  assembled.  Toddy  is  an 
indispensable  item  of  the  feast.  During  the  night,  they 
amuse  themselves  by  dancing  a  kind  of  wild  dance,  in 
which  both  men  and  women  joyfully  take  part.  After 
this,  the  bridegroom  goes  along  to  his  own  hut,  along 
with  his  wife  and  his  party,  where  also  they  indulge  in 
a  feast.  After  a  week,  two  persons  from  the  bride's  hut 
come  to  invite  the  married  couple.  The  bride  and 
bridegroom  stay  at  the  bride's  hut  for  a  few  days,  and 
cannot  return  to  his  hut  unless  an  entertainment,  called 
Vathal  Choru,  is  given  him. 

"  The  marriage  customs  of  the  Valluva  Pulayas  in 
the  southern  parts  of  the  State,  especially  in  the  Cochin 
and  Kanayannur  taluks,  are  more  formal.     The  average 


71  CHERUMAN 

age  of  a  young  man  for  marriage  is  between  fifteen  and 
twenty,  while  that  of  a  girl  is  between  ten  and  twelve. 
Before  a  young  Pulayan  thinks  of  marriage,  he  has  to 
contract  a  formal  and  voluntary  friendship  with  another 
young  Pulayan  of  the  same  age  and  locality.  If  he  is 
not  sociably  inclined,  his  father  selects  one  for  him  from 
a  Pulaya  of  the  same  or  higher  status,  but  not  of  the 
same  illam  (family  group).  If  the  two  parents  agree 
among  themselves,  they  meet  in  the  hut  of  either  of 
them  to  solemnise  it.  They  fix  a  day  for  the  ceremony, 
and  invite  their  Vallon  and  the  castemen  of  the  villasfe. 
The  guests  are  treated  to  a  feast  in  the  usual  Pulaya 
fashion.  The  chief  guest  and  the  host  eat  together 
from  the  same  dish.  After  the  feast,  the  father  of  the 
boy,  who  has  to  obtain  a  friend  for  his  son,  enquires 
of  the  Vallon  and  those  assembled  whether  he  may 
be  permitted  to  buy  friendship  by  the  payment  of 
money.  They  give  their  permission,  and  the  boy's 
father  gives  the  money  to  the  father  of  the  selected 
friend.  The  two  boys  then  clasp  hands,  and  they  are 
never  to  quarrel.  The  new  friend  becomes  from  that 
time  a  member  of  the  boy's  family.  He  comes  in, 
and  goes  out  of  their  hut  as  he  likes.  There  is  no 
ceremony  performed  at  it,  or  anything  done  without 
consulting  him.  He  is  thus  an  inseparable  factor  in  all 
ceremonies,  especially  in  marriages.  I  suspect  that  the 
friend  has  some  claims  on  a  man's  wife.  The  first 
observance  in  marriage  consists  in  seeing  the  girl.  The 
bridegroom-elect,  his  friend,  father  and  maternal  uncle, 
go  to  the  bride's  hut,  to  be  satisfied  with  the  girl.  If 
the  wedding  is  not  to  take  place  at  an  early  date,  the 
bridegroom's  parents  have  to  keep  up  the  claim  on  the 
bride-elect  by  sending  presents  to  her  guardians.  The 
presents,  which  are  generally  sweetmeats,  are  taken  to 


CHERUMAN  72 

her  hut  by  the  bridegroom  and  his  friends,  who  are  well 
fed  by  the  mother  of  the  girl,  and  are  given  a  few  neces- 
saries when  they  take  leave  of  her  the  next  morning. 
The  next  observance  is  the  marriage  negociation,  which 
consists  in  giving  the  bride's  price,  and  choosing  an 
auspicious  day  in  consultation  with  the  local  astrologer 
(Kani)an).  On  the  evening  previous  to  the  wedding, 
the  friends  and  relations  of  the  bridegroom  are  treated 
to  a  feast  in  his  hut.  Next  day  at  dawn,  the  bridegroom 
and  his  friend,  purified  by  a  bath,  and  neatly  dressed  in 
a  white  cloth  with  a  handkerchief  tied  over  it,  and  with  a 
knife  stuck  in  their  girdles,  go  to  the  hut  of  the  bride- 
elect  accompanied  by  his  party,  and  are  all  well  received, 
and  seated  on  mats  spread  on  the  lloor.  Over  a  mat 
specially  made  by  the  bride's  mother  are  placed  three 
measures  of  rice,  some  particles  of  gold,  a  brass  plate, 
and  a  plank  with  a  white  and  red  cover  on  it.  The 
bridegroom,  after  going  seven  times  round  the  pandal, 
stands  on  the  plank,  and  the  bride  soon  follows  making 
three  rounds,  when  four  women  hold  a  cloth  canopy 
over  her  head,  and  seven  virgins  go  in  front  of  her. 
The  bride  then  stands  by  the  side  of  the  bridegroom, 
and  they  face  each  other.  Her  guardian  puts  on  the 
wedding  necklace  a  gold  bead  on  a  string.  Music  is 
played,  and  prayers  are  offered  up  to  the  sun  to  bless 
the  necklace  which  is  tied  round  the  neck  of  the  girl. 
The  bridegroom's  friend,  standing  behind,  tightens  the 
knot  already  made.  The  religious  part  of  the  ceremony 
is  now  over,  and  the  bridegroom  and  bride  are  taken 
inside  the  hut,  and  food  is  served  to  them  on  the  same 
leaf.  Next  the  guests  are  fed,  and  then  they  begin  the 
poli  or  subscription.  A  piece  of  silk,  or  any  red  cloth, 
is  spread  on  the  floor,  or  a  brass  plate  is  placed  before 
the  husband.     The  guests  assembled  put  in  a  few  annas, 


'J^  CHERUMAN 

and  take  leave  of  the  chief  host  as  ihey  depart.  The 
bride  is  soon  taken  to  the  bridegroom's  hut,  and  her 
parents  visit  her  the  next  day,  and  get  a  consideration  in 
return.  On  the  fourth  day,  the  bridegroom  and  bride 
bathe  and  worship  the  local  deity,  and,  on  the  seventh 
day,  they  return  to  the  bride's  hut,  where  the  tali 
(marriage  badge)  is  formally  removed  from  the  neck  of 
the  girl,  who  is  bedecked  with  brass  beads  round  her 
neck,  rings  on  her  ears,  and  armlets.  The  next  morning, 
the  mother-in-law  presents  her  son-in-law  and  his  friend 
with  a  few  necessaries  of  life,  and  sends  them  home  with 
her  daughter. 

"  During  the  seventh  month  of  pregnancy,  the  cere- 
mony of  puli  kuti,  or  tamarind  juice  drinking,  is  performed 
as  among  other  castes.  This  is  also  an  occasion  for 
casting  out  devils,  if  any,  from  the  body.  The  pregnant 
woman  is  brought  back  to  the  hut  of  her  own  family. 
The  devil-driver  erects  a  tent-like  structure,  and  covers 
it  with  plantain  bark  and  leaves  of  the  cocoanut  palm. 
The  llower  of  an  areca  palm  is  fixed  at  the  apex.  A 
cocoanut  palm  flower  is  cut  out  and  covered  with  a  piece 
of  cloth,  the  cut  portion  being  exposed.  The  woman  is 
seated  in  front  of  the  tent-like  structure  with  the  flower, 
which  symbolises  the  yet  unborn  child  in  the  womb,  in 
her  lap.  The  water  of  a  tender  cocoanut  in  spoons 
made  of  the  leaf  of  the  jack  tree  {Artocarpus  integrifolid) 
is  poured  over  the  cut  end  by  the  Vallon,  guardian,  and 
brothers  and  sisters  present.  The  devil-driver  then 
breaks  open  the  flower,  and,  by  looking  at  the  fruits, 
predicts  the  sex  of  the  child.  If  there  are  fruits  at  the 
end  nearest  the  stem,  the  child  will  live  and,  if  the 
number  of  fruits  is  even,  there  will  be  twins.  There 
will  be  deaths  if  any  fruit  is  not  well  formed.  The 
devil-driver  repeats  an  incantation,  whereby  he  invokes 


CHERUMAN  74 

the  aid  of  Kali,  who  is  believed  to  be  present  in  the  tent. 
He  fans  the  woman  with  the  flower,  and  she  throws  rice 
and  a  flower  on  it.  He  repeats  another  incantation, 
which  is  a  prayer  to  Kali  to  cast  out  the  devil  from  her 
body.  This  magical  ceremony  is  called  Garbha  Bali 
(pregnancy  offering).  The  structure,  with  the  offering, 
is  taken  up,  and  placed  in  a  corner  of  the  compound 
reserved  for  gods.  The  devotee  then  goes  through 
the  remaining  forms  of  the  ceremony.  She  pours  into 
twenty-one  leaf  spoons  placed  in  front  of  the  tent  a 
mixture  of  cow's  milk,  water  of  the  tender  cocoanut, 
flower,  and  turmeric  powder.  Then  she  walks  round 
the  tent  seven  times,  and  sprinkles  the  mixture  on  it 
with  a  palm  flower.  Next  she  throws  a  handful  of  rice 
and  paddy,  after  revolving  each  handful  round  her  head, 
and  then  covers  the  offering  with  a  piece  of  cloth. 
She  now  returns,  and  her  husband  puts  into  her  mouth 
seven  globules  of  prepared  tamarind.  The  devil-driver 
rubs  her  body  with  Phlomis  (?)  petals  and  paddy, 
and  thereby  finds  out  whether  she  is  possessed  or  not. 
If  she  is,  the  devil  is  driven  out  with  the  usual  offerings. 
The  devil-driver  gets  for  his  services  twelve  measures 
and  a  half  of  paddy,  and  two  pieces  of  cloth.  The 
husband  should  not,  during  this  period,  get  shaved. 

"  When  a  young  woman  is  about  to  give  birth  to  a 
child,  she  is  lodged  in  a  small  hut  near  her  dwelling,  and 
is  attended  by  her  mother  and  a  few  elderly  women  of 
the  family.  After  the  child  is  born,  the  mother  and  the 
baby  are  bathed.  The  woman  is  purified  by  a  bath  on 
the  seventh  day.  The  woman  who  has  acted  as  midwife 
draws  seven  lines  on  the  ground  at  intervals  of  two  feet 
from  one  another,  and  spreads  over  them  aloe  leaves 
torn  to  shreds.  Then,  with  burning  sticks  in  the  hand, 
the  mother  with  the  baby  goes  seven  times  over  the 


75  CHERUMAN 

leaves  backwards  and  forwards,  and  is  purified.  For 
these  seven  days,  the  father  should  not  eat  anything 
made  of  rice.  He  lives  on  toddy,  fruits,  and  other 
things.  The  mother  remains  with  her  baby  in  the  hut 
for  sixteen  days,  when  she  is  purified  by  a  bath  so  as 
to  be  free  from  pollution,  after  which  she  goes  to  the 
main  hut.  Her  enangathi  (relation  by  marriage)  sweeps 
the  hut  and  compound,  and  sprinkles  water  mixed  with 
cow-dung  on  her  body  as  she  returns  after  the  bath. 
In  some  places,  the  bark  of  athi  {^Ficus glomerata)  and 
ithi  [Fiats  Tsiela  ?)  is  well  beaten  and  bruised,  and  mixed 
with  water.  Some  milk  is  added  to  this  mixture,  which 
is  sprinkled  both  inside  and  outside  the  hut.  Only  after 
this  do  they  think  that  the  hut  and  compound  are  puri- 
fied. Among  the  Cherumas  of  Palghat,  the  pollution 
lasts  for  ten  days. 

"  The  ear-boring  ceremony  Is  performed  during  the 
sixth  or  seventh  year.  The  Vallon,  who  is  invited,  bores 
the  ears  with  a  sharp  needle.  The  wound  is  healed 
by  applying  cocoanut  oil,  and  the  hole  is  gradually 
widened  by  inserting  cork,  a  wooden  plug,  or  a  roll  of 
palm  leaves.  The  castemen  of  the  village  are  invited, 
and  fed.  The  landlord  gives  the  parents  of  the  girl 
three  paras  of  paddy,  and  this,  together  with  what  the 
guests  bring,  goes  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
ceremony.  After  the  meal  they  go,  with  drum-beating, 
to  the  house  of  the  landlord,  and  present  him  with  a  para 
of  beaten  rice,  which  is  distributed  among  his  servants. 
The  ear-borer  receives  eight  edangazhis  of  paddy,  a 
cocoanut,  a  vessel  of  rice,  and  four  annas. 

"  A  woman  found  to  be  having  Intercourse  with  a 
Paraya  is  outcasted.  She  becomes  a  convert  to  Chris- 
tianity or  Mahomedanlsm.  If  the  irregularity  takes 
place  within  the  caste,  she  is  well  thrashed,  and  prevented 


CHERUMAN  ^d 

from  resortino-  to  the  bad  practice.  In  cerlain  cases, 
when  the  illicit  connection  becomes  public,  the  castemen 
meet  with  their  Vallon,  and  conduct  a  ref^ular  enquiry  into 
the  matter,  and  pronounce  a  verdict  upon  the  evidence. 
If  a  youni;-  woman  becomes  pregnant  before  marriage, 
her  lover,  should  he  be  a  Pulaya.  is  compelled  to  marry 
her,  as  otherwise  she  would  be  placed  under  a  ban.  If 
both  are  married,  the  lover  is  well  thrashed,  and  fined. 
The  woman  is  taken  before  a  Thandan  (Izhuva  head- 
man), who,  after  enquiry,  gives  her  the  water  of  a  tender 
cocoanut,  which  she  is  asked  to  drink,  when  she  is 
believed  to  be  freed  from  the  sin.  Her  husband  may 
take  her  back  again  as  his  wife,  or  she  is  at  liberty  to 
marry  another.  The  Thandan  gets  a  few  annas,  betel 
leaves  and  areca  nuts,  and  tobacco.  Both  the  woman's 
father  and  the  lover  are  fined,  and  the  fine  is  spent 
in  the  purchase  of  toddy,  which  is  indulged  in  by 
those  present  at  the  time.  In  the  northern  parts  of 
the  State,  there  is  a  custom  that  a  young  woman  before 
marriage  mates  with  one  or  two  paramours  with  the 
connivance  of  her  parents.  Eventually  one  of  them 
marries  her,  but  this  illicit  union  ceases  at  once  on 
marriage." 

Of  the  death  ceremonies  among  the  Cherumas  of 
South  Malabar,  I  gather  that  "  as  soon  as  a  Cheruman 
dies,  his  jenrni  or  landlord  is  apprised  of  the  fact,  and  is 
by  ancient  custom  expected  to  send  a  field  spade, 
a  white  cloth,  and  some  oil.  The  drummers  of  the 
community  are  summoned  to  beat  their  drums  in 
announcement  of  the  sad  event.  This  drumming  is 
known  as  parayadikka.  The  body  is  bathed  in  oil,  and 
the  near  relatives  cover  it  over  with  white  and  red  cloths, 
and  take  it  to  the  front  yard.  Then  the  relatives  have 
a  bath,  after  which  the  corpse  is  removed  to  the  burying 


"ll  CHERUMAN 

ground,  where  a  o'rave  is  dug  All  those  who  have 
come  to  the  interment  touch  the  body,  which  is  lowered 
into  the  grave  after  some  of  the  red  cloths  have  been 
removed.  A  mound  is  raised  over  the  grave,  a  stone 
placed  at  the  head,  another  at  the  feet,  and  a  third  in 
the  centre.  The  funeral  cortege,  composed  only  of 
males,  then  returns  to  the  house,  and  each  member 
takes  a  purificatory  bath.  The  red  cloths  arc  torn  into 
narrow  strips,  and  a  strip  handed  over  as  a  sacred  object 
to  a  relative  of  the  deceased.  Meanwhile,  each  relative 
having  on  arrival  paid  a  little  money  to  the  house  people, 
toddy  is  purchased,  and  served  to  the  assembly.  The 
mourners  in  the  house  have  to  fast  on  the  day  of  the 
death.  Next  morning  they  have  a  bath,  paddy  is 
pounded,  and  gruel  prepared  for  the  abstainers.  An 
elder  of  the  community,  the  Avakasi,  prepares  a  little 
basket  of  green  palm  leaves.  He  takes  this  basket,  and 
hangs  it  on  a  tree  in  the  southern  part  of  the  compound 
(grounds).  The  gruel  is  brought  out,  and  placed  on  a 
mortar  in  the  same  part  of  the  compound.  Spoons  are 
made  out  of  jack  [Artocarpits  integrifolid)  leaves,  and 
the  elder  serves  out  the  gruel.  Then  the  relatives,  who 
have  gathered  again,  make  little  gifts  of  money  and  rice 
to  the  house  people.  Vegetable  curry  and  rice  are 
prepared,  and  served  to  the  visitors.  A  quaint  ceremony 
called  ooroonulka  is  next  gone  through.  A  measure  of 
rice  and  a  measure  of  paddy  in  husk  are  mixed,  and 
divided  into  two  shares.  Four  quarter-anna  pieces  are 
placed  on  one  heap,  and  eight  on  the  other.  The 
former  share  is  made  over  to  the  house  people,  and  from 
the  latter  the  Avakasi  removes  four  of  the  coins,  and 
presents  one  to  each  of  the  four  leading  men  present. 
These  four  men  must  belong  to  the  four  several  points 
of  the  compass.     The  remaining  copper  is  taken  by  the 


CHERUMAN  78 

elder.     From  his  share  of  rice  and  paddy   he    gives   a 
little  to  be  parched  and   pounded.     This  is  given  after- 
wards to  the  inmates.     The  visitors  partake  of  betel  and 
disperse,  being  informed  that  the  Polla  or  post-obituary 
ceremony  will  come  off  on  the  thirteenth  day.     On  the 
forenoon  of  this  day,  the  relatives  again  gather  at  the 
mourning  place.     The  inmates  of  the  house  bathe,  and 
fish  and  rice  are  brought  for  a  meal.     A  little  of  the  fish 
is  roasted  over  a  fire,  and  each  one  present  just  nibbles 
at  it.     This  is  done  to  end  pollution.     After  this  the  fish 
may  be  freely  eaten.      Half  a  seer  or  a  measure  of  rice 
is   boiled,    reduced  to  a  pulpy  mass,   and  mixed  with 
turmeric  powder.     Parched    rice   and    the   powder  that 
remains  after  the  rice  has  been  pounded,  a  cocoanut  and 
tender  cocoanut,  some  turmeric  powder,  plantain  leaves, 
and  the  rice  that  was  boiled  and  coloured  with  turmeric, 
are  then  taken  to  the  burial  ground  by  the  Avakasi,  a 
singer  known  as  a  Kalladi  or  Moonpatkaren,  and  one  or 
two  close  relatives  of  the  departed.     With  the  pulped 
rice  the  elder  moulds  the  form  of  a  human  being.     At 
the  head  of  the  grave  a  little  mound  is  raised,  cabalistic 
lines  are  drawn  across  it  with  turmeric,  and  boiled  rice 
powder  and  a  plantain  leaf  placed  over  the  lines.     The 
cocoanut  is  broken,  and  its  kernel  cut  out  in  rings,   each 
of  which  is  put   over  the  effigy,   which  is  then  placed 
recumbent  on  the   plantain    leaf.     Round   the    mound, 
strings  of  jungle  leaves   are   placed.     Next   the   elder 
drives  a  pole  into  the  spot  where  the  chest  of  the  dead 
person  would  be,  and  it  is  said  that  the  pole  must  touch 
the  chest.     On  one  side  of  the  pole  the  tender  cocoanut 
is  cut  and  placed,  and  on  the  other  a  shell  containing 
some  toddy.     Then  a  little  copper  ring  is  tied  on  to  the 
top  of  the  pole,  oil  from  a  shell  is  poured  over  the  ring, 
and  the  water  from  the  tender  cocoanut  and  toddy  are 


79  CHERUMAN 

in  turn  similarly  poured.  After  this  mystic  rite,  the 
Kalladi  starts  a  mournful  dirge  in  monotone,  and  the 
other  actors  in  the  solemn  ceremony  join  in  the  chorus. 
The  chant  tells  of  the  darkness  and  the  nothingness  that 
were  before  the  creation  of  the  world,  and  unfolds  a 
fanciful  tale  of  how  the  world  came  to  be  created.  The 
chant  has  the  weird  refrain  Oh  !  ho  !  Oh !  ho.  On  its 
conclusion,  the  effigy  is  left  at  the  head  of  the  grave, 
but  the  Kalladi  takes  away  the  pole  with  him.  The 
performers  bathe  and  return  to  the  house  of  mourning, 
where  the  Kalladi  gets  into  a  state  of  afflation.  The 
spirit  of  the  departed  enters  into  him,  and  speaks  through 
him,  telling  the  mourners  that  he  is  happy,  and  does  not 
want  them  to  grieve  over  much  for  him.  The  Kalladi 
then  enters  the  house,  and,  putting  a  heap  of  earth  in 
the  corner  of  the  centre  room,  digs  the  pole  into  it.  A 
light  is  brought  and  placed  there,  as  also  some  toddy,  a 
tender  cocoanut,  and  parched  rice.  The  spirit  of  the 
deceased,  speaking  again  through  the  Kalladi,  thanks 
his  people  for  their  gifts,  and  beseeches  them  to  think 
occasionally  of  him,  and  make  him  periodical  offerings. 
The  assembly  then  indulge  in  a  feed.  Rice  and  paddy 
are  mixed  together  and  divided  into  two  portions,  to 
one  of  which  eight  quarter-annas,  and  to  the  other 
twelve  quarter-annas  are  added.  The  latter  share  falls 
to  the  Avakasi,  while  from  the  former  the  mixture  and 
one  quarter-anna  go  to  the  Kalladi,  and  a  quarter-anna 
to  each  of  the  nearest  relatives.  The  basket  which  had 
been  hung  up  earlier  in  the  day  is  taken  down  and 
thrown  away,  and  the  jenmi's  spade  is  returned  to  him."  "^ 
It  is  noted  by  Mr.  Logan  that  "the  Cherumans,  like 
other   classes,   observe  death  pollution.     But,   as  they 


*  Madras  Mail,  1S95. 


CHERUMAN  80 

cannot  at  certain  seasons  afford  to  be  idle  for  fourteen 
days  consecutively,  they  resort  to  an  artifice  to  obtain 
this  end.  They  mix  cow-dung  and  paddy,  and  make  it 
into  a  ball,  and  place  the  ball  in  an  earthen  pot,  the 
mouth  of  which  they  carefully  close  with  clay.  The  pot 
is  laid  in  a  corner  of  the  hut,  and,  as  long  as  it  remains 
unopened,  they  remain  free  from  pollution,  and  can  mix 
among  their  fellows.  On  a  convenient  day  they  open 
the  pot,  and  are  instantly  seized  with  pollution,  which 
continues  for  forty  days.  Otherwise  fourteen  days 
consecutive  pollution  is  all  that  is  required.  On  the 
forty-first  or  fifteenth  day,  as  the  case  may  be,  rice  is 
thrown  to  the  ancestors,  and  a  feast  follows." 

The  following  account  of  the  death  ceremonies  is 
given  by  Mr.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer.  "  When  a  Pulayan 
is  dead,  the  castemen  in  the  neighbourhood  are  informed. 
An  offerinof  is  made  to  the  KodunQ-allur  Bhagravati,  who 
is  believed  by  the  Pulayas  to  watch  over  their  welfare, 
and  is  regarded  as  their  ancestral  deity.  Dead  bodies 
are  generally  buried.  The  relatives,  one  by  one,  bring 
a  new  piece  of  cloth,  with  rice  and  paddy  tied  at  its  four 
corners,  for  throwing  over  the  corpse.  The  cloth  is 
placed  thereon,  and  they  cry  aloud  three  times,  beating 
their  breasts,  after  which  they  retire.  A  few  Parayas 
are  invited  to  beat  drums,  and  play  on  their  musical 
instruments — a  performance  which  is  continued  for  an 
hour  or  two.  After  this,  a  few  bits  of  plantain  leaves, 
with  rice  fiour  and  paddy,  are  placed  near  the  corpse, 
to  serve  as  food  for  the  spirit  of  the  dead.  The  bier  is 
carried  to  the  graveyard  by  six  bearers,  three  on  each 
side.  The  pit  is  dug,  and  the  body  covered  with  a  piece 
of  cloth.  After  it  has  been  lowered  into  it,  the  pit  is 
filled  in  with  earth.  Twenty-one  small  bits  of  leaves  are 
placed  over  the  grave,  above  the  spot  where  the  mouth 


8l  CHERUMAN 

of  the  dead  man  is,  with  a  double-branched  twig  fixed 
to  the  centre,  a  cocoanut  is  cut  open,  and  its  water  is 
allowed  to  flow  in  the  direction  of  the  twig  which 
represents  the  dead  man's  mouth.  Such  of  the  members 
of  the  family  as  could  not  give  him  kanji  (rice  gruel)  or 
boiled  rice  before  death,  now  give  it  to  him.  The  six 
coffin-bearers  prostrate  themselves  before  the  corpse, 
three  on  each  side  of  the  grave.  The  priest  then  puts 
on  it  a  ripe  and  tender  cocoanut  for  the  spirit  of  the 
dead  man  to  eat  and  drink.  Then  all  go  home,  and 
indulge  in  toddy  and  aval  (beaten  rice).  The  priest  gets 
twelve  measures  of  rice,  the  grave-diggers  twelve  annas, 
the  Vallon  two  annas,  and  the  coffin-bearers  each  an 
anna.  The  son  or  nephew  is  the  chief  mourner,  who 
erects  a  mound  of  earth  on  the  south  side  of  the  hut, 
and  uses  it  as  a  place  of  worship.  For  seven  days,  both 
morning  and  evening,  he  prostrates  himself  before  it, 
and  sprinkles  the  water  of  a  tender  cocoanut  on  it.  On 
the  eighth  day,  his  relatives,  friends,  the  Vallon,  and  the 
devil-driver  assemble  together.  The  devil-driver  turns 
round  and  blows  his  conch,  and  finds  out  the  position  of 
the  ghost,  whether  it  has  taken  up  its  abode  in  the 
mound,  or  is  kept  under  restraint  by  some  deity.  Should 
the  latter  be  the  case,  the  ceremony  of  deliverance  has 
to  be  performed,  after  which  the  spirit  is  set  up  as  a 
household  deity.  The  chief  mourner  bathes  early  in 
the  morning,  and  offers  a  rice-ball  (pinda  bali)  to  the 
departed  spirit.  This  he  continues  for  fifteen  days.  On 
the  morning  of  the  sixteenth  day,  the  members  of  the 
family  bathe  to  free  themselves  from  pollution,  and  their 
enangan  cleans  the  hut  and  the  compound  by  sweeping 
and  sprinkling  water  mixed  with  cow-dung.  He  also 
sprinkles  the  members  of  the  family,  as  they  return  after 
the  bath.  The  chief  mourner  gets  shaved,  bathes,  and 
1 1-6 


CHERUMAN  82 

returns  to  the  hut.  Some  boiled  rice,  paddy,  and  pieces 
of  cocoanut,  are  placed  on  a  plantain  leaf,  and  the  chief 
mourner,  with  the  members  of  his  family,  calls  on  the 
spirit  of  the  dead  to  take  them.  Then  they  all  bathe, 
and  return  home.  The  castemen,  who  have  assembled 
there  by  invitation,  are  sumptuously  fed.  The  chief 
mourner  allows  his  hair  to  grow  as  a  sign  of  mourning 
(diksha),  and,  after  the  expiry  of  the  year,  a  similar  feast 
is  given  to  the  castemen." 

The  Cherumans  are  said  by  Mr.  Gopal  Panikkar  to 
"  worship  certain  gods,  who  are  represented  by  rude 
stone  imaoes.  What  few  ceremonies  are  in  force 
amongst  them  are  performed  by  priests  selected  from 
their  own  ranks,  and  these  priests  are  held  in  great 
veneration  by  them.  They  kill  cocks  as  offerings  to 
these  deities,  who  are  propitiated  by  the  pouring  on 
some  stones  placed  near  them  of  the  fresh  blood  that 
gushes  from  the  necks  of  the  birds."  The  Cherumans 
are  further  said  to  worship  particular  sylvan  gods,  garden 
deities,  and  field  goddesses.  In  a  note  on  cannibalism,* 
the  writer  states  that  "  some  sixteen  years  ago  a  Nair 
was  murdered  in  Malabar  by  some  Cherumans.  The 
body  was  mutilated,  and,  on  my  asking  the  accused 
(who  freely  confessed  their  crime)  why  had  this  been 
done  ?  they  answered  '  Tinnal  papam  tirum,  i.e.,  if  one 
eats,  the  sin  will  cease  '."  It  is  a  common  belief  among 
various  castes  of  Hindus  that  one  may  kill,  provided  it 
is  done  for  food,  and  this  is  expressed  in  the  proverb 
Konnapavam  thinnal  thirum,  or  the  sin  of  killing  is 
wiped  away  by  eating.  The  Cheruman  reply  probably 
referred  only  to  the  wreaking  of  vengeance,  and  conse- 
quent   satisfaction,    which    is    often    expressed    by   the 


*  Iml.  Am.,  VIII,  1879. 


83  CHERUMAN 

lower  classes  in  the  words  pasi  thirndadu,  or  hunger  is 
satisfied. 

Concerning  the  religion  of  the  Pulayas,  Mr.  Anantha 
Krishna  Iyer  writes  as  follows.  "  The  Pulayas  are 
animists,  but  are  slowly  coming  on  to  the  higher  forms 
of  worship.  Their  gods  are  Parakutty,  Karinkutty, 
Chathan,  and  the  spirits  of  their  ancestors.  Offerings 
to  these  gfods  are  griven  on  Karkadaka  and  Makara 
Sankrantis,  Onam,  Vishu,  and  other  auspicious  days, 
when  one  of  the  Pulayas  present  turns  Velichapad 
(oracle),  and  speaks  to  the  assembly  as  if  by  inspiration. 
They  are  also  devout  worshippers  of  Kali  or  Bhagavati, 
whose  aid  is  invoked  in  all  times  of  danger  and  illness. 
They  take  part  in  the  village  festivals  celebrated  in 
honour  of  her.  Kodungallur  Bhagavati  is  their  guardian 
deity.  The  deity  is  represented  by  an  image  or  stone 
on  a  raised  piece  of  ground  in  the  open  air.  Their  priest 
is  one  of  their  own  castemen,  and,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  new  year,  he  offers  to  the  goddess  fowls,  fruits,  and 
toddy.  The  Pulayas  also  believe  that  spirits  exercise 
an  influence  over  the  members  of  their  families,  and 
therefore  regular  offerings  are  given  to  them  every  year 
on  Sankranti  days.  The  chief  festivals  in  which  the 
Pulayas  take  part  are  the  following  : — 

I.  Pooram  Vela. — This,  which  may  be  described 
as  the  Saturnalia  of  Malabar,  is  an  important  festival 
held  at  the  village  Bhagavati  temple.  It  is  a  festival,  in 
which  the  members  of  all  castes  below  Brahmans  take 
part.  It  takes  place  either  in  Kumbham  (February- 
March),  or  Meenam  (March-April).  The  Cherumas  of 
the  northern  part,  as  well  as  the  Pulayas  of  the  southern 
parts  of  the  State,  attend  the  festival  after  a  sumptuous 
meal  and  toddy  drinking,  and  join  the  procession.  Toy 
horses  are  made,   and  attached  to  long  bamboo  poles, 

II-6  B 


CHERUMAN  84 

which  are  carried  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  temple. 
As  they  go,  they  leap  and  dance  to  the  accompaniment 
of  pipe  and  drum.  One  among  them  who  acts  as  a 
Velichapad  (devil-dancer)  goes  in  front  of  them,  and, 
after  a  good  deal  of  dancing  and  loud  praying  in  honour 
of  the  deity,  they  return  home. 

2.  Vittu  Iduka. — This  festival  consists  in  putting 
seeds,  or  bringing  paddy  seeds  to  the  temple  of  the 
village  Bhagavati.  This  also  is  an  important  festival, 
which  is  celebrated  on  the  day  of  Bharani,  the  second 
lunar  day  in  Kumbham.  Standing  at  a  distance 
assigned  to  them  by  the  village  authorities,  where 
they  offer  prayers  to  Kali,  they  put  the  paddy  grains, 
which  they  have  brought,  on  a  bamboo  mat  spread  in 
front  of  them,  after  which  they  return  home.  In  the 
Chittur  taluk,  there  is  a  festival  called  Kathiru,  cele- 
brated in  honour  of  the  village  goddess  in  the  month  of 
Vrischikam  (November-December),  when  these  people 
start  from  the  farms  of  their  masters,  and  go  in  proces- 
sion, accompanied  with  the  music  of  pipe  and  drum.  A 
special  feature  of  the  Kathiru  festival  is  the  presence,  at 
the  temple  of  the  village  goddess,  of  a  large  number  of 
dome-like  structures  made  of  bamboo  and  plantain 
stems,  richly  ornamented,  and  hung  with  flowers,  leaves, 
and  ears  of  corn.  These  structures  are  called  sara- 
kootams,  and  are  fixed  on  a  pair  of  parallel  bamboo 
poles.  These  agrestic  serfs  bear  them  in  grand  proces- 
sions, starting  from  their  respective  farms,  with  pipe  and 
drum,  shouting  and  dancing,  and  with  fireworks.  Small 
globular  packets  of  palmyra  leaves,  in  which  are  packed 
handfuls  of  paddy  rolled  up  in  straw,  are  also  carried  by 
them  in  huge  bunches,  along  with  the  sarakootams. 
These  packets  are  called  kathirkootoos  (collection  of 
ears   of  corn),    and   are   thrown    among   the    crowd    of 


85  CHERUMAN 

spectators  all  along  the  route  of  the  procession,  and  also 
on  arrival  at  the  temple.  The  spectators,  young  and 
old,  scramble  to  obtain  as  many  of  the  packets  as 
possible,  and  carry  them  home.  They  are  then  hung  in 
front  of  the  houses,  for  it  is  believed  that  their  presence 
will  help  in  promoting  the  prosperity  of  the  family  until 
the  festival  comes  round  again  next  year.  The  greater 
the  number  of  these  trophies  obtained  for  a  family  by 
its  members,  the  greater,  it  is  believed,  will  be  the 
prosperity  of  the  family.  The  festival  is  one  of  the  very 
few  occasions  on  which  Pulayas  and  other  agrestic  serfs, 
who  are  supposed  to  impart,  so  to  speak,  a  long  distant 
atmospheric  pollution,  are  freely  allowed  to  enter  villages, 
and  worship  in  the  village  temples,  which  generally 
occupy  central  positions  in  the  villages.  Processions 
carrying  sarakootams  and  kathirkootoos  start  from  the 
several  farms  surrounding  the  village  early  enough  to 
reach  the  temple  about  dusk  in  the  evening,  when  the 
scores  of  processions  that  have  made  their  way  to  the 
temple  merge  into  one  great  concourse  of  people.  The 
sarakootams  are  arranged  in  beautiful  rows  in  front  of 
the  village  goddess.  The  Cherumas  dance,  sing,  and 
shout  to  their  hearts  content.  Bengal  lights  are  lighted, 
and  fireworks  exhibited.  Kathirkootoos  are  thrown  by 
dozens  and  scores  from  all  sides  of  the  temple.  The 
crowd  then  disperses.  All  night,  the  Pulayas  and 
other  serfs,  who  have  accompanied  the  procession  to 
the  temple,  are,  in  the  majority  of  cases,  fed  by  their 
respective  masters  at  their  houses,  and  then  all  go 
back  to  the  farms. 

3.  Mandalam  Vilakku. — This  is  a  forty-one  days' 
festival  in  Bhagavati  temples,  extending  from  the  first 
of  Vrischikam  (November-December)  to  the  tenth  of 
Dhanu   (December-January),  during  which  temples  are 


CHERUMAN  86 

brightly  illuminated  both  inside  and  outside  at  night. 
There  is  much  music  and  drum-beating  at  night,  and 
offerings  of  cooked  peas  or  Bengal  gram,  and  cakes,  are 
made  to  the  goddess,  after  which  they  are  distributed 
among  those  present.  The  forty-first  day,  on  which  the 
festival  terminates,  is  one  of  great  celebration,  when  all 
castemen  attend  at  the  temple.  The  Cherumas,  Mala- 
yars,  and  Eravallars  attend  the  festival  in  Chittur.  They 
also  attend  the  Konga  Pata  festival  there.  In  rural 
parts  of  the  State,  a  kind  of  puppet  show  performance 
(olapava  koothu)  is  acted  by  Kusavans  (potters)  and 
Tamil  Chettis,  in  honour  of  the  village  deity,  to  which 
they  contribute  their  share  of  subscription.  They  also 
attend  the  cock  festival  of  Cranganore,  and  offer  sacrifices 
of  fowls." 

For  the  following  note  on  the  religion  of  the  Pulayas 
of  Travancore,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  N.  Subramani 
Iyer.  "  The  Pulayas  worship  the  spirits  of  deceased 
ancestors,  known  as  Chavars.  The  Matan,  and  the 
Anchu  Tamprakkal,  believed  by  the  better  informed 
section  of  the  caste  to  be  the  five  Pandavas,  are  specially 
adored.  The  Pulayas  have  no  temples,  but  raise  squares 
in  the  midst  of  groves,  where  public  worship  is  oft'ered. 
Each  Pulaya  places  three  leaves  near  each  other, 
containing  raw  rice,  beaten  rice,  and  the  puveri  (flowers) 
of  the  areca  palm.  He  places  a  flower  on  each  of  these 
leaves,  and  prays  with  joined  hands.  Chavars  are  the 
spirits  of  infants,  who  are  believed  to  haunt  the  earth, 
harassed  by  a  number  of  unsatisfied  cravings.  This 
species  of  supernatural  being  is  held  in  mingled  respect 
and  terror  by  Pulayas,  and  worshipped  once  a  year  with 
diverse  offerings.  Another  class  of  deities  is  called 
Tevaratumpuran,  meaning  gods  whom  high  caste  Hindus 
are    in    the    habit    of   worshipping   at    Parassalay ;    the 


8;  CHERUMAN 

Pulayas  are  given  certain  special  concessions  on  festival 
days.  Similar  instances  may  be  noted  at  Ochira, 
Kumaranallur,  and  Nedumang^ad.  At  the  last  mentioned 
shrine,  Mateer  writes,  *  '  where  two  or  three  thousand 
people,  mostly  Sudras  and  Izhuvas,  attend  for  the  annual 
festival  in  March,  one-third  of  the  whole  are  Parayas, 
Kuravas,  Vedars,  Kanikkars,  and  Pulayas,  who  come 
from  all  parts  around.  They  bring  with  them  wooden 
models  of  cows,  neatly  hung  over,  and  covered,  in  imita- 
tion of  shaggy  hair,  with  ears  of  rice.  Many  of  these 
images  are  brought,  each  in  a  separate  procession  from 
its  own  place.  The  headmen  are  finely  dressed  with 
cloths  stained  purple  at  the  edge.  The  image  is  borne 
on  a  bamboo  frame,  accompanied  by  a  drum,  and  men 
and  women  in  procession,  the  latter  wearing  quantities 
of  beads,  such  as  several  strings  of  red,  then  several  of 
white,  or  strings  of  beads,  and  then  a  row  of  brass 
ornaments  like  rupees,  and  all  uttering  the  Kurava  cry. 
These  images  are  carried  round  the  temple,  and  all 
amuse  themselves  for  the  day.'  By  far  the  most  curious 
of  the  religious  festivals  of  the  Pulayas  is  what  is  known 
as  the  Pula  Saturday  in  Makaram  (January-February) 
at  Sastamkotta  in  thei  Kunnattur  taluk.  It  is  an  old 
observance,  and  is  most  religiously  gone  through  by 
the  Pulayas  every  year.  The  Valluvan,  or  caste  priest, 
leads  the  assembled  group  to  the  vicinity  of  the  banyan 
tree  in  front  of  the  temple,  and  offerings  of  a  diverse 
nature,  such  as  paddy,  roots,  plantain  fruits,  game,  pulse, 
coins,  and  golden  threads  are  most  devoutly  made. 
Pulayas  assemble  for  this  ceremony  from  comparatively 
distant  places.  A  deity,  who  is  believed  to  be  the  most 
important  object  of  worship  among  the  Pulayas,  is  Utaya 


*  Native  Life  in  Travancore. 


CHERUMAN  88 

Tampuran,  by  which  name  they  designate  the  rising  sun. 
Exorcism  and  spirit-dancing  are  deeply  beHeved  in,  and 
credited  with  great  remedial  virtues.  The  Kokkara,  or 
iron  rattle,  is  an  instrument  that  is  freely  used  to  drive 
out  evil  spirits.  The  Valluvan  who  offers  animal  sacri- 
fices becomes  immediately  afterwards  possessed,  and 
any  enquiries  may  be  put  to  him  without  it  being  at  all 
difficult  for  him  to  furnish  a  ready  answer.  In  North 
Travancore,  the  Pulayas  have  certain  consecrated  build- 
ings of  their  own,  such  as  Kamancheri,  Omkara 
Bhagavathi,  Yakshi  Ampalam,  Pey  Koil,  and  Valiyapattu 
Muttan,  wherein  the  Valluvan  performs  the  functions  of 
priesthood.  The  Pulayas  believe  in  omens.  To  see 
another  Pulaya,  to  encounter  a  Native  Christian,  to  see 
an  Izhuva  with  a  vessel  in  the  hand,  a  cow  behind,  a 
boat  containing  rice  or  paddy  sacks,  etc.,  are  regarded 
as  good  omens.  On  the  other  hand,  to  be  crossed  by  a 
cat,  to  see  a  fight  between  animals,  to  be  encountered  by 
a  person  with  a  bundle  of  clothes,  to  meet  people  carry- 
ing steel  instruments,  etc.,  are  looked  upon  as  very  bad 
omens.  The  lizard  is  not  believed  to  be  a  prophet,  as 
it  is  by  members  of  the  higher  castes." 

Concerning  the  caste  government  of  the  Pulayas  of 
Travancore,  Mr.  Subramania  Iyer  writes  as  follows. 
"The  Aylkkara  Yajamanan,  or  Ayikkara Tamara  (king)  is 
the  head  of  the  Pulaya  community.  He  lives  at  Vayalar 
in  the  Shertalley  taluk  in  North  Travancore,  and  takes 
natural  pride  in  a  lace  cap,  said  to  have  been  presented 
to  one  of  his  ancestors  by  the  great  Cheraman  Perumal. 
Even  the  Parayas  of  North  Travancore  look  upon  him 
as  their  legitimate  lord.  Under  the  Tamara  are  two 
nominal  headmen,  known  as  Tatteri  Achchan  and 
Mannat  Koil  Vallon.  It  is  the  Ayikkara  Tamara  who 
appoints  the  Valluvans,  or  local  priests,  for  every  kara, 


89  CHERUMAN 

for  which  they  are   obliged  to  remunerate   him  with  a 
present   of   336    chuckrams.     The    Pulayas    still    keep 
accounts  in  the  earliest  Travancorean  coins  (chuckrams). 
The  Valluvan    always   takes  care   to   obtain    a   written 
authority  from  the  Tamara,  before  he  begins  his  func- 
tions.    For  every  marriage,  a  sum  of  49  chuckrams  and 
four  mulikkas  *  have  to  be  given  to  the  Tamara,  and 
eight  chuckrams  and  one  mulikka  to  the  Valluvan.     The 
Valluvan  receives  the  l^amara's  dues,  and  sends  them  to 
Vayalar  once  or  twice  a  year.     Beyond  the    power   of 
appointing  Valluvans  and  other  office-bearers,  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Tamara  extends  but  little.     The  Valluvans 
appointed  by  him  prefer  to  call  themselves  Head  Vallu- 
vans, as  opposed  to  the  dignitaries  appointed  in  ancient 
times  by  temple  authorities  and   other  Brahmans,  and 
have  a  general  supervising  power  over  the  Pulayas  of 
the  territory  that  falls  under  their  jurisdiction.     Every 
Valluvan  possesses  five  privileges,  viz.,  (i)  the  long  um- 
brella,  or  an  umbrella  with  a  long  bamboo  handle  ;  (2) 
the  five-coloured  umbrella  ;  (3)  the  bracelet  of  honour  ; 
(4)  a  long  gold  ear-ring  ;  (5)  a  box  for  keeping  betel 
leaves.     They  are  also  permitted  to  sit  on  stools,  to  make 
use  of  carpets,   and  to  employ   kettle-drums  at  marriage 
ceremonials.     The   staff  of  the   Valluvan   consists  of  (i) 
the  Kuruppan  or  accountant,   who  assists  the   Valluvan 
in  the  discharge   of  his  duties  ;  (2)  the   Komarattan  or 
exerciser  ;  (3)  the  Kaikkaran  or  village  representative  ; 
(4)  the  Vatikkaran,  constable  or  sergeant.     The  Kurup- 
pan has   diverse  functions  to  perform,   such  as  holding 
umbrellas,   and  cutting  cocoanuts   from   trees,  on   cere- 
monial    occasions.     The     Vatikkaran     is     of    special 
importance  at  the  bath  that  succeeds  a  Pulaya  girl's  first 


•  A  mulikka  is  the  collective  name  for  a  present  of  five  betel  leaves,  one 
areca  nut,  and  two  tobacco  leaves. 


*\ 


CHERUMAN  90 

menses.  Adultery  is  looked  upon  as  the  most  heinous 
of  offences,  and  used  to  be  met  with  condign  punishment 
in  times  of  old.  The  woman  was  required  to  thrust  her 
hand  into  a  vessel  of  boiling  oil,  and  the  man  was 
compelled  to  pay  a  fine  of  336  or  64  chuckrams,  accord- 
ing as  the  woman  with  whom  he  connected  himself  was 
married  or  not,  and  was  cast  out  of  society  after  a  most 
cruel  rite  called  Ariyum  Pirayum  Tittukka,  the  precise 
nature  of  which  does  not  appear  to  be  known.  A  married 
woman  is  tried  by  the  Valluvan  and  other  officers,  when 
she  shows  disobedience  to  her  husband." 

It  is  noted  by  Mr.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer,  that,  "  in 
the  Palghat  taluk  of  South  Malabar,  it  is  said  that  the 
Cherumas  in  former  times  used  to  hold  grand  meetings 
for  cases  of  theft,  adultery,  divorce,  etc.,  at  Kannati 
Kutti  Vattal.  These  assemblies  consisted  of  the  members 
of  their  caste  in  localities  between  Valayar  forests  and 
Karimpuzha  (in  Valluvanad  taluk),  and  in  those  between 
the  northern  and  southern  hills.  It  is  also  said  that 
their  deliberations  used  to  last  for  several  days  together. 
In  the  event  of  anybody  committing  a  crime,  the  punish- 
ment inflicted  on  him  was  a  fine  of  a  few  rupees,  or 
sometimes  a  sound  thrashing.  To  prove  his  innocence, 
a  man  had  to  swear  '  By  Kannati  Swarupam  (assembly) 
I  have  not  done  it.'  It  was  held  so  sacred  that  no 
Cheruman  who  had  committed  a  crime  would  swear 
falsely  by  this  assembly.  As  time  went  on,  they  found 
it  difficult  to  meet,  and  so  left  off  assembling  together." 

In  connection  with  the  amusements  of  the  Pulayas, 
Mr.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer  writes  that  "  their  games 
appear  to  be  connected  in  some  way  with  their  religious 
observances.  Their  favourite  dance  is  the  kole  kali,  or 
club  dance.  A  party  of  ten  or  twelve  men,  provided 
with  sticks,  each  a  yard  in  length,  stand  in  a  circle,  and 


91 


CHETTI 


move  round,  striking  at  the  sticks,  keeping  time  with 
their  feet,  and  singing  at  the  same  time.  The  circle  is 
alternately  widened  and  narrowed.  Vatta  kali  is  another 
wild  dance.  This  also  rcfjuircs  a  party  of  ten  or  twelve 
men,  and  sometimes  young  women  join  them.  The 
party  move  in  a  circle,  clapping  their  hands  while  they 
sing  a  kind  of  rude  song.  In  thattinmel  kali,  four 
wooden  poles  are  firmly  stuck  in  the  ground,  two  of 
which  are  connected  by  two  horizontal  pieces  of  wood, 
over  which  planks  are  arranged.  A  party  of  Pulayas 
dance  on  the  top  of  this,  to  the  music  of  their  pipe  and 
drum.  This  is  generally  erected  in  front  of  the  Bhaga- 
vati  temple,  and  the  dancing  takes  place  immediately 
after  the  harvest.  This  is  intended  to  propitiate  the 
goddess.  Women  perform  a  circular  dance  on  the 
occasions  of  marriage  celebrations." 

The  Cherumas  and  Pulayas  are,  like  the  Koragas 
of  South  Canara,  short  of  stature,  and  dark-skinned. 
The  most  important  measurements  of  the  Cherumans 
whom  I  investigated  at  Calicut  were  as  follows : — 


Stature,  cm. 

Nasal  index. 

Cephalic  index. 

Average. 

Average. 

Average. 

Males                

Females            

157-5 
147-8 

78-1 
77- 

73-9 
74-8 

Cheruppu-katti  (shoemaker). — Said  to  be  a  Mala- 
yalam  synonym  for  Madiga. 

Chetti. — It  is  noted  in  the  Census  Report,  1891,  that 
"  the  name  Chetti  is  used  both  to  denote  a  distinct  caste, 
and  also  a  title,  and  people  bearing  this  title  describe 
themselves  loosely  as  belonging  to  the  Chetti  caste,  in 
the  same  way  as  a  Vellala  will  say  that  he  is  a  Mudali. 


CHETTI  92 

This  use  of  Chctti  has  caused  some  confusion  in  the 
returns,  for  the  sub-divisions  show  that  many  other  castes 
have  been  included  as  well  as  Chetti  proper."  Again, 
in  the  Census  Report,  1901,  it  is  recorded  that  "  Chetti 
means  trader,  and  is  one  of  those  titular  or  occupational 
terms,  which  arc  often  loosely  employed  as  caste  names. 
The  weavers,  oil  pressers,  and  others  use  it  as  a  title, 
and  many  more  tack  it  on  to  their  names,  to  denote  that 
trade  is  their  occupation.  Strictly  employed,  it  is  never- 
theless, the  name  of  a  true  caste."  The  Chettis  are  so 
numerous,  and  so  widely  distributed,  that  their  many 
sub-divisions  differ  very  greatly  in  their  ways.  The  best 
known  of  them  are  the  Beri  Chettis,  the  Nagarattu 
Chettis,  the  Kasukkar  Chettis,  and  the  Nattukottai 
Chettis.  Of  these,  the  Beri  and  Nattukottai  Chettis  are 
dealt  with  in  special  articles.  The  following  divisions 
of  Chettis,  inhabiting  the  Madura  district,  are  recorded 
in  my  notes  : — 

(a)  Men  with  head  clean-shaved  : — 


Thedakottai. 

Periyakottai-vellan. 

Puliyangudi. 

Vallam  or  Tiruvappur. 

Kurungalur. 


Ilavagai  or 

Karnakudi. 
Sundaraththan. 
Ariyur. 
Malampatti. 
Palayapattu. 
(d)  Men  with  kudumi  (hair  knot) : — 

Puvaththukudi  or  Marayakkara. 

Mannagudi.  Pandukiidi  or 

Kiramangalam.  Manjapaththu. 

Vallanattu. 
Of  these,  the  Puvaththukudi  Chettis,  who  receive 
their  name  from  a  village  in  the  Tanjore  district,  are 
mostly  itinerant  petty  traders  and  money-lenders,  who 
travel  about  the  country.  They  carry  on  their  shoulders 
a  bag  containing  their  personal  effects,  except  when  they 


93  CHETTI 

are  cooking-  and  sleeping.  I  am  informed  that  the 
Puvaththukudi  women  engage  women,  presumably  with 
a  flow  of  appropriate  language  ready  for  the  occasion,  to 
abuse  those  with  whom  they  have  a  quarrel.  Among 
the  Puvaththukudi  Chettis,  marriages  are,  for  reasons  of 
economy,  only  celebrated  at  intervals  of  many  years. 
Concerning  this  custom,  a  member  of  the  community 
writes  to  me  as  follows.  "  In  our  village,  marriages  are 
performed  only  once  in  ten  or  fifteen  years.  My  own 
marriage  was  celebrated  in  the  year  Nandana  (1S92-93). 
Then  seventy  or  eighty  marriages  took  place.  Since 
that  time,  marriages  have  only  taken  place  in  the  present 
year  (1906).  The  god  at  Avadaiyar  kovil  (temple)  is 
our  caste  god.  For  marriages,  we  must  receive  from 
that  temple  garlands,  sandal,  and  palanquins.  We  pay 
to  the  temple  thirty-five  rupees  for  every  bridegroom 
through  our  Nagaraththar  (village  headmen).  The 
expenses  incurred  in  connection  with  the  employment 
of  washermen,  barbers,  nagasaram  (musical  instrument) 
players,  talayaris  (watchmen),  carpenters,  potters,  black- 
smiths, gurukkals  (priests),  and  garland-makers,  are 
borne  collectively  and  shared  by  the  families  in  which 
marriages  are  to  take  place."  Another  Chetti  writes 
that  this  system  of  clubbing  marriages  together  is  prac- 
tised at  the  villages  of  Puvaththukudi  and  Mannagudi, 
and  that  the  marriages  of  all  girls  of  about  seven  years 
of  age  and  upwards  are  celebrated.  The  marriages  are 
performed  in  batches,  and  the  marriage  season  lasts  over 
several  months. 

Palayasengadam  in  the  Trichinopoly  district  is  the 
head-quarters  of  a  section  of  the  Chettis  called  the 
Pannirendam  (twelfth)  Chettis.  "These  are  supposed 
to  be  descended  from  eleven  youths  who  escaped  long 
ago  from   Kaveripatnam,  a  ruined  city  in  Tanjore.     A 


CHETTI  94 

Chola  king,  says  the  legend,  wanted  to  marry  a  Chetti  ; 
whereupon  the  caste  set  fire  to  the  town,  and  only  these 
eleven  boys  escaped.  They  rested  on  the  Ratnagiri  hill 
to  divide  their  property  ;  but  however  they  arranged 
it,  it  always  divided  itself  into  twelve  shares  instead  of 
eleven.  The  god  of  Ratnagiri  then  appeared,  and  asked 
them  to  give  him  one  share  in  exchange  for  a  part  of  his 
car.  They  did  so,  and  they  now  call  themselves  the 
twelfth  Chettis  from  the  number  of  the  shares,  and  at 
their  marriages  they  carry  the  bridegroom  round  in  a 
car.  They  are  said  to  be  common  in  Coimbatore 
district."  * 

At   the    census,    1871,    some    of  the    less    fortunate 
traders  returned  themselves  as  "  bankrupt  Chettis." 

The  following  castes  and  tribes  are  recorded  as  having 
assumed  the  title  Chetti,  or  its  equivalent  Setti : — 

Balija.     Telugu  trading  caste. 

Bant.     Tulu  cultivating  caste. 

Bilimagga,  Devanga,  Patniilkaran,  Saliyan,  Sedan,  Seniyan.     All 
weaving  classes. 

Dhobi.     Oriya  washermen. 

Ganiga.     Oil  pressers. 

Gamalla.     Telugu  toddy-drawers. 

Cauda.     Canarese  cultivators. 

Gudigar.     Canarese  wood-carvers. 

Jain. 

Janappan.     Said  to  have  been  originally  a  section  of  the  Balijas, 
and  manufacturers  of  gunny-bags. 

Kavarai.     Tamil  equivalent  of  Balija. 

Komati.     Telugu  traders. 

Koracha.     A  nomad  tribe. 

Kudumi.     A  Travancore  caste,  which  does  service  in  the  houses 
of  Konkani  Brahmans. 

Mandadan  Chetti. 

Medara.     Telugu  cane  splitters  and  mat  makers. 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Trichinopoly  distiicl. 


95  CHETTI 

Nayar.     Occupational  title  of  some  Nayars  of  Malabar. 
Pattanavan.     Tamil  fishermen. 
Pattapu.     Fishermen  in  the  Telugu  country. 
Senaikkudaiyan.     Tamil  betel-vine  growers  and  traders. 
Shanan.     The  great  toddy-drawing  class  of  the  Tamil  country. 
Sonar.     Goldsmiths. 
Toreya.     Canarese  fishermen. 

Uppiliyan.     Salt-workers.     Some     style     themselves     Karpura 
(camphor)  Chetti,  because  they  used  to  manufacture  camphor. 
Vaniyan.     Tamil  oil-pressers. 
Wynaadan  Chetti. 

Of  proverbs  relating  to  Chettis,*  the  following  may 
be  quoted : — 

He  who  thinks  before  he  acts  is  a  Chetti,  but  he 

who  acts  without  thinking  is  a  fool. 
When   the    Chetti  dies,    his   affairs    will    become 

public. 
She  keeps  house  like  a  merchant  caste  woman,  i.e., 

economically. 
Though  ruined,  a  Chetti  is  a  Chetti,  and,  though 

torn,  silk  is  still  silk. 
The  Chetti   reduced  the  amount  of  advance,  and 

the  weaver  the  quantity  of  silk  in  the  border  of 

the  cloth. 
From    his   birth   a   Chetti   is  at   enmity  with  agri- 
culture. 

In  a  note  on  secret  trade  languages  Mr.  C.  Haya- 
vadana  Rao  writes  as  follows,  t  "  The  most  interesting 
of  these,  perhaps,  is  that  spoken  by  petty  shopkeepers 
and  cloth  merchants  of  Madras,  who  are  mostly  Moodellys 
and  Chettis  by  caste.  Their  business  mostly  consists  in 
ready- money  transactions,  and  so  we  find  theit  they  have 


*    Rev.  H.  Jensen,  Classified  Collection  of  Tamil  Proverbs,  1897. 
t  Madras  Mail,  1904. 


CHETTI  96 

a  regular  table  of  numerals.  Numbers  one  to  ten  have 
been  given  definite  names,  and  they  have  been  so  long 
in  use  that  most  of  them  do  not  understand  the  meaning 
of  the  terms  they  use.  Thus  madi  (mind)  stands  for  one, 
mind  being  always  represented  in  the  Hindu  shastras  as 
a  single  thing.  Vene  (act  or  deed)  stands  for  two,  for 
vene  is  of  two  kinds  only,  nalvene  and  thivene  or  good 
and  bad  acts.  Konam  (quality)  stands  for  three,  since 
three  different  sorts  of  qualities  are  recognised  in  Hindu 
metaphysics.  These  are  rajasam,  thamasam,  and  sath- 
mlkam.  Shuruthi  stands  for  four,  for  the  Srutis  or 
Vedas  are  four  in  numbers.  Sara  (arrow)  stands  for 
five,  after  Panchasara,  the  five-arrowed,  a  well-known 
name  of  Manmatha,  the  Indian  Cupid.  Matha  repre- 
sents six,  after  the  shan  mathams  or  six  systems  of 
Hindu  philosophy.  There  stands  for  seven,  after  the 
seven  oceans  recognised  by  the  Sanskrit  geographers. 
Giri  (mountain)  represents  eight,  since  it  stands  for 
ashtagiri  or  the  eight  mountains  of  the  Hindus.  Mani 
stands  for  nine,  after  navamani,  the  nine  different  sorts 
of  precious  stones  recognised  by  the  Hindus.  Thisai 
represents  ten,  from  the  ten  points  of  the  compass.  The 
common  name  for  rupee  is  velle  or  the  white  thing. 
Thangam  velle  stands  for  half  a  rupee,  pinji  velle  for 
a  quarter  of  a  rupee,  and  pu  velle  for  an  eighth  of  a 
rupee.  A  fanam  (or  i  J  annas)  is  known  as  shulai.  The 
principal  objects  with  which  those  who  use  this  language 
have  to  deal  with  are  padi  or  measure,  velle  or  rupee, 
and  madi  ana,  one  anna,  so  that  madi  padi  means  one 
measure,  madi  velle  one  rupee,  and  madi  ana  one  anna. 
Similarly  with  the  rest  of  the  numerals.  The  merchants 
of  Trichinopoly  have  nearly  the  same  table  of  numerals, 
but  the  names  for  the  fractions  of  a  rupee  vary  consider- 
ably.    Mundri  ana  is,  with  them,  one  anna  ;  e  ana  is  two 


97  CHIKALA 

annas  ;  pQ  ana  is  four  annas  ;  pani  ana  is  eight  annas 
and  muna  ana  is  twelve  annas.  Amono-  them  also  velle 
stands  for  a  rupee.  They  have  besides  another  table  of 
numerals  in  use,  which  is  curious  as  being  formed  by- 
certain  letters  of  the  Tamil  alphabet.  Thus  pina  stands 
for  one,  lana  for  two,  laina  for  three,  yana  for  four,  lina 
for  five,  mana  for  six,  vana  for  seven,  nana  for  eight, 
thina  for  nine,  and  thuna  for  ten.  These  letters  have 
been  strung  into  the  mnemonic  phrase  Pillayalam  Van- 
thathu,  which  literally  means  '  the  children  have  come '. 
This  table  is  also  used  in  connection  with  measures, 
rupees,  and  annas.  Dealers  in  coarse  country-made 
cloths  all  over  Madras  and  the  Chingleput  district 
have  a  table  of  their  own.  It  is  a  very  complete  one 
from  one  pie  to  a  thousand  rupees.  Occasionally  Hindu 
merchants  are  found  using  a  secret  language  based  on 
Hindustani.  This  is  the  case  in  one  part  of  Madras 
city.  With  them  pav  khane  stands  for  one  anna, 
ada  khane  for  fwo  annas,  pavak  ruppe  for  one  rupee, 
and  so  on.  Brokers  have  terms  of  their  own.  The 
Tamil  phrase  padiya  par,  when  used  by  them,  means 
ask  less  or  say  less,  according  as  it  is  addressed  to  the 
purchaser  or  seller.  Similarly,  mudukka  par  means  ask 
a  higher  price.  When  a  broker  says  Sivan  thambram,  it 
is  to  be  inferred  that  the  price  given  out  by  the  seller 
includes  his  own  brokerage.  Telugu  brokers  have 
similar  terms.  Among  them,  the  phrase  Malasu  vakkadu 
and  Nasi  vakkadu  denote  respectively  increase  the  rate, 
and  decrease  the  rate  stated." 

Chevvula  (ears). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya  and 

GoUa. 

Cheyyakkaran.— A  Malayalam  form  of  the  Cana- 

rese  Servegara. 

Chikala  (broom). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Tottiyan. 
II-7 


CHIKKA  98 

Chikka  (small). — A  sub-division  of  Kurni. 

Chikkudu  {Dolichos  Lablab), — An  exogamous  sept 
of  Muka  Dora. 

Chilakala  (paroquet). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Boya,  Kclpu  and  Yanadi. 

Chilla  {St?ycknos  potatorum  :  clearing-nut  tree). — 
An  exogamous  sept  of  Kuruba,  and  sub-division  of 
Tottiyan. 

Chimala  (ant). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya  and 
Tsakala. 

Chimpiga  (tailor). — Recorded,  in  the  Madras 
Census  Report,  1 901,  as  a  Lingayat  sub-caste  of  Rangari. 
In  the  Mysore  Census  Report,  1901,  Darjis  are  classified 
as  follows  : — "  (i)  Darji,  Chippiga,  or  Namdev  ;  (2) 
Rangare."  The  first  three,  known  by  the  collective 
name  of  Darji,  are  professional  tailors,  while  the  Rangares 
are  also  dyers  and  calico  printers. 

Chimpiri  (rags). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya. 

Chinerigadu.-^A  class  of  mendicants  connected 
with  the  Padma  Sales.     iySee  Devanga.) 

Chinda.— Recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1 90 1,  as  a  small  caste  of  Oriya  cultivators  in  Ganjam  and 
Vizagapatam. 

Chinese-Tamil  Cross. — Halting  in  the  course  of 
an  anthropological  expedition  on  the  western  side  of  the 
Nilgiri  plateau,  I  came  across  a  small  settlement  of 
Chinese,  who  have  squatted  for  some  time  on  the  slopes 
of  the  hills  between  Naduvatam  and  Gudalur  and 
developed,  as  the  result  of  alliances  with  Tamil  Pariah 
women,  into  a  colony,  earning  a  modest  livelihood  by 
cultivating  vegetables  and  coffee. 

The  original  Chinese  who  arrived  on  the  Nilgiris  were 
convicts  from  the  Straits  Settlement,  where  there  was 
no  sufficient  prison  accommodation,  who  were  confined 


99        CHINESE-TAMIL  CROSS 

in  the  Nilgirl  jail.  It  is  recorded  *  that,  in  1868,  twelve 
of  the  Chinamen  "  broke  out  during  a  very  stormy  night, 
and  parties  of  armed  police  were  sent  out  to  scour  the 
hills  for  them.  They  were  at  last  arrested  in  Malabar  a 
fortnight  later.  Some  police  weapons  were  found  in 
their  possession,  and  one  of  the  parties  of  police  had 
disappeared — an  ominous  circumstance.  Search  was 
made  all  over  the  country  for  the  party,  and  at  length 
their  four  bodies  were  found  lying  in  the  jungle  at 
Walaghat,  half  way  down  the  Sispara  ghat  path,  neatly 
laid  out  in  a  row  with  their  severed  heads  carefully 
placed  on  their  shoulders." 

The  measurements  of  a  single  family  are  recorded  in 
the  following  table  : — 


Cephalic 
length. 

-5  <" 

<U  J2 

0 

0 

U 

to    1) 

1^ 

1^ 

Tamil  Paraiyan. 

Mother  of  children. 

l8-i 

13-9 

76-8 

47 

37 

787 

Chinese 

Father  of  children. 

i8-6 
17-6 

14-6 
I4-I 

78-5 

5-3 

3-8 

717 

Chinese-Tamil ... 

Girl,  aged  18 

8o-i 

47 

3-2 

68-1 

Chinese-Tamil ... 

Boy,  aged  10 

iS-i 

14-3 

79 

4-6 

3-3 

717 

Chinese-Tamil   ..     Boy,  aged  9 

17 

14 

82-4 

4"4 

3'3 

727 

Chinese-Tamil  ...  ;  Boy,  aged  5 

"•■ 

137 

8o-i 

4*1 

2-8 

68-3 

The  father  was  a  typical  Chinaman,  whose  only 
grievance  was  that,  in  the  process  of  conversion  to 
Christianity,  he  had  been  obliged  to  "  cut  him  tail  off." 
The  mother  was  a  typical  dark-skinned  Tamil  Paraiyan. 
The  colour  of  the  children  was  more  closely  allied  to  the 
yellowish  tint  of  the  father  than  to  that  of  the  mother  ; 
and  the  semi- Mongol    parentage    was   betrayed  in   the 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Nilgiris. 


II-7  B 


CHINNA  100 

slant  eyes,  flat  nose  and  (in  one  case)  conspicuously 
prominent  cheek-bones. 

To  have  recorded  the  entire  series  of  measurements 
of  the  children  would  have  been  useless  for  the  purpose 
of  comparison  with  those  of  the  parents,  and  I  selected 
from  my  repertoire  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  head 
and  nose,  w^hich  plainly  indicate  the  paternal  influence 
on  the  external  anatomy  of  the  offspring.  The  figures 
given  in  the  table  bring  out  very  clearly  the  great 
breadth,  as  compared  with  the  length,  of  the  heads  of  all 
the  children,  and  the  resultant  high  cephalic  index.  In 
other  words,  in  one  case  a  mesaticephalic  (79),  and,  in 
the  remaining  three  cases,  a  sub-brachycephalic  head 
(8o"i  ;  8o'i  ;  82-4)  has  resulted  from  the  union  of  a 
mesaticephalic  Chinaman  {yS'^)  with  a  sub-dolichoce- 
phalic Tamil  Paraiyan  (76'8).  How  great  is  the  breadth 
of  the  head  in  the  children  may  be  emphasised  by 
noting  that  the  average  head-breadth  of  the  adult  Tamil 
Paraiyan  man  is  only  137  cm.,  whereas  that  of  the  three 
boys,  aged  ten,  nine,  and  five  only,  was  i4'3,  14,  and 
137  cm.  respectively. 

Quite  as  strongly  marked  is  the  effect  of  paternal 
influence  on  the  character  of  the  nose  ;  the  nasal  index, 
in  the  case  of  each  child  (68' I  ;  71772;  7;  68*3),  bearing 
a  much  closer  relation  to  that  of  the  long-nosed  father 
(717)  than  to  the  typical  Paraiyan  nasal  index  of  the 
broad-nosed  mother  (787). 

It  will  be  interesting  to  note  hereafter  what  is  the 
future  of  the  younger  members  of  this  quaint  little 
colony,  and  to  observe  the  physical  characters,  tempera- 
ment, fecundity,  and  other  points  relating  to  the  cross 
breed  resulting  from  the  blend  of  Chinese  and  Tamil. 

Chinna  (little). — A  sub-division  of  Boya,  Kunnu- 
van,    Konda   Dora,    Pattanavan,    and    Pattapu,    and  an 


lOl  CHITRA  GHASI 

exogamous  sept  of  Mala.  Chinna,  chinnam,  and  chin- 
nada,  denoting  gold,  occur  as  exogamous  septs  of  Kuruba, 
Padma  Sale,  Toreya,  and  Vakkaliga. 

Chintala  (tamarind  :  Taniarindus  Indica). — An  exo- 
gamous sept  of  Ghasi,  Golla,  Madiga,  and  Mala.  Chin- 
tyakula,  or  tamarind  sept,  occurs  among  the  Komatis  ; 
chintaginjala  (tamarind  seeds)  as  an  exogamous  sept 
of  Padma  Sales,  and  of  Panta  Reddis,  who  may  not 
touch  or  use  the  seeds  ;  and  Chintakai  or  Chintakayala 
(tamarind  fruit)  as  an  exogamous  sept  of  Boyas  and 
Devangas. 

Chirla  (woman's  cloth). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Kamma. 

Chitikan. — A  synonym  of  Maran,  indicating  one 
whose  occupation  relates  to  the  funeral  pyre.  A  Chiti- 
kan, for  example,  performs  the  funeral  rites  for  the 
Mussads. 

Chiti  Karnam. — A  name  of  the  Oriya  Karnam 
caste.  A  vulgar  form  of  Sresta  Karnam  (Sreshto 
Korono). 

Chitra  Ghasi. — The  Chitra  Ghasis,  for  the  following 
note  on  whom  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana 
Rao,  are  a  class  of  artisans,  whose  name,  meaning 
Ghasis  who  make  artistic  things,  bears  reference  to  their 
occupation.  They  are  employed  in  the  manufacture  of 
brass  and  bell-metal  jewelry,  such  as  is  largely  worn  by 
the  tribes  inhabiting  the  Jeypore  Agency  tracts,  and  are 
generally  found  attached  to  Kond  and  Savara  villaees. 
They  are  a  polluting  class,  and  their  dwellings  are 
consequently  situated  at  some  distance  from  the  huts  of 
the  villagers.     Their  language  is  a  corrupt  form  of  Oriya. 

Girls  are  usually  married  after  puberty.  A  man  can 
claim  his  paternal  aunt's  daughter  in  marriage.  When 
such   a   marriage    is   contemplated,    his  parents  take  a 


chitrakara  or  i02 

chitrakAro 
little  rice  and  a  pot  of  liquor  to  the  home  of  the  paternal 
aunt.  If  they  are  accepted,  it  is  taken  as  a  sign  that  the 
match  is  agreed  to,  and  the  jholla  tonka  (bride-price)  of 
twelve  rupees  is  paid.  After  some  time  has  elapsed,  the 
bride  is  conducted  to  the  home  of  her  future  husband, 
and  the  marriage  is  there  celebrated.  A  younger 
brother  may  marry  the  widow  of  an  elder  brother,  and, 
if  such  a  woman  contracts  a  marriage  with  some  other 
man,  her  second  husband  has  to  give  a  cow  to  the 
younger  brother  who  has  been  passed  over.  The  dead 
are  burnt,  and  death  pollution  is  observed  for  three  days, 
during  which  the  caste  occupation  is  not  carried  on.  On 
the  third  day,  the  ashes  are  collected  together,  and  a 
fowl  is  killed.  The  ashes  are  then  buried,  or  thrown 
into  running  water. 

Chitrakara  or  Chitrakaro. — The  Chitrakaros  of 
Ganjam,  w^ho  are  a  class  of  Oriya  painters  (chitra, 
painting),  are  returned  in  the  Census  Report,  1901,  as 
a  sub-caste  of  Muchi.  In  the  Mysore  Census  Report, 
1 89 1,  the  Chitragaras  are  said  to  be  "also  called  Ban- 
nagara  of  the  Rachevar  (or  Raju)  caste.  They  are 
painters,  decorators  and  gilders,  and  make  trunks,  palan- 
quins, '  lacquer  '  toys  and  wooden  images  for  temples, 
cars,  etc."  At  Channapatna  in  Mysore,  I  interviewed  a 
Telugu  Chitrakara,  who  was  making  toys  out  of  the 
white  wood  of  WiHgktia  tinctoria.  The  wood  was  turned 
on  a  primitive  lathe,  consisting  of  two  steel  spikes  fixed 
into  two  logs  of  w^ood  on  the  ground.  Seated  on  the 
floor  in  front  of  his  lathe,  the  artisan  chucked  the  wood 
between  the  spikes,  and  rotated  it  by  means  of  a  bow 
held  in  the  right  hand,  whereof  the  string  was  passed 
round  the  wood.  The  chisel  was  held  between  the  sole 
of  the  right  foot  and  palm  of  the  left  hand.  Colours 
and  varnish  were  applied  to  the  rotating  toy  with  sticks 


I03  CHUN  AM 

of  paint  like  sealing-wax,  and  strips  of  palm  leaf  smeared 
with  varnish.  In  addition  to  the  turned  toys,  models  of 
fruits  were  made  from  mud  and  sawdust,  cane  cradles 
made  by  Medaras  were  painted  and  idols  manufactured 
for  the  Holi  festival  at  Bangalore,  and  the  figure  of  Sidi 
Viranna  for  the  local  pseudo-hook-swinging  ceremony. 
The  Chitrakaras,  whom  I  saw  at  Tumkur,  had  given 
up  making  toys,  as  it  did  not  pay.  They  manufacture 
big  wooden  idols  (grama  devata),  e.g.,  Ellamma  and 
Mariamma,  and  vehicles  for  various  deities  in  the 
shape  of  bulls,  snakes,  peacocks,  lions,  tigers,  and  horses. 
They  further  make  painted  figures  of  Lakshmi,  and 
heads  of  Gauri,  the  wife  of  Siva,  decorated  with  gold- 
leaf  jewels,  which  are  worshipped  by  Brahmans,  Vakka- 
ligas,  Komatis,  and  others  at  the  annual  Gauri  puja  ; 
and  mandahasa  (god  houses)  with  pillars  carved  with 
figures  of  Narasimha  and  conventional  designs.  These 
mandahasas  serve  as  a  receptacle  for  the  household 
gods  (salagrama  stone,  lingam,  etc.),  w^hich  are  worship- 
ped daily  by  Smarta  and  Madhva  Brahmans.  These 
Chitrakaras  claimed  to  be  Suryavamsam,  or  of  the  lunar 
race  of  Kshatriyas,  and  wear  the  sacred  thread. 

Chitravaliar. — A  synonym  of  Alavan. 

Chogan. — See  Izhava. 

Cholapuram  or  Sholavaram. — A  sub-division  of 
Chetti. 

Choliya  Pattar. — A  name  for  Pattar  Brahmans  in 
Malabar. 

Chondi. — See  Sondi. 

Choutagara. — A  corrupt  form  of  Chaptegara. 

Chovatton. — Priests  of  Muttans  and  Tarakans. 

Chuditiya. — See  Kevuto. 

Chunam  (lime). — A  sub-division  of  Toreyas,  who 
are  manufacturers  of  lime.     Chunam,  made  from  calcined 


CHUVANO  104 

shells,  limestone,  etc.,  is  largely  used  for  building 
purposes,  and  the  chunam  plaster  of  Madras  has  been 
long  celebrated  for  its  marble-like  polish.  Chunam  is 
also  chewed  with  betel. 

Chuvano.-— Recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1 90 1,  as  a  small  Oriya  cultivating  caste,  supposed  to  be 
of  Kshatriya  parentage. 


Daindla.— The  name,  denoting  those  who  hid  or 
ran  away,  of  a  sub-division  of  Mala. 

Daivampati.— Recorded  in  the  Travancore  Census 
Report,  1 90 1,  as  a  caste  included  among  Ambalavasis, 
and  a  sub-division  of  Nayar. 

Dakkala. — Dakkala  or  Dakkali  is  the  name  of  a 
class  of  mendicants  who  beg  from  Madigas  only.  In 
the  Kurnool  district  they  are  said  to  have  divided 
the  district  with  the  Mushtis,  and  not  to  beg  except 
within  their  own  limits. 

The  following  story  is  told  as  regards  the  origin  of 
the  Dakkalas.  A  smith  was  asked  to  make  a  bottu 
(marriage  badge)  for  Siva's  wedding,  and  for  this  purpose 
required  bellows,  fire-pot,  hammer,  etc.  Jambuvadu 
called  his  eldest  son,  and  prepared  the  various  imple- 
ments from  sundry  parts  of  the  body,  except  the  back- 
bone. Being  highly  pleased  at  this,  the  gods  endowed 
the  backbone  with  life,  and  the  son  went  to  his  father 
Jambuvadu,  who  failed  to  recognise  him,  and  refused  to 
admit  him.  He  was  told  that  he  must  live  as  a  beggar 
attached  to  the  Madigas,  and  was  called  Dakkala  because 
he  was  brought  to  life  from  a  vertebral  column  (dakka). 

The  Dakkalas  wander  from  place  to  place.  They 
may  not  enter  Madiga  houses,  outside  which  meals  are 


I05  DAKNI 

given  to  them  by  males  only,  as  females  are  not  allowed 
to  serve  them.  Madiga  women  may  not  tread  on  the 
footsteps  of  the  Dakkalas. 

Dakku  (fear).— An  exogamous  sept  of  Mala. 

Dakni. — Dakni  or  Deccani  is  defined  in  the  Madras 
Census  Report,  1901,  as  "a  territorial  name  meaning  a 
Musalman  of  the  Deccan  ;  also  a  name  loosely  applied 
to  converts  to  Islam."  In  the  Tanjore  district,  Muham- 
madans  who  speak  Hindustani,  and  claim  pure  Muham- 
madan  descent,  are  spoken  of  as  Daknis  or  Dakanis. 
In  other  Tamil  districts  they  are  called  Patanigal,  to 
distinguish  them  from  Labbais  and  Marakkayars.  The 
Daknis  follow  the  Muhammadan  ritual  except  in  their 
marriages,  which  afford  an  example  of  a  blend  between 
Hindu  and  Muhammadan  ceremonials.  Like  Hindus, 
they  erect,  at  times  of  marriage,  a  milk-post  of  bamboo, 
to  which  are  tied  a  two-anna  piece,  and  a  bit  of  sugar- 
candy  done  up  in  a  Turkey  red  cloth.  The  post  is 
handed  to  the  headman,  who  decorates  it  with  a  garland 
of  flowers  and  a  roll  of  betel,  and  places  it  in  a  hole  made 
in  the  court-yard  of  the  house,  wherein  milk  has  been 
sprinkled.  On  the  following  day,  two  big  pots  are 
placed  near  the  milk-post,  and  filled  with  water  by  four 
married  couples.  Around  the  pots,  nine  kinds  of  seed 
grains  are  sprinkled.  On  the  third  day,  the  bride- 
groom's party  proceeds  to  the  house  of  the  bride 
with  thirteen  trays  of  betel,  fruits,  flowers,  sandal  paste, 
and  a  paste  made  of  turmeric  and  henna  [Lawsonia 
alba)  leaves.  The  bride  is  decorated,  and  sits  on  a 
plank.  Women  smear  the  face  and  hands  of  the  bridal 
couple  with  the  pastes,  and  one  of  them,  or  the  bride- 
groom's sister,  ties  a  string  of  black  beads  round  the 
bride's  neck.  While  this  is  being  done,  no  one  should 
sneeze.     Wrist    threads    (kankanam)    are   tied    on   the 


DAMMULA  1 06 

wrists  of  the  bride  and  bridegroom.  On  the  fourth  day, 
the  nikka  rite  is  celebrated,  and  the  newly-married 
couple  sit  together  while  the  nalagu  ceremony  of  smear- 
ing them  with  sandal,  and  waving  coloured  water 
(arati),  is  performed.  The  two  pots  containing  water 
are  kept  for  forty  days,  and  then  examined.  If  the 
water  remains  sweet,  and  does  not  "  teem  with  vermin," 
it  is  regarded  as  a  good  omen.  The  seed  grains,  too, 
should  by  this  time  have  developed  into  healthy 
seedlings. 

Dammula. — Recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Re- 
port, 1 90 1,  as  a  small  class  of  Telugu  beggars,  and 
priests  in  the  temples  of  village  goddesses. 

Dandasi.— The  Dandasis  are  summed  up  in  the 
Ganjam  Manual  as  being  village  watchmen,  many  of 
whom  are  great  thieves.  "  It  is  curious,"  Mr.  S.  P.  Rice 
WTites,*  "  to  find  that  the  word  Naiko  [meaning  leader  or 
chief],  which  is  corrupted  into  the  Telugu  Naidu,  is  the 
caste  distinction  of  the  lowest  class,  the  village  watcher 
and  professional  thief.  This  man,  for  all  that  his  cog- 
nomen is  so  lofty,  goes  by  the  generic  name  of  Dandasi. 
This  word  means  worthy  of  punishment,  and  assuredly 
no  appellation  ever  fitted  its  owner  more  completely  than 
does  this.  He  is  the  village  policeman  and  the  village 
thief,  a  curious  mixture  of  callings."  According  to  other 
versions,  the  name  is  derived  from  danda,  a  stick,  and 
asi,  sword,  from  dandabadi,  a  stout  bamboo  stick,  or  from 
dandapasi,  stick  and  rope,  in  reference  to  the  insignia  of 
the  Dandasi's  office. 

A  large  number  of  criminals,  undergoing  punishment 
in  Ganjam  for  robbery  and  thieving,  are  Dandasis. 
The  members  of  the  caste,  like  the  Tamil  Kalians,  believe 


*  Occasional  Essays  on  Native  South  Indian  Life. 


lo;  DANDASI 

that  thieving  is  their  traditional  occupation,  and,  as  such, 
regard  it  as  justifiable.  There  is  a  legend  that  they 
adopted  this  occupation  as  their  profession  because  their 
ancestors  assisted  the  Pandavas  to  escape  from  the  lac 
fort  which  was  constructed  by  the  Kurus  with  a  view  to 
killing  them,  by  digging  a  secret  subterranean  passage. 
According  to  another  story,  the  Dandasis  are  descended 
from  the  offspring  of  a  clandestine  amour  of  Krishna 
with  Dhuthika,  Radha's  handmaid.  The  Dandasis 
perform  an  interesting  ceremony  of  initiation  into  the 
profession  of  thieving,  when  a  child  is  born.  When  it 
is  three  or  five  days  old,  the  headman  (Behara)  is 
invited  to  attend.  A  breach  is  made  in  the  wall,  or 
beneath  the  door  sill.  Through  this  the  infant  is  passed 
by  the  Behara  three  times,  and  received  by  some 
members  of  the  family.  Each  time  the  Behara  repeats 
the  words  "  Enter,  baby  enter.  May  you  excel  your 
father  !  "  The  Dandasis,  when  questioned  concerning 
this  custom,  denied  its  existence,  but  some  admitted 
that  it  was  carried  out  in  former  days.  An  old  woman 
stated  that  her  grandchild  was  passed  through  a  breach 
beneath  the  door,  but  was  not  inclined  to  enter  into 
details. 

A  number  of  exogamous  septs  occur  among  the 
Dandasis,  of  which  the  following  may  be  noted.  Mem- 
bers of  the  Santarasi  sept  must  avoid  using  mats  made 
of  the  sedge  which  goes  by  this  name.  Kilalendias  avoid 
touching  the  bamboo  posts  used  by  washermen  to  sup- 
port the  ropes  on  which  cloths  are  hung  to  dry.  They 
sacrifice  a  pig  and  seven  fowls  to  their  gods  on  the  new- 
moon  day,  on  which  the  head  of  a  male  child  is  first 
shaved.  Diyasis  show  special  reverence  for  the  sun,  and 
cloths,  mokkutos  (forehead  chaplets),  garlands,  and  other 
articles  to  be  used  by  the  bride  and  bridegroom  at  a 


DANDASI  Io8 

wedding,  are  placed  outside  the  house,  !so  that  they  may- 
be ex})osed  to  it.  Members  of  the  Ekopothiriya  sept  are 
regarded  as  low  in  the  social  scale,  and  the  following 
legend  is  narrated  to  account  for  this.  A  Dandasi  went, 
with  his  relations  and  friends,  to  the  house  of  a  Dandasi 
of  the  Ekopothiriya  sept,  to  arrange  a  marriage.  The 
guests  were  hospitably  received,  and  the  prospective 
bride  asked  her  father  what  kind  of  curry  w^as  going  to 
be  served  to  them.  He  replied  that  barikolora  (back- 
yard Momordica)  *  was  to  be  cooked.  This  aroused  the 
curiosity  of  some  of  the  guests,  who  went  to  the  backyard, 
where,  instead  of  Momordica,  they  saw  several  blood- 
suckers (lizards)  running  about.  They  jumped  to  the 
conclusion  that  these  were  what  the  host  referred  to 
as  barikolora,  and  all  the  guests  took  their  departure. 
Ekopothiriyas  will  not  partake  of  food  from  the  same 
plate  as  their  grown-up  children,  even  if  a  married 
daughter  comes  on  a  visit  to  them. 

The  Dandasis  worship  various  Takuranis  (village 
deities),  e.g.,  Sankaithuni,  Kulladankuni,  Kombesari  and 
Kalimuki.  The  gods  are  either  represented  tempo- 
rarily by  brass  vessels,  or  permanently  by  three  masses 
of  clay,  into  each  of  which  a  small  bit  of  gold  is  thrust. 
When  Bassia  (mahua)  buds  or  mangoes  are  first  eaten  in 
their  season,  a  sacrifice  is  made,  and  a  goat  and  fowl 
are  killed  before  the  produce  of  the  harvest  is  first 
partaken  of. 

The  Dandasis  have  a  headman,  called  Behara,  who 
exercises  authority  over  several  groups  of  villages,  and 
each  group  is  under  a  Nayako,  who  is  assisted  by  a 
Dondia.  For  every  village  there  is  a  Bholloboya,  and, 
in  some  places,  there  is  an  officer,  called  Boda  Mundi, 


*  The  fruits  of  several  species  of  Momordica  arc  eaten  by  Natives. 


I09  DANDASI 

appointed  by  the  Zamindar,  to  whom  irregularities  in 
the  community  have  to  be  reported.  When  a  woman  is 
delivered  of  a  still-born  child,  the  whole  family  is  under 
pollution  for  eleven  days.  The  headman  is  then  invited 
to  attend,  and  presents  are  given  to  him.  He  sprinkles 
water  over  members  of  the  family,  and  they  are  thereby 
freed  from  this  pollution. 

A  certain  portion  of  the  property  stolen  by  Dandasis 
is  set  apart  for  the  headman,  and,  like  the  Tamil 
Kalians  and  Maravans,  they  seem  to  have  a  black- 
mailing system.  If  a  Dandasi  is  engaged  as  a  watch- 
man, property  is  safe,  or,  if  stolen,  is  recovered  and 
restored  to  its  owner. 

Girls  are  married  after  puberty.  A  man  may  marry 
his  maternal  uncle's,  but  not  his  paternal  aunt's 
daughter.  The  marriage  ceremonies  usually  last  three 
days,  but  are  sometimes  spread  over  seven  days,  in 
imitation  of  the  higher  castes.  On  the  day  (gondo 
sono)  before  the  wedding  day,  seven  new  pots  are 
brought  from  a  potter's  house,  and  placed  in  a  room. 
Seven  women  throw  Zizyphus  jiijitba  leaves  over  them, 
and  they  are  filled  with  water  at  a  tank  (pond).  One 
of  the  pots  must  be  carried  by  the  sister-in-law  of  the 
bridegroom.  A  brass  vessel  is  tied  up,  and  worshipped. 
Towards  evening,  a  fowl  is  sacrificed  at  an  '  ant '  hill. 
The  bridegroom  is  shaved  on  this  day  by  his  sister's 
husband.  Like  other  Oriya  castes,  the  Dandasis  collect 
water  at  seven  houses,  but  only  from  those  of  members 
of  castes  higher  than  their  own.  The  pot  containing 
this  water  is  hung  up  over  the  marriage  dais  (bedi). 
On  the  wedding  (bibha)  day,  the  bridegroom  sits  on 
the  dais,  with  the  bride,  seated  in  her  maternal  uncle's 
lap  or  at  his  side,  in  front  of  him.  The  headman, 
or  some  respected  elder  of  the  community,   places    a 


DANDASI  1 10 

betel  nut  cutter,  on,  or  with  some  rice  and  betel  nut  be- 
tween the  united  hands  of  the  contracting  couple,  and 
ties  them  together  with  seven  turns  of  a  turmeric-dyed 
thread.  He  then  announces  that  ....  the  grand- 
daughter of  ...  .  and  daughter  of  ....  is 
united  to  ...  .  the  grandson  of  ...  .  and 
son  of  ...  .  The  parents  of  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom pour  turmeric-water  from  a  chank  {Turbinella 
rapa)  shell  or  leaf  over  their  united  hands.  The  nut- 
cutter  is  removed  by  the  bride's  brother,  and,  after 
striking  the  bridegroom,  he  goes  away.  The  couple 
then  play  with  cowry  {Cypres  arabicd)  shells,  and,  while 
they  are  so  engaged,  the  ends  of  their  cloths  are  tied 
together,  and  the  rice  which  is  in  their  hands  is  tied  in  a 
knot.  When  the  play  is  finished,  this  knot  is  untied, 
and  the  rice  is  measured  in  a  small  earthen  pot,  first 
on  behalf  of  the  bride,  and  is  pronounced  to  be  all  right. 
It  is  then  again  measured,  and  said  to  have  diminished 
in  quantity.  This  gives  rise  to  jokes  at  the  expense 
of  the  bridegroom,  who  is  called  a  thief,  and  other 
hard  names.  Those  who  imitate  the  ceremonial  of 
the  higher  castes  make  the  bridegroom  go  away  in 
feigned  anger,  after  he  has  broken  the  pot  which  is 
hanging  over  the  dais.  He  is  brought  back  by  his 
brother-in-law. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  first  menstrual  period,  a  girl 
is  under  pollution  for  seven  days.  If  she  is  engaged  to 
be  married,  her  future  father-in-law  makes  her  a  present 
of  jewels  and  money  on  the  seventh  day,  and  thereby 
confirms  the  marriage  contract. 

The  dead  are  cremated.  A  widow  accompanies  the 
corpse  of  her  husband  to  the  boundary  of  the  village, 
carrying  a  ladle  and  pot,  which  she  throws  down  at 
the  boundary,  and  returns  home.     On  the  day  after  the 


Ill  DARA 

funeral,  the  embers  are  extinguished,  and  an  effigy 
of  the  deceased  is  made  on  the  spot  where  he  was 
cremated,  and  food  offered  to  it.  Toddy  is  distributed 
among  those  who  have  assembled  at  the  house.  On 
the  tenth  day,  food  is  offered  on  ten  fragments  of  pots. 
On  the  eleventh  day,  if  the  dead  man  was  an  important 
personage  in  the  community,  a  ceremony,  corresponding 
to  the  jola  jola  handi  of  the  higher  castes,  is  performed. 
A  cloth  is  spread  on  the  ground,  on  the  spot  where  the 
corpse  was  cremated,  and  the  ground  round  it  swept  by 
women,  whose  backs  are  turned  towards  the  cloth,  so 
that  they  cannot  see  it.  Two  men,  with  swords  or  big 
knives,  sit  by  the  side  of  the  cloth  and  wait  till  an  insect 
settles  on  the  cloth.  They  then  at  once  put  the  swords 
or  knives  on  the  cloth,  and,  folding  it  up,  place  it  on  a 
new  winnowing-basket.  It  is  taken  home,  placed  on 
the  floor,  and  connected  by  means  of  a  long  thread  with 
the  household  god  (mass  of  clay  or  vessel).  It  is  then 
shaken  near  the  god,  so  that  the  insect  falls  out. 

Dandasi  further  occurs  as  a  sub-division  of  the 
Kondras,  the  members  of  which  have  taken  to  the 
profession  of  village  watchmen. 

Dandi  (a  staff). — A  house  name  of  Korava. 

Dandu  (army). — A  sub-division  of  Idiga,  and  an 
exogamous  sept  of  Boya  and  Kapu.  It  has  been 
sueeested  that  the  name  is  not  Dandu  but  Dande, 
meaning  pole,  in  reference  to  the  apparatus  used  by 
the  Idigas  in  climbing  palm  trees  for  the  extraction 
of  toddy.  Dandu  Agasa,  indicating  army  washerman, 
occurs  as  a  name  for  some  Maratha  Dhobis  in  Mysore, 
whose  forefathers  probably  accompanied  armies  in  times 
of  war. 

Dara  (stream  of  water). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Mala. 


DARABALA  II2 

Darabala. — Taken,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1 90 1,  as  a  sub-caste  of  Mala.  It  Is  a  common  house- 
name  amono^  many  Telugu  castes. 

Darala  (thread). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Madiga. 

Darzi. — Darzi  or  Darji  is  a  Muhammadan  occupa- 
tional term,  meaning  tailor.  "  The  east,"  it  has  been 
said,*  "  now  sews  by  machinery.  The  name  of  Singer 
is  known  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Pacific.  In 
every  bazaar  in  India  one  may  see  men — they  are 
always  men,  not  women — in  turban  or  Mussalman  cap, 
crouching  over  the  needle-plate,  and  working  the 
pedals."  The  value  of  the  imports  of  sewing-machines 
rose,  in  British  India,  from  Rs.  5,91,046  in  1901-02 
to  Rs.  10,06,625  in  1904-05. 

Das. — The  title  of  Jain  immigrants  from  Northern 
India,  most  of  whom  are  established  as  merchants,  and 
also  of  the  Mahants  of  the  Tirumala  (Tirupati)  temple, 
e.g.,  Balaram  Das,  Bhagavan  Das. 

Dasari. — "  Dasari  or  Tadan,"  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart 
writes,!  "  is  a  mendicant  caste  of  Vaishnavas,  the  reputed 
descendants  of  a  wealthy  Sudra  of  one  of  the  northern 
districts,  who,  being  devoid  of  offspring,  vowed  that, 
should  he  be  blessed  w4th  children,  he  would  devote  one 
to  the  service  of  his  god.  He  subsequently  had  many 
sons,  one  of  whom  he  named  Dasan  (servant),  and  placed 
entirely  at  the  service  of  the  deity.  Dasan  forfeited 
all  claim  to  participate  in  his  father's  estate,  and  his 
offspring  are  therefore  all  beggars. 

"  The  caste,  like  that  of  the  Satanis,  is  reinforced  by 
idle  members  of  the  lower  Sudra  classes,  who,  being 
branded  by  the  gurus  of  Tirupati  and  other  shrines, 
become  Dasaris  thereby.     They  usually  wander  about. 


*  Sidney  Low.     A  Vision  of  India,  1906. 
t  Manual  of  the  Norlh  Arcot  district. 


113  DASARI 

singing  hymns  to  a  monotonous  accompaniment  upon  a 
leather  instrument  called  tappai  (tabret).  Some  Sudra 
castes  engage  them  thus  to  chant  in  front  of  the  corpse 
at  funerals,  and  many,  accompanying  bands  of  pilgrims 
travelling  to  Tirupati,  stimulate  their  religious  excite- 
ment by  singing  sacred  songs.  A  few,  called  Yerudandis, 
{g.y.),  take  possession  of  young  bulls  that  have  been 
devoted  to  a  swami,  and  teach  them  to  perform  tricks 
very  cleverly.  The  bulls  appear  to  understand  what  is 
said  to  them,  and  go  through  various  antics  at  the  word 
of  command.  Some  Dasaris  exhibit  what  is  called  the 
Panda  Servai  performance,  which  consists  in  affecting  to 
be  possessed  by  the  spirit  of  the  deity,  and  beating 
themselves  all  over  the  body  with  a  flaming  torch,  after 
covering  it  probably  with  some  protecting  substance. 
In  such  modes  do  they  wander  about  and  receive  alms, 
each  wearing  as  a  distinction  a  garland  of  beads  made 
of  tulasi  {Oci?iiu?7i  sanctuni)  wood.  Every  Dasari  is  a 
Tengalai.  They  have  six  sub-divisions,  called  Balija, 
Janappa,  Palli,  Valluva,  Gangeddula,  and  Golla  Dasaris, 
which  neither  eat  together  nor  intermarry.  As  these 
are  the  names  of  existing  and  distinct  castes,  it  is 
probable  that  the  Dasaris  were  formerly  members  of 
those  classes,  who,  through  their  vagabond  tastes,  have 
taken  to  a  mendicant  life.  Beyond  prohibiting  widow 
remarriage,  they  have  no  social  restrictions." 

Concerning  the  mendicants  of  Anantapur,  Mr.  W. 
Francis  writes*  that  "the  beo^crars  who  are  most  in 
evidence  are  the  Dasaris.  This  community  is  recruited 
from  several  castes,  such  as  the  Kapus,  Balijas,  Kurubas, 
Boyas,  and  Malas,  and  members  of  it  who  belong  to  the 
last  two  of  these  (which  are  low  in  the  social  scale)  are 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Anantapur  district. 
II-8 


DASARI  114 

not  allowed  to  dine  with  the  others.  All  Dasaris  are 
Vaishnavites,  and  admission  to  the  community  is  obtained 
by  beino^  branded  by  some  Vaishnavite  guru.  Thence- 
forward the  novice  becomes  a  Dasari,  and  lives  by 
begging  from  door  to  door.  The  profession  is  almost 
hereditary  in  some  families.  The  five  insignia  of  a 
Dasari  are  the  conch  shell,  which  he  blows  to  announce 
his  arrival  ;  the  gong  which  he  strikes  as  he  goes  his 
rounds ;  the  tall  iron  lamp  (with  a  cocoanut  to  hold  the 
oil  for  replenishing  it)  which  he  keeps  lighted  as  he 
begs  ;  the  brass  or  copper  vessel  (sometimes  with  the 
namam  painted  on  it)  suspended  from  his  shoulder,  in 
which  he  places  the  alms  received  ;  and  the  small  metal 
image  of  Hanuman,  which  he  hangs  round  his  neck. 
Of  these,  the  iron  lamp  is  at  once  the  most  conspicuous 
and  the  most  indispensable.  It  is  said  to  represent 
Venkatesa,  and  it  must  be  burning,  as  an  unlighted  lamp 
is  inauspicious.  Dasaris  also  subsist  by  doing  puja 
(worship)  at  ceremonial  and  festival  occasions  for  certain 
of  the  Hindu  castes."  In  the  Kurnool  district,  when  a 
girl  is  dedicated  as  a  Basavi  (dedicated  prostitute),  she 
is  not,  as  in  some  other  parts  of  the  country,  married  to 
an  idol,  but  tied  by  means  of  a  garland  of  flowers  to  the 
tall  standard  lamp  (garudakambham)  of  a  Dasari,  and 
released  by  the  man  who  is  to  receive  her  first  favours, 
or  by  her  maternal  uncle. 

The  Dasaris  in  Mysore  are  described  in  the  Mysore 
Census  Report,  1901,  as  "mendicants  belonging  to 
different  classes  of  Sudras.  They  become  Dasas  or 
servants  dedicated  to  the  God  at  Tirupati  by  virtue  of  a 
peculiar  vow,  made  either  by  themselves  or  their  rela- 
tives, at  some  moment  of  anxiety  or  danger,  and  live 
by  begging  in  His  name.  Dasaris  are  always  Vaish- 
navites,   as   the  vows   are  taken   only  by   those  castes 


115  dAsari 

which  are  worshippers  of  that  deity.  Dasaris  are  invited 
by  Sudras  on  ceremonial  days,  and  feasted.  Properly 
speaking,  Dasari  is  not  a  caste,  but  simply  an  occupa- 
tional division.  Among  certain  castes,  the  custom  of 
taking  a  vow  to  become  a  Dasari  prevails.  In  fulfilment 
of  that  vow  the  person  becomes  a  Dasari,  and  his  eldest 
son  is  bound  to  follow  suit,  the  others  taking  to  other 
walks  of  life.  The  following  castes  take  the  vow  of 
becoming  Dasari  : — Telugu  Banajiga,  Holeya,  Tigala, 
and  Yakkaliga.  The  duty  of  a  Dasari  requires  that  he 
should  daily  bathe  his  head,  and  take  care  that,  while 
eating  with  the  profane,  their  victuals  do  not  get  mixed 
with  his.  Every  Saturday,  after  bathing  and  praying 
for  some  hours,  he  must  cook  his  own  food  in  a  clean 
pot.  They  go  about  the  streets  singing  some  Hari 
Keerthanams,  with  a  gong  and  conch  to  relieve  the  dull 
monotony  of  their  mumblings." 

Concerning  the  synonym  Tadan,  this  is  stated  *  to  be 
"a  corruption  of  the  Sanskrit  dasa  which,  with  the  Tamil 
termination  an,  stands  for  dasan.  The  word  is  often 
used  in  this  form,  but  often  as  Dasari.  The  word  is 
applied  to  Vaishnava  mendicants.  They  go  out  every 
morning,  begging  for  alms  of  uncooked  rice,  and  singing 
ballads  or  hymns.  They  play  on  a  small  drum  with  their 
fingers,  and  often  carry  a  conch  shell,  which  they  blow. 
They  are  given  to  drinking."  In  the  Nellore  Manual, 
the  Dasrivandlu  are  summed  up  as  being  "  mendicants 
and  thieves  in  the  Telugu  and  Canarese  countries. 
They  usually  practise  what  is  known  as  scissor-theft.' 
The  mendicant  Dasaris,  who  are  dealt  with  in  the  present 
note,  are  stated  by  Mr.  S.  M.  Natesa  Sastri  f  to  be 
called  Gudi  Dasari,   as  the  gudi  or  temple  is  their  home 


*  Manual  of  the  Tanjore  district.  f  Calcutta  Review,  1905. 

II-8B 


DASARI  Il6 

and  to  be  a  set  of  quiet,  innocent  and  simple  people, 
leading  a  most  idle  and  stupid  life.  "  Quite  opposed," 
he  adds,  "  to  the  Gudi  Dasaris  in  every  way  are  the 
Donga  Dasaris  or  thieving  Dasaris.  They  are  the  most 
dreaded  of  the  criminal  classes  in  the  Bellary  district. 
These  Donga  Dasaris  are  only  Dasaris  in  name."  [See 
Donga  Dasari.) 

Some  Dasaris  are  servants  under  Vaishnava  Brah- 
mans,  who  act  as  gurus  to  various  castes.  It  is  their 
duty  to  act  as  messengers  to  the  guru,  and  carry  the 
news  of  his  arrival  to  his  disciples.  At  the  time  of 
worship,  and  when  the  guru  approaches  a  village,  the 
Dasari  has  to  blow  a  long  brass  trumpet  (tarai).  As  the 
Brahman  may  not  approach  or  touch  his  Paraiyan 
disciples,  it  is  the  Dasari  who  gives  them  the  holy  water 
(thirtham).  When  a  Paraiyan  is  to  be  branded,  the 
Brahman  heats  the  instruments  bearing  the  devices 
of  the  chank  and  chakaram,  and  hands  them  to  the 
Dasari,  who  performs  the  operation  of  branding.  For 
councils,  settlement  of  marriage,  and  the  decision  of 
other  social  matters,  the  Dasaris  meet,  at  times  of 
festivals,  at  well-known  places  such  as  Tirutani,  Tirupati 
or  Tiruvallur. 

At  the  annual  festival  at  the  temple  at  Karamadi  in 
the  Coimbatore  district,  which  is  visited  by  very  large 
numbers,  belonging  for  the  most  part  to  the  lower  orders, 
various  vows  are  fulfilled.  These  include  the  giving  of 
kavalam  to  Dasaris.  Kavalam  consists  of  plantain  fruits 
cut  up  into  small  slices,  and  mixed  with  sugar,  jaggery 
(crude  sugar),  fried  grain,  or  beaten  rice.  The  Dasaris 
are  attached  to  the  temple,  and  wear  short  drawers,  with 
strinsfs  of  small  brass  bells  tied  to  their  wrists  and  ankles. 
They  appear  to  be  possessed,  and  move  wildly  about  to 
the  beating  of  drums.     As  they  go  about,  the  devotee 


UA  SARIS. 


117  DASARI 

puts  some  of  the  kavalam  into  their  mouths.  The 
Dasaris  eat  a  little,  and  spit  out  the  remainder  into  the 
hands  of  the  devotees,  who  eat  it.  This  is  believed  to 
cure  all  diseases,  and  to  give  children  to  those  who 
partake  of  it.  In  addition  to  kavalam,  some  put  betel 
leaves  into  the  mouths  of  the  Dasaris,  who,  after  chewing 
them,  spit  them  into  the  mouths  of  the  devotees.  At 
night  the  Dasaris  carry  large  torches  made  of  rags,  on 
which  the  devotees  pour  ghi  (clarified  butter).  Some 
say  that,  many  years  ago,  barren  women  used  to  take  a 
vow  to  visit  the  temple  at  the  festival  time,  and,  after  offer- 
ing kavalam,  have  sexual  intercourse  with  the  Dasaris. 
The  temple  authorities,  however,  profess  ignorance  of 
this  practice. 

When  proceeding  on  a  pilgrimage  to  the  temple  of 
Subramanya  Swami  at  Palni,  some  devotees  pierce  their 
cheeks  with  a  long  silver  skewer,  which  traverses  the 
mouth  cavity  ;  pierce  the  tongue  with  a  silver  arrow, 
which  is  protruded  vertically  through  the  protruded 
organ  ;  and  place  a  silver  shield  (mouth-lock)  in  front  of 
the  mouth.  Some  Dasaris  have  permanent  holes  in 
their  cheeks,  into  which  they  insert  skewers  when  they 
go  about  the  country  in  pursuit  of  their  profession. 

For  the  following  note  on  Dasaris  in  the  Vizagapatam 
district,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana  Rao. 
The  caste  is  an  endogamous  unit,  the  members  calling 
themselves  Sankhu  (or  conch-blowing)  Dasaris,  and  is 
divided  into  numerous  exogamous  septs.  The  menari- 
kam  custom,  according  to  which  a  man  should  marry  his 
maternal  uncle's  daughter,  is  followed.  The  remarriage 
of  widows  is  permitted,  but  divorce  is  forbidden.  The 
dead  are  cremated,  and  the  chinna  (small)  and  pedda 
rozu  (big  day)  death  ceremonies  are  observed.  These 
Dasaris  profess  the  Tengalai  form  of  Vaishnavism,  and 


DASARI  Ii8 

get  themselves  branded.  The  caste  is  more  secular, 
and  less  religious  than  in  the  southern  districts.  A 
Dasari  of  the  North  Arcot  or  Anantapur  type,  with 
conch-shell,  metal  gong,  iron  lamp,  copper  vessel,  and 
metal  image  of  Hanuman  on  his  neck,  is  scarcely  met 
with.  The  Vizagapatam  Dasaris  are  the  most  popular 
among  ballad-singers,  and  sing  songs  about  heroes 
and  heroines,  of  which  the  following  are  the  most 
appreciated : — 

1.  Bobbilipata,  which  describes  the  siege  and 
conquest  of  Bobbili  by  Bussy  in  1757. 

2.  Ammi  Nayudupata,  which  describes  the  tyran- 
nical behaviour  of  one  Ammi  Nayudu,  a  village  headman 
in  the  Palkonda  taluk,  who  was  eventually  murdered,  to 
the  great  relief  of  those  subject  to  him,  by  one  of  his 
dependents. 

3.  Lakshmammapata,  which  relates  the  life  and 
death  of  Lakshmamma,  a  Velama  woman,  who  went 
against  the  menarikam  custom  of  the  caste,  and  was  put 
to  death  by  her  husband. 

4.  Yerakammaperantala-pata,  which  recounts  the 
story  of  one  Yerakamma,  who  committed  sati. 

Yerakamma  is  the  local  goddess  at  Srungavarapukota 
in  the  Vizagapatam  district.  The  ballads  sung  about 
her  say  that  she  was  the  child  of  Dasari  parents,  and 
that  her  birth  was  foretold  by  a  Yerukala  woman  (whence 
her  name),  who  prophesied  that  she  would  have  the  gift 
of  second  sight.  She  eventually  married,  and  one  day 
she  begged  her  husband  not  to  go  to  his  field,  as  she 
was  sure  he  would  be  killed  by  a  tiger  if  he  did.  Her 
husband  went  notwithstanding,  and  was  slain  as  she 
had  foreseen.  She  committed  sati  on  the  spot  where 
her  shrine  still  stands,  and  at  this  there  is  a  festival  at 
Sivaratri. 


119  DAYARE 

As  ballad-singers,  two  Dasaris  generally  travel  about 
together,  begging  from  house  to  house,  or  at  the  weekly 
market,  one  singing,  while  the  other  plays,  and  joins  in 
the  chorus. 

The  titles  of  these  Dasaris  are  Anna  and  Ayya. 

Dasari  has  been  recorded  as  an  exogamous  sept  of  the 
Koravas,  Malas,  and  Yerukalas. 

Dasi  (servant). — The  name  for  a  non-Brahman 
female  attendant  upon  a  Nambutiri  Brahman  woman, 
which  should  not,  as  sometimes  happens,  be  confused  with 
Deva-dasi,  [q.v.),  which  has  quite  another  significance. 

Dayare  (Muhammadan). — The    Dayare,   Daira,    or 
Mahadev  Muhammadans  are  found  in  the  Bangalore  and 
Mysore  districts  of  the  Mysore  province.     Concerning 
them,   we  are   informed  in  the  Mysore   Gazetteer  that 
"  they  differ  from  the  general  body  of  Muhammadans  in 
a  point  of  belief  concerning  the  advent  of  Imam  Mahadi. 
The   Dayares   maintain  that  he   has   visited   this  earth 
and  departed,  while  the  orthodox  Muhammadans  believe 
the  Prophet  (Imam)  has  not  yet  appeared,  and  that  his 
coming  will  be  a  sign   of  the   end  of  the  world.     The 
following  account  of  the  origin  of  this  body  of  dissenters 
has  been  related.     A  child  was  born  of  the  Sayad  sect  of 
Muhammadans  at  Guzrat  about  four  hundred  years  ago, 
who  was  named  Sayad  Ahmed,  and  afterwards  became 
distinguished  by  the  title  of  Alam  (superior  to  Maulvi) 
in  consequence  of  his  great   learning.     Sayad  Ahmed 
proclaimed  himself  the  equal  of  Mahomet,  and  superior 
to  all   other   Paigambars   or   messengers   of  god.     He 
succeeded  in  obtaining  some  followers  who  believed  in 
him,  and  repaired  to  Jivanpur  in  the  Nizam's  territories, 
where  he  took  the  name  of  Imam  Mahadi.     From  thence 
he,  with   some  disciples,  proceeded  to  Mecca,  but  did 
not   visit    Medina.     After    some    time    he    returned    to 


DAYARE 


1 20 


Hyderabad,  still  retaining  the  name  of  Imam  Mahadi. 
Such  pretensions  could  not  be  tolerated  by  the  great 
mass  of  Muhammadans,  and  Sayad  Ahmed,  together 
with  his  disciples,  being  worsted  in  a  great  religious 
controversy,  was  driven  out  of  Hyderabad,  and  came 
to  Channapatna  in  the  Bangalore  district,  where  they 
settled.  The  descendants  of  these  settlers  believe  that 
Sayad  Ahmed  was  the  Prophet  Imam  Mahadi  predicted 
in  the  Koran.  They  offer  prayers  in  a  masjid  of  their 
own,  separate  from  other  Muhammadans,  and  do  not 
intermarry  with  the  rest.  They  are  an  enterprising 
body,  and  carry  on  a  brisk  trade  in  silk  with  the  western 
coast."  They  are  mostly  domiciled  at  Channapatna, 
where  a  considerable  industry  in  the  cocoons  of  the 
mulberry  silk-moth  is  carried  on. 

When  an  adult  Hindu  joins  the  Dayares  as  a  convert, 
an  interesting  mock  rite  of  circumcision  is  performed  as 
a  substitute  for  the  real  operation.  A  strip  of  betel  leaf 
is  wrapped  round  the  penis,  so  that  it  projects  beyond 
the  glans,  and  is  snipped  instead  of  the  prepuce. 

Like  other  Muhammadan  classes  of  Southern  India, 
the  Dayares  are  as  a  whole  dolichocephalic.  But  the 
frequent  occurrence  of  individuals  with  a  high  cephalic 
index  would  seem  to  point  to  their  recruitment  from  the 
mesaticephalic  or  brachycephalic  Canarese  classes. 


Class. 

Locality. 

Number 
examined. 

Number  of 

times 

cephalic 

index 

exceeded  St., 

Mappilla            

Saiyad    ... 

Pathan 

Sheik      

Dilyare    ... 

Malabar 

Madras 

Do 

Do 

Mysore 

40 
40 
40 
40 
40 

0 
2 

2 
2 

8 

121  DESAYI 

Dayyalakulam  (devil's  family). — Recorded,  at  times 
of  census,  as  a  sub-caste  of  Gollas,  who  are  wrestlers 
and  acrobats. 

Dedingi.— Recorded  as  a  sub-division  of  Poroja. 

Dera.— Dera,  Dendra,  and  Devara  occur  as  syno- 
nyms of  Devanga. 

Desa.— A  sub-division  of  Balija.  Desadhipati,  de- 
noting ruler  of  a  country,  is  a  name  assumed  by  some 
Janappans,  who  say  that  they  are  Balijas. 

Desayi.— For  the  following  account  of  the  Desayi 
institution,  I  am  indebted  to  an  excellent  account  thereof 
by  Mr.  S.  M.  Natesa  Sastri.*  "  The  word  Desayi  means 
of  the  country.  For  almost  every  taluk  in  the  North 
Arcot  district  there  is  a  headman,  called  the  Desayi 
Chetti,  who  may  be  said  in  a  manner  to  correspond  to 
a  Justice  of  the  Peace.  The  headmen  belong  to  the 
Kavarai  or  Balija  caste,  their  family  name  being  Dhana- 
pala — a  common  name  among  the  Kavarais — w^hich  may 
be  interpreted  as  '  the  protector  of  wealth.'  The  Dhana- 
pala  Desayi  Chetti  holds  sway  over  eighteen  castes, 
Kavarai,  Uppara,  Lambadi,  Jogi,  Idiga,  Paraiyan,  etc. 
All  those  that  are  called  valangai,  or  right-hand  caste, 
fall  within  his  jurisdiction.  He  has  an  establishment  of 
two  peons  (orderlies),  who  are  castemen,  and  another 
menial,  a  sort  of  bugler,  who  blows  the  horn  whenever 
the  Desayi  Chetti  goes  on  circuit.  When  any  deviation 
in  the  moral  conduct  of  any  man  or  woman  occurs  in  a 
village  under  the  Desayi's  jurisdiction,  a  report  of  it  is  at 
once  sent  to  the  Desayi  Chetti,  through  the  Paraiya  of 
the  village,  by  the  Desayi's  representative  in  that  village. 
He  has  his  local  agent  in  every  village  within  his  juris- 
diction.    On  receipt  of  a  report,  he  starts  on  circuit  to  the 


*  Madras  Mail,    1901. 


DESAYI  122 

village,  with  all  the  quaint-looking  paraphernalia  attached 
to  his  office.  He  moves  about  from  place  to  place 
in  his  bullock  coach,  the  inside  of  which  is  upholstered 
with  a  soft  cushion  bed,  with  a  profusion  of  pillows 
on  all  sides.  The  Paraiya  horn-blower  runs  in  front  of 
the  carriage  blowing  the  horn  (bhamka),  which  he  carries 
suspended  from  his  shoulder  when  it  is  not  in  use.  On 
the  D^sayi  Chetti  arriving  at  a  village,  the  horn  is  blown 
to  announce  his  visit  on  professional  matters.  While  he 
camps  at  a  village,  people  from  the  surrounding  country 
within  his  jurisdiction  usually  go  to  him  with  any  repre- 
sentations they  may  have  to  make  to  him  as  the  head 
of  their  caste.  The  Desayi  generally  encamps  in  a  tope 
(grove)  adjoining  the  village.  At  the  sound  of  the  horn, 
the  castemen  on  whose  account  the  visit  is  made  assem- 
ble at  the  place  of  encampment,  with  the  Desayi's  local 
representative  at  their  head.  The  personal  comforts  of 
the  Desayi  are  first  attended  to,  and  he  is  liberally  sup- 
plied with  articles  of  food  by  the  party  on  whose  account 
the  visit  has  been  undertaken.  A  large  cup-shaped 
spoon  is  the  ensign  of  the  Desayi.  On  the  outer  surface, 
all  round  its  edge,  are  carved  in  relief  eighteen  figures, 
each  one  being  typical  of  one  of  the  castes  of  which  the 
Desayi  is  the  social  head.  Under  each  figure  is  inscribed 
in  Tamil  the  name  of  the  caste  which  that  figure  typifies. 
The  figures  are  smeared  with  red  powder  and  sandal,  and 
decorated  with  (lowers.  The  menial,  taking  up  the  cup, 
rings  the  bell  attached  to  it,  to  summon  the  parties.  As 
soon  as  the  sound  is  heard,  the  castemen  amongst  whom 
any  offence  has  occurred  assemble,  each  house  in  the 
village  being  represented  by  a  member,  so  as  to  make 
up  a  panchayat  (council).  The  Desayi's  emblem  is  then 
placed  in  front  of  him  in  the  midst  of  the  panchayat, 
and  a  regular  enquiry  held.     Supposing  a  person  stands 


•v 


y. 


123  DESAYI 

charged  with  adultery,  the  accused  is  brought  before  the 
assembly,  and  the  charge  formally  investigated  with  the 
advice  of  the  panchayat,  the  Desayi  declares  the  accused 
guilty  or  not  guilty,  as  the  case  may  be.     In  the  event 
of  a  man  being  pronounced  guilty,  the  panchayat  directs 
him  to  pay  the  aggrieved  husband  all  the  expenses  he 
had  incurred  in  connection  with  his  marriage.     In  addi- 
tion to  this,  a  line  ranging  from  ten  to  twenty  rupees  is 
imposed  on  the  offender  by  the  Desayi,  and  is  collected 
at  once.     A  small  fraction  of  this  fine,  never  exceeding 
four  annas,  is  paid  to  every  representative  who  sits  in  the 
panchayat,  the  balance  going  into  the  Desayi's  pocket. 
If  the  delinquent  refuses  to  pay  the  fine,  a  council  of 
the  same  men  is  held,  and  he  is  excommunicated.     The 
recalcitrant  offender   soon   realises   the   horrors   of    ex- 
communication, and  in  a  short  time  appears  before  the 
Desayi,    and    falls  prostrate    at    his  feet,   promising  to 
obey  him.     The   Desayi  then  accompanies  him  to  the 
village,  calls  the  panchayat  again,  and  in  their  presence 
removes  the   interdict.     On  this  occasion,   the   excom- 
municated person  has  to  pay  double  the  amount  of  the 
original  fine.     But  disobedience  is  rare,  as  people  are 
alive  to  the  serious  consequences  of  excommunication. 
The  Desayi  maintains  a  regular  record  of  all  his  enquiries 
and  judgments,   and  in  the  days  of  the  Nawabs  these 
decisions    were,    it    would    appear,    recognised    by   the 
Courts  of  Justice.     The   same   respect  was,  it  is   said, 
also  shown  to  the  Desayi's  decisions  by  the  early  courts 
of  John  Company.  * 

"  Every  house  belonging  to  the  eighteen  castes  sends 
to  the  village  representative  of  the  Desayi,  who  is  called 
Periyatanakaran,   a  pagoda   (Rs.    3-8)  in  cash,  besides 

•  John  Company,  a  corruption  of  Company  Jehaii,  a  title  of  the  English 
East  India  Company. 


DESIKAR  124 

rice,  dhcll  [Cajaims  Indicus),  and  other  articles  of  food 
for  every  marriage  that  takes  place,  in  the  village.  The 
representative  reserves  for  himself  all  the  perishable 
articles,  sending  only  the  cash  to  the  Desayi.  Thus, 
for  every  marriage  within  his  jurisdiction,  the  Desayi 
gets  one  pagoda.  Of  late,  in  the  case  of  those  Desayis 
who  have  purchased  their  rights  as  such  from  the  old 
Desayis,  instead  of  a  pagoda,  a  fee  of  two  annas  and  a 
half  is  levied  on  each  marriage.  Every  death  which 
occurs  in  a  village  is  equally  a  source  of  income  to  the 
Desayi,  who  receives  articles  of  food,  and  four  annas  or 
more,  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the  parties  in 
whose  house  the  death  has  occurred.  As  in  the  case  of 
marriage,  the  local  representative  appropriates  to  him- 
self the  articles  of  food,  and  transmits  the  money  to  the 
Desayi.  The  local  agent  keeps  a  list  of  all  domestic 
occurrences  that  take  place  in  the  village,  and  this  list 
is  most  carefully  scrutinised  and  checked  by  the  Desayi 
during  his  tours,  and  any  amount  left  unpaid  is  then 
collected.  Whenever  a  marriage  takes  place  in  his  own 
house,  all  the  houses  within  his  jurisdiction  are  bound 
to  send  him  rice,  dhal,  and  other  articles,  and  any  money 
they  can  afford  to  pay.  Sometimes  rich  people  send 
large  sums  to  the  Desayi,  to  enable  him  to  purchase  the 
clothes,  jewels,  etc.,  required  for  the  marriage.  When 
a  Desayi  finds  his  work  too  heavy  for  him  to  attend 
to  single-handed,  he  sells  a  portion  of  his  jurisdiction 
for  some  hundreds  or  thousands  of  rupees,  according  to 
its  extent,  to  some  relation.  A  regular  sale  deed  is 
executed  and  registered."     [See  also  Samaya.) 

Desikar. — A  sub-division  and  title  of  Pandaram. 

Desur. — The  name  of  a  sub-division  of  Kapu,  which 
is  either  territorial,  or  possibly  derived  from  deha,  body, 
and  sura,  valour. 


125  d£va-dasi 

Deva.— Deva  or  Devara,  meaning  God,  has  been 
recorded  as  a  synonym  of  Devanga  and  Ganiga  or  Gandla 
and  a  sept  of  Moger,  and  Deva  Telikulakali  as  a  name 
for  those  who  express  and  sell  oils  in  the  Vizagapatam 
district.  Devara  occurs  further  as  a  title  of  the  Jangams. 
At  the  Madras  Census,  1901,  Devar  was  returned  as 
the  name  of  Telugu  merchants  from  Pondicherry  trading 
in  glassware.  Devar  is  also  the  title  of  Occhans,  who 
are  priests  at  temples  of  village  deities.  The  title  of 
Maravans  is  Devan  or  Tevan.  In  South  Canara,  the 
Halepaiks  (toddy-drawers)  are  known  as  Devaru  Mak- 
kalu  (God's  children),  which,  it  has  been  suggested,*  is 
possibly  a  corruption  of  Tivaru  or  Divaru  Makkalu, 
meaning  children  of  the  islanders,  in  reference  to  their 
supposed  descent  from  early  immigrants  from  the  island 
of  Ceylon. 

Deva-dasi.^In  old  Hindu  works,  seven  classes  of 
Dasis  are  mentioned,  viz.,  (i)  Datta,  or  one  who  gives 
herself  as  a  gift  to  a  temple  ;  (2)  Yikrita,  or  one  who  sells 
herself  for  the  same  purpose  ;  (3)  Bhritya,  or  one  who 
offers  herself  as  a  temple  servant  for  the  prosperity  of 
her  family ;  (4)  Bhakta,  or  one  who  joins  a  temple  out 
of  devotion  ;  (5)  Hrita,  or  one  who  is  enticed  away,  and 
presented  to  a  temple  ;  (6)  Alankara,  or  one  who,  being 
well  trained  in  her  profession,  and  profusely  decked, 
is  presented  to  a  temple  by  kings  and  noblemen  ;  (7) 
Rudraganika  or  Gopika,  who  receive  regular  wages  from 
a  temple,  and  are  employed  to  sing  and  dance.  For  the 
following  general  account  I  am  indebted  to  the  Madras 
Census  Report,  1901  : — 

"  Dasis  or  Deva-dasis  (handmaidens  of  the  gods) 
are  dancing-girls  attached    to  the  Tamil  temples,  who 


•  Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district. 


DEVA-DASI  126 

subsist  by  dancing  and  music,  and  the  practice  of  '  the 
oldest  profession  in  the  world.'     The  Dasis  were  probably 
in  the  beoinning  the  result  of  left-handed  unions  between 
members  of  two  different  castes,  but  they  are  now  partly 
recruited  by  admissions,  and  even  purchases,  from  other 
classes.     The  profession  is  not  now  held  in  the  consi- 
deration   it   once    enjoyed.      Formerly  they  enjoyed    a 
considerable    social    position.     It    is  one    of  the    many 
inconsistencies  of  the  Hindu  religion  that,  though  their 
profession  is  repeatedly  and  vehemently  condemned  by 
the  Shastras,  it  has  always  received  the  countenance  of 
the  church.     The  rise  of  the  caste,  and  its  euphemistic 
name,  seem  both  of  them  to  date  from  about  the  ninth 
and  tenth  centuries  A.D.,   during  which  much  activity 
prevailed  in  Southern   India  in  the  matter  of  building 
temples,  and  elaborating  the  services  held  in  them.     The 
dancing-girls'  duties,  then  as  now,  were  to  fan  the  idol 
with  chamaras  (Tibetan  ox  tails),  to   carry  the  sacred 
light  called  kumbarti,  and  to  sing  and  dance  before  the 
god  when  he  was  carried  in  procession.     Inscriptions  * 
show  that,   in  A.D.  1004,  the  great  temple  of  the  Chola 
king  Rajaraja  at  Tanjore  had  attached  to  it  four  hundred 
talic'  cheri  pendugal,  or  women  of  the  temple,  who  lived 
in  free  quarters  in  the  four  streets  round  about  it,  and 
were  allowed  tax-free  land  out  of  the  endowment.     Other 
temples  had  similar  arrangements.     At  the  beginning 
of  the  last  century  there  were  a  hundred  dancing-girls 
attached    to   the    temple   at    Conjeeveram,    who    were, 
Buchanan  tells  us,t   '  kept  for  the  honour  of  the  deities 
and  the  amusement  of  their  votaries  ;  and  any  familiarity 
between  these  girls  and  an  infidel  would  occasion  scandal.' 
At  Madura,  Conjeeveram,   and  Tanjore   there  are   still 


*  South  Indian  Inscriptions,  Vol.  II,  part  3,  p.  259. 

t  Journey  from  Madras  through  Mysore,  Canara  and  Malabar,  1807. 


127  DEVA-DASI 

numbers  of  them,  who  receive  allowances  from  the 
endowments  of  the  big  temples  at  these  places.  In 
former  clays,  the  profession  was  countenanced  not  only 
by  the  church,  but  also  by  the  State.  Abdur  Razaak,  a 
Turkish  ambassador  at  the  court  of  Vijayanagar  in  the 
fifteenth  century,  describes  *  women  of  this  class  as 
living  in  State-controlled  institutions,  the  revenue  of 
which  went  towards  the  upkeep  of  the  police. 

"At  the  present  day  they  form  a  regular  caste, 
having  its  own  laws  of  inheritance,  its  own  customs  and 
rules  of  etiquette,  and  its  own  panchayats  (councils)  to 
see  that  all  these  are  followed,  and  thus  hold  a  position, 
which  is  perhaps  without  a  parallel  in  any  other  country. 
Dancing-girls,  dedicated  to  the  usual  profession  of  the 
caste,  are  formally  married  in  a  temple  to  a  sword  or  a 
god,  the  tali  (marriage  badge)  being  tied  round  their 
necks  by  some  men  of  their  caste.  It  was  a  standing 
puzzle  to  the  census  enumerators  whether  such  women 
should  be  entered  as  married  in  the  column  referrino-  to 
civil  condition. 

"Among  the  Dasis,  sons  and  daughters  inherit 
equally,  contrary  to  ordinary  Hindu  usage.  Some  of  the 
sons  remain  in  the  caste,  and  live  by  playing  music  for 
the  women  to  dance  to,  and  accompaniments  to  their 
songs,  or  by  teaching  singing  and  dancing  to  the  younger 
girls,  and  music  to  the  boys.  These  are  called  Nattu- 
vans.  Others  marry  some  girl  of  the  caste,  who  is  too 
plain  to  be  likely  to  be  a  success  in  the  profession,  and 
drift  out  of  the  community.  Some  of  these  affix  to  their 
names  the  terms  Pillai  and  Mudali,  which  are  the  usual 
titles  of  the  two  castes  (Vellala  and  Kaikola)  from  which 
most  of  the  Dasis  are  recruited,  and  try  to  live  down  the 


*  Elliott.     History  of  India. 


DEVA-DASI  128 

stigma  attaching  to  their  birth.  Others  join  the  Melak- 
karans  or  professional  musicians.  Cases  have  occurred, 
in  which  wealthy  sons  of  dancing-women  have  been 
allowed  to  marry  girls  of  respectable  parentage  of  other 
castes,  but  they  are  very  rare.  The  daughters  of  the 
caste,  who  are  brought  up  to  follow  the  caste  profession, 
are  carefully  taught  dancing,  singing,  the  art  of  dressing 
well,  and  the  ars  amoris,  and  their  success  in  keeping  up 
their  clientele  is  largely  due  to  the  contrast  which  they 
thus  present  to  the  ordinary  Hindu  housewife,  whose 
ideas  are  bounded  by  the  day's  dinner  and  the  babies. 
The  dancing-girl  castes,  and  their  allies  the  Melakkarans, 
are  now  practically  the  sole  repository  of  Indian  music, 
the  system  of  which  is  probably  one  of  the  oldest  in  the 
world.  Besides  them  and  the  Brahmans,  few  study  the 
subject.  The  barbers'  bands  of  the  villages  usually 
display  more  energy  than  science.  A  notable  exception, 
however,  exists  in  Madras  city,  which  has  been  known 
to  attempt  the  Dead  March  in  Saul  at  funerals  in  the 
Pariah  quarters. 

"  There  are  two  divisions  among  the  Dasis,  called 
Valangai  (right-hand)  and  Idangai  (left-hand).  The 
chief  distinction  between  them  is  that  the  former  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Kammalans  (artisans)  or 
any  other  of  the  left-hand  castes,  or  play  or  sing  in  their 
houses.  The  latter  division  is  not  so  particular,  and  its 
members  are  consequently  sometimes  known  as  the 
Kammala  Dasis.  Neither  division,  however,  is  allowed 
to  have  any  dealings  with  men  of  the  lowest  castes,  and 
violation  of  this  rule  of  etiquette  is  tried  by  a  panchayat 
of  the  caste,  and  visited  with  excommunication. 

"  In  the  Telugu  districts,  the  dancing-girls  are 
called  Bogams  and  Sanis.  They  are  supposed  to  be 
dedicated  to  the  gods,  just  as  the  Dasis  are,  but  there  is 


1 29  DEVA-DASI 

only  one  temple  in  the  northern  part  of  the  Presidency 
which  maintains  a  corps  of  these  women  in  the  manner 
in  vogue  further  south.  This  exception  is  the  shrine  of 
Sri  Kurmam  in  Vizagapatam,  the  dancing-girls  attached 
to  which  are  known  as  Kurmapus,  In  Vizagapatam 
most  of  the  Bogams  and  Sanis  belong  to  the  Nagavasulu 
and  Palli  castes,  and  their  male  children  often  call  them- 
selves Nagavasulus,  but  in  Nellore,  Kurnool  and  Bellary 
they  are  often  Balijas  and  Yerukalas.  In  Nellore  the 
Bogams  are  said  to  decline  to  sing  in  the  houses  of 
Komatis.  The  men  of  the  Sanis  do  not  act  as  accom- 
panists to  their  women  at  nautch  parties,  as  Bogam  and 
Dasi  men  do. 

"  In  the  Oriya  country  the  dancing-girl  caste  is  called 
Guni,  but  there  they  have  even  less  connection  with  the 
temples  than  the  Bogams  and  Sanis,  not  being  even 
dedicated  to  the  god. 

"  In  the  Canarese  (or  western)  taluks  of  Bellary,  and 
in  the  adjoining  parts  of  Dharwar  and  Mysore,  a  curious 
custom  obtains  among  the  Boyas,  Bedarus,  and  certain 
other  castes,  under  which  a  family  which  has  no  male 
issue  must  dedicate  one  of  its  daughters  as  a  Basavi. 
The  girl  is  taken  to  a  temple,  and  married  there  to  the 
god,  a  tali  and  toe-rings  being  put  on  her,  and  thence- 
forward she  becomes  a  public  woman,  except  that  she 
does  not  consort  with  any  one  of  lower  caste  than  herself. 
She  is  not,  however,  despised  on  this  account,  and  indeed 
at  weddings  she  prepares  the  tali  (perhaps  because  she 
can  never  be  a  widow).  Contrary  to  all  Hindu  Law, 
she  shares  in  the  family  property  as  though  she  was 
a  son,  but  her  right  to  do  so  has  not  yet  been  confirmed 
by  the  Civil  Courts.  If  she  has  a  son,  he  takes  her 
father's  name,  but  if  only  a  daughter,  that  daughter 
again  becomes  a  Basavi.  The  children  of  Basavis 
II -9 


DEVA-DASI  1 30 

marry  within  their  own    caste,   without   restrictions  of 
any  kind. 

"In  Malabar  there  is  no  regular  community  of 
dancing-girls  ;  nor  is  there  among  the  Mussalmans  of 
any  part  of  the  Presidency." 

"  No  doubt,"  Monier  Williams  writes,*  "  Dasis  drive 
a  profitable  trade  under  the  sanction  of  religion,  and  some 
courtesans  have  been  known  to  amass  enormous  fortunes. 
Nor  do  they  think  it  inconsistent  with  their  method  of 
making  money  to  spend  it  in  works  of  piety.  Here  and 
there  Indian  bridges  and  other  useful  public  works  owe 
their  existence  to  the  liberality  of  the  frail  sisterhood." 
The  large  tank  (lake)  at  Channarayapatna  in  Mysore 
was  built  by  two  dancing-girls. 

In  the  Travancore  Census  Report,  1901,  the  Dasis 
of  the  Coromandel  coast  are  compared,  in  the  words  of 
a  Sanskrit  poet,  to  walking  flesh-trees  bearing  golden 
fruits.  The  observant  Abbe  Dubois  noticed  that,  of  all 
the  women  in  India,  it  is  especially  the  courtesans  who 
are  the  most  decently  clothed,  as  experience  has  taught 
them  that  for  a  woman  to  display  her  charms  damps 
sensual  ardour  instead  of  exciting  it,  and  that  the  imagi- 
nation is  more  easily  captivated  than  the  eye. 

It  was  noticed  by  Lord  Dufferin,  on  the  occasion  of  a 
Viceregal  visit  to  Madura,  that  the  front  part  of  the  dress 
of  the  dancing-girls  hangs  in  petticoats,  but  the  back  is 
only  trousers. 

The  Rev.  A.  Margoschis  writes  in  connection  with 
the  practice  of  dilating  the  lobes  of  the  ears  in  Tinnevelly, 
that,  as  it  was  once  the  fashion  and  a  mark  of  respecta- 
bility to  have  long  ears,  so  now  the  converse  is  true. 
Until  a  few  years  ago,  if  a  woman  had  short  ears,  she 


•  Brahmanism  and  Hinduism. 


1 3 1  DEVA-DASI 

was  asked  if  she  was  a  Deva-dasi,  because  that  class 
kept  their  ears  natural.  Now,  with  the  change  of 
customs  all  round,  even  dancing-girls  are  found  with 
long  ears.  "  The  dancing-girls  are,"  the  Rev.  M.  Phillips 
writes,*  "the  most  accomplished  women  among  the 
Hindus.  They  read,  write,  sing  and  play  as  well  as 
dance.  Hence  one  of  the  great  objections  urged  at  first 
against  the  education  of  girls  was  '  We  don't  want  our 
daughters  to  become  dancing-girls  '." 

It  is   on  record  t  that,  in    1791,   the   Nabob   of  the 
Carnatic  dined  with  the  Governor  of  ^Madras,  and  that, 
after  dinner,  they  were  diverted  with  the  dancing  wenches, 
and    the    Nabob   was    presented    with   cordial    waters, 
French  brandy  and    embroidered    China   quilts.      The 
story  is  told  of  a  Governor  of  Madras  in  more  recent 
times,  who,  ignorant  of  the  inverse  method  of  beckoning 
to    a  person  to    advance    or  retreat    in  the    East,   was 
scandalised  when  a  nautch  girl    advanced  rapidly,   till 
he  thought  she  was  going  to  sit  in  his  lap.     At  a  nautch 
in  the  fort  of  the  INIandasa  Zemindar  in  honour  of  Sir 
M.  E.  Grant  Duff,i  the  dancins^-Qrirls  danced  to  the  air 
of  Malbrook  se  va  ten  guerre.     Bussy  taught  it  to  the 
dancing-girls,  and   they    to  their   neighbours.      In  the 
Vizagapatam  and  Godavari  jungles,  natives  apostrophise 
timers  as  Bussv.     Whether  the  name  is  connected  with 
Bussy  I  know  not. 

Of  Deva-dasis  at  the  Court  of  Tippoo  Sultan,  the 
following  account  was  published  in  1801.  §  "  Comme 
Souverain    dune     partie     du     Visapour,     Tippoo-Saib 


*  Evolution  of  Hinduism,  1903. 
t  J.  T.  \\Tieeler.     Madras  in  the  Olden  Time. 
X  Notes  from  a  Diary,  188 1 — 86. 

§  J.  Michaud.     Histoire  des  Progres  et  de  la  Chute  de  FEmpire  de  Mysore, 
sons  les  Regnes  d'Hyder-Aly  et  Tippoo  Saib. 
II-9  B 


DEVA-DASI  132 

jouissoit  de  la  facilite  d'avoir  parmi  scs  bayaderes  celles 
qui  etoient  les  plus  renommees  par  leurs  talens,  leurs 
graces,  leur  beaute,  etc.  Ces  bayaderes  sont  des  dan- 
seuses  superieures  dans  leur  genre  ;  tout  danse  et  tout 
joue  en  meme-tems  chez  elles  ;  leur  tete,  leurs  yeux, 
leurs  bras,  leurs  pieds,  tout  leur  corps,  semblent  ne  se 
mouvoir  que  from  enchanter ;  elles  sont  d'une  incroyable 
legerete,  et  ont  le  jarret  aussi  fort  que  souple ;  leur  taille 
est  des  plus  sveltes  et  des  plus  elegantes,  et  elles 
n'ont  pas  un  mouvement  qui  ne  soit  une  grace.  La  plus 
agee  de  ces  femmes  n'avoit  pas  plus  de  seize  a  dix- 
sept  ans.  Aussi  tot  qu'elles  atteignoient  cet  age,  on  les 
reformoit,  et  alors  elles  alloient  courir  les  provinces,  on 
s'attachoient  a  des  pagodes,  dans  lesqueles  elles  etoient 
entretcnues,  et  ou  leurs  charmes  etoient  un  des  meilleurs 
revenus  des  brames." 

General  Burton  narrates  *  how  a  civilian  of  the  old 
school  built  a  house  at  Bhavani,  and  established  a  corps 
de  ballet,  i.e.,  a  set  of  nautch  girls,  whose  accomplish- 
ments actually  extended  to  singing  God  save  the  King, 
and  this  was  kept  up  by  their  descendants,  so  that,  when 
he  visited  the  place  in  1852,  he  was  "greeted  by  the 
whole  party,  bedizened  in  all  their  finery,  and  squalling 
the  national  anthem  as  if  they  understood  it,  which  they 
did  not."  With  this  may  be  contrasted  a  circular  from  a 
modern  European  official,  which  states  that  "during  my 
jamabandy  (land  revenue  settlement)  tour,  people  have 
sometimes  been  kind  enough  to  arrange  singing  or 
dancing  parties,  and,  as  it  would  have  been  discourteous 
to  decline  to  attend  what  had  cost  money  to  arrange, 
I  have  accepted  the  compliment  in  the  spirit  in  which  it 
was  offered.     I  should,  however,  be  glad  if  you  would 


*  An  Indian  Olio. 


133  DEVA-DASI 

let  it  be  generally  known  that  I  am  entirely  in  accord 
with  what  is  known  as  the  anti-nautch  movement  in 
regard  to  such  performances." 

It  was  unanimously  decided,  in  1905,  by  the  Executive 
Committee  of  the  Prince  and  Princess  of  Wales'  reception 
fund,  that  there  should  be  no  performance  by  nautch 
girls  at  the  entertainment  to  be  given  to  Their  Royal 
Highnesses  at  Madras. 

In  a  note  on  Basavis,  the  Collector  of  the   Bellary 
district  writes  that  "  it  is  usual  among  Hindus  to  dedicate 
a  bull  for  public  use  on  the  death  of  a  member  of  their 
family.     These  are    the  breeding  bulls    of  the    village 
flock.      Similarly,   cows  are   dedicated,   and   are  called 
Basavis.      No  stigma  attaches  to  Basavis  or  their  chil- 
dren,   and  they  are  received  on  terms  of  equality  by 
other  members  of  their  caste.     The  origin  of  the  institu- 
tion, it  has  been  suggested,  may  probably  be  traced  to 
the  time  when  the  Boyas,  and  other  castes  which  dedi- 
cate Basavis,  were  soldiers,  and  the  Basavis   acted  as 
camp-followers  and  nurses    of  the   wounded   in    battle. 
According   to    Hindu   custom,    the   wives    of  the    men 
could    not    be    taken    from     their    homes,    and,    other 
women    of    the    caste    being    required    to    attend    to 
their   comforts,   the  institution    of  Basavis    might  have 
been  started  ;  or,  if  they  existed  before  then  as  religious 
devotees  attached   to   temples,   they  might   have  been 
pressed  into  their  service,  and  the  number  added  to  as 
occasion  required.     In  Narayandevarkeri  there  are  many 
Boyas  and  many  Basavis.     On  the  car-festival  day,  the 
Boyas  cannot  take  meals  until  the  car  is  taken  back  to 
its  original  place  after  the  procession.     Sometimes,  owing 
to  some  accident,  this  cannot  be  done  the  same  day,  and 
the  car-drawing  Boyas  sleep  near  the  car,  and  do  not  go 
to  their  houses.     Then   it  is   their    Basavis   who   bring 


DEVA-DASI  134 

them  food,  and  not  their  wives."  At  Adoni  I  have  seen 
a  Basavi,  who  was  working  at  a  cotton  press  for  a  daily 
wage  of  three  annas,  in  full  dress  on  a  holiday  in  honour 
of  a  local  deity,  wearing  an  elaborately  chased  silver 
waist  belt  and  abundant  silver  jewelry.  The  following 
are  examples  of  petitions  presented  to  a  European 
Magistrate  and  Superintendent  of  Police  by  girls  who 
are  about  to  become  Basavis  : — 

Petition  of aged  about  17  or  18. 

I  have  agreed  to  become  a  Basavi,  and  get  myself  stamped  by  my 
guru  (priest)  according  to  the  custom  of  my  caste.  I  request  that  my 
proper  age,  which  entitles  me  to  be  stamped,  may  be  personally 
ascertained,  and  permission  granted  to  be  stamped. 

The  stamping  refers  to  branding  with  the  emblems 
of  the  chank  and  chakram. 

Petition  of ivife  of . 

I  have  got  two  daughters,  aged  15  and  12  respectively.  As  I  have 
no  male  issues,  I  have  got  to  necessarily  celebrate  the  ceremony  in 
the  temple  in  connection  with  the  tying  of  the  goddess's  tali  to  my 
two  daughters  under  the  orders  of  the  guru,  in  accordance  with  the 
customs  of  my  caste.  I,  therefore,  submit  this  petition  for  fear  that 
the  authorities  may  raise  any  objection  (under  the  Age  of  Consent 
Act).  I,  therefore,  request  that  the  Honourable  Court  may  be  pleased 
to  give  permission  to  the  tying  of  the  tali  to  my  daughters. 

Petition  of  two  girls,  aged  17  to  19. 

Our  father  and  mother  are  dead.  Now  we  wish  to  be  like 
prostitutes,  as  we  are  not  willing  to  be  married,  and  thus  establish 
our  house-name.  Our  mother  also  was  of  this  profession.  We  now 
request  permission  to  be  prostitutes  according  to  our  religion,  after 
we  are  sent  before  the  Medical  Officer. 

The  permission  referred  to  in  the  above  petitions 
bears  reference  to  a  decision  of  the  High  Court  that,  a 
girl  who  becomes  a  Basavi  being  incapable  of  contract- 
ing a  legal  marriage,  her  dedication  when  a  minor  is  an 
offence  under  the  Penal  Code. 


135  d£va-dasi 

At  Adoni  the  dead  body  of  a  new-born  infant  was 
found  in  a  ditch,  and  a  Basavi,  working  with  others  in 
a  cotton  factory,  was  suspected  of  foul  play.  The 
station-house  officer  announced  his  intention  of  visiting 
the  factory,  and  she  who  was  in  a  state  of  lactation,  and 
could  produce  no  baby  to  account  for  her  condition, 
would  be  the  culprit.  Writing  concerning  the  Basavis 
of  the  Bellary  district,*  Mr.  W.  Francis  tells  us  that 
"  parents  without  male  issue  often,  instead  of  adopting 
a  son  in  the  usual  manner,  dedicate  a  daughter  by  a 
simple  ceremony  to  the  god  of  some  temple,  and  thence- 
forth, by  immemorial  custom,  she  may  inherit  her  parents' 
property,  and  perform  their  funeral  rites  as  if  she  was  a 
son.  She  does  not  marry,  but  lives  in  her  parents'  house 
with  any  man  of  equal  or  higher  caste  whom  she  may 
select,  and  her  children  inherit  her  father's  name  and 
bedagu  (sept),  and  not  those  of  their  own  father.  If  she 
has  a  son,  he  inherits  her  property ;  if  she  has  only 
a  daughter,  that  daughter  again  becomes  a  Basavi, 
Parents  desiring  male  issue  of  their  own,  cure  from 
sickness  in  themselves  or  their  children,  or  relief  from 
some  calamity,  will  similarly  dedicate  their  daughter. 
The  children  of  a  Basavi  are  legitimate,  and  neither  they 
nor  their  mothers  are  treated  as  being  in  any  way 
inferior  to  their  fellows.  A  Basavi,  indeed,  from  the 
fact  that  she  can  never  be  a  w^idow,  is  a  most  welcome 
guest  at  weddings.  Basavis  differ  from  the  ordinary 
dancing-girls  dedicated  at  temples  in  that  their  duties  in 
the  temples  (which  are  confined  to  the  shrine  of  their 
dedication)  are  almost  nominal,  and  that  they  do  not 
prostitute  themselves  promiscuously  for  hire.  A  Basavi 
very  usually  lives  faithfully  with  one  man,  who  allows  her 


Manual  of  the  Bellary  district. 


DEVA-DASI  136 

a  fixed  sum  weekly  for  her  maintenance,  and  a  fixed 
quantity  of  new  raiment  annually,  and  she  works  for  her 
family  as  hard  as  any  other  woman.  Basavis  are  out- 
wardly indistinguishable  from  other  women,  and  are  for 
the  most  part  coolies.  In  places  there  is  a  custom  by 
which  they  are  considered  free  to  change  their  protectors 
once  a  year  at  the  village  car-festival  or  some  similar 
anniversary,  and  they  usually  seize  this  opportunity  of 
putting  their  partner's  affections  to  the  test  by  suggest- 
ing that  a  new  cloth  and  bodice  would  be  a  welcome 
present.  So  poor,  as  a  rule,  are  the  husbands  that  the 
police  aver  that  the  anniversaries  are  preceded  by  an 
unusual  crop  of  petty  thefts  and  burglaries  committed 
by  them  in  their  efforts  to  provide  their  customary  gifts." 
A  recent  report  of  a  Police  Inspector  in  the  Bellary 
district  states  that  "crimes  are  committed  here  and  there, 
as  this  is  Nagarapanchami  time.  Nagarapanchami 
festival  is  to  be  celebrated  at  the  next  Ammavasya  or 
ftew-moon  day.  It  is  at  that  time  the  people  keeping 
the  prostitutes  should  pay  their  dues  on  that  day ; 
otherwise  they  will  have  their  new  engagements." 

In  the  Kurnool  district,  the  Basavi  system  is 
practised  by  the  Boyas,  but  differs  from  that  in  vogue 
in  Bellary  and  Mysore.  The  object  of  making  a  Basavi, 
in  these  two  localities,  is  to  perpetuate  the  family  when 
there  is  no  male  heir.  If  the  only  issue  in  a  family  is  a 
female,  the  family  becomes  extinct  if  she  marries,  as  by 
marriage  she  changes  her  sept.  To  prevent  this,  she  is 
not  married,  but  dedicated  as  a  Basavi,  and  continues  to 
belong  to  her  father's  sept,  to  which  also  any  male  issue 
which  is  born  to  her  belongs.  In  the  Kurnool  district 
the  motive  in  making  Basavis  is  different.  The  girl  is 
not  wedded  to  an  idol,  but,  on  an  auspicious  day,  is  tied 
by  means  of  a  garland  of  flowers  to  thegaruda  kambham 


137  DEVA-DASI 

(lamp)  of  a  Balija  Dasari.  She  Is  released  either  by  the 
man  who  is  to  receive  her  first  favours,  or  by  her  maternal 
uncle.  A  simple  feast  is  held,  and  a  string  of  black 
beads  tied  round  the  girl's  neck.  She  becomes  a 
prostitute,  and  her  children  do  not  marry  into  respectable 
Boya  families. 

"  Basava  women,"  Dr.  E.  Balfour  writes,*  "  are  some- 
times married  to  a  dagger,  sometimes  to  an  idol.  In 
making  a  female  child  over  to  the  service  of  the  temple, 
she  is  taken  and  dedicated  for  life  to  some  idol.  A 
khanjar,  or  dagger,  is  placed  on  the  ground,  and  the  girl 
who  is  to  undergo  the  ceremony  puts  a  garland  thereon. 
Her  mother  then  puts  rice  on  the  girl's  forehead.  The 
officiating  priest  then  weds  the  girl  to  the  dagger,  just 
as  if  he  was  uniting  her  to  a  boy  in  marriage,  by  reciting 
the  marriage  stanzas,  a  curtain  being  held  between  the 
girl  and  the  dagger."  In  an  account  of  the  initi- 
ation ceremony  of  the  Basavis  of  the  Bellary  district 
Mr.  F.  Fawcett  writes  as  follows.!  "  A  sword  with 
a  lime  stuck  on  its  point  is  placed  upright  beside  the 
novice,  and  held  in  her  right  hand.  It  represents  the 
bridegroom,  who,  in  the  corresponding  ceremony  of 
Hindu  marriage,  sits  on  the  bride's  right.  A  tray, 
on  which  are  a  kalasyam  (vessel  of  water)  and  a 
lamp,  is  then  produced,  and  moved  thrice  in  front  of  the 
girl.  She  rises,  and,  carrying  the  sword  in  her  right 
hand,  places  it  in  the  god's  sanctuary.  Among  the 
dancing-girls  very  similar  ceremonies  are  performed. 
With  them,  the  girl's  spouse  is  represented  by  a  drum 
instead  of  a  sword,  and  she  bows  to  it.  Her  insignia 
consist  of  a  drum  and  bells."  In  a  further  note  on  the 
dedication  of  Basavis,  Mr.   Fawcett  writes  J  that  "a  tali, 


*  Cyclopaedia  of  India.  f  Journ.  Anth.  Soc,  Bombay,  Vol.  II. 

+  Journ.  Anth.  Soc,  Bombay,  1891. 


DEVA-DASI  138 

on  which  is  depicted  the  namam  of  Vishnu,  fastened  to  a 
necklace  of  black  beads,  is  tied  round  her  neck.  She  is 
given  by  way  of  insignia  a  cane  as  a  wand  carried  in  the 
right  hand,  and  a  gopalam  or  begging  basket,  which  is 
slung  on  the  left  arm.  She  is  then  branded  with  the 
emblems  of  the  chank  andchakra.  In  another  account  * 
of  the  marriage  ceremony  among  dancing-girls,  it  is 
stated  that  the  Bogams,  who  are  without  exception 
prostitutes,  though  they  are  not  allowed  to  marry,  go 
through  a  marriage  ceremony,  which  is  rather  a  costly 
one.  Sometimes  a  wealthy  Native  bears  the  expense, 
makes  large  presents  to  the  bride,  and  receives  her  first 
favours.  Where  no  such  opportunity  offers  itself,  a 
sword  or  other  weapon  represents  the  bridegroom,  and 
an  imaginary  nuptial  ceremony  is  performed.  Should 
the  Bogam  woman  have  no  daughter,  she  invariably 
adopts  one,  usually  paying  a  price  for  her,  the  Kaikola 
(weaver)  caste  being  the  ordinary  one  from  which  to 
take  a  child. 

Among  the  Kaikolan  musicians  of  Coimbatore,  at 
least  one  girl  in  every  family  should  be  set  apart  for  the 
temple  service,  and  she  is  instructed  in  music  and  dancing. 
At  the  tali-tying  ceremony  she  is  decorated  with  jewels, 
and  made  to  stand  on  a  heap  of  paddy  (unhusked  rice). 
A  folded  cloth  is  held  before  her  by  two  Dasis,  who  also 
stand  on  heaps  of  paddy.  The  girl  catches  hold  of  the 
cloth,  and  her  dancing  master,  who  is  seated  behind  her, 
grasping  her  legs,  moves  them  up  and  down  in  time  with 
the  music  which  is  played.  In  the  evening  she  is  taken, 
astride  a  pony,  to  the  temple,  where  a  new  cloth  for  the 
idol,  the  tali,  and  other  articles  required  for  doing  puja 
(worship)  have  been  got  ready.     The  girl  is  seated  facing 


*  Manual  of  the  North  Arcol  district. 


139  DEVA-DASI 

the  idol,  and  the  officiating  Brahman  gives  sandal  and 
flowers  to  her,  and  ties  the  tali,  which  has  been 
lying  at  the  feet  of  the  idol,  round  her  neck.  The  tali 
consists  of  a  ofolden  disc  and  black  beads.  She  continues 
to  learn  music  and  dancing,  and  eventually  goes  through 
the  form  of  a  nuptial  ceremony.  The  relations  are 
invited  on  an  auspicious  day,  and  the  maternal  uncle, 
or  his  representative,  ties  a  golden  band  on  the  girl's 
forehead,  and,  carrying  her,  places  her  on  a  plank  before 
the  assembled  guests.  A  Brahman  priest  recites  man- 
trams  (prayers),  and  prepares  the  sacred  fire  (homam). 
For  the  actual  nuptials  a  rich  Brahman,  if  possible,  and, 
if  not,  a  Brahman  of  more  lowly  status  is  invited.  A 
Brahman  is  called  in,  as  he  is  next  in  importance  to,  and 
the  representative  of,  the  idol.  As  a  Dasi  can  never 
become  a  widow,  the  beads  in  her  tali  are  considered  to 
bring  good  luck  to  women  who  w^ear  them.  And  some 
people  send  the  tali  required  for  a  marriage  to  a  Dasi,  who 
prepares  the  string  for  it,  and  attaches  to  it  black  beads 
from  her  own  tali.  A  Dasi  is  also  deputed  to  walk  at 
the  head  of  Hindu  marriage  processions.  Married 
women  do  not  like  to  do  this,  as  they  are  not  proof 
against  evil  omens,  which  the  procession  may  meet. 
And  it  is  believed  that  Dasis,  to  whom  widowhood  is 
unknown,  possess  the  power  of  warding  off  the  effects  of 
inauspicious  omens.  It  may  be  remarked,  en  passant, 
that  Dasis  are  not  at  the  present  day  so  much  patronised 
at  Hindu  marriages  as  in  olden  times.  Much  is  due  in 
this  direction  to  the  progress  of  enlightened  ideas,  which 
have  of  late  been  strongly  put  forward  by  Hindu  social 
reformers.  When  a  Kaikolan  Dasi  dies,  her  body  is 
covered  with  a  new  cloth  removed  from  the  idol,  and 
flowers  are  supplied  from  the  temple,  to  which  she 
belonged.     No  puja  is  performed  in  the  temple  till  the 


DEVA-DASI  140 

corpse  is  disposed  of,  as  the  idol,  being  her  husband,  has 
to  observe  pollution. 

"  In  former  times,  dancing-girls  used  to  sleep  three 
nights  at  the  commencement  of  their  career  in  the  inner 
shrine  of  the  Koppesvara  temple  at  Palivela  in  the  Goda- 
vari  district,  so  as  to  be  embraced  by  the  god.  But  one 
of  them,  it  is  said,  disappeared  one  night,  and  the  practice 
has  ceased.  The  funeral  pyre  of  every  girl  of  the  dancing 
girl  (Sani)  caste  dying  in  the  village  should  be  lit  with 
fire  brought  from  the  temple.  The  same  practice  is 
found  in  the  Srirangam  temple  near  Trichinopoly."* 

The  following  account  of  Dasis  in  Travancore,  where 
their  total  strength  is  only  ".bout  four  hundred,  is  taken 
from  a  note  by  Mr.  N.  Subramani  Aiyer.  "  While  the 
Dasis  of  Kartikappalli,  Ambalapuzha,  and  Shertallay 
belonged  originally  to  the  Konkan  coast,  those  of  Shen- 
kottah  belonged  to  the  Pandian  country.  But  the  South 
Travancore  Dasis  are  an  indigenous  class.  The  female 
members  of  the  caste  are,  besides  being  known  by  the 
ordinary  name  of  Tevadiyal  and  Dasi,  both  meaning 
servant  of  God,  called  Kudikkar,  meaning  those  belong- 
ing to  the  house  {i.e.,  given  rent  free  by  the  Sirkar), 
and  Pendukal,  or  women,  the  former  of  these  desig- 
nations being  more  popular  than  the  latter.  Males 
are  called  Tevadiyan,  though  many  prefer  to  be  known 
as  Nanchinat  Vellalas.  Males,  like  these  Vellalas,  take 
the  title  of  Pillai.  In  ancient  days  Deva-dasis,  who 
became  experts  in  singing  and  dancing,  received  the 
title  of  Rayar  (king)  which  appears  to  have  been  last 
conferred  in  1847  A.D.  The  South  Travancore  Dasis 
neither  interdine  nor  intermarry  with  the  dancing-girls 
of  the  Tamil-speaking  districts.     They  adopt  girls  only 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Godavari  district. 


141  DEVA-DASI 

from  a  particular  division  of  the  Nayars,  Tamil  Padam, 
and  dance  only  in  temples.  Unlike  their  sisters  outside 
Travancore,  they  do  not  accept  private  engaoements  in 
houses  on  the  occasion  of  marriage.  The  males,  in  a 
few  houses,  marry  the  Tamil  Padam  and  Padamangalam 
Nayars,  while  some  Padamangalam  Nayars  and  Nan- 
chinat  Vellalas  in  their  turn  take  their  women  as  wives. 

'*  When  a  dancing-woman  becomes  too  old  or  dis- 
eased, and  thus  unable  to  perform  her  usual  temple  duties, 
she  applies  to  the  temple  authorities  for  permission 
to  remove  her  ear-pendants  (todus).  The  ceremony 
takes  place  at  the  palace  of  the  Maharaja.  At  the 
appointed  spot  the  officers  concerned  assemble,  and 
the  woman,  seated  on  a  wooden  plank,  proceeds  to 
unhook  the  pendants,  and  places  them,  with  a  nuzzur 
(gift)  of  twelve  fanams  (coins),  on  the  plank.  Directly 
after  this  she  turns  about,  and  walks  away  \Aithout  cast- 
ing a  second  glance  at  the  ear- ornaments  which  have 
been  laid  down.  She  becomes  immediately  a  taikkizhavi 
or  old  mother,  and  is  supposed  to  lead  a  life  of  retire- 
ment and  resignation.  By  way  of  distinction,  a  Dasi  in 
active  service  is  referred  to  as  atumpatram.  Though 
the  ear-ornaments  are  at  once  returned  to  her  from  the 
palace,  the  woman  is  never  again  permitted  to  put  them 
on,  but  only  to  wear  the  pampadam,  or  antiquated  ear- 
ornament  of  Tamil  Sudra  women.  Her  temple  wages 
undergo  a  slight  reduction,  consequent  on  her  proved 
incapacity. 

"  In  some  temples,  as  at  Kcralapuram,  there  are 
two  divisions  of  dancing-girls,  one  known  as  the  Murak- 
kudi  to  attend  to  the  daily  routine,  the  other  as  the 
Chirappukuti  to  serve  on  special  occasions.  The  special 
duties  that  may  be  required  of  the  South  Travancore 
Dasis  are: — (i)  to    attend    the    two    Utsavas    at    Sri 


d£va-dAsi  T42 

Padmanabahswami's  temple,  and  the  Dusserah  at  the 
capital ;  (2)  to  meet  and  escort  members  of  the  royal 
family  at  their  respective  village  limits ;  (3)  to  under- 
take the  prescribed  fasts  for  the  Apamargam  ceremony 
in  connection  with  the  annual  festival  of  the  temple.  On 
these  days  strict  continence  is  enjoined,  and  they  are  fed 
at  the  temple,  and  allowed  only  one  meal  a  day. 

"The  principal  deities  of  the  dancing-girls  are  those 
to  whom  the  temples,  in  which  they  are  employed,  are 
dedicated.  They  observe  the  new  and  full-moon  days, 
and  the  last  Friday  of  every  month  as  important.  The 
Onam,  Sivaratri,  Tye-Pongal,  Dipavali,  and  Chitrapur- 
nami  are  the  best  recognised  religious  festivals.  Minor 
deities,  such  as  Bhadrakali,  Yakshi,  and  Ghandarva  are 
worshipped  by  the  figure  of  a  trident  or  sword  being 
drawn  on  the  wall  of  the  house,  to  which  food  and  sweet- 
meats are  offered  on  Fridays.  The  priests  on  these 
occasions  are  Occhans.  There  are  no  recognized  head- 
men in  the  caste.  The  services  of  Brahmans  are  resorted 
to  for  the  purpose  of  purification,  of  Nampiyans  and 
Saiva  Vellalas  for  the  performance  of  funeral  rites,  and 
of  Kurukkals  on  occasions  of  marriage,  and  for  the  final 
ceremonies  on  the  sixteenth  day  after  death. 

"  Girls  belonging  to  this  caste  may  either  be  dedi- 
cated to  temple  service,  or  married  to  a  male  member  of 
the  caste.  No  woman  can  be  dedicated  to  the  temple 
after  she  has  reached  puberty.  On  the  occasion  of 
marriage,  a  sum  of  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  and  fifty 
rupees  is  given  to  the  bride's  house,  not  as  a  bride- 
price,  but  for  defraying  the  marriage  expenses.  There 
is  a  preliminary  ceremony  of  betrothal,  and  the  marriage 
is  celebrated  at  an  auspicious  hour.  The  Kurukkal 
recites  a  few  hymns,  and  the  ceremonies,  which  include 
the  tying  of  the  tali,  continue  for  four  days.     The  couple 


143  DEVA-DASI 

commence  joint  life  on  the  sixteenth  day  after  the  girl 
has  reached  puberty.  It  is  easy  enough  to  get  a  divorce, 
as  this  merely  depends  upon  the  will  of  one  of  the  two 
parties,  and  the  woman  becomes  free  to  receive  clothes 
from  another  person  in  token  of  her  having  entered  into 
a  fresh  matrimonial  alliance. 

"  All  applications  for  the  presentation  of  a  girl  to  the 
temple  are  made  to  the  temple  authorities  by  the  senior 
dancing-girl  of  the  temple,  the  girl  to  be  presented  being 
in  all  cases  from  six  to   eight  years  of  age.     If  she  is 
closely  related  to  the  applicant,  no  enquiries  regarding 
her  status  and  claim  need  be  made.     In  all  other  cases, 
formal  investieations  are  instituted,  and  the  records  taken 
are  submitted  to  the  chief  revenue  officer  of  the  division 
for  orders.     Some  paddy  (rice)  and  five  fanams  are  given 
to  the  family  from  the  temple  funds  towards  the  expenses 
of  the  ceremony.    The  practice  at  the  Suchindrum  temple 
is  to  convene,  on  an  auspicious  day,  a  yoga  or  meeting, 
composed    of  the  Valiya   Sri-kariyakkar,   the   Yogattil 
Potti,  the  Vattappalli  Muttatu,  and  others,  at  which  the 
preliminaries  are  arranged.     The  girl   bathes,  and  goes 
to  the  temple  on  the  morning  of  the  selected  day  with 
two  new  cloths,   betel    leaves  and  nuts.      The  temple 
priest  places  the  cloths  and  the  tali  at  the  feet  of  the 
image,  and  sets  apart  one  for  the  divine  use.     The  tali 
consists    of  a   triangular    bottu,   bearing  the   image   of 
Ganesa,  with  a  gold   bead  on  either  side.     Taking  the 
remaining  cloth  and  the  tali,  and  sitting  close  to  the  girl, 
the  priest,    facing  to   the    north,   proceeds   to  officiate. 
The  girl  sits,  facing  the  deity,  in  the  inner  sanctuary. 
The  priest  kindles  the  fire,  and  performs  all  the  marriage 
ceremonies,  following  the  custom  of  the  Tirukkalyanam 
festival,  when  Siva  is  represented  as  marrying  Parvati. 
He  then  teaches  the  girl  the  Panchakshara  hymn  if  the 


deva-dAsi  144 

temple  is  Saivite,  and  Ashtakshara  if  it  is  Vaishnavite, 
presents  her  with  the  cloth,  and  ties  the  tali  round  her 
neck.  The  Nattuvan,  or  dancing-master,  instructs  her 
for  the  first  time  in  his  art,  and  a  quantity  of  raw  rice  is 
given  to  her  by  the  temple  authorities.  The  girl,  thus 
married,  is  taken  to  her  house,  where  the  marriage 
festivities  are  celebrated  for  two  or  three  days.  As  in 
Brahmanical  marriages,  the  rolling  of  a  cocoanut  to  and 
fro  is  gone  through,  the  temple  priest  or  an  elderly  Dasi, 
dressed  in  male  attire,  acting  the  part  of  the  bridegroom. 
The  girl  is  taken  in  procession  through  the  streets. 

"  The  birth  of  male  children  is  not  made  an  occasion 
for  rejoicing,  and,  as  the  proverb  goes,  the  lamp  on  these 
occasions  is  only  dimly  lighted.  Inheritance  is  in  the 
female  line,  and  women  are  the  absolute  owners  of  all 
property  earned.  When  a  dancing -girl  dies,  some  paddy 
and  five  fanams  are  given  from  the  temple  to  which  she 
was  attached,  to  defray  the  funeral  expenses.  The 
temple  priest  gives  a  garland,  and  a  quantity  of  ashes 
for  decorating  the  corpse.  After  this,  a  Nampiyan,  an 
Occhan,  some  Vellala  headmen,  and  a  Kudikkari,  having 
no  pollution,  assemble  at  the  house  of  the  deceased.  The 
Nampiyan  consecrates  a  pot  of  water  with  prayers,  the 
Occhan  plays  on  his  musical  instrument,  and  the  Vellalas 
and  Kudikkari  powder  the  turmeric  to  be  smeared  over 
the  corpse.  In  the  case  of  temple  devotees,  their  dead 
bodies  must  be  bathed  with  this  substance  by  the  priest, 
after  which  alone  the  funeral  ceremonies  may  proceed. 
The  Karta  (chief  mourner),  who  is  the  nearest  male 
relative,  has  to  get  his  whole  head  shaved.  When  a 
temple  priest  dies,  though  he  is  a  Brahman,  the  dancing- 
girl,  on  whom  he  has  performed  the  vicarious  marriage 
rite,  has  to  go  to  his  death-bed,  and  prepare  the  turmeric 
powder  to  be  dusted  over  his  corpse.     The  anniversary 


145  DEVA-DASI 

of  the  death   of  the   mother   and   maternal   uncle   are 
invariably  observed. 

'*  The  adoption  of  a  dancing-girl  is  a  lengthy  cere- 
mony. The  application  to  the  temple  authorities  takes 
the  form  of  a  request  that  the  girl  to  be  adopted 
may  be  made  heir  to  both  kuti  and  pati,  that  is,  to  the 
house  and  temple  service  of  the  person  adopting.  The 
sanction  of  the  authorities  having  been  obtained,  all 
concerned  meet  at  the  house  of  the  person  who  is 
adopting,  a  document  is  executed,  and  a  ceremony,  of 
the  nature  of  the  Jatakarma,  performed.  The  girl  then 
goes  through  the  marriage  rite,  and  is  handed  over  to 
the  charge  of  the  music  teacher  to  be  regularly  trained 
in  her  profession." 

As  bearing  on  the  initiation,  laws  of  inheritance,  etc., 
of  Deva-dasis,  the  following  cases,  which  have  been 
argued  in  the  Madras  High  Court,  may  be  quoted  *  : — 
(a)  In  a  charge  against  a  dancing-girl  of  having 
purchased  a  young  girl,  aged  five,  with  the  intent  that 
she  would  be  used  for  the  purpose  of  prostitution,  or 
knowing  it  to  be  likely  that  she  would  be  so  used, 
evidence  was  given  of  the  fact  of  purchase  for  sixty 
rupees,  and  that  numerous  other  dancing-girls,  residing 
in  the  neighbourhood,  were  in  the  habit  of  obtaining 
girls  and  bringing  them  up  as  dancing-girls  or  prostitutes, 
and  that  there  were  no  instances  of  girls  brought  up  by 
dancing-girls  ever  having  been  married.  One  witness 
stated  that  there  were  forty  dancing-girls'  houses  in  the 
town  (Adoni),  and  that  their  chief  source  of  income 
was  prostitution,  and  that  the  dancing-girls,  who  have 
no  daughters  of  their  own,  get  girls  from  others,  bring 
them   up,   and  eventually  make   them   dancing-girls  or 


*  See  also  collection  of  decisions  on  the  law  of  succession,  maintenance,  etc., 
applicable  to  dancing-girls  and  their  issues.     C.  Ramachendrier,  Madras,  1892. 
II-IO 


DEVA-DASI  146 

prostitutes.  He  added  that  the  dancing-girls  get  good 
incomes  by  bringing  up  girls  in  preference  to  boys. 
Another  witness  stated  that  dancing-girls,  when  they 
grow  old,  obtain  girls  and  bring  them  up  to  follow  their 
profession,  and  that  good-looking  girls  are  generally 
bought.* 

{b)  The  evidence  showed  that  two  of  the  prisoners 
were  dancing-girls  of  a  certain  temple,  that  one  of  them 
took  the  two  daughters  of  the  remaining  prisoner  to  the 
pagoda,  to  be  marked  as  dancing-girls,  and  that  they 
were  so  marked,  and  their  names  entered  in  the  accounts 
of  the  pagoda.  The  first  prisoner  (the  mother  of  the 
girls)  disposed  of  the  children  to  the  third  prisoner  for 
the  consideration  of  a  neck  ornament  and  thirty-five 
rupees.  The  children  appeared  to  be  of  the  ages  of 
seven  and  two  years,  respectively.  Evidence  was  taken, 
which  tended  to  prove  that  dancing-girls  gain  their  liveli- 
hood by  the  performance  of  certain  offices  in  pagodas, 
by  assisting  in  the  performance  of  ceremonies  in  private 
houses,  by  dancing  and  singing  upon  the  occasion  of 
marriage,  and  by  prostitution.! 

{c)  The  first  prisoner  presented  an  application  for 
the  enrolment  of  his  daughter  as  a  dancing-girl  at  one 
of  the  great  pagodas.  He  stated  her  age  to  be  thirteen. 
She  attained  puberty  a  month  or  two  after  her  enrolment. 
Her  father  was  the  servant  of  a  dancing-girl,  the  second 
prisoner,  who  had  been  teaching  the  minor  dancing  for 
some  five  years.  The  evidence  showed  that  the  second 
prisoner  brought  the  girl  to  the  pagoda,  that  both  first 
and  second  prisoners  were  present  when  the  bottu  (or 
tali)  was  tied,  and  other  ceremonies  of  the  dedication 
performed  ;  that  third  prisoner,  as  Battar  of  the  temple, 

*  Indian  Law  Reports,  Madras  Series,  XXIII,  1900. 
t  Il>id.,\o\.  y,  1869-70. 


147  DEVA-DASI 

was  the  person  who  actually  tied  the  bottu,  which 
denotes  that  the  Dasi  is  wedded  to  the  idol.  There  was 
the  usual  evidence  that  dancing-girls  live  by  prostitu- 
tion, though  occasionally  kept  by  the  same  man  for  a 
year  or  more.* 

{d)  The  plaintiff,  a  Deva-dasi,  complained  that, 
when  she  brought  offerings  according  to  custom  and 
placed  them  before  the  God  at  a  certain  festival,  and 
asked  the  Archakas  (officiating  priests)  to  present  the 
offerings  to  the  God,  burn  incense,  and  then  distribute 
them,  they  refused  to  take  the  offerings  on  the  ground 
that  the  Deva-dasi  had  gone  to  a  Komati's  house  to 
dance.  She  claimed  damages,  Rs.  lo,  for  the  rejected 
offerings,  and  Rs.  40  for  loss  of  honour,  and  a  perpetual 
injunction  to  allow  her  to  perform  the  mantapa  hadi 
(sacrifice)  at  the  Chittrai  Vasanta  festival.  The  priests 
pleaded  that  the  dancing-girl  had,  for  her  bad  conduct 
in  having  danced  at  a  Komati's  house,  and  subsequently 
refused  to  expiate  the  deed  by  drinking  panchagavyan 
(five  products  of  the  cow)  according  to  the  shastras,  been 
expelled  both  from  her  caste  and  from  the  temple. j* 

{e)  In  a  certain  temple  two  dancing-girls  were 
dedicated  by  the  Dharmakarta  to  the  services  of  the 
temple  without  the  consent  of  the  existing  body  of 
dancing-girls,  and  the  suit  was  instituted  against  the 
Dharmakarta  and  these  two  Deva-dasis,  asking  that 
the  Court  should  ascertain  and  declare  the  rights  of  the 
Deva-dasis  of  the  pagoda  in  regard  (i)  to  the  dedication 
of  Deva-dasis,  (2)  to  the  Dharmakarta's  power  to  bind 
and  suspend  them  ;  and  that  the  Court  should  ascertain 
and  declare  the  rights  of  the  plaintiff,  the  existing 
Deva-dasis,  as  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  Deva-dasis, 


*  Ibid.,  Vol.  I,  1876-78.  t  ^l>id..  Vol.  VI,  1883. 

II-IO  B 


DEVA-DASI  148 

save  those  who  are  related  to  or  adopted  by  some  one 
of  the  Deva-dasis  for  the  time  being,  or  those  who, 
being  approved  by  all,  are  elected  and  proposed  to  the 
Dharmakarta  for  dedication.  That  the  new  Dasis  may 
be  declared  to  have  been  improperly  dedicated,  and  not 
entitled  to  any  of  the  rights  of  Deva-dasis,  and  restrained 
from  attending  the  pagoda  in  that  character,  and  from 
interfering  with  the  duly  dedicated  Deva-dasis  in  the 
exercise  of  their  office.  That  first  defendant  be  re- 
strained from  stamping  and  dedicating  other  Deva-dasis 
but  such  as  are  duly  approved.  The  Judge  dismissed 
the  case  on  the  ground  that  it  would  be  contrary  to 
public  policy  to  make  the  declaration  prayed  for,  as,  in 
so  doing,  the  Court  would  be  lending  itself  to  bringing 
the  parties  under  the  criminal  law.  In  the  appeal, 
which  was  dismissed,  one  of  the  Judges  remarked  that 
the  plaintiffs  claimed  a  right  exclusive  to  themselves 
and  a  few  other  dancing-women,  professional  prostitutes, 
to  present  infant  female  children  for  dedication  to  the 
temple  as  dancing-girls  to  be  stamped  as  such,  and  so 
accredited  to  become  at  maturity  professional  prosti- 
tutes, private  or  public* 

(/)  A  Deva-dasi  sued  to  establish  her  right  to  the 
mirasi  (fees)  of  dancing-girls  in  a  certain  pagoda,  and  to 
be  put  in  possession  of  the  said  mirasi  together  with  the 
honours  and  perquisites  attached  thereto,  and  to  recover 
twenty-four  rupees,  being  the  value  of  said  perquisites 
and  honours  for  the  year  preceding.  She  alleged  that 
the  Dharmakarta  of  the  pagoda  and  his  agents  wrong- 
fully dismissed  her  from  the  office  because  she  had 
refused  to  acquiesce  in  the  admission  by  the  Dharma- 
karta of  new  dancing-girls  into  the  pagoda  service,  of 


•  Ibid,,  Vol.  I,  1S76-78. 


149  DEVA-DASI 

which  she  claimed  the  monopoly  for  herself  and  the 
then  existing  families  of  dancing-girls.  The  District 
Judge  dismissed  the  suit,  but  the  High  Court  ordered 
a  re-investigation  as  to  the  question  of  the  existence  of 
an  hereditary  office  with  endowments  or  emoluments 
attached  to  it.* 

(g)  A  girl,  aged  seventeen,  instituted  a  suit  against 
the  trustees  of  a  pagoda.  It  was  alleged  that  a  woman 
who  died  some  years  previously  was  one  of  the  dancing- 
women  attached  to  the  pagoda,  and,  as  such,  entitled  to 
the  benefit  of  one  of  the  temple  endowments  ;  that  she 
had  taken  in  adoption  the  plaintiff,  who  was  accordingly 
entitled  to  succeed  to  her  office  and  the  emoluments 
attached  to  it ;  that  the  plaintiff  could  not  enter  on  the 
office  until  a  bottu-tali  had  been  tied  on  her  in  the 
temple  ;  and  that  the  trustees  did  not  permit  this  to  be 
done.  The  prayer  of  the  plaint  was  that  the  defendants 
be  compelled  to  allow  the  tali  to  be  tied  in  the  temple 
in  view  to  the  girl  performing  the  dancing  service,  and 
enjoying  the  honours  and  endowments  attached  thereto. 
The  Judge  dismissed  the  suit  on  the  ground  that  the 
claim  was  inadmissible,  as  being  in  effect  a  claim  by  the 
plaintiff  to  be  enlisted  as  a  public  prostitute. t 

(A)  On  the  death  of  a  prostitute  dancing-girl,  her 
adopted  niece,  belonging  to  the  same  class,  succeeds 
to  her  property,  in  whatever  way  it  is  acquired,  in 
preference  to  a  brother  remaining  in  his  caste.  The 
general  rule  is  that  the  legal  relation  between  a  prosti- 
tute dancing-girl  and  her  undegraded  relations  remaining 
in  caste  be  severed.  J 

(z)  A  pauper  sued  his  sister  for  the  partition  of 
property  valued  at  Rs.  34,662.     The  parties  belonged  to 


♦  /did.,  Vol.  I,  1876-78.  t  /ii(i.,  Vol.  XIX,  1896. 

t  /did..  Vol.  XIII,  1890. 


deva-dAsi  150 

the  Bogam  caste  in  the  Godavari  district.  The  woman 
pleaded  that  the  property  had  been  acquired  by  her 
as  a  prostitute,  and  denied  her  brother's  claim  to  it. 
He  obtained  a  decree  for  only  Rs.  100,  being  a  moiety 
of  the  property  left  by  their  mother.  The  High  Court 
held,  on  the  evidence  as  to  the  local  custom  of  the  caste, 
that  the  decree  was  right.* 

{j)  The  accused,  a  Madiga  of  the  Bellary  district, 
dedicated  his  minor  daughter  as  a  Basavi  by  a  form  of 
marriage  with  an  idol.  It  appeared  that  a  Basavi  is 
incapable  of  contracting  a  lawful  marriage,  and  ordi- 
narily practices  promiscuous  intercourse  with  men,  and 
that  her  sons  succeed  to  her  father's  property.  It  was 
held  that  the  accused  had  committed  an  offence  under 
the  Penal  Code,  which  lays  down  that  "  whoever  sells, 
lets  to  hire,  or  otherwise  disposes  of  any  minor  under 
the  age  of  sixteen  years,  with  intent  that  such  minor 
shall  be  employed  or  used  for  the  purpose  of  prosti- 
tution, or  for  any  unlawful  and  immoral  purpose,  shall 
be  punished,  etc."  The  Sessions  judge  referred  to 
evidence  that  it  was  not  a  matter  of  course  for  Basavis 
to  prostitute  themselves  for  money,  and  added  :  "  The 
evidence  is  very  clear  that  Basavis  are  made  in  accord- 
ance with  a  custom  of  the  Madigfa  caste.  It  is  also  in 
evidence  that  one  of  the  effects  of  making  a  girl  Basavi 
is  that  her  male  issue  becomes  a  son  of  her  father,  and 
perpetuates  his  family,  whereas,  if  she  were  married,  he 
would  perpetuate  her  husband's  family.  In  this  parti- 
cular case,  the  girl  was  made  a  Basavi  that  she  might 
be  heir  to  her  aunt,  who  was  a  Basavi,  but  childless. 
Siddalingana  Gowd  says  that  they  and  their  issue  inherit 
the  parents'  property.     There  is  evidence  that  Basavis 


•  Ibid.,\'o\,XlW,  1 89 1. 


151  DEVA-DASI 

are  made  on  a  very  large  scale,  and  that  they  live  in  their 
parents'  houses.  There  is  no  evidence  that  they  are 
regarded  otherwise  than  as  respectable  members  of  the 
caste.  It  seems  as  if  the  Basavi  is  the  Madiga  and 
Bedar  equivalent  of  the  "  appointed  daughter  "  of  Hindu 
law  (Mitakshara,  Chap.  I,  s.  xi,  3).  Upon  the  whole, 
the  evidence  seems  to  establish  that,  among  the  Madigas, 
there  is  a  widespread  custom  of  performing,  in  a  temple 
at  Uchangidurgam,  a  marriage  ceremony,  the  result  of 
which  is  that  the  girl  is  married  without  possibility  of 
widowhood  or  divorce  ;  that  she  is  at  liberty  to  have 
intercourse  with  men  at  her  pleasure  ;  that  her  children 
are  heirs  to  her  father,  and  keep  up  his  family  ;  and  that 
Basavi's  nieces,  being  made  Basavis,  become  their  heirs. 
The  Basavis  seem  in  some  cases  to  become  prostitutes, 
but  the  language  used  by  the  witnesses  generally  points 
only  to  free  intercourse  with  men,  and  not  necessarily 
to  receipt  of  payment  for  use  of  their  bodies.  In  fact, 
they  seem  to  acquire  the  right  of  intercourse  with 
men  without  more  discredit  than  accrues  to  the  men  of 
their  caste  for  intercourse  with  women  who  are  not 
their  wives.* 

It  may  be  observed  that  Deva-dasis  are  the  only 
class  of  women,  who  are,  under  Hindu  law  as  adminis- 
tered in  the  British  Courts,  allowed  to  adopt  girls  to 
themselves.  Amongst  the  other  castes,  a  widow,  for 
instance,  cannot  adopt  to  herself,  but  only  to  her  husband, 
and  she  cannot  adopt  a  daughter  instead  of  a  son.  A 
recent  attempt  by  a  Brahman  at  Poona  to  adopt  a 
daughter,  who  should  take  the  place  of  a  natural-born 
daughter,  was  held  to  be  invalid  by  general  law,  and  not 
sanctioned  by  local  usage. t     The  same  would  be  held  in 


*  Ibid.,  Vol.  XV,  1892.  t  Ganga  Bai  v.  Anunl.     13  Bom,,  690. 


DEVA-DASI  152 

Madras.  "  But  among  dancing-girls,"  Mayne  writes,* 
"  it  is  customary  in  Madras  and  Western  India  to  adopt 
girls  to  follow  their  adoptive  mother's  profession,  and 
the  girls  so  adopted  succeed  to  their  property.  ■  No 
particular  ceremonies  are  necessary,  recognition  alone 
being  sufficient.  In  the  absence,  however,  of  a  special 
custom,  and  on  the  analogy  of  an  ordinary  adoption, 
only  one  girl  can  be  adopted."  In  Calcutta  and  Bombay 
these  adoptions  by  dancing-girls  have  been  held  invalid.! 
Of  proverbs  relating  to  dancing-girls,  the  following 
may  be  quoted  : — 

(i)  The  dancing-girl  who  could  not  dance  said  that 
the  hall  was  not  big  enough.  The  Rev.  H.  Jensen 
gives  I  as  an  equivalent  "When  the  devil  could  not 
swim,  he  laid  the  blame  on  the  water." 

(2)  If  the  dancing-girl  be  alive,  and  her  mother 
dies,  there  will  be  beating  of  drums  ;  but,  if  the  dancing- 
girl  dies,  there  will  be  no  such  display.  This  is  explained 
by  Jensen  as  meaning  that,  to  secure  the  favour  of  a 
dancing-girl,  many  men  will  attend  her  mother's  funeral ; 
but,  if  the  dancing-girl  herself  dies,  there  is  nothing  to 
be  gained  by  attending  the  funeral. 

(3)  Like  a  dancing-girl  wiping  a  child.  Jensen 
remarks  that  a  dancing-girl  is  supposed  to  have  no 
children,  so  she  does  not  know  how  to  keep  them  clean. 
Said  of  one  who  tries  to  mend  a  matter,  but  lacks 
experience,  and  makes  things  worse  than  they  were 
before. 

(4)  As  when  a  boy  is  born  in  a  dancing-girl's 
house.  Jensen  notes  that,  if  dancing-girls  have  children, 
they  desire  to  have  girls,  that  they  may  be  brought  up 
to  their  own  profession. 


•  Hindu  Law  and  Usage.  t  Macnaghlcn,  Digest. 

X  Classified  Collection  of  Tamil  Proverbs,  1897. 


153  dEvadiga 

(5)  The  dancing-girl,  who  was  formerly  more  than 
filled  with  good  food  in  the  temple,  now  turns  a  somer- 
sault to  get  a  poor  man's  rice. 

(6)  If  a  matron  is  chaste,  she  may  live  in  the 
dancing-girl's  street. 

The  insigne  of  courtesans,  according  to  the  Conjee- 
veram  records,  is  a  Cupid,  that  of  a  Christian,  a  curry- 
comb.* 

Devadiga.— The  Devadigas  are  Canarese-speaking 
temple  servants  in  South  Canara,  concerning  whom 
Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  writes  as  follows. t  "This  is  a  class 
of  servants,  chiefly  musicians  in  Hindu  temples.  In 
the  reign  of  Mayura  Varma,  who  built  a  number  of  new 
temples,  it  was  found  that  Brahmans  could  not  perform 
all  the  services.  It  was,  therefore,  ordained  by  him  that 
the  puja  or  worship  alone  should  be  performed  by  the 
Brahmans,  and  that  the  Stanikas  and  Devadigas  should 
perform  the  other  services  in  the  temples.  They  are 
also  called  Moili  (or  Moyili),  but  there  is  a  caste  called 
Kannada  INIoili  which  is  quite  distinct,  and  Devadigas  will 
not  eat  with  them.  Some  of  them  cultivate  lands,  and 
some  are  employed  as  peons  and  constables.  They 
returned  eleven  sub-divisions,  but  only  one  (Tulu)  is 
numerically  important.  They  are  Vaishnavites,  and  Tulu 
Brahmans  are  their  priests.  As  regards  marriage,  there 
is  no  fixed  age.  Remarriage  of  widows  is  permitted,  but 
it  is  practiced  only  in  the  case  of  young  widows.  The 
dead  are  burned.     They  eat  flesh,  and  drink  liquor." 

The  Devadigas  or  Mollis  speak  Tulu,  and  are  mainly 
agriculturists.  Their  traditional  occupation,  however,  is 
said  to  be  service  in  temples  (slaves  or  servants  of  the 


*J.  S.  F.  Mackenzie.    Ind.  Ant.,  IV,  1875. 

t  Madras  Census  Report,  1891  ;  Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district. 


DEVALA  154 

deva  or  god).  A  large  number  of  them,  both  male  and 
female,  are  engaged  as  domestic  servants.  Like  the 
Bants,  they  follow  the  aliya  santana  law  of  inheritance 
(in  the  female  line),  and  they  have  the  same  balls  (septs) 
as  the  Bants  and  Billavas.  In  their  marriage  cere- 
monies, they  closely  imitate  the  Bants.  An  interesting 
feature  in  connection  therewith  is  that,  during  the  dhare 
ceremony,  a  screen  is  interposed  between  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  at  the  time  when  the  dhare  water  is  poured. 
As  a  sign  of  betrothal,  a  ring  is  given  to  the  bride-elect, 
and  she  wears  it  on  the  little  finger.  The  caste  is  a 
mixed  one,  and  here  and  there  Devadigas  are  seen  to 
have  the  typical  prominent  cheek-bones  and  square  face 
of  the  Jains. 

In  the  Census  Rejiort,  1901,  Dakkera  Devali,  Padarti, 
and  Valagadava  are  returned  as  sub-divisions  of 
Devadiga. 

Devala  (belonging  to  God). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Odde.  The  equivalent  Devali  has  been  recorded  as  a 
sub-caste  of  Devadiga,  and  Devalyal  as  a  division  of  the 
Todas.*  A  division  of  the  Irulas  of  the  Nllgiris,  settled 
near  the  village  of  Devala,  is  known  by  that  name. 

Devanga.— The  Devangas  are  a  caste  of  weavers, 
speaking  Telugu  or  Canarese,  who  are  found  all  over 
the  Madras  Presidency.  Those  whom  I  studied  in  the 
Bellary  district  connected  my  operations  in  a  vague 
way  with  the  pilag  (plague)  tax,  and  collection  of 
subscriptions  for  the  Victoria  Memorial.  They  were 
employed  in  weaving  women's  saris  in  pure  cotton,  or 
with  a  silk  border,  which  were  sold  to  rich  merchants  in 
the  local  bazaar,  some  of  whom  belong  to  the  Devanga 
caste.     They    laughingly    said    that,    though    they    are 


*  Breeks.     Account  of  the  Primilive  Tribes  and  Monuments  of  the  Nilgiris. 


■-*& 


^m^ 


I' 


l)L\AX(iA. 


155  DEVANGA 

professional  weavers,  they  find  it  cheapest  to  wear  cloths 
of  European  manufacture. 

The  Devangas  are  also  called  Jadaru  or  Jada  (great 
men),  Dendra,  Devara,  Dera,  Seniyan,  and  Sedan.  At 
Coimbatore,  in  the  Tamil  country,  they  are  called  Settuk- 
karan  (economical  people). 

The  following  legend  is  narrated  concerning  the 
origin  of  the  caste.  Brahma,  having  created  Manu,  told 
him  to  weave  clothes  for  Devas  and  men.  Accordingly 
Manu  continued  to  weave  for  some  years,  and  reached 
heaven  through  his  piety  and  virtuous  life.  There  being 
no  one  left  to  weave  for  them,  the  Devas  and  men  had  to 
wear  garments  of  leaves.  Vexed  at  this,  they  prayed  to 
Brahma  that  he  would  rescue  them  from  their  plight. 
Brahma  took  them  to  Siva,  who  at  once  created  a  lustrous 
spirit,  and  called  him  Devalan.  Struck  with  the  bril- 
liancy thereof,  all  fled  in  confusion,  excepting  Parvati, 
who  remained  near  Siva.  Siva  told  her  that  Devalan 
was  created  to  weave  clothes,  to  cover  the  limbs  and 
bodies  of  Devas  and  men,  whose  descendants  are  in 
consequence  called  Devangas  (Deva  angam,  limb  of  god). 
Devalan  was  advised  to  obtain  thread  from  the  lotus 
stalks  springing  from  the  navel  of  Vishnu,  and  he  secured 
them  after  a  severe  penance.  On  his  way  back,  he 
met  a  Rakshasa,  Vajradantan  by  name,  who  was  doing 
penance  at  a  hermitage,  disguised  as  a  Sanyasi.  De- 
ceived by  his  appearance,  Devalan  paid  homage  to  him, 
and  determined  to  spend  the  night  at  the  hermitage. 
But,  towards  the  close  of  the  day,  the  Rishi  and  his 
followers  threw  off  their  disguise,  and  appeared  in  their 
true  colours  as  Asuras.  Devalan  sought  the  assistance 
of  Vishnu,  and  a  chakra  was  given  to  him,  with  which  he 
attempted  to  overthrow  the  increasing  number  of  Asuras. 
He  then  invoked  the   assistance  of  Chaudanayaki   or 


DEVANGA  156 

Chaudeswari,  who  came  riding  on  a  lion,  and  the  Asuras 
were  killed  off.  The  mighty  Asuras  who  met  their 
death  were  Vajradantan  (diamond-toothed),  Pugainethran 
(smoke-eyed),  Pugaimugan  (smoke-faced),  Chithrasenan 
(leader  of  armies)  and  Jeyadrathan  (owner  of  a  victory- 
securing  car).  The  blood  of  these  five  was  coloured 
respectively  yellow,  red,  white,  green,  and  black.  For 
dyeing  threads  of  different  colours,  Devalan  dipped  them 
in  the  blood.  The  Devangas  claim  to  be  the  descendants 
of  Devalan,  and  say  that  they  are  Devanga  Brahmans, 
on  the  strength  of  the  following  stanza,  which  seems  to 
have  been  composed  by  a  Devanga  priest,  Sambalinga 
Murti  by  name  : — 

Manu  was  born  in  the  Brahman  caste. 

He  was  surely  a  Brahman  in  the  womb. 

There  is  no  Sudraism  in  this  caste. 

Devanga  had  the  form  of  Brahma. 

The  legendary  origin  of  the  Devangas  is  given  as 
follows  in  the  Baramahal  Records.*  "  When  Brahma 
the  creator  created  the  charam  and  acharam,  or  the 
animate  and  inanimate  creation,  the  Devatas  or  gods, 
Rakshasas  or  evil  demons,  and  the  human  race,  w^ere 
without  a  covering  for  their  bodies,  which  displeasing 
the  god  Narada  or  reason,  he  waited  upon  Paramesh- 
wara  or  the  great  Lord  at  his  palace  on  the  Kailasa 
Parvata  or  mount  of  paradise,  and  represented  the 
indecent  state  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  universe,  and 
prayed  that  he  would  be  pleased  to  devise  a  covering 
for  their  nakedness.  Parameshwara  saw  the  propriety 
of  Narada's  request,  and  thought  it  was  proper  to  grant 
it.  While  he  was  so  thinking,  a  male  sprang  into 
existence  from  his  body,  whom  he  named  Deva  angam 


*  Section  III,  Inhabitants.     Madras  Government  Press,  1907. 


157  DEVANGA 

or  the  body  of  God,  in  allusion  to  the  manner  of  his 
birth.  Deva  angam  instantly  asked  his  progenitor  why 
he  had  created  him.  The  God  answered  '  Repair  to  the 
pala  samudram  or  sea  of  milk,  where  you  will  find  Sri 
Maha  Vishnu  or  the  august  mighty  god  Vishnu,  and 
he  will  tell  thee  what  to  do.'  Deva  angam  repaired  to 
the  presence  of  Sri  Maha  Vishnu,  and  represented  that 
Parameshwara  had  sent  him,  and  begged  to  be  favoured 
with  Vishnu's  commands.  Vishnu  replied  '  Do  you 
weave  cloth  to  serve  as  a  covering  to  the  inhabitants  of 
the  universe.'  Vishnu  then  gave  him  some  of  the  fibres 
of  the  lotus  flower  that  grew  from  his  navel,  and 
taught  him  how  to  make  it  into  cloth.  Deva  angam 
wove  a  piece  of  cloth,  and  presented  it  to  Vishnu,  who 
accepted  it,  and  ordered  him  to  depart,  and  to  take  the 
fibres  of  trees,  and  make  raiment  for  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Vishnu  loka  or  gods.  Deva  angam  created  ten 
thousand  weavers,  who  used  to  go  to  the  forest  and 
collect  the  fibre  of  trees,  and  make  it  into  cloth  for  the 
Devatas  or  gods  and  the  human  race.  One  day,  Deva 
angam  and  his  tribe  went  to  a  forest  in  the  Bhuloka  or 
earthly  world,  in  order  to  collect  the  fibre  of  trees,  when 
he  was  attacked  by  a  race  of  Rakshasas  or  giants,  on 
which  he  waxed  wroth,  and,  unbending  his  jata  or  long 
plaited  hair,  gave  it  a  twist,  and  struck  it  once  on  the 
ground.  In  that  moment,  a  Shakti,  or  female  goddess 
having  eight  hands,  each  grasping  a  warlike  weapon, 
sprang  from  the  earth,  attacked  the  Rakshasas,  and 
defeated  them.  Deva  anga  named  her  Chudeshwari  or 
goddess  of  the  hair,  and,  as  she  delivered  his  tribe  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  Rakshasas,  he  made  her  his  tutelary 
divinity." 

The  tribal  goddess  of  the  Devangas  is  Chaudeswari, 
a  form  of  Kali  or  Durga,  who  is  worshipped  annually 


DEVANGA  158 

at  a  festival,  in  which  the  entire  community  takes  part 
either  at  the  temple,  or  at  a  house  or  grove  specially 
prepared  for  the  occasion.  During  the  festival  weaving 
operations  cease  ;  and  those  who  take  a  prominent  part 
in  the  rites  fast,  and  avoid  pollution.  The  first  day 
is  called  alagu  nilupadam  (erecting,  or  fixing  of  the 
sword).  The  goddess  is  worshipped,  and  a  sheep  or 
goat  sacrificed,  unless  the  settlement  is  composed  of 
vegetarian  Devangas.  One  man  at  least  from  each  sept 
fasts,  remains  pure,  and  carries  a  sword.  Inside  the 
temple,  or  at  the  spot  selected,  the  pujari  (priest)  tries 
to  balance  a  long  sword  on  its  point  on  the  edge  of  the 
mouth  of  a  pot,  while  the  alagu  men  cut  their  chests 
with  the  swords.  Failure  to  balance  the  sword  is 
believed  to  be  due  to  pollution  brought  by  somebody  to 
get  rid  of  which  the  alagu  men  bathe.  Cow's  urine  and 
turmeric  water  are  sprinkled  over  those  assembled,  and 
women  are  kept  at  a  distance  to  prevent  menstrual  or 
other  form  of  pollution.  On  the  next  day,  called  jothi- 
arambam  (jothi,  light  or  splendour)  as  Chaudeswari  is 
believed  to  have  sprung  from  jothi,  a  big  mass  is  made 
of  rice  flour,  and  a  wick,  fed  with  ghi  (clarified  butter) 
and  lighted,  is  placed  in  a  cavity  scooped  out  therein. 
This  flour  lamp  must  be  made  by  members  of  a  pujari's 
family  assisted  sometimes  by  the  alagu  boys.  In  its 
manufacture,  a  quantity  of  rice  is  steeped  in  water,  and 
poured  on  a  plantain  leaf.  Jaggery  (crude  sugar)  is 
then  mixed  with  it,  and,  when  it  is  of  the  proper 
consistency,  it  is  shaped  into  a  cone,  and  placed  on 
a  silver  or  brass  tray.  On  the  third  day,  called  panaka 
puja  or  mahanevedyam,  jaggery  water  is  offered,  and 
cocoanuts,  and  other  oflerings  are  laid  before  the 
goddess.  The  rice  mass  is  divided  up,  and  given  to 
the    pujari,    setti,    alagu    men    and    boys,    and    to    the 


159  DEVANGA 

community,  to  which  small  portions  are  doled  out  in 
a  particular  order,  which  must  be  strictly  observed. 
For  example,  at  Tindivanam  the  order  is  as  follows  : — 

Setti  (headman).  Kosanam  family, 

Dhondapu  family.  Modanam     ,, 

Bapatla  „ 

Fire-walking  does  not  form  part  of  the  festival,  as 
the  goddess  herself  sprang  from  fire. 

In    some   places    in    the    North    Arcot    district   the 

festival  lasts  over  ten  days,  and  varies  in  some  points 

from  the  above.     On   the  first  day,   the  people  go  in 

procession    to  a  jammi   i^Prosopis   spicigera)    tree,   and 

worship  a  decorated  pot  (kalasam),  to  which  sheep  and 

goats  are  sacrificed.     From  the  second  to  the  sixth  day, 

the   goddess  and    pot  are  worshipped   daily.     On  the 

seventh  day,  the  jammi  tree  is  again  visited,  and  a  man 

carries  on  his  back  cooked  rice,  which  may  not  be  placed 

on  the  ground,  except  near  the  tree,  or  at  the  temple. 

If  the   rice    is   not    set    down    en    rotiie   thereto,    it    is 

accepted  as  a  sign  that  the  festival  may  be  proceeded 

with.     Otherwise    they    would    be   afraid    to    light   the 

joti   on  the  ninth  day.     This  is  a  busy  day,   and  the 

ceremonies  of  sandhulu  kattadam  (binding  the  corners), 

alagu  erecting,  lighting  the  flour  mass,  and  pot  worship 

are  performed.     Early  in  the  morning,  goats  and  sheep 

are  killed,  outside  the  village  boundary,    in   the  north, 

east,  south,  and  west  corners,  and  the  blood  is  sprinkled 

on  all   sides  to   keep   off  all  foreign  ganams  or  saktis. 

The    sword    business,    as    already    described,    is    gone 

through,  and  certain   tests  applied  to  see  whether  the 

joti  may  be  lighted.     A  lime  fruit  is  placed  in  the  region 

of  the  navel  of  the   idol,   who   should  throw    it  down 

spontaneously.     A  bundle  of  betel  leaves  is  cut  across 

with  a   knife,   and   the  cut  ends   should   unite.     If  the 


DEVANGA 


1 60 


omens  are  favourable,  the  joti  is  lighted,  sheep  and 
goats  are  killed,  and  pongal  (rice)  is  offered  to  the  joti. 
The  day  closes  with  worship  of  the  pot.  On  the  last 
day  the  rice  mass  is  distributed.  All  Devanga  guests 
from  other  villages  have  to  be  received  and  treated  with 
respect  according  to  the  local  rules,  which  are  in 
force.  For  this  purpose,  the  community  divide  their 
settlements  into  Sthalams,  Payakattulu,  Galugramatulu, 
Petalu,  and  Kurugramalu,  which  have  a  definite  order  of 
precedence. 

Among  the  Devangas  the  following  endogamous 
sections  occur: — (i)  Telugu  ;  (2)  Canarese  ;  (3)  Hathi- 
nentu  Manayavaru  (eighteen  house  people) ;  (4)  Siva- 
chara ;  (5)  Ariya  ;  (6)  Kodekal  Hatakararu  (weavers). 

They  are  practically  divided  into  two  linguistic 
sections,  Canarese  and  Telugu,  of  which  the  former 
have  adopted  the  Brahmanical  ceremonials  to  a  greater 
extent  than  the  latter,  who  are  more  conservative. 
Those  who  wear  the  sacred  thread  seem  to  preponderate 
over  the  non-thread  weavers  in  the  Canarese  section. 
To  the  thread  is  sometimes  attached  metal  charm- 
cylinder  to  ward  off  evil  spirits. 

The  following  are  examples  of  exogamous  septs  in 
the  Telugu  section  : — 


Akasam,  sky. 

Anumala,  seeds  of  DoUchos 
lablab. 

Boggula,  charcoal. 

Bandla,  rock  or  cart. 

Chintakai,  tamarind  fruit. 

Challa,  buttermilk. 

Chapparam,  pandal  or  booth. 

Dhoddi,  cattle-pen,  or  court- 
yard. 

Dhuggani,  money. 

Yerra,  red. 


Konda,  mountain. 
Kaththi,  knife. 
Bandari  (treasurer). 
Busam,  grain. 
Dhondapu    {Cephalandra 

indie  a). 
Elugoti,  assembly. 
Gattu,  bank  or  mound. 
Paidam,  money. 
Gonapala,  old  plough. 
Gosu,  pride. 
Jigala,  pith. 


i6i 


DEVANGA 


Matam,  monastery. 

Madira,     liquor    or     heap    of 

earth. 
Medam,  fight. 
Masila,  dirt. 
Olikala,       funeral      pyre     and 

ashes. 
Prithvi,  earth. 
Peraka,  tile. 
Punjala,  cock  or  male. 
Pinjala,  cotton-cleaning. 
Pichchiga,  sparrow. 
Sika  (kudumi :  tuft  of  hair). 
Sandala,  lanes. 
Santha,  a  fair. 
Sajje  {Setaria  italica). 


Katta,  a  dam. 

Kompala,  houses. 

Konangi,  buffoon. 

Katikala,  collyrium. 

Kaththiri,  scissors. 

Moksham,  heaven. 

Pasupala,  turmeric. 

Pidakala,  dried  cow-dung  cakes. 

Pothula,  male. 

Pachi  powaku,  green  tobacco. 

Padavala,  boat. 

Pouzala,  a  bird, 

Pammi,  clay  lamp. 

Thalakoka,  female  cloth. 

Thiitla,  hole. 

Utla,  ropes  for  hanging  pots. 

Vasthrala,  cloths. 

The  majority  of  Devangas  are  Saivites,  and  wear  the 
lingam.  They  do  not,  however,  wash  the  stone  lingam 
with  water,  in  which  the  feet  of  Jangams  have  been 
washed.  They  are  not  particular  as  to  always  keeping 
the  Hngam  on  the  body,  and  give  as  an  explanation 
that,  when  they  are  at  work,  they  have  to  touch  all 
kinds  of  people.  Some  said  that  merchants,  when 
engaged  in  their  business,  should  not  wear  the  lingam, 
especially  if  made  of  spatikam  (quartz),  as  they  have 
to  tell  untruths  as  regards  the  value  and  quality  of  their 
goods,  and  ruin  would  follow  if  these  were  told  while 
the  lingam  was  on  the  body. 

In  some  parts  of  Ganjam,  the  country  folk  keep 
a  larore  number  of  Brahmini  bulls.  When  one  of  these 
animals  dies,  very  elaborate  funeral  ceremonies  take 
place,  and  the  dead  beast  is  carried  in  procession  by 
Devangas,  and  buried  by  them.  As  the  Devangas  are 
Lingayats,  they  have  a  special  reverence  for  Basavanna, 
the  sacred  bull,  and  the  burying  of  the  Brahmini  bull  is 
ii-i  I 


DEVANGA  162 

regarded  by  them  as  a  sacred  and  meritorious  act. 
Other  castes  do  not  regard  it  as  such,  though  they  often 
set  free  sacred  cows  or  calves. 

Devangas  and  Padma  Sales  never  live  in  the  same 
street,  and  do  not  draw  water  from  the  same  well.  This 
is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  they  belong  to  the  left 
and  right-hand  factions  respectively,  and  no  love  is 
lost  between  them.  Like  other  left-hand  castes,  Devan- 
gas have  their  own  dancing-girls,  called  Jathi-biddalu 
(children  of  the  castes),  whose  male  offspring  do 
achchupani,  printing-work  on  cloth,  and  occasionally  go 
about  begging  from  Devangas.  In  the  Madras  Census 
Report,  1 90 1,  it  is  stated  that  "  in  Madura  and  Tinnevelly, 
the  Devangas,  or  Sedans,  consider  themselves  a  shade 
superior  to  the  Brahmans,  and  never  do  namaskaram 
(obeisance  or  salutation)  to  them,  or  employ  them  as 
priests.  In  Madura  and  Coimbatore,  the  Sedans  have 
their  own  dancing-girls,  who  are  called  Devanga  or 
Seda  Dasis  in  the  former,  and  Manikkattal  in  the  latter, 
and  are  strictly  reserved  for  members  of  the  caste  under 
pain  of  excommunication  or  heavy  fine." 

Concerning  the  origin  of  the  Devanga  beggars, 
called  Singamvadu,  the  following  legend  is  current. 
When  Chaudeswari  and  Devalan  were  engaged  in 
combat  with  the  Asuras,  one  of  the  Asuras  hid  himself 
behind  the  ear  of  the  lion,  on  which  the  goddess  was 
seated.  When  the  fight  was  over,  he  came  out,  and 
asked  for  pardon.  The  goddess  took  pity  on  him,  and 
ordered  that  his  descendants  should  be  called  Singam- 
vallu,  and  asked  Devalan  to  treat  them  as  servants,  and 
support  them.  Devangas  give  money  to  these  beggars, 
who  have  the  privilege  of  locking  the  door,  and  carrying 
away  the  food,  when  the  castemen  take  their  meals.  In 
assemblies  of  Devangas,  the  hand  of  the  beggar  serves 


I 63  DEVANGA 

as  a  spittoon.  He  conveys  the  news  of  death,  and  has 
as  the  insignia  of  office  a  horn,  called  thuththari  or 
singam. 

The  office  of  headman,  or  Pattagar,  is  hereditary,  and 
he  is  assisted  by  an  official  called  Sesha-raju  or  Umidi- 
setti  who  is  the  servant  of  the  community,  and  receives 
a  small  fee  annually  for  each  loom  within  his  beat. 

Widow  remarriage  is  permitted  in  some  places, 
and  forbidden  in  others.  There  may  be  intermarriage 
between  the  flesh-eating  and  vegetarian  sections.  But  a 
girl  who  belongs  to  a  flesh-eating  family,  and  marries  into 
a  vegetarian  family,  must  abstain  from  meat,  and  may  not 
touch  any  vessel  or  food  in  her  husband's  family  till  she 
has  reached  puberty.  Before  settling  the  marriage  of  a 
girl,  some  village  goddess,  or  Chaudeswari,  is  consulted, 
and  the  omens  are  watched,  A  lizard  chirping  on  the 
right  is  a  good  omen,  and  on  the  left  bad.  Sometimes, 
red  and  white  flowers,  wrapped  up  in  green  leaves, 
are  thrown  in  front  of  the  idol,  and  the  omen  considered 
good  or  bad  according  to  the  flower  which  a  boy  or  girl 
picks  up.  At  the  marriage  ceremony  which  commences 
with  distribution  of  pan-supari  (betel)  and  Vigneswara 
worship,  the  bride  is  presented  with  a  new  cloth,  and 
sits  on  a  three-legged  stool  or  cloth-roller  (dhonige). 
The  maternal  uncle  puts  round  her  neck  a  bondhu 
(strings  of  unbleached  cotton)  dipped  in  turmeric.  The 
ceremonies  are  carried  out  according  to  the  Puranic  ritual, 
except  by  those  who  consider  themselves  to  be  Devanga 
Brahmans.  On  the  first  day  the  milk  post  is  set  up 
being  made  of  Odina  Wodier  in  the  Tamil,  and 
Mimusops  hexandra  in  the  Telugu  country.  Various 
rites  are  performed,  which  include  tonsure,  upanayanam 
(wearing  the  sacred  thread),  padapuja  (washing  the  feet), 
Kasiyatra  (mock  pilgrimage  to  Benares),  dharadhattam 

II-II  B 


DEVANGA  164 

(giving  away  the  bride),  and  mangalyadharanam  (tying 
the  marriage  badge,  or  bottu).  The  })roceedings  con- 
clude with  pot  searching.  A  j^ap-bowl  and  ring  are  put 
into  a  pot.  If  the  bride  picks  out  the  bowl,  her  first- 
born will  be  a  girl,  and  if  the  bridegroom  gets  hold  of 
the  ring,  it  will  be  a  boy.  On  the  fifth  day,  a  square 
design  is  made  on  the  floor  w^th  coloured  rice  grains. 
Between  the  contracting  couple  and  the  square  a  row  of 
lights  is  placed.  Four  pots  are  set,  one  at  each  corner 
of  the  square,  and  eight  pots  arranged  along  each  side 
thereof.  On  the  square  itself,  two  pots  representing 
Siva  and  Uma,  are  placed,  with  a  row  of  seedling  pots 
near  them.  A  thread  is  wound  nine  times  round  the 
pots  representing  the  god  and  goddess,  and  tied  above 
to  the  pandal.  After  the  pots  have  been  worshipped, 
the  thread  is  cut,  and  worn,  with  the  sacred  thread, 
for  three  months.     This  ceremony  is  called  Nagavali. 

When  a  girl  reaches  puberty,  a  twig  of  Alangium 
Lamarckii  is  placed  in  the  menstrual  hut  to  keep  off 
devils. 

The  dead  are  generally  buried  in  a  sitting  posture. 
Before  the  grave  is  filled  in,  a  string  is  tied  to  the 
kudumi  (hair  knot)  of  the  corpse,  and,  by  its  means,  the 
head  is  brought  near  the  surface.  Over  it  a  lino^am 
is  set  up,  and  worshipped  daily  throughout  the  death 
ceremonies. 

The  following  curious  custom  is  described  by  Mr.  C. 
Hayavadana  Rao.  Once  in  twelve  years,  a  Dcvanga 
leaves  his  home,  and  joins  the  Padma  Sales.  He  begs 
from  them,  saying  that  he  is  the  son  of  their  caste,  and 
as  such  entitled  to  be  supported  by  them.  If  alms 
are  not  forthcoming,  he  enters  the  house,  and  carries  off 
whatever  he  may  be  able  to  pick  up.  Sometimes,  if  he 
can  get  nothing  else,    he   has   been   known   to   seize  a 


1 65  DEVANGA 

lighted  cigar  in  tlic  mouth  of  a  Sale,  and  run  off  with 
it.  The  origin  of  this  custom  is  not  certain,  but  it 
has  been  suggested  that  the  Devangas  and  Sales  were 
originally  one  caste,  and  that  the  former  separated  from 
the  latter  when  they  became  Lingayats.  A  Devanga 
only  becomes  a  Chinerigadu  when  he  is  advanced  in 
years,  and  will  cat  the  remnants  of  food  left  by  Padma 
Sales  on  their  plates.  A  Chinerigadu  is,  on  his  death, 
buried  by  the  Sales. 

Many  of  the  Devangas  are  short  of  stature,  light 
skinned,  with  sharp-cut  features,  light-brown  iris,  and 
delicate  tapering  fingers.  Those  at  Hospet,  in  the 
Bellary  district,  carried  thorn  tweezers  (for  removing 
thorns  of  Acacia  arabica  from  the  feet),  tooth-pick 
and  ear-scoop,  suspended  as  a  chatelaine  from  the  loin- 
string.  The  more  well-to-do  had  these  articles  made  of 
silver,  with  the  addition  of  a  silver  saw  for  paring  the 
nails  and  cutting  cheroots.  The  name  Pampanna,  which 
some  of  them  bore,  is  connected  with  the  nymph  Pampa, 
who  resides  at  Hampi,  and  asked  Parameswara  to 
become  her  husband.  He  accordingly  assumed  the 
name  of  Pampapathi,  in  whose  honour  there  is  a  tank 
at  Anagundi,  and  temple  at  Hampi.  He  directed 
Pampa  to  live  in  a  pond,  and  pass  by  the  name  of 
Pampasarovara. 

The  Sedans  of  Coimbatore,  at  the  time  of  my  visit 
in  October,  were  hard  at  work  making  clothes  for  the 
Dipavali  festival.  It  is  at  times  of  festivals  and 
marriages,  in  years  of  prosperity  among  the  people,  that 
the  weavers  reap  their  richest  harvest. 

In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  Bilimagga 
(white  loom)  and  Atagara  (weavers  and  exorcists)  are 
returned  as  sub-castes  of  Devanga.  The  usual  title  of 
the  Devangas  is  Chetti. 


DEVENDRA  i66 

The  shortness  of  stature  of  some  of  the   weaving 
classes  which   I    have  examined   is  brought  out  by  the 
following  average  measurements  : — 

cm. 
Padma  Sale  ...          ...  ...          ...  i59'9 

Sukun  Sale  ...          ...  ...  ...  i6o"3 

Togata  ...          ...          ...  ...  1605 

Suka  Sale  ...  ...  ...  ...  i6i*i 

Devendra.— A  name  assumed  by  some  Pallans,  who 
claim  to  be  descended  from  the  king  of  the  gods 
(devas). 

Dhabba  (split  bamboo). — Dhabba  or  Dhabbai  is  the 
name  of  a  sub-division  of  Koravas,  who  split  bamboos, 
and  make  various  articles  therefrom. 

Dhakkado. — A  smxall  mixed  class  of  Oriya  culti- 
vators, concerning  whom  there  is  a  proverb  that  a 
Dhakkado  does  not  know  his  father.  They  are  described, 
in  the  Census  Report,  1891,  as  "a  caste  of  cultivators 
found  in  the  Jeypore  agency  tracts.  They  are  said  to  be 
the  offspring  of  a  Brahman  and  a  Sudra  girl,  and,  though 
living  on  the  hills,  they  are  not  an  uncivilised  hill  tribe. 
Some  prepare  and  sell  the  sacred  thread,  others  are 
confectioners.  They  wear  the  sacred  thread,  and  do  not 
drink  water  from  the  hands  of  any  except  Brahmans. 
Girls  are  married  before  puberty,  and  widow  marriage  is 
practiced.  They  are  flesh-eaters,  and  their  dead  are 
usually  buried." 

In  a  note  on  the  Dhakkados,  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana 
Rao  writes  that  "  the  illegitimate  descendant  of  a 
Brahman  and  a  hill  woman  of  the  non-polluting  castes 
is  said  to  be  known  as  a  Dhakkado.  The  Dhakkados 
assume  Brahmanical  names,  but,  as  regards  marriages, 
funerals,  etc.,  follow  the  customs  of  their  mother's  caste. 
Her   caste  people    intermarry    with    her    children.     A 


16;  DHARMARAJA 

Dhakkado  usually  follows  the  occupation  of  his  mother's 
caste.  Thus  one  whose  mother  is  a  Kevuto  follows 
the  calling  of  fishing  or  plying  boats  on  rivers,  one 
whose  mother  is  a  Bhumia  is  an  agriculturist,  and 
so  on." 

Dhakur. — Stated,  in  the  Manual  of  the  Vizagapatam 
district,  to  be  illegitimate  children  of  Brahmans,  who  wear 
the  paieta  (sacred  thread). 

Dhanapala. — A  sub-division  ofGollas,  who  guard 
treasure  while  it  is  in  transit, 

Dhangar.— Dhangar,  or  Donigar,  is  recorded,  in  the 
Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  as  a  Marathi  caste  of 
shepherds  and  cattle-breeders.  I  gather,  from  a  note  * 
on  the  Dhangars  of  the  Kanara  district  in  the  Bombay 
Presidency,  that  "  the  word  Dhangar  is  generally  derived 
from  the  Sanskrit  dhenu,  a  cow.  Their  home  speech  is 
Marathi,  but  they  can  speak  Kanarese.  They  keep  a 
special  breed  of  cows  and  buffaloes,  known  as  Dhangar 
mhasis  and  Dhangar  gais  which  are  the  largest  cattle 
in  Kanara.  Many  of  Shivaji's  infantry  were  Satara 
Dhangars." 

Dhaniala  (coriander). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Kamma.  Dhaniala  Jati,  or  coriander  caste,  is  an  oppro- 
brious name  applied  to  Komatis,  indicating  that,  in 
business  transactions,  they  must  be  crushed  as  coriander 
fruits  are  crushed  before  the  seed  is  sown. 

Dhare.— An  exogamous  sept  of  Kuruba.  In  the 
Canara  country,  the  essential  and  binding  part  of  the 
marriage  ceremony  is  called  dhare  {see  Bant). 

Dharmaraja.— An  exogamous  sept  of  the  Irulas  of 
North  Arcot.  Dharmaraja  was  the  eldest  of  the  five 
Pandavas,  the  heroes  of  the  Mahabharatha. 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Bombay  Presidency,  XV,  Part  I,  1883. 


DHIPPO  i68 

D hippo  (light). — An  cxogamous  sept  of  Bhondari. 
The  members  thereof  may  not  blow  out  lights,  or  extin- 
guish them  in  any  other  way.  They  will  not  light  lamps 
without  being  madi,  i.e.,  wearing  silk  cloths,  or  cloths 
washed  and  dried  after  bathing. 

Dhobi.— A  name  used  for  washerman  by  Anglo- 
Indians  all  over  India.  The  word  is  said  to  be  derived 
from  dhoha,  Sanskrit,  dhav,  to  wash.  A  whitish  grey 
sandy  efflorescence,  found  in  many  places,  from  which,  by 
boiling  and  the  addition  of  quicklime,  an  alkali  of  consi- 
derable strength  is  obtained,  is  called  Dhobi's  earth.* 
"The  expression  dhobie  itch,"  Manson  writes,!  "al- 
though applied  to  any  itching  ringworm-like  affection  of 
any  part  of  the  skin,  most  commonly  refers  to  some  form 
of  epiphytic  disease  of  the  crutch  or  axilla  (armpit)." 
The  disease  is  very  generally  supposed  to  be  communi- 
cated by  clothes  from  the  wash,  but  Manson  is  of  opinion 
that  the  belief  that  it  is  contracted  from  clothes  which 
have  been  contaminated  by  the  washerman  is  probably 
not  very  well  founded. 

Dhobi  is  the  name,  by  which  the  washerman  caste 
of  the  Oriyas  is  known.  "  They  are  said,"  Mr.  Francis 
writes,J  "  to  have  come  originally  from  Orissa.  Girls 
are  generally  married  before  maturity,  and,  if  this  is  not 
possible,  they  have  to  be  married  to  a  sword  or  a  tree, 
before  they  can  be  wedded  to  a  man.  Their  ordinary 
marriage  ceremonies  are  as  follows.  The  bridal  pair 
bathe  in  water  brought  from  seven  different  houses.  The 
bridegroom  puts  a  bangle  on  the  bride's  arm  (this  is  the 
binding  part  of  the  ceremony)  ;  the  left  and  right  wrists 
of  the  bride  and  bridegroom  are  tied  together  ;  betel  leaf 
and  nut  are  tied  in  a  corner  of  the  bride's  cloth,  and  a 

*  Vule  and  Burnell,  Hobson-Jobson.  f  Tropical  Diseases, 

X  Madras  Census  Report,  1901. 


i69  DHODDI 

myrabolam  [Termmalia  fruit)  in  that  of  the  bridegroom  ; 
and  finally  the  people  present  in  the  pandal  (booth) 
throw  rice  and  saffron  (turmeric)  over  them.  Widows 
and  divorced  women  may  marry  again.  They  are  Vaish- 
navites,  but  some  of  them  also  worship  Kali  or  Durga. 
They  employ  Bairagis,  and  occasionally  Brahmans,  as 
their  priests.  They  burn  their  dead,  and  perform  sriiddha 
(annual  memorial  ceremony).  Their  titles  are  Chetti  (or 
Maha  Chetti)  and  Behara."  The  custom  of  the  bridal 
pair  bathing  in  water  from  seven  different  houses  obtains 
among  many  Oriya  castes,  including  Brahmans.  It  is 
known  by  the  name  of  pani-tula.  The  water  is  brought 
by  married  girls,  who  have  not  reached  puberty,  on  the 
night  preceding  the  wedding  day,  and  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  wash  in  it  before  dawn.  This  bath  is  called 
koili  pani  snano,  or  cuckoo  water-bath.  The  koil  is 
the  Indian  koel  or  cuckoo  [Eudynamis  honorata),  whose 
crescendo  cry  ku-il,  ku-il,  is  trying  to  the  nerves  during 
the  hot  season. 

The  following  proverbs  *  relating  to  washermen  may 
be  quoted  : — 

Get  a  new  washerman,  and  an  old  barber. 
The  washerman  knows  the  defects  of  the  village  {i.e.,  he  learns 
a  good  deal  about  the  private  affairs  of  the  various  families, 
when  receiving  and  delivering  the  clothes). 
When  a  washerman  gets  sick,  his  sickness  must  leave  him  at 
the  stone.  The  stone  referred  to  is  the  large  stone,  on  which 
the  washerman  cleans  cloths,  and  the  proverb  denotes  that, 
however  sick  a  washerman  may  be,  his  work  must  be  done. 

Dhoddi. — Dhoddi,  meaning  a  court  or  back-yard, 
cattle-pen,  or  sheep-fold,  has  been  recorded  as  an  exo- 
gamous  sept  of  Devanga,  Koppala  Velama,  Kama  Sale, 
Mala,  and  Yanadi. 


*  Rev.   II.  Jensen.     Classified  Collection  of  Tamil  Proverbs,  1897. 


DHODDIYAN  170 

Dhoddiyan. — A  name  given  by  Tamillans  to  Jogis. 

D hollo.— Dhollo  is  recorded  in  the  Madras  Census 
Report,  1 90 1,  as  the  same  as  Doluva.  A  correspondent 
informs  me  that  Dhollo  is  said  to  be  different  from 
Doluva. 

Dhoma  (gnat  or  mosquito). — An  exogamous  sept 
of  Mala. 

Dhondapu  {^Cephalandra  indica). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Devanga.  The  fruit  is  one  of  the  commonest  of 
native  vegetables,  and  cooked  in  curries. 

Dhoni  (boat). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Mila  and 
Oruganti  Kapu.  In  a  paper  on  the  native  vessels  of 
South  India  by  Mr.  Edge,  published  in  the  Journal  of 
the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  the  dhoni  is  described  as  "  a 
vessel  of  ark-like  form,  about  70  feet  long,  20  feet  broad, 
and  1 1  feet  deep,  with  a  flat  bottom  or  keel  part,  which 
at  the  broadest  place  is  7  feet, 

"  The  whole  equipment  of  these  rude  vessels,  as  well 
as  their  construction,  is  the  most  coarse  and  unseaworthy 
that  I  have  ever  seen."  The  dhoni,  with  masts,  is 
represented  in  the  ancient  lead  and  copper  coinage  of 
Southern  India. 

Dhor. — In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  a  few 
(164)  individuals  were  returned  as  "  Dher,  a  low  caste  of 
Marathi  leather  workers."  They  were,  I  gather  from  the 
Bombay  Gazetteer,  Dhors  or  tanners  who  dwell  in  various 
parts  of  the  Bombay  Presidency,  and  whose  home  speech, 
names  and  surnames  seem  to  show  that  they  have  come 
from  the  Maratha  country. 

Dhudala  (calves). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Thumati 
Golla. 

Dhudhofmilk). — A  sept  of  Omanaito. 

Dhuggani  (money). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Devanga. 


171  DOLUVA 

Dhuliya. — Dhuliyci  or  Dulia  is  a  small  class  of  Oriya 
cultivators,  some  of  whom  wear  the  sacred  thread,  and 
employ  Boishnobs  as  their  priests.  Marriage  before 
puberty  is  not  compulsory,  and  widows  can  remarry. 
They  eat  flesh.  The  dead  are  cremated.  *  The  name 
is  said  to  be  derived  from  dhuli,  dust,  with  which  those 
who  work  in  the  fields  are  covered.  Dhuliya  also 
means  carriers  of  dhulis  (dhoolies),  which  are  a  form  of 
palanquin. 

Didavi.— A  sub-division  of  Poroja. 
Digambara  (space-clad  or  sky-clad,  i.e.,  nude). — One 
of  the  two  main  divisions  of  the  Jains.  The  Digambaras 
are  said  t  to  "  regard  absolute  nudity  as  the  indispensable 
sign  of  holiness,  though  the  advance  of  civilisation  has 
compelled  them  to  depart  from  the  practice  of  their 
theory." 

Divar. — See  Deva. 

Diyasi.— An  exogamous  sept  of  Dandasi.  The 
members  thereof  show  special  reverence  for  the  sun,  and 
cloths,  mokkutos  (forehead  chaplets),  garlands,  and  other 
articles  to  be  used  by  the  bride  and  bridegroom  at  a  wed- 
ding are  placed  outside  the  house,  so  that  they  may  be 
exposed  to  it. 

Dolaiya. — A  title  of  Doluva  andpdia. 

Dolobehara.— -The  name  of  headmen  or  their  assist- 
ants among  many  Oriya  castes.  In  some  cases,  e.g., 
among  the  Haddis,  the  name  is  used  as  a  title  by  families, 
members  of  which  are  headmen. 

Doluva.— The  Doluvas  of  Ganjam  are,  according  to 
the  Madras  Census  Report,  1891,  "  supposed  to  be  the 
descendants  of  the  old  Rajahs  by  their  concubines,  and 
were  employed  as  soldiers  and  attendants.     The  name  is 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1891. 

t  G.  Buhler  on  the  Indian  Sect  of  the  Jainas,  1903, 


DOLUVA  172 

said  to  be  derived  from  the  Sanskrit  dola,  meaning  army." 
Tlie  Doluvas  claim  to  be  descended  from  the  Puri  Rajahs 
by  their  concubines,  and  say  that  some   of  them  were 
employed  as  sirdars  and  paiks  under  these  Rajahs.     They 
are  said  to  have  accompanied  a  certain  Puri  Rajah  who 
came  south  to  wage  war,  and  to  have  settled  in  Ganjam. 
They  are  at  the  present  day  mainly  engaged  in  agricul- 
ture, though  some  are  traders,  bricklayers,  cart-drivers, 
etc.     The  caste   seems   to  be  divided  into  five  sections, 
named  Kcndaiyito,  Lenka,  Rabba,  Pottia,  and  Beharania, 
of  which  the  first  two  are  numerically  the  strongest  and 
most  widely  distributed.     Kondaiyito  is  said  to  be  derived 
from   kendo,   an   arrow,    and  to   indicate  warrior.     The 
Kondaiyitos  sometimes  style  themselves  Rajah  Doluvas, 
and   claim   superiority   over    the    other  sections.     It  is 
noted,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1891,  that  "  Oriya 
Zamindars  get  wives  from  this  sub-division,  but  the  men 
of  it  cannot  marry  into  the  Zamindar's  families.     They 
wear  the  sacred  thread,  and  are  writers."     In  former  days, 
the  title  writer  was   applied  to  the  junior  grade  of  C'ivil 
Servants  of  the  East  India  Company.     It  is  now  used  to 
denote  a  copying  clerk  in  an  office. 

Various  titles  occur  among  members  of  the  caste,  e.g., 
Bissoyi,  Biswalo,  Dolei,  Jenna,  Kottiya,  Mahanti,  Majhi, 
Nahako,  Porlda,  Ravuto,  Samulo,  and  Sani. 

The  ordinary  caste  council  system,  with  a  hereditary 
headman,  seems  to  be  absent  among  the  Doluvas,  and 
the  affairs  of  the  caste  are  settled  by  leading  members 
thereof. 

The  Doluvas  are  Paramarthos,  following  the  Chai- 
tanya  form  of  Vaishnavism,  and  wearing  a  rosary  of  tulsi 
(Ocimum  sancltmt)  beads.  They  further  worship  various 
Takuranis  (village  deities),  among  which  are  Kalva, 
Bagadevi,  Kotari,  Maheswari,  and  Manickeswari.     They 


173  DOMB 

are  in  some  places  very  particular  regarding  the  perform- 
ance of  sradh  (memorial  ceremony),  which  is  carried 
out  annually  in  the  following  manner.  On  the  night 
before  the  sradh  day,  a  room  is  prepared  for  the  reception 
of  the  soul  of  the  deceased.  This  room  is  called  pitru 
bharano  (reception  of  the  ancestor).  The  floor  thereof  is 
cleansed  with  cow-dung  water,  and  a  lamp  fed  with  ghi 
(clarified  butter)  is  placed  on  it  by  the  side  of  a  plank. 
On  this  plank  a  new  cloth  is  laid  for  the  reception  of 
various  articles  for  worship,  e.g.,  sacred  grass,  Zizy pints 
jiijuba  leaves,  flowers,  etc.  In  front  of  the  plank  a  brass 
vessel,  containing  water  and  a  tooth  brush  oi  Achyranthes 
aspei'a  root,  is  placed.  The  dead  person's  son  throws  rice 
and  Zizyphus  leaves  into  the  air,  and  calls  on  the  deceased 
to  come  and  give  a  blessing  on  the  following  day.  The 
room  is  then  locked,  and  the  lamp  kept  burning  in  it 
throughout  the  night.  On  the  following  day,  all  old  pots 
are  thrown  away  and,  after  a  small  space  has  been 
cleaned  on  the  floor  of  the  house,  a  pattern  is  drawn 
thereon  with  flour  in  the  form  of  a  square  or  oblong  with 
twelve  divisions.  On  each  division  a  jak  i^Ai'tocarpus 
integrifolia)  leaf  is  placed,  and  on  each  leaf  the  son 
puts  cooked  rice  and  vegetables.  A  vessel  containing 
Achyranthes  root,  and  a  plank  with  a  new  cloth  on  it,  are 
set  by  the  side  of  the  pattern.  After  worship  has  been 
performed  and  food  offered,  the  cloth  is  presented  to  a 
Brahman,  and  the  various  articles  used  in  the  ceremonial 
are  thrown  into  water. 

Domb.— The  name  Domb  or  Dombo  is  said  to 
be  derived  from  the  word  dumba,  meaning  devil,  in 
reference  to  the  thieving  propensities  of  the  tribe.  The 
Dombas,   Mr.  H.  A.   Stuart  writes,*   "are  a  Dravidian 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1891. 


DOMB  174 

caste  of  weavers  and  menials,  found  in  the  hill  tracts 
of  Vizagapatam.  This  caste  appears  to  be  an  offshoot 
of  the  Dom  caste  of  Bengal,  Behar,  and  the  North- 
western Provinces.  Like  the  Doms,  the  Dombas  arc 
regarded  with  disgust,  because  they  eat  beef,  pork,  horse- 
flesh, rats,  and  the  flesh  of  animals  which  have  died  a 
natural  death,  and  both  are  considered  to  be  Chandalas 
or  Pariahs  by  the  Bengalis  and  the  Uriyas.  The  Dombs 
weave  the  cloths  and  blankets  worn  by  the  hill  people, 
but,  like  the  Pariahs  of  the  plains,  they  are  also  labour- 
ers, scavengers,  etc.  Some  of  them  are  extensively 
engaged  in  trade,  and  they  have,  as  a  rule,  more 
knowledge  of  the  world  than  the  ryots  who  despise 
them.  They  are  great  drunkards."  In  the  Census 
Report,  1 87 1,  it  was  noted  that  **  in  many  villages,  the 
Doms  carry  on  the  occupation  of  weaving,  but,  in  and 
around  Jaipur,  they  are  employed  as  horse-keepers,  tom- 
tom beaters,  scavengers,  and  in  other  menial  duties. 
Notwithstanding  their  abject  position  in  the  social  scale, 
some  signs  of  progress  may  be  detected  amongst  them. 
They  are  assuming  the  occupation,  in  many  instances, 
of  petty  hucksters,  eking  out  a  livelihood  by  taking 
advantage  of  the  small  difl"erence  in  rates  between 
market  and  market." 

"  The  Dombs,"  Mr.  F.  Fawcett  writes,  *  "  are  an 
outcast  jungle  people,  who  inhabit  the  forests  on  the  high 
lands  fifty  to  eighty  or  a  hundred  miles  from  the  east 
coast,  about  Vizagapatam.  Being  outcast,  they  are 
never  allowed  to  live  within  a  village,  but  have  their  own 
little  hamlet  adjoining  a  village  proper,  inhabited  by 
people  of  various  superior  castes.  It  is  fair  to  say 
that  the  Dombs  are  akin  to  the  Panos  of  the  adjoining 

*  Man.,  1901. 


175  DOME 

Khond   country,    a  Pariah    folk  who    live  amongst  the 
Khonds,  and  used  to  supply  the  human  victims  for  the 
Meriah  sacrifices.     Indeed,  the  Khonds,   who  hold  them 
in  contemptuous  inferiority,  call  them  Dombas  as  a  sort 
of  alternative  title  to  Panos.     The  Paidis  of  the  adjoining 
Savara  or  Saora  country  are  also,  doubtless,  kinsmen  of 
the  Dombs.       [The  same  man  is  said  to  be  called  Paidi 
by  Telugus,   Dombo  by  the  Savaras,  and  Pano  by  the 
Khonds.     It  is  noted  in  the  Census  Report,  1881,  that  the 
Pano  quarters  in  Khond  villages  are  called  Dombo  Sai.] 
In  most  respects   their   condition  is   a    very  poor  one. 
Though  they  live  in  the  best  part  of  the  Presidency  for 
game,    they  know   absolutely  nothing   of  hunting,  and 
cannot  even  handle  a  bow  and  arrow.     They  have,  how- 
ever,   one   respectable    quality,    industry,  and    are    the 
weavers,  traders,  and  money-lenders  of  the  hills,   being 
very  useful  as  middlemen  between  the  Khonds,  Sauras, 
Gadabas,  and  other  hill  people  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
traders  of  the  plains  on  the  other.      I   am  informed,  on 
good  authority,    that  there    are  some   Dombs  who  rise 
higher  than  this,  but  cannot  say  whether  these  are,  or  are 
not  crosses  with  superior  races.     Most  likely  they  are, 
for   most   of  the    Dombs    are   arrant   thieves.     It   was 
this  propensity  for  thieving,  in  fact,  which  had  landed 
some    hundreds    of  them    in    the  jail    at    Vizagapatam 
when  I  visited  that  place,  and  gave  me  an  opportunity 
of  recording  their    measurements."      The   averages    of 
the   more    important    of    these    measurements    are    as 
follows  : — 

cm. 
Stature  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...      161-9 

Cephalic  length  ...          ...  ...          ...        i8-8 

Cephalic  breadth         ...  ...  ...  ...        i4"3 

Cephalic  index  ...  ...  ...  ...       75 '6 

Nasal  index  ...          ...         ...  ...       86*5 


DOME  176 

It  is  noted  by  the  Missionary  Gloyer  *  that  the 
colour  of  the  skin  of  the  Dombs  varies  from  very  dark  to 
yellow,  and  their  height  from  that  of  an  Aryan  to  the 
short  stature  of  an  aboriginal,  and  that  there  is  a  corre- 
sponding variation  in  facial  type. 

For  the  following  note  on  the  Dombs,  I  am  indebted 
to  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana  Rao.  They  are  the  weavers, 
traders,  musicians,  beggars,  and  money-lenders  of  the 
hills.  Some  own  cattle,  and  cultivate.  The  hill  people 
in  the  interior  are  entirely  dependent  on  them  for 
their  clothing.  A  few  Domb  families  are  generally 
found  to  each  village.  They  act  as  middlemen  between 
the  hill  people  and  the  Komati  traders.  Their  profits 
are  said  to  be  large,  and  their  children  are,  in  some 
places,  found  attending  hill  schools.  As  musicians,  they 
play  on  the  drum  and  pipe.  They  are  the  hereditary 
musicians  of  the  Maharaja  of  Jeypore.  A  Domb  beggar, 
when  engaged  in  his  professional  calling,  goes  about 
from  door  to  door,  playing  on  a  little  pipe.  Their 
supposed  powers  over  devils  and  w^itches  result  in 
their  being  consulted  when  troubles  appear.  Though 
the  Dombs  are  regarded  as  a  low  and  polluting  class, 
they  will  not  eat  at  the  hands  of  Komatis,  Bhondaris, 
or  Ghasis.  Some  Dombas  have  become  converts  to 
Christianity  through  missionary  influence. 

In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1891,  the  following 
sections  of  the  Dombs  are  recorded : — Onomia,  Odia, 
Mandiri,  Mirgam,  and  Kohara.  The  sub-divisions,  how- 
ever, seem  to  be  as  follows : — Mirigani,  Kobbiriya, 
Odiya,  Sodabisiya,  Mandiri,  and  Andiniya.  There  are 
also  various  septs,  of  which  the  following  have  been 
recorded  among  the  Odiyas: — Bhag  (tiger),  Balu  (bear), 


*  Jeypore,  Breklum,  1901. 


il 


177  DOMB 

Nag  (cobra),  Hanuman  (the  monkey  god),  Kochchipo 
(tortoise),  Bengri  (frog),  Kukra  (dog),  Surya  (sun), 
Matsya  (fish),  and  Jaikonda  (lizard).  It  is  noted  by 
Mr.  Fawcett  that  "  monkeys,  frogs,  and  cobras  are 
taboo,  and  also  the  sunari  tree  [Ochia  sqnarrosa).  The 
big  lizard,  cobras,  frogs,  and  the  crabs  which  are  found 
in  the  paddy  fields,  and  are  usually  eaten  by  jtmgle 
people,  may  not  be  eaten." 

When  a  girl  reaches  puberty,  she  remains  outside 
the  hut  for  fiv^e  days,  and  then  bathes  at  the  nearest 
stream,  and  is  presented  with  a  new  cloth.  In  honour 
of  the  event,  drink  is  distributed  among  her  relatives. 
Girls  are  usually  married  after  puberty.  A  man  can 
claim  his  paternal  aunt's  daughter  in  marriage.  When 
a  proposal  of  marriage  is  to  be  made,  the  suitor  carries 
some  pots  of  liquor,  usually  worth  two  rupees,  to  the 
girl's  house,  and  deposits  them  in  front  of  it.  If  her 
parents  consent  to  the  match,  they  take  the  pots  inside, 
and  drink  some  of  the  liquor.  After  some  time  has 
elapsed,  more  liquor,  worth  five  rupees,  is  taken  to  the 
girl's  house,  A  reduction  in  the  quantity  of  liquor 
is  made  when  a  man  is  proposing  for  the  hand  of  his 
paternal  aunt's  daughter,  and,  on  the  second  occasion, 
the  liquor  will  only  be  worth  three  rupees.  A  similar 
reduction  is  made  in  the  jholla  tonka,  or  bride  price. 
On  the  wedding  day,  the  bridegroom  goes,  accompanied 
by  his  relations,  to  the  bride's  home,  where,  at  the  aus- 
picious moment  fixed  by  the  Desari,  his  father  presents 
new  cloths  to  himself  and  the  bride,  which  they  put  on. 
They  stand  before  the  hut,  and  on  each  is  placed  a  cloth 
with  a  myrabolam  {^Teryimialia)  seed,  rice,  and  a  few 
copper  coins  tied  up  in  it.  The  bridegroom's  right  little 
finger  is  linked  with  the  left  little  finger  of  the  bride,  and 
they  enter  the  hut.     On  the  following  day,  the  newly 

1 1- 1  2 


dOmb  178 

married  couple  repair  to  the  home  of  the  bridegroom. 
On  the  third  day,  they  are  bathed  in  turmeric  water, 
a  pig  is  killed,  and  a  feast  is  held.  On  the  ninth  day, 
the  knots  in  the  cloths,  containing  the  myrabolams,  rice, 
and  coins,  are  untied,  and  the  marriage  ceremonies 
are  at  an  end.  The  remarriage  of  widows  is  permitted, 
and  a  younger  brother  usually  marries  the  widow  of  his 
elder  brother. 

It  is  noted,  in  the  Gazetteer  of  the  Vizagapatam 
district,  that  "some  of  the  Dombus  of  the  Parvatipur 
Agency  follow  many  of  the  customs  of  the  low-country 
castes,  including  menarikam  (marriage  with  the  maternal 
uncle's  daughter),  and  say  they  are  the  same  as  the  Paidis 
(or  Paidi  Malas)  of  the  plains  adjoining,  with  whom 
they  intermarry." 

The  corpses  of  the  more  prosperous  Dombs  are 
usually  cremated.  The  w^ood  of  the  sunari  tree  and 
relli  {Cassia  fistula)  may  not  be  used  for  the  pyre. 
The  son  or  husband  of  a  deceased  person  has  his  head, 
moustache,  and  armpits  shaved  on  the  tenth  day. 

Domb  women,  and  women  of  other  tribes  in  the 
Jeypore  Agency  tracts,  wear  silver  ear  ornaments  called 
nagul,  representing  a  cobra  just  about  to  strike  with 
tongue  protruded.  Similar  ornaments  of  gold,  called 
naga  pogulu  (cobra-shaped  earrings),  are  worn  by  women 
of  some  Telugu  castes  in  the  plains  of  Vizagapatam. 

The  personal  names  of  the  Dombs  are,  as  among 
other  Oriya  castes,  often  those  of  the  day  of  the  week 
on  which  the  individual  was  born. 

Concerning  the  religion  of  the  Dombs,  Mr.  Fawcett 
notes  that  "  their  chief  god — probably  an  ancestral 
spirit — is  called  Kaluga.  There  is  one  in  each  village, 
in  the  headman's  house.  The  deity  is  represented  by  a 
pie  piece  (copper  coin),  placed  in  or  over  a  new  earthen 


179  DOME 

pot  smeared  with  rice  and  turmeric  powder.  During 
worship,  a  silk  cloth,  a  new  cloth,  or  a  wet  cloth  may  be 
worn,  but  one  must  not  dress  in  leaves.  Before  the 
mangoes  are  eaten,  the  first-fruits  are  offered  to  the 
moon,  at  the  full  moon  of  the  month  Chitra." 

"  When,"  Gloyer  writes,  "  a  house  has  to  be  built, 
the  first  thing  is  to  select  a  favourable  spot,  to  which 
few  evil  spirits  (dumas)  resort.  At  this  spot  they  put,  in 
several  places,  three  grains  of  rice  arranged  in  such  a 
way  that  the  two  lower  grains  support  the  upper  one. 
To  protect  the  grains,  they  pile  up  stones  round  them, 
and  the  whole  is  lightly  covered  with  earth.  When, 
after  some  time,  they  find  on  inspection  that  the  upper 
grain  has  fallen  off,  the  spot  is  regarded  as  unlucky,  and 
must  not  be  used.  If  the  position  of  the  grains  remains 
unchanged,  the  omen  is  regarded  as  auspicious. 
They  drive  in  the  first  post,  which  must  have  a  certain 
length,  say  of  five,  seven,  or  nine  ells,  the  ell  being 
measured  from  the  tip  of  the  middle  finger  to  the  elbow. 
The  post  is  covered  on  the  top  with  rice  straw,  leaves, 
and  shrubs,  so  that  birds  may  not  foul  it,  which  would  be 
regarded  as  an  evil  omen.  [In  Madras,  a  story  is  current, 
with  reference  to  the  statue  of  Sir  Thomas  Munro,  that 
he  seized  upon  all  the  rice  dep6ts,  and  starved  the 
people  to  death  by  selling  rice  in  egg-shells  at  one  shell 
for  a  rupee,  and,  to  punish  him,  the  Government  erected 
the  statue  in  an  open  place,  so  that  the  birds  of  the  air 
might  insult  him  by  polluting  his  face.]  In  measuring 
the  house,  odd  numbers  play  an  important  part.  The 
number  four  (pura,  or  full  number),  however,  forms  the 
proper  measurement,  whereby  they  measure  the  size  of 
the  house,  according  to  the  pleasure  of  the  builder.  But 
now  the  Dissary  (Desari)  decides  whether  the  house 
shall  be  built  on  the  nandi,  dua,  or  tia  system,  nandi 

II-I2  B 


DOMB  1 80 

signifying  one,  dua  two,  and  tia  three.  This  number  of 
ells  must  be  added  to  the  measurement  of  the  house. 
Supposing  that  the  length  of  the  house  is  twelve  ells, 
then  it  will  be  necessary  to  add  one  ell  according  to  the 
nandi  system,  so  that  the  length  amounts  to  thirteen  ells 
The  number  four  can  only  be  used  for  stables." 

"  The  Dumas,"    Gloyer  continues,   "  are  represented 
as  souls  of  the  deceased,  which  roam  about  without  a 
home,  so  as  to  cause  to  mankind  all  possible  harm.     At 
the  birth  of  a  child,  the   Duma  must   be   invited   in  a 
friendly  manner  to  provide  the  child  with  a  soul,  and 
protect  it  against  evil.     For  this  purpose,  a  fowl  is  killed 
on  the  ninth  day,  a  bone  (beinknochen)  detached,  and 
pressed  in  to  the  hand  of  the  infant.     The  relations  are 
seated  in  solemn  silence,  and  utter  the  formula  : — When 
grandfather,  grandmother,  father,  or  brother  comes,  throw 
away  the  bone,  and  we  will  truly  believe  it.     No  sooner 
does  the  sprawling  and  excited  infant  drop  the  bone,  than 
the  Dumas  are  come,  and  boisterous  glee  prevails.     The 
Dumas  occasionally  give  vent  to  their  ghostly  sounds, 
and  cause  no  little  consternation  among  the  inmates  of  a 
house,  who  hide  from  fear.     Cunning  thieves  know  how 
to  rob  the  superstitious  by  employing  instruments  with 
a  subdued  tone  (dumpftonende),   or   by  emitting  deep 
sounds  from  the  chest.     The  yearly  sacrifice  to  a  Duma 
consists  of  a  black  fowl  and  strong  brandy.      If  a  member 
of  a  family  falls  ill,  an  extraordinary  sacrifice  has  to  be 
offered  up.     The  Duma  is  not  regarded  only  as  an  evil 
spirit,   but  also  as  a  tutelary  deity.      He  protects  one 
against  the  treacherous  attacks  of  witches.     A  place  is 
prepared  for  him    in  the    door-hinge,    or  a  fishing-net, 
wherein  he  lives,  is  placed  over  the  door.     The  witches 
must  count  all  the  knots  of  the  net,  before  they  can  enter. 
Devil    worship    is    closely   connected   with  that  of  the 


l8l  DOME 

Duma.  The  devil's  priests,  and  in  rare  cases  priestesses, 
effect  communion  between  the  people  and  the  Dumas  by 
a  sort  of  possession,  which  the  spirit,  entering  into  them, 
is  said  to  give  rise  to.  This  condition,  which  is  produced 
by  intoxicating  drink  and  the  fumes  of  burning  incense, 
gives  rise  to  revolting  cramp-like  contortions,  and 
muscular  quiverings.  In  this  state,  they  are  wont  to 
communicate  what  sacrifices  the  spirits  require.  On 
special  occasions,  they  fall  into  a  frenzied  state,  in  which 
they  cut  their  flesh  with  sharp  instruments,  or  pass  long, 
thin  iron  bars  through  the  tongue  and  cheeks,  during 
which  operation  no  blood  must  flow.  For  this  purpose, 
the  instruments  are  rubbed  all  over  with  some  blood- 
congealing  material  or  sap.  They  also  affect  sitting  on 
a  sacred  swing,  armed  with  long  iron  nails.  [Mr.  G.  F. 
Paddison  informs  me  that  he  once  saw  a  villager  in  the 
Vizagapatam  district,  sitting  outside  the  house,  while 
groans  proceeded  from  within.  He  explained  that  he 
was  ill,  and  his  wife  was  swinging  on  nails  with  their 
points  upwards,  to  cure  him.]  The  devil  called  Jom 
Duto,  or  messenger  of  the  going,  is  believed  to  be  a  one- 
eyed,  limping,  black  individual,  whose  hair  is  twisted 
into  a  frightfully  long  horn,  while  one  foot  is  very  long, 
and  the  other  resembles  the  hoof  of  a  buffalo.  He 
makes  his  appearance  at  the  death-bed,  in  order  to  drag 
his  victim  to  the  realm  of  torture." 

Children  are  supposed  to  be  born  without  souls,  and 
to  be  afterwards  chosen  as  an  abode  by  the  soul  of  an 
ancestor.  The  coming  of  the  ancestor  is  signalised  by 
the  child  dropping  a  chicken  bone  which  has  been  thrust 
into  its  hand,  and  much  rejoicing  follows  among  the 
assembled  relations.* 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Vizagapatam  district. 


DOMB  182 

Mr.  Paddison  tells  me  that  some  Dombs  are  reputed 
to  be  able  to  pour  blazing  oil  over  their  bodies,  without 
suffering  any  hurt  ;  and  one  man  is  said  to  have  heid  a 
miraculous  power  of  hardening  his  skin,  so  that  any  one 
could  have  a  free  shot  at  him,  without  hurting  him.  He 
further  narrates  that,  at  Sujanakota  in  the  Vizagapatam 
district,  the  Dombs,  notwithstanding  frequent  warnings, 
put  devils  into  two  successive  schoolmasters. 

Various  tattoo  devices,  borne  by  the  Dombs  examined 
by  Mr.  Fawcett,  are  figured  and  described  by  him. 
"  These  patterns,"  he  writes,  "  were  said  to  be,  one  and 
all,  purely  ornamental,  and  not  in  any  way  connected 
with  totems,  or  tribal  emblems."  Risley,  however,  * 
regards  "  four  out  of  the  twelve  designs  as  pretty  closely 
related  to  the  religion  and  mythology  of  the  tribe  ;  two 
are  totems  and  two  have  reference  to  the  traditional 
avocations.  Nos.  11  and  12  represent  a  classical  scene 
in  Dom  folk-lore,  the  story  of  King  Haris-Chandra,  who 
was  so  generous  that  he  gave  all  he  had  to  the  poor  and 
sold  himself  to  a  Dom  at  Benares,  who  employed  him 
to  watch  his  cremation  ground  at  night.  While  he 
was  thus  engaged,  his  wife,  who  had  also  been  sold  for 
charitable  purposes,  came  to  burn  the  body  of  her  son. 
She  had  no  money  to  pay  her  fees,  and  Haris-Chandra, 
not  knowing  her  in  the  darkness,  turned  her  away. 
Fortunately  the  sun  rose  ;  mutual  recognition  followed  ; 
the  victims  of  promiscuous  largesse  were  at  once 
remarried,  and  Vishnu  intervened  to  restore  the  son  to 
life.  Tatu  No.  1 1  shows  Haris-Chandra  watching  the 
burning-ground  by  moonlight  ;  the  wavy  line  is  the 
Ganges  ;  the  dots  are  the  trees  on  the  other  side  ;  the 
strokes  on  either  side  of  the  king  are  the  logs  of  wood, 

*  Man.,  1902, 


DOMB 


which  he  is  guarding.  In  No.  12  we  see  the  sun  rising, 
its  first  ray  marked  with  a  sort  of  fork,  and  the  meeting 
of  the  king  and  queen." 


It  is  recorded,  in  the  Gazetteer  of  the  Vizagapatam 
district,  that  "  throughout  the  Jeypore  country  proper, 
the  Dombus  (and  some  Ghasis)  are  by  far  the  most 
troublesome  class.  Their  favourite  crime  is  cattle-theft 
for  the  sake  of  the  skins,  but,  in  1902,  a  Dombu  gang  in 
Naurangpur  went  so  far  as  to  levy  blackmail  over  a 
large  extent  of  country,  and  defy  for  some  months  all 
attempts  at  capture.  The  loss  of  their  cattle  exasperates 
the  other  hill  folk  to  the  last  degree,  and,  in  1S99,  the 
Naiks  (headmen)  of  sixteen  villages  in  the  north  of 
Jeypore  taluk  headed  an  organized  attack  on  the  houses 
of  the  Dombus,  which,  in  the  most  deliberate  manner, 
they  razed  to  the  ground  in  some  fifteen  villages.  The 
Dombus  had  fortunately  got  scent  of  what  was  coming, 
and  made  themselves  scarce,  and  no  bloodshed  occurred. 
In  the  next  year,  some  of  the  Naiks  of  the  Ramagiri 
side  of  Jeypore  taluk  sent  round  a  jack  branch,  a  well- 
recognised  form  of  the  fiery  cross,  summoning  villagers 
other  than  Dombus  to  assemble  at  a  fixed  time  and  place, 
but  this  was  luckily  intercepted  by  the  police.  The 
Agent  afterwards  discussed  the  whole  question  with  the 
chief  Naiks  of  Jeypore  and  South  Naurangpur.     They 


DOME  184 

had  no  opinion  of  the  deterrent  effects  of  mere  imprison- 
ment on  the  Dombus.  '  You  fatten  them,  and  send  them 
back,'  they  said,  and  suggested  that  a  far  better  plan 
would  be  to  cut  off  their  right  hands.  [It  is  noted,  in  the 
Vizagapatam  Manual,  1869,  that  in  cases  of  murder,  the 
Rajah  of  Jeypore  generally  had  the  man's  hands,  nose, 
and  ears  cut  off,  but,  after  all  that,  he  seldom  escaped  the 
deceased's  relatives.]  They  eventually  proposed  a  plan 
of  checking  the  cattle-thefts,  which  is  now  being  fol- 
lowed in  much  of  that  country.  The  Baranaiks,  or  heads 
of  groups  of  villages,  were  each  given  brands  with 
distinctive  letters  and  numbers,  and  required  to  brand 
the  skins  of  all  animals  which  had  died  a  natural  death 
or  been  honestly  killed  ;  and  the  possession  by  Dombus, 
skin  merchants,  or  others,  of  unbranded  skins  is  now- 
considered  a  suspicious  circumstance,  the  burden  of 
explaining  which  lies  upon  the  possessor.  Unless  this, 
or  some  other  way  of  checking  the  Dombus'  depredations 
proves  successful,  serious  danger  exists  that  the  rest  of 
the  people  will  take  the  matter  into  their  own  hands  and, 
as  the  Dombus  in  the  Agency  number  over  50,000,  this 
would  mean  real  trouble."  It  is  further  recorded  *  that 
the  Paidis  (Paidi  Malas),  who  often  commit  dacoilies 
on  the  roads,  "  are  connected  with  the  Dombus  of  the 
Rayagada  and  Gunupur  taluks,  who  are  even  worse. 
These  people  dacoit  houses  at  night  in  armed  gangs  of 
fifty  or  more,  with  their  faces  blacked  to  prevent  recogni- 
tion. Terrifying  the  villagers  into  staying  quiet  in  their 
huts,  they  force  their  way  into  the  house  of  some  wealthy 
person  (for  choice  the  local  Sondi,  liquor-seller  and 
sowcar,t  usually  the  only  man  worth  looting  in  an 
agency  village,  and  a  shark  who  gets  little  pity  from  his 


•  Ibid.  t  Money-lender. 


*v 


ARE    DOMMAKA   ACKoilAI' 


185  DOMMARA 

neighbours  when  forced  to  disgorge),  tie  up  the  men, 
rape  the  women,  and  go  off  with  everything  of  value. 
Their  favourite  method  of  extracting  information  re- 
garding concealed  property  is  to  sprinkle  the  houseowner 
with  boiling  oil." 

Dommara. — The  Dommaras  are  a  tribe  of  tumblers, 
athletes,  and  mountebanks,  some  of  whom  wander 
about  the  country,  while  others  have  settled  down  as 
agricultural  labourers,  or  make  combs  out  of  the  wood  of 
ElcEodendi'on  giaticum,  Ixora  parviflora,  Pavetia  indica, 
Ficus  bengaiensis,  etc.,  which  they  sell  to  wholesale 
merchants.  They  are,  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  writes,*  "a 
nomad  class  of  acrobats,  who,  in  many  respects,  recall 
the  gipsies  to  mind,  and  raise  the  suggestion  that  their 
name  may  possibly  be  connected  with  the  Doms  of 
Northern  India.  They  speak  Telugu,  Marathi,  and 
Hindustani,  but  not  generally  Tamil.  They  are  skilful 
jugglers,  and  both  men  and  women  are  very  clever 
tumblers  and  tight-rope  dancers,  exhibiting  their  feats  as 
they  travel  about  the  country.  Some  of  them  sell  date 
mats  and  baskets,  some  trade  in  pigs,  while  others, 
settled  in  villages,  cultivate  lands.  In  social  position 
they  rank  just  above  the  Pariahs  and  Madigas.  They 
profess  to  be  Vaishnavites  [and  Saivites].  Infant 
marriage  is  not  practiced.  Widow  remarriage  is  freely 
allowed,  and  polygamy  is  common.  Their  marriage  tie 
is  very  loose,  and  their  women  olten  practice  prostitution. 
They  are  a  predatory  class,  great  drunkards,  and  of  most 
dissolute  habits.  The  dead  are  generally  buried,  and 
[on  the  day  of  the  final  death  ceremonies]  cooked  rice  is 
thrown  out  to  be  eaten  by  crows.  In  the  matter  of  food, 
they  eat  all  sorts  of  animals,  including  pigs,  cats,  and 


•  Madras  Census  Report,  1891  ;  Manual  of  the  North  Arcol  district. 


DOMMARA  l86 

crows."  When  a  friend  was  engaged  in  making  experi- 
ments in  connection  with  snake  venom,  some  Dommaras 
asked  for  permission  to  unbury  the  corpses  of  snakes 
and  mungooses  for  the  purpose  of  food. 

The  Dommaras  are,  in  the  Mysore  Census  Report, 
1 90 1,  summed  up  as  being  buffoons,  tumblers,  acrobats, 
and  snakecharmers,  who  travel  from  place  to  place,  and 
earn  a  precarious  living  by  their  exhibitions.  In  the 
Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  Domban,  Kalaikuttadi 
(pole-dancer),  and  Arya  Kuttadi,  are  given  as  synonyms 
of  Dommara.  The  Kuttadi  are  summed  up,  in  the 
Tanjore  Manual,  as  vagabond  dancers,  actors,  panto- 
mimists,  and  marionette  exhibitors,  who  hold  a  very 
low  position  in  the  social  scale,  and  always  perform  in 
public  streets  and  bazaars. 

By  Mr.  F.  S.  Mullaly  *  the  Dommaras  are  divided 
into  Reddi  or  Kapu  {i.e.,  cultivators)  and  Aray  (Maratha). 
"  The  women,"  he  writes,  "  are  proficient  in  making 
combs  of  horn  and  wood,  and  implements  used  by 
weavers.  These  they  hawk  about  from  place  to  place,  to 
supplement  the  profits  they  derive  from  their  exhibitions 
of  gymnastic  feats.  In  addition  to  performing  conjuring 
tricks,  rope-dancing  and  the  like,  the  Dommaras  hunt, 
fish,  make  mats,  and  rear  donkeys  and  pigs.  The  head 
of  the  tribe  is  called  the  Mutli  Guru.  He  is  their  hio^h 
priest,  and  exercises  supreme  jurisdiction  over  them  both 
in  spiritual  and  temporal  matters.  His  head-quarters  is 
Chitvel  in  the  Cuddapah  district.  The  legend  regarding 
the  office  of  the  Mutli  Guru  is  as  follows.  At  Chitvel, 
or  as  it  was  then  known  Mutli,  there  once  lived  a  king, 
who  called  together  a  gathering  of  all  the  gymnasts 
among  his  subjects.     Several  classes  were  represented. 


*  Notes  on  the  Criminal  Classes  of  the  Madras  Presidency. 


1^7  DOMMARA 

Polerigadu,  a  Reddi  Dommara,  so  pleased  the  king  that 
he  was  presented  with  a  ring,  and  a  royal  edict  was 
passed  that  the  wearer  of  the  ring  and  his  descendants 
should  be  the  head  of  the  Dommara  class.  The  ring 
then  given  is  said  to  be  the  same  that  is  now  worn  by  the 
head  of  the  tribe  at  Chitvel,  which  bears  an  inscription 
in  Telugu  declaring  that  the  wearer  is  the  high-priest 
or  guru  of  all  the  Dommaras.  The  office  is  hereditary. 
The  dwellings  of  the  Dommaras  are  somewhat  similar 
to  those  of  the  Koravars  and  Joghis,  made  of  palmyra 
leaves  plaited  into  mats  with  seven  strands.  These 
huts,  or  gudisays,  are  located  on  the  outskirts  of  villages, 
and  carried  on  the  backs  of  donkeys  when  on  the  march. 
Stolen  cloths,  unless  of  value,  are  not  as  a  rule  sold,  but 
concealed  in  the  packs  of  their  donkeys,  and  after  a 
time  worn.  The  Dommaras  are  addicted  to  dacoity, 
robbery,  burglary,  and  thefts.  The  instrument  used  by 
them  is  unlike  those  used  by  other  criminal  classes  :  it 
is  of  iron,  about  a  foot  long,  and  with  a  chisel-shaped 
point.  As  cattle  and  sheep  lifters  they  are  expert,  and 
they  have  their  regular  receivers  at  most  of  the  cattle 
fairs  throughout  the  Presidency." 

It  is  noted,  in  the  Nellore  Manual,  that  the 
Dommaras  "are  stated  by  the  Nellore  Tahsildar  to 
possess  mirasi  rights  in  some  villages  ;  that  I  take 
to  mean  that  there  is,  in  some  villages,  a  customary 
contribution  for  tumblers  and  mendicants,  which,  accord- 
ing to  Wilson,  was  made  in  Mysore  the  pretext  for 
a  tax  named  Dombar-lingada-vira-kaniki.  This  tax, 
under  the  name  Dombar  tafrik,  was  levied  in  Venkatagiri 
in  1 80 1."  In  the  Madura  district,  Dommaras  are  found 
in  some  villages  formerly  owned  by  zamindars,  and  they 
call  themselves  children  of  the  zamindars,  by  whom  they 
were  probably  patronised. 


DOiMMARA  1 88 

Being  a  criminal  class,  the  Dommaras  have  a  thief's 
language  of  their  own,  of  which  the  following  are 
examples  :— 


Bidam  vadu,  Doinniara. 
Poothi,  policeman. 
Marigam,  pig. 
Goparani,  seven. 


Dasa-masa,  prostitute. 
Kopparam,  salt. 
Kaljodu,  goldsmith. 


The  Dommaras  are  said  to  receive  into  their  com- 
munity children  of  other  castes,  and  women  of  doubtful 
morals,  and  to  practice  the  custom  of  making  Basavis 
(dedicated  prostitutes). 

The  Tclugu  Dommaras  give  as  their  gotra  Salava 
patchi.  the  name  of  a  mythological  bird.  At  times 
of  marriage,  they  substitute  a  turmeric-dyed  string 
consisting  of  loi  threads,  called  bondhu,  for  the  golden 
tali  or  bottu.  The  marriage  ceremonies  of  the  Are 
Dommaras  are  supervised  by  an  old  Basavi  woman,  and 
the  golden  marriage  badge  is  tied  round  the  bride's  neck 
by  a  Basavi. 

A  Dommara,  whom  I  interviewed  at  Coimbatore, 
carried  a  cotton  bag  containing  a  miscellaneous  assort- 
ment of  rubbish  used  in  his  capacity  as  medicine  man  and 
snake-charmer,  which  included  a  collection  of  spurious 
jackal  horns  (nari  kompu),  the  hairs  round  which  were 
stained  with  turmeric.  To  prove  the  genuineness  thereof, 
he  showed  me  not  only  the  horn,  but  also  the  feet  with 
nails  complete,  as  evidence  that  the  horns  were  not 
made  from  the  nails.  Being  charged  with  manufacturing 
the  horns,  he  swore,  by  placing  his  hand  on  the  head  of 
a  child  who  accompanied  him,  that  he  was  not  deceiving 
me.  The  largest  of  the  horns  in  his  bag,  he  gravely 
informed  me,  was  from  a  jackal  which  he  dug  out  of 
its  hole  on  the  last  new  moon  night.  The  possessors 
of  such  horns,  he  assured  me,  do  not  go  out  with  the 


-:^ 


t89  dommara 

pack,  and  rarely  leave  their  holes  except  to  feed  on  dew, 
field    rats,    etc.      These    spurious    horns    are    regarded 
as  a   talisman,  and   it  is    believed    that    he    who    owns 
one  can  command  the  realisation  of  every  wish.     {See 
Kuruvikkaran.)     An  iron  rino-,  which  the  Dommara  was 
wearing-  on  his  wrist,  was    used    as  a  cure  for   hernia, 
being    heated   and  applied  as   a    branding  agent    over 
the  inguinal  region.      Lamp  oil  is  then  rubbed  over  the 
burn,   and   a    secret    medicine,  mixed   with    fowl's  egg, 
administered.     The  ring  was,  he  said,  an  ancestral  heir- 
loom, and  as  such  highly  prized.     To  cure  rheumatism 
in  the  big  joints,  he  resorted  to  an  ingenious  form  of  dr)* 
cupping.     A   small  incision    is   made    with    a    piece    of 
broken  glass  over  the  affected  part,  and  the  skin  damped 
with  water.     The  distal  end  of  a  cow's  horn,  of  which 
the  tip  has  been  removed,  and  plugged  with  wax,  does 
duty  for  the  cup.     A  hole  is  pierced  through  the  wax 
with  an  iron  needle,  and,  the   horn   being  placed  over 
the   seat    of  disease,   the   air   is   withdrawn   from   it   by 
suction  with  the  mouth,  and  the  hole  in  the  wax  stopped 
up.     As  the  air  is  removed  from  the  cavity  of  the  horn, 
the  skin  rises  up  within  it.     To  remove  the  horn,  it  is 
only  necessary  to  readmit  air  by  once  more  boring  a  hole 
through  the  wax.      In  a  bad  case,  as  many  as  three  horns 
may  be  applied  to  the  affected  part.     The   Pitt  Rivers 
Museum   at   Oxford    possesses    dry-cupping    apparatus, 
made  of  cow  horn,  from  Mirzapur  in  Northern  India  and 
from   Natal,  and  of  antelope  horn  from  an  unrecorded 
locality  in  India.     In  cases  of  scorpion  sting  the  Dom- 
mara rubbed   up   patent    boluses   with   human   milk  or 
milk  of  the    milk-hedge    plant    {Euphorbia   Tirucalli), 
and  applied  them  to  the  part.     For  chest  pains  he  pre- 
scribed red  ochre,  and  for  infantile  diseases  myrabolam 
{Terminalia)    fruits    mixed    with    water.      In    cases    of 


DOMMARA  190 

snake-bite,  a  black  stone,  said  to  be  made  of  various 
drugs  mixed  together,  and  burnt,  is  placed  over  the  seat 
of  the  bite,  and  will,  it  was  stated,  drop  off  of  its  own 
accord  as  soon  as  it  has  absorbed  all  the  poison.  It  is 
then  put  into  milk  or  water  to  extract  the  poison,  and 
the  fluid  is  thrown  away  as  being  dangerous  to  life  if 
swallowed.  As  a  remedy  for  the  bite  of  a  mad  dog,  a 
plant,  which  is  kept  a  secret,  is  mixed  with  the  milk  of  a 
white  goat,  pepper,  garlic,  and  other  ingredients,  and 
administered  internally.  A  single  dose  is  said  to  effect 
a  cure. 

At  Tarikeri  in  Mysore,  a  wandering  troupe  of  Are 
(Maratha)  Dommaras  performed  before  me.  The  women 
were  decorated  with  jewels  and  flowers,  and  carried  bells 
on  their  ankles.  The  men  had  a  row  of  bells  attached 
all  round  the  lower  edge  of  their  short  drawers.  Before 
the  performance  commenced,  a  Pillayar  (Ganesa)  was 
made  with  cowdung,  and  saluted.  The  entertainment 
took  place  in  the  open  air  amid  the  beating  of  drums, 
whistling,  singing,  and  dialogue.  The  jests  and  antics 
of  the  equivalent  of  the  circus  clown  were  a  source  of 
much  joy  to  the  throng  of  villagers  who  collected  to 
witness  the  tamasha  (spectacle).  One  of  the  principal 
performers,  in  the  waits  between  his  turns,  played  the 
drum,  or  took  a  suck  at  a  hooka  (tobacco  pipe)  which  was 
passed  round  among  the  members  of  the  troupe.  The 
entertainment,  in  which  both  men  and  women  took  part, 
consisted  of  various  acrobatic  feats,  turning  summer- 
saults and  Catherine  wheels,  stilt-walking,  and  clever 
feats  on  the  tight  rope.  Finally  a  man,  climbing  up  a 
lofty  bamboo  pole,  spun  himself  rapidly  round  and 
round  on  the  top  of  it  by  means  of  a  socket  in  an  iron 
plate  tied  to  his  loin  cloth,  into  which  ar  spike  in  the 
pole  fitted. 


191  DONGA  DASARI 

Dondia. — A  title  of  Gaudo. 

Donga  Dasari. — Dasari  (servant  of  the  god),  Mr. 
Francis  writes,*  "  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  is  a 
relieious  mendicant  of  the  Vaishnavite  sect,  who  has 
formally  devoted  himself  to  an  existence  as  such,  and 
been  formally  included  in  the  mendicant  brotherhood 
by  being-  branded  on  the  shoulders  with  Vaishnavite 
symbols."  Far  different  are  the  Donga,  or  thief  Dasaris, 
who  receive  their  name  from  the  fact  that  "  the  men  and 
women  disguise  themselves  as  Dasaris,  with  perpendi- 
cular Vaishnava  marks  on  their  foreheads,  and,  carrying 
a  lamp  (Garuda  kambum),  a  gong  of  bell-metal,  a  small 
drum  called  jagata,  and  a  tuft  of  peacock  feathers,  go 
bego'ino-  in  the  villaees,  and  are  at  times  treated  with  the 
sumptuous  meals,  including  cakes  offered  to  them  as  the 
disciples  of  Venkatesvarlu.t  " 

In  an  interesting  article  on  the  Donga  Dasaris,  Mr. 
S.  M.  Natesa  Sastri  writes  as  follows.^  "  Quite  opposed 
to  the  gudi  (temple)  Dasaris  are  Donga  Dasaris.  They 
are  the  most  dreaded  of  the  criminal  classes  in  the 
Bellary  district.  In  the  early  years  of  their  settlement 
in  Bellary,  these  Donga  Dasaris  were  said  to  have 
practiced  kidnapping  boys  and  girls  of  other  castes  to 
strengthen  their  number,  and  even  now,  as  the  practice 
stands,  any  person  can  become  a  Donga  Dasari  though 
very  few  would  like  to  become  one.  But,  for  all  that, 
the  chief  castes  who  furnished  members  to  this  brother- 
hood of  robbery  were  the  scum  of  the  Lingayats  and  the 
Kabberas.  Of  course,  none  of  the  respectable  members 
of  these  castes  would  join  them,  and  only  those  who 
were  excommunicated  found  a  ready  home  among  these 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  South  Arcot  district. 

t  M.  Paupa  Rao  Naidu.     History  of  Railway  Thieves.     3rd  Edition,  1904. 

t  Calcutta  Review,  1905. 


DONGA  DASARI  192 

Donga  Dasaris.  Sometimes  Muhammadan  budmashes 
(bad-mash,  evil  means  of  livelihood)  and  the  worst 
characters  from  other  castes,  also  become  Donga 
Dasaris.  The  way  an  alien  is  made  a  Donga  Dasari  is 
as  follows.  The  regular  Donga  Dasaris  take  the  party 
who  wants  to  enter  their  brotherhood  to  the  side  of  a 
river,  make  him  bathe  in  oil,  give  him  a  new  cloth,  hold 
a  council,  and  give  a  feast.  They  burn  a  twig  of  the 
sami  {Prosopis  spicigerd)  or  margosa  [Melia  Azadi- 
rachtd)  tree,  and  slightly  burn  the  tongue  of  the  party 
who  has  joined  them.  This  is  the  way  of  purification 
and  acceptance  of  every  new  member,  who,  soon  after 
the  tongue-burning  ceremony,  is  given  a  seat  in  the 
general  company,  and  made  to  partake  of  the  common 
feast.  The  Donga  Dasaris  talk  both  Telugu  and 
Kanarese.  They  have  only  two  bedagas  or  family 
names,  called  Sunna  Akki  (thin  rice)  and  Ghantelavaru 
(men  of  the  bell).  As  the  latter  is  a  family  name  of  the 
Kabbcras,  it  is  an  evidence  that  members  of  the  latter 
community  have  joined  the  Donga  Dasaris.  Even  now 
Donga  Dasaris  intermarry  with  Kabberas,  i.e.,  they 
accept  any  girl  from  a  Kabbera  family  in  marriage  to 
one  of  their  sons,  but  do  not  give  one  of  their  daughters 
in  marriage  to  a  Kabbera  boy.  Hanuman  is  their  chief 
god.  Venkatesa,  an  incarnation  of  Vishnu,  is  also 
worshipped  by  many.  But,  in  every  one  of  their  villages, 
they  have  a  temple  dedicated  to  their  village  goddess 
Huligavva  or  Ellamma,  and  it  is  only  before  these 
goddesses  that  they  sacrifice  sheep  or  fowls.  Vows  are 
undertaken  for  these  village  goddesses  when  children 
fall  ill.  In  addition  to  this,  these  Donga  Dasaris  are 
notorious  for  taking  vows  before  starting  on  a  thieving 
expedition,  and  the  way  these  ceremonies  are  gone 
through  is  as  follows.     The  gang,  before  starting  on  a 


193  DONGA  DASARl 

thieving  expedition,  proceed  to  a  jungle  near  their  village 
in  the  early  part  of  the  night,  worship  their  favourite 
goddesses  Huligavva  or  Ellamma,  and  sacrifice  a  sheep 
or  fowl  before  her.  They  place  one  of  their  turbans  on 
the  head  of  the  sheep  or  fowl  that  was  sacrificed,  as  soon 
as  the  head  falls  on  the  ground.  If  the  turban  turns  to 
the  right,  it  is  considered  a  good  sign,  the  goddess 
having  permitted  them  to  proceed  on  the  expedition  ; 
if  to  the  left,  they  return  home  that  night.  Hanuman  is 
also  consulted  in  such  expeditions,  and  the  way  in  which 
it  is  done  is  as  follows.  They  go  to  a  Hanuman  temple 
which  is  near  their  village,  and,  after  worshipping  him, 
garland  him  with  a  wreath  of  flowers.  The  garland 
hangs  on  both  sides  of  the  neck.  If  any  flowers  on 
the  right  side  drop  down  first,  it  is  considered  as  a 
permission  granted  by  the  god  to  start  on  plundering 
expeditions,  and,  conversely,  these  expeditions  are  never 
undertaken  if  any  flowers  happen  to  drop  from  the  left 
side  first.  The  Dono^a  Dasaris  start  on  their  thievinor 
raids  with  their  whole  family,  wife  and  children  following. 
They  are  the  great  experts  in  house-breaking  and  theft, 
and  children  are  taught  thieving  by  their  mothers  when 
they  are  five  or  six  years  old.  The  mother  takes  her 
boy  or  girl  to  the  nearest  market,  and  shows  the  child 
some  cloth  or  vessel,  and  asks  it  to  bring  it  away. 
When  it  fails,  it  is  thrashed,  and,  when  stroke  upon 
stroke  falls  upon  its  back,  the  only  reply  it  is-  taught  to 
give  is  that  it  knows  nothing.  This  is  considered  to  be 
the  reply  w^hich  the  child,  when  it  grows  up  to  be  a  man 
or  woman,  has  to  give  to  the  police  authorities  when  it 
is  caught  in  some^  crime  and  thrashed  by  them  to 
confess.  Whenever  the  Donga  Dasaris  are  caught  by 
the  police,  they  give  false  names  and  false  castes.  They 
have  a  cipher  language  among  themselves.  The  Donga 
11-13 


DONGA  ODDE  194 

Dasari  woman  is  very  loose,  but,  if  she  go  astray  with 
a  Brahman,  Lingayat,  Kabbera,  Kuruba,  Upparava,  or 
Rajput,  her  tongue  is  burnt,  and  she  is  taken  back  into 
the  community.  Widow  remarriage  freely  prevails. 
They  avoid  eating  beef  and  pork,  but  have  no  objection 
to  other  kinds  of  flesh." 

Donga  Odde.— The  name  for  Oddes  who  practice 
thieving  as  a  profession. 

DongayatO. — A  sub-division  of  Gaudo. 

Dongrudiya. — A  sub-division  of  Mali. 

Dora.— Dora,  meaning  lord,  has  been  returned  as 
the  title  of  numerous  classes,  which  include  Boya,  Ekari, 
Jatapu,  Konda  Dora,  Mutracha,  Patra,  Telaga,  Velama, 
and  Yanati.  The  hill  Kois  or  Koyis  of  the  Godavari 
district  are  known  as  Koi  Dora  or  Doralu  (lords).  I 
am  told  that,  in  some  parts  of  the  Telugu  country,  if  one 
hears  a  native  referred  to  as  Dora,  he  will  generally  turn 
out  to  be  a  Velama ;  and  that  there  is  the  following 
gradation  in  the  social  scale  : — 

Velama  Dora  =  Velama  Esquire, 

Kamma  Varu  =  Mr.  Kamma. 

Kapu  ZL.  Plain  Kapu,  without  an  honorific  suffix. 

In  Southern  India,  Dorai  or  Durai  (Master)  is  the 
equivalent  of  the  northern  Sahib,  and  Dorasani  (Mistress) 
of  Memsahib. 

It  is  noted  by  Sir  A.  J.  Arbuthnot  *  that  "the 
appellation  by  which  Sir  Thomas  Munro  was  most 
commonly  known  in  the  Ceded  districts  was  that  of 
Colonel  Dora.  And  to  this  day  it  is  considered  a 
sufficient  answer  to  enquiries  regarding  the  reason  for 
any  Revenue  Rule,  that  it  was  laid  down  by  the  Colonel 
Dora." 


•  Memoir  of  Sir  Thomas  Munro. 


195  DUDEKULA 

Dorabidda,  or  children  of  chiefs,  is  the  name  by 
which  Boyas,  who  claim  to  be  descended  from  Poligars 
(feudal  chiefs)  call  themselves. 

Dravida. — A  sub-division  of  Kamsala.  South 
Indian  Brahmans  are  called  Dravidas. 

Dubaduba. — Recorded,  at  times  of  census,  as  an 
Oriya  form  of  Budubudukala. 

Duddu  (money). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Mala. 

Dudekula. — The  Dudekulas  are  described  by  Mr. 
H.  A.  Stuart*  as  "  Muhammadans  who  have  taken  to 
the  trade  of  cotton-cleaning  (dude,  cotton  ;  ekula,  to 
clean).  By  the  Tamils  they  are  called  Panjari  or  Pan- 
jukotti,  which  have  the  same  significance.  Though 
Muhammadans,  they  have  adopted  or  retained  many  of 
the  customs  of  the  Hindus  around  them,  tying  a  tali  to 
the  bride  at  marriage,  being  very  ignorant  of  the  Muham- 
madan  religion,  and  even  joining  in  Hindu  worship  as 
far  as  allowable.  Circumcision  is,  however,  invariable, 
and  they  are  much  given  to  the  worship  of  Muhammadan 
saints.  In  dress  they  resemble  the  Hindus,  and  often 
shave  off  the  beard,  but  do  not  leave  a  single  lock  of  hair 
upon  the  head,  as  most  Hindus  do.  Over  three  hundred 
Hindus  have  returned  their  caste  as  either  Dudekula  or 
Panjari,  but  these  are  probably  members  of  other  castes, 
who  call  themselves  Dudekula  as  they  are  engaged  in 
cotton-cleaning." 

The  Dudekulas  are  described  by  Mr.  W.  Francis  t  as 
"a  Muhammadan  caste  of  cotton-cleaners,  and  rope  and 
tape-makers.  They  are  either  converts  to  Islam,  or  the 
progeny  of  unions  between  Musalmans  and  the  women 
of  the  country.  Consequently  they  generally  speak  the 
Dravidian  languages — either  Canarese  or  Telugu — but 


*  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district  ;  Madras  Census  Report,  1891. 
t  Madras  Census  Report,  1901. 
11-13  B 


DUDEKULA  196 

some  of  them  speak  Hindustani  also.  Their  customs 
are  a  mixture  of  those  of  the  Musalmans  and  the  Hindus. 
Inheritance  is  apparently  according  to  Muhammadan  law. 
They  pray  in  mosques,  and  circumcise  their  boys,  and 
yet  some  of  them  observe  the  Hindu  festivals.  They 
worship  their  tools  at  Bakrid  and  not  at  the  Dasara  ;  they 
raise  the  azan  or  Muhammadan  call  to  prayers  at  sunset, 
and  they  pray  at  the  tombs  of  Musalman  saints."  In  the 
Vizagapatam  district,  the  Dudekulas  are  described  as 
beating  cotton,  and  blowing  horns. 

For  the  following  note  on  the  Dudekulas  of  the  Ceded 
Districts,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  Haji  Khaja  Hussain. 
They  claim  Bava  Faqrud-din  Pir  of  Penukonda  in  the 
Anantapur  district  as  their  patron  saint.  Large  numbers 
of  Muhammadans,  including  Dudekulas,  collect  at  the 
annual  festival  (mela)  at  his  shrine,  and  offer  their 
homage  in  the  shape  of  a  fatiha.  This,  meaning  opener, 
is  the  name  of  the  first  chapter  of  the  Koran,  which  is 
repeated  when  prayers  are  offered  for  the  souls  of  the 
departed.  For  this  ceremony  a  pilau,  made  of  flesh,  rice 
and  ghi  (clarified  butter)  is  prepared,  and  the  Khazi 
repeats  the  chapter,  and  offers  the  food  to  the  soul  of 
the  deceased  saint  or  relation. 

The  story  of  Faqrud-din  Pir  is  as  follows.  He  was 
born  in  A.H.  564  (about  A.D.  1122),  and  was  King  of 
Seistan  in  Persia.  One  day,  while  he  was  administering 
justice,  a  merchant  brought  some  horses  before  him  for 
sale.  His  attention  was  diverted,  and  he  became  for  a 
time  absorbed  in  contemplation  of  the  beauty  of  one  of 
the  horses.  Awakening  from  his  reverie,  he  blamed 
himself  for  allowing  his  thoughts  to  wander  when  he 
was  engaged  in  the  most  sacred  of  his  duties  as  a  king. 
He  summoned  a  meeting  of  all  the  learned  moulvis  in 
his  kingdom,  and  enquired  of  them  what  was  the  penalty 


197  DUDEKULA 

for  his  conduct.  They  unanimously  decreed  that  he 
should  abdicate.  Accordingly  he  placed  his  brother  on 
the  throne,  and,  becoming  a  dervish,  came  to  India,  and 
wandered  about  in  the  jungles.  Eventually  he  arrived 
atTrichinopoly,  and  there  met  the  celebrated  saint  Tabri- 
Alam,  whose  disciple  he  became.  After  his  admission 
into  holy  orders,  he  was  told  to  travel  about,  and  plant 
his  miswak  wherever  he  halted,  and  regard  the  place 
where  it  sprouted  as  his  permanent  residence.  The 
miswak,  or  tooth-brush,  is  a  piece  of  the  root  of  the  pilu 
tree  {^Salvadora  persica),  which  is  used  by  Muham- 
madans,  and  especially  Fakirs,  for  cleaning  the  teeth. 
When  Bava  Faqrud-din  arrived  at  Penukonda  hill,  he, 
as  usual,  planted  the  miswak,  which  sprouted.  He 
accordingly  decided  to  make  this  spot  his  permanent 
abode.  But  there  was  close  by  an  important  Hindu 
temple,  and  the  idea  of  a  Muhammadan  settling  close 
to  it  enraged  the  Hindus,  who  asked  him  to  leave.  He 
not  only  refused  to  do  so,  but  allowed  his  disciples,  of 
whom  a  number  had  collected,  to  slaughter  a  sacred  bull 
belonging  to  the  temple.  The  Hindus  accordingly 
decided  to  kill  Faqrud-din  and  his  disciples.  The  Raja 
collected  an  armed  force,  and  demanded  the  restoration 
of  the  bull.  Faqrud-din  ordered  one  of  his  disciples  to 
bring  before  him  the  skin,  head,  feet  and  tail  of  the 
animal,  which  had  been  preserved.  Striking  the  skin 
with  his  staff,  he  exclaimed  "  Rise,  Oh !  bull,  at  the 
command  of  God."  The  animal  immediately  rose  in 
a  complete  state  of  restoration,  and  would  not  leave  the 
presence  of  his  preserver.  Alarmed  at  this  miracle,  the 
Hindus  brandished  their  swords  and  spears,  and  were 
about  to  fall  on  the  Muhammadans,  when  a  dust-storm 
arose  and  blinded  them.  In  their  confusion,  they  began 
to  slay  each  other,  and  left  the  spot  in  dismay.     The 


DUDEKULA  198 

Raja  then  resolved  to  kill  the  Muhammadans  by  poison- 
ing them.  He  prepared  some  cakes  mixed  with  poison, 
and  sent  them  to  Faqrud-din  for  distribution  among  his 
disciples.  The  saint,  though  he  knew  that  the  cakes 
were  poisoned,  partook  thereof  of  himself,  as  also  did  his 
disciples,  without  any  evil  effect.  A  few  days  after- 
wards, the  Raja  was  attacked  with  colic,  and  his  case  was 
given  up  by  the  court  physicians  as  hopeless.  As  a  last 
resort,  he  was  taken  before  Faqrud-din,  who  offered  him 
one  of  the  poisoned  cakes,  which  cured  him.  Falling  at 
his  feet,  the  Raja  begged  for  pardon,  and  offered  the 
village  of  Penukonda  to  Faqrud-din  as  a  jaghir  (annuity). 
This  offer  was  declined,  and  the  saint  asked  that  the 
temple  should  be  converted  into  a  mosque.  The  Raja 
granted  this  request,  and  it  is  said  that  large  numbers  of 
Hindus  embraced  the  Muhammadan  religion,  and  were 
the  ancestors  of  the  Dudekulas. 

The  Dudekulas,  like  the  Hindus,  like  to  possess 
some  visible  symbol  for  worship,  and  they  enrol  great 
personages  who  have  died  among  the  number  of  those  at 
whose  graves  they  worship.  So  essential  is  this  grave 
worship  that,  if  a  place  is  without  one,  a  grave  is  erected 
in  the  name  of  some  saint.  Such  a  thing  has  happened 
in  recent  times  in  Banganapalle.  A  Fakir,  named  Alia 
Bakhsh,  died  at  Kurnool.  A  Dudekula  of  the  Bangana- 
palle State  visited  his  grave,  took  away  a  lump  of  earth 
from  the  ground  near  it,  and  buried  it  in  a^village  ten 
miles  from  Banganapalle.  A  shrine  was  erected  over  it 
in  the  name  of  the  saint,  and  has  become  very  famous 
for  the  miracles  which  are  performed  at  it.  An  annual 
festival  is  held,  which  is  attended  by  large  numbers  of 
Muhammadans  and  Dudekulas. 

Some  Dudekulas  have  names  which,  though  at  first 
sight  they  seem  to  be  Hindu,  are  really  Muhammadan. 


199  DUDEKULA 

For  example,  Kambannah  is  a  corruption  of  Kamal 
Sahib,  and  Sakali,  which  in  Telugu  means  a  washerman, 
seems  to  be  an  altered  form  of  Sheik  AH.  Though 
Dudekulas  say  that  they  are  Muhammadans  of  the  Sheik 
sect,  the  name  Sheik  is  only  occasionally  used  as  a 
prefix,  e.g.,  Sheik  Hussain  or  Sheik  Ali.  Names  of 
males  are  Hussain  Sa,  Fakir  Sa,  and  Khasim  Sa.  Sa  is 
an  abbreviated  form  of  Sahib.  One  old  Dudekula  stated 
that  the  title  Sahib  was  intended  for  pucka  (genuine) 
Muhammadans,  and  that  the  Dudekulas  could  not  lay 
claim  to  the  title  in  its  entirety.  Instead  of  Sa,  Bhai, 
meaning  brother,  is  sometimes  used  as  a  suffix  to  the 
name,  e.g.,  Ghudu  Bhai.  Ghudu,  meaning  ash-heap,  is 
an  opprobrious  name  given  to  children  of  those  whose 
offspring  have  died  young,  in  the  hope  of  securing  long 
life  to  them.  The  child  is  taken,  immediately  after  birth, 
to  an  ash-heap,  where  some  of  the  ashes  are  sprinkled 
over  it.  Some  Dudekulas  adopt  the  Hindu  termination 
appa  (father),  anna  (brother),  or  gadu,  e.g.,  Pullanna, 
Naganna,  Yerkalappa,  Hussaingadu,  Hussainappa. 
Typical  names  of  females  are  Roshamma,  Jamalamma, 
and  Madaramma.  They  have  dropped  the  title  Bibi  or 
Bi,  and  adopted  the  Hindu  title  amma  (mother). 

The  ceremony  of  naming  a  child  is  generally  per- 
formed on  the  sixth  day  after  its  birth.  The  choice  of  a 
name  is  entrusted  to  an  elderly  female  member  of  the 
family.  In  some  cases,  the  name  of  a  deceased  ancestor 
who  lived  to  an  advanced  age  is  taken.  If  a  child  dies 
prematurely,  there  is  a  superstitious  prejudice  against  its 
name,  which  is  avoided  by  the  family.  Very  frequently 
a  father  and  son,  and  sometimes  two  or  three  brothers, 
have  the  same  name.  In  such  a  case  prefixes  are  added 
to  their  names  as  a  means  of  distinguishing  them,  e.g., 
Pedda  (big),  Nadpi  (middle),  Chinna  (little).     Sometimes 


DiJDEKULA  200 

two  names  are  assumed  by  an  individual,  one  a  Hindu 
name  for  every  day  use,  the  other  Muhammadan  for 
ceremonial  occasions. 

The  Dudekulas  depend  for  the  performance  of  their 
ceremonies  largely  on  the  Khazi,  by  whom  even  the 
killing  of  a  fowl  for  domestic  purposes  has  to  be  carried 
out.  The  Dudekula,  like  other  Muhammadans,  is  averse 
to  taking  animal  life  without  due  religious  rites,  and  the 
zabh,  or  killing  of  an  animal  for  food,  is  an  important 
matter.  One  who  is  about  to  do  so  should  first  make 
vazu  (ablution),  by  cleaning  his  teeth  and  washing  his 
mouth,  hands,  face,  forearms,  head  and  feet.  He  should 
then  face  the  west,  and  an  assistant  holds  the  animal  to 
be  slaughtered  upside  down,  and  facing  west.  Water 
is  poured  into  its  mouth,  and  the  words  Bismilla  hi  Alia 
hu  Akbar  uttered.  The  operator  then  cuts  the  throat, 
taking  care  that  the  jugular  veins  are  divided.  In 
remote  villages,  where  a  Khazi  is  not  available,  the 
Dudekulas  keep  a  sacrificial  knife,  which  has  been 
sanctified  by  the  Khazi  repeating  over  it  the  same 
words  from  the  Koran  as  are  used  when  an  animal  is 
slaughtered. 

The  first  words  which  a  Muhammadan  child  should 
hear  are  those  of  the  azan,  or  call  to  prayer,  which  are 
uttered  in  its  ear  immediately  after  birth.  This  ceremony 
is  observed  by  those  Dudekulas  who  live  in  towns  or  big 
villages,  or  can  afford  the  services  of  a  Khazi.  It  is 
noted  by  Mr.  Francis  that  the  Dudekulas  raise  the  azan 
at  sunset.  A  few,  who  have  been  through  a  course  of 
religious  instruction  at  a  Madrasa  (school),  may  be  able 
to  do  this.  A  Muhammadan  is  supposed  to  raise  the 
azan  five  times  daily,  viz.,  before  sunrise,  between  noon 
and  3  p.m.,  between  4  and  6  p.m.,  at  sunset,  and  between 
8  P.M.  and  midnicrht. 


20I  DUDEKULA 

At  the  naming  of  an  infant  on  the  sixth  day,  the 
Dudekulas  do  not,  like  other  Muhammadans,  perform  the 
aguiga  ceremony,  which  consists  of  shaving  the  child's 
head,  and  sacrificing  a  he-goat.  Children  are  circum- 
cised before  the  tenth  year.  On  such  occasions  the 
Muhammadans  generally  invite  their  friends,  and  distri- 
bute sweets  and  pan-supari  (betel  leaf  and  areca  nuts). 
The  Dudekulas  simply  send  for  a  barber,  Hindu  or 
Muhammadan,  who  performs  the  operation  in  the  pres- 
ence of  a  Khazi,  if  one  happens  to  be  available.  When 
a  girl  reaches  puberty,  the  Dudekulas  invite  their  friends 
to  a  feast.  Other  Muhammadans,  on  the  contrary,  keep 
the  fact  a  secret. 

At  the  betrothal  ceremony,  when  sweets  and  pan- 
supari  are  taken  by  the  future  bridegroom  and  his  party 
to  the  house  of  the  girl  whom  he  seeks  in  marriage,  the 
female  members  of  both  families,  and  the  girl  herself,  are 
present.  This  fact  shows  the  absence  of  the  Muham- 
madan gosha  system  among  Dudekulas.  A  Muhamma- 
dan wedding  lasts  over  five  or  six  days,  whereas  the 
ceremonies  are,  among  the  Dudekulas,  completed  within 
twenty-four  hours.  On  the  night  preceding  the  nikka 
day,  a  pilau  is  prepared,  and  a  feast  is  held  at  the 
bridegroom's  house.  On  the  following  morning,  when 
it  is  still  dark,  the  bridegroom,  accompanied  by  his 
relations,  starts  on  horseback  in  procession,  with  beatino- 
of  drums  and  letting  off  of  fireworks.  The  procession 
arrives  at  the  bride's  house  before  sunrise.  The  Khazi 
is  sent  for,  and  the  mahr  is  settled.  This  is  a  nominal 
gift  settled  on  the  wife  before  marriage  by  the  bride- 
groom. On  the  death  of  a  husband,  a  widow  has 
priority  of  claim  on  his  property  to  the  promised  amount 
of  the  mahr.  Two  male  witnesses  are  sent  to  the  bride, 
to  obtain  her  assent  to  the  union,  and  to  the  amount  of 


DUDI  202 

the  mahr.  The  Khazi,  being  an  orthodox  Muhammadan, 
treats  the  Dudekula  bride  as  strictly  gosha  for  the  time 
being,  and,  therefore,  selects  two  of  her  near  relatives  as 
witnesses.  The  lutcha  (marriage  badge),  consisting  of 
a  single  or  double  string  of  beads,  is  brought  in  a  cup 
filled  with  sandal  paste. 

The  Khazi  chants  the  marriage  service,  and  sends  the 
lutcha  in  to  the  bride  with  his  blessing.  It  is  tied  round 
her  neck  by  the  female  relations  of  the  bridegroom,  and 
the  marriage  rites  are  over. 

The  usual  Muhammadan  form  of  greeting  among 
Muhammadans  is  the  familiar  "  Peace  be  with  you." 
"  And  with  you  be  peace."  When  a  Dudekula  greets  a 
Muhammadan,  he  simply  bows,  and,  with  members  of 
his  own  community,  uses  a  Telugu  form  of  salutation, 
e.g.,  niku  mokkutamu. 

The  Dudekulas,  male  and  female,  dress  exactly  like 
Hindus,  but,  as  a  rule,  the  men  do  not  shave  their  beard. 

Disputes,  and  social  questions  affecting  the  com- 
munity, are  settled  by  a  Khazi. 

With  the  increase  in  cotton  mills,  and  the  decline 
of  the  indigenous  hand-weaving  industry,  the  demand 
for  cotton-cleaning  labour  has  diminished,  and  some 
Dudekulas  have,  of  necessity,  taken  to  agriculture. 
Land-owners  are  very  scarce  among  them,  but 
some  are  abkari  (liquor)  contractors,  village  school- 
masters, and  quack  doctors.  In  the  Ceded  Districts, 
the  cotton-cleaning  industry  is  solely  confined  to  the 
Dudekulas. 

The  synonyms  of  Dudekula,  Ladaf  and  Nurbash, 
recorded  at  times  of  census,  are  corruptions  of  Nad-daf 
(a  cotton  dresser)  and  Nurbaf  (weaving). 

Dudi.— -A  title  of  Kurumos,  who  officiate  as  priests 
at  the  temples  of  village  deities. 


203 


EKARI 


Dudi  (cotton)  Balija. — A  name  for  traders  in  cotton 
in  the  Telugu  country,  and  an  occupational  sub-division 
of  Komati. 

Durga  (fort). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Dutan. — Recorded,  in  the  Travancore  Census 
Report,  as  a  synonym  of  Ari. 

Dyavana  (tortoise). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Moger. 


Eddulu  (bulls). — See  Yeddulu. 

Ediannaya  (hornet's  nest). — An  exogamous  sept 
of  Bant. 

Egadavan. — Recorded,  at  times  of  census,  as  an 
exogamous  sept  of  Anappans,  who  are  Canarese  cattle- 
grazers  settled  in  the  Tamil  country.  Possibly  it  is  a 
corruption  of  Heggade,  a  title  among  Kurubas. 

Ekakshara.— A  sub-division  of  Satani.  The  name 
is  derived  from  Ekakshara,  meaning  one  syllable,  i.e., 
the  mystic  syllable  Cm. 

Ekari.— This  caste  is  summed  up  in  the  Madras 
Census  Report,  1901,  under  the  names  Ekari,  Ekali, 
Yakari,  and  Yakarlu,  as  a  sub-caste  of  Mutracha.  Mr. 
H.  A.  Stuart  writes  *  that  "  Ekaris  or  Yakarlu  are  a 
class  of  cultivators  and  village  watchmen,  found  chiefly  in 
the  northern  taluks  of  North  Arcot,  and  in  the  adjoining 
district  of  Cuddapah.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  the 
Ekaris  and  Mutrachas  are  identical  castes.  The  census 
statistics  are,  I  think,  sufficient  to  throw  grave  doubt  on 
this  view.  Neither  name,  for  instance,  appears  as  a 
sub-division  of  the  other,  although  this  would  certainly 


*  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district;  Madras  Census  Report,  1891. 


ELAKAYAN  204 

be  the  case  if  they  were  synonymous.  Nor  is  there  any 
similarity  in  the  sub-divisions  that  are  given.  They  are 
said,  in  the  Nellore  Manual,  to  be  hunters  and  merce- 
naries, and  in  Cuddapah,  where  they  are  known  to  some 
as  Boyas  and  Kiratas,  they  are  classed  as  a  forest  tribe. 
It  is  clear,  however,  that  they  enjoyed  some  authority, 
for  several  rose  to  be  poligars.  Thus  the  poligars  of 
Kallur,  Tumba,  Pulicheria,  Bangari  and  Gudipati  are  of 
this  caste,  and  many  of  its  members  are  village  policemen. 
They  do  not  wear  the  sacred  thread,  but  employ  Brah- 
mans  as  their  priests.  Their  ceremonies  differ  very  little 
from  those  of  the  Kapus.  They  are  flesh-eaters,  and 
their  titles  are  Naidu  and  Dora.  The  caste  possesses 
some  interest  as  being  that  which  had,  in  1891,  the 
highest  proportion  of  widowed  among  females  between 
the  ages  of  15  and  39.  Little  is  known  of  the  caste 
history.  Some  assert  that  they  were  formerly  Hindu 
cotton  cleaners,  and  that  their  name  is  derived  from  the 
verb  yekuta,  to  clean  cotton.  They  returned  74  sub- 
divisions, of  which  the  most  important  seem  to  be  Dodda 
(big)  and  Pala." 

There  is  neither  intermarriage,  nor  free  interdining 
between  Ekaris  and  Mutrachas.  By  some,  Kampin, 
and  Nagiripilla  kayalu,  and  by  others  Kammi  and  Yerrai 
were  given  as  sub-divisions. 

One  of  the  recognised  names  of  washermen  in  Tamil 
is  Egali  or  Ekali. 

Elakayan. — A  sub-division  of  Nayar.  It  is  re- 
corded, in  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  that  "its 
hereditary  occupation  is  to  get  plantain  leaves  for  the 
use  of  the  Cherukunnu  temple,  where  travellers  are  fed 
daily  by  the  Chirakkal  Raja." 

Elayad. — For  the  following  note  on  the  Elayads  or 
Ilayatus    I   am   indebted  to   Mr.   N.    Subramani  Aiyar, 


205 


ELAYAD 


Ilayatu  literally  means  younger,  and  the  name  is 
employed  to  denote  a  caste,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the 
last  among  the  numerous  sub-divisions  of  Malabar 
Brahmans.  The  caste-men  make  use  of  two  titles, 
Ilayatu  and  Nambiyatiri,  the  latter  of  which  has  the 
same  origin  as  Nambutiri,  meaning  a  person  worthy  of 
worship.  Women  are  generally  known  as  Ilayammas, 
and,  in  some  parts  of  North  Travancore,  also  Kunjammas. 
By  the  caste-men  themselves  the  women  are  called 
Akattulavar,  or  those  inside,  in  the  same  way  as  Nam- 
butiri women.  Children  are  called  Kunjunnis.  The 
Ilayatus  exact  from  the  Nayars  the  name  of  Ilayach- 
chan,  or  little  father. 

According  to  the  Jatinirnaya,  a  work  ascribed  to 
Parasurama,  the  Ilayatus  were  once  Brahmans  of 
undiminished  purity,  but  became  degraded  owing  to 
the  priestly  service  which  was  performed  for  a  Nayar  ser- 
vant attached  to  one  of  their  households.  Two  members 
of  the  house  of  Azhvancheri  Tamprakkal  were  brothers. 
The  younger  resolved  to  go  to  a  foreign  country,  and 
could  get  no  other  Nayar  servant  than  one  who  was 
obliged  to  perform  his  mother's  anniversary  ceremony  on 
the  way.  He  promised  to  act  as  the  priest  on  this  occa- 
sion, and  is  even  believed  to  have  eaten  the  food  prepared 
by  the  Nayar.  When  the  matter  became  known  to  his 
elder  brother,  he  assembled  all  the  Vaidik  Brahmans, 
and  the  younger  brother  was  excommunicated.  This 
tradition,  like  the  majority  of  Malabar  traditions,  has  to 
be  accepted  with  reserve.  The  Ilayatus  assert  that, 
until  interdicted  by  Rama  lyen  Dalawa  in  revenge  for  a 
supposed  dishonour  to  him,  they  had  the  privilege  of 
commensality  with  Nambutiri  Brahmans ;  but  Rama 
lyen's  authority,  large  as  it  was,  did  not  extend  to  Cochin 
and  British  Malabar,   where  too  the   Ilayatus  appear  to 


ELAYAD  206 

labour  under  the  same  difficulty.  Those  who  encouraged 
the  higher  classes  of  Nayars  with  ritualistic  functions 
became  Onnam  Parisha  or  the  first  party  of  Ilayatus,  the 
remainder  being  grouped  in  another  class  known  as 
Randam  or  second  party.  The  latter  are  lower  in  the 
social  scale  than  the  former.  The  two  sections  do  not 
intermarry,  and  interdining  is  restricted  to  the  male  sex. 

The  Ilayatus  generally  have  a  dejected  appearance, 
and  their  poverty  is  proverbial.  Most  of  them  earn  only 
a  scanty  living  by  their  traditional  occupation,  and  yet  it 
is  notorious  that  other  walks  of  life  have  absolutely  no 
attraction  for  them.  Not  only  is  English  education  not 
welcomed,  but  even  the  study  of  Sanskrit  finds  only 
a  few  steadfast  votaries.  The  Ilayatus  are,  however,  a 
naturally  clever,  and  intelligent  community,  and,  under 
favourable  conditions,  are  found  to  take  a  more  prominent 
place  in  society. 

The  house  of  an  Ilayatu  is,  like  that  of  a  Nambutiri, 
called  illam.  It  is  generally  large,  being  the  gift  of  some 
pious  Nayar.  Every  Ilayatu  house  possesses  a  serpent 
grove,  where  periodical  offerings  are  made.  The  dress 
and  ornaments  of  the  Ilayatus  are  exactly  like  those  of 
the  Nambutiris.  The  wedding  ornament  is  called  kettu- 
tali.  Children  wear  a  ring  tied  to  a  thread  round  the 
neck  from  the  moment  of  the  first  feeding  ceremony. 
The  Ilayatus  are  strict  vegetarians,  and,  though  in  some 
of  their  temples  they  have  to  make  offerings  of  liquor 
to  the  deity,  they  are  strictly  forbidden  by  caste  rules 
from  partaking  thereof. 

The  chief  occupation  of  the  Ilayatus  is  the  priesthood 
of  the  Nayars.  The  first  division  perform  this  service 
only  for  the  Ilakkar  or  highest  class  of  Nayars,  while  the 
second  division  do  not  decline  to  be  the  priests  of  any 
section  of  that  community.     In  performing  such  services, 


207  ELAYAD 

the  Ilayatus  recite  various  liturgic  texts,  but  hardly 
any  Vedic  hymns.  The  Ilayatus  have  also  been  the 
recognised  priests  in  several  North  Travancore  temples, 
the  chief  of  which  are  the  Kainikkara  Bhagavata  shrine, 
the  Payappara  Sasta  shrine,  and  the  Parekkavu  Siva 
temple  at  Kuttattukulam.  Ilayatus  are  the  priests  in 
most  of  the  snake  groves  of  Malabar,  that  at  Mannarsalay 
commanding  the  greatest  popularity  and  respect. 

Ilayatus  are,  in  all  matters  of  caste  such  as  Smarta- 
vicharam,  or  enquiry  into  charges  of  adultery,  etc., 
governed  by  the  Nambutiris,  who  are  assisted  by  Vaidiks 
belonging  to  the  caste  itself.  It  is  the  latter  who  are 
the  regular  priests  of  the  Ilayatus,  and,  though  ignorant 
of  the  -  Vedas,  they  seem  to  possess  considerable 
knowledge  of  the  priestly  functions  as  carried  out  in 
Malabar.  Nambutiris  are  sometimes  invited  to  perform 
Isvaraseva,  Sarpabali,  and  other  religious  rites.  Purifi- 
cation rites  are  performed  by  the  caste  priests  only,  and 
no  Nambutiri  is  called  on  to  assist.  Brahmans  do  not 
cook  food  in  the  houses  of  Ilayatus. 

The  Ilayatus  are  divided  mostly  into  two  septs  or 
gotras,  called  Visvamitra  and  Bharadvaja.  The  marriage 
of  girls  is  performed  before  or  after  puberty,  between 
the  twelfth  and  eighteenth  years.  No  bride-price  is  paid, 
but  a  sum  of  not  less  than  Rs.  140  has  to  be  paid  to  the 
bridegroom.  This  is  owing  to  the  fact  that,  in  an  Ilayutu 
family,  as  among  the  Nambutiris,  only  the  eldest  son  can 
lead  a  married  life.  All  male  members  of  a  family, 
except  the  eldest,  take  to  themselves  some  Nayar  or 
Ambalavasi  woman.  Widows  do  not  remove  their  tuft 
of  hair  on  the  death  of  their  husband,  but  throw  their 
marriage  ornament  on  to  the  funeral  pyre,  probably  as  a 
symbol  of  the  performance  of  sati.  The  Ilayatus 
resemble  the  Nambutiris  in  all  questions  of  inheritance. 


ELLA  208 

The  Ilayatus  do  not  omit  any  of  the  sixteen  religi- 
ous ceremonies  of  the  Brahmans.  The  rules  of  name 
given  are  that  the  eldest  son  should  be  named  after  the 
paternal  grandfather,  the  second  after  the  maternal 
grandfather,  and  the  third  after  the  father.  A  parallel 
rule  obtains  in  giving  names  to  daughters. 

The  Ilayatus  belong  in  the  main  to  the  white  and 
black  branches  of  the  Yajurveda,  and  observe  the 
sijtras  of  Bodhayana  and  Asvalayana.  They  recite  only 
twenty-four  Gayatri  hymns,  thrice  a  day.  Women  are 
believed  to  be  polluted  for  ninety  days  after  childbirth. 

It  is  noted  in  the  Cochin  Census  Report,  1901,  that 
the  Elayads  are  "  their  own  priests,  and  for  this  reason, 
and  from  the  fact  that  Nayars  perform  sradhas  (memorial 
service)  in  the  houses  of  Elayads,  the  Nambudris  do  not 
cook  or  take  meals  in  their  houses,  nor  do  they, 
Kshatriyas  or  Nampidis,  take  water  from  Elayads.  In 
former  times,  the  Elayads  used  to  take  their  meals  in 
Nayar  houses  during  the  performance  of  the  sradha 
ceremony  of  the  Nayars,  as  Brahmans  generally  do  on 
such  ceremonial  occasions  amongst  themselves,  but  they 
now  decline  to  do  it,  except  in  a  few  wealthy  and 
influential  families.  Muthads  and  Elayads  wear  the 
sacred  thread.  Though  in  many  respects  the  Elayads 
are  more  Brahmanical  than  the  Muthads,  the  majority 
of  the  Ambalavasi  castes  do  not  take  the  food  cooked  or 
touched  by  the  Elayads.  There  are  some  temples,  in 
which  they  officiate  as  chief  priests.  The  IMuthad  and 
Elayad  females  are  gosha.  They  both  practice  poly- 
gamy, and  perform  Sarvaswadanam  marriages  like  the 
Nambudris." 

Ella  (boundary). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Mutracha. 

Elugoti  (assembly). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Devanga. 


209  ENANGAN 

Elugu  (bear). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Yanadi. 

Eluttacchan. — Eluttacchan  or  Ezhuttacchan,  mean- 
ing teacher  or  master  of  learning,  is  the  name  for 
educated  Kadupattans  of  Malabar  employed  as  school- 
masters. 

Eman.— A  corruption  of  Yajamanan,  lord,  recorded, 
in  the  Travancore  Census  Report,  1901,  as  a  title  of 
Nayar. 

Embrantiri. — Embrantiri  or  Embran  is  "a  Mala- 
yalam  name  for  Tulu  Brahmans  settled  in  Malabar. 
They  speak  both  Tulu  and  Malayalam.  Some  of  them 
call  themselves  Nambudris,  but  they  never  intermarry 
with  that  class."*  By  Wigram  they  are  defined  t  as  "a 
class  of  sacrificing  Brahmans,  chiefly  Tulu,  who  officiate 
at  Sudra  ceremonies."  It  is  a  name  for  the  Tulu  Shivalli 
Brahmans. 

Emme  (buffalo). — See  Yemme. 

Ena  Korava. — See  Korava. 

Enadi.— Recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1901,  as  "a  name  for  Shanans,  derived  from  Enadi 
Nayanar,  a  Saivite  saint.  It  also  means  Ambattan,  or 
barber."     The  w^ord  denotes  a  chief,  barber,  or  minister. 

Enangan. — Enangan  or  Inangan  is  defined  by  Mr. 
K.  Kannan  Nayar  J  as  "a  member  of  an  Inangu,  this 
being  a  community  of  a  number  of  tarwads,  the 
members  of  which  may  interdine  or  intermarry,  and  are 
bound  to  assist  one  another,  if  required,  in  the  perform- 
ance of  certain  social  and  religious  rites."  It  is  noted, 
in  the  Gazetteer  of  Malabar,  that  "  an  Enangan  or 
Inangan  is  a  man  of  the  same  caste  and  sub-division  or 
marriage  groups.  It  is  usually  translated  kinsman,  but 
is  at  once  wider  and  narrower  in  its  connotation.     My 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  19OI.  f  Malabar  Law  and  Custom. 

%  Malabar  Quarterly  Review,  VII,  3,  1908. 
n-14 


ENETI  2IO 

Enangans  are  all  who  can  marry  the  same  people  that 
I  can.  An  EnangattI  is  a  female  member  of  an  Enan- 
gan's  family." 

Eneti.-^Said  to  be  mendicants,  who  beg  from 
Gamallas.     {See  Yanati.) 

Entamara. — See  Yanati. 

Era.— 'Era  Cheruman,  or  Eralan,  is  a  sub-division 
of  Cheruman. 

Eradi.-^Eradi  has  been  defined  *  as  meaning  "  a 
cow-herd.  A  sub-division  of  the  Nayar  caste,  which 
formerly  ruled  in  what  is  now  the  Ernad  taluk "  of 
Malabar.  In  the  Malabar  Manual,  Ernad  is  said  to  be 
derived  from  Eradu,  the  bullock  country.  Eradi  denotes, 
according  to  the  Census  Report,  1891,  "a  settlement  in 
Ernad.  The  caste  of  Samantas,  to  w^hich  the  Zamorin 
of  Calicut  belongs." 

Eravallar. — The  Eravallars  are  a  small  forest  tribe 
inhabiting  the  Coimbatore  district  and  Malabar.  For 
the  following  note  on  the  Eravallars  of  Cochin,  I  am 
indebted  to  Mr.  L.  K.  Anantha  Krishna  Iyer.  | 

Eravallars  are  a  wild  tribe  of  inoffensive  hill-men 
found  in  the  forests  of  the  Cochin  State,  especially  in  the 
Chittur  taluk.  They  are  also  called  Villu  Vedans 
(hunters  using  bows).  Their  language  is  Tamil,  though 
some  speak  Malayalam.  In  addressing  the  elderly 
members  of  the  caste,  they  use  the  titles  Muthan  (elder) 
and  Pattan  (grandfather).  Names  in  use  for  males  are 
Kannan  (Krishna),  Otukan,  Kothandan,  Kecharan,  and 
Attukaran,  while  females  are  called  Kanni,  Keyi,  Kai- 
kayi,  Otuka,  and  Riimayi.  These  Hindu  divine  names 
are  recent  innovations  after  the  names  of  members  of 


•  Wigram.     Malabar  Law  and  Custom. 

t  Monograph.     Elh,  Survey  of  Cochin,  No.  9,  1906. 


2 1 1  ERAVALLAR 

the  higher  castes,  with  whom  they  frequently  come  in 
contact. 

The  Eravallars  have  no  knowledge  of  the  origin  of 
their  caste.  They  appear  to  be  a  rude  and  primitive 
people,  like  the  other  jungle  tribes  of  the  State,  but  are 
somewhat  improving  their  status  under  their  masters. 
Their  habits  are  less  migratory  than  those  of  the  Malayars 
and  Kadars.  They  live  in  villages  called  pathis,  situated 
in  the  forests.  Their  huts  are  similar  to  those  of  the 
Malayars  and  Kadars.  They  propitiate  their  sylvan 
deities  before  the  construction  of  their  huts,  and  also 
before  their  occupation.  Some  days  are  believed  to  be 
lucky,  as  Mondays  for  sowing  and  weddings,  Wednes- 
days for  building,  and  Fridays  for  reaping. 

Eravallars  do  not  live  as  small  independent  com- 
munities, but  are  mostly  attached  to  farmers,  under 
whom  they  work  for  a  daily  wage  of  two  edangazhis  and 
a  half  of  paddy  (unhusked  rice).  The  women  also  work 
for  the  same  wage,  but  never  agree  to  serve  in  a  state 
of  bondaore.  Durin^  the  festival  kathira  in  the  village 
temple  of  their  landlords,  when  sheaves  of  corn  are 
brought,  every  male  member  gets  from  his  landlord  two 
veshtis  (a  cloth  with  a  coloured  border  3  yards  in  length), 
and  every  woman  a  potava  (coloured  cloth  8  yards  in 
length).  During  the  Onam  and  Vishu  festivals,  one 
para  of  paddy,  tw^o  cocoanuts,  a  small  quantity  of  gingelly 
{Sesamum)  and  cocoanut  oil  are  also  given.  The  land- 
lords partly  defray  their  marriage  and  funeral  expenses 
by  a  grant  of  a  few  paras  of  paddy,  some  salt  and  chillies. 
Sometimes  they  agree  to  work  for  twenty  valloms  (a 
large  corn  measure)  a  year.  To  improve  their  condi- 
tion, they  borrow  money  from  their  landlords,  and 
purchase  a  bullock  or  buffalo  or  two,  to  cultivate  a  plot 
of  land,  after  clearing  a  portion  of  the  forest  belonging 
11-14  B 


ERAVALLAR  212 

to  their  master.  They  raise  some  crops,  and  make 
some  saving  to  pay  off  the  debt.  Should  they  be  so 
unfortunate  as  to  fail  in  the  undertaking,  they  willingly 
mortgage  themselves  to  their  master,  or  to  some  other, 
for  the  wages  above  mentioned,  and  wait  for  some 
favourable  opportunity  to  pay  off  the  debt.  Women 
never  surrender  themselves  to  work  in  a  state  of  bondage, 
but  are  independent  day-labourers.  The  Eravallars  are, 
as  certified  by  their  masters,  always  truthful,  honest, 
faithful  and  god-fearing,  and  never,  like  the  Pulayas  of 
the  northern  pans  of  the  State,  ungratefully  run  away 
from  their  masters. 

A  girl,  when  she  comes  of  age,  is  lodged  in  a  separate 
hut  (muttuchala)  erected  at  a  distance  of  a  furlong  from 
the  main  hut.  Only  a  few  girl  friends  are  allowed  to  be 
in  company  with  her  during  the  period  of  her  seclu- 
sion, which  is  generally  seven  days,  during  which  food 
is  served  to  her  at  a  distance,  when  she  comes  to  take 
it.  No  grown-up  member  approaches  her,  for  fear  of 
pollution.  She  bathes  on  the  morning  of  the  seventh 
day,  and  is  then  allowed  to  enter  the  hut.  The  dav  is 
one  of  festivity  to  her  friends  and  relations.  If  a  girl  is 
married  before  she  attains  puberty,  her  husband  contri- 
butes something  for  the  expenses  of  the  ceremony. 
Should  a  woman  cohabit  with  a  man  before  marriage 
and  become  pregnant,  she  used,  in  former  times,  to  be 
put  to  death,  but  is  now  turned  out  of  cas.tc.  Instances 
of  the  kind  are,  they  say,  extremely  rare. 

An  Eravallan  who  wishes  to  see  his  son  married 
visits  the  parents  of  a  girl  with  his  brother-in-law  and  a 
few  relatives,  who  make  the  proposal.  If  the  parents 
agree,  the  wedding  day  is  fixed,  and  all  the  preliminary 
arrangements  are  made  at  the  hut  of  the  bride,  where 
the  relatives  assembled  are  treated  to  a  dinner.     The 


2  13  ERAVALLAR 

bride's  price  is  only  a  rupee.  The  parents  of  the  bride 
and  bridegroom  visit  their  respective  landlords  with  a 
few  packets  of  betel  leaves,  areca  nuts,  and  tobacco,  and 
inform  them  of  the  marriage  proposal.  The  landlords 
give  a  few  paras  of  paddy  to  defray  a  portion  of  the 
wedding  expenses.  They  celebrate  their  weddings  on 
Mondays.  On  a  Monday  previous  to  the  wedding  cere- 
mony, the  sister  of  the  bridegroom,  with  a  few  of  her 
relations  and  friends,  goes  to  the  bride's  hut,  and  presents 
her  parents  with  the  bride's  money,  and  a  brass  ring  for 
the  bride.  On  the  Monday  chosen  for  the  wedding,  the 
same  company,  and  a  few  more,  go  there,  and  dress  the 
girl  in  the  new  garment  brought  by  them.  They  are 
treated  to  a  dinner  as  on  the  previous  occasion.  They 
then  return  with  the  bride  to  the  hut  of  the  bridegroom, 
where  also  the  parties  assembled  are  entertained.  On 
the  Monday  after  this,  the  bridegroom  and  bride  are 
taken  to  the  bride's  hut,  where  they  stay  for  a  week,  and 
then  return  to  the  brideorroom's  hut.  Marriao-e  is  now 
formally  over.  The  tali  (marriage  badge)  tying  is  dis- 
pensed with.  This  custom  of  marriage  prevails  among 
the  Izhuvas  of  the  Chittur  taluk.  The  bridegroom  gets 
nothing  as  a  present  during  the  wedding,  but  this  is 
reserved  for  the  Karkadaka  Sankranthi,  when  he  is 
invited  by  his  father-in-law,  and  given  two  veshtis  and  a 
turban,  after  sumptuously  feeding  him.  A  widow  can 
only  marry  a  widower.  It  is  called  Mundakettuka 
(marrying  a  widow).  When  they  both  have  children,  the 
widower  must  make  a  solemn  promise  to  his  castemen  that 
he  will  treat  and  support  the  children  by  both  marriages 
impartially.  The  present  of  a  brass  ring  and  cloth  is  essen- 
tial. A  man  can  divorce  his  wife,  if  he  is  not  satisfied  with 
her.  The  divorced  wife  can  mate  only  with  a  widower. 
Such  cases,  they  say,  are  very  rare  among  them. 


ERAVALLAR  214 

No  ceremony  is  performed  for  a  pregnant  woman 
during  the  fifth  or  seventh  month.  If  she  dreams  of 
dogs,  cats,  or  wild  animals  coming  to  threaten  her,  it  is 
believed  that  she  is  possessed  of  demons.  Then  a  devil- 
driver  from  this  or  some  other  caste  is  called  in.  He 
draws  a  hideous  figure  (kolam)  on  the  floor  with  pow- 
dered rice,  turmeric,  and  charcoal,  and  the  woman  is 
seated  in  front  of  it.  He  sings  and  beats  his  small  drum, 
or  mutters  his  mantram  (consecrated  formula).  A  lamp 
is  lighted,  and  frankincense  is  burned.  A  kaibali  is 
waved  round  the  woman's  face.  She  is  worked  up  to  a 
hysterical  state,  and  makes  frantic  movements.  Boiled 
rice,  flattened  rice,  plantains,  cocoanuts,  and  fowl  are 
ofi^ered  to  the  demon.  Quite  satisfied,  the  demon  leaves 
her,  or  offers  to  leave  her  on  certain  conditions.  If  the 
woman  remains  silent  and  unmoved  all  the  time,  it  is 
supposed  that  no  demon  resides  in  her  body.  Very 
often  a  yantram  (charm)  is  made  on  a  piece  of  cadjan 
(palm)  leaf,  and  rolled.  It  is  attached  to  a  thread,  and 
worn  round  the  neck. 

A  woman  in  childbirth  is  located  in  a  separate  small 
hut  (muttuchala)  erected  at  a  distance  from  the  main  hut. 
Nobody  attends  upon  her,  except  her  mother  or  some  old 
woman  to  nurse  her.  As  soon  as  delivery  takes  place, 
the  mother  and  child  are  bathed.  Her  pollution  is  for 
seven  days,  during  which  she  stays  in  the  hut.  She  then 
bathes,  and  is  removed  to  another  hut  close  to  the  main 
hut,  and  is  again  under  pollution  for  five  months.  Her 
diet  during  this  period  is  simple,  and  she  is  strictly  for- 
bidden to  take  meat.  The  only  medicine  administered  to 
her  during  the  period  is  a  mixture  of  pepper,  dried  ginger, 
and  palm  sugar  mixed  with  toddy.  She  comes  back  to 
the  main  hut  after  purifying  herself  by  a  bath  at  the  end 
of  the  five  months.     The  day  is  one  of  festivity. 


2  15  ERAVALLAR 

The  Eravallers  bury  their  dead,  and  observe  death 
pollution  for  five  days.  On  the  morning  of  the  sixth 
day,  the  chief  mourner,  who  may  be  the  son  or  younger 
brother,  gets  shaved,  bathes,  and  offers  to  the  spirit  of 
the  departed  boiled  rice,  parched  rice,  plantains,  and 
fowl.  A  feast  is  given  to  the  castemen  once  a  year, 
when  they  have  some  savings.  They  think  of  their 
ancestors,  who  are  propitiated  w^ith  offerings. 

They  are  pure  animists,  and  believe  that  the  forests 
and  hills  are  full  of  demons  disposed  to  do  them  harm. 
Many  of  them  are  supposed  to  live  in  trees,  and  to  rule 
wild  beasts.  They  also  believe  that  there  are  certain 
local  demons,  which  are  supposed  to  reside  in  rocks, 
trees,  or  peaks,  having  influence  over  particular  families 
or  villages,  and  that  services  rendered  to  them  are 
intended  to  mitigate  their  hunger  rather  than  to  seek 
benefits.  Their  gods  are  Kali,  Muni,  Kannimar,  and 
Karappu  Rayan.  Kali  is  adored  to  obtain  her  protection 
for  themselves  and  their  families  while  living  in  the 
forest.  Muni  is  worshipped  for  the  protection  of  their 
cattle,  and  to  secure  good  harvest.  Kannimar  (the 
seven  virgins)  and  Karappu  Rayan  are  their  family 
deities,  who  watch  over  their  welfare.  Offerings  of  boiled 
rice,  plantains,  cocoanuts,  and  flattened  rice  are  given  to 
propitiate  them.  Kali  and  Muni  are  worshipped  in  the 
forest,  and  the  others  in  their  huts. 

The  main  occupation  of  the  Eravallers  is  ploughing 
dry  lands  for  the  cultivation  of  chama  {Panicum  niilia- 
cetwz),  cholam  [Sorgkwii  viilgare),  dholl  [Cajantis  indicus) 
and  gingelly  [Sesaimcin  indicum)  seeds,  and  sowing  the 
seeds,  which  begin  in  the  middle  of  May,  and  harvesting 
in  November.  During  these  months,  they  are  wholly 
occupied  with  agriculture.  During  the  other  months  of 
the  year,  gardening,  fencing,  and  thatching  are  their  chief 


ERAVALLAR  2l6 

occupations.  Offerings  are  made  to  Kali  and  Muni, 
when  they  plough,  sow,  and  reap.  They  are  so  pro- 
pitiated, as  they  are  supposed  to  protect  their  corn  from 
destruction  by  wild  beasts.  The  Eravallers  are  skilful 
hunters.  Owing  to  their  familiarity  and  acquaintance 
with  the  forests,  they  can  point  out  jjlaces  frequented  by 
wild  beasts,  which  they  can  recognise  by  smell,  either  to 
warn  travellers  against  danger,  or  to  guide  sportsmen 
to  the  game.  Ten  or  fifteen  of  them  form  a  party,  and 
are  armed  with  knives,  bows  and  arrows.  Some  of  them 
act  as  beaters,  and  the  animal  is  driven  to  a  particular 
spot,  where  it  is  caught  in  a  large  net  already  spread, 
shot,  or  beaten  to  death.  Animals  hunted  are  hares, 
porcupines,  and  wild  pigs.  The  game  is  always  equally 
divided.  Being  good  marksmen,  they  take  skilful  aim 
at  birds,  and  kill  them  when  flying. 

The  ordinary  dietary  is  kanji  (gruel)  of  chama  or 
cholam,  mixed  with  tamarind,  salt  and  chillies,  prepared 
overnight,  and  taken  in  the  morning.  The  same  is 
prepared  for  the  midday  meal,  with  a  vegetable  curry 
consisting  of  dholl,  horse  gram  [Dolickos  biflorus),  and 
other  grains  grown  in  the  garden  of  their  masters,  which 
they  have  to  watch.  They  eat  the  flesh  of  sheep, 
fowls,  pigs,  hares,  quails,  and  doves.  They  take  food 
at  the  hands  of  Brahmans,  Nayars,  Kammalars,  and 
Izhuvas.  They  refuse  to  take  anything  cooked  by  Man- 
nans,  Panans,  Parayans,  and  Cherumans.  They  bathe 
when  touched  by  a  Chakkiliyan,  Parayan,  or  Cheruman. 
They  stand  a  long  way  off  from  Brahmans  and  Nayars. 

Both  men  and  women  are  decently  clad.  Males 
wear  veshtis,  one  end  of  which  hangs  loose,  and  the  other 
is  tucked  in  between  the  legs.  They  have  a  shoulder 
cloth,  either  hanging  loosely  over  their  shoulders,  or 
sometimes  tied  to  the  turban.     They  allow  their  hair  to 


2  17  ERNADAN 

grow  long,  but  do  not,  for  want  of  means,  anoint  it 
with  oil.  They  grow  moustaches.  They  wear  round 
the  neck  a  necklace  of  small  white  beads  to  distinguish 
them  from  Malayars,  who  are  always  afraid  of  them. 
Some  wear  brass  finger  rings.  Women  wear  a  potava 
(coloured  cloth),  half  of  which  is  worn  round  the  loins, 
while  the  other  half  serves  to  cover  the  body.  The  hair 
is  not  smoothed  with  oil.  It  is  twisted  into  a  knot  on  the 
back.  It  is  said  that  they  take  an  oil  bath  once  a  week. 
Their  ear  ornament  is  made  of  a  long  palmyra  leaf  rolled 
into  a  disc,  and  the  ear  lobes  are  sufficiently  dilated  to 
contain  them. 

Erkollar.— A  Tamil  form  of  the  Telugu  Yerragolla, 
which  is  sub-division  of  Tottiyan. 

Ernadan.— In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901, 
the  Aranadans  are  described  as  a  hill  tribe  in  Malabar, 
who  kill  pythons,  and  extract  an  oil  from  them,  which 
they  sell  to  people  on  the  plains  as  a  remedy  for  leprosy. 
These  are,  I  have  no  doubt,  the  Ernadans,  concerning 
whom  Mr.  G.  Hadfield  writes  to  me  as  follows.  They 
are  a  small  jungle  tribe,  found  exclusively  in  Malabar, 
and  are  considered  to  be  the  lowest  of  the  jungle  tribes 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Malabar,  who  consider  themselves 
polluted  if  an  Ernadan  approaches  within  a  hundred 
yards.  Even  Paniyans  and  Pariahs  give  them  a  wide 
berth,  and  they  are  prohibited  from  coming  within  four 
hundred  yards  of  a  village.  One  of  their  customs  is  very 
singular,  viz.,  the  father  of  a  family  takes  (or  used  to 
take)  his  eldest  daughter  as  his  second  wife.  The 
Ernadans  use  bows  and  arrows,  principally  for  shooting 
monkeys,  to  the  flesh  of  which  they  are  very  partial. 
They  are  not  particular  as  to  what  they  eat,  and  are,  in 
fact,  on  a  par  with  jackals  in  this  respect,  devouring 
snakes  and  the  putrid  flesh  of  various  animals.     They 


ERRA  2l8 

are  fond  of  collecting  the  fat  of  snakes,  and  selling  it. 
Muhammadans  employ  them  in  felling  timber,  and 
cultivating  fields.  Their  clothing  is  exceedingly  scanty, 
and,  when  hard  up,  they  use  wild  plantain  leaves  for  this 
purpose. 

Through  Mr,  Hadfield's  influence  with  the  tribe, 
Mr.  F.  Fawcett  was  able  to  examine  a  few  members 
thereof,  who  appeared  before  him  accompanied  by  their 
Mappilla  master,  at  a  signal  from  whom  they  ran  off  like 
hares,  to  attend  to  their  work  in  the  fields.  Their  most 
important  measurements  were  as  follows  : — 

Max.  Min.  Av. 

Stature  (cm.)     ..  ..      i56'6  i5o"6  i54*5 

Cephalic  index  . .  ..85  77  81 

Nasal  index       ..  ..      io8*8  7i"i  88-4 

The  Ernadans,  according  to  these  figures,  are  short  of 
stature,  platyrhine,  with  an  unusually  high  cephalic  index. 

Erra. — See  Yerra. 

Erudandi. — See  Gangeddu. 

Erudukkaran. — See  Gangeddu. 

Erumai  (buffalo). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Toreya. 

Eruman.— A  sub-division  of  Kolayan. 

Ettarai  (eight  and  a  half). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Tamil  goldsmiths. 

£ttuvitan.— Recorded,  in  the  Travancore  Census 
Report,  1 90 1,  as  a  sub-division  of  Nayar. 

Eurasian.— Eurasian  (Eur-asian)  may,  after  the 
definition  in  '  Hobson-Jobson,'  *  be  summed  up  as  a 
modern  name  for  persons  of  mixed  European  and  Indian 
blood,  devised  as  being  more  euphemistic  than  half-caste, 
and  more  precise  than  East-Indian.  When  the  European 
and  Ansrlo- Indian  Defence  Association  was  established 


*  Vulc  and  Burncll,  2nd  cd.,  1903. 


2  19  EURASIAN 

17  years  ago,  the  term  Anglo- Indian,  after  much  consi- 
deration, was  adopted  as  best  designating  the  community. 
According  to  Stocqueler,  *  the  name  Eurasian  was 
invented  by  the  Marquis  of  Hastings.  East  Indian  is 
defined  by  Balfour  t  as  "a.  term  which  has  been  adopted 
by  all  classes  of  India  to  distinguish  the  descendants  of 
Europeans  and  Native  mothers.  Other  names,  such  as 
half-caste,  chatikar,  and  chi-chi,  are  derogatory  desig- 
nations. Chattikar  is  from  chitta  (trousers)  and  kar  (a 
person  who  uses  them).  The  Muhammadans  equally 
wear  trousers,  but  concealed  by  their  outer  long  gowns. 
The  East  Indians  are  also  known  as  Farangi  (Frank),  a 
person  of  Europe.  The  humbler  East  Indians,  if  asked 
their  race,  reply  that  they  are  Wallandez  or  Oollanday, 
which  is  a  modification  of  Hollandais,  the  name  having 
been  brouo^ht  down  through  the  seventeenth  and  eieh- 
teenth  centuries  from  the  Dutch.  East  Indians  have,  in 
India,  all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  Europeans.  Races 
with  a  mixture  of  European  with  Asiatic  blood  possess  a 
proud  and  susceptible  tone  of  mind."  For  the  purposes 
of  the  Lawrence  Asylum,  Ootacamund,  the  word  East 
Indian  is  restricted  to  the  children  of  European  fathers 
by  East  Indian  or  Native  mothers,  or  of  East  Indian 
fathers  and  mothers,  both  of  whom  are  the  children  of 
European  fathers. 

By  a  ruling  of  the  Government  of  India  a  few  years 
ago,  it  was  decided  that  Eurasians  appointed  in  England 
to  official  posts  in  India  are,  if  they  are  not  statutory 
Natives,  to  be  treated  as  Europeans  as  regards  the 
receipt  of  exchange  compensation  allowance. 

Some  Eurasians  have,  it  may  be  noted,  had  decora- 
tions or  knighthood  conferred  on  them,  and  risen  to  the 


*  Handbook  of  British  India,  1854.  t  Cyclopaedia  of  India. 


EURASIAN  220 

highest  position  in,  and  gained  the  blue  ribbon  of, 
Government  service.  Others  have  held,  or  still  hold, 
positions  of  distinction  in  the  various  learned  professions, 
legal,  medical,  educational,  and  ecclesiastical. 

The  influence  of  the  various  European  nations — 
Portuguese,  Dutch,  British,  Danish,  and  French — which 
have  at  different  times  acquired  territory  in  peninsular 
India,  is  clearly  visible  in  the  polyglot  medley  of  Eurasian 
surnames,  e.g.,  Gomes,  Da  Souza,  Gonsalvez,  Rozario, 
Cabral,  Da  Cruz,  Da  Costa,  Da  Silva,  Da  Souza, 
Fernandez,  Fonseca,  Lazaro,  Henriquez,  Xavier,  Men- 
donza,  Rodriguez,  Saldana,  Almeyda,  Heldt,  Van  Spall, 
Jansen,  Augustine,  Brisson,  Corneille,  La  Grange, 
Lavocat,  Pascal,  DeVine,  Aubert,  Ryan,  McKertish, 
Macpherson,  Harris,  Johnson,  Smith,  etc.  Little  did  the 
early  adventurers,  in  the  dawn  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, think  that,  as  the  result  of  their  alliances  with  the 
native  women,  within  three  centuries  banns  of  marriage 
would  be  declared  weekly  in  Madras  churches  between, 
for  example,  Ben  Jonson  and  Alice  Almeyda,  Emmanuel 
Henricus  and  Mary  Smith,  Augustus  Rozario  and  Minnie 
Fonseca,  John  Harris  and  Clara  Corneille.  Yet  this  has 
come  to  pass,  and  the  Eurasian  holds  a  recognised  place 
among  the  half-breed  races  of  the  world. 

The  pedigree  of  the  early  Eurasian  community  is 
veiled  in  obscurity.  But  the  various  modes  of  creation 
of  a  half-breed,  which  were  adopted  in  those  early  days, 
when  the  sturdy  European  pioneers  first  came  in  contact 
with  the  native  females,  were  probably  as  follows  : — 

A.  European  man  (pure)      . ,  B.  Native  woman  (pure). 
C.  Male   offspring  of  A  +  B 

(first  cross)  . .  . .  D.  Native  woman. 

E.  Female  offspring  of  A  +  B  J  F.  European  man. 

(first  cross)  ..  ..        iG.  Native  man. 


221  EURASIAN 

fl.  Cross — female  offspring  of 
H.  Male  offspring  of  C  +  D       ^       A  +  B. 

l_J.  Native  woman. 

f  L.  Cross — male  offspring  of 

K.  Female  offspring  ofC+I-^  ■^,^    t- 

I  M.  European  man. 

LN.  Native  man. 

The  Eurasian  half-breed,  thus  estabh'shed,  has   been 
perpetuated  by  a  variety  of  possible  combinations  : — 

_  r  Eurasian  woman. 

European  man  . .  . .    i 

L  Native  woman. 

f  Native  woman. 

Eurasian  man  . .  . .  ■(  Eurasian  woman. 

l^ European  woman. 

r  Eurasian  woman. 
Native  man       . .  . .  •  •    i  t- 

L  European  woman. 

In  the  early  days  of  the  British  occupation  of  Madras, 
the  traders  and  soldiers,  arriving  with  an  inadequate 
equipment  of  females,  contracted  alliances,  regular  or 
irregular,  with  the  women  of  the  country.  And  in  these 
early  days,  when  our  territorial  possessions  were  keenly 
contested  with  both  European  and  Native  enemies,  an 
attempt  was  made,  under  authority  from  high  places,  to 
obtain,  through  the  medium  of  the  British  soldier,  and 
in  accordance  with  the  creed  that  crossing  is  an  essential 
means  of  improving  a  race,  and  rendering  it  vigorous 
by  the  infusion  of  fresh  blood  from  a  separate  stock, 
a  good  cross,  which  should  be  available  for  military 
purposes.  Later  on,  as  the  number  of  the  British 
settlers  increased,  connexions,  either  with  the  Native 
women,  or  with  the  females  of  the  recently  established 
Eurasian  type,  were  kept  up  owing  to  the  difficulty 
of  communication  with  the  mother-country,  and  conse- 
quent difficulty  in  securing  English  brides.  Of  these 
barbaric  days  the  detached  or  semi-detached  bungalows 
in  the  spacious    grounds  of  the    old  private   houses   in 


EURASIAN  2  22 

Madras  remain  as  a  memorial.  At  the  present  day  the 
conditions  of  life  in  India  are,  as  the  result  of  steamer 
traffic,  very  different,  and  far  more  wholesome.  The 
Eurasian  man  seeks  a  wife  as  a  rule  among  his  own 
community ;  and,  in  this  manner,  the  race  is  mainly 
maintained. 

The  number  of  Eurasians  within  the  limits  of  the 
Madras  Presidency  was  returned,  at  the  census,  1891,  as 
26,643.  But  on  this  point  I  must  call  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart, 
the  Census  Commissioner,  into  the  witness  box.  "  The 
number  of  Eurasians,"  he  writes,  "  is  26,643,  w^hich  is 
2076  per  cent,  more  than  the  number  returned  in  1881." 
The  figures  for  the  last  three  enumerations  are  given  in 
the  following  statement : — 

Year.  Total.  Males.  Females. 

1871  ..  ..  26,460  13.091  13.359 

1881  ..  ..  21,892  10,969  iO)923 

1891  ..  ..  26,643  13. 141  13.502 

"  It  will  be  seen  that,  between  1871  and  1881,  there 
was  a  great  decrease,  and  that  the  numbers  in  1891  are 
slightly  higher  than  they  were  twenty  years  ago.  The 
figures,  however,  are  most  untrustworthy.  The  cause  is 
not  far  to  seek  ;  many  persons,  who  are  really  Natives, 
claim  to  be  Eurasians,  and  some  who  are  Eurasians 
return  themselves  as  Europeans.  It  might  be  thought 
that  the  errors  due  to  these  circumstances  would  be 
fairly  constant,  but  the  district  figures  show  that  this 
cannot  be  the  case.  Take  Malabar,  for  example,  which 
has  the  largest  number  of  Eurasians  after  Madras,  and 
where  the  division  between  Native  Christians  with 
European  names  and  people  of  real  mixed  race  is  very 
shadowy.  In  1871  there  were  in  this  district  5,413 
Eurasians  ;  in  1881  the  number  had  apparently  fallen  to 
1,676 ;  while  in  1891  it  had  again  risen  to  4,193,  or,  if  we 
include  South-east  VVynaad,  as  we  should  do,  to  4,439. 


223  EURASIAN 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  trustworthy  statistics  cannot  be 
obtained,  for  the  question  whether  the  true  Eurasian 
community  is  increasing  or  decreasing  is  of  considerable 
scientific  and  administrative  importance.  The  Eurasians 
form  but  a  very  small  proportion  of  the  community,  for 
there  is  only  one  Eurasian  in  every  1,337  of  the  popu- 
lation of  the  Madras  Presidency,  and  it  is  more  than 
probable  that  a  considerable  proportion  of  those  returned 
as  Eurasians  are  in  reality  pure  Natives  who  have 
embraced  the  Christian  religion,  taken  an  English  or 
Portuguese  name,  and  adopted  the  European  dress  and 
mode  of  living.  In  the  matter  of  education,  or  at  least 
elementary  education,  they  are  more  advanced  than  any 
other  class  of  the  community,  and  compare  favourably 
with  the  population  of  any  country  in  the  world.  They 
live  for  the  most  part  in  towns,  nearly  one-half  of  their 
number  being  found  in  the  city  of  Madras." 

In  connection  with  the  fact  that,  at  times  of  census, 
Native  Christians  and  Pariahs,  who  masquerade  in 
European  clothes,  return  themselves  as  Eurasians,  and 
vice  versa,  it  may  be  accepted  that  some  benefit  must  be 
derived  by  the  individual  in  return  for  the  masking  of 
his  or  her  nationality.  And  it  has  been  pointed  out  to 
me  that  (as  newspaper  advertisements  testify)  many 
ladies  will  employ  a  Native  ayah  rather  than  a  Eurasian 
nurse,  and  that  some  employers  will  take  Eurasian 
clerks  into  their  service,  but  not  Native  Christians.  It 
occasionally  happens  that  pure-bred  Natives,  with  Euro- 
pean name  and  costume,  successfully  pass  themselves  off 
as  Eurasians,  and  are  placed  on  a  footing  of  equality 
with  Eurasians  in  the  matter  of  diet,  being  allowed  the 
luxury  of  bread  and  butter,  coffee,  etc. 

Mr.  Stuart  had  at  his  command  no  special  statistics  of 
the  occupations  resorted  to  by  Eurasians,  but  states  that 


EURASIAN 


224 


the  majority  of  them  are  clerks, 
liveHhood  by  agriculture.     In 
gations  in  the  city  of  Madras, 
were  recorded  : — 

Accountant. 

Attendant,  Lunatic  Asylum. 

Baker. 

Bandsman. 

Bill  collector. 

Blacksmith. 

Boarding-house  keeper. 

Boatswain. 

Boiler  smith. 

Carpenter. 

Chemist's  assistant. 

Clerk,  Government. 

Clerk,  commercial. 

Commission  agent. 

Compositor. 

Compounder. 

Contractor. 

Coppersmith. 

Crane  attendant,  harbour. 

Draftsman, 

Electric  tram  driver. 

Electric  tram  inspector. 

Engine-driver,  ice  factory. 

Evangelist. 

Filer. 

Fireman. 

Fitter. 

Hammerer. 

Harness-maker. 

Jewel-smith. 

Joiner. 

Labourer. 

Livery  stable-keeper. 

Mechanic. 

Moulder. 


while  very  few  obtain  their 
the  course  of  my  investi- 
the  following  occupations 

Painter. 
Petition  writer. 
Police  Inspector. 
Porter. 
Printer. 
Proof-reader. 
Railway — 

Auditor. 

Chargeman. 

Engine-driver. 

Engineer. 

Goods  clerk. 

Guard. 

Locomotive  Inspector. 

Parcels  clerk. 

Prosecuting  Inspector. 

Shunter. 

Signaller. 

Station-master. 

Storekeeper. 

Ticket  collector. 

Tool-keeper. 

Block  signaller. 

Carriage  examiner. 
Reporter. 
Rivetter. 
Saddler. 
Schoolmaster. 
Sexton. 
Spring-smith. 
Stereotyper. 
Steward. 
Telegraph  clerk. 
Watchmaker. 
Watchman. 


225 


EURASIAN 


In  the  Census  Report,  1901,  the  following  statistics 
of  the  occupation  of  5,718  Eurasians  in  Madras  city 
(4,083),  Malabar  (1,149)  and  Chingleput  (486)  are  given. 
Most  of  those  in  the  last  of  these  three  reside  in 
Perambur,  just  outside  the  Madras  municipal  limits  : — 

Number 


Endowments,  scholarships,  etc.    ... 

Pensioners  ... 

Railway  clerks,  station-masters,  guards,  etc. 

Tailors 

Merchants'  and  shop-keepers'  clerks 

Railway  operatives 

Teachers 

Public  service 

Private  clerks 

Mechanics  (not  railway)    ... 

Carpenters  ... 

Telegraph  department 

Medical  department 

Cooks,  grooms,  etc. 

Printing  presses  :  workmen  and  subordinates 

Independent  means 

Allowances  from  patrons,  relatives  and  friends 

Survey  and  Public  Works  department 

Coffee  and  tea  estate  clerks  and  coolies  ... 

Inmates  of  asylums  

Railway  porters,  etc 

Musicians  and  actors 
Harbour  service    ... 

Workmen,  gun  carriage  factories 

Postal  department  

Non-commissioned  officers,  Army 

Mendicants 
Midwives     ... 
11-15 


of 
workers. 

813 
438 
427 

378 
297 

262 

243 
212 
211 
203 
167 
136 
136 
132 
106 

75 
72 

66 
60 
58 
57 
54 
50 
48 
48 
46 

.   45 
42 


EURASIAN 


226 


Priests,  ministers,  etc. 

Tramway  officials  ... 

Sellers  of  hides  and  bones,  shoe  and  boot  makers 

tanners,  etc. 
Local  and  Municipal  service 
Shipping  clerks,  etc. 
Brokers  and  agents 
Lawyers'  clerks 
Merchants  and  shop-keepers 
Landholders 

Watch  and  clock  makers  ... 
Money-lenders,  etc. 
Military  clerks        ,,. 
Blacksmiths 
Chemists  and  druggists 
Prisoners 
Pleaders 

Brass  and  copper  smiths    ... 
Inmates  of  convents,  etc.  ... 
Ship's  officers,  etc. 
Prostitutes  ... 
Authors,  editors,  etc. 
Cultivating  tenants 
Club  managers,  etc. 
Hotel-keepers,  etc. 
Minor  occupations 


Number 

of 
workers. 

35 

33 

30 
29 

28 

26 

24 

24 

23 
22 
21 
18 
16 

15 
12 

12 
II 
10 
10 
10 

8 

8 

7 
363 


As  bearing  on  the  subject  of  Eurasian  marriage,  I  am 
enabled,  through  the  courtesy  of  a  railway  chaplain  and 
the  chaplain  of  one  of  the  principal  churches  in  the  city 
of  Madras,  to  place  on  record  the  following  statistics 
abstracted  from  the  registers.  It  may,  in  explanation, 
be  noted  that  M  indicates  the  bridegroom,  F  the  bride, 
and  \V  widow  or  widower  remarriage  : — 


227 
(fl)  Railway. 


EURASIAN 


M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

25 

18 

34 

19 

24 

18 

21 

15 

27 

16 

35 

21 

24 

19 

20 

21 

24 

19 

21 

14 

22 

iS 

22 

18 

22 

19 

25 

16 

21 

20 

23 

17 

22 

18 

32 

19 

23 

14 

25 

16 

26 

21 

23 

iS 

23 

21 

25 

18 

25 

16 

W  42 

18 

33 

19 

W  45 

19 

37 

28 

20 

15 

25 

23 

25 

19 

25 

18 

24 

17 

24 

17 

24 

20 

22 

17 

26 

16 

32 

19 

VV  42 

18 

24 

19 

27 

18 

40 

16 

23 

18 

23 

22 

23 

15 

{b)  Madras  City. 


M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

33 

26 

28 

19 

27 

18 

W  40 

18 

29 

20 

W  39 

19 

23 

26 

23 

21 

27 

31 

23 

23 

26 

21 

23 

14 

25 

21 

22 

18 

33 

24 

29 

W  24 

25 

17 

25 

18 

31 

19 

28 

W35 

25 

18 

28 

25 

24 

18 

21 

19 

26 

17 

26 

19 

24 

20 

23 

15 

32 

26 

26 

19 

23 

18 

26 

18 

W  46 

W  39 

23 

19 

27 

18 

23 

23 

30 

24 

25 

21 

22 

20 

W  38 

17 

23 

16 

32 

17 

21 

17 

27 

19 

21 

16 

II-I5B 


EURASIAN 


228 

(d)  Madras  City — conL 


M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

M. 

F. 

26 

21 

40 

16 

21 

W  30 

W  53 

w  43 

28 

15 

W  40 

17 

28 

20 

31 

24 

25 

24 

29 

21 

27 

25 

30 

20 

W  43 

W  36 

29 

17 

W  43 

23 

20 

16 

24 

W  30 

22 

18 

O'' 

18 

W  42 

W  34 

Analysing   these   figures,    with   the    omission  of  re- 
marriages, we  obtain  the  following  results  : — 


(a)  Railway. 

Bridegroom, 

Average  age  25-26 

Mean  above  average  ...  28-29 

Mean  below  average  ...  23-24 

Range  of  age  ...          ...  40-20 

(l>)  Madras  City. 

Bridegroom. 


Average  age 
Mean  above  average 
Mean  below  average 
Range  of  age 


26-27 
28-29 
23-24 
40-20 


Bride. 
18-19 
19-20 
16-17 
28-14 


Bride. 
19-20 
21-22 
17-18 
31-14 


From  the  analysis  of  a  hundred  male  cases  in  Madras, 
In  which  enquiries  were  made  with  reference  to  the 
married  state,  in  individuals  ranging  in  age  from  21  to 
50,  with  an  average  age  of  2>Sy  I  learn  that  74  were 
married  ;  that  141  male  and  130  female  children  had  been 
born  to  them  ;  and  that  26,  whose  average  age  was  25, 
were  unmarried.  The  limits  of  age  of  the  men  at  the 
time  of  marriage  were  32  and  16  ;  of  their  wives  25  and 
13.     The  greatest  number  of  children  born  to  a  single 


2  29  EURASIAN 

pair  was  lo.  In  only  three  cases,  out  of  the  seventy- 
four,  was  there  no  issue.  In  fifty  cases,  which  were 
examined,  of  married  men,  with  an  average  age  of  34, 
207  children  had  been  born,  of  whom  91  had  died,  for 
the  most  part  in  early  life,  from  '  fever  '  and  other  causes. 

The  racial  position  of  Eurasians,  and  the  proportion 
of  black  blood  in  their  veins,  are  commonly  indicated,  not 
by  the  terms  mulatto,  quadroon,  octoroon,  sambo  (or 
zambo),  etc.,  but  in  fractions  of  a  rupee.  The  European 
pure  breed  being  represented  by  Rs.  0-0-0,  and  the 
Native  pure  breed  by  16  annas  (=  i  rupee),  the  resultant 
cross  is,  by  reference  to  colour  and  other  tests,  gauged 
as  being  half  an  anna  in  the  rupee  (faint  admixture  of 
black  blood),  approaching  European  types  ;  eight  annas 
(half  and  half) ;  fifteen  annas  (predominant  admixture 
of  black  blood),  approaching  Native  types,  etc. 

The  Eurasian  body  being  enveloped  in  clothes,  it  was 
not  till  they  stripped  before  me,  for  the  purpose  of 
anthropometry,  that  I  became  aware  how  prevalent  is  the 
practice  of  tattooing  among  the  male  members  of  the 
community.  Nearly  all  the  hundred  and  thirty  men 
(of  the  lower  classes)  whom  I  examined  were,  in  fact, 
tattooed  to  a  greater  or  less  extent  on  the  breasts,  upper 
arms,  forearms,  wrists,  back  of  the  hands,  or  shoulders. 
The  following  varied  selection  of  devices  in  blue,  with 
occasional  red,  is  recorded  in  my  case-book : — 

Anchor. 

Ballet  girl  with  flag,  stars  and  stripes. 

Bracelets  round  wrists. 

Burmese  lady  carrying  umbrella. 

Bird. 

Bugles. 

Conventional  artistic  devices. 

Cross  and  anchor. 

Crown  and  flags. 


EURASIAN  230 

Crossed  swords  and  pistols. 

Dancing-girl. 

Dancing-girl  playing  with  cobras. 

Elephant. 

Floral  devices. 

Flowers  in  pot. 

Hands  joined  in  centre  of  a  heart. 

Hands  joined,  and  clasping  a  flower. 

Heart. 

Heart  and  cross. 

Initials  of  the  individual,  his   friends,  relatives,   and  inamorata, 

sometimes  within  a  heart  or  laurel  wreath. 
Lizard. 

Mercy  (word  on  left  breast). 
Mermaid. 

Portraits  of  the  man  and  his  lady-love. 
Queen  Alexandra. 
Royal  arms  and  banners. 
Sailing  boat. 
Scorpion. 
Solomon's  seal. 
Steam  boat. 

Svastika  (Buddhist  emblem). 
Watteau  shepherdess. 

The  most  elaborate  patterns  were  executed  by 
Burmese  tattooers.  The  initials  of  the  individual's 
Christian  and  surnames,  which  preponderated  over  other 
devices,  were,  as  a  rule,  in  Roman,  but  occasionally  in 
Tamil  characters. 

In  colour  the  Eurasians  afford  examples  of  the  entire 
colour  scale,  through  sundry  shades  of  brown  and  yellow, 
to  pale  white,  and  even  florid  or  rosy.  The  pilous  or 
hairy  system  was,  in  the  cases  recorded  by  me,  uniformly 
black.  The  colour  of  the  iris,  like  that  of  the  skin,  is 
liable  to  great  variation,  from  lustrous  black  to  light, 
with  a  predominance  of  dark  tints.  Blue  was  observed 
only  in  a  solitary  instance. 


231 


EURASIAN 


The  Eurasian  resists  exposure  to  the  sun  better  than 
the  European,  and,  while  many  wear  solah  topis  (pith 
sun-hats),  it  is  by  no  means  uncommon  to  see  a  Eurasian 
walking  about  in  the  middle  of  a  hot  day  with  his  head 
protected  only  by  a  straw  hat  or  cap. 

The  average  height  of  the  Eurasians  examined  by 
me  in  Madras,  according  to  my  measurements  of  130 
subjects,  is  i66"6  cm.  (5  feet  5|-  inches),  and  compares 
as  follows  with  that  of  the  English  and  various  Native 
classes  inhabiting  the  city  of  Madras  : — 


English     ... 

170-8 

Eurasians 

1666 

Muhammadans    ... 

164-5 

Brahmans 

162*5 

Pallis        

162-5 

Vellalas 

162-4 

Paraiyans 

161-9 

The  height,  as  might  be  expected,  comes  between 
that  of  the  two  parent  stocks,  European  and  Native,  and 
had,  in  the  cases  examined,  the  wide  range  of  30"8  cm., 
the  difference  between  a  maximum  of  183-8  cm.  (6  feet) 
and  a  minimum  of  153  cm.  (5  feet). 

The  average  length  of  the  head  was  18-6  cm.  and 
the  breadth  14" i  cm.  And  it  is  to  be  noted  that,  in 
63  per  cent,  of  the  cases  examined,  the  breadth  exceeded 
14  cm. : — 


Length. 

Breadth. 

Index 

cm. 

cm. 

Brahmans 

...     i8-6 

14-2 

76-5 

Eurasians 

...      18-6 

14-I 

76 

Muhammadans 

...      i8-7 

13*9 

76-1 

Vellalas 

...     18-6 

13-8 

74-1 

Paraiyans 

...      18-6 

137 

73*6 

Pallis 

...      18-6 

13-6 

73 

EURASIAN  232 

The  breadth  of  the  head  is  very  clearly  brought  'out 
by  the  following  analysis  of  forty  subjects  belonging  to 
each  of  the  above  six  classes,  which  shows  at  a  glance 
the  preponderance  of  heads  exceeding  14  cm.  in  breadth 
in  Eurasians,  Brahmans,  and  (to  a  less  extent)  in 
Muhammadans : — 


12-13 

13-14 

14-15 

15-16 

cm. 

cm. 

cm. 

cm. 

Eurasians 

... 

II 

27 

2 

Brahmans 

I 

9 

27 

3 

Muhammadans 

2 

17 

21 

... 

Vellalas 

... 

24 

16 

... 

Paraiyans 

27 

13 

Pallis     

3 

30 

7 

... 

The  head  of  a  cross-breed,  it  has  been  said,  generally 
takes  after  the  father,  and  the  breadth  of  the  Eurasian 
head  is  a  persisting  result  of  European  male  influence. 
The  effect  of  this  influence  is  clearly  demonstrated  in 
the  following  cases,  all  the  result  of  re-crossing  between 
British  men  and  Eurasian  women  : — 


Length. 

Breadth. 

cm. 

cm. 

19 

14-5 

18-4 

14-2 

19-2 

14-2 

20"2 

14-6 

19 

i4'6 

19-4 

14-3 

Average 

19'2 

14-4 

Eurasian  average 

...      i8-6 

14-1 

The  character  of  the  nose  is,  as  those  who  have 
studied  ethnology  in  India  will  appreciate,  a  most 
important  factor  in  the  differentiation  of  race,  tribe,  and 
class,  and  in  the  determination  of  pedigree.     "  No  one," 


233  EURASIAN 

Mr.  Risley  writes,  *  "  can  have  glanced  at  the  literature 
of  the  subject,  and  in  particular,  at  the  Vedic  accounts 
of  the  Aryan  advance,  without  being  struck  by  the 
frequent  references  to  the  noses  of  the  people  whom 
the  Aryans  found  in  possession  of  the  plains  of  India. 
So  impressed  were  the  Aryans  with  the  shortcomings  of 
their  enemies'  noses  that  they  often  spoke  of  them  as 
'  the  noseless  ones,'  and  their  keen  perception  of  the 
importance  of  this  feature  seems  almost  to  anticipate  the 
opinion  of  Dr.  Collignon  that  the  nasal  index  ranks 
higher  as  a  distinctive  character  than  the  stature,  or 
even  the  cephalic  index  itself." 

In  the  subjoined  table,  based  on  the  examination  of 
forty  members  of  each  class,  the  high  proportion  of 
leptorhine  Eurasians,  Muhammadans,  and  Vellalas,  with 
nasal  indices  ranging  between  60  and  70,  is  at  once 
manifest,  and  requires  no  comment : — 

60-70.        70-So.        So-90.      go-ioo. 


Eurasians 

...      19 

17 

3 

I 

Muhammadans 

...      17 

18 

4 

I 

Vellalas 

...      14 

22 

3 

I 

Pallis     

3 

25 

9 

3 

Paraiyans 

2 

17 

19 

2 

I  pass  Jon  to  the  Eurasians  of  the  west  coast.  My 
visit  to  Calicut,  the  capital  of  the  Malabar  district,  was 
by  chance  coincident  w^ith  the  commemoration  of  the 
four  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  arrival  of  Vasco 
da  Gama  at  Calicut  after  his  discovery  of  the  sea-route 
from  Europe  to  India.  Concerning  the  origin  of  the 
Indo- Portuguese  half-breed,  I  learn  t  that,  on  his  return 
from  the  recapture  of  Goa,  Albuquerque  brought  with 
him  the  women  he  had  carried  away  when  the  Portuguese 


*  Journ.    Anth.  Inst.,  XX,   1891. 

I  Danvers.     The  Portuguese  in  India,  1894. 


EURASIAN  234 

were  driven  out  of  the  place.  As  soon  as  affairs  became 
tolerably  settled  again  at  that  port,  he  had  them  con- 
verted to  Christianity,  and  married  them  to  Portuguese 
men.  No  less  than  450  of  his  men  were  thus  married 
in  Goa,  and  others  who  desired  to  follow  their  example 
were  so  numerous  that  Albuquerque  had  great  difficulty 
in  granting  their  requests.  The  marriage  of  Portuguese 
men  to  native  women  had  already  been  sanctioned  by 
Dom  Manuel,  but  this  privilege  was  only  to  be  conceded 
to  men  of  proved  character,  and  who  had  rendered  good 
service,  Albuquerque,  however,  extended  the  permis- 
sion to  many  far  beyond  what  he  was  authorised  to  do, 
and  he  took  care  that  the  women  so  married  were  the 
daughters  of  the  principal  men  of  the  land.  This  he  did 
in  the  hope  of  inducing  them  to  become  Christians.  To 
those  who  were  married  Albuquerque  allotted  lands, 
houses  and  cattle,  so  as  to  give  them  a  start  in  life,  and 
all  the  landed  property  which  had  been  in  possession  of 
the  Moorish  mosques  and  Hindu  pagodas  he  gave  to 
the  principal  churches  of  the  city,  which  he  dedicated  to 
Santa  Catherina. 

The  names  of  some  members  of  the  community  at 
Calicut  recalled  to  mind  Pedro  Alvares  Cabral,  who 
anchored  before  Calicut  in  1500,  and  established  a 
factory  at  Cochin  ;  the  first  Portuguese  Governor,  Dom 
Franciso  de  Almeida ;  Andr^  Furtado  de  Mendonca, 
who  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  king  of  Calicut ;  and 
many  others,  whose  exploits  are  handed  down  to  posterity 
in  the  Indo- Portuguese  archives.  Though  Portuguese 
names  persist  at  the  present  day,  it  does  not  follow  of 
necessity  that  their  owners  have  any  Portuguese  blood 
in  their  veins,  for  some  are  merely  descendants  of  Native 
converts  to  Christianity,  or  of  household  slaves  of 
Portuguese  officers.     "  In  Malabar,"  writes  the  Census 


235  EURASIAN 

Commissioner,  1881,  "  there  is  a  section  of  Europeanized 
Native'  Christians — Goa  Roman  Catholics — some  of 
whom  have  adopted  European  dress  and  customs  ;  and 
in  all  districts  the  popular  interpretation  of  the  word 
Eurasian  is  very  liberal.  There  are  many  Pariahs  and 
Native  Christians,  who  have  adopted  a  travesty  of 
European  clothes,  and  who  would  return  themselves  as 
Eurasians,  if  allowed  to  do  so." 

A  social  distinction  is  maae  at  Calicut  between 
Eurasians  and  East  Indians.  With  a  view  at  clearing  up 
the  grounds  on  which  this  distinction  is  based,  my  inter- 
preter was  called  on  to  submit  a  note  on  the  subject,  which 
arrived  couched  in  language  worthy  of  Mark  Twain. 
I,  therefore,  reproduce  it  in  the  original  Indo-Anglian. 

"  Eurasians  are  classified  to  those  who  stand  second 
in  the  list  of  Europeans  and  those  born  in  any  part  of 
India,  and  who  are  the  Pedigree  of  European  descend- 
ants, being  born  of  father  European  and  mother  East 
Indian,  and  notwithstanding  those  who  can  prove  them- 
selves as  really  good  Indian  descendants,  such  as  mother 
and  father  of  the  same  sex,  therefore  these  are  called 
Eurasians. 

"  East  Indians  are  those  offsprings  of  Christians  of 
the  East,  and  they  atimes  gather  the  offsprings  of  Eura- 
sians to  the  entering  their  marriage  to  the  East  Indian 
females  in  the  East  Indian  community,  thereby  they 
are  called  East  Indians. 

"  Native  Christians  are  those  of  Hindu  nations 
converted  into  Christians  by  their  embracing  the  poles 
of  Christianity.  All  Hindus  thereby  converted  are 
made  Christians  by  a  second  Baptism  are  called  Native 
Christians. 

"  Coaster.  They  are  alluded  to  those  who  belong  to 
the  Coast,  and  who  come  from  a  country  that  has  a  Sea 


EURASIAN 


236 


Coast  into  that  country  that  has  not  got  a  Sea  Coast 
is  therefore  called  a  Coaster.     A  very  rude  word." 

Speaking  in  general  terms,  it  may  be  said  that 
Eurasians  are  of  greater  stature,  and  possess  skins  of 
lighter  hue  than  the  East  Indians,  who,  as  the  result 
of  intermarriage  with  Native  Christian  women,  have 
reverted  in  the  direction  of  the  Native  type. 

The  Eurasians  examined  by  me  at  Calicut,  nearly  all 
of  whom  were  Roman  Catholics,  were  earning  a  liveli- 
hood in  the  following  capacities  : — 


Bandsman. 

Boot-maker. 

Bugler. 

Carpenter. 

Clerk. 

Coffee  estate  writer. 

Compositor. 

Copyist. 

Mechanic. 


Municipal  inspector. 

Musician. 
Petition-writer. 
Police  constable. 
Railway  guard. 
Schoolmaster. 
Tailor. 
Tin-smith. 
Weaver. 


As  in  Madras,  so  in  Malabar,  tattooing  is  very  preva- 
lent among  the  male  members  of  the  community,  and 
the  devices  are  characterised  by  a  predominance  of 
religious  emblems  and  snakes.  The  following  patterns 
are  recorded  in  my  notes  : — 


Bangle  on  wrist. 
Boat. 

Bird  (the  Holy  Ghost). 
Chalice. 

Christ  crucified. 
Conventional   and  geo- 
metrical designs. 
Cross. 

Cross  and  crown. 
Cross  and  heart. 
Cross  and  I.N. R.I. 
Crossed  swords. 


Fish 
Flags. 
Flower. 

Flower  and  leaves. 
Initials. 
Ladder. 
Sacred  heart. 

Snake  encircling  forearms. 
Snake   coiled    round    fore- 
arm. 
Solomon's  seal. 
Steam  boat. 


237  EURASIAN 

There  are,  in  North  Malabar,  many  individuals,  whose 
fathers  were  European.  Writing,  in  1887,  concerning 
the  Tiyan  community,  Mr.  Logan  states  *  that  **  the 
women  are  not  as  a  rule  excommunicated  if  they  live 
with  Europeans,  and  the  consequence  is  that  there  has 
been  among  them  a  large  admixture  of  European  blood, 
and  the  caste  itself  has  been  materially  raised  in  the 
social  scale.  In  appearance  some  of  the  women  are 
almost  as  fair  as  Europeans."  On  this  point,  the  Report 
of  the  Malabar  Marriage  Commission,  1894,  states  that 
"  in  the  early  days  of  British  rule,  the  Tiyan  women 
incurred  no  social  disgrace  by  consorting  with  Europeans, 
and,  up  to  the  last  generation,  if  the  Sudra  girl  could 
boast  of  her  Brahmin  lover,  the  Tiyan  girl  could  show 
more  substantial  benefits  from  her  alliance  with  a  white 
man  of  the  ruling  race.  Happily  the  progress  of  educa- 
tion, and  the  growth  of  a  wholesome  public  opinion,  have 
made  shameful  the  position  of  a  European's  concubine ; 
and  both  races  have  thus  been  saved  from  a  mode  of  life 
equally  demoralizing  to  each." 

During  a  visit  to  Ootacamund  on  the  Nilgiri  hills, 
I  was  enabled  to  examine  the  physique  of  the  elder  boys 
at  the  Lawrence  Asylum,  the  object  of  which  is  "to 
provide  for  children  of  European  and  East  Indian  officers 
and  soldiers  of  Her  Majesty's  Army  (British  and  Native), 
and  of  Europeans  and  East  Indians  in  the  Medical 
Service,  military  and  civil,  who  are  serving,  or  have 
served  within  the  limits  of  the  Presidency  of  Madras,  a 
refuge  from  the  debilitating  effects  of  a  tropical  climate, 
and  from  the  serious  drawbacks  to  the  well-beinof  of 
children  incidental  to  a  barrack  life ;  to  afford  for  them 
a  plain,  practical,  and  religious  education ;  and  to  train 


*  Manual  of  Malabar. 


EURASIAN  238 

them  for  employment  in  different  trades,  pursuits,  and 
industries."  As  the  result  of  examination  of  thirty-three 
Eurasian  boys,  I  was  able  to  testify  to  the  excellence  of 
their  physical  condition.*  A  good  climate,  with  a  mean 
annual  temperature  of  58^,  good  food,  and  physical 
training,  have  produced  a  set  of  boys  well-nourished  and 
muscular,  with  good  chests,  shoulders,  and  body  weight. 
Some  final  words  are  necessary  on  liability  to  certain 
diseases,  as  a  differentiating  character  between  Eurasians 
and  Europeans.  The  Census  Commissioner,  1S91,  states 
that  Eurasians  seem  to  be  peculiarly  liable  to  insanity 
and  leprosy.  To  these  should  be  added  elephantiasis 
(filarial  disease),  concerning  which  Surgeon-Major  J. 
Maitland  writes  as  follows.!  "  Almost  all  the  old  writers 
on  elephantiasis  believed  that  the  dark  races  were  more 
susceptible  to  the  disease  than  white  people ;  but  it  is 
extremely  doubtful  if  this  is  the  case.  It  is  true  that,  in 
those  countries  where  the  disease  is  endemic,  the  propor- 
tion of  persons  affected  is  much  greater  among  the  blacks 
than  among  the  whites  ;  but  it  has  to  be  borne  in  mind 
that  the  habits  of  the  former  render  them  much  more 
liable  to  the  disease  than  the  latter.  The  majority  of  the 
white  people,  being  more  civilised,  are  more  careful 
regarding  the  purity  of  their  drinking  water  than  the 
Natives,  who  are  proverbially  careless  in  this  respect. 
In  India,  although  it  is  comparatively  rare  to  meet  with 
Europeans  affected  with  the  disease,  yet  such  cases  are 
from  time  to  time  recorded.  Eurasians  are  proportion- 
ately more  liable  to  the  disease  than  pure  Europeans, 
but  not  so  much  so  as  Natives.  Doctors  Patterson  and 
Hall  of  BahiaJ  examined  the  blood  of  309  persons  in 


•  See  Madras  Museum  Bulletin,  II,  2,  Table  XXVI,  i{ 
f  Elephantiasis  and  allied  disorders,  Madras,  1891. 
X  Veterinarian,  June,  1879. 


239  EURASIAN 

that  place,  and  found  the  following  proportions  affected 
with  filaria ;  of  whites,  i  in  26  ;  of  blacks,  i  in  loj ;  of 
the  mixed  race,  i  in  9.  Doctor  Laville  *  states  that, 
in  the  Society  Islands,  out  of  a  total  of  13  European  and 
American  residents,  1 1  were  affected  with  elephantiasis. 
Taking  all  these  facts  into  consideration,  together  with 
our  knowledge  of  the  pathology  of  the  disease,  I  do  not 
think  we  are  justified  in  saying  that  the  black  races  are 
more  susceptible  to  the  disease  than  white  people.  On 
the  other  hand,  owing  to  the  nature  of  their  habits,  they 
are  much  more  liable  to  the  diseases  than  are  the  white 
races."  During  the  five  years  1893-97,  ninety-eight 
Eurasians  suffering  from  filarial  diseases  were  admitted 
into  the  General  Hospital,  Madras. 

To  Colonel  W.  A.  Lee,  I. M.S.,  Superintendent  of 
the  Government  Leper  Asylum,  Madras,  I  am  indebted 
for  the  following  note  on  leprosy  in  its  relation  to  the 
Eurasian  and  European  communities.  "  Europeans 
are  by  no  means  immune  to  the  disease,  which,  in  the 
majority  of  instances,  is  contracted  by  them  through 
coitus  with  leprous  individuals.  Leprosy  is  one  of  the 
endemic  diseases  of  tropical  and  sub-tropical  countries, 
to  the  risk  of  contracting  which  Europeans  who  settle  on 
the  plains  of  India,  and  their  offspring  from  unions  with 
the  inhabitants  of  the  land,  as  well  as  the  descendants 
of  the  latter,  become  exposed,  since,  by  the  force  of 
circumstances,  they  are  thrown  into  intimate  contact 
with  the  Native  population.  The  Eurasian  community 
furnishes  a  considerable  number  of  lepers,  and  the 
disease,  once  introduced  into  a  family,  has  a  tendency 
to  attack  several  of  its  members,  and  to  reappear  in 
successive   generations,    occasionally    skipping    one — a 


•  Endemic  Skin  and  other  Diseases  of  India.     Fox  and  Farquhar, 


EURASIAN  240 

feature  akin  to  the  biological  phenomenon  known  as 
atavism,  but  of  perhaps  doubtful  analogy,  for  the 
possibility  of  a  fresh  infection  or  inoculation  has  always 
to  be  borne  in  mind.  There  are  numerous  instances  of 
such  hereditary  transmission  among  the  patients,  both 
Native  and  Eurasian,  in  the  Leper  Hospital.  The 
spread  of  the  disease  by  contagion  is  slow,  the  most 
intimate  contact  even,  such  as  that  between  parent  and 
child,  often  failing  to  effect  Inoculation.  Still  there  is 
much  evidence  in  support  of  Its  being  inoculable  by 
cohabitation,  prolonged  contact,  wearing  the  same 
clothing,  sharing  the  dwelling,  using  the  same  cooking 
and  eating  utensils,  and  even  by  arm-to-arm  vaccination. 
Influenced  by  a  belief  in  the  last  mentioned  cause, 
vaccination  was  formerly  regarded  with  much  suspicion 
and  dislike  by  Eurasians  In  Madras.  But  their  appre- 
hensions on  this  score  have  abated  since  animal  vaccine 
was  substituted  for  the  humanised  material.  It  has 
also  for  long  been  a  popular  belief  among  the  same 
class  that  the  suckling  of  their  infants  by  infected 
Native  wet-nurses  is  a  common  source  of  the  disease. 
Attempts  to  reproduce  leprosy  from  supposed  pure 
cultures  of  the  leprosy  bacillus  have  Invariably  failed, 
and  this  strengthens  the  belief  that  the  disease  would 
die  out  if  sufferers  from  the  tubercular  or  mixed  forms 
were  segregated,  and  intermarriage  with  members  of 
known  leprous  families  interdicted.  Experience  shows 
that,  where  such  marriages  are  freely  entered  into,  a 
notable  prevalence  of  the  disease  results,  as  at  Pondi- 
cherry  for  example,  where  the  so-called  Creole  population 
is  said  to  contain  a  large  proportion  of  lepers  from  this 
cause." 

Writing  concerning   the    prevalence    of   insanity    in 
different  classes,  the  Census  Commissioner,  1891,  states 


241 


EURASIAN 


that  "  it  appears  from  the  statistics  that  insanity  is  far 
more  prevalent  among  the  Eurasians  than  among  any 
other  class.  The  proportion  is  i  insane  person  in  every 
410.  For  England  and  Wales  the  proportion  is  i  in 
every  307,  and  it  is  significant  that  the  section  of  the 
population  of  Madras,  which  shows  the  greatest  liability 
to  insanity,  is  that  which  has  an  admixture  of  European 
blood.  I  have  no  information  regarding  the  prevalence 
of  insanity  among  Eurasians  for  any  other  province  or 
State  in  India  except  Mysore,  and  there  the  proportion 
is  I  in  306." 

For  the  followins^  tabular  statement  of  admissions 
into  the  Government  Lunatic  Asylum,  Madras,  I  am 
indebted  to  Captain  C.  H.  Leet-Palk,  I. M.S.  : — 


Eurasians. 

Natives. 

Europeans. 

1 

Male.       Female. 

Male, 

Female. 

Male. 

Female. 

X893 

6 

7 

no 

55 

15 

4 

IS94 

8 

6 

104 

28 

19 

I 

189s 

10 

6 

"3 

18 

II 

4 

1896 

2 

4 

82 

17 

5 

1897 

1 
J 

3 

84 

18 

14 

I 

Leaving  out  of  question  the  Europeans,  in  w^hom, 
owing  to  the  preponderance  of  the  male  sex  in  Madras, 
a  greater  number  of  male  than  female  lunatics  is  to  be 
expected,  and  considering  only  Eurasians  and  Natives, 
the  far  higher  proportion  of  female  as  compared  with 
male  lunatics  in  the  Eurasian  than  in  the  Native  com- 
munity, is  very  conspicuous.  Taking,  for  example,  the 
numbers  remaining  in  the  Asylum  in  1894.  Whereas 
the  proportion  of  Eurasian  males  to  females  was  33  '•  3^, 
that  of  Natives  was  30-6  :  6-8  ;  and  the  high  proportion 
n-16 


GABIT  242 

of  female  Eurasian  inmates  was  visible  in  other  years. 
The  subject  seems  to  be  one  worthy  of  further  study  by 
those  competent  to  deal  with  it. 

Gabit.— A    Bombay    fishing  caste  returned    at    the 
census,  1901.     To  Malpe  in  the  South  Canara  district, 
during  the  fishing  season,  come  fishermen  with  a  flotilla 
of  keeled  and  outrigged  sailing  boats  from  Ratnagiri  in 
the  Bombay  Presidency.    H  ither  also  come  fishermen  from 
Goa.     The  reasons  given    by  the  Ratnagiri   fishermen 
for  coming  southward  are  that  fish  are  not  so  abundant 
off  their  own  coast,  competition  is  keener,  and  salt  more 
expensive.     Moreover,  the  crystals  of  Bombay  salt  are 
too  large  for  successful  curing,  and  "do  not  agree  with 
the   fish,  of  which  the  flesh  is  turned  black."     If,  they 
said  contemptuously,  they  were  to  sun-dry  fish  by  the 
local    method,    their   people    would    laugh  at   them  for 
bringing  back,  not  fish,  but   dried  cow-dung    for   fuel. 
The  Ratnagiri  boats  go  well  out  of  sight  of  land  to  the 
fishing  ground,  where  they  catch  seir,  pomfret,  cat-fish 
(Arzus),  and  other  big  fish  near  the  surface,  and  sharks 
in  deeper  water.     If  the  fishing  is  not  good  near  Malpe, 
they  may  go  south  as  far  as  Mangalore.     To  the  Ratna- 
giri fishermen  the   seir  {Cybitmt)  is  the  most  valuable 
and    lucrative  fish.     Under  existing   arrangements,    by 
which  clashing  of  interests  is  avoided,    the   fishery   at 
Malpe  is  divided  into  two  zones,  viz.,  the  deep  sea  fished 
by  the  large   Ratnagiri  boats,  and  the  shallow  littoral 
water  by  the  smaller  local  and  Goa  boats. 

Gadaba.— The  Gadabas  are  a  tribe  of  agriculturists, 
coolies,  and  hunters  in  the  Vizagapatam  district. 
Hunting  is  said  to  be  gradually  decreasing,  as  many  of 
the  forests  are  now  preserved,  and  shooting  without  a 


243  GADABA 

license  is  forbidden.  Men  sometimes  occupy  themselves 
in  felling  trees,  catching  birds  and  hares,  and  tracking 
and  beating  game  for  sportsmen.  The  Gadabas  are 
also  employed  as  bearers  in  the  hills,  and  carry  palan- 
quins. There  is  a  settlement  of  them  on  the  main  road 
between  Sembliguda  and  Koraput,  in  a  village  where 
they  are  said  to  have  been  settled  by  a  former  Raja 
expressly  for  such  service.  It  is  said  that  the  Gadabas 
will  not  touch  a  horse,  possibly  because  they  are  palanquin- 
bearers,  and  have  the  same  objection  to  the  rival  animal 
that  a  cabman  has  for  a  motor-car. 

There  is  a  tradition  that  the  tribe  owes  its  name  to 
the  fact  that  its  ancestors  emigrated  from  the  banks  of 
the  Godabari  (Godavari)  river,  and  settled  at  Nandapur, 
the  former  capital  of  the  Rajas  of  Jeypore.  The 
Gadabas  have  a  language  of  their  own,  of  which  a 
vocabulary  is  given  in  the  Vizagapatam  Manual.  This 
language  is  included  by  Mr.  G.  A.  Grierson  *  in  the 
Munda  linguistic  family. 

The  tribe  is  apparently  divided  into  five  sections, 
called  Bodo  (big)  or  Gutob,  Parenga,  Olaro,  Kaththiri 
or  Kaththara,  and  Kapu.  Of  these,  the  last  two  are 
settled  in  the  plains,  and  say  that  they  are  Bodo  and 
Olaro  Gadabas  who  migrated  thither  from  the  hills. 
As  among  the  Gadabas,  so  among  the  Savaras,  there  is 
a  section  which  has  settled  on  the  plains,  and  adopted 
Kapu  as  its  name.  In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1891, 
nearly  a  thousand  Gadabas  are  returned  as  belonging 
to  the  Chenchu  sub-division.  Chenchu  is  the  name 
of  a  separate  jungle  tribe  in  the  Telugu  country,  and  I 
have  been  unable  to  confirm  the  existence  of  a  Chenchu 
sub-division  among  the  Gadabas. 


*  Linguistic  Survey  of  India  IV,  1906. 
II-16  B 


GADABA  244 

In   the    Madras    Census    Report,    1871,     Mr.  H.  G. 
Turner  states  that  "  very  much  akin  to  the  Gadabas  are 
a  class  called  Kerang  Kapus.     They  will  not  admit  any 
connexion  with  them  ;  but,  as  their  language  is  almost 
identical,   such  gainsaying  cannot    be    permitted  them. 
They  are  called   Kerang  Kapu  from  the  circumstance  of 
their  women   weaving  cloths,    which  they  weave   from 
the  fibre  of  a  jungle  shrub  called    Kerang  {Calotropis 
gigantea)!'     Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  remarks  *  that  "the  Kapu 
Gadabas  are  possibly  the   Kerang  Kapus  mentioned  by 
Mr.  Turner  as  akin  to  the  Gadabas,  for  I  find  no  mention 
of  the  caste  under  the  full  name  of  Kerang   Kapu,   nor 
is  Kerang  found  as  a  sub-division  of  either    Kapu  or 
Gadaba."     Writing  concerning  the  numeral  system  of  the 
Kerang  Kapus,   Mr.  Turner  observes  that  it  runs  thus  : 
Moi,    Umbar,    Jugi,     O,    Malloi,    Turu,    Gu,    Tammar, 
Santing,  Goa,  and  for  eleven  (i  and  following  numbers), 
they  prefix  the   word   Go,  eg.^  Gommoi,   Gombaro,  etc. 
The  Kerang   Kapus  can  count  up  to  nineteen,  but  have 
no  conception  of  twenty.     According  to  Mr.  W.  Francis, 
the  only   tribe    on    the  hills  which  has  this  system  of 
notation  is  the  Bonda  Poraja.     The  Gadabas  have  very 
similar  names  for  the  first  five  numerals  ;  but,  after  that, 
lapse  into  Oriya,  eg.,  sat,  at,  n5,  das,  etc.     The   Bonda 
Poraja   numerals    recorded    by    Mr.   Francis   are  muyi, 
baar,  gii,  00,  moloi,  thiri,  goo,  thamam,  and  so  on  up  to 
nineteen,  after  which  they  cannot  count.     This  system, 
as    he    points   out,  agrees  with  the   one   described    by 
Mr.  Turner   as    belonging  to  the  Kerang  Kapus.     The 
Gutob    Gadaba     numerals     recorded     by     Mr.    C.  A. 
Henderson  include    muititti  (i   +  a  hand),  and   martitti 
(2  +  a  hand). 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1891. 


245  GADABA 

Some    Gadaba     women    wear    a    bustle    or    dress 
improver,  called  irre  or  kitte.     This  article  of  attire  is 
accoumed  for   by  the  following  tradition.     "  A  goddess 
visited  a  Gadaba  village  incognito,  and  asked  leave  of 
one  of  the  women  to  rest  on  a  cot.     She  was  brusquely- 
told  that  the  proper  seat  for  beggars  was  the  floor,  and 
she  consequently   decreed  that  thenceforth  all  Gadaba 
women  should  wear  a  bustle  to  remind  them  to  avoid 
churlishness."  *     The  Gadaba  female   cloths  are  manu- 
factured   by   themselves    from    cotton    thread    and   the 
fibre  of  silloluvada  or  ankudi  chettu  {Holarrkena  anti- 
dysenterica)  and  boda    luvada  or    bodda   chettu    (Fiats 
glomeratd).     The  fibre  is  carefully  dried,  and  dyed  blue 
or   reddish-brown.     The  edges  of  the  cloth  are  white, 
a  blue  strip  comes  next,  while   the  middle    portion    is 
reddish-brown  with  narrow  stripes  of  white  or  blue   at 
regular  intervals.     The  Gadabas  account  for  the  dress 
of  their  women  by  the  following  legend.     When  Rama, 
during  his  banishment,  was  wandering  in  the  forests  of 
Dandaka,  his  wife  Sita  accompanied  him  in  spite  of  his 
entreaties    to   the  contrary.     It    was  one    of  the   cruel 
terms  of  his  stepmother   Kaika  that   Rama  should  wear 
only  clothing  made  from  jungle  fibre,  before  leaving  the 
capital.     According  to  the    Hindu  religion,    a  virtuous 
wife  must  share  both  the  sorrows  and  joys  of  her  lord. 
Consequently  Sita  followed  the  example  of  Rama,  and 
wore   the    same  kind  of  clothing.     They   then  left  the 
capital    amidst    the    loud    lamentation   of    the  citizens. 
During  their  wanderings,  they  met  some  Gadaba  women, 
who   mocked   and    laughed    at    Sita.     Whereupon    she 
cursed  them,  and  condemned   them   to  wear  no  other 
dress   but  the  cloth  made  of  fibre.      In  a  note  on  the 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Vizagapatam  district. 


GADABA  246 

Gadabas,*  Mr.  L.  Lakshminarayan  writes  that  "although 
mill-prepared  cloths  are  fast  replacing  house-spuniicloths 
in  all  communities,  yet,  in  the  case  of  the  Gadabas,  there 
is  a  strong  superstition  which  prevents  the  use  of  cloths 
prepared  outside,  particularly  in    regard  i  to  the  cloths 
w^orn  by  their  women.     The  legend  (about  Sita)  is  fully 
believed    by   the   Gadabas,    and    hence   their   religious 
adherence   to   their   particular   cloth.     At   the   time   of 
marriage,  it  is  absolute  that  the  Gadaba  maiden  should 
wear  this  fibre-made  cloth,  else  misfortune  will  ruin  the 
family.     A  bundle  of  twigs  is  brought,  and  the  stems 
freed  of  leaves  are  bruised  and  twisted  to  loosen  the 
bark,  and  are  then  dried  for  two  or  three  days,  after 
which  the  bark  is  ripped  out  and  beaten  down  smooth 
with  heavy  sticks,  to  separate  the  bark  from  the  fibre. 
The  fibre  is  then  collected,  and  combed  down  smooth, 
and  spun  into  a  tolerably  fine  twist.     It  is  this  twist  that 
the  Gadaba   maiden   weaves    in    her   crude    loom,   and 
prepares  from    it    her    marriage    sari.     According   to  a 
good  custom   among   these   people,   a   Gadaba  maiden 
must    learn   to  weave    her  cloths    before  she    becomes 
eligible  for  marriage.     And  no  Gadaba  ever  thinks  of 
marrying  a  wife  who  cannot  prepare   her  own  cloths. 
Men  can  use  cotton  and  other  cloths,  whereas  women 
cannot  do  so,  for  they  are  under  the  curse  of  Sita.     But 
the  passion  for  fineries  in  woman  is  naturally  so  strong 
that   the    modern    Gadaba   woman    is    now   taking   the 
liberty  of  putting  cotton  thread  for  the  woof  and  ankudu 
fibre  for  the  warp,  and  thus  is  able  to  turn  out  a  more 
comfortable    and    finer    cloth.     But    some    old    crones 
informed  me  that  this  mixed  cloth  is  not  so  auspicious 
as  that  prepared  wholly  from  the  fibre." 


♦  Madras  Mail,  1907. 


247  GADABA 

Some  Gadaba  women  wear  immense  earrings  made 
of  long  pieces  of  brass  wire  wound  into  a  circle,  which 
hanof  down  from  a  hole  in  the  ear,  and  sometimes  reach 
to   the    shoulders.     The    wire    is    sold    in    the    shandy 
(market)  at  so  much  a  cubit.     The  head-dress  of  some 
of  the  women  consists  of  a   chaplet   of    Oliva   shells, 
and  strings  of  beads   of  various  sizes   and  colours,  or 
the  red  and   black  berries  of  Abrus  precatoritcs,   with 
pendants  which  hang  over  the  forehead.     The  women 
also  wear  bead  necklaces,  to  which  a  coin  may  sometimes 
be  seen  attached  as  a   pendant.      Bracelets  and  rings 
are  as  a  rule  made  of  brass  or  copper,  but  sometimes 
silver  ring-s  are   worn.     Toe-rino-s  and  brass  or    silver 
anklets  are  considered  fashionable  ornaments.     Among 
the  Olaro  Gadabas,  the  wearing  of  brass  anklets  by  a 
woman   indicates   that    she    is    married.     For    teaching 
backward    children    to    walk,    the    Gadabas    employ   a 
bamboo  stick  split  so  as  to  make  a  fork,  the  prongs  of 
which  are  connected  by  a  cross-bar.     The  apparatus  is 
held  by  the  mother,  and  the  child,  clutching  the  cross- 
bar, toddles  along. 

Among  the  Bodo  and  Olaro  sections,  the  following 
septs  occur: — Kora  (sun),  Nag  (cobra),  Bhag  (tiger), 
Kira  (parrot),  and  Gollari  (monkey).  The  Gadabas  who 
have  settled  in  the  plains  seem  to  have  forgotten  the 
sept  names,  but  will  not  injure  or  kill  certain  animals, 
e.g.y  the  cobra. 

Girls  are  as  a  rule  married  after  puberty.  When  a 
young  man's  parents  think  it  time  for  him  to  get  married, 
they  repair  to  the  home  of  an  eligible  girl  with  rice  and 
liquor,  and  say  that  they  have  come  to  ask  a  boon,  but 
do  not  mention  what  it  is.  They  are  treated  to  a  meal, 
and  return  home.  Some  time  afterwards,  on  a  day  fixed 
by  the  Disari,  three  or  four  aged  relatives  of  the  young 


GADABA  248 

man  go  to  the  girl's  house,  and  the  match  Is  fixed  up. 
After  a  meal,  they  return  to  their  homes.     On  the  day- 
appointed  for  the  wedding  ceremonies,  the  bridegroom's 
relations  go  to  the  home  of  the  bride,  taking  with  them 
a  rupee  towards  the  marriage  expenses,  a  new  cloth  for 
the  girl's  mother,  and  half  a  rupee  for  the  females  of  the 
bride's  village,  which  is  regarded  as  compensation  for 
the  loss  of  the  girl.     To  the  bride  are  given  a  glass 
bead   necklace,   and   brass  bangles  to  be  worn  on  the 
right  wrist.     A  feast  follows.     On  the  following  day,  the 
bride  is  conducted  to  the  village  of  the  bridegroom,  in 
front  of  whose  home  a  pandal   (booth),   made  of  four 
bamboo   poles,    covered   with   green    leaves,    has   been 
erected.     Within  the  pandal,   stems  of  the  sal  {Shorea 
robustd),  addagirli,  and  bamboo  joined  together,  are  set 
up  as  the  auspicious  post.     Beside  this  a  grindstone  is 
placed,  on   which  the  bride   sits,  with  the  bridegroom 
seated    on    her    thighs.     The    females    present    throw 
turmeric  powder  over  them,  and  they  are  bathed  with 
turmeric-water  kept  ready  in  a  new  pot.     They  are  then 
presented  with  new  cloths,  and  their  hands  are  joined 
together  by  the  officiating  Disari.     A  feast,  with  much 
drinking,   follows,   and  the  day's   proceedings  conclude 
with  a  dance.     On  the  following  day,  mud  is  heaped  up 
near  the  pandal,  into  which  the  Disari  throws  a  handful 
of  it.     The  remainder  of  the   mud   is  carried  into  the 
pandal  by  the  contracting  couple,  who  pour  water  over 
it,   and   throw   it  over  those  who  are  assembled.     All 
then  proceed  to  a  stream,  and  bathe.     A  further  feast 
and  dance  follows,  of  which  the  newly  married  couple 
are  spectators,  without  taking  part  in  it. 

In  a  note  on  marriage  among  the  Parenga  Gadabas, 
Mr.  G.  F.  Paddison  writes  that  they  have  two  forms  of 
marriage  rite,  one  of  which  (biba)  is  accompanied   by 


249  GADABA 

much  feasting,  gifts  of  bullocks,  toddy,  rice,  etc.  The 
most  interesting  feature  is  the  fight  for  the  bride  with 
fists.  All  the  men  on  each  side  fight,  and  the  bridegroom 
has  to  carry  off  the  bride  by  force.  Then  they  all  sit 
down,  and  feast  together.  In  the  other  form  (lethulia), 
the  couple  go  off  together  to  the  jungle,  and,  when  they 
return,  pay  twenty  rupees,  or  whatever  they  can  afford, 
to  the  girl's  father  as  a  fine.  A  dinner  and  regular 
marriage  follow  elopement  and  payment  of  the  fine. 

The  ghorojavai  system,  according  to  which  a  man 
works  for  a  stated  period  for  his  future  father-in-law,  is 
practiced  by  the  Gadabas.  But  a  cash  payment  is  said 
to  be  now  substituted  for  service.  The  remarriage  of 
widows  is  permitted,  and  a  younger  brother  may  marry 
the  widow  of  his  elder  brother.  If  she  does  not  marry 
him,  the  second  husband  has  to  pay  a  sum  of  money, 
called  in  Oriya  the  rand  tonka,  to  him.  When  a  man 
divorces  his  wife,  her  relations  are  summoned,  and  he 
pays  her  two  rupees  before  sending  her  away.  Of  this 
sum,  one  rupee  is  paid  as  buchni  for  suspicion  regard- 
ing her  chastity,  and  the  other  as  chatni  for  driving  her 
away.     A  divorced  woman  may  remarry. 

In  the  hills,  the  village  headman  is  called  Janni  or 
Nayako,  and  in  the  plains  Naidado.  He  is  assisted  by 
a  Kirasani,  who  is  also  the  caste  priest. 

Concerning  the  religion  of  the  Gadabas,  Mr.  H.  D. 
Taylor  writes*  that  it  is  "simple,  and  consists  of  feasts 
at  stated  intervals.  The  chief  festival  is  Ittakaparva,  or 
hunting  feast,  in  March  and  April.  On  this  occasion, 
the  w^hole  male  population  turns  out  to  hunt,  and,  if 
they  return  unsuccessful,  the  women  pelt  them  wuth 
cow-dung  on  their  return  to  the  village ;  if,  however, 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1S91. 


GADABA  250 

successful,  they  have  their  revenge  upon  the  women 
in  another  way.  The  chief  deities  (though  spoken:  of 
generally  under  the  term  Devata  or  Mahaprabhu)  are 
Ganga  Devi  or  Takurani,  Iswara  or  Mouli,  Bhairava, 
and  Jhankara.  It  is  Iswara  or  Mouli  who  is  worshipped 
at  Chaitra.  Jhankara  is  the  god  of  land,  rainfall  and 
crops,  and  a  cow  is  sacrificed  to  him.  There  are  not, 
as  a  rule,  temples,  but  the  puja  (worship)  place  consists 
of  a  sacred  grove  surrounded  with  a  circle  of  stones, 
which  takes  the  name  of  Jhankara  from  the  god  to 
whom  puja  is  performed.  Ganga  Devi,  Iswara  and 
Mouli  have  temples  at  certain  places,  but  as  a  rule  there 
is  no  building,  and  the  site  of  puja  is  marked  by  trees 
and  stones.  To  Iswara  a  she-buffalo  is  sacrificed  at 
Chaitra.  To  the  other  Devatas  cocks  and  goats  are 
sacrificed.  Ganga  Devi  or  Takurani  is  the  goddess  of 
life  and  health,  both  of  men  and  cattle  ;  to  her  pigs, 
goats,  and  pigeons  are  sacrificed.  There  are  one  or  two 
curious  superstitions.  If  a  member  of  the  caste  is 
supposed  to  be  possessed  of  a  devil,  he  or  she  is  abused 
and  beaten  by  other  members  of  the  caste  until  the 
devil  is  cast  out.  In  some  parts  the  superstition  is 
that  a  piece  of  wild  buffalo  horn  buried  in  the  ground 
of  the  village  will  avert  or  cure  cattle  disease."  Some- 
times a  sal  or  kosangi  tree  is  planted,  and  surrounded 
by  a  bamboo  hedge.  It  is  worshipped  with  animal  sacri- 
fices at  harvest  time,  and  the  Kirasani  acts  as  priest. 

"There  is,"  Mr.  G.  F.  Paddison  writes,  "rather  a 
curious  custom  in  connection  with  a  village  goddess. 
Close  to  her  shrine  a  swing  is  kept.  On  this  swing, 
once  a  year  at  the  great  village  festival,  thorns  are 
placed,  and  the  village  priest  or  priestess  sits  on  them 
without  harm.  If  the  pujari  is  a  male,  he  has  been 
made  neuter.     But,  if  the  village  is  not  fortunate  enough 


251  GADABA 

to  possess  a  eunuch,  a  woman  performs  the  ceremony. 
[At  the  fire-walking  ceremony  at  Nuvagode  in  Ganjam, 
the  priest  sits  on  a  thorny  swing,  and  is  endowed 
with  prophetic  powers.]  When  there  is  small-pox  or 
other  epidemic  disease  in  a  village,  a  little  go-cart  is 
built,  composed  of  a  box  on  legs  fixed  to  a  small  board 
on  wheels.  In  this  box  is  placed  a  little  clay  image,  or 
anything  else  holy,  and  carried  away  to  a  distant  place, 
and  left  there.  A  white  flag  is  hoisted,  which  looks  like 
quarantine,  but  is  really  intended,  I  think,  to  draw  the 
goddess  back  to  her  shrine.  Vaccination  is  regarded 
as  a  religious  ceremony,  and  the  Gadabas,  I  believe, 
invariably  present  the  vaccinator  as  the  officiating  priest 
with  rice." 

The  Gadabas,  like  other  hill  tribes,  name  their 
children  after  the  day  of  the  week  on  which  they  are  born. 
On  the  plains,  however,  some  give  their  children  low- 
country  names,  e.g.,  Ramudu,  Lachigadu,  Arjanna,  etc. 

Males  are,  as  a  rule,  burnt ;  but,  if  a  person  dies  in 
the  night  or  on  a  rainy  day,  the  corpse  is  sometimes 
buried.  Women  and  children  are  usually  buried,  pre- 
sumably because  they  are  not  thought  worth  the  fuel 
necessary  for  cremation.  Only  relations  are  permitted 
to  touch  a  corpse.  Death  pollution  is  observed  for  three 
days,  during  which  the  caste  occupation  must  not  be 
engaged  in.  Stone  slabs  are  erected  to  the  memory 
of  the  dead,  and  sacrifices  are  ofi"ered  to  them  now  and 
again. 

The  Gadabas  have  a  devil  dance,  which  they  are 
willing  to  perform  before  strangers  in  return  for  a^small 
present.  It  has  been  thus  described  by  Captain  Glasfurd.  * 
"At  the  time  of  the  Dusserah,  Holi,  and  other  holidays, 


*  Manual  of  the  Vizagapatam  district. 


GADI  252 

both  men  and  women  dance  to  the  music  of  a  fife  and 
drum.  Sometimes  they  form  a  ring  by  joining  hands 
all  round,  and  with  a  long  hop  spring  towards  the 
centre,  and  then  hop  back  to  the  full  extent  of  their 
arms,  while  they  at  the  same  time  keep  circling  round 
and  round.  At  other  times,  the  women  dance  singly  or 
in  pairs,  their  hands  resting  on  each  other's  wrists.  When 
fatigued,  they  cease  dancing,  and  sing.  A  man  steps 
out  of  the  crowd,  and  sings  a  verse  or  two  impromptu. 
One  of  the  women  rejoins,  and  they  sing  at  each  other 
for  a  short  time.  The  point  of  these  songs  appears  to 
consist  in  giving  the  sharpest  rejoinder  to  each  other. 
The  woman  reflects  upon  the  man's  ungainly  appearance 
and  want  of  skill  as  a  cultivator  or  huntsman,  and 
the  man  retorts  by  reproaching  her  with  her  ugliness 
and  slatternly  habits."  In  connection  with  dancing, 
Mr.  Henderson  writes  that  "all  the  Gadaba  dancing 
I  have  seen  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Porjas,  and 
consisted  of  a  sort  of  women's  march,  at  times  accom- 
panied by  a  few  men  who  wander  round,  and  occasionally 
form  a  ring  through  which  the  line  of  women  passes. 
Sometimes  the  men  get  on  each  other's  shoulders,  and 
so  form  a  sort  of  two-storied  pyramid.  The  women's 
song  is  comparatively  quite  melodious." 

In  recent  years,  some  Gadabas  have  emigrated  to 
Assam,  to  work  in  the  tea-gardens.  But  emigration  has 
now  stopped  by  edict. 

For  the  information  contained  in  this  article,  I  am 
mainly  indebted  to  notes  by  Mr.  C.  A.  Henderson, 
Mr.  W.  Francis,  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana  Rao,  and  the 
Kumara  Raja  of  Bobbili. 

Gadi  (cart). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Mala. 

Gadidhe  Kandla  (donkey's  eyes). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Boya. 


253  GAMALLA 

Gadu.— A  common  suffix  to  the  name  of  individuals 
among  various  Telugu  classes,  e.^.,  Ramigadu,  Subbi- 
gadu. 

Gaduge  (throne). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Gaita.— A  sub-division  of  Konda  Razu. 

Gajjal  (a  small  bell). — A  sub-division  of  Torcya. 

Gali.^Gali  or  Galollu,  meaning  wind,  devil,  or 
spirit,  is  recorded  as  an  exogamous  sept  of  Kamma, 
Kuruba,  and  Mala. 

Gamalla.— The  Gamallas  are  a  class  of  toddy- 
drawers,  and  distillers  and  vendors  of  arrack  in  the 
Telugu  country  and  are  supposed  to  be  Idigas  who  have 
bettered  themselves,  and  separated  from  that  caste. 
Both  Gamallas  and  Idigas  worship  the  deity  Kattamayya. 
At  the  census,  1891,  some  returned  Idiga  as  their  sub- 
division. In  the  Cuddapah  district  some  toddy-drawers 
style  themselves  Asilivandlu.  Possibly  the  Idiga, 
Gamalla,  and  Asili  toddy-drawing  classes  only  repre- 
sent three  endogamous  sections  of  a  single  caste.  In 
the  Nellore  district,  the  toddy-drawers  style  themselves 
Gamandla  or  Gavandlavandlu,  and  say  that  they  have 
one  gotra  Kaumandlapu  or  Gaumandlapu.  It  is  prob- 
able that  the  name  Gamandla  or  Gavandla  has  been 
coined  by  Brahman  purohits,  to  connect  the  caste  with 
Kaumandala  Maharishi  of  the  Puranas.  The  Gamallas 
say  that  they  were  created  to  draw  toddy  by  the  sage 
Kavundinya,  and  that  they  belong  to  the  Gaundla 
varnam  (caste).  I  am  informed  that  a  Puranam,  called 
Gamandla  or  Gamudi  Puranam,  has  been  created.  In 
the  social  scale,  the  toddy-drawers  appear  to  occupy  a 
higher  position  in  the  Telugu  than  in  the  Tamil  country, 
and  they  are  sometimes  said  to  be  Telagas  or  Balijas, 
who  have  adopted  toddy-drawing  as  a  profession.  The 
more  prosperous  members  of  the  community  are  toddy 


GAMALLA  254 

and  arrack  (liquor)  shop-keepers,  and  the  poorer  mem- 
bers extract  toddy  from  the  palm-trees. 

The  Kapus  of  the  Nellore  district  employ  Gamallas 
as  their  cooks  and  domestic  servants,  and  all  menial 
service  and  cooking  are  done  by  Gamallas  in  the  houses 
of  Kapus  on  the  occasion  of  festivals  and  marriages. 

Concerning  the  origin  of  the  Gamallas,  the  following 
legend  is  current.  A  Rishi  was  doing  penance  by  stand- 
ing on  his  head,  and,  like  the  chamaeleon,  living  on  light 
and  air,  instead  of  food.  According  to  some,  the  Rishi 
was  Kaumandla,  while  others  do  not  know  his  name. 
An  Idiga  girl  passed  by  the  Rishi,  carrying  a  pot  filled 
with  toddy,  which  polluted  the  air,  so  that  the  Rishi  could 
not  continue  the  penance.  Being  struck  with  the  girl's 
beauty,  he  followed  her  to  her  home,  and  pointed  out  to 
her  that  she  was  the  cause  of  his  mishap.  He  asked  her 
to  become  his  wife,  but  she  announced  that  she  was 
already  married.  Eventually,  however,  they  became 
secretly  united,  and,  in  consequence,  the  whole  town 
caught  fire.  The  girl's  husband,  returning  home  with 
some  toddy,  was  amazed  at  the  sight,  and  she,  to  protect 
him,  hid  the  Rishi  in  a  vat.  Into  this  vat  the  husband 
poured  the  toddy,  which  made  the  Rishi  breathe  hard,  so 
that  the  toddy,  for  the  first  time  on  record,  began  to 
foam.  Noticing  this,  the  husband  found  a  lingam,  into 
which  the  Rishi  had  been  transformed.  This  lingam 
was  worshipped  by  the  Gamandlas,  and  they  are  at  the 
present  day  Saivites. 

Like  other  Telugu  castes,  the  Gamallas  have  exo- 
gamous  septs,  such  as  parvathala  (hills),  kudumalu 
(a  cake),  annam  (cooked  rice),  and  pandhi  (pig).  Among 
gotras,  the  following  may  be  noted : — kavundinya, 
karunya,  vachalya,  and  surapandesvara  (sura  panda, 
toddy  pot). 


255  GAMALLA 

Marriaofe  is,  as  a  rule,  adult,  and  remarriag-e  of 
widows  is  permitted,  though  the  tendency  at  the  present 
day  is  to  abandon  the  practice.  At  the  wedding  of  a 
widow,  the  bottu  (marriage  badge)  is  tied  round  her 
neck  at  night.  Prior  to  the  marriage  ceremony,  the 
worship  of  female  ancestors  must  be  performed.  A  new 
female  cloth,  betel,  and  flowers,  are  placed  on  a  tray,  and 
worshipped  by  the  mothers  of  the  contracting  couple. 
The  cloth  is  given  as  a  present  to  a  sister  or  other  near 
relation  of  the  bride  or  bridegroom. 

The  dead  are  cremated,  and  the  widow  breaks  one 
or  two  of  her  bangles.     Fire  must  be  carried  to   the 
burning-ground  by  the  father  of  the  deceased,  if  he  is 
alive.     On  the  day  following  cremation,  the  hot  embers 
are  extinguished,  and  the  ashes  collected,  and  shaped 
into  an  effigy,  near  the  head  of  which  three  conical  masses 
of  mud  and   ashes  are  set   up.      To   these   represent- 
atives of  Rudra,  Yama,  and  the  spirit  of  the  departed, 
cooked  rice  and   vegetables    are    offered    up    on  three 
leaves.     One  of  the  leaves  is  given  to  the  Jangam,  who 
officiates  at  the  rite,  another  to  a  washerman,  and  the 
third   is  left,  so  that  the  food  on  it  may  be  eaten   by 
crows.     All,  who  are  assembled,    wait  till  these    birds 
collect,  and  the  ashes  are  finally  poured  on  a  tree.     On 
the  ninth,  tenth,  or  eleventh  day  after  death,  a  ceremony 
called  the  peddadinam  (big  day)  is  performed.     Cooked 
rice,  curry,  meat,  and  other  things,  are  placed  on  a  leaf 
inside   the   house.     Sitting    near  this    leaf,    the   widow 
weeps  and  breaks  one  or  two  of  the  glass  bangles,  which 
she  wears  on  the  wrist.     The  food  is  then  taken  to  a 
stream  or  tank  (pond),  where  the  agnates,  after  shaving, 
bathing,  and  purification,   make  an  effigy  of  the  dead 
person  on  the  ground.     Close  to  this  cooked  rice  and 
vegetables  are  placed  on  three  leaves,  and  offered  to  the 


GAMALLA  256 

effigy.  The  widow's  remaining  bangles  are  broken,  and 
she  is  presented  with  a  new  cloth,  called  munda  koka 
(widow's  cloth)  as  a  sign  of  her  condition.  All  Gamallas, 
rich  or  poor,  engage  on  this  occasion  the  services  of 
Mala  Pambalas  and  Bainedus  (musicians  and  story- 
tellers) to  recite  the  story  of  the  goddess  Ankamma. 
The  performance  is  called  Ankamma  kolupu.  Some  of 
the  Malas  make  on  the  ground  a  design,  called  muggu, 
while  the  others  play  on  the  drum,  and  carry  out  the 
recitation.  The  design  must  be  made  in  five  colours, 
green  (leaves  of  Cassia  a?n'ic7t/ata),  white  (rice  flour), 
red  (turmeric  and  lime),  yellow  (turmeric),  and  black 
(burnt  rice-husk).  It  represents  a  male  and  female 
figure  (Virulu,  heroes),  v/ho  are  supposed  to  be  the 
person  whose  peddadinam  is  being  celebrated,  and  an 
ancestor  of  the  opposite  sex.  If  the  family  can  afford  it, 
other  designs,  for  example  of  Ankamma,  are  also  drawn. 
On  the  completion  of  the  muggu,  cocoanuts,  rice,  and 
betel  are  offered,  and  a  fowl  is  sacrificed. 

Like  many  other  Telugu  castes,  the  Gamallas  have 
a  class  of  beggars,  called  Eneti,  attached  to  them,  for 
whom  a  subscription  is  raised  when  they  turn  up. 

The  Gamallas  are  mostly  Saivites,  and  their  priests 
are  Aradhya  Brahmans,  i.e.,  Telugu  Brahmans,  who 
have  adopted  some  of  the  customs  of  the  Lingayats. 
They  worship  a  variety  of  gods  and  goddesses,  who 
include  Potharaju,  Katamayya,  Gangamma,  Mathamma, 
and  Thallamma,  or  Thadlamma.  Once  or  twice  during 
the  year,  a  pot  of  toddy  is  brought  from  every  house  to 
the  shrine  of  Thallamma,  and  the  liquor  contained  in 
some  of  the  pots  is  poured  on  the  floor,  and  the  re- 
mainder given  to  those  assembled,  irrespective  of  caste. 

At  the  festival  of  Dipavali,  the  celebrants  bathe  in 
the  early  morning,  and  go,  in  wet  clothes,  to  an  ant-hill, 


GAMALLA    MUGGU. 


257  GANDHAM 

before  which  they  prostrate  themselves,  and  pour  a  little 
water  into  one  of  the  holes.  Round  the  hill  they  wind 
five  turns  of  cotton  thread,  and  return  home.  Subse- 
quently they  come  once  more  to  the  ant-hill  with  a  lamp 
made  of  flour  paste.  Carrying  the  light,  they  go  thrice 
or  five  times  round  the  hill,  and  throw  into  a  hole 
therein  split  pulse  {Phaseohis  Mungo).  During  the  whole 
of  this  day  they  fast.  On  the  following  morning  they 
again  go  to  the  hill,  pour  milk  into  it,  and  snap  the 
threads  wound  round  it. 

At  the  festival  of  Sankaranthi,  the  principal  member 
of  every  family  observes  the  worship  of  ancestors. 
Various  articles  are  placed  in  a  room  on  leaf  plates 
representing  the  ancestors,  who  are  worshipped  by  the 
celebrant  after  he  has  been  purified  by  bathing.  Taking 
a  little  of  the  food  from  each  leaf,  he  places  it  on  a  single 
leaf,  which  is  worshipped,  and  placed  in  the  court-yard,  so 
that  the  crows  may  partake  thereof  The  remainder  of 
the  food  is  distributed  among  the  members  of  the  family. 

At  the  census,  1901,  some  Gamallas  returned  them- 
selves as  Scttigadu  (Chetti). 

Gampa  (basket). — A  sub-division  of  Kamma  and 
Telaga,  and  an  exogamous  sept  of  Odde.  The  name, 
among  the  Kammas,  refers  to  a  deadly  struggle  at 
Gandikota,  in  which  some  escaped  by  hiding  in  baskets. 
Gampa  dhompti  is  the  name  of  a  sub-division  of  the 
Madigas,  whose  marriage  offerings  to  the  god  are  placed 
in  a  basket. 

Ganayata.— Recorded,  at  times  of  census,  as  a  sub- 
division of  Lingayat  Jangams  in  the  Nellore,  Cuddapah, 
and  Kurnool  districts.  The  Sanskrit  word  Ganam  means 
Siva's  attendants, 

Gandham  (sandal  paste). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Balijas,  one  sub-division  of  whom  is  called  Gandhavallu 
11-17 


GANDIKOTA  258 

or  Gandhapodi  (sandal  perfume  sellers).  The  paste  made 
by  rubbing  sandal  {^Sajitahim  album)  wood  on  a  stone 
with  water  is  widely  used  in  connection  with  Hindu 
ceremonial  observance.  A  Brahman,  for  example,  after 
worshipping,  smears  his  body  with  the  paste.  At 
festivals,  and  other  ceremonial  occasions,  sandal  paste 
is  distributed  to  guests  along  with  betel  leaves  and 
areca  nuts  (pan-supari).  Gandhapodi  also  occurs  as  an 
exogamous  sept  of  Boya. 

Gandikota. — A  sub-division  of  Kamma.  Gandi 
Kottei  is  recorded  *  as  a  sub-division  of  Kapu  or  Reddi, 
"  found  only  in  Madura  and  Tinnevelly,  and  also  known 
simply  as  Kottei  Reddis.  Kottei  is  the  Tamil  for  a  fort, 
the  corresponding  Telugu  word  being  kota.  Their 
females  do  not  appear  in  public." 

Gandla.^5^^  Ganiga. 

Gangadikara.— Gangadikara,  said  doubtfully  to 
mean  those  who  lived  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  has 
been  recorded  as  a  sub-division  of  the  Holeyas, 
Okkiliyans,  and  Vakkaligas.  The  name  probably  refers 
to  Gangavadi,  the  country  of  the  Gangas,  a  royal  line 
which  ruled  over  the  greater  part  of  the  modern  Mysore 
in  former  times. 

Gangeddu.— The  Gangeddulu  are  a  class  of  mendi- 
cants, who  travel  about  the  country  exhibiting  performing 
bulls.  "The  exhibition  of  sacred  bulls,  known  as 
Gangeddulu  (Ganga's  bulls)  is  very  common  in  the  towns 
and  villages  of  Southern  India.  The  presence  of  the 
swami  (god)  bull,  as  he  is  popularly  called,  is  made  known 
by  his  keeper  playing  on  a  small  drum,  which  emits  a 
dismal,  booming  sound,  in  the  intervals  of  addressing  his 
dumb  companion  in  a  piercing  voice.     The  bull  is  led 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1S91. 


259  GANGEDDU 

about  from  house  to  house,  and  made  to  go  through 
several  tricks,  which  he  does  with  evident  zest.  The 
keeper  in  the  meanwhile  talks  to  him,  and  puts  questions 
to  him,  to  which  he  replies  by  shakes  of  his  head.  He 
will  kneel  down  in  an  attitude  of  worship,  with  his  head 
inclined  to  the  ground,  or  he  will  approach  you,  and 
gently  rub  his  nozzle  against  your  hand.  Usually  a 
diminutive  cow  accompanies  the  bull,  and,  like  him,  is 
grandly  attired,  and  resounds  with  tinkling  bells.  She 
is  introduced  to  the  spectators  as  the  bull's  ammagaru, 
that  is  consort  or  spouse.  Then  a  scene  between  the 
pair  is  enacted,  the  gist  of  which  is  that  the  husband  is 
displeased  with  the  wife,  and  declines  to  hold  converse 
with  her.  As  a  result  of  the  difference,  he  resolves  to 
go  away,  and  stalks  off  in  high  dudgeon.  The  keeper 
attempts  to  make  peace  between  them,  and  is  rewarded 
by  being  charged  by  the  irate  husband  and  knocked  down, 
though  no  harm  is  done  to  him  as  the  animal's  horns 
are  padded.  The  keeper  rises,  shakes  himself,  and 
complains  woefully  of  the  treatment  he  has  received. 
Indeed,  it  is  only  after  a  great  deal  of  coaxing  and 
wheedling,  and  promises  of  buying  him  endless  quantities 
of  rice  cakes  and  other  bazaar  delicacies,  that  the  bull 
condescends  to  return,  and  a  reconciliation  is  effected." 
For  the  following  note,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  C. 
Hayavadana  Rao.  The  Gangeddulu,  Erudandis,  or 
Perumal  Madukkarans,  often  acquire  and  train  deformed 
male  calves.  It  is  a  popular  superstition  that  for  a  family 
to  keep  such  animals  in  its  possession  is  to  court 
destruction.  Consequently,  when  one  is  born,  information 
is  sent  to  a  Gangeddu,  who,  on  his  arrival,  is  sumptuously 
fed.  The  calf  is  then  washed,  and  a  new  cloth  tied  to 
its'  horns.  A  small  present  of  money  is  made  to  the 
Gangeddu,  and  he  takes  the  animal  away.  Temples 
n-17  B 


GANGEDDU  260 

sometimes  dispose  of  their  deformed  calves  in  a  similar 
manner.  When  the  trained  animals  are  exhibited  in 
public,  the  deformity,  which  is  the  hall-mark  of  a 
genuine  Gangeddu,  is  shown,  usually  at  the  commence- 
ment of  the  performance,  or  at  any  time  at  the  bidding 
of  any  of  the  spectators.  It  is  only  after  the  exhibition 
of  the  deformity,  which  is  usually  concealed  within  the 
trappings  of  the  animal,  that  remuneration,  generally  in 
kind,  or  in  old  rags  and  copper  coins,  is  doled  out  to  them. 
Villagers  worship  the  bulls,  when  they  happen  to  pass 
their  houses,  and,  as  soon  as  they  enter  a  village,  the 
females  wash  the  feet  of  the  animals  with  milk  and  water. 
They  then  adorn  their  foreheads  with  kunkumam  (aniline 
powder)  and  turmeric  paste,  and  burn  incense  and 
camphor  before  them.  Cocoanuts,  plantains,  betel  leaves 
and  areca  nuts,  and  money  are  also  offered  in  a  plate, 
and  are  the  perquisite  of  the  Gangeddu.  The  bulls  are 
thus  venerated,  as  they  represent  Basavanna,  the  sacred 
bull  which  is  the  vehicle  of  Siva. 

The  language  of  the  Gangeddulu  is  Telugu,  but  those 
who  have  migrated  to  the  Tamil  country  also  speak 
the  language  of  the  south.  They  profess  the  Vaishna- 
vite  religion,  and  are  of  the  Tengalai  persuasion.  They 
have  Brahman  gurus  (religious  preceptors),  who  reside 
at  Srirangam,  Tirupati,  and  other  places.  By  them  the 
Ganofeddulu  are  branded  on  the  shoulder  with  the 
emblems  of  the  chank  and  chakram,  and  initiated  into 
the  mysteries  of  the  Dasari  priesthood.  But,  though 
they  call  themselves  Dasaris,  the  Gangeddulu  have  no 
marital  or  other  connection  with  the  Dasaris.  In  addi- 
tion to  training  and  exhibiting  the  performing  bulls 
and  cultivating  land,  the  Gangeddulu  officiate  as  Dasaris 
in  the  month  of  Peratasi  (September-October).  Their 
principal  insignia  of  office  are  the  chank  shell,  which  is 


26 1  GANGEDDU 

blown  to  announce  their  arrival,  and  the  iron  lamp 
(called  Garudasthambha),  which  is  kept  burning,  and  is 
said  to  represent  Venkatesa,  the  presiding  deity  at 
Tirupati.  As  Dasaris,  little  is  expected  of  them,  except 
offering  fruits  to  the  god,  and  assisting  at  funerals. 
Several  proverbs,  of  which  the  following  are  examples, 
are  current  concerning  this  aspect  of  their  life  : — 

The  mistake  of  a  Dasari  is  excused  with  an  apology. 

The  songs  of  a  Dasari  are  known  only  to  the  god, 
i.e.,  they  are  unintelligible  and  unreal. 

For  the  song  of  a  Dasari  alms  are  the  payment,  i.e., 
that  is  all  the  song  is  worth. 

Sing  again  what  you  have  sung,  oh !  Dasari  with 
dirty  teeth. 

When  a  beg^ofar  was  asked  whether  he  was  a 
Dasari  or  a  Jangam,  he  replied  that  it  depends  on 
the  next  village.  This  in  reference  to  his  being  a 
time-server. 

A  Gangeddu  mendicant  is,  like  his  bulls,  picturesquely 
attired.  He  is  very  punctilious  about  having  his  sect- 
mark  on  the  forehead,  invariably  wears  a  turban,  and  his 
body  is  clothed  in  a  long  white  cloth  robe.  When  going 
about  with  the  performing  bulls,  the  Gangeddulu 
generally  travel  in  pairs,  one  carrying  a  drum,  and  the 
other  a  bell-metal  ofono-.  One  of  them  holds  in  one 
hand  the  nose-rope  of  the  bull,  and  in  the  other  the 
whip.  The  bulls  are  dressed  up  in  a  patch  work  quilt 
with  two  eye-holes  in  it.  Of  names  which  are  given  to 
the  animals,  Rama  and  Lakshmana  are  very  popular. 
The  tameness  of  the  bulls  is  referred  to  in  the  proverb 
"  As  mild  as  a  Gangeddu." 

The  Perumal  Madukkarans,  or  Perumal  Erudukka- 
rans,  both  of  which  names  indicate  those  who  lead  bulls 
about,  are  found  chiefly  in  the  Chingleput,   North  and 


GANGEDDir  262 

South    Arcot    districts.     "  Every    now   and   then,"    Mr. 
S.  M.  Natcsa'Sastri  writes,*  "throughout  Madras,  a  man 
dressed  up  as  a  buffoon  is  to  be  seen  leading  about  a  bull, 
as  fantastically  got  up  as  himself  with  cowries  {Cypr^sa 
arabica  shells)  and  rags  of  many  colours,  from  door  to 
door.     The  bull  is  called  in  Tamil  Perumal  erudu,  and 
in  Telugu  Ganga  eddu,  the   former  meaning  Vishnu's 
bull  and  the  latter  Ganga's  bull.     The  origin  of  the  first 
is  given  in  a  legend,  but  that  of  the  last  is  not  clear. 
The  conductors   of  these   bulls   arc  neatherds  of  high 
caste,  called  Pu  Idalyan,  ix.^  flower  neatherds  {see  Idai- 
yan),  and  come  from  villages  in  the  North  and  South 
Arcot  districts.     They  are  a  simple   and  ignorant  set, 
who  firmly  believe  that  their  occupation  arises  out  of 
a  command  from  the  great  god  Venkatachalapati,  the 
lord  of  the  Venkatachala  near  Tirupaddi  (Tirupati)  in  the 
North  Arcot  district.    Their  legend  is  as  follows.    Among 
the  habitual  gifts  to  the  Venkatachala  temple  at  Tirup- 
padi  were  all  the  freaks  of  nature  of  the  neighbourhood 
as    exhibited    in   cattle,   such   as  two-tailed   cows,   five- 
legged  bulls,  four-horned  calves,  and   so  on.     The  Pu 
Idaiyans,  whose  original  duty  was  to  string  flowers  for 
the  temple,  were  set  to  graze  these  abortions.     Now 
to  graze  cows  is  an  honour,  but  to  tend  such  cr^^atures 
as  these  the  Pu   Idaiyans  regarded  as  a  sin.     So  they 
prayed  to    Venkatachalapati   to   show   them    how  they 
could  purge  it  away.     On  this,  the  god  gave  them  a  bull 
called  after  himself  the  Perumal  bull  and  said  :  *  My  sons, 
if  you  take  as  much  care  of  this  bull  as  you  would  of 
your  own  children,  and    lead   it   from  house  to  house, 
begging  its  food,  your  sin  will  be  washed  away.'     Ever 
since  then  they  have  been  purging  themselves  of  their 


*  Ind.  Ant.  XVIII,  i8«9. 


263  GANIGA  OR  GANDLA 

original  sin.  The  process  is  this.  The  bull  leader  takes 
it  from  house  to  house,  and  puts  it  questions,  and  the 
animal  shakes  its  head  in  reply.  This  is  proof  positive 
that  it  can  reason.  The  fact  is  the  animal  is  bought 
when  young  for  a  small  sum,  and  brought  up  to  its 
profession.  Long  practice  has  made  its  purchasers 
experts  in  selecting  the  animals  that  will  suit  them. 
After  purchase  the  training  commences,  which  consists 
in  pinching  the  animal's  ears  whenever  it  is  given  bran, 
and  it  soon  learns  to  shake  its  head  at  the  sight  of  bran. 
I  need  hardly  say  that  a  handful  of  bran  is  ready  in  its 
conductor's  hands  when  the  questions  are  put  to  it.  It 
is  also  taught  to  butt  at  any  person  that  speaks  angrily 
to  it.  As  regards  the  offerings  made  to  these  people, 
one-sixth  goes  to  feeding  the  bulls,  and  the  remaining 
five-sixths  to  the  conductors.  They  look  upon  it  as 
'  good  work ',  but  the  village  boys  and  girls  think  it  the 
greatest  fun  in  the  world  to  watch  its  performances,  and 
the  advent  of  a  Vishnu's  bull  is  hailed  by  the  youngsters 
with  the  greatest  delight." 

Gangimakkalu. — Gangimakkalu,  or  Gangaputra, 
meaning  children  or  sons  of  Ganga,  the  goddess  of  water, 
is  the  name  of  a  sub-division  of  Kabbera.  The  allied 
Gangavamsamu,  or  people  of  Ganga,  is  a  name  for  Jalaris. 
Ganiga  or  Gandla. — The  name  Ganiga  is  derived 
from  the  Teluo-u  (janug-a,  meaninor  an  oil-mill.  The 
Ganigas  are  said  *  to  be  "  the  oil  pressers  of  the  Canarese 
people,  corresponding  to  the  Telugu  Gandla  and  the 
Tamil  Vaniyan.  This  caste  is  sub-divided  into  three 
sections,  none  of  whom  eat  together  or  intermarry. 
These  sections  are  the  Hegganigas,  who  yoke  two  oxen 
to  a  stone  oil-mill ;   Kirganigas,  who  make  oil  in  wooden 


*  Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district. 


GANIGA  OR  GANDLA  264 

mills ;  and  Ontiyeddu  Ganigas,  who  yoke  only„'][one 
animal  to  the  mill.  They  are  collectively  known  as 
Jotipans  or  Jotinagarams  (people  of  the  city  of  light). 
In  addition  to  pressing  oil,  they  also  make  palm-leaf 
umbrellas,  cultivate  land,  and  work  as  labourers.  They 
employ  Brahmans  to  perform,  their  ceremonies.  Their 
guru  is  the  head  of  the  Vyasaraya  mutt  at  Anegundi. 
Early  marriage  is  practiced.  Widow  remarriage  is  not 
allowed.  They  eat  fish,  mutton,  and  fowls,  but  do  not 
drink  liquor.  Chetti  is  their  title."  In  the  Madras 
Census  Report,  1891,  it  is  stated  that  the  guru  of  the 
Ganigas  is  the  head  of  the  mutt  at  Sringeri,  and  that 
they  employ  Havig  Brahmans  for  their  ceremonies. 
Sringeri  is  the  name  of  a  Smarta  (Saivite)  mutt  or 
religious  institution  at  several  places,  such  as  Tanjore 
and  Kumbakonam ;  and  there  is  a  town  of  this  name  in 
Mysore,  from  which  the  mutt  derives  its  name. 

Concerning  the  Ganigas  of  the  Mysore  Province, 
Mr.  V.  N.  Narasimmiyengar  writes  as  follows.*  "The 
account  locally  obtained  connects  this  caste  with  the 
Nagartas,  as  forming  the  leading  communities  of  the 
left-hand  faction,  in  opposition  to  the  Lingayats  and 
other  castes  composing  the  right-hand  faction.  Caste 
supremacy  is  ever  associated  in  India  with  preternatural 
mythology.  If  the  average  Brahman  traces  his  nobility 
literally  to  the  face  of  Brahma,  according  to  the  Vedic 
Purusha  Sukta,  every  other  castelet  claims  a  patent  of 
superiority  in  a  similar  miraculous  origin.  The  Ganigas 
allege  that  they  immigrated  from  the  north  at  a  time 
beyond  living  memory.  A  Mysore  noble,  named  Malla- 
raje  Ars,  established  and  first  peopled  the  pete  (market 
town)  of  Bangalore,  when  the  Ganigas  first  came  there, 


Mysore  Census  Report,  1891. 


265  GANIGA  OR  GAnDLA 

followed  by  the  Nagartas,  who  arc  said  to  have  been  co- 
emigrants  with  the  Ganigas,  Mallaraj  made  Sattis  and 
Yajamans  (headmen)  of  the  principal  members  of  the  two 
castes,  and  exempted .  them  from  the  house-tax.  The 
Ganigas  are  both  Vaishnavites  and  Saivites.  Their 
guru  is  known  as  Dharmasivacharsvami  in  the  Madras 
Presidency,  and  certain  gotras  (family  names)  are  said 
to  be  common  to  the  Ganigas  and  Nagartas,  but  they 
never  eat  together  or  intermarry.  The  Ganigas  claim 
the  peculiar  privilege  of  following  the  Vishnu  image  or 
car  processions,  throughout  the  province,  with  flags 
exhibiting  the  figures  of  Hanuman  and  Garuda,  and 
torches.  These  insignia  are  alleged  to  have  been  abo- 
riginally given  to  an  ancestor,  named  Siriyala  Satti,  by 
Rama,  as  a  reward  for  a  valuable  gem  presented  by  him. 
The  Ganigas  call  themselves  Dharmasivachar  Vaisyas 
like  the  Nagartas,  and  the  feud  between  them  used 
often  to  culminate  in  much  bitter  unpleasantness.  The 
order  includes  a  small  division  of  the  linga-wearing 
oilmongers,  known  as  Sajjana  (good  men),  whose  popu- 
lation is  a  small  fraction  of  the  community.  The 
Sajjanas,  however,  hold  no  social  intercourse  of  any  kind 
with  the  other  sub-divisions." 

The  Ganigas  of  Sandur,  in  the  little  Maratha  State 
of  that  name,  returned  Yenne  (oil)  and  Kallu  (stone)  as 
sub-divisions.  The  average  cephalic  index  of  these 
Ganigas  was  very  high,  being  80*5  as  against  77'6  for 
the  Ganigas  of  Mysore  city. 

"  The  oil-mill  of  the  Ganigas  is,"  Mr.  W.  Francis 
writes,*  "  a  sort  of  large  wooden  mortar,  usually  formed 
out  of  the  heart  of  a  tamarind  tree,  and  firmly  imbedded 
in  the  ground.     A  wooden  cylinder,  shod  with  iron,  fits 


*  Garetteer  of  the  Bellary  district. 


GANIGA  OR  GANDLA  266 

roughly  into  the  cavity.  A  cross  beam  is  lashed  to  this 
in  such  a  way  that  one  end  is  close  to  the  ground,  and 
to  this  a  pair  of  bullocks  or  buffaloes  are  fastened.  By 
an  arrangement  of  pullies,  the  pressure  of  the  cylinder 
can  be  increased  at  pleasure.  As  the  bullocks  go  round 
the  trough,  the  seeds  are  crushed  by  the  action  of  the 
cylinder,  so  that  the  expressed  oil  falls  to  the  bottom, 
while  the  residuum,  as  oil-cake,  adheres  to  the  side  of  the 
mortar," 

The  following  note  refers  to  the  Onteddu  (single 
bullock)  Ganigas,  who  claim  superiority  over  those  who 
employ  two  bullocks  in  working  their  oil-mills.  The 
former  belong  to  the  right-hand,  and  the  latter  to  the 
left-hand  faction.  Among  them  are  various  sub-divi- 
sions, of  which  the  Deva  and  Onteddu  may  intermarry, 
while  the  Kasi,  Teli  (gingelly :  Sesamuni),  and  Chan- 
danapu  are  endogamous.  Like  other  Telugu  castes 
they  have  gotras,  some  of  which  are  interesting,  as  there 
are  certain  prohibitions  connected  with  them.  For 
example,  members  of  the  Badranollu  and  Balanollu 
gotras  may  not  cut  the  tree  Erythroxylon  ^nonogymim. 
In  like  manner,  members  of  the  Viranollu  and  Viththa- 
nollu  gotras  are  forbidden  to  cut  Feronia  elephantum^ 
and  those  of  the  Vedanollu  gotra  to  cut  Nyctanthes 
arbor-tristis.  Members  of  certain  other  gotras  do  not 
cultivate  turmeric,  sugarcane,  or  the  millet  [Panicum 
miliar e). 

The  Onteddu  Ganigas  are  Saivites,  and  disciples  of 
Lingayat  Brahmans  (Aradhyas).  Some,  however,  wear 
the  sacred  thread,  and  others  bear  on  the  forehead  the 
red  streak  of  the  Vaishnavites.  In  some  places,  their 
special  deity  is  Chaudeswara,  who  is  the  god  of  some  of 
the  weaving  classes.  In  the  Kistna  district  they  claim 
M all ikarj Unas vami  as  their  deity. 


26;  GANIGA  OR  GANDLA 

Their  primary  occupation  is  oil-pressing,  but  some 
are  traders  in  cotton,  oil-seeds,  etc.,  or  cultivators.  In 
some  localities,  the  animal  which  works  the  oil-mill  is 
not  blindfolded,  while  it  is  in  others,  because,  it  is  said, 
it  would  otherwise  fall  down  after  a  few  revolutions. 
Crushing  gingelly  oil  is,  according  to  the  Shastras,  a 
sinful  act,  but  condoned  inasmuch  as  Devatas  use  this 
oil  for  lamps,  and  men  in  temples.  For  the  removal  of 
the  oil-cake,  or  turning  the  seeds  in  the  mill,  the  left 
hand  only  is  used.  Burning  the  tongue  with  a  piece  of 
gold,  as  a  means  of  purification  after  some  offence  has 
been  committed,  is  a  common  practice. 

The  marriage  rites  conform,  for  the  most  part,  to  the 
Telugu  type.  But,  while  the  wTist  thread  is  being  tied 
on,  common  salt  is  held  in  the  hand.  A  dagger  (baku) 
is  then  given  to  the  bridegroom,  who  keeps  it  with  him 
till  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonies.  On  the  wedding 
day,  the  bridegroom  wears  the  sacred  thread.  The  tali 
is  not  an  ordinary  bottu,  but  a  thread  composed  of  loi 
thin  strings,  which  is  removed  on  the  last  day,  and 
replaced  by  a  bottu.  On  the  third  day,  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  worship  a  jammi  tree  (Prosopis  spicigera), 
and  the  latter,  removing  his  sacred  thread,  throws  it  on 
the  tree.  Five  young  men,  called  Bala  Dasulu,  also 
worship  the  tree,  and,  if  they  are  wearing  the  sacred 
thread,  throw  it  thereon.  The  dead  are  as  a  rule  buried, 
in  a  sitting  posture  if  the  deceased  was  an  orthodox 
Saivite.  If  a  young  man  dies  a  bachelor,  the  corpse  is 
married  to  an  arka  plant  {Calotropis  gigmited),  and 
decorated  with  a  wreath  made  of  the  flowers  thereof. 
The  final  death  ceremonies  are  performed  on  the  eleventh 
day.  Food  is  offered  to  crows  and  the  soul  of  the  dead 
person,  who  is  represented  by  a  wooden  post  dressed 
with  his  clothes.     The  bangles  of  a  widow  are  broken 


GANTA  268 

near  the  post,   which  is  finally  thrown  into  a  tank   or 
stream. 

Ganiga  further  occurs  as  an  occupational  name  for 
Lingayat  oil-vendors,  and  for  Mogers  who  are  employed 
as  oil-pressers. 

Ganta. — Ganta  or  Gantla,  meaning  a  bell,  has  been 
recorded  as  an  exogamous  sept  of  Kamma  and  Balija. 
Gantelavaru,  or  men  of  the  bell,  is  given  by  Mr.  S.  M. 
Natesa  Sastri  *  as  the  family  name  of  one  section  of  the 
Donga  (thieving)  Dasaris,  and  of  the  Kabberas,  who 
are  said  to  join  the  ranks  of  this  criminal  class.  Gantu- 
gazula  occurs,  in  the  Mysore  Census  Report,  1901,  as  a 
sub-division  of  Koracha.  In  the  Vizagapatam  Manual, 
the  Tiragati  Gantlavallu  are  described  as  repairing 
hand-mills,  catching  antelopes,  and  selling  their  skins. 

Ganti  (a  hole  pierced  in  the  ear-lobe). — An 
exogamous  sept  of  Gudala. 

Garadi.— Garadi  or  Garadiga  is  the  name  of  a  class 
of  mendicants  in  the  Telugu  country  and  Mysore  who 
are  snake-charmers,  practice  sleight  of  hand,  and  per- 
form various  juggling  and  mountebank  tricks. 

Garappa  (dry  land). — A  synonym  of  Challa  Yanadi. 
Gatti.— A  small  caste  of  cultivators,  found  chiefly 
near  Kumbla  and  Somxswara  in  the  Kasaragod  taluk  of 
South  Canara.  Other  names  for  the  caste  are  Poladava 
and  Holadava,  both  signifying  men  of  the  field.  Like 
the  Bants,  they  follow  the  aliya  santana  law  of  inheri- 
tance (in  the  female  line),  have  exogamous  septs  or 
balis,  and,  on  the  day  of  the  final  death  ceremonies, 
construct  car-like  structures,  if  the  deceased  was  an 
important  personage  in  the  community.  The  Bants 
and    Gattis    interdine,   but    do    not    intermarry.     The 


*  Calcutta  Review,  1905. 


269  CAUDA 

headman  of  the  Gattis  is  called  Gurikara.  The  God  of 
the  Someswara  temple  is  regarded  as  the  caste  deity, 
and  every  family  has  to  pay  an  annual  fee  of  four  annas 
to  this  temple.  Failure  to  do  so  would  entail 
excommunication. 

Gattu   (bank   or   mound). — An  exogamous    sept    of 
Devanga. 

Gaud.— A  title  of  Sadar. 

Cauda.— The  Gaudas  or  Gaudos  are  a  large  caste  of 
Canarese  cultivators  and  cattle-breeders.  "  Gauda  and 
Gaudo,"  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  writes,*  "are  really  two 
distinct  castes,  the  former  being  Canarese  and  the  latter 
Uriya.  Each  name  is,  however,  spelt  both  ways.  The 
two  names  are,  I  presume,  etymologically  the  same. 
The  ordinary  derivation  is  from  the  Sanskrit  go,  a  cow, 
but  Dr.  Gustav  Oppert  contends  f  that  the  root  of  Gauda 
is  a  Dravidian  word  meaning  a  mountain.  Among  the 
Canarese,  and  to  a  less  extent  among  the  Uriyas  also, 
the  word  is  used  in  an  honorific  sense,  a  custom  which 
is  difficult  to  account  for  if  Dr.  Oppert's  philology  is 
correct."  "Gaudas,"  Mr.  Stuart  writes  further, J  "also 
called  Halvaklumakkalu  (children  of  the  milk  class),  are 
very  numerously  represented  in  the  South  Canara  district. 
They  have  a  somewhat  elaborate  system  of  caste  govern- 
ment. In  every  village  there  are  two  headmen,  the 
Grama  Gauda  and  the  Vattu  or  Gattu  Gauda.  For 
every  group  of  eight  or  nine  villages  there  is  another 
head  called  the  Magane  Gauda,  and  for  every  nine 
Maganes  there  is  a  yet  higher  authority  called  the 
Kattemaneyava.  The  caste  is  divided  into  eighteen  baris 
or  balis,  which  are  of  the  usual  exogamous  character. 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1891 

t  Original  Inhabitants  of  Bharatavarsha. 

X  Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district. 


CAUDA  270 

The  names  of  some  of  these  are  as  follows  :  Baneara 
(gold),  Nandara,  Malara  (a  bundle  of  glass  bangles,  as 
carried  about  for  sale),  Salu,  Hemmana  (pride  or  conceit), 
Kabru,  Goli  {^Porhdaca  oleracea,  a  pot-herb),  Basruvo- 
garu  (basru,  belly),  Balasanna,  and  Karmannaya. 
Marriage  is  usually  adult,  and  sexual  license  before 
marriage  with  a  member  of  the  caste  is  tolerated,  though 
nominally  condemned.  The  dhare  form  of  marriage  {see 
Bant)  is  used,  but  the  bridal  pair  hold  in  their  joined 
hands  five  betel  leaves,  one  areca  nut  and  four  annas, 
and,  after  the  water  has  been  poured,  the  bridegroom 
ties  a  tali  to  the  neck  of  the  bride.  Divorce  is  permitted 
freely,  and  divorced  wives  and  widows  can  marry  again. 
A  widow  with  children,  however,  should  marry  only  her 
late  husband's  elder  brother.  If  she  marries  any  one 
else,  the  members  of  her  former  husband's  family  will  not 
even  drink  water  that  has  been  touched  by  her.  They 
burn  their  dead.  On  the  third  day,  the  ashes  are  made 
into  the  form  of  a  man,  which  is  cut  in  two,  buried,  and 
a  mound  made  over  it.  In  the  house  two  planks  are 
placed  on  the  ground,  and  covered  with  a  cloth.  On  one 
of  these,  a  vessel  containing  milk  is  placed,  and  on  the 
other  a  lamp,  rice,  cocoanut,  pumpkin,  etc.,  are  deposited. 
The  agnates  and  some  boys  go  round  the  plank  three 
times,  and  afterwards  go  to  the  mound,  taking  with  them 
the  various  articles  in  a  cloth.  Three  plantain  leaves 
are  spread  in  front  of  the  mound,  and  cooked  food,  etc., 
placed  thereon.  Four  posts  are  set  up  round  the  mound, 
and  cloths  stretched  over  them,  and  placed  round  the 
sides.  On  the  sixteenth  day,  sixteen  plantain  leaves  are 
placed  in  a  row,  and  one  leaf  is  laid  apart.  Cakes,  cooked 
fowl's  flesh,  toddy  and  arrack  (liquor)  are  placed  on  the 
leaves  in  small  leaf-cups.  The  assembled  agnates  then 
say  "  We  have  done  everything  as  we  should  do,  and  so 


271  CAUDA 

our  ancestors  who  have  died  must  take  the  man  who  is 
now  dead  to  their  regions.  I  put  the  leaf  which  is  apart 
in  the  same  row^  with  the  sixteen  leaves." 

'*  Once  a  year,  in  the  month  of  Mituna  (June-July),  the 
Gaudas  perform  a  ceremony  for  the  propitiation  of  all 
deceased  ancestors.  They  have  a  special  preference  for 
Venkataramaswami,  to  whom  they  make  money  offerings 
once  a  year  in  September.  They  employ  Brahmins  to 
give  them  sacred  water  when  they  are  under  pollution, 
but  they  do  not  seek  their  services  for  ordinary  cere- 
monies. They  are,  for  the  most  part,  farmers,  but  some 
few  are  labourers.  The  latter  receive  three  or  four  seers 
of  paddy  a  day  as  wages.  Their  house  language  is  Tulu 
in  some  places,  and  Canarese  in  others,  but  all  follow  the 
ordinary  system  of  inheritance,  and  not  the  custom  of 
descent  through  females.     Their  title  is  Gauda." 

As  bearing  on  the  superstitious  beliefs  of  the  people 
of  South  Canara,  the  following  case,  which  was  tried 
before  the  Sessions  Judge  in  1908,  may  be  cited.  A 
young  Gauda  girl  became  pregnant  by  her  brother-in- 
law.  After  three  days'  labour,  the  child  was  born.  The 
accused,  who  was  the  mother  of  the  girl,  was  the  midwife. 
Finding  the  delivery  very  difficult,  she  sent  for  a  person 
named  Korapulu  to  come  and  help  her.  The  child  was, 
as  they  thought,  still-born.  On  its  head  was  a  red 
protuberance  like  a  ball ;  round  each  of  its  forearms  were 
two  or  three  red  bands  ;  the  eyes  and  ears  were  fixed 
very  high  in  the  head  ;  and  the  eyes,  nose,  and  mouth 
were  abnormally  large.  Korapulu  and  the  girl's  younger 
sister  at  once  carried  the  mother  out  of  the  out-house 
lest  the  devil  child  should  do  her  harm  or  kill  her.  The 
accused  called  for  a  man  named  Isuf  Saiba,  who  was 
standing  in  the  yard  outside.  He  came  in,  and  she 
asked  him  to  call  some   of  the  neighbours,  to   decide 


GAUDI  272 

what  to  do.  The  child,  she  said,  was  a  devil  child,  and 
must  be  cut  and  killed,  lest  it  should  devour  its  mother. 
While  they  were  looking  at  the  child,  it  began  to  move 
and  roll  its  eyes  about,  and  turn  on  the  ground.  It  is  a 
belief  of  the  villagers  that  such  a  devil  child,  when  born 
and  brought  in  contact  with  the  air,  rapidly  grows,  and 
causes  great  trouble,  usually  killing  the  mother,  and 
sometimes  killing  all  the  inmates  of  the  house.  The 
accused  told  Isuf  Saiba  to  cover  the  child  with  a  vessel, 
which  he  did.  Then  there  was  a  sound  from  inside  the 
vessel,  either  of  the  child  moving  or  making  some  sound 
with  its  mouth.  The  accused  then  put  her  hand  under 
the  vessel,  dragged  the  child  halfway  out,  and  then,  while 
Isuf  Saiba  pressed  the  edge  of  the  earthenware  vessel 
on  the  abdomen  of  the  child,  the  accused  took  a  knife, 
and  cut  the  body  in  half.  When  the  body  was  cut  in  two, 
there  was  no  blood,  but  a  mossy  green  liquid,  or  a  black 
liquid,  oozed  out.  The  accused  got  two  areca  leaves,  and 
put  one  piece  of  the  child  on  one,  and  one  on  the  other, 
and  told  Isuf  Saiba  to  get  a  spade,  and  come  and  bury 
them.  So  they  went  out  into  the  jungle  close  to  the 
house,  and  Isuf  Saiba  dug  two  holes  about  half  a  yard 
deep,  one  on  one  hillock,  and  one  on  another.  In  these 
two  holes  the  two  pieces  of  the  child  were  separately 
buried.  The  object  of  this  was  to  prevent  the  two  pieces 
joining  together  again,  in  which  case  the  united  devil  child 
would  have  come  out  of  the  grave,  and  gone  to  kill  its 
mother.  The  birth  and  death  of  this  devil  child  were 
not  kept  secret,  but  were  known  throughout  the  village. 

Gauda  or  Gaudu  further  occurs  as  a  title  of  Idiga, 
Kuruba,  and  Vakkaliga,  an  exogamous  sept  and  gotra  of 
Kuruba  and  Kurni,  and  a  sub-division  of  Golla. 

Gaudi. — It  is  recorded,  in  the  Mysore  Census 
Report,    1 90 1,  that  a  Maleru  (temple  servant)  woman, 


2  73  GAUDO 

who  cohabits  with  one  of  a  lower  class  than  her  own,  is 
degraded  into  a  Gaudi. 

Gaudo. — The  Gaudos  are  described,  in  the  Madras 
Census  Reports,  1891  and  1901,  as  "the  great  pastoral 
caste  of  the  Ganjam  Oriyas.  Like  those  of  all  the 
cowherd  classes,  its  members  say  that  they  are  descended 
from  the  Yadava  tribe,  in  which  Krishna  was  born  (cf. 
Idaiyan).  The  majority  of  the  Gaudos  in  the  northern 
districts  are  now  cultivators,  but  there  is  evidence  that 
the  keeping  and  breeding  of  cattle  is  their  traditional 
occupation.  The  most  important  sub-division  is  Sollo- 
khondia ;  many  of  them  are  herdsmen  and  milk-sellers. 
Fourteen  sub-divisions  have  been  reported.  They  are 
Apoto,  Behara,  Bolodiya,  Dongayato,  Dumalo,  Gopopu- 
riya,  Kolata,  Komiriya,  Kusilya,  Ladia,  Madhurapurya, 
Mogotho,  Pattilia,  and  Sollokhondia."  In  the  Census 
Report,  1 87 1,  it  is  noted  that  "there  are  many  Gowdus 
of  high  social  standing,  who  have  gotten  unto  themselves 
much  wealth  in  cattle.  These  men  own,  in  many 
instances,  large  herds  of  buffaloes,  which,  being  reared 
in  the  boundless  pastures  of  the  hills,  are  much  prized 
by  the  cartmen  of  the  low  country  for  draught  purposes." 

Of  the  sub-division  noted  above,  Behara  is  apparently 
a  title  only.  Bolodiya  is  the  name  of  a  section  of  the 
Tellis,  who  use  pack-bullocks  (bolodi,  a  bull)  for 
carrying  grain  about  the  country.  Pattilia  must  be  a 
mistake  for  Pachilia.  The  sections  among  the  Gaudos 
which  are  recognised  by  all  castes  in  the  Ganjam  district 
are  Sollokhondia,  Bhatta,  Gopopuriya,  Madhurapuriya, 
Mogotho,  Apoto,  and  Pachilia.  These,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  Gopopuriya  and  Madhurapuriya,  seem  to  be 
endogamous  sub-divisions.  The  Bhatta  Gaudos  go  by 
the  name  of  Gopopuriya  in  some  places  and  Madhura- 
puriya in  others,  both  these  names  being  connected  with 
n-i8 


GAUDO  274 

the  legendary  history  of  the  origin  of  the  caste.  The 
Apoto  and  Bhatta  Gaudos  are  sometimes  employed  as 
palanquin-bearers.  The  Mogotho  Gaudos,  who  live  on 
the  hills,  are  regarded  as  an  inferior  section,  because 
they  do  not  abstain  from  eating  fowls.  The  Sollokhondia 
section  is  regarded  as  superior,  and  consequently  all 
Oriya  castes,  Brahman  and  non- Brahman,  will  accept 
water  at  the  hands  of  members  thereof  An  orthodox 
Oriya  non- Brahman,  and  all  Oriya  Brahmans,  will  not 
receive  water  from  Telugu  or  Tamil  Brahmans,  whom 
they  call  Komma  Brahmans,  Komma  being  a  corrupt 
form  of  karma,  i.e.,  Brahmans  who  are  strict  in  the 
observance  of  the  various  karmas  (ceremonial  rites). 

The  Sollokhondia  Gaudos  are  agriculturists,  rear 
cattle  and  sheep,  and  sometimes  earn  a  living  by  driving 
carts.  They  have  gotras,  among  which  the  most 
common  are  Moiro  (peacock),  Nagasiro  (cobra),  and 
Kochimo  (tortoise).  Their  caste  council  is  presided 
over  by  a  hereditary  headman  called  Mahankudo,  who 
is  assisted  by  a  Bhollobaya,  Desiya,  and  Khorsodha  or 
Dhondia.  The  Khorsodha  is  the  caste  servant,  and  the 
Desiya  eats  with  a  delinquent  who  is  received  back  into 
the  fold  after  he  has  been  tried  by  the  council.  The 
Sollokhondias  are  for  the  most  part  Paramarthos,  i.e., 
followers  of  the  Chaitanya  form  of  Vaishnavism.  They 
show  a  partiality  for  the  worship  of  Jagannathaswami,  and 
various  Takuranis  (village  deities)  are  also  reverenced. 
Bairagis  are  the  caste  priests. 

The  marriage  prohibitions  among  the  Sollokhondias 
are  those  which  hold  good  among  many  Oriya  castes, 
but  marriage  with  the  maternal  uncle's  daughter  (mena- 
rikam)  is  sometimes  practiced.  On  the  evening  preced- 
ing the  marriage  day  (bibha),  after  a  feast,  the  bride 
and  bridegroom's  parties  go  to  a  temple,  taking  with 


\i.A 


2  75  GAUDO 

them  all  the  articles  which  are  to  be  used  in  connec- 
tion with  the  marriage  ceremonial.  On  their  way  back, 
seven  married  girls,  carrying  seven  vessels,  go  to 
seven  houses,  and  beg  water,  which  is  used  by  the 
bridal  couple  for  their  baths  on  the  following  day. 
Either  on  the  day  before  the  wedding  day,  or  on  the 
bibha  day,  the  bridegroom  is  shaved,  and  the  bride's 
nails  are  pared.  Sometimes  a  little  of  the  hair  of  her 
forehead  is  also  cut  off.  The  marriage  rites  do  not 
materially  differ  from  those  of  the  Bhondaris  {q.v.). 

The  dead,  excepting  young  children,  are  burnt.  The 
eldest  son  carries  a  pot  of  fire  to  the  burning  ground. 
On  the  day  following  cremation,  the  mourners  revisit 
the  spot,  and,  after  the  fire  has  been  extinguished,  make 
an  image  of  a  man  with  the  ashes  on  the  spot  where  the 
corpse  was  burnt.  To  this  image  food  is  offered. 
Seven  small  flags,  made  of  cloths  dyed  with  turmeric, 
are  stuck  into  the  shoulders,  abdomen,  legs,  and  head 
of  the  image.  A  fragment  of  calcined  bone  is  carried 
away,  put  into  a  lump  of  cow-dung,  and  kept  near  the 
house  of  the  deceased,  or  near  a  tank  (pond).  On  the 
ninth  day  after  death,  towards  evening,  a  bamboo,  split 
or  spliced  into  four  at  one  end,  is  set  up  in  the  ground 
outside  the  house  beneath  the  projecting  roof,  and  on  it 
a  pot  filled  with  water  is  placed.  On  the  spot  where 
the  deceased  breathed  his  last,  a  lamp  is  kept.  A  hole 
is  made  in  the  bottom  of  the  pot,  and,  after  food  has 
been  offered  to  the  dead  man,  the  pot  is  thrown  into  a 
tank.  On  the  tenth  day,  a  ceremony  is  performed  on  a 
tank  bund  (embankment).  The  piece  of  bone,  which 
has  been  preserved,  is  removed  from  its  cow-dung  case, 
and  food,  fruits,  etc.,  are  offered  to  it,  and  thrown  into 
the  tank.  The  bone  is  taken  home,  and  buried  near  the 
house,  food  being  offered  to  it  until  the  twelfth  day.  On 
ii-i8b 


GAULIAR  276 

the  eleventh  day,  all  the  agnates  bathe,  and  are  touched 
with  ghi  (clarified  butter)  as  a  sign  of  purification. 
Sradh  (memorial  service)  is  performed  once  a  year  on 
Sankaranthi  (Pongal)  day.  Food,  in  the  form  of  balls, 
is  placed  on  leaves  in  the  backyard,  and  offered  to  the 
ancestors.     Some  food  is  also  thrown  up  into  the  air. 

All  sections  of  the  Gaudos  have  adopted  infant 
marriage.  If  a  girl  fails  to  secure  a  husband  before  she 
attains  puberty,  she  has  to  go  through  a  form  of  marri- 
age called  dharma  bibha,  in  which  the  bridegroom  is, 
among  the  Sollokhondias,  represented  by  an  old  man, 
preferably  the  girl's  grandfather,  and  among  the  other 
sections  by  a  sahada  or  shadi  tree  {Streblus  asper)  or  an 
arrow  (khando). 

Like  various  other  Oriya  castes,  the  Gaudos  worship 
the  goddess  Lakshmi  on  Thursdays  in  the  month  of 
November,  which  are  called  Lakshmi  varam,  or  Laksh- 
mi's  day.  The  goddess  is  represented  by  a  basket 
filled  with  grain,  whereon  some  place  a  hair  ball,  which 
has  been  vomited  by  a  cow.  The  ball  is  called  gaya 
panghula,  and  is  usually  one  or  two  inches  in  diameter. 
The  owner  of  a  cow  which  has  vomited  such  a  ball 
regards  it  as  a  propitious  augury  for  the  prosperity 
of  his  family.  A  feast  is  held  on  the  day  on  which  the 
ball  is  vomited,  and,  after  the  ball  has  been  worshipped, 
it  is  carefully  wrapped  up,  and  kept  in  a  box,  in  which 
it  remains  till  it  is  required  for  further  worship.  Some 
people  believe  that  the  ball  continues  to  grow  year  by 
year,  and  regard  this  as  a  very  good  sign.  Bulls  are 
said  not  to  vomit  the  balls,  and  only  very  few  cows 
do  so. 

Gauliar.— A  synonym  for  Lingayat  Gollas,  or  Kan- 
nadiyans. 

Gaundala.— A  synonym  of  Gamalla. 


2  77  GAVARA 

Gauri. — A  division  of  Okkiliyan,  named  after  Gauri, 
Siva's  consort.  The  equivalent  Gaura  occurs  among 
the  Komatis,  and  Gauriga  among  the  Medaras.  One 
division  of  the  Kabberas  is  called  Gaurimakkalu,  or 
sons  of  Gauri, 

Gautama. — A  Brahmanical  gotra  adopted  by 
Bhatrazus,  Khatris,  and  Kondaiyamkottai  Maravans. 
Gautama  was  a  sage,  and  the  husband  of  Ahalya,  who 
was  seduced  by  Indra. 

Gavala  (cowry  shell  :  Cyprcea  arabica). — An  exoga- 
mous  sept  of  Madiga.  A  cotton  thread  string,  with 
cowries  strung  on  it,  is  one  of  the  insignia  of  a  Madiga 
Matangi. 

Gavalla.-^A  synonym  for  Gamalla. 

Gavara.— It  is  noted,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1891,  that  "this  caste  is  practically  confined  to  the 
Vizagapatam  district,  and  they  have  been  classed  as 
cultivators  on  the  strength  of  a  statement  to  that  effect 
in  the  District  Manual.  Gavara  is,  however,  an  impor- 
tant sub-division  of  Komatis  (traders),  and  these  Gavaras 
are  probably  in  reality  Gavara  Komatis.  These  are  so 
called  after  Gauri,  the  patron  deity  of  this  caste." 

For  the  following  note  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  C. 
Hayavadana  Rao.  A  tradition  is  current  that  the 
Gavaras  originally  lived  at  Vengi,  the  ancient  capital 
of  the  Eastern  Chalukyan  kings,  the  ruins  of  which  are 
near  Ellore  in  the  Godavari  district.  The  king  was 
desirous  of  seeing  one  of  their  women,  who  was  gosha 
(in  seclusion),  but  to  this  they  would  not  consent. 
Under  orders  from  the  king,  their  houses  were  set  on 
fire.  Some  of  them  bolted  themselves  in,  and  perished 
bravely,  while  others  locked  up  their  women  in  big 
boxes,  and  escaped  with  them  to  the  coast.  They 
immediately   set  sail,  and   landed  at  Pudimadaka  in  the 


GAVARA  278 

Anakapalli  taluk.  Thence  they  marched  as  far  as 
Kondakirla,  near  which  they  founded  the  village  of 
Wadapalli  or  Wodapalli,  meaning  the  village  of  the 
people  who  came  in  boats.  They  then  built  another 
village  called  Gavarla  Anakapalli.  They  received  an 
invitation  from  king  Payaka  Rao,  the  founder  of  Anaka- 
palli, and,  moving  northwards,  established  themselves 
at  what  is  now  known  as  Gavarapeta  in  the  town  of 
Anakapalli.  They  began  the  foundation  of  the  village 
auspiciously  by  consecrating  and  planting  the  sandra 
karra  {Acacia  stmdra),  which  is  not  affected  by  '  white- 
ants,'  instead  of  the  pala  karra  {Mimusops  kexand?'a), 
which  is  generally  used  for  this  purpose.  Consequently, 
Anakapalli  has  always  flourished. 

The  Gavaras  speak  Telugu,  and,  like  other  Telugu 
castes,  have  various  exogamous  septs  or  intiperulu. 

Girls  are  married  either  before  or  after  puberty.  The 
custom  of  menarikam,  by  which  a  man  marries  his 
maternal  uncle's  daughter,  is  in  force,  and  it  is  said  that 
he  may  also  marry  his  sister's  daughter.  The  re- 
marriage of  widows  is  permitted,  and  a  woman  who  has 
had  seven  husbands  is  known  as  Beththamma,  and  is 
much  respected. 

Some  Gavaras  are  Vaishnavites,  and  others  Saivites, 
but  difference  in  religion  is  no  bar  to  intermarriage. 
Both  sections  worship  the  village  deities,  to  whom 
animal  sacrifices  are  offered.  The  Vaishnavites  show 
special  reverence  to  Jagganathaswami  of  Orissa,  whose 
shrine  is  visited  by  some,  while  others  take  vows  in  the 
name  of  this  god.  On  the  day  on  which  the  car  festival 
is  celebrated  at  Puri,  local  car  festivals  are  held  in 
Gavara  villages,  and  women  carry  out  the  performance 
of  their  vows.  A  woman,  for  example,  who  is  under  a 
vow,  in   order  that   she  may  be  cured  of  illness  or  bear 


~1 


2  79  GAZULA 

children,  takes  a  big  pot  of  water,  and,  placing  it  on 
her  head,  dances  frantically  before  the  god,  through 
whose  influence  the  water,  which  rises  out  of  the  pot, 
falls  back  into  it,  instead  of  being  spilt. 

The  Vaishnavites  are  burnt,  and  the  Saivites  buried 
in  a  sitting  posture.  The  usual  chinna  (little)  and 
pedda  rozu  (big  day)  death  ceremonies  are  performed. 

Men  wear  a  gold  bangle  on  the  left  wrist,  and 
another  on  the  right  arm.  Women  wear  a  silver  bangle 
on  the  right  wrist,  and  a  bracelet  of  real  or  imitation 
coral,  which  is  first  worn  at  the  time  of  marriage,  on 
the  left  wrist.  They  throw  the  end  of  their  body-cloth 
over  the  left  shoulder.  They  do  not,  like  women  of 
other  non-Brahman  castes  in  the  Vizagapatam  district, 
smoke  cigars. 

The  original  occupation  of  the  caste  is  said  to  have 
been  trading,  and  this  may  account  for  the  number  of 
exogamous  septs  which  are  named  after  Settis  (traders). 
At  the  present  day,  the  Gavaras  are  agriculturists,  and 
they  have  the  reputation  of  being  very  hard-working, 
and  among  the  best  agriculturists  in  the  Vizagapatam 
district.  The  women  travel  long  distances  in  order  to 
sell  vegetables,  milk,  curds,  and  other  produce. 

The  caste  titles  are  Anna,  Ayya,  and  occasionally 
Nayudu. 

Gaya  (cow). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kondra. 

Gayinta. — Recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1 90 1,  as  a  small  caste  of  hill  cultivators,  speaking  Oriya 
and  Telugu.  The  name  is  said  to  be  derived  from  gayinti, 
an  iron  digging  implement.  Gayinta  is  reported  to  be 
the  same  as  Gaintia,  a  name  of  Enetis  or  Entamaras. 

Gazula.— Gazula  or  Gazul  (glass  bangle)  has  been 
recorded  as  a  sub-division  of  Balija,  Kapu,  and  Toreya. 
The  Gazula  Balijas  make  glass  bangles.     The  Toreyas 


GEDALA  280 

have  a  tradition  that  they  originated  from  the  bangles 
of  Machyagandhi,  the  daughter  of  a  fisherman  on 
the  Jumna,  who  was  married  to  king  Shantanu  of 
Hastinapur. 

Gedala  (buffaloes). — A  sept  of  Bonthuk  Savara. 

Geddam  (beard). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya  and 
Padma  Sale. 

Gejjala  (bells  tied  to  the  legs  while  dancing). — An 
exogamous  sept  of  Balija  and  Korava. 

Gejjegara.^A  sub-caste  of  the  Canarese  Panchalas. 
They  are  described,  in  the  Mysore  Census  Report,  1891, 
as  makers  of  small  round  bells  (gungru),  which  are  used 
for  decorating  the  head  or  neck  of  bullocks,  and  tied  by 
dancing-girls  round  their  ankles  when  dancing. 

Genneru  (sweet-scented  oleander). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Boya. 

Gentoo.— Gentoo  or  Jentu,  as  returned  at  times  of 
census,  is  stated  to  be  a  general  term  applied  to  Balijas 
and  Telugu  speaking  Sudras  generally.  The  word  is 
said  by  Yule  and  Burnell  *  to  be  "a  corruption  of  the 
Portuguese  Gentio,  a  gentile  or  heathen,  which  they 
applied  to  the  Hindus  in  contradistinction  to  the  Moros 
or  Moors,  i.e.,  Mahomedans.  The  reason  w^hy  the  term 
became  specifically  applied  to  the  Telugu  people  is 
probably  because,  when  the  Portuguese  arrived,  the 
Telugu  monarchy  of  Vijayanagar  was  dominant  over  a 
great  part  of  the  peninsula."  In  a  letter  wTitten  from 
prison  to  Sir  Philip  Francis,  Rajah  Nuncomar  referred 
to  the  fact  that  "  among  the  English  gentry,  Armenians, 
Moores  and  Gentoos,  few  there  is  who  is  not  against 
me."  Gentoo  still  survives  as  a  caste  name  in  the 
Madras  Quarterly  Civil  List  (1906). 


*  riobson-Jobson. 


28 I  GODAGULA 

Ghair-i-Mahdi. — The  name,  meaning  without 
Mahdi,  of  a  sect  of  Muhammadans,  who  affirm  that  the 
Imam  Mahdi  has  come  and  gone,  while  orthodox  Muham- 
madans hold  that  he  is  yet  to  come. 

Ghasi. — See  Haddi. 

Ghontoro. — A  small  caste  of  Oriyas,  who  manufac- 
ture brass  and  bell-metal  rings  and  bangles  for  the  hill 
people.  The  name  is  derived  from  ghonto,  a  bell-metal 
plate. 

Gidda  (vulture). — A  sept  of  Poroja. 

Gikkili  (rattle). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Giri  Razu. — A  contraction  of  Puragiri  Razu  or 
Puragiri  Kshatriya,  by  which  names  some  Perikes  style 
themselves. 

Goa.— A  sub-division  of  Kudubis,  who  are  said  to 
have  emigrated  from  Goa  to  South  Canara. 

Go  Brahman. — A  name  given  to  Brahmans  by 
Kammalans,  who  style  themselves  Visva  Brahmans. 

Godagula.— The  Godagulas  are  recorded,  in  the 
Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  as  being  the  same  as  the 
Gudalas,  who  are  a  Telugu  caste  of  basket-makers. 
According  to  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana  Rao,  to  whom  I  am 
indebted  for  the  following  note,  they  are  a  distinct  caste, 
speaking  Oriya,  and  sometimes  calling  themselves  Odde 
(Oriya)  Medara.  Like  the  Medaras,  they  work  in  split 
bamboo,  and  make  sundry  articles  which  are  not  made 
by  other  castes  who  work  in  this  medium.  Unlike  the 
Gudalas,  they  are  a  polluting  class,  and  have  the  follow- 
ing legend  to  account  for  their  social  degradation.  God 
told  them  to  make  winnows  and  other  articles  for  divine 
worship.  This,  they  did,  and,  after  they  had  delivered 
them,  they  attended  a  marriage  feast,  at  which  they  eat 
flesh  and  drank  liquor.  On  their  return,  God  called  on 
them  to  vomit  the  food  which  they  had  partaken  of,  and 


GODAGULA  282 

they  accordingly  brought  up  the  meat  and  drink,  whereon 
God  cursed  them,  saying  "  Begone,  you  have  eaten  for- 
bidden food."     They  craved   for  forgiveness,   but  were 
told  in  future  to    earn  their   living  as  bamboo-workers. 
The  custom  of  menarikam,   according  to  which  a  man 
should  marry  his  maternal  uncle's  daughter,  is  so  rigidly 
enforced  that,  if  the  uncle  refuses  to  give  his  daughter 
in  marriage,  the  man  has  a  right  to  carry  her  off,  and 
then  pay  a  fine,    the  amount  of  which  is  fixed  by  the 
caste  council.     A  portion  thereof  is  given  to  the  girl's 
parents,  and  the  remainder  spent  on  a  caste  feast.     If 
the    maternal    uncle    has    no    daughter,    a    man    may, 
according  to  the  eduru  (or  reversed)  menarikam  custom, 
marry  his  paternal  aunt's  daughter.     Six  months  before 
the     marriage     ceremony     takes     place,     the     pasupu 
(turmeric)  ceremony   is  performed.     The  bridegroom's 
family  pay  six  rupees  to  the  bride's  family,  to  provide 
the  girl  with  turmeric,   wherewith  she   adorns  herself. 
On  the  day  fixed  for  the  wedding,  the  parents  of  the 
bridegroom  go  with  a  few  of  the  elders  to  the  bride's 
house,  and  couple  the  request  to  take  away  the  girl  with 
payment  of  nine  rupees  and  a  new  cloth.     Of  the  money 
thus  given,  eight  rupees  go  to  the  bride's  parents,  and 
the  remainder   to  the  caste.     The  bride  is  conducted 
to  the  home  of  the  bridegroom,  who  meets  her  at  the 
pandal  (booth)  erected  in  front  of  his  house.     They  are 
bathed  with  turmeric  water,  and  sacred  threads  are  put 
on  their  shoulders  by  the   Kula  Maistri  who  officiates 
as    priest.     The   couple   then    play   with   seven   cowry 
iyCyprcBa  arabicd)  shells,  and,  if  the  shells  fall  with  the 
slit  downwards,  the  bride  is  said  to  have  won  ;  other- 
wise the  bridegroom  is  the  winner.     This  is  followed  by 
the  mudu  akula  homam,  or  sacrifice  of  three  leaves.     A 
new  pot,  containing  a  lighted  wick,  is  placed  before  the 


?83  GODA-POOSE 

couple.  On  it  are  thrown  leaves  of  the  rayi  aku  {Ficus 
religiosa),  marri  aku  {Ficus  Bengalensis),  and  juvvi  aku 
{Ficus  Tsield).  The  Kula  Maistri  of  the  bridegroom's 
party  spreads  out  his  right  hand  over  the  mouth  of  the 
pot.  On  it  the  bride  places  her  hand.  The  bride- 
groom then  places  his  hand  on  hers,  and  the  Kula 
Maistri  of  the  bride's  village  puts  his  hand  on  that  of 
the  brideofroom.  The  elders  then  call  out  in  a  loud 
voice  "Know,  caste  people  of  Vaddadi  Madugula ; 
know,  caste  people  of  Kimedi ;  know,  caste  people  of 
Gunupuram  and  Godairi  ;  know,  caste  people  of  all  the 
twelve  countries,  that  this  man  and  woman  have  become 
husband  and  wife,  and  that  the  elders  have  ratified 
the  ceremony."  The  contracting  couple  then  throw 
rice  over  each  other.  On  the  morning  of  the  following 
day,  the  saragatha  ceremony  is  performed.  The  bride- 
groom's party  repair  to  the  bank  of  the  local  stream, 
where  they  are  met  by  the  caste  people,  who  are 
presented  with  betel,  a  cheroot,  and  a  pot  of  jaggery 
(crude  sugar)  water  as  cool  drink.  The  sacred  threads 
worn  by  the  bride  and  bridegroom  are  removed  at  the 
conclusion  of  the  marriage  ceremonies.  The  remarriage 
of  widows  is  permitted,  and  a  younger  brother  may 
marry  the  widow  of  an  elder  brother,  or  vice  versa. 
Divorce  is  also  allowed,  and  a  divorcee  may  remarry. 
Her  new  husband  has  to  pay  a  sum  of  money,  a  portion 
of  which  goes  to  the  first  husband,  while  the  remainder 
is  devoted  to  a  caste  feast.  The  dead  are  burnt,  and  the 
chinna  rozu  (little  day)  death  ceremony  is  observed. 

Goda-jati  (wall  people). — A  sub-division  of  Kammas. 
The  name  has  reference  to  a  deadly  struggle  at  Gandi- 
kota,  in  which  some  escaped  by  hiding  behind  a  wall, 

Goda-poose  (wall  polishing). — An  exogamous  sept 
of  Tsakala. 


GODARI  284 

Godari. — Recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1901,  as  Tclugu  leather-workers  in  Ganjam  and  Vizaga- 
patam.  They  are  stated,  in  the  Vizagapatam  Manual, 
to  make  and  sell  slippers  in  that  district.  Godari  is,  I 
gather,  a  synonym  of  Madiga,  and  not  a  separate  caste. 

Goddali  (spade  or  axe). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Odde  and  Panta  Reddi. 

Godomalia  (belonging  to,  or  a  group  of  forts). — A 
sub-division  of  Bhondari,  the  members  of  which  act  as 
barbers  to  Rajahs  who  reside  in  forts. 

Golaka.— Recorded  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1 90 1,  as  a  name  meaning  bastard,  and  clubbed  with  the 
Mollis,  or  temple  servants  in  South  Canara  descended 
from  dancing-girls.  In  the  Mysore  Census  Report, 
1901,  it  is  defined  as  a  term  applied  to  the  children  of 
Brahmans  by  Malerus,  or  temple  servants. 

Goli  {Poi'tulaca  oleracea :  a  pot-herb). — An  exoga- 
mous sept  of  Cauda. 

Golkonda. — A  sub-division  of  Tsakala. 

Golla.— -"The  Gollas,"  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  writes,* 
"  are  the  great  pastoral  caste  of  the  Telugu  people. 
The  traditions  of  the  caste  give  a  descent  from  the  god 
Krishna,  whose  sportings  with  the  milk  maids  play  a 
prominent  part  in  Hindu  mythology.  The  hereditary 
occupation  of  the  Gollas  is  tending  sheep  and  cattle, 
and  selling  milk,  but  many  of  them  have  now  acquired 
lands  and  are  engaged  in  farming,  and  some  are  in 
Government  service.  They  are  quiet,  inoffensive,  and 
comparatively  honest.  In  the  time  of  the  Nabobs,  this 
last  characteristic  secured  to  them  the  privilege  of 
guarding  and  carrying  treasure,  and  one  sub-division, 
Bokhasa  Gollas,  owes  its  origin  to  this  service.     Even 


*  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district. 


285  GOLLA 

now  those  who  are  employed  In  packing  and  lifting  bags 
of  money  in  the  district  treasuries  are  called  Gollas, 
though  they  belong  to  other  castes.  As  a  fact  they  do 
hold  a  respectable  position,  and,  though  poor,  are  not 
looked  down  upon,  for  they  tend  the  sacred  cow.  Some- 
times they  assert  a  claim  to  be  regarded  as  representatives 
of  the  Go-Vaisya  division.  Their  title  is  Mandadi,  but 
it  is  not  commonly  used."  Mr.  Stuart  writes  further  * 
that  "the  social  status  of  the  Gollas  is  fairly  high,  for 
they  are  allowed  to  mix  freely  with  the  Kapu,  Kamma, 
and  Balija  castes,  and  the  Brahmans  will  take  buttermilk 
from  their  hands.  They  employ  Satanis  as  their  priests. 
In  their  ceremonies  there  is  not  much  difference  between 
them  and  the  Kapus.  The  name  Golla  is  generally 
supposed  to  be  a  shortened  form  of  Sanskrit  Gopala  " 
(protector  of  cows).  The  Gollas  also  call  themselves 
Konanulu,  or  Konarlu,  and,  like  the  Tamil  Idaiyans, 
sometimes  have  the  title  Konar.  Other  titles  in  common 
use  are  Anna,  Ayya,  and  occasionally  Nayudu. 

In  the  Manual  of  the  Kurnool  district,  it  is  stated 
that  the  Gollas  "keep  sheep,  and  sell  milk  and  ghl 
(clarified  butter).  They  eat  and  mess  with  the  Balijas, 
and  other  high  caste  Sudras  ;  but,  unlike  their  brethren 
of  the  south,  in  the  matter  of  street  processions,  they 
are  classed  with  goldsmiths,  or  the  left-hand  section. 
When  any  one  is  reduced  to  poverty,  the  others  give 
him  each  a  sheep,  and  restore  his  flock.  They  occa- 
sionally dedicate  their  girls  to  Venkatesa  as  Basavis  " 
(prostitutes). 

It  is  noted,  in  the  Gazetteer  of  the  Vizagapatam 
district,  that  "  in  the  country  round  Madgole,  legends 
are  still  recounted  of  a  line  of  local  Golla  chieftains,  who 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1891. 


GOLLA  286 

gave  their  name  to  Golgonda,  and  built  the  forts,  of 
which  traces  still  survive  in  those  parts  ".  Each  Telugu 
New  Year's  day,  it  is  stated,  Gollas  come  across  from 
Godavari,  and  go  round  the  Golla  villages,  reciting  the 
names  of  the  progenitors  of  the  fallen  line,  and  exhibiting 
paintings  illustrative  of  their  overthrow. 

**  At  Vajragada  (diamond  fort)  are  the  ruins  of  a  very- 
large  fortress,  and  local  tradition  gives  the  names  of 
seven  forts,  by  which  it  was  once  defended.  These  are 
said  to  have  been  constructed  by  the  Golla  kings.  A 
tale  is  told  of  their  having  kidnapped  a  daughter  of  the 
ruler  of  Madgole,  and  held  out  here  against  his  attacks 
for  months,  until  they  were  betrayed  by  a  woman  of  their 
own  caste,  who  showed  the  enemy  how  to  cut  off  their 
water-supply.  They  then  slew  their  womenkind,  says 
the  story,  dashed  out  against  the  besiegers,  and  fell  to  a 
man,  fighting  to  the  last." 

Concerning  the  Gollas  of  Mysore,  I  gather  *  that 
"there  are  two  main  divisions  in  this  caste,  viz.,  Uru 
(village)  and  Kadu  (forest).  The  two  neither  intermarry, 
nor  eat  together.  A  section  of  the  Gollas,  by  guarding 
treasure  while  on  transit,  have  earned  the  name  of 
Dhanapala.  In  fact,  one  of  the  menial  offices  in 
Government  treasuries  at  the  present  day  is  that  of 
Golla.  The  caste  worships  Krishna,  who  was  born  in 
this  caste.  The  Kadu  Gollas  are  said  to  have  originally 
immigrated  from  Northern  India,  and  are  still  a  nomadic 
tribe,  living  in  thatched  huts  outside  the  villages.  Some 
of  their  social  customs  are  akin  to  those  of  the  Kadu 
Kurubas.  It  is  said  that,  on  the  occurrence  of  a  child- 
birth, the  mother  with  the  babe  remains  unattended  in  a 
small  shed  outside  the  village  from  seven  to  thirty  days, 


♦  Mysore  Census  Report,  1901. 


n 


R  y.B* 


i-OlA.A    lUdCI.KR. 


28;  GOLLA 

when  she  is  taken  back  to  her  home.  In  the  event  of 
her  illness,  none  of  the  caste  will  attend  on  her,  but 
a  Nayak  (Beda)  woman  is  engaged  to  do  so.  Marriages 
among  them  are  likewise  performed  in  a  temporary  shed 
erected  outside  the  village,  and  the  attendant  festivities 
continue  for  five  days,  when  the  marriage  couple  are 
brought  into  the  village.  The  Golla  is  allowed  to  marry 
as  many  wives  as  he  likes,  and  puberty  is  no  bar  to 
marriage.  They  eat  flesh,  and  drink  spirituous  liquors. 
The  wife  cannot  be  divorced  except  for  adultery.  Their 
females  do  not  wear  the  bodice  (ravike)  usually  put  on 
by  the  women  of  the  country.  Nor  do  they,  in  their 
widowhood,  remove  or  break  the  glass  bangles  worn  at 
the  wrists,  as  is  done  in  other  castes.  But  widows  are 
not  allowed  to  remarry.  Only  98  persons  have  returned 
gotras,  the  chief  being  Yadava,  Karadi,  Atreya,  and 
Amswasa.  The  first  two  are  really  sub-sects,  while 
Atreya  is  the  name  of  a  Brahmin  Rishi."  Yadava,  or 
descendant  of  King  Yadu,  from  whom  Krishna  was 
descended,  also  occurs  as  a  synonym  for  Idaiyan,  the 
great  Tamil  shepherd  class. 

Concerning  the  Adivi,  or  forest  Gollas,  Mr. 
F.  Fawcett  writes  as  follows.*  "  The  people  of  every 
house  in  the  village  let  loose  a  sheep,  to  wander  whither 
it  will,  as  a  sort  of  perpetual  scapegoat.  When  a  woman 
feels  the  first  pains  of  labour,  she  is  turned  out  of  the 
village  into  a  little  leaf  or  mat  hut  about  two  hundred 
yards  away.  In  this  hut  she  must  bring  forth  her 
offspring  unaided,  unless  a  midwife  can  be  called  in  to  be 
with  her  before  the  child  is  born.  For  ninety  days  the 
woman  lives  in  the  hut  by  herself  If  anyone  touches 
her,  he  or  she  is,  like  the  woman,  outcasted,  and  turned 


*  Journ.  Anlh.  Soc,  Bombay,  i,  iJ 


GOLLA  288 

out  of  the  village  for  three  months.  The  woman's 
husband  generally  makes  a  little  hut  about  fifty  yards  from 
her,  and  watches  over  her  ;  but  he  mciy  not  go  near  her  on 
pain  of  being  outcasted  for  three  months.  Food  is 
placed  on  the  ground  near  the  woman's  hut,  and  she 
takes  it.  On  the  fourth  day  after  parturition,  a  woman 
of  the  village  goes  to  her,  and  pours  water  on  her,  but 
she  must  not  come  in  contact  with  her.  On  the  fifth 
day,  the  village  people  clear  of  stones  and  thorny  bushes 
a  little  bit  of  ground  about  ten  yards  on  the  village  side 
of  the  hut,  and  to  this  place  the  woman  removes  her  hut. 
No  one  can  do  it  for  her,  or  help  her.  On  the  ninth, 
fifteenth,  and  thirtieth  days,  she  removes  the  hut  in  the 
same  way  nearer  to  the  village,  and,  again,  once  in  each 
of  the  two  following  months.  On  the  ninetieth  day,  the 
headman  of  the  village  calls  the  woman  to  come  out 
of  the  hut.  The  dhobi  (washerman)  then  washes  her 
clothes.  She  puts  on  clean  clothes,  and  ithe  headman 
takes  her  to  the  temple  of  their  tutelary  deity  Junjappa, 
where  the  caste  pujari  breaks  cocoanuts,  and  then  accom- 
panies her  to  her  house,  where  a  purificatory  ceremony 
is  performed.  Junjappa,  it  is  said,  takes  good  care  of 
the  mother  and  child,  so  that  death  is  said  to  be 
unknown." 

It  is  stated  *  that,  in  the  Chitaldrug  district  of 
Mysore,  "  the  wife  of  the  eldest  son  in  every  family  is 
not  permitted  to  clean  herself  with  water  after  obeying 
the  calls  of  nature.  It  is  an  article  of  their  belief  that 
their  flocks  will  otherwise  not  prosper." 

Writing  in  the  early  part  of  the  last  century  about  the 
Gollas,  Buchanan  informs  us  that  **  this  caste  has  a  parti- 
cular duty,  the  transporting  of  money,  both  belonging 


•  Mysore  Census  Report,  1891. 


289  GOLLA 

to  the  public  and  to  individuals.  It  is  said  that  they 
may  be  safely  intrusted  with  any  sum  ;  for,  each  man 
carrying  a  certain  value,  they  travel  in  bodies  numerous 
in  proportion  to  the  sum  put  under  their  charge ;  and 
they  consider  themselves  bound  in  honour  to  die  in 
defence  of  their  trust.  Of  course,  they  defend  them- 
selves vigorously,  and  are  all  armed  ;  so  that  robbers 
never  venture  to  attack  them.  They  have  hereditary 
chiefs  called  Gotugaru,  who  with  the  usual  council  settle 
all  disputes,  and  punish  all  transgressions  against  the 
rules  of  caste.  The  most  flagrant  is  the  embezzlement 
of  money  entrusted  to  their  care.  On  this  crime  being 
proved  against  any  of  the  caste,  the  Gotugaru  applies  to 
Amildar,  or  civil  magistrate,  and  having  obtained  his 
leave,  immediately  causes  the  delinquent  to  be  shot. 
Smaller  offences  are  atoned  for  by  the  guilty  person 
Qfivinsf  an  entertainment." 

The  Golla  caste   has   many  sub-divisions,  of  which 
the  following  are  examples  : — 

Erra  or  Yerra  (red).  Said  to  be  the  descendants 
of  a  Brahman  by  a  Golla  woman. 

Ala  or  Mekala,  who  tend  sheep  and  goats. 

Puja  or  Puni. 

Gangeddu,  who  exhibit  performing  bulls. 

Gauda,  who,  in  Vizagapatam,  visit  the  western 
part  of  the  district  during  the  summer  months,  and 
settle  outside  the  villages.  They  tend  their  herds,  and 
sell  milk  and  curds  to  the  villagers. 

Kama. 

Pakanati. 

Racha  (royal). 

Peddeti.     Mostly  beggars,  and  considered  low  in 
the    social   scale,   though   when    questioned    concerning 
themselves  they  say  they  are  Yerra  Gollas. 
n-19 


GOLLA  290 

At  the  census,  1901,  the  following  were  returned  as 
sub-castes  of  the  Gollas  : — 

Dayyalakulam  (wrestlers),  Perike  Muggalu  or 
Mushti  Golla  (beggars  and  exorcists),  Podapotula  (who 
beg  from  Gollas),  Gavadi,  and  Vadugayan,  a  Tamil 
synonym  for  Gollas  in  Tinnevelly.  Another  Tamil 
synonym  for  Golla  is  Bokhisha  Vadugar  (treasury 
northerners).  Golla  has  been  given  as  a  sub-division  of 
Dasaris  and  Chakkiliyans,  and  Golla  Woddar  (Odde)  as 
a  synonym  of  a  thief  class  in  the  Telugu  country.  In  a 
village  near  Dummagudem  in  the  Godavari  district,  the 
Rev.  J.  Cain  writes,  *  are  "  a  few  families  of  Basava 
Gollalu.  I  find  they  are  really  Kois,  whose  grandfathers 
had  a  quarrel  with,  and  separated  from,  their  neighbours. 
Some  of  the  present  members  of  the  families  are  anxious 
to  be  re-admitted  to  the  society  and  privileges  of  the 
neighbouring  Kois.  The  word  Basava  is  commonly 
said  to  be  derived  from  bhasha,  a  language,  and  the 
Gollas  of  this  class  are  said  to  have  been  so  called  in 
consequence  of  their  speaking  a  different  language  from 
the  rest  of  the  Gollas." 

Like  many  other  Telugu  castes,  the  Gollas  have 
exogamous  septs  or  intiperu,  and  gotras.  As  examples 
of  the  former,  the  following  may  be  quoted  : — 

Kokala,  woman's  cloth. 

Katari,  dagger. 

Mugi,  dumb. 

Nakkala,  jackal. 

Saddikudu,  cold  rice  or  food. 

Sevala,  service. 

UUipoyala,  onions. 

Vankayala,      brinjal      {Solatium 
melongena). 


Agni,  fire. 
Avula,  cows. 
Chinthala,  tamarind. 
Chevvula,  ears. 
Gundala,  stones. 
Gurram,  horse. 
Gorrela,  sheep. 
Gorantla,     henna     {Law- 
sonia  alba). 


*Ind.  Ant.  VIII,   1S79. 


291  GOLLA 

Some  of  these  sept  names  occur  among  other  classes, 
as  follows : — 

Avula,  Balijas,  Kapus,  and  Yerukalas. 

Chinthala,  Devangas,  Komatis,  Malas,  and  Madigas. 

Gorantla,  Padma  Sales. 

Gorrela,  Kammas,  Kapus. 

Gurram,  Malas,  Padma  Sales,  and  Togatas. 

Nakkala,  Kattu  Marathis,  and  Yanadis. 

Those  who  belong  to  the  Raghindala  {Fiats  religiosa) 
gotra  are  not  allowed  to  use  the  leaves  of  the  sacred  fig 
or  pipal  tree  as  plates  for  their  food.  Members  of  the 
Palavili  gotra  never  construct  palavili,  or  small  booths, 
inside  the  house  for  the  purpose  of  worship.  Those 
who  belong  to  the  Akshathayya  gotra  are  said  to  avoid 
rice  coloured  with  turmeric  or  other  powder  (akshantalu). 
Members  of  the  Kommi,  Jammi,  and  Mushti  gotras 
avoid  using  the  kommi  tree,  Prosopis  spicigera,  and 
Strychnos  Nux-vomica  respectively. 

Of  the  various  sub-divisions,  the  Puja  Gollas  claim 
superiority  over  the  others.  Their  origin  is  traced  to 
Simhadri  Raju,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  descend- 
ant of  Yayathi  Raja  of  the  Mahabaratha.  Yayathi  had 
six  sons,  the  last  of  whom  had  a  son  named  Kariyavala, 
whose  descendants  were  as  follows  : — 

Penubothi  (his  son). 

Avula  Amurthammayya, 

I 
Kalugothi  Ganganna. 

I 
Oli  Raju. 

I  . 

Simhadri  Raju. 


1 \  \                                   I    . 

Peddi                      Erunuka  Noranoka                      Poll 

Raju.                          Raju.  Raju.                        Raju, 

The  Gollas  are   believed  to  be  descended  from  the 

four  last  kings. 
11-19  B 


GOLLA  292 

According  to  another  legend,  there  were  five 
brothers,  named  PoU  Raju,  Erranoku  Raju,  Katama 
Raju,  Peddi  Raju,  and  Errayya  Raju,  who  lived  at 
Yellamanchili,  which,  as  well  as  Sarvasiddhi,  they  built. 
The  Rajas  of  Nellore  advanced  against  them,  and  killed 
them,  with  all  their  sheep,  in  battle.  On  this,  Janaga- 
mayya,  the  son  of  Peddi  Raju,  who  escaped  the 
general  slaughter,  made  up  his  mind  to  go  to  Kasi 
(Benares),  and  offer  oblations  to  his  dead  father  and 
uncles.  This  he  did,  and.  the  gods  were  so  pleased  with 
him  that  they  transported  him  in  the  air  to  his  native 
place.  He  was  followed  by  three  persons,  viz.,  (i) 
Kulagentadu,  whose  descendants  now  recite  the  names 
of  the  progenitors  of  the  caste ;  (2)  Podapottu  (or 
juggler),  whose  descendants  carry  metal  bells,  sing,  and 
produce  snakes  by  magic ;  (3)  Thevasiyadu,  whose 
descendants  paint  the  events  which  led  to  the  destruction 
of  the  Golla  royalty  on  large  cloths,  and  exhibit  them  to 
the  Gollas  once  a  year.  At  the  time  when  Janagamayya 
was  translated  to  heaven,  they  asked  him  how  they  were 
to  earn  their  living,  and  he  advised  them  to  perform  the 
duties  indicated,  and  beg  from  the  caste.  Even  at  the 
present  day,  their  descendants  go  round  the  country 
once  a  year,  after  the  Telugu  New  Year's  day,  and 
collect  their  dues  from  Golla  villages. 

By  religion  the  Gollas  are  both  Vallamulu  (Vaishna- 
vites)  and  Striramanthulu  (Saivites),  between  whom 
marriage  is  permissible.  They  belong  to  the  group  of 
castes  who  take  part  in  the  worship  of  Ankamma.  A 
special  feature  of  their  worship  is  that  they  place  in  a 
bamboo  or  rattan  box  three  or  four  long  whip-like  ropes 
made  of  cotton  or  Agave  fibre,  along  with  swords, 
sandals  and  idols.  The  ropes  are  called  Virathadlu,  or 
heroes'  ropes.     The  contents  of  the  box  are  set  beneath 


(lOLLA  (iAXCA   .MU(U;U. 


293  GOLLA 

a  booth  made  of  split  bamboo  (palavili),  and  decorated 
with  mango  leaves,  and  flowers.  There  also  is  placed  a 
pot  containing  several  smaller  pots,  cowry  shells,  metal 
and  earthenware  sandals,  and  the  image  of  a  bull  called 
bolli-avu  (bull  idol).  When  not  required  for  the  purpose 
of  worship,  the  idols  are  hung  up  in  a  room,  which  may 
not  be  entered  by  any  one  under  pollution. 

Some  Kama  Gollas  earn  their  living  by  selling 
poultry,  or  by  going  about  the  country  carrying  on  their 
head  a  small  box  containing  idols  and  Virathadlu. 
Placing  this  at  the  end  of  a  street,  they  do  puja  (worship) 
before  it,  and  walk  up  and  down  with  a  rope,  with 
which  they  flagellate  themselves.  As  they  carry  the 
gods  (Devarlu)  about,  these  people  are  called  Devara 
vallu. 

As  the  Gollas  belong  to  the  left-hand  section,  the 
Pedda  Golla,  or  headman,  has  only  a  Madiga  as  his 
assistant. 

At  the  marriages  of  Mutrachas,  Madigas,  and  some 
other  classes,  a  form  of  worship  called  Virala  puja  is 
performed  with  the  object  of  propitiating  heroes  or 
ancestors  (vh-alu).  A  kindred  ceremony,  called  Ganga 
puja,  is  carried  out  by  the  Gollas,  the  expenses  of  which 
amount  to  about  a  hundred  rupees.  This  Ganga  worship 
lasts  over  three  days,  during  which  nine  patterns,  called 
muggu,  are  drawn  on  the  floor  in  five  colours,  and 
represent  dhamarapadmam  (lotus  flower),  palavili 
(booth),  sulalu  (tridents),  sesha  panpu  (serpent's  play  ?), 
alugula  simhasanam  (throne  of  Sakti),  Viradu  perantalu 
(hero  and  his  wife),  Ranivasam  (Rani's  palace),  bonala 
(food),  and  Ganga.  The  last  is  a  female  figure,  and 
probably  represents  Ganga,  the  goddess  of  water,  though 
one  of  the  Golla  ancestors  was  named  Gangi  Raju. 
The    patterns   must    be    drawn   by   Madigas  or   Malas. 


GOLLA  294 

Three  Pambalas,  or  Madigas  skilled  in  this  work,  and 
in  reciting  the  stories  of  various  gods  and  goddesses, 
commence  their  work  on  the  afternoon  of  the  third  day, 
and  use  white  powder  (rice  flour),  and  powders  coloured 
yellow  (turmeric),  red  (turmeric  and  chunam),  green 
(leaves  of  Cassia  auiHculata),  and  black  (charred  rice 
husk).  On  an  occasion  when  my  assistant  was  present, 
the  designs  were  drawn  on  the  floor  of  the  courtyard 
of  the  house,  which  was  roofed  over.  During  the 
preparation  of  the  designs,  people  were  excluded  from 
the  yard,  as  some  ill-luck,  especially  an  attack  of  fever, 
would  befall  more  particularly  boys  and  those  of 
feeble  mind,  if  they  caught  sight  of  the  muggu  before 
the  drishti  thiyadam,  or  ceremony  for  removing  the  evil 
eye  has  been  performed.  Near  the  head  of  the  figure 
of  Ganga,  when  completed,  was  placed  an  old  bamboo 
box,  regarded  as  a  god,  containing  idols,  ropes,  betel, 
flowers,  and  small  swords.  Close  to  the  box,  and  on  the 
right  side  of  the  figure,  an  earthen  tray,  containing  a 
lighted  wick  fed  with  ghi  (clarified  butter)  was  set.  On 
the  left  side  were  deposited  a  kalasam  (brass  vessel) 
representing  Siva,  a  row  of  chembus  (vessels)  called 
bonalu  (food  vessels),  and  a  small  empty  box  tied  up 
in  a  cloth  dyed  with  turmeric,  and  called  Brammayya. 
Between  these  articles  and  the  figure,  a  sword  was  laid. 
Several  heaps  of  food  were  piled  up  on  the  figure,  and 
masses  of  rice  placed  near  the  head  and  feet.  In  addi- 
tion, a  conical  mass  of  food  was  heaped  up  on  the  right  side 
of  the  figure,  and  cakes  were  stuck  into  it.  All  round 
this  were  placed  smaller  conical  piles  of  food,  into  which 
broomsticks  decorated  with  betel  leaves  were  thrust. 
Masses  of  food,  scooped  out  and  converted  into  lamps, 
were  arranged  in  various  places,  and  betel  leaves  and 
nuts   scattered   all  over  the  figure.     Towards  the  feet 


295  GOLLA 

were  set  a  chembu  filled  with  water,  a  lump  of  food 
coloured  red,  and  incense.  The  preparations  concluded, 
three  Gollas  stood  near  the  feet  of  the  figure,  and  took 
hold  of  the  red  food,  over  which  water  had  been  sprin- 
kled, the  incense  and  a  fowl.  The  food  and  incense  were 
then  waved  in  front  of  the  figure,  and  the  fowl,  after  it 
had  been  smoked  by  the  incense,  and  waved  over  the 
figure,  had  its  neck  wrung.  This  was  followed  by  the 
breaking  of  a  cocoanut,  and  offering  fruits  and  other 
things.  The  three  men  then  fell  prostrate  on  the 
ground  before  the  figure,  and  saluted  the  goddess.  One 
of  them,  an  old  man,  tied  little  bells  round  his  legs,  and 
stood  mute  for  a  time.  Gradually  he  began  to  perspire, 
and  those  present  exclaimed  that  he  was  about  to  be 
possessed  by  the  spirit  of  an  ancestor.  Taking  up  a 
sword,  he  began  to  cut  himself  with  it,  especially  in  the 
back,  and  then  kept  striking  himself  with  the  blunt  edge. 
The  sword  was  wrested  from  him,  and  placed  on  the 
figure.  The  old  man  then  went  several  times  round 
the  muggu,  shaking  and  twisting  his  body  into  various 
grotesque  attitudes.  While  this  was  going  on,  the  bride- 
groom appeared  on  the  scene,  and  seated  himself  near 
the  feet  of  the  figure.  Throwing  off  his  turban  and 
upper  cloth,  he  fell  on  the  floor,  and  proceeded  to  kick 
his  legs  about,  and  eventually,  becoming  calmer,  com- 
menced to  cry.  Being  asked  his  name,  he  replied  that 
he  was  Kariyavala  Raju.  Further  questions  were  put 
to  him,  to  which  he  made  no  response,  but  continued 
crying.  Incense  and  lights  were  then  carried  round  the 
image,  and  the  old  man  announced  that  the  marriage 
would  be  auspicious,  and  blessed  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom and  the  assembled  Gollas.  The  ceremony  con- 
cluded with  the  burning  of  camphor.  The  big  mass  of 
food  was  eaten  by  Puni  Gollas. 


GOLLARI  296 

It  is  stated  in  the  Manual  of  the  Nellore  district  that, 
when  a  Golla  bridegroom  sets  out  for  the  house  of  his 
mother-in-law,  he  is  seized  on  the  way  by  his  com- 
panions, who  will  not  release  him  until  he  has  paid  a 
piece  of  gold. 

The  custom  of  illatom,  or  application  of  a  son-in-law, 
obtains  among  the  Gollas,  as  among  the  Kapus  and 
some  other  Telugu  classes.* 

In  connection  with  the  death  ceremonies,  it  may  be 
noted  that  the  corpse,  when  it  is  being  washed,  is  made 
to  rest  on  a  mortar,  and  two  pestles  are  placed  by  its 
side,  and  a  lighted  lamp  near  the  head. 

There  is  a  proverb  to  the  effect  that  a  Golla  will  not 
scruple  to  water  the  milk  which  he  sells  to  his  own  father. 
Another  proverb  refers  to  the  corrupt  manner  in  which 
he  speaks  his  mother-tongue. 

The  insigne  of  the  caste  at  Conjeeveram  is  a  silver 
churning  stick.f 

Gollari  (monkey). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Gadaba. 

Gomma. — Recorded  by  the  Rev.  J.  Cain  as  the 
name  for  Koyis  who  live  near  the  banks  of  the  Goda- 
vari  river.  Villages  on  the  banks  thereof  are  called 
gommu  ullu. 

Gonapala  (old  plough). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Devanga. 

Gondaliga. — The  Gondaligas  are  described,  in  the 
Mysore  Census  Report,  1901,  as  being  mendicants  "of 
Mahratta  origin  like  the  Budabudikes,  and  may  perhaps 
be  a  sub-division  of  them.  They  are  worshippers  of 
Durgi.  Their  occupation,  as  the  name  indicates,  is  to 
perform  gondala,  or  a  kind  of  torch-light  dance,  usually 


*  See  C.  Ramchendrier,  Collection  of  decisions  of  High  Courts  and  the  Privy 
Council  applicable  to  dancing-girls,  illatom,  etc.,  Madras,  1892. 
t  J.  S.  F.  Mackenzie,  Ind.  Ant.,  IV,  1S75. 


gondalk;a  musicians. 


297  GORAVARU 

performed  in  honour  of  Amba  Bhavani,  especially  after 
marriages  in  Desastha  Brahman's  houses,  or  at  other 
times  in  fulfilment  of  any  vow." 

Gone  (a  sack). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Mala.  The 
Gone  Perikes  have  been  summed  up  as  being  a  Telugu 
caste  of  gunny-bag  weavers,  corresponding  to  the  Janap- 
pans  of  the  Tamil  country.  Gunny-bag  is  the  popular 
and  trading  name  for  the  coarse  sacking  and  sacks  made 
from  jute  fibre,  which  are  extensively  used  in  Indian 
trade.*  Gone  is  further  an  occupational  sub-division  of 
Komati. 

The  Gonigas  of  Mysore  are  described,  in  the  Census 
Report,  1 90 1,  as  sack-weavers  and  makers  of  gunny- 
bags,  agriculturists,  and  grain  porters  at  Bangalore  ;  and 
it  is  noted  that  the  abnormal  fall  of  66  per  cent,  in  the 
number  of  the  caste  was  due  to  their  being  confounded 
with  Ganigas. 

Gonjakari. — A  title  of  Haddi. 

Gonji  {Glycos7nis pentaphylld). — An  exogamous  sept 
of  Mala. 

Gopalam  (alms  given  to  beggars). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Togata. 

Gopalan  (those  who  tend  cattle). — A  synonym  of 
Idaiyan. 

Gopopuriya. — A  sub-division  of  Gaudo. 

Gorantla  (Lawsonia  alba  :  henna). — An  exoga- 
mous sept  of  Golla  and  Padma  Sale.  The  leaves  of  this 
plant  are  widely  used  by  Natives  as  an  article  of  toilet 
for  staining  the  nails,  and  by  Muhammadans  for  dyeing 
the  hair  red. 

Gorava.— A  synonym  of  Kuruba. 

Goravaru.^A  class  of  Canarese  mendicants. 


*  Vule  and  Burnell.     Hobson-Jobson. 


GORE  298 

Gore.— Recorded,  at  times  of  census,  as  a  synonym 
of  Lambadi.  Gora  means  trader  or  shop-keeper,  and 
trading  Lambadis  may  have  assumed  the  name. 

Gorige  {Cyamopsis  psoralioides). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Devanga. 

Gorrela  (sheep). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Golla, 
Kamma,  and  Kapu.  Konda  gorri  (hill  sheep)  occurs  as 
an  exogamous  sept  of  Jatapu. 

Gosangi.— A  synonym  for  Madiga,  recorded  as 
Kosangi,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901.  The 
Gosangulu  are  described  in  the  Vizagapatam  Manual 
(1869),  as  "  beggars  who  style  themselves  descendants  of 
Jambavanta,  the  bear  into  which  Brahma  transformed 
himself,  to  assist  Rama  in  destroying  Ravana.  The 
Gosangis  are  considered  to  be  illegitimate  descend- 
ants of  Madigas,  and  a  curious  thing  about  them,  is  that 
their  women  dress  up  like  men,  and  sing  songs  when 
begging.  As  mendicants  they  are  attached  to  the 
Madigas." 

Gosayi  or  Goswami. — The  Gosayis  are  immigrant 
religious  mendicants  from  Northern  and  Western  India. 
I  gather  from  the  Mysore  Census  Reports  that  "  they 
mostly  belong  to  the  Dandi  sub-division.  The  Gosayi 
is  no  caste  ;  commonly  any  devotee  is  called  a  Gosayi, 
whether  he  lives  a  life  of  celibacy  or  not  ;  whether  he 
roams  about  the  country  collecting  alms,  or  resides  in 
a  house  like  the  rest  of  the  people  ;  whether  he  leads 
an  idle  existence,  or  employs  himself  in  trade.  The 
mark,  however,  that  distinguishes  all  who  bear  this  name 
is  that  they  are  devoted  to  a  religious  life.  Some 
besmear  their  bodies  with  ashes,  wear  their  hair  dis- 
hevelled and  uncombed,  and  in  some  instances  coiled 
round  the  head  like  a  snake  or  rope.  They  roam  about 
the  country   in  every  direction,   visiting  especially  spots 


299  GOSAYI  OR  GOSWAMI 

of  reputed  sanctity,  and  as  a  class  are  the  pests  of  society 
and  incorrigible  rogues.  Some  of  them  can  read,  and  a 
few  may  be  learned  ;  but  for  the  most  part  they  are 
stolidly  ignorant.  Most  of  them  wear  a  yellowish  cloth, 
by  which  they  make  themselves  conspicuous.  The 
Gosayis,  although  by  profession  belonging  to  the  reli- 
gious class,  apply  themselves  nevertheless  to  commerce 
and  trade.  As  merchants,  bankers  and  tradesmen,  they 
hold  a  very  respectable  position.  They  never  marry. 
One  of  the  chief  peculiarities  of  this  caste  is  that 
Brahmans,  Kshatriyas,  Vaisyas,  and  Sudras,  the  two 
former  especially,  may,  if  they  choose,  become  Gosayis  ; 
but  if  they  do  so,  and  unite  with  the  members  of  this 
fraternity  in  eating  and  drinking,  holding  full  and  free 
intercourse  with  them,  they  are  cut  off  for  ever  from 
their  own  tribes.  It  is  this  circumstance  which  consti- 
tutes Gosayis  a  distinct  and  legitimate  caste,  and  not 
merely  a  religious  order.  At  death  a  horrible  custom 
is  observed.  A  cocoanut  is  broken  on  the  head  of  the 
deceased  by  a  person  specially  appointed  for  the  purpose, 
until  it  is  smashed  to  pieces.  The  body  is  then  wrapped 
in  a  reddish  cloth,  and  thrown  into  the  Ganges.  A 
partial  explanation  of  this  practice  is  furnished  in 
Southern  India.  The  final  aim  of  Hindu  religious  life 
is  Nirvana  or  Moksham  in  the  next  life,  and  this  can 
only  be  attained  by  those  holy  men,  whose  life  escapes, 
after  smashing  the  skull,  through  the  sushumna  nadi,  a 
nerve  so  called,  and  supposed  to  pervade  the  crown  of 
the  head.  The  dying  or  dead  Sanyasi  is  considered  to 
have  led  such  a  holy  life  as  to  have  expired  in  the 
orthodox  manner,  and  the  fiction  is  kept  up  by  breaking 
the  skull  post  mortem,  in  mimicry  of  the  guarantee  of 
his  passage  to  eternal  bliss.  Accordingly,  the  dead  body 
of  a  Brahman  Sanyasi  in  Southern   India  undergoes  the 


GOSU  300 

same  process  and  is  buried,  but  never  burned  or  thrown 
into  the  river." 

A  few  Gosayis,  at  the  Mysore  census,  returned 
gotras,  of  w^hich  the  chief  were  Achuta  and  Daridra 
(poverty-stricken).  In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901, 
Mandula  (medicine  man)  and  Bavaji  are  returned  as  a 
sub-division  and  synonym  of  Gosayi.  The  name  Guse 
or  Gusei  is  apphed  to  Oriya  Brahmans  owing  to  their 
right  of  acting  as  gurus  or  family  priests. 

Gosu  (pride). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Devanga. 

Goundan.— It  is  noted,  in  the  Salem  Manual,  that 
"  some  of  the  agricultural  classes  habitually  append  the 
title  Goundan  as  a  sort  of  caste  nomenclature  after  their 
names,  but  the  word  applies,  par  excellence,  to  the  head 
of  the  village,  or  Or  Goundan  as  he  is  called."  As 
examples  of  castes  which  take  Goundan  as  their  title, 
the  Pallis,  Okkiliyans,  and  Vellalas  may  be  cited.  A 
planter,  or  other,  when  hailing  a  Malayali  of  the 
Shevaroy  hills,  always  calls  him  Goundan. 

Goyi  (lizard :  Varanus). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Bottada. 

Gramani. — The  title  of  some  Shanans,  and  of  the 
headman  of  the  Khatris.  In  Malabar,  the  name  gramam 
(a  village)  is  applied  to  a  Brahmanical  colony,  or  col- 
lection of  houses,  as  the  equivalent  of  the  agraharam  of 
the  Tamil  country.* 

Gudala. — The  Gudalas  are  a  Telugu  caste  of  basket- 
makers  in  Vizagapatam  and  Ganjam.  The  name  is 
derived  from  guda,  a  basket  for  baling  water.  For  the 
following  note  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana  Rao. 
The  original  occupation  of  the  caste  is  said  to  have  been 
the  collection  of  medicinal  herbs  and  roots  for  native 


•  Wigram.     Malabar  Law  and  Custom, 


30I  GUDAVANDLU 

doctors  and  sick  persons,  which  is  still  carried  on  by 
some  Gudalas  at  Saluru  town.  The  principal  occupa- 
tions, however,  are  the  manufacture  of  bamboo  baskets, 
and  fishing  in  fresh  water. 

Like  other  Telugu  castes,  the  Gudalas  have 
exogamous  septs  or  intiperulu,  e.g.,  korra  {Setaria 
italica),  paththi  (cotton),  nakka  (jackal)  and  ganti  (hole 
pierced  in  the  ear-lobe).  'The  custom  of  menarikam, 
whereby  a  man  should  marry  his  maternal  uncle's 
daughter,  is  practiced.  Marriage  generally  takes  place 
before  a  girl  reaches  puberty.  A  Brahman  officiates  at 
weddings.  The  bride-price  (voli)  consists  of  a  new  cloth 
for  the  bride,  and  seven  rupees  for  her  parents,  which 
are  taken  by  the  bridegroom's  party  to  the  bride's  house, 
together  with  some  oil  and  turmeric  for  the  bridal  bath, 
and  the  sathamanam  (marriage  badge).  A  feast  is 
held,  and  the  sathamanam  is  tied  on  the  bride's  neck. 
The  newly  married  pair  are  conducted  to  the  house  of 
the  bridegroom,  where  a  further  feast  takes  place,  after 
which  they  return  to  the  bride's  home,  where  they 
remain  for  three  days.  Widows  are  permitted  to  remarry 
thrice,  and  the  voli  on  each  successive  occasion  is  Rs.  3, 
Rs.  2,  and  Rs.  2-8-0.  When  a  widow  is  remarried, 
the  sathamanam  is  tied  on  her  neck  near  a  mortar. 

The  members  of  the  caste  reverence  a  deity  called 
Ekkaladevata,  who  is  said  to  have  been  left  behind  at 
their  original  home.  The  dead  are  cremated,  and  the 
chinna  rozu  (little  day)  death  ceremony  is  observed. 
On  the  third  day,  cooked  rice  is  thrown  over  the  spot 
where  the  corpse  was  burnt. 

Gudavandlu. — Recorded,  in  the  Nellore  Manual,  as 
Vaishnavites,  who  earn  their  livelihood  by  begging. 
The  name  means  basket  people,  and  probably  refers  to 
Satanis,  who  carry  a  basket  (guda)  when  begging. 


GUDI  302 

Gudi  (temple). — A  sub-division  of  Okkiliyan,  an 
exogamous  sept  of  Jogi,  and  a  name  for  temple  Dasaris, 
to  distinguish  them  from  the  Donga  or  thieving  Dasaris. 

Gudigara. — In  the  South  Canara  Manual,  the  Gudi- 
garas  are  summed  up  as  follows.  '*  They  are  a  Canarese 
caste  of  wood-carvers  and  painters.  They  are  Hindus 
of  the  Saivite  sect,  and  wear  the  sacred  thread.  Shivalli 
Brahmans  officiate  as  their  priests.  Some  follow  the 
aliya  santana  mode  of  inheritance  (in  the  female  line), 
others  the  ordinary  law.  They  must  marry  within  the 
caste,  but  not  within  the  same  gotra  or  family.  Infant 
marriage  is  not  compulsory,  and  they  have  the  dhare  form 
of  marriage.  Among  those  who  follow  the  aliya  santana 
law,  both  widows  and  divorced  women  may  marry  again, 
but  this  is  not  permitted  among  the  other  sections.  The 
dead  are  either  cremated  or  buried,  the  former  being  the 
preferential  mode.  The  use  of  alcoholic  liquor,  and  fish 
and  flesh  is  permitted.     Their  ordinary  title  is  Setti." 

"  The  Gudigars,  or  sandal-wood  carvers,"  Mr.  D'Cruz 
writes,*  "  are  reported  to  have  come  originally  from  Goa, 
their  migration  to  Mysore  and  Canara  having  been  occa- 
sioned by  the  attempts  of  the  early  Portuguese  invaders 
to  convert  them  to  Christianity.  The  fact  that  their 
original  language  is  Konkani  corroborates  their  reputed 
Konkanese  origin.  They  say  that  the  derivation  of  the 
word  Gudigara  is  from  gudi,  a  temple,  and  that  they 
were  so  called  because  they  were,  in  their  own  country, 
employed  as  carvers  and  painters  in  the  ornamentation 
of  temples.  Another  derivation  is  from  the  Sanskrit 
kuttaka  (a  carver).  They  assert  that  their  fellow 
castemen  are  still  employed  in  turning,  painting,  and 
other   decorative   arts   at   Goa.       Like  the  Chitrakaras 


♦  Thurston.     Monograph  on  Wood-carving  in  Southern  India.     1903. 


303  GUDIGARA 

(ornamenters  or  decorative  artists),  they  claim  to  be 
Kshatriyas,  and  tradition  has  it  that,  to  escape  the  wrath 
of  Parasu  Rama  in  the  sixth  incarnation  of  Vishnu,  who 
vowed  to  destroy  all  Kshatriyas,  they  adopted  the  pro- 
fession of  carvers  and  car-builders.  They  are  also  expert 
ivory-carvers,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that  they  may 
be  distantly  connected  with  the  Kondikars,  or  ivory- 
carvers  of  Benfjal.  The  art  of  sandalwood  carvinof  is 
confined  to  a  few  families  in  the  Sorab  and  Sagar  taluks 
of  the  Shimoga  district,  in  the  north-west  corner  of  the 
province.  There  are  two  or  three  families  in  Sagar,  and 
about  six  in  Sorab,  which  contribute  in  all  about  thirty- 
five  artisans  employed  in  the  craft.  The  art  is  also 
practiced  by  their  relations,  who  found  a  domicile  in 
Hanavar,  Kumpta,  Sirsi,  Siddapur,  Biligi,  and  Banavasi 
in  the  North  Canara  district.  But  the  work  of  the  latter 
is  said  to  be  by  no  means  so  fine  as  that  executed  by  the 
artisans  of  Sorab  and  Sagar.  The  artisans  of  North 
Canara,  however,  excel  in  pith-work  of  the  most  exquisite 
beauty.  They  usually  make  basingas,  i.e.^  special  fore- 
head ornaments,  richly  inlaid  with  pearls,  and  worn  on 
the  occasion  of  marriage.  The  delicate  tools  used  by 
the  wood-carvers  are  made  from  European  umbrella 
spokes,  ramrods,  and  country  steel.  The  main  stimulus, 
which  the  art  receives  from  time  to  time  at  the  present 
day,  is  from  orders  from  the  Government,  corporate 
public  bodies,  or  Maharajas,  for  address  boxes,  cabinets, 
and  other  articles  specially  ordered  for  presentations,  or 
for  the  various  fine-art  exhibition,  for  which  high  prices 
are  paid."  In  conversation  with  the  workmen  from  Sorab 
and  Sagar  for  work  in  the  palace  which  is  being  built  for 
H.H.  the  Maharaja  of  Mysore,  it  was  elicited  that  there 
are  some  Gudigars,  who,  from  want  of  a  due  taste  for  the 
art,  never  acquire  it,  but  are  engaged  in  carpentry  and 


GUDIGARA  304 

turning.  Others,  having  acquired  land,  are  engaged  in 
cultivation,  and  fast  losing  all  touch  with  the  art.  At 
Udipi  in  South  Canara,  some  Gudigars  make  for  sale 
large  wooden  buffaloes  and  human  figures,  which  are 
presented  as  votive  offerings  at  the  Iswara  temple  at 
Hiriadkap.  They  also  make  wooden  dolls  and  painted 
clay  figures. 

The  following  extracts  from  Mr.  L.  Rice's  *  Mysore 
Gazetteer'  may  be  appropriately  quoted.  "  The  designs 
with  which  the  Gudigars  entirely  cover  the  boxes,  desks, 
and  other  articles  made,  are  of  an  extremely  involved  and 
elaborate  pattern,  consisting  for  the  most  part  of  intricate 
interlacing  foliage  and  scroll-w^ork,  completely  enveloping 
medallions  containing  the  representation  of  some  Hindu 
deity  or  subject  of  mythology,  and  here  and  there  relieved 
by  the  introduction  of  animal  forms.  The  details,  though 
in  themselves  often  highly  incongruous,  are  grouped  and 
blended  with  a  skill  that  seems  to  be  instinctive  in  the 
East,  and  form  an  exceedingly  rich  and  appropriate 
ornamentation,  decidedly  oriental  in  style,  which  leaves 
not  the  smallest  portion  of  the  surface  of  the  wood 
untouched.  The  material  is  hard,  and  the  minuteness  of 
the  work  demands  the  utmost  care  and  patience.  Hence 
the  carving  of  a  desk  or  cabinet  involves  a  labour  of 
many  months,  and  the  artists  are  said  to  lose  there  eye- 
sight at  a  comparatively  early  age.  European  designs 
they  imitate  to  perfection."  And  again  :  "The  articles 
of  the  Gudigar's  manufacture  chiefly  in  demand  are  boxes, 
caskets  and  cabinets.  These  are  completely  covered  with 
minute  and  delicate  scroll-work,  interspersed  with  figures 
from  the  Hindu  Pantheon,  the  general  effect  of  the  pro- 
fuse detail  being  extremely  rich.  The  carving  of  Sorab 
is  considered  superior  to  that  of  Bombay  or  Canton, 
and,  being  a  very  tedious  process  requiring  great  care,  is 


305  GUUIGARA 

expensive.  The  Gudigars  will  imitate  admirably  any 
designs  that  may  be  furnished  them.  Boards  for  album- 
covers,  plates  from  Jorrock's  hunt,  and  cabinets  surrounded 
with  figures,  have  thus  been  produced  for  European 
gentlemen  with  great  success."  A  gold  medal  was 
awarded  to  the  Gudigars  at  the  Delhi  Durbar  Exhibition, 
1903,  for  a  magnificent  sandal-wood  casket  (now  in  the 
Madras  Museum),  ornamented  with  panels  representing 
hunting  scenes. 

When  a  marriage  is  contemplated,  the  parents  of  the 
couple,  in  the  absence  of  horoscopes,  go  to  a  temple,  and 
receive  from  the  priest  some  flowers  which  have  been 
used  for  worship.  These  are  counted,  and,  if  their  num- 
ber is  even,  the  match  is  arranged,  and  an  exchange  of 
betel  leaves  and  nuts  takes  place.  On  the  wedding  day, 
the  bridegroom  goes,  accompanied  by  his  party,  to  the 
house  of  the  bride,  taking  with  him  a  new  cloth,  a  female 
jacket,  and  a  string  of  black  beads  with  a  small  gold 
ornament.  They  are  met  en  route  by  the  bride's  party. 
Each  party  has  a  tray  containing  rice,  a  cocoanut,  and  a 
looking-glass.  The  females  of  one  party  place  kunkuma 
(red  powder)  on  the  foreheads  of  those  of  the  other  party, 
and  sprinkle  rice  over  each  other.  At  the  entrance  to 
the  marriage  pandal  (booth),  the  bride's  brother  pours 
water  at  the  feet  of  the  bridegroom,  and  her  father  leads 
him  into  the  pandal.  The  new  cloth,  and  other  articles, 
are  taken  inside  the  house,  and  the  mother  or  sister  of 
the  bridegroom,  with  the  permission  of  the  headman,  ties 
the  necklet  of  black  beads  on  the  bride's  neck.  Her 
maternal  uncle  takes  her  up  in  his  arms,  and  carries  her 
to  the  pandal.  Thither  the  bridegroom  is  conducted  by 
the  bride's  brother.  A  cloth  is  held  as  a  screen  between 
the  contracting  couple,  who  place  garlands  of  flowers 
round  each  other's  necks.  The  screen  is  then  removed. 
n-20 


GUDISA  306 

A  small  vessel,  containing  milk  and  water,  and  decorated 
with  mango  leaves,  is  placed  in  front  of  them,  and  the 
bride's  mother,  taking  hold  of  the  right  hand  of  the  bride, 
places  it  in  the  right  hand  of  the  bridegroom.  The 
officiating  Brahman  places  a  betel  leaf  and  cocoanut  on 
the  bride's  hand,  and  her  parents  pour  water  from  a 
vessel  thereon.  The  Brahman  then  ties  the  kankanams 
(wrist-threads)  on  the  wrists  of  the  contracting  couple, 
and  kindles  the  sacred  fire  (homam).  The  guests  present 
them  with  money,  and  lights  are  waved  before  them  by 
elderly  females.  The  bridegroom,  taking  the  bride  by 
hand,  leads  her  into  the  house,  where  they  sit  on  a  mat, 
and  drink  milk  out  of  the  same  vessel.  A  bed  is  made 
ready,  and  they  sit  on  it,  while  the  bride  gives  betel 
to  the  bridegroom.  On  the  second  day,  lights  are  waved, 
in  the  morning  and  evening,  in  front  of  them.  On  the 
third  day,  some  red-coloured  water  is  placed  in  a  vessel, 
into  which  a  ring,  an  areca  nut,  and  rice  are  dropped. 
The  couple  search  for  the  ring,  and,  when  it  has  been 
found,  the  bridegroom  puts  it  on  the  finger  of  the  bride. 
They  then  bathe,  and  try  to  catch  fish  in  a  cloth.  After 
the  bath,  the  wrist-threads  are  removed. 

Gudisa  (hut). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya  and 
Kapu. 

Gudiya.— The  Gudiyas  are  the  sweet-meat  sellers 
of  the  Oriya  country.  They  rank  high  in  the  social  scale, 
and  some  sections  of  Oriya  Brahmans  will  accept  drink- 
ing water  at  their  hands.  Sweet-meats  prepared  by  them 
are  purchased  for  marriage  feasts  by  all  castes,  including 
Brahmans.  The  caste  name  is  derived  from  gudo 
(jaggery).  The  caste  is  divided  into  two  sections,  one  of 
which  is  engaged  in  selling  sweet-meats  and  crude  sugar, 
and  the  other  in  agriculture.  The  former  are  called 
Gudiyas,    and   the    latter    Kolata,     Holodia,    or    Bolasi 


307  GUJARATI 

Gudiyas  in  different  localities.  The  headman  of  the  caste 
is  called  Sasumallo,  under  whom  are  assistant  officers, 
called  Behara  and  Bhollobaya.  In  their  ceremonial 
observances  on  the  occasion  of  marriage,  death,  etc.,  the 
Gudiyas  closely  follow  the  Gaudos.  They  profess  the 
Paramartho  or  Chaitanya  form  of  Vaishnavism,  and  also 
worship  Takuranis  (village  deities). 

The  Gudiyas  are  as  particular  as  Brahmans  in  con- 
nection with  the  wearing  of  sect  marks,  and  ceremonial 
ablution.  Cloths  worn  during  the  act  of  attending  to  the 
calls  of  nature  are  considered  to  be  polluted,  so  they 
carry  about  with  them  a  special  cloth,  which  is  donned 
for  the  moment,  and  then  removed.  Like  the  Gudiyas, 
Oriya  Brahmans  always  carry  with  them  a  small  cloth 
for  this  purpose. 

The  titles  of  the  Gudiyas  are  Behara,  Sahu,  and 
Sasumallo.  In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  the 
caste  name  is  given  as  Godiya. 

Gudugudupandi. — A  Tamil  synonym  for  Budu- 
budukala. 

Guha  Vellala.-^The  name  assumed  by  some  Semba- 
davans  with  a  view  to  connecting  themselves  with  Guha 
(or  Kuha),  who  rowed  the  boat  of  Rama  to  Ceylon,  and, 
as  Vellalas,  gaining  a  rise  in  the  social  scale.  Maravans 
also  claim  descent  from  Guha. 

Gujarati. — A  territorial  name,  meaning  people  from 
Gujarat,  some  of  whom  have  settled  in  the  south  where 
they  carry  on  business  as  prosperous  traders.  In  the 
Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  Gujjar  is  returned  as  a 
synonym.  At  a  public  meeting  held  in  Madras,  in  1906, 
to  concert  measures  for  establishing  a  pinjrapole  (hospital 
for  animals)  it  was  resolved  that  early  steps  should 
be  taken  to  collect  public  subscriptions  from  the 
Hindu  community  generally,  and  in  particular  from  the 
11-20  B 


GULIMI  308 

Nattukottai  Chettis,  Gujaratis,  and  other  mercantile 
classes.  The  mover  of  the  resolution  observed  that 
Gujaratis  were  most  anxious,  on  religious  grounds,  to 
save  all  animals  from  pain,  and  it  was  a  religious 
belief  with  them  that  it  was  sinful  to  live  in  a  town 
where  there  was  no  pinjrapole.  A  pinjrapole  is  properly 
a  cage  (pinjra)  for  the  sacred  bull  (pola)  released  in  the 
name  of  Siva."^  It  is  noted  by  Mr.  Drummond  |  that 
every  marriage  and  mercantile  transaction  among  the 
Gujaratis  is  taxed  with  a  contribution  ostensibly  for  the 
pinjrapole.  In  1901,  a  proposal  was  set  on  foot  to  estab- 
lish a  Gujarati  library  and  reading-room  in  Madras,  to 
commemorate  the  silver  jubilee  of  the  administration  of 
the  Gaekwar  of  Baroda. 

Gulimi  (pickaxe). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kuruba. 

Gullu  {Solanum  ferox). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Gulti.— A  section  of  Boya,  members  of  which  are  to 
be  found  in  Choolay,  Madras  City. 

Gummadi  {^Cuctu'bita  maxima). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Tsakalas,  who  will  not  cultivate  the  plant,  or  eat 
the  pumpkin  thereof. 

Guna.— Guna  or  Guni  is  a  sub-division  of  Velama. 
The  name  is  derived  from  the  large  pot  (guna),  which 
dyers  use. 

Guna  Tsakala  (hunchbacked  washerman). — Said 
to  be  a  derisive  name  given  to  Velamas  by  Balijas. 

Gundala  (stones). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Golla. 

Gundam  (pit). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Chenchu. 

Gundu  (cannon-ball). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Guni.— Guni  is  the  name  of  Oriya  dancing-girls  and 
prostitutes.  It  is  derived  from  the  Sanskrit  guna,  mean- 
ing qualifications  or  skill,  in  reference  to  their  possession 


*  Yule  and  Burnell.     Ilobson-Jobson. 

t  Illustrations  of  the  Guzarattee,  Mahraltce,  and  English  languages,  l8o8. 


309  GURUKKAL 

of  qualification  for,  and  skill  acquired  by  training  when 
younf^  in  enchanting  by  music,  dancing,  etc. 

Gunta  (well). — A  sub-division  of  Boyas,  found  in  the 
Anantapur  district,  the  members  of  which  are  employed 
in  digging  wells. 

Guntaka  (harrow). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kapu. 

Guntala  (pond). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya. 

Gupta.— A  Vaisya  title  assumed  by  some  Muttans 
(trading  caste)  of  Malabar,  and  Tamil  Pallis. 

Guri. — Recorded,  in  the  Vizagapatam  Manual,  as 
a  caste  of  Paiks  or  fighting  men.  Gurikala  (marksman) 
occurs,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  as  a  sub- 
division of  Patra. 

Gurram  (horse). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Chenchu, 
Golla,  Mala,  Padma  Sale,  and  Togata.  The  Gurram 
Togatas  will  not  ride  on  horseback.  Kudire,  also 
meaning  horse,  occurs  as  a  gotra  or  exogamous  sept  of 
Kurni  and  Vakkaliga. 

Gurukkal. — For  the  following  note  on  the  Guruk- 
kals  or  Kurukkals  of  Travancore,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr. 
N.  Subramani  Aiyar.  The  Kurukkals  are  priests  of 
castes,  whose  religious  rites  are  not  presided  over  by 
Ilayatus.  They  are  probably  of  Tamil  origin.  Males 
are  often  called  Nainar  and  females  Nachchiyar,  which 
are  the  usual  titles  of  the  Tamil  Kurukkals  also.  In 
the  Keralolpatti  the  caste  men  are  described  as  Chilam- 
pantis,  who  are  the  adiyars  or  hereditary  servants  of 
Padmanabhaswami  in  Trivandrum.  They  seem  to  have 
been  once  known  also  as  Madamutalis  or  headmen  of 
matts,  and  Tevara  Pandarams,  or  Pandarams  who  assisted 
the  Brahman  priest  in  the  performance  of  religious  rites 
in  the  Maharaja's  palace.  It  is  said  that  the  Kurukkals 
originally  belonged  to  the  great  Vaisya  branch  of  Manu's 
fourfold  system  of  caste,  and  migrated  from  the  Pandyan 


GURUKKAL  310 

country,  and  became  the  dependants  of  the  Kupakkara 
family  of  Pottis  in  Trivandrum,  whose  influence,  both 
religious  and  secular,  was  of  no  mean  order  in  mediceval 
times.  These  Pottis  gave  them  permission  to  perform 
all  the  priestly  services  of  the  Ambalavasi  families,  who 
lived  to  the  south  of  Ouilon.  It  would  appear  from 
the  Keralolpatti  and  other  records  that  they  had  the 
kazhakam  or  sweeping  and  other  services  at  the  inner 
entrance  of  Sri  Padmanabha's  temple  till  the  time  of 
Umayamma  Rani  in  the  eighth  century  of  the  Mala- 
bar era.  As,  however,  during  her  reign,  a  Kurukkal 
in  league  with  the  Kupakkara  Potti  handed  over  the 
letter  of  invitation,  entrusted  to  him  as  messenger,  for 
the  annual  utsavam  to  the  Tarnallur  Nambudiripad,  the 
chief  ecclesiastical  functionary  of  the  temple,  much  later 
than  was  required,  the  Kurukkal  was  dismissed  from 
the  temple  service,  and  ever  afterwards  the  Kurukkals 
had  no  kazhakam  right  there.  There  are  some  temples, 
where  Kurukkals  are  the  recognised  priests,  and  they  are 
freely  admitted  for  kazhakam  service  in  most  South 
Travancore  temples.  To  the  north  of  Quilon,  however, 
the  Variyars  and  Pushpakans  enjoy  this  right  in  prefer- 
ence to  others.  Some  Kurukkals  kept  gymnasia  in 
former  times,  and  trained  young  men  in  military  exer- 
cises.    At  the  present  day,  a  few  are  agriculturists. 

The  Kurukkals  are  generally  not  so  fair  in  complexion 
as  other  sections  of  the  Ambalavasis.  Their  houses  are 
known  as  bhavanams  or  vidus.  They  are  strict  vege- 
tarians, and  prohibited  from  drinking  spirituous  liquor. 
The  females  (Kurukkattis)  try  to  imitate  Nambutiri 
Brahmans  in  their  dress  and  ornaments.  The  arasilattali, 
which  closely  resembles  the  cherutali,  is  worn  round  the 
neck,  and  the  chuttu  in  the  ears.  The  mukkutti,  but  not 
the  gnattu,  is  worn  in  the  nose.     The  minnu  or  marriage 


311  GURUKKAL 

ornament  is  worn  after  the  tali-kettu  until  the  death 
of  the  tali-tier.  The  females  are  tattooed  on  the  fore- 
head and  hands,  but  this  practice  is  going  out  of  fashion. 
The  sect  marks  of  women  are  the  same  as  those  of 
the  Nambutiris.  The  Kurukkals  are  Smartas.  The 
Tiruvonam  asterism  in  the  month  of  Avani  (August- 
September)  furnishes  an  important  festive  occasion. 

The  Kurukkals  are  under  the  spiritual  control  of 
certain  men  in  their  own  caste  called  Vadhyars.  They 
are  believed  to  have  been  originally  appointed  by  the 
Kuppakkara  Pottis,  of  whom  they  still  take  counsel. 

The  Kurukkals  observe  both  the  tali-kettu  kalyanam 
and  sambandham.  The  male  members  of  the  caste 
contract  alliances  either  within  the  caste,  or  with 
Marans,  or  the  Vatti  class  of  Nayars.  Women  receive 
cloths  either  from  Brahmans  or  men  of  their  own  caste. 
The  maternal  uncle's  or  paternal  aunt's  daughter  is 
regarded  as  the  most  proper  wife  for  a  man.  The 
tali-kettu  ceremony  is  celebrated  when  a  girl  is  seven, 
nine  or  eleven  years  old.  The  date  for  its  celebration 
is  fixed  by  her  father  and  maternal  uncle  in  consultation 
with  the  astrologer.  As  many  youths  are  then  selected 
from  among  the  families  of  the  inangans  or  relations  as 
there  are  girls  to  be  married,  the  choice  being  decided 
by  the  agreement  of  the  horoscopes  of  the  couple.  The 
erection  of  the  first  pillar  of  the  marriage  pandal  (booth) 
is,  as  among  other  Hindu  castes,  an  occasion  for  festivity. 
The  ceremony  generally  lasts  over  few  days,  but  may  be 
curtailed.  On  the  wedding  day,  the  bridegroom  wears 
a  sword  and  palmyra  leaf,  and  goes  in  procession  to  the 
house  of  the  bride.  After  the  tali  has  been  tied,  the  couple 
are  looked  on  as  being  impure,  and  the  pollution  is 
removed  by  bathing,  and  the  pouring  of  water,  consecrated 
by  the  hymns  of  Vadhyars,  over  their  heads.     For  the 


GURUKKAL  312 

sambandham,  which  invariably  takes  place  after  a  girl  has 
reached  puberty,  the  relations  of  the  future  husband  visit 
her  home,  and,  if  they  are  satisfied  as  to  the  desirability  of 
the  match,  inform  her  guardians  of  the  date  on  which 
they  will  demand  the  horoscope.  When  it  is  received  on 
the  appointed  day,  the  astrologer  is  consulted,  and,  if 
he  is  favourably  inclined,  a  day  is  fixed  for  the  samband- 
ham ceremony.  The  girl  is  led  forward  by  her  maternal 
aunt,  who  sits  among  those  who  have  assembled,  and 
formally  receives  cloths.  Cloths  are  also  presented  to 
the  maternal  uncle.  Divorce  is  common,  and  effected 
with  the  consent  of  the  Vadhyar.  Inheritance  is  in  the 
female  line  (marumakkathayam).  It  is  believed  that,  at 
the  time  of  their  migration  to  Travancore,  the  Kurukkals 
wore  their  tuft  of  hair  (kudumi)  behind,  and  followed  the 
makkathayam  system  of  inheritance  (in  the  male  line). 
A  change  is  said  to  have  been  effected  in  both  these 
customs  by  the  Kupakkara  Potti  in  the  years  1752  and 
1777  of  the  Malabar  era. 

The  Kurukkals  observe  most  of  the  religious  cere- 
monies of  the  Brahmans.  No  recitation  of  hymns 
accompanies  the  rites  of  namakarana  and  annaprasana. 
The  chaula  and  upanayana  are  performed  between  the 
ninth  and  twelfth  years  of  age.  On  the  previous  day, 
the  family  priest  celebrates  the  purificatory  rite,  and  ties 
a  consecrated  thread  round  the  right  wrist  of  the  boy. 
The  tonsure  takes  place  on  the  second  day,  and  on  the 
third  day  the  boy  is  invested  with  the  sacred  thread,  and 
the  Gayatri  hymn  recited.  On  the  fourth  day,  the 
Brahmacharya  rite  is  closed  with  a  ceremony  correspond- 
ing to  the  Samavartana.  When  a  girl  reaches  puberty, 
some  near  female  relation  invites  the  women  of  the  village, 
who  visit  the  house,  bringing  sweetmeats  with  them. 
The  girl  bathes,  and  reappears  in  public  on  the  fifth  day. 


313  HADDI 

Only  the  pulikucH  or  drinking  tamarind  juice,  is  celebrated, 
as  among  the  Nayars,  during  the  first  pregnancy.  The 
sanchayana,  or  collection  of  bones  after  the  cremation 
of  a  corpse,  is  observed  on  the  third,  fifth,  or  seventh 
day  after  death.  Death  pollution  lasts  for  eleven  days. 
Tekketus  are  built  in  memory  of  deceased  ancestors. 
These  are  small  masonry  structures  built  over  graves,  in 
which  a  lighted  lamp  is  placed,  and  at  which  worship  is 
performed  on  anniversary  and  other  important  occasions 
{See  Brahman.) 

Gutob.— A  sub-division  of  Gadaba. 

Gutta  Koyi. — Recorded   by   the    Rev.  J.    Cain   as 
a  name  for  hill  Koyis. 

Guvvala  (doves). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya  and 
Mutracha. 


Haddi.— -The  Haddis  are  a  low  class  of  Oriyas, 
corresponding  to  the  Telugu  Malas  and  Madigas,  and  the 
Tamil  Paraiyans.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  name 
is  derived  from  haddi,  a  latrine,  or  hada,  bones,  as 
members  of  the  caste  collect  all  sorts  of  bones,  and  trade 
in  them.  The  Haddis  play  on  drums  for  all  Oriya 
castes,  except  Khondras,  Tiyoros,  Tulabinas,  and  Sanis. 
They  consider  the  Khondras  as  a  very  low  class,  and  will 
not  purchase  boiled  rice  sold  in  the  bazaar,  if  it  has  been 
touched  by  them.  Castes  lower  than  the  Haddis  are  the 
Khondras  and  Jaggalis  of  whom  the  latter  are  Telugu 
Madigas,  who  have  settled  in  the  southern  part  of 
(Sanjam,  and  learnt  the  Oriya  language. 

The  Haddis  may  be  divided  into  Haddis  proper, 
Rellis,  and  Chachadis,  which  are  endogamous  divisions. 


HADDI  314 

The  Haddis  proper  never  do  sweeping  or  scavenging 
work,  which  are,  in  some  places,  done  by  Rellis.  The 
RelH  scavengers  are  often  called  Bhatta  or  Karuva 
Haddis.  The  Haddis  proper  go  by  various  names,  e.g., 
Sudha  Haddi,  Godomalia  Haddi,  etc.,  in  different  locali- 
ties. The  Haddis  work  as  coolies  and  field  labourers, 
and  the  selling  of  fruits,  such  as  mango,  tamarind, 
Zizyphus  Jujiiba,  etc.,  is  a  favourite  occupation.  In 
some  places,  the  selling  of  dried  fish  is  a  monopoly  of 
the  Rellis.  Sometimes  Haddis,  especially  the  Karuva 
Haddis,  sell  human  or  yak  hair  for  the  purpose  of 
female  toilette.  The  Haddis  have  numerous  septs  or 
bamsams,  one  of  which,  hathi  (elephant)  is  of  special 
interest,  because  members  of  this  sept,  when  they  see  the 
foot-prints  of  an  elephant,  take  some  dust  from  the  spot, 
and  make  a  mark  on  the  forehead  with  it.  They  also 
draw  the  figure  of  an  elephant,  and  worship  it  when 
they  perform  sradh  (memorial  service  for  the  dead)  and 
other  ceremonies. 

There  are,  among  the  Haddi  communities,  two 
caste  officers  entitled  Behara  and  Nayako,  and  difficult 
questions  which  arise  are  settled  at  a  meeting  of  the 
officers  of  several  villages.  It  is  said  that  sometimes,  if 
a  member  of  the  caste  is  known  to  have  committed  an 
offence,  the  officers  select  some  members  of  the  caste 
from  his  village  to  attend  the  meeting,  and  borrow  money 
from  them.  This  is  spent  on  drink,  and,  after  the 
meeting,  the  amount  is  recovered  from  the  offender.  If 
he  does  not  plead  guilty  at  once,  a  quarrel  ensues,  and 
more  money  is  borrowed,  so  as  to  increase  the  debt. 
In  addition  to  the  Behara  and  Nayako,  there  are,  in 
some  places,  other  officials  called  Adhikari  or  Chowdri, 
or  Bodoporicha  and  Bhollobhaya.  The  caste  title  is 
Nayako.     Members   of   higher  castes    are    sometimes, 


315  HADDI 

especially  if  they  have  committed  adultery  with  Haddi 
women,  received  into  the  caste. 

Girls  are  married  after  puberty.  Though  contrary 
to  the  usual  Oriya  custom,  the  practice  of  mcnarikam,  or 
marriage  with  the  maternal  uncle's  daughter,  is  permitted. 
When  the  marriage  of  a  young  man  is  contemplated,  his 
father,  accompanied  by  members  of  his  caste,  proceeds 
to  the  home  of  the  intended  bride.  If  her  parents  are  in 
favour  of  the  match,  a  small  space  is  cleared  in  front  of 
the  house,  and  cow-dung  water  smeared  over  it.  On 
this  spot  the  young  man's  party  deposit]  a  pot  of  toddy, 
over  which  women  throw  Zizyphus  Jujuba  leaves  and 
rice,  crying  at  the  same  time  Ulu-ula.  The  village 
officials,  and  a  few  respected  members  of  the  caste, 
assemble  in  the  house,  and,  after  the  engagement  has 
been  announced,  indulge  in  a  drink.  On  an  auspicious 
day,  the  bridegroom's  party  go  to  the  home  of  the  bride, 
and  place,  on  a  new  cloth||spread  on  the  floor,  the  bride- 
price  (usually  twenty  rupees),  and  seven  betel  leaves, 
myrabolams  ( Ter^ninalia  fruits),  areca  nuts,  and  cakes. 
Two  or  three  of  the  nuts  are  then  removed  from  the 
cloth,  cut  up,  and  distributed  among  the  leading  men. 
After  the  wedding  day  has  been  fixed,  an  adjournment 
is  made  to  the  toddy  shop.  In  some  cases,  the  marriage 
ceremony  is  very  simple,  the  bride  being  conducted  to 
the  home  of  the  bridegroom,  where  a  feast  is  held.  In 
the  more  elaborate  form  of  ceremonial,  the  contracting 
couple  are  seated  on  a  dais,  and  the  Behara  or  Nayako, 
who  officiates  as  priest,  makes  fire  (homam)  before  them, 
which  he  feeds  with  twigs  of  ZizypJms  Jiijuba  and 
Eugenia  Jambolana.  Mokuttos  (forehead  chaplets)  and 
wrist-threads  are  tied  on  the  couple,  and  their  hands  are 
connected  by  the  priest  by  means  of  a  turmeric-dyed 
thread,    and  then   disconnected   by  an    unmarried   girl. 


HADDI  316 

The  bride's  brother  arrives  on  the  scene,  dressed  up  as 
a  woman,  and  strikes  the  bridegroom.  This  is  called 
solabidha,  and  is  practiced  by  many  Oriya  castes.  The 
ends  of  the  cloths  of  the  bride  and  bridegroom  are  tied 
together,  and  they  are  conducted  inside  the  house,  the 
mother-in-law  throwing  Zizyphus  leaves  and  rice  over 
them. 

Like  other  Oriya  castes,  the  Haddis  observe  pollution 
for  seven  days  on  the  occasion  of  the  first  menstrual 
period.  On  the  first  day,  the  girl  is  seated,  and,  after 
she  has  been  smeared  with  oil  and  turmeric  paste,  seven 
women  throw  Zizyphus  leaves  and  rice  over  her.  She 
is  kept  either  in  a  corner  of  the  house,  or  in  a  separate 
hut,  and  has  by  her  a  piece  of  iron  and  a  grinding-stone 
wrapped  up  in  a  cloth.  If  available,  twigs  of  Strychnos 
Nux-vomica  are  placed  in  a  corner.  Within  the  room 
or  hut,  a  small  framework,  made  of  broom-sticks  and 
pieces  of  palmyra  palm  leaf,  or  a  bow,  is  placed,  and 
worshipped  daily.  If  the  girl  is  engaged  to  be  married, 
her  future  father-in-law  is  expected  to  give  her  a  new 
cloth  on  the  seventh  day. 

The  Haddis  are  worshippers  of  various  Takuranis 
(village  deities),  ^.f.,  Kalumuki,  Sathabavuni,  and 
Baidaro.  Cremation  of  the  dead  is  more  common  than 
burial.  Food  is  offered  to  the  deceased  on  the  day  after 
death,  and  also  on  the  tenth  and  eleventh  days.  Some 
Haddis  proceed,  on  the  tenth  day,  to  the  spot  where  the 
corpse  was  cremated  or  buried,  and,  after  making  an 
effigy  on  the  ground,  offer  food.  Towards  night,  they 
proceed  to  some  distance  from  the  house,  and  place  food 
and  fruits  on  a  cloth  spread  on  the  ground.  They  then 
call  the  dead  man  by  his  name,  and  eagerly  wait  till 
some  insect  settles  on  the  cloth.  As  soon  as  this  happens, 
the  cloth  is  folded  up,  carried  home,  and  shaken  over  the 


317  HADDI 

floor  close  to  the  spot  where  the  household  gods  are 
kept,  so  that  the  insect  falls  on  sand  spread  on  the  floor. 
A  light  is  then  placed  on  the  sanded  floor,  and  covered 
with  a  new  pot.  After  some  time,  the  pot  is  removed, 
and  the  sand  examined  for  any  marks  which  may  be  left 
on  it.  This  ceremony  seems  to  correspond  to  the  jola 
jola  handi  (pierced  pot)  ceremony  of  other  castes  (see 
Bhondari). 

"The  Rellis,"  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  writes,*  "are  a 
caste  of  gardeners  and  labourers,  found  chiefly  in  the 
districts  of  Ganjam  and  Vizagapatam.  In  Telugu  the 
word  relli  or  rellis  means  grass,  but  whether  there  is 
any  connection  between  this  and  the  caste  name  I 
cannot  say.  They  generally  live  at  the  foot  of  the  hills, 
and  sell  vegetables,  mostly  of  hill  production." 

For  the  following  note  on  the  Rellis  of  Vizagapatam, 
I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana  Rao.  The  Rellis 
are  also  known  as  Sachchari,  and  they  further  call 
themselves  Sapiri.  The  caste  recognises  the  custom 
of  menarikam,  by  which  a  man  marries  his  maternal 
uncle's  daughter.  A  girl  is  usually  married  after 
puberty.  The  bride-price  is  paid  sometime  before  the 
day  fixed  for  the  marriage.  On  that  day,  the  bride  goes, 
with  her  parents,  to  the  house  of  the  bridegroom.  The 
caste  deities  Odda  Polamma  (commonly  known  as  Sapiri 
Daivam)  and  Kanaka  Durgalamma  are  invoked  by  the 
elders,  and  a  pig  and  sheep  are  sacrificed  to  them.  A 
string  of  black  beads  is  tied  by  the  bridegroom  round 
the  bride's  neck,  and  a  feast  is  held,  at  which  the  sacri- 
ficed animals  are  eaten,  and  much  liquor  is  imbibed. 
On  the  following  morning,  a  new  cloth,  kunkumam  (red 
powder),  and  a  few  pieces  of  turmeric  are  placed  in  a 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1891. 


HADDI  318 

small  basket  or  winnow,  and  carried  in  procession,  to  the 
accompaniment  of  music,  through  the  streets  by  the 
bride,  with  whom  is  the  bridegroom.  The  ceremony  is 
repeated  on  the  third  day,  when  the  marriage  festivities 
come  to  an  end.  In  a  note  on  the  Rellis  of  Ganjam, 
Mr.  S.  P.  Rice  writes  *  that  "  the  bridegroom,  with  the 
permission  of  the  Village  Magistrate,  marches  straight 
into  the  bride's  house,  and  ties  a  wedding  necklace 
round  her  neck.  A  gift  of  seven  and  a  half  rupees 
and  a  pig  to  the  castemen,  and  of  five  rupees  to  the 
bride's  father,  com.pletes  this  very  primitive  ceremony." 
Widows  are  allowed  to  remarry,  but  the  string  of  beads  is 
not  tied  round  the  neck.  The  caste  deities  are  usually 
represented  by  crude  wooden  dolls,  and  an  annual  festi- 
val in  their  honour,  with  the  sacrifice  of  pigs  and  sheep, 
is  held  in  March.  The  dead  are  usually  buried,  and, 
as  a  rule,  pollution  is  not  observed.  Some  Rellis  have, 
however,  begun  to  observe  the  chinnarozu  (little  day) 
death  ceremony,  which  corresponds  to  the  chinnadinamu 
ceremony  of  the  Telugus.  The  main  occupation  of  the 
caste  is  gardening,  and  selling  fruits  and  vegetables. 
The  famine  of  1875-76  reduced  a  large  number  of  Rellis 
to  the  verge  of  starvation,  and  they  took  to  scavenging 
as  a  means  of  earning  a  living.  At  the  present  day,  the 
gardeners  look  down  on  the  scavengers,  but  a  prosperous 
scavenger  can  be  admitted  into  their  society  by  paying 
a  sum  of  money,  or  giving  a  feast.  Pollution  attaches 
only  to  the  scavengers,  and  not  to  the  gardening  section. 
In  the  Census  Report,  1901,  the  Pakais  or  sweepers 
in  the  Godavari  district,  who  have,  it  is  said,  gone 
thither  from  Vizagapatam,  are  returned  as  a  sub-caste  of 
Relli.     The  usual  title  of  the  Rellis  is  Gadu. 


♦  Occasional  Essays  on  Native  South  Indian  Life, 


319  HADDI 

The  Haddis  who  inhabit  the  southern  part  of  Ganjam 
are  known  as  Ghasis  by  other  castes,  especially  Telugu 
people,  though  they  call  themselves  Haddis.  The  name 
Ghasi  has  reference  to  the  occupation  of  cutting  grass, 
especially  for  horses.  The  occupational  title  of  grass- 
cutter  is  said  by  Yule  and  Burnell  *  to  be  "  probably  a 
corruption  representing  the  Hindustani  ghaskoda  or 
ghaskata,  the  digger  or  cutter  of  grass,  the  title  of  a  ser- 
vant employed  to  collect  grass  for  horses,  one  such  being 
usually  attached  to  each  horse,  besides  the  syce  or  horse- 
keeper  (groom).  In  the  north,  the  grass-cutter  is  a  man  ; 
in  the  south  the  office  is  filled  by  the  horsekeeper's  wife." 
It  is  noted  in  'Letters  from  Madras '  f  that  "every 
horse  has  a  man  and  a  maid  to  himself;  the  maid  cuts 
grass  for  him  ;  and  every  dog  has  a  boy.  I  inquired 
whether  the  cat  had  any  servants,  but  I  found  he  was 
allowed  to  wait  upon  himself."  In  addition  to  collecting 
and  selling  grass,  the  Ghasis  are  employed  at  scavenging 
work.  Outsiders,  even  Jaggalis  (Madigas),  Paidis,  and 
Panos,  are  admitted  into  the  Ghasi  community. 

The  headman  of  the  Ghasis  is  called  Bissoyi,  and  he 
is  assisted  by  a  Behara  and  Gonjari.  The  Gonjari  is  the 
caste  servant,  one  of  whose  duties  is  said  to  be  the  appli- 
cation of  a  tamarind  switch  to  the  back  of  delinquents. 

Various  exogamous  septs  or  bamsams  occur  among 
the  Ghasis,  of  which  naga  (cobra),  asvo  (horse),  chintala 
(tamarind),  and  liari  (parched  rice)  may  be  noted.  Adult 
marriage  is  the  rule.  The  betrothal  ceremony,  at  which 
the  kanyo  mulo,  or  bride-price,  is  paid,  is  the  occasion  of 
a  feast,  at  which  pork  must  be  served,  and  the  Bissoyi  of 
the  future  bride's  village  ties  a  konti  (gold  or  silver  bead) 
on  her  neck.     The  marriage  ceremonial  corresponds  in 


*  Hobson-Jobson.  t  Letters  from  Madras.    By  a  Lady.  1843. 


HAJAM  320 

the  main  with  that  of  the  Haddis  elsewhere,  but  has  been 
to  some  extent  modified  by  the  Telugu  environment. 
The  custom,  referred  to  by  Mr.  S.  P.  Rice,  of  suspending 
an  earthen  pot  filled  with  water  from  the  marriage 
booth  is  a  very  general  one,  and  not  peculiar  to  the 
Ghasis.  It  is  an  imitation  of  a  custom  observed  by  the 
higher  Oriya  castes.  The  striking  of  the  bridegroom 
on  the  back  by  the  bride's  brother  is  the  solabidha  of 
other  castes,  and  the  mock  anger  (rusyano)  in  which 
the  latter  goes  away  corresponds  to  the  alagi  povadam 
of  Telugu  castes. 

At  the  first  menstrual  ceremony  of  a  Ghasi  girl,  she 
sits  in  a  space  enclosed  by  four  arrows,  round  which  a 
thread  is  passed  seven  times. 

The  name  Odiya  Toti  (Oriya  scavenger)  occurs  as  a 
Tamil  synonym  for  Haddis  employed  as  scavengers  in 
Municipalities  in  the  Tamil  country. 

Hajam.— The  Hindustani  name  for  a  barber,  and 
used  as  a  general  professional  title  by  barbers  of  various 
classes.  It  is  noted,  in  the  Census  Reports,  that  only 
fifteen  out  of  more  than  two  thousand  individuals  returned 
as  Hajam  were  Muhammadans,  and  that,  in  South 
Canara,  Hajams  are  Konkani  Kelasis,  and  of  Marathi 
descent. 

Halaba. — See  Pentiya. 

Halavakki.— A  Canarese  synonym  for  Budu- 
budukala. 

Halepaik.— The  Halcpaiks  are  Canarese  toddy- 
drawers,  who  are  found  in  the  northern  taluks  of  the 
South  Canara  district.  The  name  is  commonly  derived 
from  hale,  old,  and  paika,  a  soldier,  and  it  is  said  that 
they  were  formerly  employed  as  soldiers.  There  is 
a  legend  that  one  of  their  ancestors  became  commander 
of  the  Vijayanagar  army,  was  made  ruler  of  a  State, 


321  HALEPAIK 

and  given  a  village  named  Halepaikas  as  a  jaghir 
(hereditary  assignment  of  land).  Some  Halepaiks  say- 
that  they  belong  to  the  Tengina  (cocoanut  palm)  section, 
because  they  are  engaged  in  tapping  that  palm  for  toddy. 

There  is  intermarriage  between  the  Canarese-speaking 
Halepaiks  and  the  Tulu-speaking  Billava  toddy-drawers, 
and,  in  some  places,  the  Billavas  also  call  themselves 
Halepaiks.  The  Halepaiks  have  exogamous  septs  or 
balis,  which  run  in  the  female  line.  As  examples  of 
these,  the  following  may  be  noted i: — 

Chendi  {Cerbera  Odolhmz),  Honne  {Calophyllum 
inophyllmn),  Tolar  (wolf),  Devana  (god)  and  Ganga.  It 
is  recorded  *  of  the  Halepaiks  of  the  Canara  district  in 
the  Bombay  Presidency  that  "  each  exogamous  section, 
known  as  a  bali  (literally  a  creeper),  is  named  after  some 
animal  or  tree,  which  is  held  sacred  by  the  members  of 
the  same.  This  animal,  tree  or  flower,  etc.,  seems  to 
have  been  once  considered  the  common  ancestor  of  the 
members  of  the  bali,  and  to  the  present  day  it  is  both 
worshipped  by  them,  and  held  sacred  in  the  sense  that  they 
will  not  injure  it.  Thus  the  members  of  the  nagbali, 
named  apparently  after  the  nagchampa  flower,  will  not 
wear  this  flower  in  their  hair,  as  this  would  involve 
injury  to  the  plant.  The  Kadavebali  will  not  kill  the 
sambhar  (deer  :  kadave),  from  which  they  take  their 
name."  The  Halepaiks  of  South  Canara  seem  to  attach 
no  such  importance  to  the  sept  names.  Some,  however, 
avoid  eating  a  fish  called  Srinivasa,  because  they  fancy 
that  the  streaks  on  the  body  have  a  resemblance  to  the 
Vaishnavite  sectarian  mark  (namam). 

All  the   Halepaiks  of  the  Kundapur  taluk  profess 
to  be  Vaishnavites,  and  have  become  the  disciples  of  a 


*  Monograph,  Eth.  Survey  of  Bombay,  12,  1904. 

1 1-2  I 


HALEPAIK  322 

Vaishnava  Brahman  settled  in  the  village  of  Sankarappa- 
kddlu  near  Wondsc  in  that  trduk.  Though  Venkata- 
ramana  is  regarded  as  their  chief  deity,  they  worship 
Baidcrkulu,  Panjurli,  and  other  bhuthas  (devils).  The 
Pujaris  (priests)  avoid  eating  new  grain,  new  areca  nuts, 
new  sugarcane,  cucumbers  and  pumpkins,  until  a  feast, 
called  kaidha  puja,  has  been  held.  This  is  usually 
celebrated  in  November- December,  and  consists  in 
offering  food,  etc.,  to  Baiderkulu.  Somebody  gets 
possessed  by  the  bhutha,  and  pierces  his  abdomen  with 
an  arrow. 

In  their  caste  organisation,  marriage  and  death 
ceremonies,  the  Halepaiks  closely  follow  the  Billavas. 
They  do  not,  however,  construct  a  car  for  the  final  death 
ceremonies.  As  they  are  Vaishnavites,  after  purifica- 
tion from  death  pollution  by  their  own  caste  barber,  a 
Vaishnavite  mendicant,  called  Dassaya,  is  called  in,  and 
purifies  them  by  sprinkling  holy  water  and  putting  the 
namam  on  their  foreheads. 

There  are  said  to  be  some  differences  between  the 
Halepaiks  and  Billavas  in  the  method  of  carrying  out  the 
process  of  drawing  toddy.  For  example,  the  Halepaiks 
generally  grasp  the  knife  with  the  fingers  directed 
upwards  and  the  thumb  to  the  right,  while  the  Billavas 
hold  the  knife  with  the  fingers  directed  downwards  and 
the  thumb  to  the  left.  For  crushing  the  flower-buds 
within  the  spathe  of  the  palm,  Billavas  generally  use  a 
stone,  and  the  Halepaiks  a  bone.  There  is  a  belief  that, 
if  the  spathe  is  beaten  with  the  bone  of  a  buffalo  which 
has  been  killed  by  a  tiger,  the  yield  of  toddy  will,  if  the 
bone  has  not  touched  the  ground,  be  greater  than  if  an 
ordinary  bone  is  used.  The  Billavas  generally  carry  a 
long  gourd,  and  the  Halepaiks  a  pot,  for  collecting  the 
toddy  in. 


323  HANDICHIKKA 

Halige  (plank). — A  gotra  of  Kurnl. 

Hallikara  (village  man). — Recorded,  in  the  Mysore 
Census  Report,  1901,  as  a  division  of  Vakkaliga. 

Halu  (milk). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Holeya  and 
Kurni,  a  sub-division  of  Kuruba,  and  a  name  for 
Vakkaligas  who  keep  cattle  and  sell  milk.  Halu  mata 
(milk  caste)  has  been  given  as  a  synonym  for  Kuruba. 
In  the  Mysore  Census  Report,  1901,  Halu  Vakkal- 
Makkalu,  or  children  of  the  milk  caste,  occurs  as  a 
synonym  for  Hfdu  Vakkaliga,  and,  in  the  South  Canara 
Manual,  Halvaklumakkalu  is  given  as  a  synonym  for 
Cauda.  The  Madigas  call  the  intoxicant  toddy  halu. 
{See  Pal.) 

Hanbali. — A  sect  of  Muhammadans,  who  are  fol- 
lowers of  the  Imam  Abu  'Abdi  'llah  Ahmad  Ibn 
Hanbal,  the  founder  of  the  fourth  orthodox  sect  of  the 
Sunnis,  who  was  born  at  Baghdad  A.H.  164  (A.D.  780). 
"  His  fame  began  to  spread  just  at  the  time  when 
disputes  ran  highest  concerning  the  nature  of  the  Qur  an, 
which  some  held  to  have  existed  from  eternity,  whilst 
others  maintained  it  to  be  created.  Unfortunately  for 
Ibn  Hanbal,  the  Khalifah-at-Muttasim  was  of  the  latter 
opinion,  to  which  this  doctor  refusing  to  subscribe,  he 
was  imprisoned,  and  severely  scourged  by  the  Khallfah's 
order."* 

Handa.— A  title  of  Canarese  Kumbaras. 

Handichikka. — The  Handichikkas  are  stated  f  to 
be  "  also  generally  known  as  Handi  Jogis.  This  caste 
is  traced  to  the  Pakanati  sub-section  of  the  Jogis,  which 
name  it  bore  some  five  generations  back  when  the 
traditional  calling  was  buffalo-breeding.  But,  as  they 
subsequently  degenerated  to  pig-rearing,  they  came  to  be 


*  T.  P.  Hughes.     Dictionary  of  Islam.  f  Mysore  Census  Report,  1901. 

II-2I  B 


HANIFI  324 

known  as  Handi  Jogi  or  Handichikka,  handi  being  the 
Canarese  for  pig. 

Hanifi.— A  sect  of  Muhammadans,  named  after  Abu 
Hanlfah  Anhufman,  the  great  Sunni  Imam  andjurlscon- 
suh,  and  the  founder  of  the  Hanifi  sect,  who  was  born 
A.H.  8o(A.D.  700). 

Hanuman.'^Hanumrm,  or  Hanumanta,  the  monkey 
god,  has  been  recorded  as  a  sept  of  Domb,  and  gotra  of 
Medara. 

Had  Shetti. — A  name  for  Konkani-speaking  Vanis 
(traders). 

Haruvar.—- A  sub-division  of  the  Badagas  of  the 
Nilgiri  hills. 

Hasala.— -Concerning  the  Hasalas  or  Hasulas,  Mr. 
Lewis  Rice  writes  that  "  this  tribe  resembles  the  Soliga 
(or  Sholagas).  They  are  met  with  along  the  ghats  on 
the  north-western  frontier  of  Mysore.  They  are  a 
short,  thick-set  race,  very  dark  in  colour,  and  with  curled 
hair.  Their  chief  employment  is  felling  timber,  but 
they  sometimes  work  in  areca  nut  gardens  and  gather 
wild  cardamoms,  pepper,  etc.  They  speak  a  dialect  of 
Canarese." 

In  the  Mysore  Census  Report,  1891,  it  is  stated  that 
"  the  Hasalaru  and  Maleru  are  confined  to  the  wild 
regions  of  the  Western  Malnad.  In  the  caste  generation, 
they  are  said  to  rank  above  the  Halepaikas,  but  above 
the  Holeyas  and  Madigas.  They  are  a  diminutive  but 
muscular  race,  with  curly  hair  and  dolichocephalous 
head.  Their  mother-tongue  is  Tulu.  Their  numbers 
are  so  insignificantly  small  as  not  to  be  separately  defined. 
They  are  immigrants  from  South  Canara,  and  lead  a  life 
little  elevated  above  that  of  primordial  barbarism.  They 
live  in  small  isolated  huts,  which  are,  however,  in  the 
case  of  the  Hasalas,  provided  not  onlyuwith  the  usual 


325  HASALA 

principal  entrance,   through   which  one  has  to  crawl  in, 
but  also  with  a  half-concealed  hole  in  the  rear,  a  kind  of 
postern,  through  which  the  shy  inmates  steal  out  into  the 
jungle  at  the  merest  suspicion  of  danger,  or  the  approach 
of  a  stranger.     They  collect  the  wild  jungle  produce, 
such  as  cardamoms,  etc.,  for  their  customary  employers, 
whose  agrestic  slaves  they  have  virtually  become.     Their 
huts  are   annually  or  periodically  shifted  from  place  to 
place,  usually  the  most  inaccessible  and  thickest  parts  of 
the  wilderness.     They  are  said  to  be  very  partial  to  toddy 
and  arrack  (alcoholic  liquor).     It  is  expected  that  these 
savages  smuggle  across  the  frontier  large  quantities  of 
wild  pepper  and  cardamoms  from  the  ghat  forests  of  the 
province.     Their  marriage  customs  are  characterised  by 
the  utmost  simplicity,  and  the  part  played  therein  by  the 
astrologer  is  not  very  edifying.     Their  religion  does  not 
seem  to  transcend  devil  worship.     They  bury  the  dead. 
x\   very  curious  obsequial   custom   prevails  among  the 
Hasalas.     When  any  one  among  them  dies,  somebody's 
devil  is  credited  with  the  mishap,  and  the  astrologer  is 
consulted  to  ascertain   its   identity.     The  latter  throws 
cowries   (shells  of  Cyprcca  monetd)  for  divination,   and 
mentions  some  neighbour  as  the  owner  of  the  devil  thief. 
Thereupon,  the  spirit  of  the  dead  is  redeemed  by  the  heir 
or  relative  by  means  of  a  pig,  fowl,  or  other  guerdon. 
The  spirit  is  then  considered  released,  and  is  thence  for- 
ward domiciled  in  a  pot,  which  is  supplied  periodically 
with  water  and  nourishment.     This  may  be  looked  upon 
as  the  elementary  germ  of  the  posthumous  care-taking, 
which  finds  articulation  under  the  name  of  sradh  in  multi- 
farious   forms,   accompanied    more    or  less    with  much 
display    in    the    more    civilised    sections   of  the    Hindu 
community.     The  Hasalaru  are  confined  to  Tirthahalli 
and  Mudigere." 


HASBE  326 

It  is  further  recorded  in  the  Mysore  Census  Report, 
1 89 1,  that  "  in  most  of  the  purely  Mahiad  or  hilly  taluks, 
each  vargdar,  or  proprietor  of  landed  estate,  owns  a  set 
of  servants  styled  Huttalu  or  Huttu-alu  and  Mannalu  or 
Mannu-alu.  The  former  is  the  hereditary  servitor  of  the 
family,  born  in  servitude,  and  performing  agricultural  work 
for  the  landholder  from  father  to  son.  The  Mannalu  is 
a  serf  attached  to  the  soil,  and  changes  hands  with  it. 
They  are  usually  of  the  Holaya  class,  but,  in  some  places, 
the  Hasalar  race  have  been  entertained."     [See  Holeya.) 

Concerning  the  Hasalaru,  Mr.  H.  V.  Nanjundayya 
writes  to  me  that  "  their  marriages  take  place  at  night, 
a  pujari  of  their  caste  ties  the  tali,  a  golden  disc,  round 
the  bride's  neck.  Being  influenced  by  the  surrounding 
castes,  they  have  taken  of  late  to  the  practice  of  inviting 
the  astrologer  to  be  present.  In  the  social  scale  they 
are  a  little  superior  to  Madigas  and  Holeyas,  and,  like 
them,  live  outside  the  village,  but  they  do  not  eat  beef 
Their  approach  is  considered  to  defile  a  Brahman,  and 
they  do  not  enter  the  houses  of  non-Brahmans  such  as 
Vakkaligas  and  Kurubas.  They  have  their  own  caste 
barbers  and  washermen,  and  have  separate  wells  to  draw 
water  from." 

Hasbe.— Hasbe  or  Hasubu,  meaning  a  double  pony 
pack-sack,  has  been  recorded  as  an  exogamous  sept  of 
Holeya  and  Vakkaliga, 

Hastham  (hand). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya. 

Hatagar.— A  sub-division  of  Devangas,  who  are  also 
called  Kodekal  Hatagaru. 

Hathi  (elephant). — A  sept  of  the  Oriya  Haddis. 
When  members  of  this  sept  see  the  foot-prints  of  an 
elephant,  they  take  some  dust  from  the  spot,  and  make 
a  mark  on  the  forehead  with  it.  They  also  draw  the 
figure  of  an  elephant,  and  worship  it,  when  they  perform 


327  HEGGADE 

sradh  (memorial  service  for  the  dead)  and  other  cere- 
monies. 

Hathinentu  Manayavaru  (eighteen  house). — A 
sub-division  of  Devanga. 

Hatti  (hut  or  hamlet). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Kappilliyan  and  Kuruba. 

Hattikankana  (cotton  wrist-thread). — A  sub-divi- 
sion of  Kurubas,  who  tie  a  cotton  thread  round  the  wrist 
at  the  marriage  ceremony. 

Heggade. — The  Heggades  are  summed  up,  in  the 
Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  as  being  a  class  of  Cana- 
rese  cultivators  and  cattle-breeders.  Concerning  the 
Heggades  of  South  Canara,  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  writes* 
that  they  "  are  classified  as  shepherds,  but  the  present 
occupation  of  the  majority  of  them  is  cultivation.  Their 
social  position  is  said  to  be  somewhat  inferior  to  that  of 
the  Bants.  They  employ  Brahmins  as  their  priests.  In 
their  ceremonies,  the  rich  follow,  closely  the  Brahminical 
customs.  On  the  second  day  of  their  marriage,  a  pretence 
of  stealing  a  jewel  from  the  person  of  the  bride  is  made. 
The  bridegroom  makes  away  with  the  jewel  before  dawn, 
and  in  the  evening  the  bride's  party  proceeds  to  the 
house  where  the  bridegroom  is  to  be  found.  The  owner 
of  the  house  is  told  that  a  theft  has  occurred  in  the  bride's 
house  and  is  asked  whether  the  thief  has  taken  shelter 
in  his  house.  A  negative  answer  is  given,  but  the  bride's 
party  conducts  a  regular  search.  In  the  meanwhile  a  boy 
is  dressed  to  represent  the  bridegroom.  The  searching 
party  mistake  this  boy  for  the  bridegroom,  arrest  him, 
and  produce  him  before  the  audience  as  the  culprit. 
This  disguised  bridegroom,  who  is  proclaimed  to  be  the 
thief,  throws  his  mask  at  the  bride,  when  it  is  found  to 


*   Manual  of  ihe  South  Canara  district. 


HEGGANIGA  328 

the  amusement  of  all  present  that  he  is  not  the  bride- 
groom. The  bride's  party  then,  confessing  their  inabi- 
lity to  find  the  bridegroom,  request  the  owner  of  the 
house  to  produce  him.  He  is  then  produced,  and 
conducted  in  procession  to  the  bride's  house." 

Some  Bants  who  use  the  title  Heggade  wear  the 
sacred  thread,  follow  the  hereditary  profession  of  temple 
functionaries,  and  are  keepers  of  the  demon  shrines 
which  are  dotted  all  over  South  Canara. 

Of  the  Heggades  w^ho  have  settled  in  the  Coorg 
country,  the  Rev.  G.  Richter  states  *  that  "  they  conform, 
in  superstitions  and  festivals,  to  Coorg  custom,  but  are 
excluded  from  the  community  of  the  Coorgs,  in  whose 
presence  they  are  allowed  10  sit  only  on  the  floor,  whilst 
the  former  occupy  a  chair,  or,  if  they  are  seated  on  a  mat, 
the  Heggades  must  not  touch  it."  In  the  Mysore  and 
Coorg  Gazetteer,  Heggade  is  defined  by  Mr.  L.  Rice  as 
the  headman  of  a  village,  the  head  of  the  village  police, 
to  whom,  in  some  parts  of  the  Province,  rent-free  lands 
are  assigned  for  his  support. 

Heggade  is  sometimes  used  as  a  caste  name  by 
Kurubas,  and  occurs  as  an  exogamous  sept  of  Stanikas. 

Hegganiga. — A  sub-division  of  Ganigas,  who  use 
two  oxen  for  their  oil-pressing  mills. 

Helava.^Helava,  meaning  lame  person,  is  the  name 
of  a  class  of  mendicants,  who,  in  Bellary,  Mysore,  and 
other  localities,  are  the  custodians  of  village  histories. 
They  generally  arrive  at  the  villages  mounted  on  a 
bullock,  and  with  their  legs  concealed  by  woollen  blankets. 
They  go  from  house  to  house,  giving  the  history  of  the 
different  families,  the  names  of  heroes  who  died  in  war, 
and  so  forth. 


I\Ianual  of  Coorg. 


329  HOLEYA 

Hijra  (eunuchs). — See  Khoja. 

Hire  (big). — A  sub-division  of  Kurni. 

Hittu  (flour). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Holadava.— A  synonym  of  Gatti. 

Holeya. — The  bulk  of  the  Holeyas  are,  in  the  Madras 
Presidency,  found  in  South  Canara,  but  there  are  a  con- 
siderable number  in  Coimbatore  and  on  the  Nilgiris 
(working  on  cinchona,  tea,  and  coffee  estates).  In  the 
Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district  it  is  noted  that 
"  Holeyas  are  the  field  labourers,  and  former  agrestic 
serfs  of  South  Canara,  Pulayan  being  the  Malayalam  and 
Paraiyan  the  Tamil  form  of  the  same  word.  The  name 
is  derived  by  Brahmins  from  hole,  pollution,  and  by  others 
from  hola,  land  or  soil,  in  recognition  of  the  fact  that,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  Paraiyan,  there  are  customs  remaining 
which  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Holeyas  were  once 
masters  of  the  land  ;  but,  whatever  the  derivation  may 
be,  it  is  no  doubt  the  same  as  that  of  Paraiyan  and 
Pulayan.  The  Holeyas  are  divided  into  many  sub- 
divisions, but  the  most  important  are  Mari,  Mera,  and 
Mundala  or  Bakuda.  The  Mera  Holeyas  are  the  most 
numerous,  and  they  follow  the  ordinary  law  of  inheritance 
through  males,  as  far  as  that  can  be  said  to  be  possible 
with  a  class  of  people  who  have  absolutely  nothing  to 
inherit.  Of  course,  demon  propitiation  (bhuta  worship) 
is  practically  the  exclusive  idea  of  the  Holeyas,  and  every 
one  of  the  above  sub-divisions  has  four  or  five  demons  to 
which  fowls,  beaten  rice,  cocoanuts  and  toddy,  are  offered 
monthly  and  annually.  The  Holeyas  have,  like  other 
classes  of  South  Canara,  a  number  of  balls  (exogamous 
septs),  and  persons  of  the  same  ball  cannot  intermarry. 
Though  the  marriage  tie  is  as  loose  as  is  usual  among  the 
depressed  and  low  castes  of  Southern  India,  their  marriage 
ceremony    is   somewhat    elaborate.     The    bridegroom's 


HOLEYA  330 

party  goes  to  the  bride's  house  on  a  fixed  day  with  rice, 
betel  leaf  and  a  few  areca  nuts,  and  waits  the  whole  night 
outside  the  bride's  hut,  the  bridegroom  being  seated  on 
a  mat  specially  made  by  the  bride.  On  the  next  morning 
the  bride  is  made  to  sit  opposite  the  bridegroom,  with 
a  winnowing  fan  between  them  filled  with  betel  leaf,  etc. 
Meanwhile  the  men  and  women  present  throw  rice  over 
the  heads  of  the  couple.  The  bride  then  accompanies 
the  bridegroom  to  his  hut,  carrying  the  mat  with  her.  On 
the  last  day  the  couple  take  the  mat  to  a  river  or  tank 
where  fish  may  be  found,  dip  the  mat  into  the  water,  and 
catch  some  fish,  which  they  let  go  after  kissing  them. 
A  grand  feast  completes  the  marriage.  Divorce  is  easy, 
and  widow  marriage  is  freely  practiced.  Holeyas  will 
eat  flesh  including  beef,  and  have  no  caste  scruples 
regarding  the  consumption  of  spirituous  liquor.  Both 
men  and  women  wear  a  small  cap  made  of  the  leaf  of  the 
areca  palm."  The  Holeyas  who  were  interviewed  by  us 
all  said  that  they  do  not  go  through  the  ceremony  of 
catching  fish,  which  is  performed  by  Shivalli  Brahmans 
and  Akkasales. 

"  All  Tulu  Brahmin  chronicles,"  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart 
writes  *  "  agree  in  ascribing  the  creation  of  Malabar 
and  Canara,  or  Kerala,  Tuluva,  and  Haiga  to  Parasu 
Rama,  who  reclaimed  from  the  sea  as  much  land  as  he 
could  cover  by  hurling  his  battle-axe  from  the  top  of  the 
Western  Ghauts.  A  modified  form  of  the  tradition 
states  that  Parasu  Rama  gave  the  newly  reclaimed  land 
to  Naga  and  Machi  Brahmins,  who  were  not  true 
Brahmins,  and  were  turned  out  or  destroyed  by  fisher- 
men and  Holeyas,  who  held  the  country  till  the  Tulu 
Brahmins  were   introduced   by    Mayur    Varma    (of  the 


*  Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district. 


33^  HOLEYA 

Kadamba  dynasty).  All  traditions  unite  in  attributing 
the  introduction  of  the  Tulu  Brahmins  of  the  present  day 
to  MayCir  Varma,  but  they  vary  in  details  connected 
with  the  manner  in  which  they  obtained  a  firm  footing  in 
the  land.  One  account  says  that  Habashika,  chief  of 
the  Koragas,  drove  out  Mayur  Varma,  but  was  in  turn 
expelled  by  Mayur  Varma's  son,  or  son-in-law,  Lokaditya 
of  Gokarnam,  who  brought  Brahmins  from  Ahi-Kshetra, 
and  settled  them  in  thirty-two  villages.  Another  makes 
Mayur  Varma  himself  the  invader  of  the  country,  which 
till  then  had  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  Holeyas 
and  fishermen  who  had  turned  out  Parasu  Rama's 
Brahmins.  Mayur  Varma  and  the  Brahmins  whom  he 
had  brought  from  Ahi-Kshetra  were  again  driven  out  by 
Nanda,  a  Holeya  chief,  whose  son  Chandra  Sayana  had, 
however,  learned  respect  for  Brahmins  from  his  mother, 
who  had  been  a  dancing-girl  in  a  temple.  H  is  admiration 
for  them  became  so  great  that  he  not  only  brought  back 
the  Brahmins,  but  actually  made  over  all  his  authority 
to  them,  and  reduced  his  people  to  the  position  of  slaves. 
A  third  account  makes  Chandra  Sayana,  not  a  son  of  a 
Holeya  king,  but  a  descendant  of  Mayur  Varma  and  a 
conqueror  of  the  Holeya  king." 

In  Coorg,  the  Rev.  G.  Richter  writes,  *  "  the  Holeyas 
are  found  in  the  Coorg  houses  all  over  the  country,  and 
do  all  the  menial  work  for  the  Coorgs,  by  whom,  though 
theoretically  freemen  under  the  British  Government, 
they  were  held  as  gleboe  adscripti  in  a  state  of  abject 
servitude  until  lately,  when,  with  the  advent  of  European 
planters,  the  slave  question  was  freely  discussed,  and 
the  '  domestic  institution  '  practically  abolished.  The 
Holeyas  dress  indifferently,  are  of  dirty  habits,  and  eat 


•  Manual  of  Coorg. 


HOLEYA  332 

whatever  they  can  get,  beef  included.  Their  worship 
is  addressed  to  Eiyappa  Devaru  and  Chamundi,  or  KaH 
goddess  once  every  month  ;  and  once  every  year  they 
sacrifice  a  hog  or  a  fowl." 

Of  the  Holeyas  of  the  Mysore  province,  the  following 
account  is  given  in  the  Mysore  Census  Reports,  1891 
and  1 90 1.  "  The  Holeyas  number  502,493  persons, 
being  io'53  per  cent,  of  the  total  population.  They 
constitute,  as  their  name  implies,  the  back-bone  of 
cultivation  in  the  country.  Hola  is  the  Kanarese  name 
for  a  dry-crop  field,  and  Holeya  means  the  man  of  such 
field.  The  caste  has  numerous  sub-divisions,  among 
which  are  Kannada,  Gangadikara,  Maggada  (loom), 
and  Morasu.  The  Holeyas  are  chiefly  employed  as 
labourers  in  connection  with  agriculture,  and  manufac- 
ture with  hand-looms  various  kinds  of  coarse  cloth  or 
home-spun,  which  are  worn  extensively  by  the  poorer 
classes,  notwithstanding  that  they  are  being  fast  sup- 
planted by  foreign  cheap  fabrics.  In  some  parts  of  the 
Mysore  district,  considerable  numbers  of  the  Holeyas  are 
specially  engaged  in  betel-vine  gardening.  As  labourers 
they  are  employed  in  innum.erable  pursuits,  in  which 
manual  labour  preponderates.  The  Aleman  sub-division 
furnishes  recruits  as  Barr  sepoys.  It  may  not  be  amiss 
to  quote  here  some  interesting  facts  denoting  the  measure 
of  material  well-being  achieved  by,  and  the  religious 
recognition  accorded  to  the  outcastes  at  certain  first-class 
shrines  in  Mysore.  At  Mclkote  in  the  Mysore  district, 
the  outcastes,  i.e.,  the  Holeyas  and  Madigs,  are  said 
to  have  been  granted  by  the  great  Visishtadvaita 
reformer,  Ramanujacharya,  the  privilege  of  entering  the 
Vishnu  temple  up  to  the  sanctum  sanctorum,  along  with 
Brahmans  and  others,  to  perform  worship  there  for  three 
days  during  the  annual  car  procession.     The  following 


333  HOLEYA 

anecdote,  recorded  by   Buchanan,*  supplies  the  raison 
d'etre  for  the  concession,  which  is  said  to  have  also  been 
earned   by  their   forebears  having  guarded  the   sacred 
murti  or  idol.     On  Ramanujacharya  going  to  Melkota 
to  perform  his  devotions  at  that  celebrated  shrine,  he 
was  informed  that  the  place  had  been  attacked  by  the 
Turk   King  of  Delhi,   who  had  carried  away  the  idol. 
The  Brahman  immediately  set  out  for  that  capital,  and 
on  arrival  found  that  the  King  had  made  a  present  of 
the  image  to  his  daughter,  for  it  is  said  to  be  very  hand- 
some, and  she  asked  for  it  as  a  plaything.     All  day  the 
princess  played  with  the  image,   and  at  night  the  god 
assumed  his  own  beautiful  form,  and  enjoyed  her  bed, 
for   Krishna   is  addicted  to   such    forms  of  adventures. 
Ramanujacharya,  by  virtue  of  certain  mantras,  obtained 
possession  of  the  image,  and  wished  to  carry  it  off.     He 
asked  the  Brahmans  to  assist  him,  but  they  refused  ;  on 
which  the  Holeyas  volunteered,   provided  the  right  of 
entering  the  temple  was  granted  to  them.     Ramanuja- 
charya accepted  their  proposal,  and  the  Holeyas,  having 
posted   themselves   between    Delhi    and    Melkota,    the 
image  of  the  god  was  carried  down  in  twenty-four  hours. 
The  service  also  won  for  the  outcastes  the  envied  title  of 
Tiru-kulam  or  the  sacred  race.     In  1799,  however,  when 
the   Dewan  (prime  minister)  Purnaiya  visited  the  holy 
place,  the  right  of  the  outcastes  to  enter  the  temple  was 
stopped  at  the  dhvaja  stambham,  the  consecrated  mono- 
lithic column,   from   which    point    alone   can   they   now 
obtain  a  view  of  the  god.     On  the  day  of  the  car  proces- 
sion, the  Tiru-kulam  people,  men,  women  and  children, 
shave  their  heads  and  bathe  with  the  higher  castes  in  the 
kalyani  or  large  reservoir,  and  carry  on  their  head  small 


Journey  through  Mysore,  Canara  and  Malabar. 


HOLEYA  334 

earthen  vessels  filled  with  rice  and  oil,  and  enter  the 
temple  as  far  as  the  flagstaff  referred  to  above,  where 
they  deliver  their  offerings,  which  are  appropriated  by 
the  Dasayyas,  who  resort  simultaneously  as  pilgrims  to 
the  shrine.  Besides  the  privilege  of  entering  the  temple, 
the  Tiru-kula  Holeyas  and  Madigs  have  the  right  to 
drag  the  car,  for  which  service  they  are  requited  by 
getting  from  the  temple  two  hundred  seers  of  ragi  (grain), 
a  quantity  of  jaggery  (crude  sugar),  and  few  bits  of  the 
dyed  cloth  used  for  decorating  the  pandal  (shed)  which  is 
erected  for  the  procession.  At  the  close  of  the  proces- 
sion, the  representatives  of  the  aforesaid  classes  receive 
each  a  flower  garland  at  the  hands  of  the  Sthanik  or  chief 
worshipper,  who  manages  to  drop  a  garland  synchro- 
nously into  each  plate  held  by  the  recipients,  so  as  to  avoid 
any  suspicion  of  undue  preference.  In  return  for  these 
privileges,  the  members  of  the  Tiru-kulam  used  to  render 
gratuitous  services  such  as  sweeping  the  streets  round 
the  temple  daily,  and  in  the  night  patrolling  the  whole 
place  with  drums  during  the  continuance  of  the  annual 
procession,  etc.  But  these  services  are  said  to  have 
become  much  abridged  and  nearly  obsolete  under  the 
recent  police  and  municipal  regime.  The  privilege  of 
entering  the  temple  during  the  annual  car  procession  is 
enjoyed  also  by  the  outcastes  in  the  Vishnu  temple  at 
Belijr  in  the  Hassan  district.  It  is,  however,  significant 
that  in  both  the  shrines,  as  soon  as  the  car  festival  is  over, 
i.e.,  on  the  loth  day,  the  concession  ceases,  and  the 
temples  are  ceremonially  purified. 

"  In  the  pre-survey  period,  the  Holeya  or  Madig 
Kulvadi,  in  the  maidan  or  eastern  division,  was  so  closely 
identified  with  the  soil  that  his  oath,  accompanied  by 
certain  formalities  and  awe-inspiring  solemnities,  was 
considered  to  give  the  co7ip  de  guice  to  long  existing  and 


335  HOLEYA 

vexatious  boundary  disputes.  He  had  a  potential  voice 
in  the  internal  economy  of  the  village,  and  was  often  the 
/idiis  Achates  of  the  patel  (village  official).  In  the 
malnad,  however,  the  Holeya  had  degenerated  into  the 
agrestic  slave,  and  till  a  few  decades  ago  under  the 
British  rule,  not  only  as  regards  his  property,  but  also 
with  regard  to  his  body,  he  was  not  his  own  master. 
The  vargdar  or  landholder  owned  him  as  a  hereditary 
slave.  The  genius  of  British  rule  has  emancipated  him, 
and  his  enfranchisement  has  been  emphasized  by  the 
allurements  of  the  coffee  industry  with  its  free  labour  and 
higher  wages.  It  is,  however,  said  that  the  improvement 
so  far  of  the  status  of  the  outcastes  in  the  malnad  has  not 
been  an  unmixed  good,  inasmuch  as  it  is  likewise  a 
measure  of  the  decadence  of  the  supari  (betel)  gardens. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  the  Holeya  in  the  far  west  of  the 
province  still  continues  in  many  respects  the  bondsman  of 
the  local  landholder  of  influence  ;  and  some  of  the  social 
customs  now  prevailing  among  the  Holeyas  there,  as 
described  hereunder,  fully  bear  out  this  fact. 

"  In  most  of  the  purely  malnad  or  hilly  taluks,  each 
vargdar,  or  proprietor  of  landed  estate,  owns  a  set  of 
servants  called  Huttalu  or  Huttu-Alu  and  Mannalu  or 
Mannu-Alu.  The  former  is  the  hereditary  servitor  of  the 
family,  born  in  servitude,  and  performing  agricultural 
work  for  the  landholder  from  father  to  son.  The  Mannalu 
is  a  serf  attached  to  the  soil,  and  changes  with  it.  These 
are  usually  of  the  Holeya  class,  but  in  some  places  men 
of  the  Hasalar  race  have  been  entertained.  To  some 
estates  or  vargs  only  Huttu-alus  are  attached,  while 
Mannu-alus  work  on  others.  Notwithstanding  the 
measure  of  personal  freedom  enjoyed  by  all  men  at  the 
present  time,  and  the  unification  of  the  land  tenures  in 
the  province  under  the  revenue  survey  and   settlement, 


HOLEYA       .  33<^ 

the  traditions  of  birth,  immemorial  custom,  ignorance,  and 
never-to-be-paid-off  loads  of  debt,  tend  to   preserve   in 
greater  or  less  integrity  the  conditions  of  semi-slavery 
under  which    these  agrestic  slaves    live.     It   is  locally 
considered   the    acme  of  unwisdom   to    loosen  the   im- 
memorial relations  between  capital  and  labour,  especially 
in  the  remote  backwoods,  in  which  free  labour  does  not 
exist,  and  the  rich  supari  cultivation  whereof  would  be 
ruined  otherwise.     In  order  furthermore  to  rivet  the  ties 
which  bind  these  hereditary  labourers  to  the  soil,   it  is 
alleged  that  the  local  capitalists  have  improvised  a  kind 
of  Gretna  Green  marriage  among  them.     A  legal  marriage 
of  the  orthodox  type  contains  the  risk  of  a  female  servant 
being  lost  to  the  family  in  case  the  husband  happened 
not  to  be  a  Huttalu  or  Mannalu.     So,  in  order  to  obviate 
the  possible  loss,  a  custom  prevails  according  to  which  a 
female  Huttalu  or  Mannalu  is  espoused  in  what  is  locally 
known  as  the  manikattu  form,  which  is  neither  more  nor 
less  than  licensed  concubinage.     She  may  be  given  up 
after  a  time,  subject  to  a  small  fine  to  the  caste,  and  any- 
body else  may  then  espouse  her  on  like  conditions.     Not 
only  does  she  then  remain  in  the  family,  but  her  children 
will  also  become  the  landlord's  servants.     These  people 
are  paid  with  a  daily  supply  of  paddy  or  cooked  food,  and 
a  yearly  present  of  clothing  and  blankets  (kamblis).     On 
special   occasions,    and    at    car    feasts,   they   receive  in 
addition  small  money  allowances. 

"  In  rural  circles,  in  which  the  Holeyas  and  Madigs 
are  kept  at  arm's  length  by  the  Bramanical  bodies,  and 
are  not  allowed  to  approach  the  sacerdotal  classes  beyond 
a  fixed  limit,  the  outcastes  maintain  a  strict  semi-religious 
rule,  whereby  no  Brahman  can  enter  the  Holeya's 
quarters  without  necessitating  a  purification  thereof. 
They  believe  that  the  direst  calamities  will  befall  them 


1 


2,Z7  HOLEYA 

and  theirs  if  otherwise.  The  ultraconservative  spirit  of 
Hindu  priestcraft  casts  into  the  far  distance  the  realization 
of  the  hope  that  the  lower  castes  will  become  socially 
equal  even  with  the  classes  usually  termed  Sudras.  But 
the  time  is  looming  in  the  near  distance,  in  which  they 
will  be  on  a  level  in  temporal  prosperity  with  the  social 
organisms  above  them.  Unlike  the  land  tenures  said  to 
prevail  in  Chingleput  or  Madras,  the  Mysore  system 
fully  permits  the  Holeyas  and  Madigs  to  hold  land  in 
their  own  right,  and  as  sub-tenants  they  are  to  be  found 
almost  everywhere.  The  highest  amount  of  land  assess- 
ment paid  by  a  single  Holeya  is  Rs.  279  in  the  Bangalore 
district,  and  the  lowest  six  pies  in  the  Kolar  and  Mysore 
districts.  The  quota  paid  by  the  outcastes  towards  the 
land  revenue  of  the  country  aggregates  no  less  than 
three  lakhs  of  rupees,  more  than  two-thirds  being  paid  by 
the  Holeyas,  and  the  remainder  by  the  Madigs.  These 
facts  speak  for  themselves,  and  afford  a  reliable  index  to 
the  comparative  well-being  of  these  people.  Instances 
may  also  be  readily  quoted,  in  which  individual  Holeyas, 
etc.,  have  risen  to  be  money-lenders,  and  enjoy  compara- 
tive affluence.  Coffee  cultivation  and  allied  industries 
have  thrown  much  good  fortune  into  their  lap.  Here 
and  there  they  have  also  established  bhajane  or  prayer 
houses,  in  which  theistic  prayers  and  psalms  are  recited 
by  periodical  congregation.  A  beginning  has  been  made 
towards  placing  the  facilities  of  education  within  easy 
reach  of  these  depressed  classes." 

In  connection  with  the  Holeyas  of  South  Canara,  it 
is  recorded  *  that  "  the  ordinary  agricultural  labourers 
of  this  district  are  Holeyas  or  Pariahs  of  two  classes, 
known  as    Mulada    Holeyas   and    Salada    Holeyas,  the 


*  Manual  of  the  South  Canara  district. 
11-22 


HOLEYA  33^ 

former  being  the  old  hereditary  serfs  attached  to  Muli 
wargs  (estates),  and  the  latter  labourers  bound  to  their 
masters'  service  by  being  in  debt  to  them.     Nowadays, 
however,   there   is  a  little   difference  between   the  two 
classes.     Neither  are  much  given  to  changing  masters, 
and,  though  a  Mulada  Holeya  is  no  longer  a  slave,  he  is 
usually  as  much  in  debt  as  a  Salada  Holeya,  and  can 
only  change  when  his  new  master  takes  the  debt  over. 
To  these  labourers  cash  payments  are  unknown,  except 
occasionally  in  the  case  of  Salada  Holeyas,  where  there 
is  a  nominal  annual  payment  to  be  set  off  against  interest 
on  the  debt.     In  other  cases  interest  is  foregone,  one  or 
other  of  the  perquisites  being  sometimes  docked  as  an 
equivalent.     The  grain  wage  consists  of  rice  or  paddy 
(unhusked  rice),  and  the  local  seer  is,  on  the  average,  as 
nearly  as  possible  one  of  80  tolas.     The  daily  rice  pay- 
ments to  men,  women,  and  children  vary  as  follows : — 
Men  . .  . .  . .      from  i  seer  to  2  seers. 

Women     . .  . .  . .        ,,       f  ,,     to  2     „ 

Children  . .  . .  . .         ,,       f  ,,     to  i  seer. 

"  In  addition  to  the  daily  wages,  and  the  midday  meal 
of  boiled  rice  which  Is  given  in  almost  all  parts,  there  are 
annual  perquisites  or  privileges.  Except  on  the  coast  of 
the  Mangalore  taluk  and  in  the  Coondapoor  taluk,  every 
Holeya  is  allowed  rent  free  from  |^  to  ^  acre  of  land,  and 
one  or  two  cocoanut  or  palmyra  trees,  with  sometimes  a 
jack  or  mango  tree  in  addition.  The  money-value  of  the 
produce  of  this  little  allotment  is  variously  estimated  at 
from  I  to  5  rupees  per  annum.  Throughout  the  whole 
district,  cloths  are  given  every  year  to  each  labourer,  the 
money  value  being  estimated  at  i  rupee  per  adult,  and  6 
annas  for  a  child.  It  is  also  customary  to  give  a  cumbly 
(blanket)  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  ghauts,  where  the 
damp  and  cold  render  a  warm  covering  necessary.     On 


339  HOLEYA 

three  or  four  important  festivals,  presents  of  rice  and 
other  eatables,  oil  and  salt  are  given  to  each  labourer,  or, 
in  some  cases,  to  each  family.  The  average  value  of  these 
may  be  taken  at  i  rupee  per  labourer,  or  Rs.  4  per  family. 
Presents  are  also  made  on  the  occasion  of  a  birth,  marri- 
age, or  funeral,  the  value  of  which  varies  very  much  in 
individual  cases.  Whole  families  of  Holeyas  are  attached 
to  the  farms,  but,  when  their  master  does  not  require 
their  services,  he  expects  them  to  go  and  work  elsewhere 
in  places  where  such  work  is  to  be  got.  In  the  interior, 
outside  work  is  not  to  be  had  at  many  seasons,  and  the 
master  has  to  pay  them  even  if  there  is  not  much  for 
them  to  do,  but,  one  way  or  another,  he  usually  manages 
to  keep  them  pretty  well  employed  all  the  year  round." 

In  a  note  on  the  Kulwadis,  Kulvadis  or  Chalavadis 
of  the  Hassan  district  in  Mysore,  Captain  J.  S.  F. 
Mackenzie  writes  *  that  "  every  village  has  its  Holigiri — 
as  the  quarter  inhabited  by  the  Hollars  is  called — outside 
the  village  boundary  hedge.  This,  I  thought,  was 
because  they  are  considered  an  impure  race,  whose  touch 
carries  defilement  with  it.  Such  is  the  reason  generally 
given  by  the  Brahman,  who  refuses  to  receive  anything 
directly  from  the  hands  of  a  Holiar,  and  yet  the  Brah- 
mans  consider  great  luck  will  wait  upon  them  if  they  can 
manage  to  pass  through  the  Holigiri  without  being 
molested.  To  this  the  Holiars  have  a  strong  objection, 
and,  should  a  Brahman  attempt  to  enter  their  quarters, 
they  turn  out  in  a  body  and  slipper  him,  in  former  times 
it  is  said  to  death.  Members  of  the  other  castes  may 
come  as  far  as  the  door,  but  they  must  not  enter  the 
house,  for  that  would  bring  the  Holiar  bad  luck.  If, 
by  chance,  a  person  happens  to  get  in,  the  owner  takes 


*  Ind.  Ant.  II,  1873. 
11-22  B 


HOLEYA  340 

care  to  tear  the  intruder's  cloth,  tie  up  some  salt  in  one 
corner  of  it,  and  turn  him  out.  This  is  supposed  to 
neutralize  all  the  £COod  luck  which  mig-ht  have  accrued  to 
the  trespasser,  and  avert  any  evil  which  might  have 
befallen  the  owner  of  the  house.  All  the  thousand-and- 
one  castes,  whose  members  find  a  home  in  the  village, 
unhesitatingly  admit  that  the  Kulwadi  is  de  jure  the 
rightful  owner  of  the  village.  He  who  was  is  still,  in  a 
limited  sense,  *  lord  of  the  village  manor.'  If  there  is  a 
dispute  as  to  the  village  boundaries,  the  Kulwadi  is  the 
only  one  competent  to  take  the  oath  as  to  how  the 
boundary  ought  to  run.  The  old  custom  for  settling  such 
disputes  was  as  follows.  The  Kulwadi,  carrying  on  his 
head  a  ball  made  of  the  village  earth,  in  the  centre  of 
which  is  placed  some  water,  passes  along  the  boundary. 
If  he  has  kept  the  proper  line,  everything  goes  well ;  but 
should  he,  by  accident,  even  go  beyond  his  own  proper 
boundary,  then  the  ball  of  earth,  of  its  own  accord,  goes 
to  pieces,  the  Kulwadi  dies  within  fifteen  days,  and  his 
house  becomes  a  ruin.  Such  is  the  popular  belief. 
Again,  the  skins  of  all  animals  dying  within  the  village 
boundaries  are  the  property  of  the  Kulwadi,  and  a  good 
income  he  makes  from  this  source.  To  this  day  a  village 
boundary  dispute  is  often  decided  by  this  one  fact.  If 
the  Kulvvadis  agree,  the  other  inhabitants  of  the  villages 
can  say  no  more.  When — in  our  forefathers'  days,  as 
the  natives  say — a  village  was  first  established,  a  stone 
called  '  karu  kallu '  is  set  up.  To  this  stone  the  Patel 
once  a  year  makes  an  offering.  The  Kulwadi,  after  the 
ceremony  is  over,  is  entitled  to  carry  off  the  rice,  etc., 
offered.  In  cases  where  there  is  no  Patel,  the  Kulwadi 
goes  through  the  yearly  ceremony.  But  what  I  think 
proves  strongly  that  the  Holia  was  the  first  to  take 
possession  of  the  soil  is  that  the  Kulwadi  receives,  and  is 


341  HOLEYA 

entitled  to  receive,  from  the  friends  of  any  person  who 
dies  in  the  village,  a  certain  fee  or  as  my  informant 
forcibly  put  it,  *  They  buy  from  him  the  ground  for  the 
dead.'  This  fee  is  still  called  in  Canarese  nela  haga, 
from  nela  earth,  and  haga,  a  coin  worth  i  anna  2  pies. 
In  Munzerabad  the  Kulwadi  does  not  receive  this  fee 
from  those  ryots  who  are  related  to  the  headman.  Here 
the  Kulwadi  occupies  a  higher  position.  He  has,  in 
fact,  been  adopted  into  the  Patel's  family,  for,  on  a  death 
occurring  in  such  family,  the  Kulwadi  goes  into  mourn- 
ing by  shaving  his  head.  He  always  receives  from  the 
friends  the  clothes  the  deceased  wore,  and  a  brass 
basin.  The  Kulwadi,  however,  owns  a  superior  in  the 
matter  of  burial  fees.  He  pays  yearly  a  fowl,  one 
hana  (4  annas  8  pies),  and  a  handful  of  rice  to  the 
agent  of  the  Sudgadu  Siddha,  or  lord  of  the  burning 
ground  {(/.v.)." 

A  Kulwadi,  whom  I  came  across,  was  carrying  a 
brass  ladle  bearing  the  figure  of  a  couchant  bull  (Basava) 
and  a  lingam  under  a  many-headed  cobra  canopy.  This 
ladle  is  carried  round,  and  filled  with  rice,  money,  and 
betel,  on  the  occasion  of  marriages  in  those  castes,  of 
which  the  insignia  are  engraved  on  the  handle.  These 
insignia  were  as  follows  : — 

Weavers — Shuttle  and  brush. 

Bestha — Fish. 

Uppara — Spade  and  basket  for  collecting  salt. 

Korama — Baskets  and  knife  for  splitting  canes 
and  bamboos. 

Idiga — Knife,  and  apparatus  for  climbing  palm- 


trees, 
stone. 


Hajam — Barber's  scissors,  razor,  and  sharpening 
Ganiga — Oil-press. 


HOLEYA  342 

Madavali — Washerman's  pot,    fire-place,    mallet, 
and  stone. 

Kumbara — Potter's  wheel,  pots,  and  mallet. 
Vakkaliga — Plough, 
Chetti — Scales  and  basket. 
Kuruba — Sheep-shears. 

A  small  whistle,  called  kola-singanatha,  made  of  gold, 
silver,  or  copper,  is  tied  round  the  neck  of  some  Holeyas, 
Vakkaligas,  Besthas,  Agasas  and  Kurubas,  by  means  of 
threads  of  sheep's  wool  intertwined  sixteen  times.  All 
these  castes  are  supposed  to  belong  to  the  family  of 
the  God  Bhaira,  in  whose  name  the  whistle  is  tied  by 
a  Bairagi  at  Chunchingiri  near  Nagamangala.  It  is 
usually  tied  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow  taken  by  the  parents, 
and  the  ceremony  costs  from  a  hundred  to  two  hundred 
rupees.  Until  the  vow  is  fulfilled,  the  person  concerned 
cannot  marry.  At  the  ceremony,  the  Bairagi  bores  a 
hole  in  the  right  ear-lobe  of  the  celebrant  with  a  needle 
called  diksha  churi,  and  from  the  wound  ten  drops  of 
blood  fall  to  the  ground  {cf.  Jogi  Purusha).  He  is  then 
bathed  before  the  whistle  is  tied  round  his  neck.  As  the 
result  of  wearing  the  whistle,  the  man  attains  to  the  rank 
of  a  priest  in  his  caste,  and  is  entitled  to  receive  alms 
and  meals  on  festive  and  ceremonial  occasions.  He 
blows  his  whistle,  which  emits  a  thin  squeak,  before 
partaking  of  food,  or  performing  his  daily  worship. 

It  is  noted  in  the  Mysore  Census  Report,  1901,  that 
the  marriage  of  the  Holeyas  is  "nothing  but  a  feast,  at 
which  the  bridegroom  ties  the  bottu  (marriage  badge) 
round  the  bride's  neck.  The  wife  cannot  be  divorced 
except  for  adultery.  Widows  are  prohibited  from  re- 
marrying, but  the  caste  winks  at  a  widow's  living  with 
a  man."  In  an  account  given  to  me  of  marriage  among 
the    Gangadikara   Holeyas,  I   was    told   that,    if  a   girl 


343  HOLEYA 

reaches  puberty  without  being  married,  she  may  live 
with  any  man  whom  she  Hkes  within  the  caste.  If  he 
pays  later  on  the  bride  price  of  twelve  rupees,  the 
marriage  ceremonies  take  place,  and  the  issue  becomes 
legitimate.  On  the  first  day  of  these  ceremonies,  the 
bride  is  taken  to  the  house  of  her  husband-elect.  The 
parties  of  the  bride  and  bridegroom  go,  accompanied  by 
music,  to  a  river  or  tank,  each  with  four  new  earthen 
pots,  rice,  betel,  and  other  things.  The  pots,  which  are 
decorated  with  flowers  of  the  areca  palm,  are  filled  with 
water,  and  set  apart  in  the  houses  of  the  contracting 
couple.  This  ceremonial  is  known  as  bringing  the  god. 
At  night  the  wrist-threads  (kankanam),  made  of  black 
and  white  wool,  with  turmeric  root  and  iron  ring  tied  on 
them,  are  placed  round  the  wrists  of  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom. On  the  following  day,  cotton  thread  is  passed 
round  the  necks  of  three  brass  vessels,  and  also  round 
the  head  of  the  bridegroom,  who  sits  before  the  vessels 
with  hands  folded,  and  betel  leaves  stuck  between  his 
fingers.  Married  women  anoint  him  with  oil  and  tur- 
meric, and  he  is  bathed.  He  is  then  made  to  stand 
beneath  a  tree,  and  a  twig  of  the  jambu  {Ezcgenia 
Jambolana)  tree  is  tied  to  the  milk-post.  A  similar 
ceremony  is  performed  by  the  bride.  The  bridegroom 
is  conducted  to  the  marriage  booth,  and  he  and  the  bride 
exchange  garlands  and  put  gingelly  {Sesamzcm)  and 
jirige  (cummin)  on  each  other's  heads.  The  bottu  is 
passed  round  to  be  blessed,  and  tied  by  the  bridegroom 
on  the  bride's  neck.  This  is  followed  by  the  pouring 
of  milk  over  the  hands  of  the  contracting  couple.  On 
the  third  day,  the  wrist-threads  are  removed,  and  the 
pots  thrown  away. 

The   Holeyas  have  a   large   number  of  exogamous 
septs,  of  which  the  following  are  examples  : — 


HOLEYA  344 


Ane,  elephant. 

Male,  garland. 

Norali,  Eugenia  Jambolana. 

Hutta,  ant-hill. 

Halu,  milk. 

Kavane,  sling. 


Hasubu,  pack-sack. 
Malige,  jasmine. 
Tene,  Setaria  Italica. 
Chatri,  umbrella. 
Mola,  hare. 
Jenu,  honey. 


It  is  recorded  in  the  Mysore  Census  Report,  1901, 
that  "351  out  of  the  entire  population  of  577,166  have 
returned  gotras,  the  names  thereof  being  Harichandra, 
KaH,  Yekke,  and  Karadi.  In  thus  doing,  it  is  evident 
that  they  are  learning  to  venerate  themselves,  like  others 
in  admittedly  higher  grades  of  society." 

Some  Holeya  families  are  called  Hale  Makkalu,  or 
old  children  of  the  Gangadikara  Vakkaligas,  and  have 
to  do  certain  services  for  the  latter,  such  as  carrying  the 
sandals  of  the  bridegroom,  acting  as  messenger  in  con- 
veying news  from  place  to  place,  carrying  fire  before 
corpses  to  the  burning-ground,  and  watching  over  the 
burning  body.  It  is  said  that,  in  the  performance  of 
these  duties,  the  exogamous  septs  of  the  Holeya  and 
Vakkaliga  must  coincide. 

In  the  Census  Report,  1901,  Balagai,  Bakuda,  Begara 
or  Byagara,  Kusa  (or  Uppara)  Maila,  and  Ranivaya 
(belonging  to  a  queen)  are  recorded  as  sub-sects  of  the 
Holeyas.  Of  these,  Balagai  is  a  synonym,  indicating 
that  the  Holeyas  belong  to  the  right-hand  section.  The 
Bakudas  are  said  to  resent  the  application  of  that  name 
to  them,  and  call  themselves  Aipattukuladavaru,  or  the 
people  of  fifty  families,  presumably  from  the  fact  that 
they  are  divided  into  fifty  balls  or  families.  These  balls 
are  said  to  be  named  after  deceased  female  ancestors. 
Begara  or  Byagara  is  a  synonym,  applied  to  the  Holeyas 
by  Kanarese  Lingayats.  Maila  means  dirt,  and  probably 
refers  to  the  washerman  section,  just  as  Mailari  (washer- 
man) occurs  among  the  Malas. 


345  HOLEYA 

The  Tulu-speaking  Holeyas  must  not  be  confounded 
with  the  Canarese-speaking  Holeyas.  In  South  Canara, 
Holeya  is  a  general  name  applied  to  the  polluting  classes, 
Nalkes,  Koragas,  and  the  three  divisions  of  Holeyas 
proper,  which  differ  widely  from  each  other  in  some 
respects.     These  divisions  are — 

(i)  Bakuda  or  Mundala — A  stranger,  asking  a  woman  if  her 
husband  is  at  home,  is  expected  to  refer  to  him  as  her  Bakuda,  and 
not  as  her  Mundala. 

(2)  Mera  or  Mugayaru,  which  is  also  called  Kaipuda. 

(3)  Mari  or  Marimanisaru. 

Of  these,  the  first  two  sections  abstain  from  beef,  and 
consequently  consider  themselves  superior  to  the  Mari 
section. 

The  Bakudas  follow  the  aliya  santana  law  of  succes- 
sion (in  the  female  line),  and,  if  a  man  leaves  any  property, 
it  goes  to  his  nephew.  They  will  not  touch  dead  cows  or 
calves,  or  remove  the  placenta  when  a  cow  calves.  Nor 
will  they  touch  leather,  especially  in  the  form  of  shoes. 
They  will  not  carry  cots  on  which  rice  sheaves  are 
thrashed,  chairs,  etc.,  which  have  four  legs,  but,  when 
ordered  to  do  so,  either  break  off  one  leg,  or  add  an  extra 
leg  by  tying  a  stick  to  the  cot  or  chair.  The  women 
always  wear  their  cloth  in  one  piece,  and  are  not  allowed, 
like  other  Holeyas,  to  have  it  made  of  two  pieces.  The 
Bakudas  will  not  eat  food  prepared  or  touched  by  Bili- 
maggas,  Jadas,  Paravas  or  Nalkes.  The  headman  is 
called  Mukhari.  The  office  is  hereditary,  and,  in  some 
places,  is,  as  with  the  Guttinaya  of  the  Bants,  connected 
with  his  house-site.  This  being  fixed,  he  should  remain  at 
that  house,  or  his  appointment  will  lapse,  except  with  the 
general  consent  of  the  community  to  his  retaining  it.  In 
some  places,  the  Mukhari  has  two  assistants,  called  Jam- 
mana  and  Bondari,  of  whom  the  latter  has  to  distribute 


holeya  346 

toddy  at  assemblies  of  the  caste.  On  all  ceremonial 
occasions,  the  Mukhari  has  to  be  treated  with  great 
respect,  and  even  an  individual  who  gets  possessed  by  the 
bhutha  (devil)  has  to  touch  him  with  his  kadasale  (sword). 
In  cases  of  adultery,  a  purificatory  ceremony,  called  gudi 
suddha,  is  performed.  The  erring  woman's  relations 
construct  seven  small  huts,  through  which  she  has  to 
pass,  and  they  are  burned  down.  The  fact  of  this  purifi- 
catory ceremony  taking  place  is  usually  proclaimed  by 
the  Bondari,  and  the  saying  is  that  280  people  should 
assemble.  They  sprinkle  water  brought  from  a  temple 
or  sthana  (devil  shrine)  and  cow's  urine  over  the  woman 
just  before  she  passes  through  the  huts.  A  small  quantity 
of  hair  from  her  head,  a  few  hairs  from  the  eyelids,  and 
nails  from  her  fingers  are  thrown  into  the  huts.  In  some 
places,  the  delinquent  has  to  drink  a  considerable  quantity 
of  salt-water  and  cow-dung  water. 

Her  relatives  have  to  pay  a  small  money  fine  to  the 
village  deity.  The  ordeal  of  passing  through  huts  is 
also  practiced  by  the  Koragas  of  South  Canara.  "  The 
suggestion,"  Mr.  R.  E.  Enthoven  writes,  "seems  to  be  a 
rapid  representation  of  seven  existences,  the  outcaste 
regaining  his  (or  her)  status  after  seven  generations  have 
passed  without  further  transgression.  The  parallel  sug- 
gested is  the  law  of  Manu  that  seven  generations  are 
necessary  to  efface  a  lapse  from  the  law  of  endogamous 
marriage." 

The  special  bhuthas  of  the  Bakudas  are  Kodababbu 
and  Kamberlu  (or  Kangilu),  but  Jumadi,  Panjurli,  and 
Tanimaniya  are  also  occasionally  worshipped.  For  the 
propitiation  of  Kodababbu,  Nalkes  are  engaged  to  put 
on  the  disguise  of  this  bhutha,  whereas  Bakudas  them- 
selves dress  up  for  the  propitiation  of  Kamberlu  in 
cocoanut  leaves  tied  round  the  head  and  waist.     Thus 


347  HOLEYA 

disguised,  they  go  about  the  streets  periodically,  collect- 
ing alms  from  door  to  door.  Kamberlu  is  supposed  to 
cause  small-pox,  cholera,  and  other  epidemic  diseases. 

On  the  day  fixed  for  the  betrothal  ceremony,  among 
the  Bakudas,  a  few  people  assemble  at  the  home  of  the 
bride-elect,  and  the  Mukharis  of  both  parties  exchange 
betel  or  beat  the  palms  of  their  hands,  and  proclaim  that 
all  quarrels  must  cease,  and  the  marriage  is  to  be  cele- 
brated.    Toddy  is  distributed  among  those  assembled. 
The  bride's  party  visit  the  parents  of  the  bridegroom, 
and   receive   then   or  subsequently  a   white  cloth,    four 
rupees,  and  three  bundles  of  rice.     On  the  wedding  day, 
those  who  are  present  seat  themselves  in  front  of  the 
house  where  the  ceremony  is  to  take  place,  and  are  given 
betel  to  chew.     A  new  mat  is  spread,  and  the  bride  and 
bridegroom   stand   thereon.     If  there   is  a   Kodababbu 
sthana  in  the  vicinity,  the  jewels  belonging  thereto  are 
worn  by  the   bridegroom,   who  also   wears  a  red  cap, 
which  is  usually  kept  in  the  sthana,  and  carries  in  his 
hand   the    sword    (kadasale)    belonging   thereto.      The 
Mukhari  or  Jammana  asks  if  the  five  groups  of  people, 
from   Barkur,   Mangalore,   Shivalli,   Chithpadi,  Mudani- 
dambur,  and  Udayavara,  are  present.     Five  men  come 
forward,   and  announce   that    this   is   so,    and    say    "  all 
relationship  involving  prohibited  degrees  may  snap,  and 
cease  to  exist."     A  tray  of  rice  and  a  lamp  are  placed 
before  the  contracting  couple,  and  those  present  throw 
rice  over  their  heads.     All  then  go  to  the  toddy  shop, 
and  have  a  drink.     They  then  return  to  the  house  and 
partake  of  a  meal,  at  which  the  bridegroom  and  his  best- 
man  (maternal  uncle's  son)  are  seated  apart.     Cooked 
rice  is  heaped  up  on  a  leaf  before  the  bridegroom,  and 
five   piles  of  fish  curry  are  placed  thereon.      First   the 
bridegroom  eats  a  portion  thereof,  and  the  remainder  is 


HOLEYA  348 

finished  off  by  the  bestman.  The  bridal  couple  then 
stand  once  more  on  the  mat,  and  the  Mukhari  joins  their 
hands,  saying  "  No  unlawful  marriage  should  take  place. 
Prohibited  relationship  must  be  avoided."  He  sprinkles 
water  from  culms  of  Cynodofi  Dactylon  over  the  united 
hands. 

The  body  of  a  dead  Bakuda  is  washed  with  hot  water, 
in  which  mango  [Mangifef^a  indie  a)  bark  is  steeped. 
The  dead  are  buried.  The  day  for  the  final  death 
ceremonies  (bojja)  is  usually  fixed  by  the  Mukhari  or 
Jammana.  On  that  day,  cooked  food  is  offered  to  the 
deceased,  and  all  cry  "  muriyo,  muriyo."  The  son, 
after  being  shaved,  and  with  his  face  veiled  by  a  cloth, 
carries  cooked  rice  on  his  head  to  a  small  hut  erected  for 
the  occasion.  The  food  is  set  down,  and  all  present 
throw  some  of  it  into  the  hut. 

The  Mera  or  Mugayar  Holeyas,  like  the  Bakudas, 
abstain  from  eating  beef,  and  refuse  to  touch  leather  in 
any  form.  They  have  no  objection  to  carrying  four- 
legged  articles.  Though  their  mother  tongue  is  Tulu, 
they  seem  to  follow  the  makkala  santana  law  of  inheritance 
(in  the  male  line).  Their  headman  is  entitled  Kuruneru, 
and  he  has,  as  the  badge  of  office,  a  cane  with  a  silver 
band.  The  office  of  headman  passes  to  the  son  instead 
of  to  the  nephew.  Marriage  is  called  Badathana,  and 
the  details  of  the  ceremony  are  like  those  of  the  Marl 
Holeyas.  The  dead  are  buried,  and  the  final  death 
ceremonies  (bojja  or  savu)  are  performed  on  the  twelfth 
or  sixteenth  day.  A  feast  is  given  to  some  members  of 
the  community,  and  cooked  food  offered  to  the  deceased 
at  the  house  and  near  the  grave. 

The  Mari  or  Marimanisaru  Holeyas  are  sometimes 
called  Karadhi  by  the  Bakudas.  Like  certain  Malayalam 
castes,  the  Holeyas  have  distinct  names  for  their  homes 


349  HOLEYA 

according  to  the  section.  Thus,  the  huts  of  the  Mari 
Holeyas  are  called  kelu,  and  those  of  the  Mera  Holeyas 
patta.  The  headmen  among  the  Mari  Holeyas  are 
called  Mulia,  Boltiyadi,  and  Kallali.  The  office  of  head- 
man follows  in  the  female  line  of  succession.  In  addition 
to  various  bhuthas,  such  as  Panjurli  and  Jumadi,  the 
Mari  Holeyas  have  two  special  bhuthas,  named  Kattadhe 
and  Kanadhe,  whom  they  regard  as  their  ancestors.  At 
times  of  festivals,  these  ancestors  are  supposed  to  descend 
on  earth,  and  make  their  presence  known  by  taking  pos- 
session of  some  member  of  the  community.  Men  who 
are  liable  to  be  so  possessed  are  called  Dharipuneyi,  and 
have  the  privilege  of  taking  up  the  sword  and  bell 
belonging  to  the  bhuthasthana  when  under  possession. 

Marriage  among  the  Mari  Holeyas  is  called  pora- 
thavu.  At  the  betrothal  ceremony,  the  headmen  of  the 
contracting  parties  exchange  betel  leaves  and  areca  nuts. 
The  bride-price  usually  consists  of  two  bundles  of  rice 
and  a  bundle  of  paddy  (unhusked  rice).  On  the  wedding 
day  the  bridegroom  and  his  party  go  to  the  home  of  the 
bride,  taking  with  them  a  basket  containing  five  seers  of 
rice,  two  metal  bangles,  one  or  two  cocoanuts,  a  comb, 
and  a  white  woman's  cloth,  which  are  shown  to  the 
headman  of  the  bride's  party.  The  two  headmen  order 
betel  leaf  and  areca  nuts  to  be  distributed  among  those 
assembled.  After  a  meal,  a  mat  is  spread  in  front  of  the 
hut,  and  the  bride  and  bridegroom  stand  thereon.  The 
bridegroom  has  in  his  hand  a  sword,  and  the  bride  holds 
some  betel  leaves  and  areca  nuts.  Rice  is  thrown  over 
their  heads,  and  presents  of  money  are  given  to  them. 
The  two  headmen  lift  up  the  hands  of  the  contracting 
couple,  and  they  are  joined  together.  The  bride  is  lifted 
up  so  as  to  be  a  little  higher  than  the  bridegroom,  and 
is  taken   indoors.     The  bridegroom    follows  her,  but  is 


HOLEYA  350 

prevented  from  entering  by  his  brother-in-law,  to  whom 
he  gives  betel  leaves  and  areca  nuts.  He  then  makes 
a  forcible  entrance  into  the  hut. 

When  a  Mari  Holeya  girl  reaches  puberty,  she  is 
expected  to  remain  within  a  hut  for  twelve  days,  at  the 
end  of  which  time  the  castemen  are  invited  to  a  feast. 
The  girl  is  seated  on  a  pattern  drawn  on  the  floor.  At 
the  four  corners  thereof,  vessels  filled  with  water  are 
placed.  The  girl's  mother  holds  over  her  head  a  plantain 
leaf,  and  four  women  belonging  to  different  balls  (septs) 
pour  water  thereon  from  the  vessels.  These  women 
and  the  girl  then  sit  down  to  a  meal,  and  eat  off  the 
same  leaf. 

Among  the  Mari  Holeyas,  the  dead  are  usually  buried, 
and  the  final  death  ceremonies  are  performed  on  the 
twelfth  day.  A  pit  is  dug  near  the  grave,  into  which  an 
image  of  the  deceased,  made  of  rice  straw,  is  put.  The 
image  is  set  on  fire  by  his  son  or  nephew.  The  ashes 
are  heaped  up,  and  a  rude  hut  is  erected  round  them  by 
fixing  three  sticks  in  the  ground,  and  covering  them  with 
a  cloth.  Food  is  offered  on  a  leaf,  and  the  dead  person 
is  asked  to  eat  it. 

The  Kijsa  Holeyas  speak  Canarese.  They  object  to 
carrying  articles  with  four  legs,  unless  the  legs  are 
crossed.  They  do  not  eat  beef,  and  will  not  touch  leather. 
They  consider  themselves  to  be  superior  to  the  other 
sections  of  Holeyas,  and  use  as  an  argument  that  their 
caste  name  is  Uppara,  and  not  Holeya.  Why  they  are 
called  Uppara  is  not  clear,  but  some  say  that  they  are 
the  same  as  the  Upparas  (salt  workers)  of  Mysore,  who, 
in  South  Canara,  have  descended  in  the  social  scale.  The 
hereditary  occupation  of  the  Upparas  is  making  salt  from 
salt  earth  (ku,  earth).  The  headman  of  the  Kusa 
Holeyas  is  called  Buddivant.     As  they  are  disciples  of  a 


351 


HONNE 


Lingayat  priest  at  the  mutt  at  Kudli  in  Mysore,  they  are 
Saivites.  Every  family  has  to  pay  the  priest  a  fee  of 
eight  annas  on  the  occasion  of  his  periodical  visitations. 
The  bhOthas  specially  worshipped  by  the  Kusa  Holeyas 
are  Masti  and  Halemanedeyya,  but  Venkataramana  of 
Tirupati  is  by  some  regarded  as  their  family  deity. 
Marriage  is  both  infant  and  adult,  and  widows  are 
permitted  to  remarry,  if  they  have  no  children. 

At  Tumkur,  in  the  Mysore  Province,  I  came  across  a 
settlement  of  people  called  Tigala  Holeya,  who  do  not 
intermarry  with  other  Holeyas,  and  have  no  exogamous 
septs  or  house-names.  Their  cranial  measurements 
approach  more  nearly  to  those  of  the  dolichocephalic 
Tamil  Paraiyans  than  those  of  the  sub-brachycephalic 
Holeyas  ;  and  it  is  possible  that  they  are  Tamil  Paraiyans, 
who  migrated,  at  some  distant  date,  to  Mysore. 


Cephalic 
length. 

Cephalic 
breadth. 

Cephalic 
index. 

cm. 

cm. 

Tamil  Paraiyan 

i8-6 

137 

73-6 

Tigala  Holeya      

i8-S 

13-9 

75-1 

Holeya       

17-9 

14-1 

79-1 

Holodia  Gudiya. — A  name  for  the  agricultural 
section  of  the  Oriya  Gudiyas. 

Holuva  (holo,  plough). — A  synonym  of  Pentiya,  and 
the  name  of  a  section  of  Oriya  Brahmans,  who  plough 
the  land. 

Hon.— -Hon,  Honnu,  and  Honne,  meaning  gold, 
have  been  recorded  as  gotras  or  exogamous  septs  of 
Kurni,  Odde,  and  Kuruba. 

Honne  {Calopkyllum  inophylhim  or  Pterocarpus 
Marsupmni). — An  exogamous    sept    of    Halepaik    and 


HONNUNGARA  352 

Moger.  The  Halepaiks  sometimes  call  the  sept  Sura 
Honne. 

Honnungara  (gold  ring). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Kuruba. 

Hull  (tiger). — An  exogamous  sub-sept  of  Kap- 
piliyan. 

Hullu  (grass). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Hunise  (tamarind). — An  exogamous  sub-sept  of 
Kappiliyan. 

Hutta  (ant-hill). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Gangadi- 
kara  Holeya. 

Huvvina  (flowers).  —An  exogamous  sept  of  Odde 
and  Vakkaliga. 


ichcham  (date-palm  :  Pkcenix  sylvestris). — Ich- 
cham  or  Ichanjanar  is  recorded,  in  the  Tanjore  Manual, 
as  a  section  of  Shanan.  The  equivalent  Ichang  occurs 
as  a  tree  or  kothu  of  Kondaiyankottai  Maravans. 

Idacheri.^An  occupational  name  for  a  section  of 
Nayars,  who  make  and  sell  dairy  produce.  The  word 
corresponds  to  Idaiyan  in  the  Tamil  country. 

Idaiyan. — The  Idaiyans  are  the  great  pastoral  or 
shepherd  caste  of  the  Tamil  country,  but  some  are  land- 
owners, and  a  few  are  in  Government  employ.  Those 
whom  I  examined  at  Coimbatore  were  engaged  as 
milkmen,  shepherds,  cultivators,  gardeners,  cart-drivers, 
shopkeepers,  constables,  family  doctors,  and  mendicants. 

It  is  recorded  in  the  Tanjore  Manual  that  "  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Pope  says  that  Ideir  are  so-called  from  idei,  middle, 
being  a  kind  of  intermediate  link  between  the  farmers 
and  merchants."     Mr.  Nelson  *  considers  this  derivation 


•  Manual  of  the  Madura  disUicl. 


353  IDAIYAN 

to  be  fanciful,  and  thinks  that  "  perhaps  they  are  so  called 
from  originally  inhabiting  the  lands  which  lay  midway 
between  the  hills  and  the  arable  lands,  the  jungly  plains, 
suited  for  pasturage  \^z.e.,  the  middle  land  out  of  the  five 
groups  of  land  mentioned  in  Tamil  works,  viz.,  Kurinji, 
Palai,  Mullai,  Marutam,  Neytal].  *  The  class  consists 
of  several  clans,  but  they  may  be  broadly  divided  into 
two  sections,  the  one  more  thoroughly  organised,  the 
other  retaining  most  of  the  essential  characteristics  of  an 
aboriginal  race.  The  first  section  follow  the  Vaishnava 
sect,  wear  the  namam,  and  call  themselves  Yadavas. 
Those  belonging  to  the  second  section  stick  to  their 
demon  worship,  and  make  no  pretensions  to  a  descent  from 
the  Yadava  race.  They  daub  their  foreheads  with  the 
sacred  cow-dung  ashes,  and  are  regarded,  apparently  from 
this  circumstance  alone,  to  belong  to  the  Saiva  sect." 

In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  187 1,  it  is  noted  that 
milkmen  and  cowherds  appear  to  hold  a  social  position 
of  some  importance,  and  even  Brahmans  do  not  disdain 
to  drink  milk  or  curds  from  their  hands.  Further,  the 
Census  Superintendent,  1901,  writes  that  **  the  Idaiyans 
take  a  higher  social  position  than  they  would  otherwise 
do,  owing  to  the  tradition  that  Krishna  was  brought  up 
by  their  caste,  and  to  the  fact  that  they  are  the  only 
purveyors  of  milk,  ghi  (clarified  butter),  etc.,  and  so  are 
indispensable  to  the  community.  All  Brahmans,  except 
the  most  orthodox,  will  accordingly  eat  butter-milk  and 
butter  brought  by  them.  In  some  places  they  have  the 
privilege  of  breaking  the  butter-pot  on  the  Gokulashtami, 
or  Krishna's  birthday,  and  get  a  new  cloth  and  some 
money  for  doing  it.  They  will  eat  in  the  houses  of 
Vellalas,  Pallis,  and  Nattamans." 


♦  Madras  Census  Report,  189 1. 
11-23 


IDAIYAN  354 

The  Idaiyans  claim  that  Timma  Raja,  the  prime 
minister  of  Krishna  Deva  Raya  of  Vijayanagar,  who 
executed  various  works  in  the  Chingleput  district,  was 
an  Idaiyan  by  caste. 

The  Idaiyans  have  returned  a  large  number  of 
divisions,  of  which  the  following  may  be  noted  : — 

Kalkatti  and  Pasi.  The  women,  contrary  to  the 
usual  Tamil  custom,  have  black  beads  in  their  tali-string. 
The  practice  is  apparently  due  to  the  influence  of  Telugu 
Brahman  purohits,  as  various  Telugu  castes  have  glass 
beads  along  with  the  bottu  (marriage  badge).  In  like 
manner,  the  married  Pandamutti  Palli  women  wear  a 
necklace  of  black  beads.  According  to  a  legend,  pasi  is 
a  pebble  found  in  rivers,  from  which  beads  are  made. 
A  giant  came  to  kill  Krishna  when  he  was  playing  with 
the  shepherd  boys  on  the  banks  of  a  river.  He  fought 
the  giant  with  these  pebbles,  and  killed  him. 

Pal,  milk.  Corresponds  to  the  Halu  (milk)  division 
of  the  Canarese  Kuruba  shepherd  caste. 

Pendukkumekki,  denoting  those  who  are  subservient 
to  their  women.  A  man,  on  marriage,  joins  his  wife's 
family,  and  he  succeeds  to  the  property,  not  of  his  father, 
but  of  his  father-in-law. 

Siviyan  or  Sivala.  An  occupational  name,  meaning 
palanquin-bearer. 

Sangukatti,  or  those  who  tie  the  conch  or  chank  shell 
{Tu7'binella  rapa).  It  is  narrated  that  Krishna  wanted 
to  marry  Rukmani,  whose  family  insisted  on  marrying 
her  to  Sishupalan.  When  the  wedding  was  about  to 
take  place,  Krishna  carried  off  Rukmani,  and  placed  a 
bangle  made  of  chank  shell  on  her  wrist. 

Samban,  a  name  of  Siva.  Most  members  of  this 
division  put  on  the  sacred  ashes  as  a  sectarian  mark.  It 
is  said  that  the  Yadavas  were  in  the  habit  of  making 


355  IDAIYAN 

offerings  to  Devendra^  but  Krishna  wanted  them  to 
worship  him.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  Yadavas  and 
Paraiyans  who  were  also  employed  in  grazing  cattle, 
all  the  shepherds  refused  to  do  so.  It  is  stated  that 
"  in  ancient  times,  men  of  the  Idaiyan  caste  ranked 
only  a  little  above  Paraiyans,  and  that  the  Idaicheri,  or 
Idaiyan  suburb,  was  always  situated  close  to  the  Parai- 
cheri,  or  Paraiyan's  suburb,  in  every  properly  constituted 
village."  * 

Pudunattu  or  Puthukkanattar,  meaning  people  of  the 
new  country.  The  Idaiyans  claim  that,  when  Krishna 
settled  in  Kishkindha,  he  peopled  it  with  members  of 
their  caste. 

Perun  (big)  Tali,  and  Siru  (small)  Tali,  indicating 
those  whose  married  women  wear  a  large  or  small  tali. 

Panjaram  or  Pancharamkatti.  The  name  is  derived 
from  the  peculiar  gold  ornament  called  panjaram  or 
pancharam  shaped  like  a  many-rayed  sun,  and  having 
three  dots  on  it,  which  is  worn  by  widows.  It  is  said 
that  in  this  division  **  widow  marriage  is  commonly  prac- 
ticed, because  Krishna  used  to  place  a  similar  ornament 
round  the  necks  of  the  Idaiyan  widows  of  whom  he  became 
enamoured,  to  transform  them  from  widows  into  married 
women,  to  whom  pleasure  was  not  forbidden,  and  that  this 
sub-division  is  the  result  of  these  amours."  t 

Maniyakkara.  Derived  from  mani,  a  bell,  such  as  is 
tied  round  the  necks  of  cattle,  sheep  and  goats. 

Kalla.  Most  numerous  in  the  area  inhabited  by  the 
Kalian  caste.  Possibly  an  offshoot  of  this  caste,  composed 
of  those  who  have  taken  to  the  occupation  of  shepherds. 
Like  the  Kalians,  this  sub-division  has  exogamous  septs 
or  kilais,  e.g.^  Deva  (god),  Vendhan  (king). 


*  Manual  of  the  Madura  district.  f  Madras  Census  Report,  igoi. 

11-23  ^ 


IDAIYAN  356 

Sholia.  Territorial  name  denoting  inhabitants  of  the 
Chola  country. 

Anaikombu,  or  elephant  tusk,  which  was  the  weapon 
used  by  Krishna  and  the  Yadavas  to  kill  the  giant 
Sakatasura. 

Karutthakadu,  black  cotton  country.  A  sub-division 
found  mostly  in  Madura  and  Tinnevelly,  where  there  is  a 
considerable  tract  of  black  cotton  soil. 

The  Pcrumal  Madukkarans  or  Perumal  Erudukkarans 
[see  Gangeddu),  who  travel  about  the  country  exhibiting 
performing  bulls,  are  said  to  belong  to  the  Pu  (flower) 
Idaiyan  section  of  the  Idaiyan  caste.  This  is  so  named 
because  the  primary  occupation  thereof  was,  and  in  some 
places  still  is,  making  garlands  for  temples. 

In  the  Gazetteer  of  the  Madura  district,  it  is  recorded 
that  "  Podunattu  (Pudunattu  ?)  Idaiyans  have  a  tradition 
that  they  originally  belonged  to  Tinnevelly,  but  fled  to 
this  district  secretly  one  night  in  a  body  in  the  time  of 
Tirumala  Nayakkan,  because  the  local  chief  oppressed 
them.  Tirumala  welcomed  them,  and  put  them  under 
the  care  of  the  Kalian  headman  Pinnai  Devan,  decreeing 
that,  to  ensure  that  this  gentleman  and  his  successors 
faithfully  observed  the  charge,  they  should  always  be 
appointed  by  an  Idaiyan.  That  condition  is  observed  to 
this  day.  In  this  sub-division  a  man  has  the  same  right 
to  marry  his  paternal  aunt's  daughter  as  is  possessed  by 
the  Kalians.  But,  if  the  woman's  age  is  much  greater 
than  the  boy's,  she  is  usually  married  instead  to  his  cousin, 
or  some  one  else  on  that  side  of  the  family.  A  Brah- 
man officiates  at  weddings,  and  the  sacred  fire  is  used,  but 
the  bridegroom's  sister  ties  the  tali  (marriage  badge). 
Divorce  and  the  remarriage  of  widows  are  prohibited. 
The  dead,  except  infants,  are  burnt.  Caste  affairs  are 
settled  by  a  headman  called  the  Nattanmaikaran,  who  is 


357  IDAIYAN 

assisted  by  an  accountant  and  a  peon.  All  three  are 
elected.  The  headman  has  the  management  of  the  caste 
fund,  which  is  utilised  in  the  celebration  of  festivals  on 
certain  days  in  some  of  the  larger  temples  of  the  dis- 
trict. Among  these  Podunattus,  an  uncommon  rule  of 
inheritance  is  in  force.  A  woman  who  has  no  male 
issue  at  the  time  of  her  husband's  death  has  to  return 
his  property  to  his  brother,  father,  or  maternal  uncle,  but 
is  allotted  maintenance,  the  amount  of  which  is  fixed  by 
a  caste  panchayat  (council).  Among  the  Valasu  and 
Pendukkumekki  sub-divisions,  another  odd  form  of  main- 
tenance subsists.  A  man's  property  descends  to  his 
sons-in-law,  who  live  with  him,  and  not  to  his  sons. 
The  sons  merely  get  maintenance  until  they  are  married." 

In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  Pondan  or 
Pogandan  is  recorded  as  a  sub-caste  of  Idaiyans,  who  are 
palanquin-bearers  to  the  Zamorin  of  Calicut.  In  this 
connection,  it  is  noted  by  Mr.  K.  Kannan  Nayar  *  that 
"  among  the  Konar  (cowherds)  of  Poondurai  near  Erode 
(in  the  Coimbatore  district),  who,  according  to  tradition, 
originally  belonged  to  the  same  tribe  as  the  Gopas  living 
in  the  southern  part  of  Kerala,  and  now  forming  a  section 
of  the  Nayars,  the  former  matrimonial  customs  were 
exactly  the  same  as  those  of  the  Nayars.  They,  too, 
celebrated  tali-kettu  kalyanam,  and,  like  the  Nayars,  did 
not  make  it  binding  on  the  bride  and  bridegroom  of  the 
ceremony  to  live  as  husband  and  wife.  They  have  now, 
however,  abandoned  the  custom,  and  have  made  the 
tying  of  the  tali  the  actual  marriage  ceremony." 

The  typical  panchayat  (village  council)  system  exists 
among  the  Idaiyans,  and  the  only  distinguishing  feature 
is  the  existence  of  a  headman,  called  Kithari  or  Kilari, 


•  Malabar  Quart.  Review,  II,  1903. 


IDAIYAN  358 

whose  business  it  is  to  look  after  the  sheep  of  the  village, 
to  arrange  for  penning  them  in  the  fields.  In  some 
places  the  headman  is  called  Ambalakkaran.  In  bygone 
days,  those  who  were  convicted  of  adultery  were  tied  to 
a  post,  and  beaten. 

In  some  places,  when  a  girl  reaches  puberty,  her 
maternal  uncle,  or  his  sons,  build  a  hut  with  green 
cocoanut  leaves,  which  she  occupies  for  sixteen  days, 
when  purificatory  ceremonies  are  performed. 

The  marriage  ceremonies  vary  according  to  locality, 
and  the  following  details  of  one  form  therefore,  as  carried 
out  at  Coimbatore,  may  be  cited.  When  a  marriage 
between  two  persons  is  contemplated,  a  red  and  white 
flower,  tied  up  in  separate  betel  leaves,  are  thrown  before 
the  idol  at  a  temple.  A  little  child  is  told  to  pick  up 
one  of  the  leaves,  and,  if  she  selects  the  one  containing 
the  white  flower,  the  omens  are  considered  auspicious, 
and  the  marriage  will  be  arranged.  On  the  day  of  the 
betrothal,  the  future  bridegroom's  father  and  other  rela- 
tions go  to  the  girl's  house  with  presents  of  a  new  cloth, 
fruits,  and  ornaments.  The  bride  price  (pariyam)  is  paid, 
and  betel  exchangfed.  The  brideo^room-elect  croes  to  the 
girl's  cousins  (maternal  uncle's  sons),  who  have  a  right 
to  marry  her,  and  presents  them  with  four  annas  and 
betel.  The  acceptance  of  these  is  a  sign  that  they  con- 
sent to  the  marriage.  On  the  marriage  day,  the  bride- 
groom plants  the  milk-post,  after  it  has  been  blessed  by 
a  Brahman  purohit,  and  is  shaved  by  a  barber.  The 
bride  and  her  female  relations  fetch  some  earth,  and  a 
platform  is  made  out  of  it  in  the  marriage  pandal  (booth). 
The  Brahman  makes  fire  (homam),  and  places  acowdung 
Pillayar  (Ganesa)  in  the  pandal.  The  bride  then  husks 
some  rice  therein.  The  relations  of  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom fetch  from  the  potter's  house  seven  pots  called 


359  IDAIYAN 

adukupanai,  two  large  pots,  called  arasanipanai,  and 
seven  earthen  trays,  and  place  them  in  front  of  the  plat- 
form. The  pots  are  filled  with  water,  and  a  small  bit  of 
gold  is  placed  in  each.  The  bridegroom  goes  to  a  Pillayar 
shrine,  and,  on  his  return,  the  bride's  brother  washes  his 
feet,  and  puts  rings  on  his  second  toes.  The  kankanams 
(wrist-threads)  are  tied  on  the  wrists  of  the  contracting 
couple,  and  the  bridegroom  takes  his  seat  within  the 
pandal,  to  which  the  bride  is  carried  in  the  arms  of  one 
of  her  maternal  uncles,  while  another  carries  a  torch  light 
placed  on  a  mortar.  The  bride  takes  her  seat  by  the 
side  of  the  bridegroom,  and  the  light  is  set  in  front  of 
them.  The  tali  is  taken  round  to  be  blessed  by  those 
assembled,  and  handed  to  the  bridegroom,  who  ties  it 
on  the  bride's  neck.  The  couple  then  put  a  little  earth 
in  each  of  the  seven  trays,  and  sow  therein  nine  kinds 
of  grain.  Two  vessels,  containing  milk  and  whey,  are 
placed  before  them,  and  the  relations  pour  a  little  thereof 
over  their  heads.  The  riofht  hand  of  the  bridesfroom 
is  placed  on  the  left  hand  of  the  bride,  and  their  hands 
are  tied  together  by  one  of  the  bride's  maternal  uncle's 
sons.  The  bride  is  then  carried  into  the  house  in  the 
arms  of  an  elder  brother  of  the  bridegroom.  At  the 
threshold  she  is  stopped  by  the  maternal  uncle's  sons, 
who  may  beat  the  man  who  is  carrying  her.  The  bride- 
groom pays  them  each  four  annas,  and  he  and  the  bride 
are  allowed  to  enter  the  house.  On  the  night  of  the 
wedding  day,  they  are  shut  up  in  a  room.  During  the 
following  days  the  pots  are  worshipped.  On  the  seventh 
day,  the  ends  of  the  cloths  of  the  newly  married  couple 
are  tied  together,  and  they  bathe  in  turmeric  water.  The 
wrist-threads  are  removed,  they  rub  oil  over  each  other's 
heads,  and  bathe  in  a  tank.  The  bride  serves  food  to 
the  bridegroom,  and  their  relations  eat  off  the  same  leaf, 


IDAIYAN  360 

to  indicate  the  union  between  the  two  families.  Into  one 
of  the  large  pots  a  gold  and  silver  ring,  and  into  the 
other  an  iron  style  and  piece  of  palm  leaf  are  dropped. 
The  couple  perform  the  pot-searching  ceremony,  and 
whichever  gets  hold  of  the  gold  ring  or  style  is  re- 
garded as  the  more  clever  of  the  two.  The  bridegroom 
places  his  right  foot,  and  the  bride  her  left  foot  on  a 
grindstone,  and  they  look  at  the  star  Arundathi.  The 
stone  represents  Ahalliya,  the  wife  of  the  sage  Gautama, 
who  was  cursed  by  her  husband  for  her  misconduct  with 
Indra,  and  turned  into  a  stone,  whereas  Arundathi  was 
the  wife  of  Vasishta  and  a  model  of  chastity.  The  newly 
married  couple,  by  placing  their  feet  on  the  stone,  indi- 
cate their  intention  of  checking  unchaste  desires,  and  by 
looking  at  Arundathi,  of  remaining  faithful  to  each  other. 
The  bride  decorates  a  small  grindstone  with  a  cloth  and 
ornaments,  and  takes  it  round  to  all  her  relations  who 
are  present,  and  who  bless  her  with  a  hope  that  she  will 
have  many  children. 

In  the  Marava  country,  a  grown-up  Idaiyan  girl  is 
sometimes  married  to  a  boy  of  ten  or  twelve.  Among 
some  Idaiyans,  it  is  customary  for  the  tali  to  be  tied  by 
the  sister  of  the  bridegroom,  and  not  by  the  bridegroom, 
who  must  not  be  present  when  it  is  done. 

It  is  said  that,  in  some  places,  like  the  Gollas,  when 
an  Idaiyan  bridegroom  sets  out  for  the  house  of  his  bride, 
he  is  seized  by  his  companions,  who  will  not  release  him 
till  he  has  paid  a  piece  of  gold.  In  the  Madura  Manual 
it  is  noted  that  "at  an  Idaiyan  wedding,  on  the  third  day, 
when  the  favourite  amusement  of  sprinkling  turmeric- 
water  over  the  guests  is  concluded,  the  whole  party 
betake  themselves  to  the  village  tank  (pond).  A  friend 
of  the  bridegroom  brings  a  hoe  and  a  basket,  and  the 
young  husband  fills  three  baskets  with  earth  from  the 


36l  IDAIYAN 

bottom  of  the  tank,  while  the  wifei^takes  them  away,  and 
throws  the  earth  behind.  They  then  say  '  We  have  dug 
a  ditch  for  charity.'  This  practice  may  probably  be 
explained  by  remembering  that,  in  arid  districts,  where 
the  Idaiyans  often  tend  their  cattle,  the  tank  is  of  the 
greatest  importance." 

It  is  said  that  the  Siviyan  and  Pendukkumekki  sub- 
divisions take  low  rank,  as  the  remarriage  of  widows  is 
freely  permitted  among  them.  In  the  Ramnad  territory 
of  the  Madura  district,  the  marriage  of  widows  is  attri- 
buted to  compulsion  by  a  Zamindar.  According  to  the 
story,  the  Zamindar  asked  an  Idaiyan  whether  he  would 
marry  a  widow.  The  reply  was  that  widows  are  aruthu- 
kattadhavar,  ix.^  women  who  will  not  tie  the  tali  string 
again,  after  snapping  it  (on  the  husband's  decease),  l^his 
was  considered  impertinent  by  the  Zamindar,  as  marriage 
of  widows  was  common  among  the  Maravars.  To 
compel  the  Idaiyans  to  resort  to  widow  marriage,  he  took 
advantage  of  the  ambiguity  of  the  word  aruthukatta- 
dhavar,  which  would  also  mean  those  who  do  not  tie  up 
in  a  bundle  after  cutting  or  reaping.  At  the  time  of  the 
harvest  season,  the  Zamindar  sent  his  servants  to  the 
Idaiyans  with  orders  that  they  were  not  to  tie  up  the 
rice  plants  in  sheaves.  This  led  to  severe  monetary 
loss,  and  the  Idaiyans  consented  reluctantly  to  widow 
remarriage. 

On  the  death  of  a  married  Idaiyan,  at  Coimbatore, 
the  corpse  is  placed  in  a  seated  posture.  A  measure  of 
rice,  a  lighted  lamp,  and  a  cocoanut  are  placed  near 
it,  and  burning  fire-wood  is  laid  at  the  door  of  the  house. 
When  the  relations  and  friends  have  arrived,  the  body 
is  removed  from  the  house,  and  placed  in  a  pandal,  sup- 
ported behind  by  a  mortar.  The  male  relations  put  on 
the  sacred  thread,  and  each  brings  a  pot  of  water  from 


IDAIYAN  362 

a  tank.  The  widow  rubs  oil  over  the  head  of  the  corpse, 
and  some  one,  placing  a  little  oil  in  the  hands  thereof, 
rubs  it  over  her  head.  On  the  way  to  the  burning- 
ground,  a  barber  carries  a  fire-brand  and  a  pot,  and 
a  washerman  carries  the  mat,  cloths,  and  other  articles 
used  by  the  deceased.  When  the  idukadu,  a  spot  made 
to  represent  the  shrine  of  Arichandra  who  is  in  charge  of 
the  burial  or  burning  ground,  is  reached,  the  polluted 
articles  are  thrown  away,  and  the  bier  is  placed  on  the 
srround.  A  Paraivan  makes  a  cross-mark  at  the  four 
corners  of  the  bier,  and  the  son,  who  is  chief  mourner, 
places  a  small  coin  on  three  of  the  marks,  leaving  out 
the  one  at  the  north-east  corner.  The  Paraiyan  takes 
these  coins  and  tears  a  bit  of  cloth  from  the  winding-sheet, 
which  is  sent  to  the  widow.  At  the  burning-ground, 
the  relations  place  rice,  water,  and  small  coins  in  the 
mouth  of  the  corpse.  The  coins  are  the  perquisite  of 
the  Paraiyan.  The  son,  who  is  clean-shaved,  carries 
a  pot  of  water  on  his  shoulder  thrice  round  the  pyre, 
and,  at  each  turn,  the  barber  makes  a  hole  in  it  with 
a  chank  shell,  when  the  head  is  reached.  Finally  the 
pot  is  broken  near  the  head.  The  sacred  threads  are 
thrown  by  those  who  wear  them  on  the  pyre,  and  the 
son  sets  fire  to  it,  and  goes  away  without  looking  back. 
The  widow  meanwhile  has  broken  her  tali  string,  and 
thrown  it  into  a  vessel  of  milk,  which  is  set  on  the 
spot  where  the  deceased  breathed  his  last.  The  son, 
on  his  return  home  after  bathing,  steps  across  a  pestle 
placed  at  the  threshold.  Arathi  (wave  offering)  is  per- 
formed, and  he  worships  a  lighted  lamp  within  the  house. 
On  the  following  day,  rice  and  Sesbania  grandiflora  are 
cooked,  and  served  to  the  relatives  by  the  widow's 
brothers.  Next  day,  milk,  ghi  (clarified  butter),  curds, 
tender  cocoanuts,  nine  kinds  of  grain,  water,  and  other 


3^3  IDAIYAN 

articles  required  for  worship,  are  taken  to  the  burnino-- 
ground.  The  smouldering  ashes  are  extinguished  with 
water,  and  the  fragments  of  the  bones  are  collected,  and 
placed  on  a  leaf.  A  miniature  plough  is  made,  and  the 
spot  on  which  the  body  was  burned  is  ploughed,  and 
the  nine  kinds  of  grain  are  sown.  On  his  return  home, 
a  turban  is  placed  on  the  head  of  the  son  who  acted 
as  chief  mourner  by  his  maternal  uncles.  A  new  cloth 
is  folded,  and  on  it  a  betel  leaf  is  placed,  which  is 
worshipped  for  sixteen  days.  On  the  sixteenth  day,  a 
Brahman  makes  a  human  figure  with  holy  grass,  which 
has  to  be  worshipped  by  the  chief  mourner  not  less 
than  twenty-five  times,  and  he  must  bathe  between  each 
act  of  worship.  The  bones  are  then  carried  in  a  new 
earthen  pot,  and  floated  on  a  stream.  At  night,  food 
is  cooked,  and,  with  a  new  cloth,  worshipped.  Rice  is 
cooked  at  the  door.  A  cock  is  tied  to  a  sacrificial  post, 
called  kazhukumaram,  set  up  outside  the  house,  to  which 
the  rice  is  offered.  One  end  of  a  thread  is  tied  to 
the  post,  and  the  other  end  to  a  new  cloth,  which  is 
worshipped  inside  the  house.  The  thread  is  watched 
till  it  shakes,  and  then  broken.  The  door  is  closed, 
and  the  cock  is  stuck  on  the  pointed  tip  of  the  post, 
and  killed.  An  empty  car  is  carried  in  procession 
through  the  streets,  and  alms  are  given  to  beggars.  A 
widow  should  remain  gosha  (in  seclusion)  for  twelve 
months  after  her  husband's  death.  When  a  grown-up, 
but  unmarried  male  or  female  dies,  a  human  figure,  made 
out  of  holy  grass,  is  married  to  the  corpse,  and  some 
of  the  marriage  rites  are  performed. 

The  Idaiyans  are  Vaishnavites,  and  the  more  civilised 
among  them  are  branded  like  Vaishnava  Brahmans. 
Saturday  is  considered  a  holy  day.  Their  most  import- 
ant festival  is  Krishna  Jayanti,  or  Sri  Jayanti,  in  honour 


IDAIYAN  364 

of  Krishna's  birthday.  They  show  special  reverence  for 
the  vessels  used  in  dairy  operations. 

The  proverb  that  the  sense  of  an  Idaiyan  is  on  the 
back  of  his  neck,  for  it  was  there  that  he  received  the 
blows,  refers  to  "  the  story  of  the  shepherd  entering  the 
gate  of  his  house  with  a  crook  placed  horizontally  on  his 
shoulders,  and  finding  himself  unable  to  get  in,  and  his 
being  made  able  to  do  so  by  a  couple  of  blows  on  his 
back,  and  the  removal  of  the  crook  at  the  same  time. 
Another  proverb  is  that  there  is  neither  an  Andi  among 
Idaiyans,  nor  a  Tadan  among  the  potters.  The  Andi  is 
always  a  Saivite  beggar,  and,  the  Idaiyans  being  always 
Vaishnavites,  they  can  never  have  in  their  midst  a 
beeear  of  the  Saivite  sect,  or  vice  versa.  Beine  ex- 
tremely  stupid,  whenever  any  dispute  arises  among 
them,  they  can  never  come  to  any  definite  settlement, 
or,  as  the  proverb  says,  the  disputes  between  Idaiyans 
are  never  easily  settled.  Keeping  and  rearing  cattle, 
grazing  and  milking  them,  and  living  thereby,  are  their 
allotted  task  in  life,  and  so  they  are  never  good  agri- 
culturists. This  defect  is  alluded  to  in  the  proverb  that 
the  field  watered  by  the  Idaiyan,  or  by  a  member  of  the 
Palli  caste,  must  ever  remain  a  waste."  * 

Other  proverbs,  quoted  by  the  Rev.  H.  Jensen,t  are 
as  follows : — 

The  shepherd  can  get  some  fool  to  serve  him. 

Like  a  shepherd  who  would  not  give  anything,  but  showed  an 

ewe  big  with  young. 
The  shepherd  destroyed  half,  and  the  fool  half. 

In  1904,  an  elementary  school  for  Idaiyans,  called  the 
Yadava  school,  was  established  at  Madura. 


*  Madras  Mail,  1904. 

t  Classified  Collection  of  Tamil  Proverbs,  1897, 


3^5  IDAIYAN 

The  usual  title  of  the  Idaiyans  is  Konan  or  Kon 
meaning-  King,  but,  in  the  Census  Report,  1901,  the 
titles  Pillai  and  Kariyalan  are  also  recorded.  In  the 
Census  Report,  1S91,  Idaiya  is  given  as  a  sub-division 
of  Vakkaliga  ;  and,  in  the  Salem  Manual,  Idaiyan  appears 
as  a  synonym  of  Shanan. 

For  the  following  note  on  the  Idaiyans  who  have 
settled  in  Travancore,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  N.  Subra- 
mani  Aiyar.  They  consist  of  two  well-defined  sections, 
namely,  the  Tamil-speaking  Idaiyans,  who  are  but  recent 
immigrants,  and  largely  found  in  Tevala,  Agastisvaram 
and  Shenkotta,  and  the  Malayalam-speaking  branch,  who 
are  early  settlers  residing  chiefly  in  Kartikapalli  and 
other  taluks  of  Central  Travancore.  The  Idaiyans  are 
not  largely  found  in  Travancore,  because  a  branch  of 
the  indigenous  Sudra  community,  the  Idacheri  Nayars, 
are  engaged  in  the  same  occupation.  They  are  divided 
into  two  classes,  viz.,  Kangayan  (shepherds)  and  Puvan- 
dans,  who  neither  interdine  nor  intermarry.  The  latter 
appear  to  be  divided  into  four  classes,  Pasi,  Gopalan, 
Nambi,  and  Valayitayan.  Puvandan  is  another  form  of 
the  word  Pondan,  which  means  a  palanquin-bearer.  It 
is  well  known  that,  in  the  Tamil  country,  this  was  one  of 
the  duties  of  the  Idaiyans,  as  is  evident  from  a  sub- 
division called  Sivi  or  Siviyar  (palanquin)  existing  among 
them.  In  the  early  settlement  records  of  Travancore, 
they  are  referred  to  as  Sibis.  Many  fancy,  though 
incorrectly,  that  the  word  means  one  who  collects  flowers. 
As  the  Sibis  were  experts  in  palanquin-bearing,  they 
must  have  been  brought  from  the  Tamil  country  to  serve 
the  mediaeval  Rajas.  At  the  present  day,  besides  pur- 
suing their  traditional  occupation,  they  also  engage  in 
agriculture  and  trade.  The  position  of  the  Puvandans  in 
society  is  not  low.     They  are  entitled  to  the  services  of 


IDAKOTTU  366 

the  Brahman's  washerman  and  barber,  and  they  may 
enter  temples,  and  advance  as  far  as  the  place  to  which 
Nayars  go,  except  in  some  parts  of  Central  Travancore. 
They  are  flesh-eaters,  and  the  drinking  of  intoxicating 
liquor  is  not  prohibited.  On  ceremonial  occasions, 
women  wear  the  Tamil  Idaiya  dress,  while  at  other  times 
they  adopt  the  attire  of  Nayar  women.  Their  ornaments 
are  foreign,  and  clearly  indicate  that  they  are  a  Tamil 
caste.  The  marriage  badge  is  called  sankhu  tali,  and  a 
small  conch-shaped  ornament  forms  its  most  conspicu- 
ous feature.  Besides  the  ordinary  Hindu  deities,  they 
worship  Matam,  Yakshi,  and  Maruta.  At  weddings, 
the  Idaiyan  bridegroom  holds  a  sword  in  his  left  hand, 
while  he  takes  hold  of  the  bride  by  the  right  hand. 
Funeral  ceremonies  are  supervised  by  a  barber,  who 
officiates  as  priest.  Corpses  are  either  burnt  or  buried. 
Though  they  appear  to  observe  only  eleven  days'  death 
pollution,  they  cannot  enter  a  temple  until  the  expiry 
of  sixteen  days.  An  anniversary  ceremony  in  memory  of 
the  deceased  is  performed  on  the  new-moon  day  in  the 
month  of  Karkatakam  (July- August),  and,  on  this  day, 
most  members  of  the  caste  go  to  Varkalai  to  perform  the 
rite.  Many  purely  Tamil  names  are  still  preserved  in  the 
caste,  such  as  Tambi,  Chami,  Bhagavati,  and  Chattu. 

Idakottu  (those  who  break). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Oddes,  who,  during  their  work  as  navvies,  break  stones. 

Idangai  (left-hand). — Recorded,  at  times  of  census, 
as  a  division  of  Devadasis,  who  do  service  for  castes 
belonging  to  the  left-hand  section. 

idiga. — The  Telugu  toddy-drawers,  whose  hereditary 
occupation  is  the  extraction  of  the  juice  of  the  date  and 
palmyra  palms,  go  by  different  names  in  different 
localities.  Those,  for  example,  who  live  in  the  Salem, 
North  Arcot  and  Chingleput  districts,  are  called  Idigas 


3^7  Idiga 

or  Indras.  In  the  Northern  Circars  and  the  Nellore 
district,  they  are  known  as  Gamallas  or  Gamandlas,  and 
in  the  Cuddapah  district  as  Asilis. 

It  is  recorded,  in  the  North  Arcot  Manual,  that 
"  Idiga  is  one  of  the  toddy-drawing  castes  of  the  Teluou 
country,  the  name  being  derived  from  Telugu  Idchu,  to 
draw.  The  Idigas  are  supposed  to  be  a  branch  of  the 
Balija  tribe,  separated  on  account  of  their  occupation. 
They  are  chiefly  Vaishnavites,  having  Satanis  as  their 
priests.  They  are  divided  into  two  classes,  the  Dandu 
(army)  *  Idigas  and  the  BaHja  Idigas,  of  whom  the 
former  used  originally  to  distil  arrack,  but,  now  that  the 
manufacture  is  a  monopoly,  they  usually  sell  it.  The 
Balija  idigas  extract  toddy,  the  juice  of  the  palm  tree. 
They  differ  from  the  Shanans  in  some  of  their  profes- 
sional customs,  for,  while  the  Tamilians  in  climbing  tie 
their  knives  behind  them,  the  Telugus  tie  them  on  the 
right  thigh.  Tamilian  drawers  extract  the  juice  from 
palmyras  and  cocoanuts,  but  rarely  from  the  date,  and  the 
Telugus  from  the  palmyras  and  dates,  but  never  from 
cocoanuts.  The  chief  object  of  their  worship  is  Yellamma, 
the  deity  who  presides  over  toddy  and  liquor.  On  every 
Sunday,  the  pots  containing  liquor  are  decorated  with 
flowers,  saffron,  etc.,  and  offerings  are  made  to  them." 

In  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1901,  it  is  stated  that 
"  it  is  said  that  the  Idigas  are  the  descendants  of  Balijas 
from  Rajahmundry  in  Godavari  district,  and  that  their 
occupation  separated  them  into  a  distinct  caste.  They 
are  divided  into  two  endogamous  sections  called  either 
Dandu  and  Palli,  or  Patha  (old)  and  Kotta  (new).  The 
headman  of  the  caste  is  called  Gaudu.  They  employ 
Brahmans  as  purohits   for  their  ceremonies,  and  these 


*  The  Idigas  are  said  to  have  been  formerly  employed  as  soldiers  under  the 
Poligars. 


iDIGA  3^^ 

Brahmans  are  received  on  terms  of  equality  by  other 
Brahmans.  They  bury  their  dead,  and  observe  pollution 
for  twelve  days,  during  which  they  abstain  from  eating 
flesh.  The  consumption  of  alcohol  is  strictly  prohibited, 
and  is  severely  punished  by  the  headman  of  the  caste. 
They  eat  with  all  Balijas,  except  the  Gazulu  section. 
Their  titles  are  Aiya,  Appa,  and  Gaudu." 

It  is  noted  by  Mr.  F.  Fawcett  that  "  in  the  northern 
districts,  among  the  Telugu  population,  the  toddy-drawers 
use  a  ladder  about  eight  or  nine  feet  in  length,  which  is 
placed  against  the  tree,  to  avoid  climbing  a  third  or  fourth 
of  it.  While  in  the  act  of  climbing  up  or  down,  they 
make  use  of  a  wide  band,  which  is  passed  round  the  body 
at  the  small  of  the  back,  and  round  the  tree.  This  band 
is  easily  fastened  with  a  toggle  and  eye.  The  back  is 
protected  by  a  piece  of  thick  soft  leather.  It  gives  great 
assistance  in  climbing,  which  it  makes  easy.  All  over 
the  southernmost  portion  of  the  peninsula,  among  the 
Shanans  and  Tiyans,  the  ladder  and  waist-band  are 
unknown.  They  climb  up  and  down  with  their  hands 
and  arms,  using  only  a  soft  grummel  of  coir  (cocoanut 
fibre)  to  keep  the  feet  near  together." 

The  Idigas  claim  to  be  descended  from  Vyasa,  the 
traditional  compiler  of  the  Mahabharata.  In  a  note  by 
Mr.  F.  R.  Hemingway  on  the  Idigas  of  the  Godavari 
district,  they  are  said  to  worship  a  deity,  to  whom  they 
annually  offer  fowls  on  New  Year's  day,  and  make  daily 
offerings  of  a  few  drops  of  toddy  from  the  first  pot  taken 
from  the  tree.  In  this  district  they  are  commonly  called 
Chetti. 

The  insigne  of  the  Idigas,  as  recorded  at  Conjeeveram, 
is  a  ladder.* 


*  J.  S.  F.  Mackenzie,  Ind.  Ant.,  IV,  1875. 


369  ILAMAGAN 

Idiya  (pounder). — Recorded,  in  the  Travancore 
Census  Report,  1901,  as  a  division  of  Konkani  Sudras. 
The  Idiyans  prepare  rice  in  a  special  manner.  Paddy  is 
soaked  in  water,  and  roasted  over  a  fire.  While  hot,  it 
is  placed  in  a  mortar,  and  pounded  with  a  pestle.  This 
rice  is  called  avil,  which  is  said  to  be  largely  used  as  a 
delicacy  in  Travancore,  and  to  be  employed  in  certain 
reliofious  ceremonies. 

The  Idiyans  are  stated  to  have  left  their  native  land 
near  Cochin,  and  settled  in  Travancore  at  the  invitation  of 
a  former  sovereio^n.  On  arrival  in  the  land  of  their 
adoption,  they  were  given,  free  of  tax,  cocoanut  gardens 
and  rice  land.  In  return,  they  were  required  to  supply, 
free  of  charge,  the  palace  of  the  Maharajah  and  the 
temple  of  Sri  Padmanabhaswami  at  Trivandrum  with 
as  much  beaten  rice  (avil)  as  might  be  required  from 
time  to  time. 

iga  (fly). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Mutracha.  The 
equivalent  Igala  occurs  as  an  exogamous  sept  of  Yanadi. 

Ilai  (leaf). — Ilai  or  Ele  has  been  recorded  as  a  sub- 
division of  Tigalas  and  Toreyas  who  cultivate  the  betel 
vine  [Piper  be  tie).  Elai  Vaniyan  occurs  as  a  synonym 
of  Senaikkudaiyans,  who  are  betel  leaf  sellers  in  Tinne- 
velly. 

Ilaiyattakudi. — A  sub-division  of  Nattukottai 
Chetti. 

Ilakutiyan. — Recorded,  in  the  Travancore  Census 
Report,  1 90 1,  as  a  sub-division  of  Nayar. 

Ilamagan. — The  Ilamagans  are  described  by  Mr. 
Francis*  as  "  a  cultivating  caste  found  chiefly  in  the 
Zamindari  taluk  of  Tiruppattur  in  Madura.  The  word 
literally    means     a     young     man,     but      the    young     is 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1901. 
11-24 


ILAMPI  370 

interpreted  by  other  castes  in  the  sense  of  inferior.  One 
says  that  it  is  made  up  of  the  sons  of  Vallamban  females 
and  Vellala  males,  another  that  it  is  a  mixture  of  out- 
casted  Valaiyans,  Kalians  and  Maravans,  and  a  third  that 
it  is  descended  from  illegitimate  children  of  the  Vellalas 
and  Pallis.  Like  the  Kalians  and  Valaiyans,  the  members 
of  the  caste  stretch  the  lobes  of  their  ears,  and  leave  their 
heads  unshaven.  The  caste  is  divided  into  two  or  three 
endogamous  sections  of  territorial  origin.  They  do  not 
employ  Brahmans  as  purohits  ;  their  widows  may  marry 
again  ;  their  dead  are  usually  buried  ;  and  they  will  eat 
pork,  mutton,  fowls,  and  fish.  They  are  thus  not  high 
in  the  social  scale,  and  are,  in  fact,  about  on  a  par  with  the 
Kalians.  The  headmen  of  the  caste  are  called  Ambalam." 
It  is  suggested,  in  the  Census  Report,  1891,  that,  from 
the  fact  that  Ilamagan  appears  as  a  sub-division  of  the 
Maravans,  it  may  perhaps  be  inferred  that  the  two  castes 
are  closely  allied. 

Ilampi.— Recorded,  in  the  Travancore  Census 
Report,  1901,  as  a  sub-division  of  Nayar. 

Ilayatu. — See  Elayad. 

Ilia  (of  a  house). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Yanadi. 

Illam. — Defined  by  Mr.  Wigram  *  as  meaning  the 
house  of  an  ordinary  Nambudri  Brahman.  It  is  recorded, 
in  the  Travancore  Census  Report,  1901,  as  a  sub-division 
of  Nayar.  The  name  Illam  Vellala  has  been  assumed  by 
some  Panikkans  in  the  Tamil  country,  whose  exogamous 
septs  are  called  Illam.  In  Travancore,  Ilakkar  or  Illathu, 
meaning  those  attached  to  Brahman  houses,  is  said  to  be 
an  occupational  sub-division  of  Nayars.  Ilakkar  further 
occurs  as  an  exogamous  sept  of  Mala  Arayans,  known  as 
the  Three  Thousand. 


*  Malabar  Law  and  Custom. 


371  IRANI 

Illuvellani.— The  name,  derived  from  illu,  house, 
and  vellani,  those  who  do  not  go  out,  of  a  sub-division  of 
Kammas,  whose  wives  are  kept  gosha  (in  seclusion). 

Inaka  Mukku  Bhatrazu. — Beggars  attached  to 
Padma  Sales. 

Inangan. — See  Enangan. 

Ina  Pulaya.— A  sub-division  of  Pulayans  of  Travan- 
core. 

India  (house). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Chenchu  and 
Mutracha. 

indra. — See  Idiga. 

inichi  (squirrel). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Inravar.— A  Tamil  form  of  Indra. 

Ippi  {Bassia  longifolia :  mahua). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Panta  Reddi.  Members  of  the  Ippala  gotra 
of  the  Besthas  may  not  touch  or  use  the  ippa  (or  ippi) 
tree. 

Iranderudhu  (two  bullocks). — A  sub-division  of 
Vaniyans,  who  use  two  bullocks  for  their  oil-mills. 

Irani  (earthen  vessel  used  at  marriages). — A  gotra 
of  Kurni. 

Irani.— A  territorial  name,  meaning  Persian,  of  the 
Shiah  section  of  the  Moghal  tribe  of  Muhammadans. 
The  Iranis  or  Beluchis  are  described  by  Mr.  Paupa  Rao 
Naidu  *  as  a  troublesome  nomad  tribe  "  committing 
crime  all  over  India  openly  from  the  houses  and  shops  of 
villages  and  towns,  mostly  in  broad  daylight,  with  im- 
punity, and  escaping  punishment  except  in  rare  cases. 
Their  ostensible  profession  is  merchandise,  dealing  in  the 
following  articles : — ponies,  knives,  scissors,  padlocks, 
false  stones,  false  pearls,  trinkets  of  several  kinds,  toys, 
beads,  quicksilver,  and  false  coins  of  different  kinds. 


*  Criminal  Tribes  of  India,  No.  Ill,  Madras,  1907. 
11-24  B 


IRANYAVARMA  372 

Their  camp  generally  consists  of  a  few  small  tents,  a 
few  ponies,  pack  saddles  to  secure  their  culinary  uten- 
sils, their  dirty  clothes,  the  leather  or  gunny  bags  contain- 
ing their  articles  of  merchandise,  a  few  fighting  cocks, 
and  cages  of  birds.  They  are  very  fond  of  cock  fighting, 
even  on  wagers  of  10  to  50  rupees  on  each.  They  train 
these  cocks  specially  brought  up  to  fight."  For  infor- 
mation concerning  the  criminal  methods  of  the  Iranis, 
I  would  refer  the  reader  to  Mr.  Paupa  Rao  Naidu's 
account  thereof. 

Iranyavarma.«^The  name  of  one  of  the  early  Pallava 
kings,  returned  at  times  of  census  as  a  caste  name  by 
some  wealthy  Pallis,  who  also  gave  themselves  the  title 
of  Solakanar,  or  descendants  of  Chola  Kings. 

Irattai  Sekkan.— A  sub-division  of  Vaniyans,  who 
use  two  bullocks  for  their  oil-mills. 

Iraya. — A  name  for  Cherumans,  in  Malabar,  who 
are  permitted  to  come  as  far  as  the  eaves  (ira)  of  their 
employers'  houses. 

Irchakkollan  (timber  sawyer). — A  synonym,  in 
Travancore,  of  Tacchan  (carpenter)  Kammalan. 

Irkuli.^ — Irkuli  or  Irangolli  Vellala,  said  to  mean 
Vellalas  who  killed  dampness,  is  a  name  assumed  by 
some  Vannans. 

Irpina  (comb). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kamma. 

Irulas  of  the  Nilgiris.  In  the  Kotagiri  bazaar, 
which  is  an  excellent  hunting-ground  for  the  anthro- 
pologist, may  be  seen  gathered  together  on  market-day 
Kotas,  Badagas,  Kanarese,  Irulas,  Kurumbas,  and  an 
occasional  Toda  from  the  Kodanad  mand.  A  tribal 
photograph  was  taken  there,  with  the  result  that  a  depu- 
tation subsequently  waited  on  me  with  a  petition  to  the 
effect  that  "  We,  the  undersigned,  beg  to  submit  that 
your  honour  made  botos  of  us,  and  has  paid  us  nothing. 


373  IRULA 

We,  therefore,  beg  you  to  do  this  common  act  of  justice." 
The  deputation  was  made  happy  with  'd  potcrboire. 

In  my  hunt  after  Irulas,  which  ended  in  an  attack 
of  malarial  fever,  it  was  necessary  to  invoke  the  assistance 
and  proverbial  hospitality  of  various  planters.  On  one 
occasion  news  reached  me  that  a  gang  of  Irulas,  collected 
for  my  benefit  under  a  promise  of  substantial  remunera- 
tion, had  arrived  at  a  planter's  bungalow,  whither  I 
proceeded.  The  party  included  a  man  who  had  been 
"  wanted  "  for  some  time  in  connection  with  the  shooting 
of  an  elephant  on  forbidden  ground.  He,  suspecting  me 
of  base  designs,  refused  to  be  measuied,  on  the  plea  that 
he  was  afraid  the  height-measuring  standard  was  the 
gallows.  Nor  would  he  let  me  take  his  photograph, 
fearing  (though  he  had  never  heard  of  Bertillonage)  lest 
it  should  be  used  for  the  purpose  of  criminal  identifica- 
tion. Unhappily  a  mischievous  rumour  had  been  circu- 
lated that  I  had  in  my  train  a  wizard  Kurumba,  who  would 
bewitch  the  Irulas,  in  order  that  I  might  abduct  them 
(for  what  purpose  was  not  stated). 

As  the  Badagas  are  the  fairest,  so  the  Irulas  are  the 
darkest-skinned  of  the  Nllgiri  tribes,  on  some  of  whom, 
as  has  been  said,  charcoal  would  leave  a  white  mark. 
The  name  Irula,  in  fact,  means  darkness  or  blackness 
(irul),  whether  in  reference  to  the  dark  jungles  in  which 
the  Irulas,  who  have  not  become  domesticated  by  work- 
ing as  contractors  or  coolies  on  planters'  estates,  dwell, 
or  to  the  darkness  of  their  skin,  is  doubtful.  Though  the 
typical  Irula  is  dark-skinned  and  platyrhine,  I  have  noted 
some  who,  as  the  result  of  contact  metamorphosis,  pos- 
sessed skins  of  markedly  paler  hue,  and  leptorhine  noses. 

The  language  of  the  Irulas  is  a  corrupt  form  of  Tamil. 
In  their  religion  they  are  worshippers  of  Vishnu  under 
the     name    of    Rangasvami,    to    whom    they    do    puja 


IRULA  374 

(worship)  at  their  own  rude  shrines,  or  at  the  Hindu 
temple  at  Karaimadai,  where  Brahman  priests  officiate. 
"An  Irula  pujari,"  Breeks  writes,*  "lives  near  the 
Irula  temples,  and  rings  a  bell  when  he  performs  puja  to 
the  gods.  He  wears  the  Vishnu  mark  on  his  forehead. 
His  office  is  hereditary,  and  he  is  remunerated  by  offer- 
ings of  fruit  and  milk  from  Irula  worshippers.  Each 
Irula  village  pays  about  two  annas  to  the  pujari  about 
May  or  June.  They  say  that  there  is  a  temple  at 
Kallampalla  in  the  Sattiyamangalam  taluk,  north  of 
Rangasvami's  peak.  This  is  a  Siva  temple,  at  which 
sheep  are  sacrificed.  The  pujari  wears  the  Siva  mark. 
They  don't  know  the  difference  between  Siva  and  Vishnu. 
At  Kallampalla  temple  is  a  thatched  building,  containing 
a  stone  called  Mariamma,  the  well-known  goddess  of 
small-pox,  worshipped  in  this  capacity  by  the  Irulas.  A 
sheep  is  led  to  this  temple,  and  those  who  offer  the 
sacrifice  sprinkle  water  over  it,  and  cut  its  throat.  The 
pujari  sits  by,  but  takes  no  part  in  the  ceremony.  The 
body  is  cut  up,  and  distributed  among  the  Irulas  present, 
including  the  pujari." 

In  connection  with  the  shrine  on  Rangasvami  peak, 
the  following  note  is  recorded  in  the  Gazetteer  of  the 
Nilgiris.  "  It  is  the  most  sacred  hill  on  all  the  plateau. 
Hindu  legend  says  that  the  god  Rangasvami  used  to 
live  at  Karaimadai  on  the  plains  between  Mettupalaiyam 
and  Coimbatore,  but  quarrelled  with  his  wife,  and  so 
came  and  lived  here  alone.  In  proof  of  the  story,  two 
footprints  on  the  rock  not  far  from  Arakod  village  below 
the  peak  are  pointed  out.  This,  however,  is  probably  an 
invention  designed  to  save  the  hill  folk  the  toilsome 
journey   to   Rangasvami's   car    festival    at    Karaimadai, 


•   Primitive  Tribes  of  the  Nilgiris. 


IRUI.A.    XIlAilKlS. 


375  IRULA 

which  used  once  to  be  considered  incumbent  upon  them. 
In  some  places,  the  Badagas  and  Kotas  have  gone  even 
further,  and  estabHshed  Rangasvami  Bettus  of  their  own, 
handy  for  their  own  particular  villages.  On  the  real 
Rangasvami  peak  are  two  rude  walled  enclosures  sacred 
to  the  god  Ranga  and  his  consort,  and  wnthin  these  are 
votive  offerings  (chiefly  iron  lamps  and  the  notched 
sticks  used  as  weighing  machines),  and  two  stones  to 
represent  the  deities.  The  hereditary  pujari  is  an  Irula, 
and,  on  the  day  fixed  by  the  Badagas  for  the  annual  feast, 
he  arrives  from  his  hamlet  near  Nandipuram,  bathes  in  a 
pool  below  the  summit,  and  marches  to  the  top  shouting 
*  Govinda  !  Govinda ' !  The  cry  is  taken  up  with  wild 
enthusiasm  by  all  those  present,  and  the  whole  crowd, 
which  includes  Badagas,  Irulas,  and  Kurumbas,  sur- 
rounds the  enclosures,  while  the  Irula  priest  invokes  the 
deities  by  blowing  his  conch  and  beating  his  drum,  and 
pours  oblations  over,  and  decorates  with  flowers,  the 
two  stones  which  represent  them.  That  night,  two  stone 
basins  on  the  summit  are  filled  with  ghee  and  lighted,  and 
the  glare  is  visible  for  miles  around.  The  ceremonies 
close  with  prayers  for  good  rain  and  fruitfulness  among 
the  flocks  and  herds,  a  wild  dance  by  the  Irula,  and  the 
boiling  (called  pongal,  the  same  word  as  pongal  the  Tamil 
agricultural  feast)  of  much  rice  in  milk.  About  a  mile 
from  Arakod  is  an  overhanging  rock  called  the  kodai-kal 
or  umbrella  stone,  under  which  is  found  a  whitish  clay. 
This  clay  is  used  by  the  Irulas  for  making  the  Vaishnava 
marks  on  their  foreheads  at  this  festival." 

The  following  account  of  an  Irula  temple  festival  is 
given  by  Harkness.  *  "The  hair  of  the  men,  as  well 
as  of  the  women  and  children,  was  bound  up  in  a  fantastic 


*  Description  of  a  singular  Aboriginal  Race  inhabiting  the  Neilgherry  Hills, 
1832. 


IRULA  Z"]^ 

manner  with  wreaths  of  plaited  straw.  Their  necks,  ears, 
and  ankles  were  decorated  with  ornaments  formed  of  the 
same  material,  and  they  carried  little  dried  gourds,  in 
which  nuts  or  small  stones  had  been  inserted.  They  rattled 
them  as  they  moved,  and,  with  the  rustling  of  their  rural 
ornaments,  gave  a  sort  of  rhythm  to  their  motion.  The 
dance  was  performed  in  front  of  a  little  thatched  shed, 
which,  we  learnt,  was  their  temple.  When  it  was  con- 
cluded, they  commenced  a  sacrifice  to  their  deity,  or 
rather  deities,  of  a  he-goat  and  three  cocks.  This  was 
done  by  cutting  the  throats  of  the  victims,  and  throwing 
them  down  at  the  feet  of  the  idol,  the  whole  assembly 
at  the  same  time  prostrating  themselves.  Within  the 
temple  there  was  a  winnow,  or  fan,  which  they  called 
Mahri — evidently  the  emblem  of  Ceres ;  and  at  a  short 
distance,  in  front  of  the  former,  and  some  paces  in 
advance  one  of  the  other,  were  two  rude  stones,  which  they 
call,  the  one  Moshani,  the  other  Konadi  Mari,  but  which 
are  subordinate  to  the  fan  occupying  the  interior  of  the 
temple." 

A  village  near  a  coffee  estate,  which  I  inspected, 
was,  at  the  time  of  my  visit,  in  the  possession  of  pariah 
dogs  and  nude  children,  the  elder  children  and  adults 
being  away  at  work.  The  village  was  protected  against 
nocturnal  feline  and  other  feral  marauders  by  a  rude  fence, 
and  consisted  of  rows  of  single-storied  huts,  with  verandah 
in  front,  made  of  split  bamboo  and  thatched,  detached 
huts,  an  abundance  of  fowl-houses,  and  cucurbitaceous 
plants  twining  up  rough  stages.  Surrounding  the  village 
were  a  dense  grove  of  plantain  trees,  castor-oil  bushes, 
and  cattle  pens. 

When  not  engaged  at  work  on  estates  or  in  the  forest, 
the  Irulas  cultivate,  for  their  own  consumption,  ragi 
{Eleusine    Coracana),   samai   {Panicum    miliare),    tenai 


Z"]"]  IRULA 

{Seiaria  iialica),  tovarai  {Cajamis  indicus)^  maize,  plan- 
tains, etc.  They  also  cultivate  limes,  oranges,  jak  fruit 
{Artocarpus  mtegrifolia)^  etc.  They,  like  the  Kotas, 
will  not  attend  to  cultivation  on  Saturday  or  Monday.  At 
the  season  of  sowing,  Badagas  bring  cocoanuts,  plantains, 
milk  and  ghi  (clarified  butter),  and  give  them  to  the 
Irulas,  who,  after  offering  them  before  their  deity,  return 
them  to  the  Badagas. 

"  The  Irulas,"  a  recent  writer  observes,  "  generally 
possess  a  small  plot  of  ground  near  their  villages,  which 
they  assiduously  cultivate  with  grain,  although  they 
depend  more  upon  the  wages  earned  by  working  on 
estates.  Some  of  them  are  splendid  cattle-men,  that  is, 
in  looking  after  the  cattle  possessed  by  some  enterprising 
planter,  who  would  add  the  sale  of  dairy  produce  to  the 
nowadays  pitiable  profit  of  coffee  planting.  The  Irula 
women  are  as  useful  as  the  men  in  weeding,  and  all  estate 
work.  In  fact,  planters  find  both  men  and  women  far 
more  industrious  and  reliable  than  the  Tamil  coolies." 

"  By  the  sale  of  the  produce  of  the  forests,"  Harkness 
writes,  "  such  as  honey  and  bees  wax,  or  the  fruit  of 
their  gardens,  the  Irulas  are  enabled  to  buy  grain  for 
their  immediate  sustenance,  and  for  seed.  But,  as  they 
never  pay  any  attention  to  the  land  after  it  is  sown,  or 
indeed  to  its  preparation  further  than  by  partially  clearing 
it  of  the  jungle,  and  turning  it  up  with  the  hoe  ;  or,  what 
is  more  common,  scratching  it  into  furrows  with  a  stick, 
and  scattering  the  grain  indiscriminately,  their  crops  are, 
of  course,  stunted  and  meagre.  When  the  corn  is  ripe, 
if  at  any  distance  from  the  village,  the  family  to  whom 
the  patch  or  field  belongs  will  remove  to  it,  and,  con- 
structing temporary  dwellings,  remain  there  so  long  as 
the  grain  lasts.  Each  morning  they  pluck  as  much  as 
they  think  they  may  require  for  the  use  of  that  day, 


IRULA  37^ 

kindle  a  fire  upon  the  nearest  large  stone  or  fragment  of 
rock,  and,  when  it  is  well  heated,  brush  away  the  embers, 
and  scatter  the  grain  upon  it,  which,  soon  becoming 
parched  and  dry,  is  readily  reduced  to  meal,  which  is 
made  into  cakes.  The  stone  is  now  heated  a  second 
time,  and  the  cakes  are  put  on  it  to  bake.  Or,  w^here 
they  have  met  with  a  stone  which  has  a  little  concavity, 
they  will,  after  heating  it,  fill  the  hollow  with  water,  and, 
with  the  meal,  form  a  sort  of  porridge.  In  this  way  the 
whole  family,  their  friends,  and  neighbours,  will  live  till 
the  grain  has  been  consumed.  The  whole  period  is  one 
of  merry-making.  They  celebrate  Mahri,  and  invite  all 
who  may  be  passing  by  to  join  in  the  festivities.  These 
families  will,  in  return,  be  invited  to  live  on  the  fields  of 
their  neighbours.  Many  of  them  live  for  the  remainder 
of  the  year  on  a  kind  of  yam,  which  grows  wild,  and  is 
called  Erula  root.  To  the  use  of  this  they  accustom  their 
children  from  infancy." 

Some  Irulas  now  work  for  the  Forest  Department, 
which  allows  them  to  live  on  the  borders  of  the  forest, 
granting  them  sites  free,  and  other  concessions.  Among 
the  minor  forest  produce,  which  they  collect,  are  myra- 
bolams,  bees-wax,  honey,  vembadam  bark  {Ventilago 
Madraspatana),  avaram  bark  [Cassia  auriculata),  deer's 
horns,  tamarinds,  gum,  soapnuts,  and  sheekoy  {Acacia 
concinnd).  The  forests  have  been  divided  into  blocks, 
and  a  certain  place  within  each  block  has  been  selected 
for  the  forest  depot.  To  this  place  the  collecting  agents — 
mostly  Sholagars  and  Irulas — bring  the  produce,  and 
then  it  is  sorted,  and  paid  for  by  special  supervisors.* 
The  collection  of  honey  is  a  dangerous  occupation.  A 
man,  with  a  torch  in  his  hand,  and  a  number  of  bamboo 


*  A.  W.  Lushinglon,  Indian  Forester,  1902, 


379  IRULA 

tubes  suspended  from  his  shoulders,  descends  by  means 
of  ropes  or  creepers  to  the  vicinity  of  the  comb.  The 
sight  of  the  torch  drives  away  the  bees,  and  he  proceeds 
to  fill  the  bamboos  with  the  comb,  and  then  ascends  to 
the  top  of  the  rock.* 

The  Irulas  will  not  (so  they  say)  eat  the  flesh  of 
buffaloes  or  cattle,  but  will  eat  sheep  and  goat,  field-rats, 
fowls,  deer,  pig  (which  they  shoot),  hares  (which  they 
snare  with  skilfully  made  nets),  jungle-fowl,  pigeons,  and 
quail  (which  they  knock  over  with  stones). 

They  informed  Mr.  Harkness  that,  "  they  have  no 
marriage  contract,  the  sexes  cohabiting  almost  indis- 
criminately ;  the  option  of  remaining  in  union,  or  of 
separating,  resting  principally  with  the  female.  Some 
among  them,  the  favourites  of  fortune,  who  can  afford  to 
spend  four  or  five  rupees  on  festivities,  will  celebrate 
their  union  by  giving  a  feast  to  all  their  friends  and 
neighbours ;  and,  inviting  the  Kurumbars  to  attend  with 
their  pipe  and  tabor,  spend  the  night  in  dance  and 
merriment.  This,  however,  is  a  rare  occurrence."  The 
marriage  ceremony,  as  described  to  me,  is  a  very  simple 
affair.  A  feast  is  held,  at  which  a  sheep  is  killed,  and  the 
guests  make  a  present  of  a  few  annas  to  the  bridegroom, 
who  ties  up  the  money  in  a  cloth,  and,  going  to  the 
bride's  hut,  conducts  her  to  her  future  home.  Widows 
are  permitted  to  marry  again. 

When  an  Irula  dies,  two  Kurumbas  come  to  the 
village,  and  one  shaves  the  head  of  the  other.  The  shorn 
man  is  fed,  and  presented  with  a  cloth,  which  he  wraps 
round  his  head.  This  quaint  ceremonial  is  supposed, 
in  some  way,  to  bring  good  luck  to  the  departed. 
Outside  the  house  of  the  deceased,  in  which  the  corpse 


*  Agricultural  Ledger  Series,  1904. 


IRULA  380 

is  kept  till  the  time  of  the  funeral,  men  and  women 
dance  to  the  music  of  the  Irula  band.  The  dead  are 
buried  in  a  sitting  posture,  with  the  legs  crossed 
tailorwise.  Each  village  has  its  own  burial-ground.  A 
circular  pit  is  dug,  from  the  lower  end  of  which  a 
chamber  is  excavated,  in  which  the  corpse,  clad  in  its 
own  clothes,  jewelry,  and  a  new  cloth,  is  placed  with 
a  lamp  and  grain.  The  pit  is  then  filled  in,  and  the 
position  of  the  grave  marked  by  a  stone.  On  the  third 
day  a  sheep  is  said  to  be  killed,  and  a  feast  held.  The 
following  description  of  an  annual  ceremony  was  given  to 
me.  A  lamp  and  oil  are  purchased,  and  rice  is  cooked 
in  the  village.  They  are  then  taken  to  the  shrine  at  the 
burial-ground,  offered  up  on  stones,  on  which  some  of  the 
oil  is  poured,  and  puja  is  done.  At  the  shrine,  a  pujari, 
with  three  white  marks  on  the  forehead,  officiates.  Like 
the  Badaga  Devadari,  the  Irula  pujari  at  times  becomes 
inspired  by  the  god. 

Writing  concerning  the  Kurumbas  and  Irulas,  Mr. 
Walhouse  says  *  that  "after  every  death  among  them, 
they  bring  a  long  water-worn  stone  (devva  kotta  kallu), 
and  put  it  into  one  of  the  old  cromlechs  sprinkled  over 
the  Nilgiri  plateau.  Some  of  the  larger  of  these  have 
been  found  piled  up  to  the  cap-stone  with  such  pebbles, 
which  must  have  been  the  work  of  generations.  Occa- 
sionally, too,  the  tribes  mentioned  make  small  cromlechs 
for  burial  purposes,  and  place  the  long  water-worn 
pebbles  in  them." 

The  following  sub-divisions  of  the  tribe  have  been 
described  to  me : — Poongkaru,  Kudagar  (people  of 
Coorg),  Kalkatti  (those  who  tie  stone),  Vellaka,  Devala, 
and  Koppilingam.     Of  these,  the  first  five  are  considered 

•  Ind.  VI,  1877. 


lUri.A.    Nll.ulkl: 


38 1  IRULA 

to  be  in  the  relation  of  brothers,  so  far  as  marriage  is 
concerned,  and  do  not  intermarry.  Members  of  these 
five  classes  must  marry  into  the  Koppilingam  sub- 
division. At  the  census,  1901,  Kasuva  or  Kasuba  was 
returned  as  a  sub-caste.  The  word  means  workmen,  in 
allusion  to  the  abandonment  of  jungle  life  in  favour  of 
working  on  planters'  estates,  and  elsewhere. 

It  is  recorded  by  Harkness  that  "  during  the  winter, 
or  while  they  are  wandering  about  the  forests  in  search 
of  food,  driven  by  hunger,  the  families  or  parties  separate 
from  one  another.  On  these  occasions  the  women  and 
young  children  are  often  left  alone,  and  the  mother,  having 
no  longer  any  nourishment  for  her  infant,  anticipates  its 
final  misery  by  burying  it  alive.  The  account  here  given 
was  in  every  instance  corroborated,  and  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  leave  no  doubt  in  our  minds  of  its  correctness." 

The  following  notes  are  abstracted  from  my  case- 
book. 

Man,  set.  30.  Sometimes  works  on  a  coffee  estate. 
At  present  engaged  in  the  cultivation  of  grains,  pumpkins, 
jak-fruit,  and  plantains.  Goes  to  the  bazaar  at  Mettu- 
palaiyam  to  buy  rice,  salt,  chillies,  oil,  etc.  Acquires 
agricultural  implements  from  Kotas,  to  whom  he  pays 
annual  tribute  in  grains  or  money.  Wears  brass  ear- 
rings obtained  from  Kotas  in  exchange  for  vegetables 
and  fruit.  Wears  turban  and  plain  loin-cloth,  wrapped 
round  body  and  reaching  below  the  knees.  Bag  con- 
taininor  tobacco  and  betel  slungr  over  shoulder.  Skin 
very  dark. 

Woman,  aet.  30.  Hair  curly,  tied  in  a  bunch  behind 
round  a  black  cotton  swab.  Wears  a  plain  waist-cloth, 
and  print  body-cloth  worn  square  across  breasts  and 
reaching  below  the  knees.  Tattooed  on  forehead.  A 
mass  of  glass   bead   necklaces.     Gold  ornament   in  left 


IRULA  382 

nostril.  Brass  ornament  in  lobe  of  each  ear.  Eight  brass 
bangles  on  right  wrist  ;  two  brass  and  six  glass  bangles 
on  left  wrist.  Five  brass  rings  on  right  first  finger ; 
four  brass  and  one  tin  ring  on  right  forefinger. 

Woman,  aet.  25.  Red  cadjan  (palm  leaf)  roll  in  dilated 
lobes  of  ears.  Brass  and  glass  bead  ornament  in  helix 
of  risrht  ear.  Brass  ornament  in  left  nostril.  A  number 
of  bead  necklets,  one  with  young  cowry  shells  pendent, 
another  consisting  of  a  heavy  roll  of  black  beads.  The 
latter  is  very  characteristic  of  Irula  female  adornment. 
One  steel  bangle,  eight  brass  bangles,  and  one  chank- 
shell  bangle  on  right  wrist  ;  three  lead,  six  glass  bangles, 
and  one  g-lass  bead  bangle  on  left  wrist.  One  steel  and 
one  brass  ring  on  left  little  finger. 

Woman,  aet.  35.  Wears  loin-cloth  only.  Breasts 
fully  exposed.     Cap  of  Badaga  pattern  on  head. 

Girl,  aet.  8.  Lobe  of  each  ear  being  dilated  by  a 
number  of  wooden  sticks  like  matches. 

Average  stature  I59'8  cm. ;  nasal  index  85  (max.  100). 

Irulas  of  Chingleput,  North  and  South  Arcot.  The 
Irulas,  or  Villiyans  (bowmen),  who  have  settled  in  the 
town  of  Chingleput,  about  fifty  miles  distant  from  Madras, 
have  attained  to  a  higher  degree  of  civilisation  than  the 
jungle  Irulas  of  the  Nllgiris,  and  are  defined,  in  the  Census 
Report,  1901,  as  a  semi-Brahmanised  forest  tribe,  who 
speak  a  corrupt  Tamil. 

In  a  note  on  the  Irulas,  Mackenzie  writes  as  follows.* 
"After  the  Yuga  Pralayam  (deluge,  or  change  from  one 
Yuga  to  another)  the  Villars  or  Irulans,  Malayans,  and 
Vedans,  supposed  to  be  descendants  of  a  Rishi  under  the 
influence  of  a  malignant  curse,  were  living  in  the  forests 
in  a  state  of  nature,  though  they  have   now  taken  to 


Oriental  Manuscripts. 


3^3  IRULA 

wearing  some  kind  of  covering — males  putting  on 
skins,  and  females  stitched  leaves.  Roots,  wild  fruits, 
and  honey  constitute  their  dietary,  and  cooked  rice  is 
always  rejected,  even  when  gratuitously  offered.  They 
have  no  clear  ideas  about  God,  though  they  offer  rice 
(wild  variety)  to  the  goddess  Kanniamma.  The  legend 
runs  that  a  Rishi,  Mala  Rishi  by  name,  seeing  that  these 
people  were  much  bothered  by  wild  beasts,  took  pity  on 
them,  and  for  a  time  lived  with  them.  He  mixed  freely 
with  their  women,  and  as  the  result,  several  children 
were  born,  who  were  also  molested  by  wild  animals. 
To  free  them  from  these,  the  Rishi  advised  them  to  do 
puja  (worship)  to  Kanniamma.  Several  other  Rishis 
are  also  believed  to  have  livedcifreely  in  their  midst,  and, 
as  a  result,  several  new  castes  arose,  among  which  were 
the  Yanadis,  who  have  come  into  towns,  take  food  from 
other  castes,  eat  cooked  rice,  and  imitate  the  people 
amidst  whom  they  happen  to  live."  In  which  respects 
the  Irula  is  now  following  the  example  of  the  Yanadi. 

Many  of  the  Chingleput  Irulas  are  very  dark-skinned, 
with  narrow  chests,  thin  bodies,  and  flabby  muscles, 
reminding  me,  in  their  general  aspect,  of  the  Yanadis 
of  Nellore.  Clothing  is,  in  the  men,  reduced  to  a 
minimum — dhuti,  and  languti  of  dirty  white  cotton  cloth, 
or  a  narrow  strip  of  gaudy  Manchester  piece-good. 
The  hair  is  worn  long  and  ragged,  or  shaved,  with 
kudimi,  in  imitation  of  the  higher  classes.  The 
moustache  is  slight,  and  the  beard  billy-goaty.  Some  of 
the  men  are  tattooed  with  a  blue  dot  on  the  glabella,  or 
vertical  mid-frontal  line.  For  ornaments  they  have  a 
stick  in  the  helix,  or  simple  ornament  in  the  ear-lobe. 

Their  chief  source  of  livelihood  is  husking  paddy 
(rice),  but  they  also  gather  sticks  for  sale  as  firewood  in 
return  for  pice,  rice,  and  sour  fermented  rice  gruel,  which 


IRULA  384 

is  kept  by  the  higher  classes  for  cattle.  This  gruel  is 
also  highly  appreciated  by  the  Yanadis.  While  husking 
rice,  they  eat  the  bran,  and,  if  not  carefully  watched,  will 
steal  as  much  of  the  rice  as  they  can  manage  to  secrete 
about  themselves.  As  an  addition  to  their  plain  dietary 
they  catch  field  (Jerboa)  rats,  which  they  dig  out  with 
long  sticks,  after  they  have  been  asphyxiated  with  smoke 
blown  into  their  tunnels  through  a  small  hole  in  an 
earthen  pot  filled  with  dried  leaves,  which  are  set  on 
fire.  When  the  nest  is  dug  out,  they  find  material  for  a 
meat  and  vegetable  curry  in  the  dead  rats,  with  the 
hoarded  store  of  rice  or  other  grain.  They  feast  on  the 
bodies  of  winged  white-ants  {Termites),  which  they 
search  with  torch-lights  at  the  time  of  their  seasonal 
epidemic  appearance.  Some  years  ago  a  theft  occurred 
in  my  house  at  night,  and  it  was  proved  by  a  plaster 
cast  of  a  foot-print  in  the  mud  produced  by  a  nocturnal 
shower  that  one  of  my  gardeners,  who  did  not  live 
on  the  spot,  had  been  on  the  prowl.  The  explanation 
was  that  he  had  been  collecting  as  a  food-stuff  the 
carcases  of  the  winged  ants,  which  had  that  evening 
appeared  in  myriads. 

Some  Irulas  are  herbalists,  and  are  believed  to  have 
the  powers  of  curing  certain  diseases,  snake-poisoning, 
and  the  bites  of  rats  and  insects. 

Occasionally  the  Irulas  collect  the  leaves  of  the 
banyan,  Butea  fr^ondosUy  or  lotus,  for  sale  as  food- 
platters,  and  they  will  eat  the  refuse  food  left  on 
the  platters  by  Brahmans  and  other  higher  classes. 
They  freely  enter  the  houses  of  Brahmans  and  non- 
Brahman  castes,  and  are  not  considered  as  carrying 
pollution. 

They  have  no  fixed  place  of  abode,  which  they 
often    change.     Some    live    in    low,     palmyra-thatched 


385  IRULA 

huts  of  small  dimensions ;  others  under  a  tree,  in  an 
open  place,  in  ruined  buildings,  or  the  street  pials 
(verandah)  of  houses.  Their  domestic  utensils  consist 
of  a  few  pots,  one  or  two  winnows,  scythes,  a  crow-bar, 
a  piece  of  flint  and  steel  for  making  fire,  and  a  dirty- 
bag  for  tobacco  and  betel.  In  making  fire,  an  angular 
fragment  of  quartz  is  held  against  a  small  piece  of 
pith,  and  dexterously  struck  with  an  iron  implement 
so  that  the  spark  falls  on  the  pith,  which  can  be  rapidly 
blown  into  a  blaze.  To  keep  the  children  warm  in 
the  so-called  cold  season  (with  a  minimum  of  58°  to  60°), 
they  put  their  babies  near  the  fire  in  pits  dug  in 
the  ground. 

For  marital  purposes  they  recognise  tribal  sub- 
divisions in  a  very  vague  way.  Marriage  is  not  a 
very  impressive  ceremonial.  The  bridegroom  has  to 
present  new  cloths  to  the  bride,  and  his  future  father-  and 
mother-in-law.  The  cloth  given  to  the  last-named  is  called 
the  pal  kuli  (milk  money)  for  having  nursed  the  bride. 
Marriage  is  celebrated  on  any  day,  except  Saturday. 
A  very  modest  banquet,  in  proportion  to  their  slender 
means,  is  held,  and  toddy  provided,  if  the  state  of 
the  finances  will  run  to  it.  Towards  evening  the 
bride  and  bridegroom  stand  in  front  of  the  house, 
and  the  latter  ties  the  tali,  which  consists  of  a  bead 
necklace  with  a  round  brass  disc.  In  the  case  of  a 
marriage  which  took  place  during  my  visit,  the  bride 
had  been  wearing  her  new  bridal  cloth  for  a  month 
before  the  event. 

The  Irulas  worship  periodically  Kanniamma,  their 
tribal  deity,  and  Mari,  the  general  goddess  of  epidemic 
disease.  The  deity  is  represented  by  five  pots  arranged 
in  the  form  of  a  square,  with  a  single  pot  in  the  centre, 
filled  with  turmeric  water.  Close  to  these  a  lamp 
11-25 


IRULA 


[86 


is  lighted,  and  raw  rice,  jaggery  (crude  sugar),  rice 
flour,  betel  leaves  and  areca  nuts  are  offered  before  it. 
Mari  is  represented  by  a  white  rag  flag  dyed  with 
turmeric,  hoisted  on  a  bamboo  in  an  open  space  near 
their  dwellings,  to  which  fowls,  sheep,  and  other  cooked 
articles,  are  offered. 

The  dead  are  buried  lying  flat  on  the  face,  with 
the  head  to  the  north,  and  the  face  turned  towards 
the  east.  When  the  grave  has  been  half  filled  in, 
they  throw  into  it  a  prickly-pear  {^Opuntia  Dillenii) 
shrub,  and  make  a  mound  over  it.  Around  this  they 
place  a  row  or  two  of  prickly-pear  stems  to  keep 
off  jackals.     No  monumental   stone   is   placed  over  the 


Of  rave. 


By  means  of  the  following  table  a  comparison  can  be 
readily  made  between  the  stature  and  nasal  index 
of  the  jungle  Sholagas  and  Nilgiri  Irulas,  and  of 
the  more  civilised  Irulas  of  Chingleput  and  Oralis  of 
Coimbatore  : — 


CO 

Nasal  index, 
average. 

Nasal  index, 
maximum. 

u 

a  s 

Sholagas          

I59'3 

85-1 

1077 

72-8 

Irulas,  Nilgiris 

159-8 

84-9 

100 

72-3 

Irulas,  Chingleput 

I59"9 

80-3 

90-5 

70 

Uralis 

159-5 

So-i 

97-7 

65-3 

The  table  shows  clearly  that,  while  all  the  four 
tribes  are  of  short  and  uniform  stature,  the  nasal 
index,  both  as  regards  average,  maximum  and  minimum, 
is  higher  in  the  Sholagas  and  Irulas  of  the  Nilgiri  jungles 
than    in   the    more  domesticated    Irulas   of  Chingleput 


IKULA,  CHIX(;i,j:|'li-, 


38; 


IRULA 


and  Oralis.  In  brief,  the  two  former,  who  have  mingled 
less  with  the  outside  world,  retain  the  archaic  type 
of  platyrhine  nose  to  a  greater  extent  than  the  two 
latter.  The  reduction  of  platyrhiny,  as  the  result  of 
civilisation  and  emergence  from  the  jungle  to  the  vicinity 
of  towns,  is  still  further  brought  out  by  the  following 
figures  relating  to  the  two  classes  of  Irulas,  and  the 
Kanikars  of  Travancore,  who  still  live  a  jungle  life, 
and  those  who  have  removed  to  the  outskirts  of  a 
populous  town  : — 


Nasal  index. 

Average. 

Maximum. 

Minimum. 

Irulas,  jungle        

84-9 

100 

72-3 

Kanikars,  jungle              

84-6 

los 

72-3 

Kanikars,  domesticated 

81-2 

90-5 

708 

Irulas,  domesticated       

80-3 

90-5 

70 

The  Irulas  of  North  Arcot  are  closely  related  to 
those  of  Chingleput.  Concerning  them,  Mr.  H.  A. 
Stuart  writes  as  follows.*  "  Many  members  of  this 
forest  tribe  have  taken  to  agriculture  in  the  neigh- 
bouring villages,  but  the  majority  still  keep  to  the 
hills,  living  upon  roots  and  wild  animals,  and  bartering 
forest  produce  for  a  few  rags  or  a  small  quantity  of 
grain.  When  opportunity  offers,  they  indulge  in  cattle 
theft  and  robbery.  They  disclaim  any  connection  with 
the  Yanadis,  whom  they  hate.  Their  aversion  is  such 
that  they  will  not  even  allow  a  Yanadi  to  see  them  eating. 
They  offer  worship  to  the  Sapta  Kannikais  or  seven 
virgins,  whom  they  represent  in  the  form  of  an  earthenware 


*  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district- 


11-25  B 


IRULA  388 

oil-lamp,  which  they  often  place  under  the  bandari 
i^Dodonoea  viscosa  ?),  which  is  regarded  by  them  as 
sacred.  These  lamps  are  made  by  ordinary  village 
potters,  who,  however,  are  obliged  to  knead  the  clay 
with  their  hands,  and  not  with  their  feet.  Sometimes 
they  place  these  representatives  of  their  goddess  in 
caves,  but,  wherever  they  place  them,  no  Pariah  or 
Yanadi  can  be  allowed  to  approach.  The  chief  occasion 
of  worship,  as  with  the  Kurumbas  and  Yanadis,  is  at  the 
head-shaving  ceremony  of  children.  All  children  at 
these  times,  who  are  less  than  ten  years  old,  are  collected, 
and  the  maternal  uncle  of  each  cuts  off  one  lock  of  hair, 
which  is  fastened  to  a  ragi  (jFuus  religiosd)  bough. 
They  rarely  contract  marriages,  the  voluntary  association 
of  men  and  women  being  terminable  at  the  w^iil  of  either. 
The  more  civilised,  however,  imitate  the  Hindu  culti- 
vating castes  by  tying  a  gold  bead,  stuck  on  a  thread, 
round  the  bride's  neck,  but  the  marriage  tie  thus  formed 
is  easily  broken.  They  always  bury  their  dead.  Some 
Irulas  are  credited  with  supernatural  powers,  and  are 
applied  to  by  low  Sudras  for  advice.  The  ceremony  is 
called  suthi  or  rangam.  The  medium  affects  to  be 
possessed  by  the  goddess,  and  utters  unmeaning  sounds, 
being,  they  say,  unconscious  all  the  while.  A  few  of 
his  companions  pretend  to  understand  with  difficulty  the 
meaning  of  his  words,  and  interpret  them  to  the  inquirer. 
The  Irulas  never  allow  any  sort  of  music  during  their 
ceremonies,  nor  will  they  wear  shoes,  or  cover  their  body 
with  more  than  the  scantiest  rag.  Even  in  the  coldest 
and  dampest  weather,  they  prefer  the  warmth  of  a  fire  to 
that  of  a  cumbly  (blanket).  They  refuse  even  to  cover 
an  infant  with  a  cloth,  but  dig  a  small  hollow  in  the 
ground,  and  lay  the  newly-born  babe  in  it  upon  a  few 
leaves  of  the  bandari." 


iRL'i.A,  (:iii.\c;i.i:ruT, 


389  IRULA 

There  are  two  classes  of  Irulas  in  the  North  Arcot 
district,  of  which  one  lives  in  towns  and  villages,  and  the 
other  leads  a  jungle  life.  Among  the  latter,  as  found 
near  Kuppam,  there  are  two  distinct  divisions,  called 
Iswaran  Vagaira  and  Dharmaraja.  The  former  set  up 
a  stone  beneath  a  temporary  hut,  and  worship  it  by 
offering  cooked  rice  and  cocoanuts  on  unam  [Lettsomta 
elliptica)  leaves.  The  god  Dharmaraja  is  represented 
by  a  vessel  instead  of  a  stone,  and  the  offerings  are 
placed  in  a  basket.  In  the  jungle  section,  a  woman  may 
marry  her  deceased  husband's  brother.  The  dead  are 
buried  face  upwards,  and  three  stones  are  set  up  over 
the  grave. 

The  Irulas  of  South  Arcot,  Mr.  Francis  writes,*  "are 
chiefly  found  about  the  Gingee  hills,  talk  a  corrupt  Tamil, 
are  very  dark  skinned,  have  very  curly  hair,  never  shave 
their  heads,  and  never  wear  turbans  or  sandals.  They 
dwell  in  scattered  huts — never  more  than  two  or  three 
in  one  place — which  are  little,  round,  thatched  hovels, 
with  a  low  doorway  through  which  one  can  just  crawl, 
built  among  the  fields.  They  subsist  by  watching  crops, 
baling  water  from  wells,  and,  when  times  are  hard,  by 
crime  of  a  mild  kind.  In  Villupuram  and  Tirukkoyilur 
taluks,  and  round  Gingee,  they  commit  burglaries  in  a 
mild  and  unscientific  manner  if  the  season  is  bad,  and  they 
are  pressed  by  want,  but,  if  the  ground-nut  crop  is  a 
good  one,  they  behave  themselves.  They  are  perhaps 
the  poorest  and  most  miserable  community  in  the  district. 
Only  one  or  two  of  them  own  any  land,  and  that  is  only 
dry  land.  They  snare  hares  now  and  again,  and  collect 
the  honey  of  the  wild  bees  by  letting  themselves  down 
the  face  of  cliffs  at  night  by  ladders  made  of  twisted 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  South  Arcot  district. 


IRULA  390 

creepers.  Some  of  them  are  prostitutes,  and  used  to 
display  their  charms  in  a  shameless  manner  at  the  Chetti- 
palaiyam  market  near  Gingee,  decked  out  in  quantities 
of  cheap  jewellery,  and  with  their  eyelids  darkened  in 
clumsy  imitation  of  their  sisters  of  the  same  profession 
in  other  castes.  There  is  little  ceremony  at  a  wedding. 
The  old  men  of  the  caste  hx  the  auspicious  day,  the 
bridegroom  brings  a  few  presents,  a  pandal  (booth)  is 
made,  a  tali  is  tied,  and  there  is  a  feast  to  the  relations. 
The  rites  at  births  and  deaths  are  equally  simple.  The 
dead  are  usually  buried,  lying  face  upwards,  a  stone  and 
some  thorns  being  placed  over  the  grave  to  keep  off 
jackals.  On  the  eleventh  day  after  the  death,  the  eldest 
son  ties  a  cloth  round  his  head — a  thing  which  is  other- 
wise never  worn — and  a  little  rice  is  coloured  with 
saffron  (turmeric)  and  then  thrown  into  water.  This  is 
called  casting  away  the  sin,  and  ill-luck  would  befall  the 
eldest  son  if  the  ceremony  were  omitted.  The  Irulans 
pay  homage  to  almost  all  the  gramadevatas  (village 
deities),  but  probably  the  seven  Kannimars  are  their 
favourite  deities." 

As  already  indicated,  the  Irulas,  like  the  Yerukalas, 
indulge  in  soothsaying.  The  Yerukala  fortune-teller 
goes  about  with  her  basket,  cowry  shells,  and  rod,  and 
will  carry  out  the  work  of  her  profession  anywhere,  at 
any  time,  and  any  number  of  times  in  a  day.  The  Irula, 
on  the  contrary,  remains  at  his  home,  and  will  only  tell 
fortunes  close  to  his  hut,  or  near  the  hut  where  his  gods 
are  kept.  In  case  of  sickness,  people  of  all  classes  come 
to  consult  the  Irula  fortune-teller,  whose  occupation  is 
known  as  Kannimar  varniththal.  Taking  up  his  drum, 
he  warms  it  over  the  fire,  or  exposes  it  to  the  heat  of  the 
sun.  When  it  is  sufficiently  dry  to  vibrate  to  his  satis- 
faction, Kannimar  is  worshipped  by  breaking  a  cocoanut, 


O 


391  IRUNUL 

and  burning  camphor  and  incense.  Closing  his  eyes, 
the  Irula  beats  the  drum,  and  shakes  his  head  about, 
while  his  wife,  who  stands  near  him,  sprinkles  turmeric 
water  over  him.  After  a  few  minutes,  bells  are  tied  to 
his  right  wrist.  In  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  he  begins 
to  shiver,  and  breaks  out  in  a  profuse  perspiration.  This 
is  a  sure  sign  that  he  is  possessed  by  Kanniamman. 
His  wife  unties  his  kudumi  (tuft  of  hair),  the  shaking 
of  the  head  becomes  more  violent,  he  breathes  rapidly, 
and  hisses  like  a  snake.  His  wife  praises  Kannimar. 
Gradually  the  man  becomes  calmer,  and  addresses  those 
around  him  as  if  he  were  the  goddess,  saying,  "  Oh  ! 
children.  I  have  come  down  on  my  car,  which  is 
decorated  with  mango  flowers,  margosa  and  jasmine. 
You  need  fear  nothing  so  long  as  I  exist,  and  you 
worship  me.  This  country  will  be  prosperous,  and  the 
people  will  continue  to  be  happy.  Ere  long  my  precious 
car,  immersed  in  the  tank  (pond)  on  the  hill,  will  be 
taken  out,  and  after  that  the  country  will  become  more 
prosperous,"  and  so  on.  Questions  are  generally  put  to 
the  inspired  man,  not  directly,  but  through  his  wife. 
Occasionally,  even  when  no  client  has  come  to  consult 
him,  the  Irula  will  take  up  his  drum  towards  dusk,  and 
chant  the  praises  of  Kannimar,  sometimes  for  hours  at  a 
stretch,  with  a  crowd  of  Irulas  collected  round  him. 

The  name  Shikari  (hunter)  is  occasionally  adopted  as  a 
synonym  for  Irula.  And,  in  South  Arcot,  some  Irulas  call 
themselves  Ten  (honey)  Vanniyans  or  Vana  (forest)  Pallis. 

Irula  (darkness  or  night). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Kuruba. 

Irumpu  (iron)  Kollan. — A  sub-division  of  Kollan. 

Irunul  (two  strings). — A  division  of  Marans  in 
Travancore,  in  which  the  remarriage  of  widows  is 
permitted. 


IRUVU  392 

Iruvu  (black  ant). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kuruba. 

Isan  (i:iocl). — A  title  of  Koliyan. 

iswaran  Vagaira. — A  division  of  the  Irulas  of 
North  Arcot.  The  name  denotes  that  they  belong  to  the 
Iswara  (Siva)  section. 

Ite.— The  Itevandlu  are  a  class  of  Telugu  jugglers 
and  acrobats,  who  "  exhibit  shows,  such  as  wrestling, 
climbing  high  posts,  rope-walking,  etc.  The  women, 
like  Dommara  females,  act  as  common  prostitutes."* 

Itattara.— Recorded,  in  the  Travancore  Census 
Report,  1 90 1,  as  a  sub-division  of  Nayar. 

Izhava.— 'The  Izhavans  or  Ilavans,  and  Tiyans,  are 
the  Malayalam  toddy-drawing  castes  of  Malabar,  Cochin 
and  Travancore.  The  etymology  of  the  name  Izhavan 
is  dealt  with  in  the  article  on  Tiyans. 

For  the  following  note  on  the  Izhavas  of  Travan- 
core, I  am,  when  not  otherwise  recorded,  indebted  to 
Mr.  N.  Subramani  Aiyar.  These  people  are  known 
as  Izhavas  in  South  and  parts  of  Central  Travancore, 
and  Chovas  in  parts  of  Central  and  North  Travancore. 
They  constitute  17  per  cent,  of  the  total  population  of 
the  State.  Izhava  is  said  to  mean  those  belonging  to 
Izham,  a  corruption  of  Simhalam,  one  of  the  old  names 
of  Ceylon.  Jaffna,  in  the  north  of  that  island,  appears 
to  have  been  specially  known  by  the  name  of  Izham, 
and  from  this  place  the  Izhavas  are  believed  to  have 
originally  proceeded  to  Malabar.  Chova  is  supposed  to 
be  a  corruption  of  Sevaka,  or  servant.  In  some  old 
boat  songs  current  in  Malabar,  it  occurs  in  the  less 
corrupt  form  of  Chevaka.  According  to  a  legend,  a 
Pandyan  princess  named  Alii  married  Narasimha,  a 
Rajah  of  the  Carnatic.     The  royal  couple  migrated  to 


*  Manual  of  the  Nellore  district. 


393  IZHAVA 

Ceylon,  and  there  settled  themselves  as  rulers.  On  the 
line  becoming  extinct,  however,  tlieir  relatives  and 
adherents  returned  to  the  continent,  where  they  were 
accorded  only  a  very  low  position  in  society.  It  is  said 
that  they  were  the  ancestors  of  the  Izhavas.  In  support 
of  this  theory,  it  is  urged  that,  in  South  Travancore,  the 
Izhavas  are  known  by  the  title  of  Mudaliyar,  which  is 
also  the  surname  of  a  division  of  the  Vellalas  at  Jaffna  ; 
that  the  Vattis  and  Mannans  call  them  Mudaliyars  ;  and 
that  the  Pulayas  have  ever  been  known  to  address  them 
only  as  Muttatampurans.  But  it  may  be  well  supposed 
that  the  title  may  have  been  conferred  upon  some 
families  of  the  caste  in  consideration  of  meritorious 
services  on  behalf  of  the  State.  One  of  the  chief  occu- 
pations, in  which  the  Izhavas  first  engaged  themselves, 
was  undoubtedly  the  cultivation  of  palm  trees.  In  the 
famous  grant  of  824  A.D.,  it  is  distinctly  mentioned  that 
they  had  a  headman  of  their  guild,  and  their  duty  was 
planting  up  waste  lands.  They  had  two  special  privi- 
leges, known  as  the  foot-rope  right  and  ladder  right, 
which  clearly  explain  the  nature  of  their  early  occupation. 
The  Syrian  Christians  appear  to  have  a  tradition  that 
the  Izhavas  were  invited  to  settle  on  the  west  coast  at 
their  suggestion.  The  Izhavas  are  said  to  have  brought 
to  Kerala  a  variety  each  of  the  areca  palm,  champak, 
and  lime  tree,  to  whose  vernacular  names  the  word 
Izham  is  even  to-day  invariably  prefixed.  In  the  middle 
ages,  they  were  largely  employed  as  soldiers  by  the  rulers 
of  Malabar.  Titles  and  privileges  were  distributed 
among  these  soldiers.  Canter  Visscher,  wTiting  about 
the  Rajah  of  Ambalapuzha  in  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth    century,  *  observes    that    "  the     Rajah    of 


*  Letters  from  Malabar. 


IZHAVA  394 

Porkkad  has  not  many  Nayars,  in  the  place  of  whom  he 
is  served  by  Chegos,"  and  that  **  in  times  of  civil  war  or 
rebellion,  the  Chegos  are  bound  to  take  up  arms  for 
their  lawful  sovereign."  The  Panikkans  of  Ambanat 
house  in  the  Ambalapuzha  taluk  were  the  leaders  of  the 
Izhava  force,  and  many  powers  and  privileges  were 
conferred  upon  this  family  by  the  Chembakasseri 
(Ambalapuzha)  princes.  Even  so  late  as  the  days  of 
Maharaja  Rama  Verma,  who  died  in  973  M.E.,  large 
numbers  of  Izhavas  were  employed  as  soldiers  of  the 
State,  if  we  may  believe  the  account  of  Friar  Bartolomeo,* 
who  is  generally  a  very  accurate  writer.  71ie  South 
Travancore  Izhavas  used  to  divide  themselves  into  two 
parties  on  the  occasion  of  the  Onam  festival,  and  fight  at 
Kaithamukku  near  Trivandrum.  Any  young  man  who 
did  not  attend  this  camp  of  exercise  had  a  piece  of  wood 
tied  as  a  wedding  ornament  round  his  neck,  was  led  in 
procession  thrice  round  the  village,  and  transported  to 
the  sea-coast. 

The  Izhavas  proper  are  divided  into  three  sub- 
sections called  Pachchili,  Pandi,  and  Malayalam.  The 
Pachchilis  live  in  the  tract  of  land  called  Pachchalur 
in  the  Neyyattinkara  taluk  between  Tiruvellam  and 
Kovalam.  They  are  only  a  handful  in  number.  The 
Pandis  are  largely  found  in  Trivandrum  and  Chirayinkil. 
Most  of  them  take  the  title  of  Panikkan.  The  Malayala 
Izhavas  are  sub-divided  into  four  exogamous  groups  or 
illams,  named  Muttillam,  Madampi  or  Pallichal,  Mayan- 
atti,  and  Chozhi.  Pallichal  is  a  place  in  the  Neyyattin- 
kara taluk,  and  Mayannat  in  Ouilon.  The  members  of 
the  Chozhi  illam  are  believed  to  have  been  later  settlers. 
There    is    another    division    of    these     Izhavas    called 


*  Voyage  lo  the  Easl  Indies.     Translation,  1800. 


395  IZHAVA 

Patikramams,  based  on  a  more  or  less  geographical 
distinction.  These  are  also  four  in  number,  and  called 
Pallikkattara,  Palattara,  Irunkulamgara,  and  Tenganad, 
their  social  precedence  being  in  this  order.  Pallikkattara 
is  in  Chirayinkil,  Palattara  in  Ouilon,  Irunkulamgara  in 
Trivandrum,  and  Tenganad  in  Neyyattinkara.  The 
Palattara  section  is  the  most  orthodox,  and  rigorously 
preserves  its  endogamous  character,  though  some  of  the 
titular  dignitaries  among  the  Chovas  of  Central  Travan- 
core  have  found  it  possible  to  contract  alliances  with 
them.  The  divisions  of  the  Illam  and  Patikkramam  are 
absent  among  the  Chovas.  Among  these,  however, 
there  is  a  division  into  Sthani  or  Melkudi,  Tanikudi,  and 
Kizhkudi,  the  first  denoting  the  titular  head,  the 
second  the  ordinary  class,  and  the  third  those  under 
communal  degradation.  Among  the  last  are  included 
the  toddy-drawing  families,  Vaduvans,  and  Nad  is. 
Vaduvans  are  the  slaves  of  the  Izhavas,  and,  in  ancient 
days,  could  be  regularly  bought  and  sold  by  them. 
Nadis  live  in  Kartikapalli  and  some  other  parts  of 
Central  Travancore.  They  are  people  who  have  been 
outcasted  from  the  community  for  various  offences  by  the 
headmen,  and  cannot  enter  the  kitchen  of  the  ordinary 
Izhavas.  They  are  served  for  ceremonial  purposes  not 
by  the  regular  priests  of  the  Izhavas,  but  by  a  distinct 
outcaste  sect  like  themselves,  known  as  Nadikuruppus. 
The  Izhavattis,  who  are  the  priests  of  the  caste,  form  a 
distinct  sect  with  special  manners  and  customs.  Channan, 
a  corruption  of  the  Tamil  word,  Chanror  or  chiefmen,  is 
the  most  important  of  the  titles  of  the  Izhavas.  This 
title  was  conferred  upon  distinguished  members  of  the 
caste  as  a  family  honour  by  some  of  the  ancient 
sovereigns  of  the  country.  Panikkan  comes  next  in 
rank,   and   is  derived   from   pani,   work.     Tantan,    from 


IZHAVA  396 

danda  meaning  punishment  or  control,  is  a  popular  title 
in  some  parts.  Asan,  from  Acharya,  a  teacher,  is 
extremely  common.  The  recipients  of  this  honour  were 
instructors  in  gymnastics  and  military  exercises  to  Nayar 
and  Izhava  soldiers  in  bygone  times,  and  even  now  ruins 
of  old  kalaris  or  exercise  grounds  attached  to  their 
houses  are  discernible  in  many  places.  Some  Izhavas 
in  South  Travancore  appear  to  be  honoured  with  the 
title  of  Mudaliyar.  Many  families  were  invested  with 
similar  honours  by  the  ancient  ruling  houses  of  Ambala- 
puzha,  Kayenkulam,  and  Jayasimhanad  (Ouilon).  Even 
now,  some  titles  are  conferred  by  the  Rajah  of  Idappalli. 
The  wives  of  these  dignitaries  are  respectively  known  as 
Channatti,  Panikkatti,  etc. 

The  houses  of  the  Izhavas  resemble  those  of  the 
Nayars  in  form.  Each  house  is  a  group  of  buildings, 
the  most  substantial  of  which,  known  as  the  arappura, 
stands  in  the  centre.  On  the  left  side  is  the  vadakkettu 
or  woman's  apartment,  including  the  kitchen.  There  is 
a  court-yard  in  front  of  the  arappura,  and  a  little  build- 
ing called  kizhakkettu  enclosing  it  on  the  eastern  side. 
Houses  invariably  face  the  east.  The  main  entrance 
stands  a  little  to  the  south  of  the  kizhakkettu,  to  the 
south  of  which  again  is  the  tozhuttu  or  cow-shed.  These 
buildings,  of  course,  are  found  only  in  rich  houses,  the 
poor  satisfying  themselves  with  an  arappura,  a  vatakketu, 
and  a  tozhuttu.  A  tekketu  is  to  be  seen  to  the  south  of 
the  arappura  in  some  cases.  This  is  erected  mainly  to 
perpetuate  the  memory  of  some  deceased  member  of 
the  family  known  for  learning,  piety,  or  bravery.  A  pitha 
or  seat,  a  conch,  a  cane,  and  a  small  bag  containing  ashes, 
are  secured  within.  It  is  kept  scrupulously  free  from 
pollution,  and  worship  is  offered  on  fixed  days  to  the 
ancestors.     The  tekketu  is  enclosed  on  all  the  three  sides, 


397  IZHAVA 

except  the  east.  This  description  of  houses  in  South 
Travancore,  as  far  as  Trivandrum,  applies  also  to  buildings 
erected  to  the  north  as  far  as  Ouilon,  though  tekketus 
are  not  so  largely  found  as  in  the  south.  In  some  parts 
here,  the  southern  room  of  the  main  buildings  is  conse- 
crated to  the  memory  of  ancestors.  In  Central  Travan- 
core there  are  big  kalaris  to  the  south  of  the  arappura 
in  most  of  the  ancient  houses,  and  antique  weapons 
and  images  of  tutelary  divinities  are  carefully  preserved 
therein. 

In  dress  and  ornament,  the  Izhavas  closely  resemble 
the  Nayars.  The  tattu  form  of  dress  is  not  prevalent 
among  Izhava  women.  In  the  wearing  of  the  cloth,  the 
left  side  comes  inside  instead  of  the  right  in  the  case  of 
South  Travancore  Izhava  women,  though  this  rule  is  not 
without  its  exceptions.  In  South  Travancore,  the  orna- 
ments of  women  differ  considerably  from  those  of  the 
north.  Here  they  wear  the  pampadam  or  Tamil  Sudra 
women's  ear  ornament,  and  adorn  the  wrists  with  a  pair 
of  silver  bangles.  The  nose  ornaments  mukkuthi  and 
gnattu  have  only  recently  begun  to  be  worn,  and  are  not 
very  popular  in  Central  and  North  Travancore.  This  is 
a  point  in  which  Izhavas  may  be  said  to  differ  from  the 
South  Travancore  Nayar  matrons.  The  ear  ornament 
of  elderly  Izhava  women  in  North  Travancore  is  of 
an  antique  type  called  atukkam-samkhu-chakkravum. 
Women  in  the  rural  parts  wear  a  curious  neck  ornament 
called  anti-minnu.  Of  late,  all  ornaments  of  Nayar 
women  are  being  worn  by  fashionable  Izhava  females. 
But  Izhava  and  Nayar  women  can  be  distinguished  by 
the  tie  of  the  hair  lock,  the  Izhava  women  usually 
bringing  it  to  the  centre  of  the  forehead,  while  the  Nayars 
place  it  on  one  side,  generally  the  left.  Tattooing  was 
once   prevalent   in   South   Travancore,   but   is  gradually 


IZHAVA  398 

losing   favour.      It     was    never     in    voo-ue     in     North 
Travancore. 

The  Izhavas  cat  both  fish  and  flesh.  Rabbits,  deer, 
pigs,  sheep,  porcupines,  fowls,  doves,  guinea-fowls,  pea- 
cocks, and  owls  are  believed  to  make  popular  dishes. 
The  sweetmeat  called  ariyunta,  and  the  curry  known  as 
mutirakkary,  arc  peculiar  to  the  Izhavas,  and  prepared 
best  by  them. 

The  most  important  occupation  of  the  Izhavas  till 
recently  was  the  cultivation  of  palm  trees,  and  the 
preparation  of  toddy  and  arrack.  Barbosa,  writing  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  states  that  "  their  principal  employ- 
ment is  to  till  the  palm  trees,  and  gather  their  fruits  ; 
and  to  carry  everything  for  hire  from  one  point  to  another, 
because  they  are  not  in  the  habit  of  transporting  them 
with  beasts  of  burden,  as  there  are  none  ;  and  they  hew 
stone,  and  gain  their  livelihood  by  all  kinds  of  labour. 
Some  of  them  bear  the  use  of  arms,  and  fight  in  the  wars 
when  it  is  necessary.  They  carry  a  staff  in  their  hand  of 
a  fathom's  length  as  a  sign  of  their  lineage."  With  the 
progress  of  culture  and  enlightenment,  the  occupation  of 
extracting  liquor  from  the  cocoanut  palm  has  ceased  to 
be  looked  upon  with  favour,  and  such  families  as  are 
now  given  to  that  pursuit  have  come  to  be  regarded  as  a 
low  division  of  the  Chovas.  In  some  parts  of  Travancore, 
the  latter  do  not  even  enjoy  the  privilege  of  commensality 
with  the  other  Izhavas.  Agriculture  is  a  prominent 
profession,  and  there  are  several  wealthy  and  influential 
landlords  in  the  community.  There  is  also  a  fair  percent- 
age of  agricultural  labourers.  A  preliminary  rite,  called 
pozhutana  sowing,  is  performed  by  farmers,  who  throw 
three  handfuls  of  rice  seed  on  a  clay  image  representing 
Ganesa,  and  pray  that  their  fields  may  yield  a  good 
harvest.     Before  the  time  of  reaping,  on  an  auspicious 


399  IZHAVA 

morning,  a  few  sheaves  are  brought,  and  hung  up  in 
some  prominent  place  in  the  house.  This  ceremony  is 
known  as  nira,  and  is  common  to  all  Hindu  castes.  At 
the  end  of  it,  the  inmates  of  the  house  partake  of  puttari 
or  new  rice. 

There  are  a  few  other  customary  rites  observed  by 
agriculturists,  viz.  : — 

(i)  Metiyittu-varuka,  or  throwing  the  grains  of  the 
first  sheaf  upon  another,  and  covering  it  with  its  straw, 
this  being  afterwards  appropriated  by  the  chief  agri- 
cultural labourer  present. 

(2)  Koytu-pitichcha-katta-kotukkuka,  or  handing 
over  the  first  sheaves  of  grain  fastened  together  with 
Strychnos  Nux-vomica  leaves  to  the  owner  of  the  field,  who 
is  obliged  to  preserve  them  till  the  next  harvest  season. 

(3)  Kotuti,  or  offering  of  oblations  of  a  few  grains 
dipped  in  toddy  to  the  spirits  of  agricultural  fields,  the 
Pulaya  priest  crying  aloud  '  Poli,  va,  poli,  va,'  meaning 
literally  May  good  harvest  come. 

As  manufacturers,  the  Izhavas  occupy  a  position  in 
Travancore.  They  produce  several  kinds  of  cloth,  for 
local  consumption  in  the  main,  and  make  mats,  tiles,  and 
ropes,  with  remarkable  skill.  They  are  also  the  chief 
lemon-grass  oil  distillers  of  Travancore.  In  the  pro- 
fessions of  medicine  and  astrology,  the  Izhavas  have 
largely  engaged  themselves.  While  it  must  be  confessed 
that  many  of  them  are  utter  strangers  to  culture,  there 
are  several  who  have  received  a  sound  education, 
especially  in  Sanskrit.  On  the  whole,  the  Izhavas  may 
be  said  to  be  one  of  the  most  industrious  and  prosperous 
communities  on  the  west  coast. 

The  Izhavas  form  a  pious  and  orthodox  Hindu  caste. 
Though  they  cannot  enter  the  inner  court-yard  of 
temples,  they  attend  there  in  considerable  numbers,  and 


IZHAVA  400 

make  their  pious  offerings.  Over  several  temples  the 
Travancore  Izhavas  have  a  joint  right  with  the  Nayars. 
In  illustration,  the  shrines  of  Saktikulamgara  in  Karu- 
nagappali,  and  Chettikulangara  in  Mavelikara,  may  be 
mentioned.  Over  these  and  other  temples,  the  rights 
that  have  been  enjoyed  from  time  immemorial  by  certain 
Izhava  families  are  respected  even  at  the  present  day. 
In  most  places,  the  Izhavas  have  their  own  temples,  with 
a  member  of  their  own  or  the  Izhavatti  caste  as  priest. 
As  no  provision  had  been  made  in  them  for  daily  worship, 
there  was  no  necessity  in  early  times  for  the  regular 
employment  of  priests.  The  deity  usually  worshipped 
was  Bhadrakali,  who  was  believed  to  help  them  in  their 
military  undertakings.  The  offerings  made  to  her 
involved  animal  sacrifices.  The  temples  are  generally 
low  thatched  buildings  with  a  front  porch,  an  enclosure 
wall,  and  a  grove  of  trees.  There  are  many  instances, 
in  which  the  enclosure  wall  is  absent.  The  Bhadrakali 
cult  is  gradually  losing  favour  under  the  teaching  of  a 
Vedantic  scholar  and  religious  reformer  named  Nanan 
Asan.  In  many  Central  and  South  Travancore  shrines, 
images  of  Subramania  have  been  set  up  at  his  instance, 
and  daily  worship  is  offered  by  bachelor  priests  appointed 
by  the  castemcn.  An  association  for  the  social,  material, 
and  religious  amelioration  of  the  community,  called 
Narayana  Dharma  Paripalana  Yogam,  has  been  started. 
Its  head-quarters  is  at  Aruvippuram  in  the  NayyatinJ^ara 
taluk.  Every  morning,  the  sun  is  specially  worshipped 
by  the  cultured  class.  In  ancient  times,  the  adoration 
of  Anchu  Tampurakkal  or  the  five  deities,  now  identified 
with  the  Pandavas  of  the  Mahabharata,  prevailed  among 
these  people.  This  worship  is  found  among  the  Pulayas 
also.  At  Mayyanad  in  Ouilon,  there  is  still  an  Izhava 
temple    dedicated    to    these    five    lords.     Women    visit 


401  IZHAVA 

shrines  on  all  Mondays  and  Fridays,  with  a  view  to 
worshipping  Gauri,  the  consort  of  Siva.  Male  Izhavas 
devote  the  first  and  last  days  of  a  month,  as  also  that  on 
which  the  star  of  their  nativity  falls,  to  religious  worship. 
The  Izhavas  of  Central  Travancore  pay  homage  to  a 
spirit  called  Kayalil  Daivam,  or  the  deity  of  backwaters. 
When  a  village  becomes  infected  with  small-pox  or 
cholera,  offerings  are  made  to  the  Bhadrakali  shrine  in 
that  locality.  The  most  important  offering  goes  by  the 
name  of  Kalam  Vaikkuka,  or  pot  placing.  A  woman 
of  the  house  of  the  local  Panikkan  or  chief  member 
fasts,  and,  bearing  a  pot  containing  five  nalis  (a  small 
measure)  of  paddy  (unhusked  rice),  proceeds  to  all  the 
other  Izhava  houses  in  the  village,  accompanied  by 
musical  instruments.  One  woman  from  every  house 
marches  to  the  shrine  with  her  offering  of  paddy  and  a 
chuckram  (nearly  half  an  anna).  The  priest  receives  the 
offerings,  converts  the  paddy  into  rice,  and,  depositing  a 
portion  of  it  in  each  of  the  pots,  hands  them  back  to  the 
votaries  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day.  Another 
ceremony  performed  on  such  occasions  is  called  Desa- 
kuruti,  when  women  fast,  and,  taking  all  the  food-stuffs 
necessary,  proceed  to  the  temple.  After  the  sacrifice  of 
a  goat  and  fowls  by  the  priest,  they  make  an  offering 
of  the  food  to  the  deity  before  dinner.  Tukkam,  or 
suspension,  is  another  propitiatory  ceremony.  A  religi- 
ous observance,  known  as  Mamachchirappu,  finds  favour 
with  the  Izhavas  of  Central  Travancore  in  the  month 
of  Vrischikam  (November- December).  Every  Izhava 
bathes  in  the  evening,  addresses  the  deities  by  their 
names  for  about  an  hour,  and  then  makes  an  offering 
of  tender  cocoanuts,  fruits,  and  fried  grain.  This  takes 
place  according  to  the  convenience  of  each  family  from 
twelve  to  forty-one  days. 
ii-26 


IZHAVA  402 

In  connection  with  the  tukkam  ceremony,  Mr.  L.  K. 
Anantha  Krishna  Aiyar  writes  as  follows.*  "  There  are 
two  kinds  of  hook-swinging,  namely  Garuda  (Brahmini 
kite)  and  thoni  (boat)  tukkam.  The  ceremony  is  per- 
formed in  fulfilment  of  a  vow,  to  obtain  some  favour  of 
the  deity  Kali,  before  whose  presence  it  is  carried  out. 
The  performer  of  the  ceremony  should  bathe  early  in  the 
morning,  and  be  in  a  state  of  preparation  either  for  a 
year  or  for  forty-one  days  by  worshipping  the  deity 
Bhagavati.  He  must  strictly  abstain  from  meat,  all 
kinds  of  intoxicating  liquors,  and  association  with  women. 
During  the  morning  hours,  the  performer  dresses  himself 
in  a  garment  tucked  into  the  waist-band,  rubs  his  body 
with  oil,  and  is  shampooed  particularly  on  the  back,  a 
portion  of  the  flesh  in  the  middle  of  which  is  stretched 
for  the  insertion  of  a  hook.  He  is  also  taught  by  his 
instructor  to  perform  various  feats  called  payitta.  This 
he  continues  till  the  festival,  when  he  has  to  swing  in 
fulfilment  of  the  vow.  In  kite  swinging,  a  kind  of  car, 
resting  on  two  axles  provided  with  four  wheels,  is 
employed.  On  it,  there  is  a  horizontal  beam  resting  on 
two  vertical  supports,  A  strong  rope  tied  to  a  ring 
attached  to  the  beam  is  connected  with  the  hook  which 
passes  through  the  flesh  of  the  back.  Over  the  beam 
there  is  a  kutaram  (tent),  which  is  tastefully  decorated. 
Inside  it,  two  or  three  persons  can  swing  at  a  time. 
There  is  a  different  arrangement  in  some  places.  Instead 
of  the  beam  and  the  supports,  there  is  a  small  pole,  on 
which  rests  a  horizontal  beam  provided  with  a  metallic 
ring  at  one  end.  The  beam  acts  as  a  lever,  so  that  one 
end  of  it  can  be  either  raised  or  lowered,  so  as  to  give 
some  rest  to  the  swinger.     The  rope  tied  to  the  ring  is 


•  Monograph  Elhnograph  :  Survey  of  Cochin,  No.  10,  Izh.avas,  1905. 


403  IZHAVA 

connected  with  the  hook  and  the  walst-bcand.  For  boat 
swinging,  the  same  kind  of  vehicle,  without  wheels,  is 
in  use.  For  kite  swinging,  the  performer  has  his  face 
painted  green.  He  has  to  put  on  artificial  lips  and  wings 
in  imitation  of  those  of  the  kite,  and  wears  long  locks  of 
hair  like  those  of  an  actor  in  a  Kathakali.  As  he  swings, 
the  car  is  taken  three,  five,  seven,  nine,  or  eleven  times 
round  the  temple.  In  boat  swinging,  the  car  is  likewise 
carried  round  the  temple,  with  the  swinger  performing 
his  feats,  as  in  the  case  of  kite  swinging,  to  the  accom- 
paniment of  music.  He  has  to  put  on  the  same  kind 
of  dress,  except  the  lips  and  wings.  In  pillayeduthu- 
tukkam,  or  swinging  with  a  child  in  fulfilment  of  a 
vow,  the  child  is  taken  to  the  temple  by  his  parents, 
who  pay  to  the  temple  authorities  thirty-four  chuckrams 
in  Travancore,  and  sixty-four  puthans*  in  Cochin.  The 
child  is  then  handed  over  to  the  swinger,  who  carries  the 
child  as  he  swings.  These  performances  are  sometimes 
made  at  the  expense  of  the  temple,  but  more  generally  of 
persons  who  make  the  outlay  in  fulfilment  of  a  vow.  In 
the  latter  case,  it  costs  as  much  as  Rs.  150  for  the  kite 
swinger,  but  only  Rs.  30  for  the  boat  swinger.  During 
the  festival,  they  are  fed  in  the  temple,  owing  to  their 
being  in  a  state  of  vow.  It  is  the  Nayars,  Kammalars, 
Kuruppans,  and  Izhavas,  who  perform  the  swinging  in 
fulfilment  of  a  vow.  In  the  fight  between  the  goddess 
Kali  and  the  demon  Darika,  the  latter  was  completely 
defeated,  and  the  former,  biting  him  on  the  back,  drank 
his  blood  to  gratify  her  feelings  of  animosity.  Hook- 
swinging  symbolises  this  incident,  and  the  bloodshed  by 
the  insertion  of  the  hook  through  the  flesh  is  intended 
as  an  offering  to  the  goddess." 


*  Chuckrams  and  puthans  are  coins. 
11-26  B 


IZHAVA  404 

Of  the  hook-swinging  ceremony  as  performed  a  few- 
years  ago  at  the  Kollangadu  temple  in  Travancore,  an 
excellent  account  is  given  by  the  Rev.  T.  Knowles,*  from 
which  the  following  precis  has  been  compiled.  In  front 
of  the  temple  was  a  booth  containing  the  image  of  the 
goddess  Bhadrakali,  a  cruel  deity,  who  is  supposed  to 
delight  in  blood.  At  a  little  distance  was  the  car.  The 
bottom  part  of  this  was  very  much  like  a  lorry  used  when 
transporting  large  logs  of  timber  by  means  of  elephants. 
There  were  four  solid  wheels  of  thick  timber,  with 
a  frame  work,  like  a  railway  waggon  on  a  small  scale. 
To  this  were  attached  two  thick  cable  ropes.  Joined  to 
the  sides  of  the  car  were  two  upright  posts,  about  15  feet 
high,  strengthened  with  stays  and  cross-pieces.  On  the 
top  was  a  piece  of  thick  timber  with  a  hole  in  it,  and  the 
bottom  rounded,  which  fitted  into  a  cross-piece,  and 
allowed  the  long  beam  on  which  the  men  were  swung  to 
move  up  or  down.  This  beam  was  35  or  40  feet  long, 
and  about  9  inches  in  diameter.  It  was  placed  through 
the  hole  in  the  piece  of  timber  on  the  top  of  the  upright 
frame,  and  balanced  in  the  middle  like  a  huge  see-saw. 
At  one  end  of  the  hole  was  a  covered  canopy,  and  at  the 
other  long  ropes  were  fastened,  which  trailed  on  the 
ground.  The  whole  arrangement  of  the  car  was  such 
that,  by  lowering  one  end  of  the  long  beam  to  the  ground, 
and  fastening  a  man  to  it,  and  then  pulling  down  the 
other  end  by  the  ropes,  the  man  could  be  raised  into 
the  air  to  a  height  of  some  40  feet  or  more.  The  whole 
car  could  then  be  dragged  by  the  thick  cable  ropes  round 
the  temple.  While  the  subject  was  being  prepared  for 
swinging,  a  mat  was  stretched  above  his  head,  partly  to 
do  him  honour,  partly  to  protect  him  from  the  sun.     His 


*  Wide_^World  Magazine,  September  1899. 


405  IZHAVA 

head  and  neck  were  richly  ornamented,  and  below  he  was 
bedecked  with  peacock's  feathers,  and  clad  in  a  loin-cloth, 
which  would  bear  some,  if  not  all  the  weight  of  his  body. 
Amid  the  firing  of  mortars,  beating  of  tom-toms,  the 
screeching  of  flutes,  and  the  shouts  of  the  crowd,  the 
canopied  end  of  the  long  beam  was  lowered,  and  the 
devotee,  lying  prone  on  the  ground,  was  fastened  to  the 
beam  by  means  of  ropes  passing  under  his  arms  and 
around  his  chest.  To  some  of  the  ropes,  hooks  w^ere 
fastened.  The  priests  took  hold  of  the  fleshy  part  of  the 
man's  back,  squeezed  up  the  flesh,  and  put  some  four 
hooks  at  least  through  it.  A  rudely  fashioned  sword  and 
shield  were  then  given  to  the  man,  and  he  was  swung  up 
into  the  air,  waving  the  sword  and  shield,  and  making 
convulsive  movements.  Slowly  the  people  dragged  the 
car  round  the  temple,  a  distance  not  quite  as  far  as  round 
St.  Paul's  cathedral.  Some  of  the  men  were  suspended 
while  the  car  was  dragged  round  three  or  four  times. 
The  next  devotee  was  fastened  in  the  same  way  to  the 
beam,  but,  instead  of  a  sword  and  shield,  the  priests  gave 
him  an  infant  in  his  arms,  and  devotee  and  infant  were 
swung  up  in  the  air,  and  the  car  dragged  round  the 
temple  as  before.  Some  children  were  brought  forward, 
whose  parents  had  made  vows  about  them.  The  little 
ones  were  made  to  prostrate  themselves  before  the  image 
of  Kali.  Then  the  fleshy  parts  of  their  sides  were 
pinched  up,  and  some  wires  put  through.  This  done, 
the  wires  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  relatives,  and 
the  children  were  led  round  and  round  the  temple,  as 
though  in  leading  strings.  It  is  on  record  that,  when 
the  devotee  has  been  specially  zealous,  the  whole  machine 
has  been  moved  to  a  considerable  distance  while  he  was 
suspended  from  it,  to  the  admiration  of  the  gaping 
multitudes." 


IZHAVA  406 

In  connection  with  the  religion  of  the  Ilavars,  the 
Rev.  S.  Matecr  writes  as  follows.*  "  Demon  worship, 
especially  that  of  Bhadrakali,  a  female  demon  described 
as  a  mixture  of  mischief  and  cruelty,  is  the  customary 
cultus  of  the  caste,  with  sacrifices  and  offerings  and 
devil-dancing  like  the  Shanars.  Shastavu  and  Vira- 
bhadran  are  also  venerated,  and  the  ghosts  of  ancestors. 
Groves  of  trees  stand  near  the  temples,  and  serpent 
images  are  common,  these  creatures  being  accounted 
favourites  of  Kali.  They  carry  their  superstitions  and 
fear  of  the  demons  into  every  department  and  incident 
of  life.  In  some  temples  and  ceremonies,  as  at  Paroor, 
Sarkarei,  etc.,  they  closely  associate  with  the  Sudras. 
The  Ilavar  temples  are  generally  low,  thatched  buildings, 
with  front  porch,  a  good  deal  of  wooden  railing  and 
carving  about  them,  an  enclosure  wall,  and  a  grove  or 
a  few  trees,  such  as  \Ftc2cs  reiigiosa,  Plumeria,  and  Bassia. 
At  the  Ilavar  temple  near  Chakki  in  the  outskirts  of 
Trevandrum,  the  goddess  Bhadrakali  is  represented  as 
a  female  seated  on  an  image,  having  two  wings,  gilt  and 
covered  with  serpents.  Twice  a  year,  fowls  and  sheep 
are  sacrificed  by  an  Ilavan  priest,  and  offerings  of  grain, 
fruit,  and  llowers  are  presented.  The  side-piercing 
ceremony  is  also  performed  here.  A  temple  at  Manga- 
lattukonam,  about  ten  miles  south  of  Trevandrum,  at 
which  I  witnessed  the  celebration  of  the  annual  festival 
on  the  day  following  Meena  Bharani,  in  March  or  April, 
may  be  taken  as  a  fair  example  of  the  whole.  In 
connection  with  this  temple  may  be  seen  a  peculiar 
wooden  pillar  and  small  shrine  at  the  top,  somewhat  like 
a  pigeon-house.  This  is  called  a  tani  maram,  and  is  a  kind 
of  altar,  or  residence,  for  the  demon  Madan,  resembling 


*  Nulivc  Life  in  Travancore,  l88j 


407  IZHAVA 

the  temporary  shrines  on  sticks  or  platforms  erected  by 
the  Pulayars.  On  it  are  carvings  of  many-headed  serpents, 
etc.,  and  a  projecting  lamp  for  oil.  For  the  festival,  the 
ground  around  the  temple  was  cleared  of  weeds,  the 
outhouses  and  sheds  decorated  with  flowers,  and  on  the 
tani  maram  were  placed  two  bunches  of  plantains,  at  its 
foot  a  number  of  devil-dancing  sticks.  Close  by  were 
five  or  six  framework  shrines,  constructed  of  soft  palm 
leaves  and  pith  of  plantain  tree,  and  ornamented  with 
flowers.  These  were  supposed  to  be  the  residence  of 
some  minor  powers,  and  in  them  were  placed,  towards 
night,  offerings  of  flowers,  rice,  plantains,  cocoanuts,  and 
blood.  The  Ilavars  who  assemble  for  the  festival  wear 
the  marks  of  Siva,  a  dot  and  horizontal  lines  on  the 
forehead,  and  three  horizontal  lines  of  yellow  turmeric  on 
the  chest.  They  begin  to  gather  at  the  temple  from  noon, 
and  return  home  at  night.  The  festival  lasts  for  five 
days.  Some  of  the  neighbouring  Sudras  and  Shanars 
also  attend,  and  some  Pulayars,  who  pay  one  chuckram 
for  two  shots  of  firework  guns  in  fulfilment  of  their  vows. 
Offerings  here  are  generally  made  in  return  for  relief  from 
sickness  or  trouble  of  some  kind.  The  pujari,  or  priest, 
is  an  Ilavan,  who  receives  donations  of  money,  rice,  etc. 
A  kind  of  mild  hook-swinging  ceremony  is  practised. 
On  the  occasion  referred  to,  four  boys,  about  fifteen  or 
sixteen  years  of  age,  were  brought.  They  must  partly 
fast  for  five  days  previously  on  plain  rice  and  vegetable 
curry,  and  are  induced  to  consent  to  the  operation, 
partly  by  superstitious  fear,  and  partly  by  bribes.  On 
the  one  hand  they  are  threatened  with  worse  danger  if 
they  do  not  fulfil  the  vows  made  by  their  parents  to  the 
devi  (deity) ;  on  the  other  hand,  if  obedient,  they  receive 
presents  of  fine  clothes  and  money.  Dressed  in  hand- 
some cloths  and  turbans,  and  adorned  with  gold  bracelets 


IZHAVA  408 

and  armlets,  and  garlands  of  flowers,  the  poor  boys 
are  brought  to  present  a  little  of  their  blood  to  the 
sanguinary  goddess.  Three  times  they  march  round  the 
temple  ;  then  an  iron  is  run  through  the  muscles  of  each 
side,  and  small  rattans  inserted  through  the  wounds. 
Four  men  seize  the  ends  of  the  canes,  and  all  go  round 
in  procession,  with  music  and  singing  and  clapping  of 
hands,  five  or  seven  times,  according  to  their  endurance, 
till  quite  exhausted.  The  pujari  now  dresses  in  a  red 
cloth,  with  tinsel  border,  like  a  Brahman,  takes  the 
dancing-club  in  hand,  and  dances  before  the  demon. 
Cocks  are  sacrificed,  water  being  first  poured  upon  the 
head  ;  when  the  bird  shakes  itself,  the  head  is  cut  off, 
and  the  blood  poured  round  the  temple.  Rice  is  boiled 
in  one  of  the  sheds  in  a  new  pot,  and  taken  home  with 
the  fowls  by  the  people  for  a  feast  in  the  house.  At 
Mayanadu,  the  Bhagavathi  of  the  small  temple  belonging 
to  the  Ilavars  is  regarded  as  the  sister  of  the  one 
worshipped  in  the  larger  temple  used  by  the  Sudras, 
and  served  by  a  Brahman  priest ;  and  the  cars  of  the 
latter  are  brought  annually  to  the  Ilavar's  temple,  and 
around  it  three  times  before  returning  to  their  own 
temple.  At  the  Ilavar's  temple,  the  same  night,  the 
women  boil  rice  in  new  earthen  pots,  and  the  men  offer 
sheep  and  fowls  in  sacrifice.  In  further  illustration  of 
the  strange  superstitious  practices  of  this  tribe,  two  more 
incidents  may  be  mentioned.  An  Ilavatti,  whose  child 
was  unwell,  went  to  consult  an  astrologer,  who  informed 
her  that  the  disease  was  caused  by  the  spirit  of  the 
child's  deceased  grandmother.  For  its  removal  he  would 
perform  various  incantations,  for  which  he  required  the 
following,  viz. : — water  from  seven  wells,  dung  from  five 
cowsheds,  a  larva  of  the  myrmeleon,  a  crab,  a  frog,  a 
green   snake,    a   viral    fish,    parched    rice,    ada    cake, 


409  IZHAVA 

cocoanut,  chilly,  and  green  palm  leaves.  An  Ilavan,  who 
had  for  some  time  been  under  Christian  instruction, 
was  led  away  by  a  brother,  who  informed  him  that,  if  he 
built  a  small  temple  for  the  worship  of  Nina  Madan,  and 
offered  sacrifices,  he  should  find  a  large  copper  vessel 
full  of  gold  coins  hid  underground,  and  under  the  charge 
of  this  demon.  The  foolish  man  did  so,  but  did  not  find 
a  single  cash.  Now  the  lying  brother  avers  that  the 
demon  will  not  be  satisfied  unless  a  human  sacrifice  is 
offered,  which,  of  course,  is  impossible." 

The  headmen  of  the  Izhava  caste  are  the  Channans 
and  Panikkans,  invested  with  these  titles  by  the  Sover- 
eigns of  this  State  who  have  been  already  referred  to. 
The  limits  of  their  jurisdiction  were  generally  fixed  in 
the  charters  received  from  them  by  their  rulers,  and  even 
to-day  their  authority  remains  supreme  in  all  social 
matters.  The  priests,  it  may  be  noted,  are  only  a  minor 
class,  having  no  judicial  functions.  Chief  among  the 
offences  against  the  caste  rules  may  be  mentioned 
non-observance  of  pollution,  illicit  connection,  non- 
performance of  the  tali-kettu  before  the  age  of  puberty, 
non-employment  of  the  village  barber  and  washerman, 
non-celebration  of  ceremonies  in  one's  own  village,  and 
so  on.  The  headman  comes  to  know  of  these  through 
the  agency  of  the  village  barber  or  washerman,  and  also 
a  class  of  secondary  dignitaries  known  as  Kottilpattukar 
or  Naluvitanmar.  In  every  village,  there  are  four 
families,  invested  with  this  authority  in  olden  times  by 
the  rulers  of  the  State  on  payment  of  fifty-nine  fanams  to 
the  royal  treasury.  They  are  believed  to  hold  a  fourth 
of  the  authority  that  pertains  to  the  chieftain  of  the 
village.  If,  on  enquiry,  an  offence  is  proved,  a  fine  is 
imposed  on  the  offender,  which  he  is  obliged  to  pay  to 
the  local  shrine.     If  the  offence  is  grave,  a  feast  has  to 


IZHAVA  410 

be  given  by  him  to  the  villagers.  In  cases  of  failure,  the 
services  of  the  village  priest  and  washerman,  and  also  the 
barber,  are  refused,  and  the  culprit  becomes  ostracised 
from  society.  The  headman  has  to  be  paid  a  sum  of  ten 
chuckrams  on  all  occasions  of  ceremonies,  and  the  Nalu- 
vitanmar  four  chuckrams  each.  There  is  a  movement 
in  favour  of  educating  the  priests,  and  delegating  some  of 
the  above  powers  to  them. 

Three  forms  of  inheritance  may  be  said  to  prevail 
among  the  Izhavas  of  Travancore,  viz. :  (i)  makkathayam 
(inheritance  from  father  to  son)  in  the  extreme  south  ; 
(2)  marumakkatayam  (through  the  female  line)  in  all 
taluks  to  the  north  of  Quilon  ;  (3)  a  mixture  of  the  two 
between  Neyyatinkara  and  that  taluk.  According  to  the 
mixed  mode,  one's  own  children  are  not  left  absolutely 
destitute,  but  some  portion  of  the  property  is  given  them 
for  maintenance,  in  no  case,  however,  exceeding  a  half. 
In  families  observing  the  marumakkatayam  law,  male 
and  female  heirs  own  equal  rights.  Partition,  though 
possible  when  all  consent,  rarely  takes  place  in  practice, 
the  eldest  male  member  holding  in  his  hands  the  manage- 
ment of  the  whole  property.  In  Quilon  and  other 
places,  the  widow  and  her  children  are  privileged  to 
remain  in  her  husband's  house  for  full  one  year  after  his 
death,  and  enjoy  all  the  property  belonging  to  him. 

On  the  subject  of  inheritance,  the  Rev.  S.  Mateer 
writes  as  follows,  "  The  nepotistic  law  of  inheritance  is, 
to  a  considerable  extent,  followed  by  this  caste.  Those 
in  the  far  south  being  more  closely  connected  with  the 
Tamil  people,  their  children  inherit.  Amongst  the 
Ilavars  in  Trevandrum  district,  a  curious  attempt  is  made 
to  unite  both  systems  of  inheritance,  half  the  property 
acquired  by  a  man  after  his  marriage,  and  during  the 
lifetime  of  his  wife,  going  to  the  issue  of  such  marriage, 


411  IZHAVA 

and  half  to  the  man's  nepotistic  heirs.  In  a  case  decided 
by  the  Sadr  Court,  in  1S72,  the  daughter  of  an  Ilavan 
claimed  her  share  in  the  movable  and  immovable 
property  of  her  deceased  father,  and  to  have  a  sale  made 
by  him  while  alive  declared  null  and  void  to  the  extent 
of  her  share.  As  there  was  another  similar  heir,  the 
Court  awarded  the  claimant  a  half  share,  and  to  this 
extent  the  claim  was  invalidated.  Their  rules  are  thus 
stated  by  G.  Kerala  Varman  Tirumulpad  : — '  If  one 
marries  and  gives  cloth  to  an  Ilavatti  (female),  and  has 
issue,  of  the  property  acquired  by  him  and  her  from  the 
time  of  the  union,  one-tenth  is  deducted  for  the 
husband's  labour  or  individual  profit ;  of  the  remainder, 
half  goes  to  the  woman  and  her  children,  and  half  to  the 
husband  and  his  heirs  (anandaravans).  The  property 
which  an  Ilavan  has  inherited  or  earned  before  his 
marriage  devolves  solely  to  his  anandaravans,  not  to  his 
children.  If  an  Ilavatti  has  continued  to  live  with  her 
husband,  and  she  has  no  issue,  or  her  children  die  before 
obtaining  any  share  of  the  property,  when  the  husband 
dies  possessing  property  earned  by  both,  his  heirs  and 
she  must  mutually  agree,  or  the  castemen  decide  what  is 
fair  for  her  support  ;  and  the  husband's  heir  takes  the 
remainder.'  " 

The  marriage  of  Izhava  girls  consists  of  two  distinct 
rites,  one  before  they  attain  puberty  called  tali-kettu, 
and  the  other  generally  after  that  period,  but  in  some 
cases  before,  called  sambandham.  It  is,  however,  neces- 
sary that  the  girl  must  have  her  tali  tied  before  some  one 
contracts  sambandham  with  her.  The  tali-tier  may  be, 
but  often  is  not,  as  among  the  Nayars,  the  future  husband 
of  the  girl.  But,  even  for  him,  the  relation  will  not  be 
complete  without  a  formal  cloth  presentation.  The 
legitimate  union  for  a  person  is  with  his  maternal  uncle's 


IZHAVA  412 

or  paternal  aunt's  daughter.  Generally  there  is  a  separate 
ceremony  called  Grihapravesam,  or  entrance  into  the 
house  of  the  bridegroom  after  sambandham.  Widows 
may  contract  alliances  with  other  persons  after  the  death 
of  the  first  husband.  In  all  cases,  the  Izhava  husband 
takes  his  wife  home,  and  considers  it  infra  dig.  to  stay  in 
the  house  of  his  father-in-law. 

The  method  of  celebrating  the  tali-kettu  differs  in 
different  parts  of  Travancore.  The  following  is  the  form 
popular  in  Central  Travancore.  All  the  elderly  members 
of  the  village  assemble  at  the  house  of  the  girl,  and  fix 
a  pillar  of  jack  (^Artocarpus  integrifolia)  wood  at  the 
south-east  corner.  On  the  Kaniyan  (astrologer)  being 
three  times  loudly  consulted  as  to  the  auspiciousness  of 
the  house  he  gives  an  affirmative  reply,  and  the  guardian 
of  the  girl,  receiving  a  silver  ring  from  the  goldsmith, 
hands  it  over  to  the  V^atti  (priest),  who  ties  it  on  the 
wooden  post.  The  carpenter,  Kaniyan,  and  goldsmith 
receive  some  little  presents.  The  next  item  in  the 
programme  is  the  preparation  of  the  rice  necessary  for 
the  marriage,  and  a  quantity  of  paddy  (unhusked  rice) 
is  brought  by  the  girl  to  the  pandal  ground,  and 
formally  boiled  in  a  pot.  The  pandal  (booth)  is  generally 
erected  on  the  south  side  of  the  house.  The  chartu,  or 
a  chit  from  the  Kaniyan,  certifying  the  auspiciousness  of 
the  match  and  the  suitable  date  for  its  formal  adoption, 
is  taken  by  the  guardian  and  four  Machchampis  or 
Inanc^ans  to  the  headman  of  the  latter.  These  Mach- 
champis  are  Izhavas  of  the  village,  equal  in  status  to  the 
guardian  of  the  girl.  All  the  preliminary  arrangements 
are  now  over,  and,  on  the  day  previous  to  the  marriage, 
the  girl  bathes,  and,  wearing  the  bleached  cloths  supplied 
by  the  Mannan  (washerman),  worships  the  local  deity, 
and   awaits   the   arrival    of    the     bridegroom.     In    the 


413  IZHAVA 

evening,  the  wife  of  the  Vatti  applies  oil  to  her  hair,  and 
after  a   bath   the    rite    known    as    Kalati    begins,    as  a 
preliminary  to  which  a  thread  passing  through  a  silver 
rinQr  is  tied  round  her  riorht  wrist.     Kalati  is  recitation  of 
various  songs  by  the  women  of  the  village  before  the  girl. 
This   is    followed   by   Kanjiramala,   or   placing   the   girl 
before  a  line  of  carved  wooden  images,  and  songs  by  the 
Vatti  women.     On  the  following  day,  the  girl  is  intro- 
duced, at  the  auspicious  hour,  within  the  katirmandapa 
or  raised  platform  decorated  with  sheaves  of  corn  within 
the  pandal.     The  minnu  or  marriage  ornament,  prepared 
by  the  goldsmith,  is  handed  over  to  the  priest,  along  with 
two  cloths  to  be  worn  by  the  bride  and  bridegroom.     A 
string  is  made  of  thread  taken   from  these  cloths,  and 
the  minnu   attached  to    it.     The  mother-in-law  of  the 
bridegroom  now  stands  ready  at  the  gate,  and,   on  his 
arrival,  places  a  garland  of  flowers  round  his  neck.     The 
new  cloths  are  then  presented  by  the  Vatti  and  his  wife 
to  the  bridegroom  and  bride   respectively,   after    some 
tender  cocoanut  leaves,   emblematic  of  the   established 
occupation  of  the  caste,  are  thrust  into  the  bridegroom's 
waist  by  the  headman  of  the  village.     In  former  days,  a 
sword  took  the  place  of  these  leaves.     The   minnu  is 
then  tied  round  the  neck  of  the  bride,  and  all  parties, 
including  the  parent  or   guardian,  give  presents  to  the 
bridegroom.     The  day's  ceremony  is  then  over,  and  the 
bridegroom  remains  at   the   house   of  the   bride.     The 
string  is  removed  from  the  bride's  wrist  by  the  Vatti  on  the 
fourth  day,  and  the  couple  bathe.     More  than  one  girl 
may  have  the  tali  tied  at  the  same  time,  provided  that 
there  are   separate  bridegrooms   for  them.     Only  boys 
from  the  families  of  Machchampis  can  become  tali-tiers. 
The  sambandham  of  North  and  Central  Travancore 
differs  from  that  of  South  Travancore  in  some  material 


IZHAVA  414 

respects.  In  the  former,  on  the  appointed  day,  the 
bridegroom,  who  is  a  different  person  from  the  tali-tier, 
accompanied  by  his  relations  and  friends,  arrives  at  the 
bride's  house,  and  the  guardian  of  the  former  offers  a 
sum  of  money  to  the  guardian  of  the  latter.  A  suit  of 
clothes,  with  ten  chuckrams  or  ten  rasis  (coins),  is 
presented  by  the  bridegroom  to  the  bride,  who  stands  in 
a  room  within  and  receives  it,  being  afterwards  dressed 
by  his  sister.  The  money  goes  by  right  to  her  mother, 
and  is  known  as  Ammayippanam.  Now  comes  the  time 
for  the  departure  of  the  bride  to  her  husband's  house, 
when  she  receives  from  her  guardian  a  nut-cracker,  lime- 
can,  a  dish  filled  with  rice,  and  a  mat.  A  red  cloth  is 
thrown  over  her  head,  and  a  few  members  accompany 
the  party  for  some  distance.  In  South  Travancore,  the 
bridegroom  is  accompanied,  besides  others,  by  a  com- 
panion, who  asks  in  the  midst  of  the  assembly  whether 
they  assent  to  the  proposed  alliance,  and,  on  their 
favourable  reply,  hands  over  a  sum  of  money  as  an 
offering  to  the  local  shrine.  Another  sum  is  given  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  bride,  and,  in  the  presence  of  the 
guardian,  a  suit  of  clothes  is  given  to  her  by  the  bride- 
groom. The  wife  is,  as  elsewhere,  immediately  taken 
to  the  husband's  house.  This  is  called  Kudivaippu, 
and  corresponds  to  the  Grahapravesam  celebrated  by 
Brahmans. 

The  following  account  of  marriage  among  the  Izhavas 
of  Malabar  is  given  in  the  Gazetteer  of  that  district. 
"  A  girl  may  be  married  before  puberty,  but  the  con- 
summation is  not  supposed  to  be  effected  till  after 
puberty,  though  the  girl  may  live  with  her  husband  at 
once.  If  the  marriage  is  performed  before  puberty,  the 
ceremony  is  apparently  combined  with  the  tali-kettu 
kalyanam.     The  bride  is  fetched  from  the  devapura  or 


415  IZHAVA 

family  chapel  with  a  silk  veil  over  her  head,  and  holding- 
a  betel  leaf  in  her  right  hand  in  front  of  her  face.  She 
stands  in  the  pandal  on  a  plank,  on  which  there  is  some 
rice.  On  her  right  stand  four  enangans  of  the  bride- 
groom, and  on  her  left  four  of  her  own.  7'he  elder  of 
the  bridegroom's  enangans  hands  one  of  the  bride's 
enangans  a  bundle  containing  the  tali,  a  mundu  and  pava 
(cloths),  some  rice,  betel  leaves,  and  a  coin  called 
meymelkanam,  which  should  be  of  gold  and  worth  at 
least  one  rupee.  All  these  are  provided  by  the  bride- 
groom. He  next  hands  the  tali  to  the  bridegroom's 
sister,  who  ties  it.  After  this,  all  the  enangans  scatter 
rice  and  flowers  over  the  bride.  In  this  caste,  the  claim 
of  a  man  to  the  hand  of  his  paternal  aunt's  daughter 
is  recognised  in  the  ceremony  called  padikkal  tada 
(obstruction  at  the  gate),  which  consists  of  a  formal 
obstruction  offered  by  eleven  neighbours  to  the  bride's 
removal,  when  she  is  not  so  related  to  her  husband. 
They  are  bought  off  by  a  fee  of  two  fanams,  and  a 
packet  of  betel  leaf.  The  girl  is  then  taken  to  the 
bridegroom's  house.  If  very  young,  she  is  chaperoned 
by  a  female  relative.  On  the  fourth  day  there  is  a  feast 
at  the  bridegroom's  house  called  nalam  kalyanam,  and 
this  concludes  the  ceremonies.  Marriage  after  puberty 
is  called  Pudamari.  The  ceremonial  is  the  same,  but 
there  is  no  padikkal  tada." 

When  an  Izhava  girl  reaches  puberty,  the  occasion 
is  one  for  a  four  days'  religious  ceremonial.  On  the  first 
day,  the  Vatti  priestess  anoints  the  girl  with  oil,  and, 
after  a  bath,  dresses  her  in  the  cloth  supplied  by  the 
Mannatti  (washerwoman).  She  is  then  laid  on  a  broad 
wooden  plank,  and  is  supposed  not  to  go  out  until  she 
bathes  on  the  fourth  day.  All  the  female  relations  of  the 
family   present   her  with   sweetmeats.     On  the   seventh 


IZHAVA  416 

day,  she  is  again  taken  to  and  from  the  village  tank 
(pond)  with  much  ^clat,  and,  on  her  return,  she  either 
treads  on  cloths  spread  on  the  floor,  or  is  carried  by  an 
elderly  woman.  After  this,  she  husks  a  quantity  of 
paddy,  and  cooks  the  rice  obtained  thence.  If  this 
ceremony  takes  place  at  the  house  of  a  headman,  the 
villagers  present  him  with  a  vessel  full  of  sugared  rice. 

A  two   days'  ceremonial,    called    Pulikudi   in  north 
Travancore,  and   Vayattu   Pongala   in  the  south,  which 
corresponds  to  the  Pumsavana  of  Brahmans,  is  observed 
at  the  seventh   month  of  pregnancy.     On  the  first  day, 
at  twilight  in  the  evening,  the  pregnant  woman,  preceded 
by  the  priestess,  proceeds  to  the   foot  of  a  tamarind  tree 
on  the  southern  side  of  the  compound.     Arriving  there, 
she  receives  a  thread  seven  yards  in  length,  to  which  a 
silver  ring   is   attached   at  one    end,   and,    by   means  of 
circumambulation,  entwines   the   tree   with  the   thread. 
If  the  thread  is  by  chance  or  inadvertence  broken  during 
this  process,  the  popular  belief  is  that  either  the  mother 
or  the   child  will    die   soon.     Next    day,   the  thread   is 
unwound  from  the  tree,  and  a  handful  of  tamarind  leaves 
is  given  to  the  woman  by  her  husband.     On  re-entering 
the  house,  tam.arind  juice  is   poured  through  the  hands 
of  the  husband  into  those  of  the  wife,  who  drinks  it. 
The  priestess  then   pours  a  quantity  of  oil  on  the  navel 
of  the  woman  from  a  betel   leaf,  and,  from  the  manner  in 
which  it   flows  down,  it   is  believed  that  she   is  able  to 
determine  the  sex  of  the  unborn  child.     The  woman  has 
to   lean    against   a  cutting  of  an  ambazham   [Spondias 
mangifera)  tree  while  she  is  drinking  the  juice,  and  this 
cutting  has  to  be  planted  in  some  part  of  the  compound. 
If   it    does    not    grow    properly,    the    adversity   of  the 
progeny  is  considered  to  be  sealed.     The  husband  is 
given   a   ring    and    other    presents    on    this   occasion. 


417  IZHAVA 

Women  bathe  on  the  third,  fifth,  and  nineteenth  day 
after  dehvery,  and  wear  the  mattu  or  changed  cloth  of 
the  Mannatti,  in  order  to  be  freed  from  pollution.  The 
name-giving  ceremony  of  the  child  takes  place  on  the 
twenty-eighth  day.  It  is  decorated  with  a  pair  of  iron 
anklets,  and  a  ribbon  passed  through  a  few  pieces  of  iron 
is  tied  round  its  waist.  It  is  then  held  standing  on  a 
vessel  filled  with  rice,  and,  its  left  ear  being  closed,  a 
name  is  muttered  by  its  guardian  into  the  right  ear. 
The  first  feeding  ceremony  is  observed  in  the  sixth 
month,  when  the  Iron  ornaments  are  removed,  and 
replaced  by  silver  and  gold  ones.  The  ear-boring 
ceremony  takes  place  at  an  auspicious  hour  on  some  day 
before  the  child  attains  its  seventh  year. 

In  former  times,  only  the  eldest  male  member  of  a 
family  was  cremated,  but  no  such  restriction  obtains  at 
the  present  day.  When  a  member  of  the  community 
dies,  three  handfuls  of  rice  are  placed  in  the  mouth  of 
the  corpse  by  the  eldest  heir  after  a  bath,  followed  by 
the  sons,  nephews,  and  grandsons  of  the  deceased. 
Every  relative  throws  an  unbleached  cloth  over  the 
corpse,  after  which  it  is  taken  to  the  burning-ground, 
where  the  pyre  is  lighted  by  the  heir  with  a  consecrated 
torch  handed  to  him  by  the  priest.  A  wooden  plank  is 
furnished  by  the  carpenter,  and  an  impression  of  the 
foot  of  the  deceased  smeared  with  sandal  paste  is  made 
on  it.  The  name,  and  date  of  the  death  of  the  deceased, 
are  inscribed  thereon,  and  it  has  to  be  carefully  preserved 
in  the  house  of  the  heir.  The  record  refreshes  his 
memory  on  occasions  of  sradh  (memorial  service),  etc. 
When  the  cremation  is  half  completed,  the  contents  of  a 
tender  cocoanut  are  placed  beside  the  head  of  the  corpse 
as  an  offering,  and  prayers  are  muttered.  A  pot  full  of 
water  is  then  borne  by  the  chief  mourner  on  his  shoulder 
11-27 


JADA  41 S 

thrice  round  the  corpse.  As  he  does  so,  the  priest 
pricks  the  pot  thrice  with  an  iron  instrument.  Finally, 
the  pot  is  broken  on  the  pyre,  and  the  chief  mourner 
returns  home  without  turning  back  and  looking  at  the 
corpse.  On  the  second  day,  an  oblation  of  food  (pinda) 
is  offered  to  the  departed.  The  inmates  of  the  house 
are  fed  with  conji  {rice  gruel)  on  this  day  by  the 
relatives.  The  Sanchayana,  or  collection  of  bones, 
takes  place  on  the  fifth  day.  Pollution  lasts  for  fifteen 
days  in  Central  and  North  Travancore,  but  only  for  ten 
days  in  the  south.  There  are  some  rites,  not  observed 
necessarily  by  all  members  of  the  caste,  on  the  forty- 
first  day,  and  at  the  end  of  the  first  year.  Persons  who 
have  died  of  contagious  diseases,  women  who  die  after 
conception  or  on  delivery,  and  children  under  five  years 
of  age,  arc  buried.  Pollution  is  observed  only  for  nine 
days  when  children  die  ;  and,  in  the  case  of  men  who  die 
of  contagious  disease,  a  special  group  of  ceremonies  is 
performed  by  the  sorcerer.  Those  who  are  under  pollu- 
tion, besides  being  forbidden  to  enter  shrines  and  other 
sanctuaries,  may  not  read  or  write,  or  partake  of  liquor, 
butter,  milk,  ghi,  dhal,  or  jaggery. 


Jada.^Jada  or  Jandra,  meaning  great  men,  has 
been  recorded  as  a  synonym  of  Devanga  and  Kurni. 

Jaggali. — The  Jaggalis  are  defined,  in  the  Manual 
of  the  Ganjam  district,  as  Uriya  workers  in  leather  in 
Ganjam.  It  is  recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1 90 1,  that  "  the  traditional  occupation  of  this  caste  was 
apparently  leatherworking,  but  now  it  is  engaged  in 
cultivation    and    miscellaneous    labour.      Its    members 


419  JAIN 

speak  both  Oriya  and  Telugu.  They  admit  outcastes 
from  other  communities  to  their  ranks  on  payment  of  a 
small  fee.  Marriage  is  either  infant  or  adult,  and  widows 
and  divorcees  may  remarry.  Satanis  are  employed  as 
priests.  They  eat  beef  and  pork,  and  drink  alcohol. 
They  bury  their  dead.  In  some  places  they  work  as 
syces  (grooms),  and  in  others  as  firewood-sellers  and  as 
labourers.  Patro  and  Behara  are  their  titles."  It  may, 
I  think,  be  accepted  that  the  Jaggalis  are  Telugu 
Madigas,  who  have  settled  in  Ganjam,  and  learnt  the 
Oriya  language.  It  is  suggested  that  the  name  is 
derived  from  the  Oriya  jagiba,  watching,  as  some  are 
village  crop-watchers. 

Jaikonda  (lizard). — A  sept  of  Domb. 

Jain. — "  Few,"  Mr.  T.  A.  Gopinatha  Rao  writes,* 
"  even  among  educated  persons,  are  aware  of  the  exist- 
ence of  Jainas  and  Jaina  centres  in  Southern  India. 
The  Madras  Presidency  discloses  vestiges  of  Jaina 
dominion  almost  everywhere,  and  on  many  a  roadside 
a  stone  Tirthankara,  standing  or  sitting  cross-legged,  is 
a  common  enough  sight.  The  present  day  interpreta- 
tions of  these  images  are  the  same  all  over  the  Presi- 
dency. If  the  images  are  two,  one  represents  a  debtor 
and  the  other  a  creditor,  both  having  met  on  the  road, 
and  waiting  to  get  their  accounts  settled  and  cleared. 
If  it  is  only  one  image,  it  represents  a  debtor  paying 
penalty  for  not  having  squared  up  his  accounts  with  his 
creditor." 

It  is  recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report,  1891, 
that  "out  of  a  total  of  25,716  Jains,  as  many  as  22,273 
have  returned  both  caste  and  sub-division  as  Jain.  The 
remainder  have  returned  22  sub-divisions,  of  which  some, 


*  Malabar  Quart.  Review,   IV,  3,  1905.     See  also  T.   C.  Rice.     Jain  Settle- 
ments in  Karnata.     Ibid.^  Ill,  4,  1904. 
11-27  B 


JAIN  420 

such  as  Digambara  and  Swetambara,  are  sectarian  rather 
than  caste  divisions,  but  others  like  Marvadi,  Osval, 
Vellalan,  etc.,  are  distinct  castes.  And  the  returns  also 
show  that  some  Jains  have  returned  well-known  castes 
as  their  main  castes,  for  we  have  Jain  Brahmans, 
Kshatriyas,  Gaudas,  Vellalas,  etc.  The  Jain  Bants, 
however,  have  all  returned  Jain  as  their  main  caste." 
At  the  Madras  census,  1901,  27,431  Jains  were  returned. 
Though  they  are  found  in  nearly  every  district  of  the 
Madras  Presidency,  they  occur  in  the  largest  number 
in  the  following  : — 

South  Canara  ...  ...  ...  ...     9,582 

North  Arcot  8,128 

South  Arcot  ...  ...  ...  ...     5,896 

At   the    Mysore   census,    1901,    13,578    Jains    were 
returned.     It  is  recorded  in  the  report  that  "  the  Digam- 
baras  and  Swetambaras  are  the  two  main  divisions  of 
the  Jain  faith.     The  root  of  the  word  Digambara  means 
space  clad   or  sky  clad,   i.e.,   nude,   while   Swetambara 
means  clad  in  white.     The  Swetambaras  are  found  more 
in  Northern  India,  and  are  represented  but  by  a  small 
number  in  Mysore.     The  Digambaras  are  said  to  live 
absolutely  separated  from  society,  and  from  all  wordly 
ties.     These   are   generally   engaged    in    trade,    selling 
mostly  brass  and  copper  vessels,  and  are  scattered  all  over 
the  country,   the  largest  number  of  them  being  found 
in    Shimoga,    Mysore,   and    Hassan  districts.     Sravana 
Belagola,  in  the  Hassan  district,  is  a  chief  seat  of  the 
Jains  of  the  province.     Tirthankaras  are  the  priests  of 
the   Jain  religion,  and  are  also    known    as  Pitambaras. 
The  Jain  Yatis  or  clergy  here  belong  to  the  Digambara 
sect,   and   cover    themselves   with  a   yellow    robe,    and 
hence   the    name    Pithambara."     The    Dasa    Banajigas 
of  Mysore  style  themselves  Jaina  Kshatriya  Ramanujas. 


421  JAIN 

In  connection  with  the  terms  Digambara  and 
Swetambara,  it  is  noted  by  Btihler*  that  "  Digambara, 
that  is  those  whose  robe  is  the  atmosphere,  owe  their 
name  to  the  circumstance  that  they  regard  absolute 
nudity  as  the  indispensable  sign  of  hoHness,  though  the 
advance  of  civiHzation  has  compelled  them  to  depart 
from  the  practice  of  their  theory.  The  Swetambara, 
that  is  they  who  are  clothed  in  white,  do  not  claim 
this  doctrine,  but  hold  it  as  possible  that  the  holy  ones 
who  clothe  themselves  may  also  attain  the  highest  goal. 
They  allow,  however,  that  the  founder  of  the  Jaina 
religion  and  his  first  disciples  disdained  to  wear  clothes." 

The  most  important  Jain  settlement  in  Southern 
India  at  the  present  day  is  at  Sravana  Belagola  in 
Mysore,  where  the  Jains  are  employed  in  the  manufac- 
ture of  metal  vessels  for  domestic  use.  The  town  is 
situated  at  the  base  of  two  hills,  on  the  summit  of  one 
of  which,  the  Indra  Betta,  is  the  colossal  statue  of 
Gomatesvara,  Gummatta,  or  Gomata  Raya,t  concerning 
which  Mr.  L.  Rice  writes  as  follows.J  "  The  image  is 
nude,  and  stands  erect,  facing  the  north.  The  figure 
has  no  support  above  the  thighs.  Up  to  that  point  it 
is  represented  as  surrounded  by  ant-hills,  from  which 
emerge  serpents.  A  climbing  plant  twines  itself  round 
both  legs  and  both  arms,  terminating  at  the  upper  part 
of  the  arm  in  a  cluster  of  fruit  or  berries.  The  pedestal 
on  which  the  feet  stand  is  carved  to  represent  an  open 
lotus.  The  hair  is  in  spiral  ringlets,  flat  to  the  head,  as 
usual  in  Jain  images,  and  the  lobe  of  the  ears  lengthened 
down   with   a   large    rectangular    hole.     The    extreme 


*  On  the  Indian  Sect  of  the  Jainas.     Translation  by  J.  Burgess,  1903. 

t  The  earlier  Tirthankaras  are  believed  to  have  been  of  prodigious  proportions, 
and  to  have  lived  fabulously  long  lives,  but  the  later  ones  were  of  more  ordinary 
stature  and  longevity. 

X  Inscriptions  at  Sravana  Belagola.     Archseological  Survey  of  Mysore,  1889. 


JAIN  422 

height  of  the  figure  may  be  stated  at  57  feet,  though 
higher  estimates  have  been  given — 60  feet  3  inches  by 
Sir  Arthur  Wellesley  (afterwards  Duke  of  WelHngton), 
and  70  feet  3  inches  by  Buchanan."  Of  this  figure, 
Fergusson  writes  *  that  "  nothing  grander  or  more 
imposing  exists  anywhere  out  of  Egypt,  and  even  there 
no  known  statue  surpasses  it  in  height,  though,  it  must 
be  confessed,  they  do  excel  it  in  the  perfection  of  art 
they  exhibit." 

Other  colossal  statues  of  Gummata  are  situated  on  the 
summit  of  hills  outside  the  towns  of  Karkal  and  Venur 
or  Yenur  in  South  Canara.  Concerning  the  former. 
Dr.  E.  Hultzsch  writes  as  follows.!  "  It  is  a  mono- 
lith consisting  of  the  figure  itself,  of  a  slab  against 
which  it  leans,  and  which  reaches  up  to  the  wrists,  and 
of  a  round  pedestal  which  is  sunk  into  a  thousand- 
petalled  lotus  flower.  The  legs  and  arms  of  the  figure 
are  entwined  with  vines  (draksha).  On  both  sides  of  the 
feet,  a  number  of  snakes  are  cut  out  of  the  slab  against 
which  the  image  leans.  Two  inscriptions  ;j:  on  the  sides 
of  the  same  slab  state  that  this  image  of  Bahubalin 
or  Gummata  Jinapati  was  set  up  by  a  chief  named 
Vira-Pandya,  the  son  of  Bhairava,  in  A.D.  1431-32.  An 
inscription  of  the  same  chief  is  engraved  on  a  graceful 
stone  pillar  in  front  of  the  outer  gateway.  This  pillar 
bears  a  seated  figure  of  Brahmadeva,  a  chief  of  Patti- 
pombuchcha,  the  modern  Humcha  in  Mysore,  who,  like 
Vira-Pandya,  belonged  to  the  family  of  Jinadatta,  built 
the  Chaturmukha  basti  in  A.D.  1586-87.  As  its  name 
(chaturmukha,  the  four-faced)  implies,  this  temple  has 


*  Historj'  of  Indian  and  Eastern  Architecture. 
t  Annual  Report  on  Epigraphy,  Madras,  1900-1901. 

X  The  inscriptions  on  the  three  Jaina  Colossi  of  Southern  India  have  been 
published  by  Dr.  Hultzsch  in  Epigraphia  Indica,  VII,  1902-1903. 


STATUE  OF  GUMMATA  AT  KARKAI, 


423  JAIN 

four  doors,  each  of  which  opens  on  three  black  stone 
figures  of  the  three  Tirthankaras  .  Ari,  Malli,  and 
Munisuvrata.  Each  of  the  figures  has  a  golden  aureole 
over  the  head."  According  to  a  legend  recorded  by 
Mr.  M.  J.  Walhouse,*  the  Karkal  statue,  when  finished, 
was  raised  on  to  a  train  of  twenty  iron  carts  furnished 
with  steel  wheels,  on  each  of  which  ten  thousand 
propitiatory  cocoanuts  w^ere  broken  and  covered  with  an 
infinity  of  cotton.  It  was  then  drawn  by  legions  of 
worshippers  up  an  inclined  plane  to  the  platform  on  the 
hill-top  where  it  now  stands. 

The  legend  of  Kalkuda,  who  is  said  to  have  made 
the  colossal  statue  at  "  Belgula,"  is  narrated  at  length 
by  Mr.  A.  C.  Burnell.f  Told  briefly,  the  story  is  as 
follows.  Kalkuda  made  a  Gummata  two  cubits  higher 
than  at  Belur.  Bairanasuda,  King  of  Karkal,  sent  for 
him  to  work  in  his  kingdom.  He  made  the  Gummata- 
sami.  Although  five  thousand  people  were  collected 
together,  they  were  not  able  to  raise  the  statue. 
Kalkuda  put  his  left  hand  under  it,  and  raised  it,  and  set 
it  upright  on  a  base.  He  then  said  to  the  king  "  Give 
me  my  pay,  and  the  present  that  you  have  to  give  to 
me.  It  is  twelve  years  since  I  left  my  house,  and  came 
here."  But  the  king  said  "  I  will  not  let  Kalkuda,  who 
has  worked  in  my  kingdom,  work  in  another  country," 
and  cut  off  his  left  hand  and  right  leg.  Kalkuda  then 
went  to  Timmanajila,  king  of  Yenur,  and  made  a 
Gummata  two  cubits  higher  than  that  at  Karkal. 

In  connection  with  the  figure  at  Sravana  Belagola, 
Fergusson  suggests  J  that  the  hill  had  a  mass  or  tor 
standing  on  its  summit,  which  the  Jains  fashioned  into  a 
statue. 


*  Ind.  Ant.,  V,  1S76.      t   Ind,  Ant,,  XXV,  220,  sq.,  1896.      +  Op.  cit. 


JAIN  424 

The  high  priest  of  the  Jain  basti  at  Karkal  in  1907 
gave  as  his  name  LaHtha  Kirthi  Bhattaraka  Pattacharya 
Variya  Jiyaswamigalu.  His  full-dress  consisted  of  a 
red  and  gold-embroidered  Benares  body-cloth,  red  and 
gold  turban,  and,  as  a  badge  of  office,  a  brush  of 
peacock's  feathers  mounted  in  a  gold  handle,  carried  in 
his  hand.  On  ordinary  occasions,  he  carried  a  similar 
brush  mounted  in  a  silver  handle.  The  abhishekam 
ceremony  is  performed  at  Karkal  at  intervals  of  many 
years.  A  scaffold  is  erected,  and  over  the  colossal 
statue  are  poured  water,  milk,  flowers,  cocoanuts,  sugar, 
jaggery,  sugar-candy,  gold  and  silver  flowers,  fried 
rice,  beans,  gram,  sandal  paste,  nine  kinds  of  precious 
stones,  etc. 

Concerning  the  statue  at  Yenur,  Mr.  Walhouse 
writes*  that  "  it  is  lower  than  the  Karkala  statue  (41 J 
feet),  apparently  by  three  or  four  feet.  It  resembles 
its  brother  colossi  in  all  essential  particulars,  but  has  the 
special  peculiarity  of  the  cheeks  being  dimpled  with  a 
deep  grave  smile.  The  salient  characteristics  of  all  these 
colossi  are  the  broad  square  shoulders,  and  the  thickness 
and  remarkable  length  of  the  arms,  the  tips  of  the 
fingers,  like  Rob  Roy's,  nearly  reaching  the  knees. 
[One  of  Sir  Thom.as  Munro's  good  qualities  was  that, 
like  Rama,  his  arms  reached  to  his  knees  or,  in  other 
words,  he  possessed  the  quality  of  an  Ajanubahu,  which 
is  the  heritage  of  kings,  or  those  who  have  blue  blood 
in  them.]  Like  the  others,  this  statue  has  the  lotus 
enwreathing  the  legs  and  arms,  or,  as  Dr.  Burnell 
suggests,  it  may  be  jungle  creepers,  typical  of  wrapt 
meditation.  [There  is  a  legend  that  Bahubalin  was  so 
absorbed   in  meditation  in  a  forest  that  climbing  plants 

*  Loc.  cit. 


X 


425  JAIN 

grew  over   him.]     A  triple-headed  cobra   rises  up  under 
each  hand,  and  there  are  others  lower  down." 

"  The  village  of  Mudabidure  in  the  South  Canara 
district,"  Dr.  Hultzsch  writes,  "is  the  seat  of  a  Jaina 
high  priest,  who  bears  the  title  Charukirti-Pandita- 
charya-Svamin.  He  resides  in  a  matha,  which  is 
known  to  contain  a  large  library  of  Jaina  manuscripts. 
There  are  no  less  than  sixteen  Jaina  temples  (basti)  at 
Mudabidure.  Several  of  them  are  elaborate  buildings 
with  massive  stone  roofs,  and  are  surrounded  by  laterite 
enclosures.  A  special  feature  of  this  style  of  architecture 
is  a  lofty  monolithic  column  called  manastambha,  which 
is  set  up  in  front  of  seven  of  the  bastis.  In  two  of  them 
a  flagstaff  (dhvajastambha),  which  consists  of  wood 
covered  with  copper,  is  placed  between  the  manastambha 
and  the  shrine.  Six  of  them  are  called  Settarabasti,  and 
accordingly  must  have  been  built  by  Jaina  merchants 
(Setti).  The  sixteen  bastis  are  dedicated  to  the  follow- 
ing Tirthankaras  : — Chandranatha  or  Chandraprabha, 
Neminatha,  Parsvanatha,  Adinatha,  Mallinatha,  Padma- 
prabha,  Anantanatha,  Vardhamana,  and  Santinatha.  In 
two  of  these  bastis  are  separate  shrines  dedicated  to  all 
the  Tirthankaras,  and  in  another  basti  the  shrines  of  two 
Yakshis.  The  largest  and  finest  is  the  Hosabasti,  i.e., 
the  new  temple,  which  is  dedicated  to  Chandranatha, 
and  was  built  in  A.D.  1429-30.  It  possesses  a  double 
enclosure,  a  very  high  manastambha,  and  a  sculptured 
gateway.  The  uppermost  storey  of  the  temple  con- 
sists of  wood-work.  The  temple  is  composed  of  the 
shrine  (garbagriha),  and  three  rooms  in  front  of  it,  viz., 
the  Tirthakaramandapa,  the  Gaddigemandapa,  and  the 
Chitramandapa.  In  front  of  the  last-mentioned  mandapa 
is  a  separate  building  called  Bhairadevimandapa,  which 
was   built    in    A.D.    1451-52.     Round   its  base  runs  a 


JAIN  426 

band  of  sculptures,  among  which  the  figure  of  a  giraffe 
deserves  to  be  noted.  The  idol  in  the  dark  innermost 
shrine  is  said  to  consist  of  five  metals  (pancha-loha), 
among  which  silver  predominates.  The  basti  next  in 
importance  is  the  Gurugalabasti,  where  two  ancient 
talipot  (sritalam)  copies  of  the  Jaina  Siddhanta  are 
preserved  in  a  box  with  three  locks,  the  keys  of  which 
arc  in  charge  of  three  difterent  persons.  The  minor 
bastis  contain  three  rooms,  viz.,  the  Garbhagriha,  the 
Tirthakaramandapa,  and  the  Namaskaramandapa.  One 
of  the  sights  of  Miidabidire  is  the  ruined  palace  of 
the  Chautar,  a  local  chief  who  follows  the  Jaina  creed, 
and  is  in  receipt  of  a  pension  from  the  Government. 
The  principal  objects  of  interest  at  the  palace  are  a 
few  nicely-carved  wooden  pillars.  Two  of  them 
bear  representations  of  the  pancha-narituraga,  i.e.^  the 
horse  composed  of  five  women,  and  the  nava-nari-kunjara, 
i.e.,  the  elephant  composed  of  nine  women.  These  are 
fantastic  animals,  which  are  formed  by  the  bodies  of  a 
number  of  shepherdesses  for  the  amusement  of  their 
Lord  Krishna.  The  Jains  are  divided  into  two  classes, 
viz.,  priests  (indra)  and  laymen  (srivaka).  The  former 
consider  themselves  as  Brahmanas  by  caste.  All  the 
Jainas  wear  the  sacred  thread.  The  priests  dine  with  the 
laymen,  but  do  not  intermarry  with  them.  The  former 
practice  the  makkalasantana,  i.e.,  the  inheritance  through 
sons,  and  the  latter  aliya-santana,  i.e.,  the  inheritance 
through  nephews.  The  Jainas  are  careful  to  avoid 
pollution  from  contact  with  outcastes,  who  have  to  get 
out  of  their  way  in  the  road,  as  I  noticed  myself.  A 
Jaina  marriage  procession,  which  I  saw  passing,  was 
accompanied  by  Hindu  dancing-girls.  Near  the  western 
end  of  the  street  in  which  most  of  the  Jainas  live,  a  curious 
spectacle  presents  itself     From  a  number  of  high  trees, 


< 


z 


427  JAIN 

thousands  of  llyinq-  foxes  [fruit-bat,  Pteropns  inedius\ 
are  suspended.  They  have  evidently  selected  the  spot 
as  a  residence,  because  they  are  aware  that  the  Jainas, 
in  pursuance  of  one  of  the  chief  tenets  of  their  religion, 
do  not  harm  any  animals.  Following  the  same  street 
further  west,  the  Jaina  burial-ground  is  approached. 
It  contains  a  large  ruined  tank  with  laterite  steps,  and  a 
number  of  tombs  of  wealthy  Jain  merchants.  These 
tombs  are  pyramidal  structures  of  several  storeys,  and 
are  surmounted  by  a  water-pot  (kalasa)  of  stone.  Four 
of  the  tombs  bear  short  epitaphs.  The  Jainas  cremate 
their  dead,  placing  the  corpse  on  a  stone  in  order  to 
avoid  taking  the  life  of  any  stray  insect  during  the 
process." 

In  their  ceremonials,  e.g.^  marriage  rites,  the  Jains 
of  South  Canara  closely  follow  the  Bants.  They  are 
worshippers  of  bhuthas  (devils),  and,  in  some  houses,  a 
room  called  padoli  is  set  apart,  in  which  the  bhutha  is 
kept.  When  they  make  vows,  animals  are  not  killed, 
but  they  offer  metal  images  of  fowls,  goats,  or  pigs. 

Of  the  Jains  of  the  North  Arcot  district,  Mr.  H.  A. 
Stuart  writes  *  that  "  more  than  half  of  them  are  found 
in  the  Wandiwash  taluk,  and  the  rest  in  Arcot  and  Polur. 
Their  existence  in  this  neighbourhood  is  accounted  for 
by  the  fact  that  a  Jain  dynasty  reigned  for  many  years  in 
Conjeeveram.  They  must  at  one  time  have  been  very 
numerous,  as  their  temples  and  sculptures  are  found  in 
very  many  places,  from  which  they  themselves  have  now 
disappeared.  They  have  most  of  the  Brahman  cere- 
monies, and  wear  the  sacred  thread,  but  look  down  upon 
Brahmans  as  degenerate  followers  of  an  originally  pure 
faith.     For  this  reason  they  object  generally  to  accepting 


*  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district. 


JAIN  428 

ghee  (clarified  butter)  or  jaggery  (crude  sugar),  etc., 
from  any  but  those  of  their  own  caste.  They  are  defiled 
by  entering  a  Pariah  village,  and  have  to  purify  them- 
selves by  bathing  and  assuming  a  new  thread.  The 
usual  caste  affix  is  Nainar,  but  a  few,  generally  strangers 
from  other  districts,  are  called  Rao,  Chetti,  Das,  or 
Mudaliyar. 

At  Pillapalaiyam,  a  suburb  of  Conjeeveram  in  the 
Chingleput  district,  is  a  Jain  temple  of  considerable 
artistic  beauty.  It  is  noted  by  Sir  M.  E.  Grant  Duff* 
that  this  is  "  left  unfinished,  as  it  would  seem,  by  the 
original  builders,  and  adapted  later  to  the  Shivite 
worship.  Now  it  is  abandoned  by  all  its  worshippers, 
but  on  its  front  stands  the  census  number  9-A — 
emblematic  of  the  new  order  of  things." 

Concerning  the  Jains  of  the  South  Arcot  district, 
Mr.  W.  Francis  writes  f  that  "  there  is  no  doubt  that  in 
ancient  days  the  Jain  faith  was  powerful  in  this  district. 
The  Periya  Puranam  says  that  there  was  once  a  Jain 
monastery  and  college  at  Pataliputra,  the  old  name  for 
the  modern  Tirupapuliyur,  and  remains  of  Jain  images 
and  sculptures  are  comparatively  common  in  the  district. 
The  influence  of  the  religion  doubtless  waned  in  conse- 
quence of  the  great  Saivite  revival,  which  took  place  in 
the  early  centuries  of  the  present  era,  and  the  Periya 
Puranam  gives  a  story  in  connection  therewith,  which  is 
of  local  interest.  It  says  that  the  Saivite  poet-saint 
Appar  was  at  one  time  a  student  in  the  Jain  college  at 
Pataliputra,  but  was  converted  to  Saivism  in  consequence 
of  the  prayers  of  his  sister,  who  was  a  devotee  of  the 
deity  in  the  temple  at  Tiruvadi  near  Panruti.  The  local 
king  was  a  Jain,  and  was  at  first  enraged  with  Appar 


Notes  from  a  Diary,  1881-86.,  t  GazeUeer  of  ihc  South  Arcot  district. 


I 


429  JAIN 

for  his  fervent  support  of  his  new  faith.  But  eventually 
he  was  himself  induced  by  Appar  to  become  a  Saivite, 
and  he  then  turned  the  Paliputra  monastery  into  a  temple 
to  Siva,  and  ordered  the  extirpation  of  all  Jains.  Later 
on  there  was  a  Jain  revival,  but  this  in  its  turn  was 
followed  by  another  persecution  of  the  adherents  of  that 
faith.  The  following  story  connected  with  this  latter 
occurs  in  one  of  the  Mackenzie  Manuscripts,  and  is 
supported  by  existing  tradition.  In  1478  A.D.,  the  ruler 
of  Gingee  was  one  Venkatampettal,  Venkatapati,*  who 
belonged  to  the  comparatively  low  caste  of  the  Kavarais. 
He  asked  the  local  Brahmans  to  give  him  one  of  their 
daughters  to  wife.  They  said  that,  if  the  Jains  would  do 
so,  they  would  follow  suit.  Venkatapati  told  the  Jains 
of  this  answer,  and  asked  for  one  of  their  girls  as  a  bride. 
They  took  counsel  among  themselves  how  they  might 
avoid  the  disgrace  of  connecting  themselves  by  marriage 
with  a  man  of  such  a  caste,  and  at  last  pretended  to  agree 
to  the  king's  proposal,  and  said  that  the  daughter  of  a 
certain  prominent  Jain  would  be  given  him.  On  the  day 
fixed  for  the  marriage,  Venkatapati  went  in  state  to  the 
girl's  house  for  the  ceremony,  but  found  it  deserted  and 
empty,  except  for  a  bitch  tied  to  one  of  the  posts  of  the 
verandah.  Furious  at  the  insult,  he  issued  orders  to 
behead  all  Jains.  Some  of  the  faith  were  accordingly 
decapitated,  others  fled,  others  again  were  forced  to  prac- 
tice their  rites  secretly,  and  yet  others  became  Saivites  to 
escape  death.  Not  long  afterwards,  some  of  the  king's 
officers  saw  a  Jain  named  Virasenacharya  performing  the 
rites  peculiar  to  his  faith  in  a  well  in  Velur  near  Tindi- 
vanam,  and  hailed  him  before  their  master.  The  latter, 
however,  had  just  had  a  child  born  to  him,  was  in  a  good 


*  Local  oral  tradition  gives  his  name  as  Dupala  Kistnappa  Nayak. 


JAIN  430 

temper,  and  let  the  accused  go  free  ;  and  Virasenacharya, 
sobered  by  his  narrow  escape  from  death,  resolved  to 
become  an  ascetic,  went  to  Sravana  Belgola,  and  there 
studied  the  holy  books  of  the  Jain  religion.  Meanwhile 
another  Jain  of  the  Gingee  country,  Gangayya  Udaiyar 
of  Tayanur  in  the  Tindivanam  taluk,  had  fled  to  the 
protection  of  the  Zamindar  of  Udaiyarpalaiyam  in  Trichi- 
nopoly,  who  befriended  him  and  gave  him  some  land. 
Thus  assured  of  protection,  he  went  to  Sravana  Belgola, 
fetched  back  Virasenacharya,  and  with  him  made  a  torn- 
through  the  Gingee  country,  to  call  upon  the  Jains  who 
remained  there  to  return  to  their  ancient  faith.  These 
people  had  mostly  become  Saivites,  taken  off  their 
sacred  threads  and  put  holy  ashes  on  their  foreheads,  and 
the  name  Nirpusi  Vellalas,  or  the  Vellalas  who  put  on 
holy  ash,  is  still  retained.  The  mission  was  successful, 
and  Jainism  revived.  Virasenacharya  eventually  died  at 
Velur,  and  there,  it  is  said,  is  kept  in  a  temple  a  metal 
image  of  Parsvanatha,  one  of  the  twenty-four  Tirthan- 
karas,  which  he  brought  from  Sravana  Belgola.  The 
descendants  of  Gangayya  Udaiyar  still  live  in  Tayanur, 
and,  in  memory  of  the  services  of  their  ancestor  to  the  Jain 
cause,  they  are  given  the  first  betel  and  leaf  on  festive 
occasions,  and  have  a  leading  voice  in  the  election  of  the 
high-priest  at  Sittamur  in  the  Tindivanam  taluk.  This 
high-priest,  who  is  called  Mahadhipati,  is  elected  by 
representatives  from  the  chief  Jain  villages.  These 
are,  in  Tindivanam  taluk,  Sittamur  itself,  Viranamur, 
Vilukkam,  Peramandur,  Alagramam,  and  the  Velur 
and  Tayanur  already  mentioned.  The  high-priest  has 
supreme  authority  over  all  Jains  south  of  Madras,  but  not 
over  those  in  Mysore  or  South  Canara,  with  whom  the 
South  Arcot  community  have  no  relations.  He  travels 
round  in  a  palanquin  with  a  suite  of  followers  to  the 


431  JAIN 

chief  centres — his  expenses  being  paid  by  the  communities 
he  visits — settles  caste  disputes,  and  fines,  and  excom- 
municates the  erring.  His  control  over  his  people  is 
still  very  real,  and  is  in  strong  contrast  to  the  waning 
authority  of  many  of  the  Hindu  gurus.  The  Jain 
community  now  holds  a  high  position  in  Tindivanam 
taluk,  and  includes  wealthy  traders  and  some  of  quite  the 
most  intellisrent  ag-riculturists  there.  The  men  use  the 
title  of  Nayinaror  Udaiyar,  but  their  relations  in  Kumba- 
konam  and  elsewhere  in  that  direction  sometimes  call 
themselves  Chetti  or  Mudaliyar.  The  women  are  great 
hands  at  weaving  mats  from  the  leaves  of  the  date-palm. 
The  men,  except  that  they  wear  the  thread,  and  paint 
on  their  foreheads  a  sect-mark  which  is  like  the  ordinary 
Vaishnavite  mark,  but  square  instead  of  semi-circular  at 
the  bottom,  and  having  a  dot  instead  of  a  red  streak  in 
the  middle,  in  general  appearance  resemble  Vellalas. 
They  are  usually  clean  shaved.  The  w^omen  dress  like 
Vellalas,  and  wear  the  same  kind  of  tali  (marriage 
emblem)  and  other  jewellery.  The  South  Arcot  Jains 
all  belong  to  the  Digambara  sect,  and  the  images  in  their 
temples  of  the  twenty-four  Tirthankaras  are  accordingly 
without  clothing.  These  temples,  the  chief  of  which  are 
those  at  Tirunirankonrai "''  and  Sittamur,  are  not  markedly 
different  in  external  appearance  from  Hindu  shrines, 
but  within  these  are  images  of  some  of  the  Tirthankaras, 
made  of  stone  or  of  painted  clay,  instead  of  representations 
of  the  Hindu  deities.  The  Jain  rites  of  public  worship 
much  resemble  those  of  the  Brahmans.  There  is  the 
same  bathing  of  the  god  with  sacred  oblations,  sandal, 
and  so  on  ;  the  same  lighting  and  waving  of  lamps,  and 
burning  of  camphor  ;  and  the  same  breaking  of  cocoanuts, 


*  Also  known  as  Jaina  Tiiupati. 


JAIN  432 

playing  of  music,  and  reciting  of  sacred  verses.  These 
ceremonies  are  performed  by  members  of  the  Archaka 
or  priest  class.  The  daily  private  worship  in  the  houses 
is  done  by  the  laymen  themselves  before  a  small  image 
of  one  of  the  Tirthankaras,  and  daily  ceremonies 
resembling  those  of  the  Brahmans,  such  as  the  pronoun- 
cing of  the  sacred  mantram  at  daybreak,  and  the  recital 
of  forms  of  prayer  thrice  daily,  are  observed.  The  Jains 
believe  in  the  doctrine  of  re-births,  and  hold  that  the 
end  of  all  is  Nirvana.  They  keep  the  Sivaratri  and 
Dipavali  feasts,  but  say  that  they  do  so,  not  for  the 
reasons  which  lead  Hindus  to  revere  these  dates,  but 
because  on  them  the  first  and  the  last  of  the  twenty-four 
Tirthankaras  attained  beatitude.  Similarly  they  observe 
Pongal  and  the  Ayudha  puja  day.  They  adhere  closely 
to  the  injunctions  of  their  faith  prohibiting  the  taking 
of  life,  and,  to  guard  themselves  from  unwittingly 
infringing  them,  they  do  not  eat  or  drink  at  night  lest 
they  might  thereby  destroy  small  insects  which  had  got 
unseen  into  their  food.  For  the  same  reason,  they  filter 
through  a  cloth  all  milk  or  water  which  they  use,  eat 
only  curds,  ghee  and  oil  which  they  have  made  them- 
selves with  due  precautions  against  the  taking  of  insect 
life,  or  known  to  have  been  similarly  made  by  other  Jains, 
and  even  avoid  the  use  of  shell  chunam  (lime).  The 
Vedakkarans  (shikari  or  hunting  caste)  trade  on  these 
scruples  by  catching  small  birds,  bringing  them  to  Jain 
houses,  and  demanding  money  to  spare  their  lives. 
The  Jains  have  four  sub-divisions,  namely,  the  ordinary 
laymen,  and  three  priestly  classes.  Of  the  latter,  the 
most  numerous  are  the  Archakas  (or  Vadyars).  They 
do  the  worship  in  the  temples.  An  ordinary  layman 
cannot  become  an  Archaka  ;  it  is  a  class  apart.  An 
Archaka  can,   however,  rise   to  the  next   higher  of  the 


OJ 


JAIN 


priestly  classes,  and  become  what  is  called  an  Annam 
or  Annuvriti,  a  kind  of  monk  who  is  allowed  to  marry, 
but  has  to  live  according  to  certain  special  rules  of  con- 
duct. These  Annams  can  again  rise  to  the  highest  of 
the  three  classes,  and  become  Nirvanis  or  Munis,  monks 
who  lead  a  celibate  life  apart  from  the  world.  There 
is  also  a  sisterhood  of  nuns,  called  Aryanganais,  who 
are  sometimes  maidens,  and  sometimes  women  who 
have  left  their  husbands,  but  must  in  either  case  take  a 
vow  of  chastity.  The  monks  shave  their  heads,  and 
dress  in  red  ;  the  nuns  similarly  shave,  but  wear  white. 
Both  of  them  carry  as  marks  of  their  condition  a  brass 
vessel  and  a  bunch  of  peacock's  feathers,  with  which 
latter  they  sweep  clean  any  place  on  which  they  sit 
down,  lest  any  insect  should  be  there.  To  both  classes 
the  other  Jains  make  namaskaram  (respectful  salutation) 
when  they  meet  them,  and  both  are  maintained  at  the 
cost  of  the  rest  of  the  community.  The  laymen  among 
the  Jains  will  not  intermarry,  though  they  will  dine  with 
the  Archakas,  and  these  latter  consequently  have  the 
greatest  trouble  in  procuring  brides  for  their  sons,  and 
often  pay  Rs.  200  or  Rs.  300  to  secure  a  suitable  match. 
Otherwise  there  are  no  marriage  sub-divisions  among 
the  community,  all  Jains  south  of  Madras  freely  inter- 
marrying. Marriage  takes  place  either  before  or  after 
puberty.  Widows  are  not  allowed  to  remarry,  but  are 
not  required  to  shave  their  heads  until  they  are  middle- 
aged.  The  dead  are  burnt,  and  the  death  pollution 
lasts  for  twelve  days,  after  which  period  purification  is 
performed,  and  the  parties  must  go  to  the  temple. 
Jains  will  not  eat  with  Hindus.  Their  domestic 
ceremonies,  such  as  those  of  birth,  marriage,  death  and 
so  on  resemble  generally  those  of  the  Brahmans.  A 
curious  difference  is  that,  though  the  girls  never  wear 
11-28 


JAIN  434 

the  thread,  they  are  taught  the  thread-wearing  mantram, 
amid  all  the  ceremonies  usual  in  the  case  of  boys,  when 
they  are  about  eight  years  old." 

It  is  recorded,  in  the  report  on  Epigraphy,  1906- 
1907,  that  at  Eyil  in  the  South  Arcot  district  the  Jains 
asked  the  Collector  for  permission  to  use  the  stones  of 
the  Siva  temple  for  repairing  their  own.  The  Collector 
called  upon  the  Hindus  to  put  the  Siva  temple  in  order 
within  a  year,  on  pain  of  its  being  treated  as  an  escheat. 

Near  the  town  of  Madura  is  a  large  isolated  mass 
of  naked  rock,  which  is  known  as  Anaimalai  (elephant 
hill).  "  The  Madura  Sthala  Purana  says  it  is  a  petrified 
elephant.  The  Jains  of  Conjeeveram,  says  this  chro- 
nicle, tried  to  convert  the  Saivite  people  of  Madura  to 
.he  Jain  faith.  Finding  the  task  difficult,  they  had 
recourse  to  magic.  They  dug  a  great  pit  ten  miles  long, 
performed  a  sacrifice  thereon,  and  thus  caused  a  huge 
elephant  to  arise  from  it.  This  beast  they  sent  against 
Madura.  It  advanced  towards  the  town,  shaking  the 
whole  earth  at  every  step,  with  the  Jains  marching 
close  behind  it.  But  the  Pandya  king  invoked  the  aid 
of  Siva,  and  the  god  arose  and  slew  the  elephant  with 
his  arrow  at  the  spot  where  it  now  lies  petrified."* 

In  connection  with  the  long  barren  rock  near 
Madura  called  Nagamalai  (snake  hill),  "  local  legends 
declare  that  it  is  the  remains  of  a  huge  serpent,  brought 
into  existence  by  the  magic  arts  of  the  Jains,  which  was 
only  prevented  by  the  grace  of  Siva  from  devouring  the 
fervently  Saivite  city  it  so  nearly  approaches."!  Two 
miles  south  of  Madura  is  a  small  hill  of  rock  named 
Pasumalai.  "  The  name  means  cow  hill,  and  the  legend 
in  the  Madura  Sthala  Purana  says  that  the  Jains,  being 


*  G.azetteer  of  the  Madura  district.  f  Ibid. 


435  JAIN 

defeated  in  their  attempt  to  destroy  Madura  by  means 
of  the  serpent  which  was  turned  into  the  Nagamalai, 
resorted  to  more  magic,  and  evolved  a  demon  in  the 
form  of  an  enormous  cow.  They  selected  this  particular 
shape  for  their  demon,  because  they  thought  that  no  one 
would  dare  kill  so  sacred  an  animal.  Siva,  however, 
directed  the  bull  which  is  his  vehicle  to  increase  vastly 
in  size,  and  go  to  meet  the  cow.  The  cow,  seeing  him, 
died  of  love,  and  was  turned  into  this  hill." 

On  the  wall  of  the  mantapam  of  the  golden  lotus 
tank  (pothamarai)  of  the  Minakshi  temple  at  Madura  is 
a  series  of  frescoes  illustrating  the  persecution  of  the 
Jains.  For  the  following  account  thereof,  I  am  indebted 
to  Mr.  K.  V.  Subramania  Aiyar.  Sri  Gnana  Sam- 
mandha  Swami,  who  was  an  avatar  or  incarnation  of 
Subramaniya,  the  son  of  Siva,  was  the  foremost  of  the 
sixty-three  canonised  saints  of  the  Saivaite  religion,  and 
a  famous  champion  thereof.  He  was  sent  into  the  world 
by  Siva  to  put  down  the  growing  prevalence  of  the 
Jaina  heresy,  and  to  re-establish  the  Saivite  faith  in 
Southern  India.  He  entered  on  the  execution  of  his 
earthly  mission  at  the  age  of  three,  when  he  was  suckled 
with  the  milk  of  spirituality  by  Parvati,  Siva's  consort. 
He  manifested  himself  first  at  the  holy  place  Shiyali  in 
the  present  Tanjore  district  to  a  Brahman  devotee  named 
Sivapathabja  Hirthaya  and  his  wife,  who  were  after- 
wards reputed  to  be  his  parents.  During  the  next 
thirteen  years,  he  composed  about  sixteen  thousand 
thevaram  (psalms)  in  praise  of  the  presiding  deity  at 
the  various  temples  which  he  visited,  and  performed 
miracles.  Wherever  he  went,  he  preached  the  Saiva 
philosophy,  and  made  converts.  At  this  time,  a  certain 
Koon  (hunch-back)  Pandyan  was  ruling  over  the  Madura 
country,  where,  as  elsewhere,  Jainism  had  asserted  its 
11-28  B 


JAIN  436 

influence,  and  he  and  all  his  subjects  had  become  con- 
verts to  the  new  faith.  The  queen  and  the  prime- 
minister,  however,  were  secret  adherents  to  the  cult  of 
Siva,  whose  temple  was  deserted  and  closed.  They 
secretly  invited  Sri  Gnana  Sammandha  to  the  capital, 
in  the  hope  that  he  might  help  in  extirpating  the 
followers  of  the  obnoxious  Jain  religion.  He  accord- 
ingly arrived  with  thousands  of  followers,  and  took  up 
his  abode  in  a  mutt  or  monastery  on  the  north  side  of 
the  Vaigai  river.  When  the  Jain  priests,  who  were 
eight  thousand  in  number,  found  this  out,  they  set  fire 
to  his  residence  with  a  view  to  destroying  him.  His 
disciples,  however,  extinguished  the  flames.  The  saint, 
resenting  the  complicity  of  the  king  in  the  plot,  willed 
that  the  fire  should  turn  on  him,  and  burn  him  in  the 
form  of  a  virulent  fever.  All  the  endeavours  of  the  Jain 
priests  to  cure  him  with  medicines  and  incantations 
failed.  The  queen  and  the  prime-minister  impressed 
on  the  royal  patient  the  virtues  of  the  Saiva  saint,  and 
procured  his  admission  into  the  palace.  When  Sam- 
mandha Swami  offered  to  cure  the  king  by  simply 
throwing  sacred  ashes  on  him,  the  Jain  priests  who 
were  present  contended  that  they  must  still  be  given  a 
chance.  So  it  was  mutually  agreed  between  them  that 
each  party  should  undertake  to  cure  half  the  body  of 
the  patient.  The  half  allotted  to  Sammandha  was  at 
once  cured,  while  the  fever  raged  with  redoubled  sever- 
ity in  the  other  half.  The  king  accordingly  requested 
Sammandha  to  treat  the  rest  of  his  body,  and  ordered 
the  Jaina  priests  to  withdraw  from  his  presence.  The 
touch  of  Sammandha's  hand,  when  rubbing  the  sacred 
ashes  over  him,  cured  not  only  the  fever,  but  also  the 
hunched  back.  The  king  now  looked  so  graceful  that 
he  was  thenceforward  called  Sundara  (beautiful)  Pandyan. 


437  JAIN 

He  was  re-converted  to  Saivism,  the  doors  of  the  Siva 
temple  were  re-opened,  and  the  worship  of  Siva  therein 
was  restored.     The  Jain  priests,  not  satisfied  with  their 
discomfiture,    offered  to   establish  the    merits    of   their 
religion  in  other  ways.    They  suggested  that  each  party 
should   throw  the   cadjan   (palm-leaf)   books  containing 
the  doctrines  of  their  respective  religions  into  a  big  fire, 
and  that  the  party  whose   books  were   burnt  to  ashes 
should  be  considered  defeated.     The  saint  acceding  to  the 
proposal,  the  books  were  thrown  into  the  fire,  with  the 
result  that  those  flung  by  Sammandha  were  uninjured, 
while  no  trace  of  the  Jain  books  remained.      Still  not 
satisfied,    the  Jains   proposed  that  the  religious  books 
of  both  parties   should   be  cast   into  the  flooded  Vaigai 
river,  and  that  the  party  whose  books  travelled  against 
the   current    should   be  regarded  as   victorious.      The 
Jains  promised  Sammandha  that,  if  they  failed  in  this 
trial,  they  would  become  his  slaves,  and  serve  him  in 
any   manner    he    pleased.      But    Sammandha    replied : 
"  We  have  already  got   sixteen   thousand  disciples  to 
serve  us.     You  have  profaned  the  name  of  the  supreme 
Siva,  and  committed  sacrilege  by  your  aversion  to  the 
use  of  his  emblems,   such  as  sacred  ashes  and  beads. 
So  your  punishment  should  be  commensurate  with  your 
vile  deeds."     Confident  of  success,  the  Jains  offered  to 
be  impaled  on  stakes  if  they  lost.     The  trial  took  place, 
and    the    books    of  the    Saivites   travelled   up    stream. 
Sammandha  then  gave  the  Jains  a  chance  of  escape  by 
embracing    the    Saiva    faith,    to    which    some    of  them 
became  converts.     The  number  thereof  was    so  great 
that  the  available  supply  of  sacred  ashes  was  exhausted. 
Such  of  the  Jains  as  remained  unconverted  were  impaled 
on  stakes  resembling  a  sula  or  trident.     It  may  be  noted 
that,    in  the   Mahabharata,    Rishi   Mandaviar  is  said  to 


JAIN   VAISYA  438 

have  been  impaled  on  a  stake  on  a  false  charge  of  theft. 
And  Ramanuja,  the  Guru  of  the  Vaishnavites,  is  also 
said  to  have  impaled  heretics  on  stakes  in  the  Mysore 
province.  The  events  recorded  in  the  narrative  of 
Sammandha  and  the  Jains  are  gone  through  at  five  of 
the  twelve  annual  festivals  at  the  Madura  temple.  On 
these  occasions,  which  are  known  as  impaling  festival 
days,  an  image  representing  a  Jain  impaled  on  a  stake 
is  carried  in  procession.  According  to  a  tradition  the 
villages  of  Mela  Kllavu  and  Kil  Kilavu  near  Solavandan 
are  so  named  because  the  stakes  (kilavu)  planted  for 
the  destruction  of  the  Jains  in  the  time  of  Tirugnana 
extended  so  far  from  the  town  of  Madura. 

For  details  of  the  literature  relating  to  the  Jains,  I 
would  refer  the  reader  to  A.  Guerinot's  '  Essai  de 
Bibliographie  Jaina,'  Annales  du  Musee  Guimet,  Paris, 
1906. 

Jain  Vaisya. — The  name  assumed  by  a  small  colony 
of  "  Banians,"  who  have  settled  in  Native  Cochin.  They 
are  said  *  to  frequent  the  kalli  (stone)  pagoda  in  the 
Kannuthnad  taluk  of  North  Travancore,  and  believe 
that  he  who  proceeds  thither  a  sufficiently  large  number 
of  times  obtains  salvation.  Of  recent  years,  a  figure  of 
Brahma  is  said  to  have  sprung  up  of  itself  on  the  top 
of  the  rock,  on  which  the  pagoda  is  situated. 

Jakkula.— Described  t  as  an  inferior  class  of  prosti- 
tutes, mostly  of  the  Balija  caste  ;  and  as  wizards  and  a 
dancing  and  theatrical  caste.  At  Tenali,  in  the  Kistna 
district,  it  was  customary  for  each  family  to  give  up  one 
girl  for  prostitution.  She  was  "  married  "  to  any  chance 
comer  for  one  night  with  the  usual  ceremonies.  Under 
the  influence  of  social  reform,  the  members  of  the  caste, 


*  N.  Sunkuni  Wariar.     Ind,  Ant.,  XXI,  1892. 
t  Madras  Census  Kcporl,  1901  ;  Nellore  Manvial. 


439  JALAGADUGU 

in  1 90 1,  entered  into  a  written  agreement  to  give  up 
the  practice.  A  family  went  back  on  this,  so  the  head 
of  the  caste  prosecuted  the  family  and  the  "  husband  " 
for  disposing  of  a  minor  for  the  purpose  of  prostitution. 
The  records  state  that  it  was  resolved,  in  1901,  that  they 
should  not  keep  the  females  as  girls,  but  should  marry 
them  before  they  attain  puberty.  "  As  the  deeds  of  the 
said  girls  not  only  brought  discredit  on  all  of  us,  but 
their  association  gives  our  married  women  also  an 
opportunity  to  contract  bad  habits,  and,  as  all  of  our 
castemen  thought  it  good  to  give  up  henceforth  the 
custom  of  leaving  girls  unmarried  now  in  vogue,  all  of 
us  convened  a  public  meeting  in  the  Tenali  village, 
considered  carefully  the  pros  and  cons,  and  entered  into 
the  agreement  herein  mentioned.  If  any  person  among 
us  fail  to  marry  the  girls  in  the  families  before  puberty, 
the  managing  members  of  the  families  of  the  girls 
concerned  should  pay  Rs.  500  to  the  three  persons 
whom  we  have  selected  as  the  headmen  of  our  caste,  as 
penalty  for  acting  in  contravention  of  this  agreement. 
If  any  person  does  not  pay  the  headmen  of  the  caste 
the  penalty,  the  headmen  are  authorised  to  recover  the 
amount  through  Court.  We  must  abstain  from  taking 
meals,  living,  or  intermarriage  with  such  of  the  families 
as  do  not  now  join  with  us  in  this  agreement,  and 
continue  to  keep  girls  unmarried.  We  must  not  take 
meals  or  intermarry  with  those  that  are  now  included 
in  this  agreement,  but  who  hereafter  act  in  contraven- 
tion of  it.  If  any  of  us  act  in  contravention  of  the  terms 
of  the  two  last  paragraphs,  we  should  pay  a  penalty  of 
Rs.  50  to  the  headmen." 

Jalagadugu. — Defined,  by   Mr.   C.   P.   Brown,  *  as 
"a  caste  of  gold-finders,  who  search  for  gold  in  drains, 


*  Telugu  Dictionary. 


JALAGADUGU  440 

and  in  the  sweepings  of  goldsmiths'  shops."  A  modest 
liveHhood  is  also  obtained,  in  some  places,  by  extracting 
gold  from  the  bed  of  rivers  or  nullahs  (water-courses). 
The  name  is  derived  from  jala,  water,  gadugu,  wash. 
The  equivalent  Jalakara  is  recorded,  in  the  Bellary 
Gazetteer,  as  a  sub-division  of  Kabbera. 

In  the  city  of  Madras,  gold-washers  are  to  be  found 
working  in  the  foul  side  drains  in  front  of  jewellers'  shops. 
The  Health  Officer  to  the  Corporation  informs  me  that 
he  often  chases  them,  and  breaks  their'pots  for  obstruct- 
ing public  drains  in  their  hunt  for  pieces  of  gold  and 
other  metals. 

For  the  following  note  on  the  gold-washers  of 
Madras,  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  K.  T.  Mathew :  "This 
industry  is  carried  on  in  the  city  by  the  Oddars,  and  was 
practically  monopolised  by  them  till  a  few  years  back, 
when  other  castes,  mostly  of  the  lower  orders,  stepped  in. 
The  Oddars  now  form  a  population  of  several  thousands 
in  the  city,  their  chief  occupation  being  conservancy 
cooly  work.  The  process  of  gold  washing  is  carried  out 
by  women  at  home,  and  by  the  aged  and  adults  in  their 
spare  hours.  The  ashes,  sweepings,  and  refuse  from  the 
goldsmiths'  shops  are  collected  on  payment  of  a  sum 
ranging  from  one  rupee  to  ten  rupees  per  mensem,  and 
are  brought  in  baskets  to  a  convenient  place  alongside 
their  huts,  where  they  are  stored  for  a  variable  time. 
The  drain  silts  from  streets  where  there  are  a  large 
number  of  jewellers'  shops  are  similarly  collected,  but,  in 
this  case,  the  only  payment  to  be  made  is  a  present  to 
the  Municipal  peon.  The  materials  so  collected  are  left 
undisturbed  for  a  few  days  or  several  months,  and  this 
storing  away  for  a  time  is  said  to  be  necessary  to  facilitate 
the  extraction  of  the  gold,  as  any  immediate  attempt  to 
wash    the    stuff  results    in    great    loss    in   the    quantity 


441  JALAGADUGU 

obtained.  From  the  heap  as  much  as  can  be  taken  on 
an  ordinary  spade  is  put  into  a  boat-shaped  tub  open  at 
one  end,  placed  close  to  the  heap,  and  so  arranged  that 
the  waste  water  from  the  tub  flows  away  from  the  heap 
behind,  and  collects  in  a  shallow  pool  in  front.  The 
water  from  the  pool  is  collected  in  a  small  chatty  (earthen 
vessel),  and  poured  over  the  heap  in  the  tub,  which  is 
continually  stirred  up  with  the  other  hand.  All  the 
lighter  stuff  in  this  way  flows  out  of  the  tub,  and  all  the 
hard  stones  are  every  now  and  then  picked  out  and 
thrown  away.  This  process  goes  on  until  about  a  couple 
of  handfuls  of  dark  sand,  etc.,  are  left  in  the  tub.  To 
this  a  small  quantity  of  mercury  is  added,  briskly  rubbed 
for  a  minute  or  two,  and  the  process  of  washing  goes 
on,  considerable  care  being  taken  to  see  that  no  particle 
of  mercury  escapes,  until  at  last  the  mercury,  with  a  great 
many  particles  of  metallic  dust  attached,  is  collected  in 
a  small  chatty — often  a  broken  piece  of  a  pot.  The 
mercury,  with  the  metallic  particles  in  it,  is  then  well 
washed  with  clean  water,  and  put  into  a  tiny  bag  formed 
of  two  layers  of  a  piece  of  rag.  The  mass  is  then  gently 
pressed  until  all  the  mercury  falls  into  a  chatty  below, 
leaving  a  small  flattened  mass  of  dark  substance  in  the 
bag,  which  is  carefully  collected,  and  kept  in  another  dry 
chatty.  The  washing  process  is  repeated  until  enough 
of  the  dark  substance — about  a  third  of  a  teaspoonful — 
is  collected.  This  substance  is  then  mixed  with  pow- 
dered common  salt  and  brick-dust,  put  into  a  broken  piece 
of  a  pot,  and  covered  with  another  piece.  The  whole  is 
placed  in  a  large  earthen  vessel,  with  cow-dung  cakes 
well  packed  above  and  below.  A  blazing  fire  is  soon 
produced,  and  kept  up  till  the  mass  is  melted.  This 
mass  is  carefully  removed,  and  again  melted  with  borax 
in  a  hole  made  in  a  piece  of  good  charcoal,  by  blowing 


JALARI  442 

through  a  reed  or  hollow  bamboo,  until  the  gold  separates 
from  the  mass.  The  fire  is  then  suddenly  quenched,  and 
the  piece  of  gold  is  separated  and  removed." 

Jalari. — The  Jalaris  are  Telugu  fishermen,  palanquin- 
bearers,  and  cultivators  in  Ganjam  and  Vizagapatam. 
The  name,  Mr.  C.  Hayavadana  Rao  writes,  is  derived 
from  jala,  a  net.  Some  are  fresh-water  fishermen,  while 
others  fish  with  a  cast-net  (visuru  valalu)  from  the  sea- 
shore, or  on  the  open  sea.  They  bear  the  name  Ganga- 
vamsamu,  or  people  of  Ganga,  in  the  same  way  that  a 
division  of  the  Kabbera  fishing  caste  is  called  Gangi- 
makkalu.  In  caste  organisation,  ceremonial,  etc.,  the 
Jalaris  coincide  with  the  Milas.  They  are  called  Noli- 
yas  by  the  Oriyas  of  Ganjam.  They  have  house-names 
like  other  Telugus,  and  their  females  do  not  wear  brass 
bangles,  as  low-caste  Oriya  women  do. 

The  Jalaris  have  two  endogamous  divisions,  called 
panrendu  kotla  (twelve  posts),  and  edu  kotla  (seven 
posts),  in  reference  to  the  number  of  posts  for  the  booth. 
The  former  claim  superiority  over  the  latter,  on  the 
ground  that  they  are  illegitimate  Jalaris,  or  recently 
admitted  into  the  caste. 

Like  other  Telugu  castes,  the  Jalaris  have  a  caste 
council  under  the  control  of  a  headman  called  Pilla.  In 
imitation  of  the  Oriyas,  they  have  created  an  assistant 
headman  called  Dolobehara,  and  they  have  the  usual 
caste  servant. 

In  their  puberty,  marriage  and  death  ceremonies, 
they  closely  follow  the  Vadas  and  Palles.  The  prohibi- 
tions regarding  marriage  are  of  the  Telugu  form,  but, 
like  the  Oriya  castes,  the  Jalaris  allow  a  widow  to  marry 
her  deceased  husband's  younger  brother.  The  marriage 
ceremonies  last  for  three  days.  On  the  first  day,  the 
pandal  (booth),  with  the  usual  milk-post,  is  erected.     F'or 


443  JALARI 

every  marriage,  representatives  of  the  four  towns  Pedda- 
patnam,  Vizagapatam,  Bimlipatam,  and  Revalpatnam, 
should  be  invited,  and  should  be  the  first  to  receive 
pan-supari  (betel  leaves  and  areca  nuts)  after  the  pandal 
has  been  set  up.  Peddapatnam  is  the  first  to  be  called 
out,  and  the  respect  may  be  shown  to  any  person  from 
that  town.  The  representatives  of  the  other  towns  must 
belong  to  particular  septs,  as  follows  : — 

Vizagapatam  ...  ...  ...  ...     Buguri  sept. 

Revalpatnam  Jonna  sept. 

Bimlipatam  Sundra  sept. 

The  Jalaris  are  unable  to  explain  the  significance  of 
this  "counting  towns,"  as  they  call  it.  Possibly  Pedda- 
patnam was  their  original  home,  from  which  particular 
septs  emigrated  to  other  towns.  On  the  second  day  of 
the  marriage  ceremonies,  the  tying  of  the  sathamanam 
(marriage  badge)  takes  place.  The  bridegroom,  after 
going  in  procession  through  the  streets,  enters  the  house 
at  which  the  marriage  is  to  be  celebrated.  At  the 
entrance,  the  maternal  uncle  of  the  bride  stands  holding 
in  his  crossed  hands  two  vessels,  one  of  which  contains 
water,  and  the  other  water  with  jaggery  (crude  sugar) 
dissolved  in  it.  The  bridegroom  is  expected  to  take  hold 
of  the  vessel  containing  the  sweetened  water  before  he 
enters,  and  is  fined  if  he  fails  to  do  so.  When  the  bride- 
groom approaches  the  pandal,  some  married  women 
hold  a  bamboo  pole  between  him  and  the  pandal,  and 
a  new  earthen  pot  is  carried  thrice  round  the  pole. 
While  this  is  being  done,  the  bride  joins  the  bridegroom, 
and  the  couple  enter  the  pandal  beneath  a  cloth  held  up  to 
form  a  canopy  in  front  thereof.  This  ceremonial  takes 
place  towards  evening,  as  the  marriage  badge  is  tied  on 
the  bride's  neck  during  the  night.  An  interesting  feature 
in  connection  with  the  procession  is  that   a  pole  called 


JALARI  444 

digametlu  (shoulder-pole),  with  two  baskets  tied  to  the 
ends,  is  carried.  In  one  of  the  baskets  a  number  of  sieves 
and  small  baskets  are  placed,  and  in  the  other  one  or  more 
cats.  This  digametlu  is  always  referred  to  by  the  Vadas 
when  they  are  questioned  as  to  the  difference  between 
their  marriage  ceremonies  and  those  of  the  Jalaris. 
Other  castes  laugh  at  this  custom,  and  it  is  consequently 
dying  out. 

The  Jalaris  always  marry  young  girls.  One  reason 
assigned  for  this  is  "  the  income  to  married  young  girls  " 
at  the  time  of  the  marriage  ceremonies.  Two  or  more 
married  couples  are  invited  to  remain  at  the  house  in 
which  the  marriage  takes  place,  to  help  the  bridal  couple 
in  their  toilette,  and  assist  at  the  nalagu,  evil  eye  waving, 
and  other  rites.  They  are  rewarded  for  their  services 
with  presents.  Another  instance  of  infant  marriage 
being  the  rule  on  account  of  pecuniary  gain  is  found 
among  the  Dikshitar  Brahmans  of  Chidambaram.  Only 
married  males  have  a  voice  in  temple  affairs,  and  receive 
a  share  of  the  temple  income.  Consequently,  boys  are 
sometimes  married  when  they  are  seven  or  eight  years 
old.  At  every  Jalari  marriage,  meals  must  be  given  to 
the  castemen,  a  rupee  to  the  representatives  of  the 
patnams,  twelve  annas  to  the  headman  and  his  assistant, 
and  three  rupees  to  the  Malas. 

Like  other  Telugu  castes,  the  Jalaris  have  intiperus 
(septs),  which  resemble  those  of  the  Vadas.  Among 
them,  Jonna  and  Buguri  are  common.  In  their  religious 
observances,  the  Jalaris  closely  follow  the  Vadas. 

The  Madras  Museum  possesses  a  collection  of  clay 
and  wooden  figures,  such  as  are  worshipped  by  the 
fishing  castes  at  Gopalpur,  and  other  places  on  the 
Ganjam  coast.  Concerning  these,  Mr.  J.  D'A.  C.  Reilly 
writes  to  me  as  follows.     The  specimens  represent  the 


445  JALARI 

chief  gods  worshipped  by  the  fishermen.  The  Tahsildar 
of  Berhampur  got  them  made  by  the  potters  and 
carpenters,  who  usually  make  such  figures  for  the 
Gopalpur  fishermen.  I  have  found  fishermen's  shrines 
at  several  places.  Separate  families  appear  to  have 
separate  shrines,  some  consisting  of  large  chatties 
(earthen  pots),  occasionally  ornamented,  and  turned 
upside  down,  with  an  opening  on  one  side.  Others 
are  made  of  bricks  and  chunam  (lime).  All  that  I  have 
seen  had  their  opening  towards  the  sea.  Two  classes 
of  figures  are  placed  in  these  shrines,  viz.,  clay  figures  of 
gods,  which  are  worshipped  before  fishing  expeditions, 
and  when  there  is  danger  from  a  particular  disease  which 
they  prevent ;  and  wooden  figures  of  deceased  relations, 
which  are  quite  as  imaginative  as  the  clay  figures. 
Figures  of  gods  and  relations  are  placed  in  the  same  family 
shrine.  There  are  hundreds  of  gods  to  choose  from,  and 
the  selection  appears  to  be  a  matter  of  family  taste  and 
tradition.  The  figures  which  I  have  sent  were  made  by 
a  potter  at  Venkatarayapalle,  and  painted  by  a  carpenter 
at  Uppulapatti,  both  villages  near  Gopalpur.  The 
Tahsildar  tells  me  that,  when  he  was  inspecting  them 
at  the  Gopalpur  traveller's  bungalow,  sixty  or  seventy 
firshermen  objected  to  their  gods  being  taken  away.  He 
pacified  them  by  telling  them  that  it  was  because  the 
Government  had  heard  of  their  devotion  to  their  gods 
that  they  wanted  to  have  some  of  them  in  Madras.  The 
collection  of  clay  figures  includes  the  following  : — 

Bengali  Babu. — Wears  a  hat,  and  rides  on  a  black 
horse.  He  blesses  the  fishermen,  secures  large  hauls 
of  fish  for  them,  and  guards  them  against  danger  when 
out  fishing. 

Samalamma. — Wears  a  red  skirt  and  green  coat 
and  protects  the  fishermen  from  fever. 


JALI  446 

Rajamma,  a  female  figure,  with  a  sword  in  her  right 
hand,  riding  on  a  black  elephant.  She  blesses  barren 
women  with  children,  and  favours  her  devotees  with 
big  catches  when  they  go  out  fishing. 

Yerenamma,  riding  on  a  white  horse,  with  a  sword 
in  her  right  hand.  She  protects  fishermen  from  drown- 
ing, and  from  being  caught  by  big  fish. 

Bhagirathamma,  riding  on  an  elephant,  and  having 
eight  or  twelve  hands.  She  helps  fishermen  when 
fishing  at  night,  and  protects  them  against  cholera, 
dysentery,  and  other  intestinal  disorders. 

Nukalamma. — Wears  a  red  jacket  and  green  skirt, 
and  protects  the  fishing  community  against  small-pox. 

Orosondi  Ammavaru, — Prevents  the  boats  from 
being  sunk  or  damaged. 

Bhagadevi. — Rides  on  a  tiger,  and  protects  the 
community  from  cholera. 

Veyyi  Kannula  Ammavaru,  or  the  goddess  of  a 
thousand  eyes,  represented  by  a  pot  pierced  with  holes, 
in  which  a  gingelly  [Sesamum)  oil  light  is  burnt.  She 
attends  to  the  general  welfare  of  the  fisher  folk. 
Jali  {Acacia  arabica). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 
Jalli.— -Jalli,  meaning  palm  tassels  put  round  the 
neck  and  horns  of  bulls,  occurs  as  an  exogamous  sept 
of  Jogi.  The  name  occurs  further  as  a  sub-division  of 
Kevuto. 

Jambava.— A  synonym  of  the  Madigas,  who  claim 
descent  from  the  rishi  Audi  Jambavadu. 

Jambu  {Eugenia  Jambolana). — An  exogamous  sept 
of  Odde. 

Jambuvar  (a  monkey  king  with  a  bear's  face). — An 
exogamous  sept  of  Kondaiyamkottai  Maravan. 

Jamkhanvala    (carpet-maker). — An     occupational 
name  for  Patnulkarans  and  Patvegars. 


447  JANAPPAN 

Jammi  {Prosopis  spicigerd). — A  gotra  of  Gollas, 
members  of  which  may  not  use  the  tree.  It  is  further  a 
gotra  of  Chembadis.  Children  of  this  caste  who  are 
named  after  the  caste  god  Gurappa  or  Gurunathadu  are 
taken,  when  they  are  five,  seven,  or  nine  years  old,  to  a 
jammi  tree,  and  shaved  after  it  has  been  worshipped 
with  offerings  of  cooked  food,  etc.  The  jammi  or  sami 
tree  is  regarded  as  sacred  all  over  India.  Some  ortho- 
dox Hindus,  when  they  pass  it,  go  round  it,  and  salute 
it,  repeating  a  Sanskrit  verse  to  the  effect  that  "  the 
sami  tree  removes  sins  ;  it  is  the  destroyer  of  enemies ; 
it  was  the  bearer  of  the  bows  and  arrows  of  Arjuna, 
and  the  sight  of  it  was  very  welcome  to  Rama." 

Janappan. — The  Janappans,  Mr.  W.  Francis 
writes,"^  "  were  originally  a  section  of  the  Balijas,  but 
they  have  now  developed  into  a  distinct  caste.  They 
seem  to  have  been  called  Janappan,  because  they  manu- 
factured gunny-bags  of  hemp  (janapa)  fibre.  In  Tamil 
they  are  called  Saluppa  Chettis,  Saluppan  being  the 
Tamil  form  of  Janappan.  Some  of  them  have  taken 
to  calling  themselves  Desayis  or  Desadhlpatis  (rulers  of 
countries),  and  say  they  are  Balijas.  They  do  not  wear 
the  sacred  thread.  The  caste  usually  speaks  Telugu, 
but  in  Madura  there  is  a  section,  the  women  of  which 
speak  Tamil,  and  also  are  debarred  from  taking  part  in 
religious  ceremonies,  and,  therefore,  apparently  belonged 
originally  to  some  other  caste." 

In  a  note  on  the  Janappans  of  the  North  Arcot 
district!  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  states  that  Janappan  is  "  the 
name  of  a  caste,  which  engages  in  trade  by  hawking 
goods  about  the  towns  and  villages.  Originally  they 
were  merely  manufacturers  of  gunny-bags  out  of  hemp 


*  Madras  Census  Report,  1901. 

+  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district. 


JANAPPAN  448 

(janapa,  Crotalaria  juncea),  and  so  obtained  their  name. 
But  they  are  now  met  with  as  Dasaris  or  religious 
beggars,  sweetmeat-sellers,  and  hawkers  of  English 
cloths  and  other  goods.  By  the  time  they  have  obtained 
to  the  last  honourable  profession,  they  assume  to  be 
Balijas.  Telugu  is  their  vernacular,  and  Chetti  their 
usual  caste  name.  According  to  their  own  tradition, 
they  sprung  from  a  yagam  (sacrificial  rite)  made  by 
Brahma,  and  their  remote  ancestor  thus  produced  was, 
they  say,  asked  by  the  merchants  of  the  country  to 
invent  some  means  for  carrying  about  their  wares.  He 
obtained  some  seeds  from  the  ashes  of  Brahma's  yagam, 
which  he  sowed,  and  the  plant  which  sprang  up  was  the 
country  hemp,  which  he  manufactured  into  a  gunny-bag. 
The  Janapa  Chettis  are  enterprising  men  in  their  way, 
and  are  much  employed  at  the  fairs  at  Gudiyattam  and 
other  places  as  cattle-brokers." 

The  Saluppans  say  that  they  have  twenty-four 
gotras,  which  are  divided  into  groups  of  sixteen  and 
eight.  Marriage  is  forbidden  between  members  of 
the  same  group,  but  permitted  between  members  of  the 
sixteen  and  eight  gotras.  Among  the  names  of  the 
gotras,  are  the  following  : — 


Vasava. 

Vamme. 

Mummudi. 

Pilli  Vankaravan. 

Makkiduvan. 

Thallelan. 

Gendagiri. 


Madalavan. 

Piligara. 

Mukkanda. 

Vadiya. 

Thonda. 

Ko^a. 


The  Janappans  of  the  Telugu  country  also  say  that 
they  have  only  twenty-four  gotras.  Some  of  these  are 
totemistic  in  character.  Thus,  members  of  the  Kappala 
(frog)  gotra  owe  their  name  to  a  tradition  that  on  one 


449  JANAPPAN 

occasion,  when  some  of  the  family  were  fishing,  they 
caught  a  haul  of  big  frogs  instead  offish.  Consequently, 
m.embers  of  this  gotra  do  not  injure  frogs.  Members  of 
the  Thonda  or  Thonda  Maha  Rishi  gotra  abstain  from 
using  the  fruit  or  leaves  of  the  thonda  plant  {Cepha- 
landra  mdicd).  The  fruits  of  this  plant  are  among 
the  commonest  of  native  vegetables.  In  like  manner, 
members  of  the  Mukkanda  sept  may  not  use  the  fruit  of 
Momordica  Charaiitia.  Those  of  the  Vamme  gotra 
abstain  from  eating  the  fish  called  bombadai,  because, 
when  some  of  their  ancestors  went  to  fetch  water  in 
the  marriage  pot,  they  found  a  number  of  this  fish  in 
the  water  collected  in  the  pot.  So,  too,  in  the  Kola 
gdtra,  the  eating  of  the  fish  called  kolasi  is  forbidden. 

In  their  marriage  customs,  those  who  live  in  the 
Telugu  country  follow  the  Telugu  Puranic  form,  while 
those  who  have  settled  in  the  Tamil  country  have 
adopted  some  of  the  marriage  rites  thereof.  There  are, 
however,  some  points  of  interest  in  their  marriage 
ceremonies.  On  the  day  fixed  for  the  betrothal,  those 
assembled  wait  silently  listening  for  the  chirping  of  a 
lizard,  which  is  an  auspicious  sign.  It  is  said  that  the 
match  is  broken  off,  if  the  chirping  is  not  heard.  If  the 
omen  proves  auspicious,  a  small  bundle  of  nine  to  twelve 
kinds  of  pulses  and  grain  is  given  by  the  bridegroom's 
father  to  the  father  of  the  bride.  This  is  preserved,  and 
examined  several  days  after  the  marriage.  If  the  grain 
and  pulses  are  in  good  condition,  it  is  a  sign  that  the 
newly  married  couple  will  have  a  prosperous  career. 

There  are  both  Saivites  and  Vaishnavites  among 
these  people,  and  the  former  predominate  in  the 
southern  districts.  Most  of  the  Vaishnavites  are 
disciples  of  Bhatrazus.  The  Bhatrazu  priest  goes 
round  periodically,  collecting  his  fees.  Those  among 
ir-29 


JANDAYI  450 

the  Saivites  who  are  religiously  inclined  are  disciples  of 
Pandarams  of  mutts  (religious  institutions).  Those 
who  have  settled  in  the  Salem  district  seem  to  consider 
Damayanti  and  Kamatchi  as  the  caste  deities. 

The  manufacture  of  gunny-bags  is  still  carried  on 
by  some  members  of  the  caste,  but  they  are  mainly 
engaged  in  trade  and  agriculture.  In  the  city  of 
Madras,  the  sale  of  various  kinds  of  fruits  is  largely  in 
the  hands  of  the  Janappans. 

Sathu  vandlu,  meaning  a  company  of  merchants  or 
travellers,  occurs  as  a  synonym  of  Janappan. 

In  the  Mysore  Census  Report,  1901,  Janappa  is 
returned  as  a  sub-division  of  the  Gonigas,  who  are 
sack-weavers,  and  makers  of  gunny-bags. 

Jandayi  (flag). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Yanadi. 

Janga  (calf  of  the  leg). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Mala. 

Jangal  Jati.— A  synonym,  denoting  jungle  folk,  of 
the  Kurivikarans  or  Kattu  Marathis. 

Jangam. — It  is  noted,  in  the  Madras  Census  Report, 
1 901,  that  "  strictly  speaking,  a  Jangam  is  a  priest  to  the 
religious  sect  of  Lingayats,  but  the  term  is  frequently 
loosely  applied  to  any  Lingayat,  which  accounts  for  the 
large  numbers  under  this  head  (102,121).  Jangams 
proper  are  said  to  be  of  two  classes,  Pattadikaris,  who 
have  a  definite  head-quarters,  and  Charamurtis,  who  go 
from  village  to  village,  preaching  the  principles  of  the 
Lingayat  sect.  Many  Jangams  are  priests  to  Sudras 
who  are  not  Lingayats,  others  are  merely  religious 
beggars,  and  others  of  them  go  in  for  trade."  In  the 
Census  Report,  1891,  it  is  further  recorded  that  "the 
full  name  is  Jangama  Lingayat,  meaning  those  who 
always  worship  a  moveable  lingam,  in  contradistinction 
to   the   Sthavara  (immoveable)   lingam  of  the  temples. 


451  JANMI 

Only  two  of  the  sub-divisions  returned  are  numerically 
important,  Ganayata  and  Sthavara.  The  sub-division 
Sthavara  is  curious,  for  a  Sthavara  Jangam  is  a  contra- 
distinction in  terms.  This  sub-division  is  found  only 
in  the  two  northern  districts,  and  it  is  possible  that  the 
Jangam  caste,  as  there  found,  is  different  from  the  ordi- 
nary Jangam,  for,  in  the  Vizagapatam  District  Manual, 
the  Jangams  are  said  to  be  tailors."  In  the  Telugu 
country  Lingayats  are  called  Jangalu. 

The    Ganta   Jangams   are    so   called,    because  they 
carry  a  metal  bell  (ganta). 

The  Jangams  are  thus  referred  to  by  Pietro  della 
Valle.*  "  At  Ikkeri  I  saw  certain  Indian  Friars,  whom  in 
their  language  they  call  Giangama,  and  perhaps  are  the 
same  with  the  sages  seen  by  me  elsewhere  ;  but  they 
have  wives,  and  go  with  their  faces  smeared  with  ashes, 
yet  not  naked,  but  clad  in  certain  extravagant  habits,  and 
a  kind  of  hood  or  cowl  upon  their  heads  of  dyed  linen  of 
that  colour  which  is  generally  used  amongst  them, 
namely  a  reddish  brick  colour,  with  many  bracelets  upon 
their  arms  and  legs,  filled  with  something  within  that 
makes  a  jangling  as  they  walk.  I  saw  many  persons 
come  to  kiss  their  feet,  and,  whilst  such  persons  were 
kissing  them,  and,  for  more  reverence,  touching  their 
feet  with  their  foreheads,  these  Giangamas  stood  firm 
with  a  seeming  severity,  and  without  taking  notice  of  it, 
as  if  they  had  been  abstracted  from  the  things  of  the 
world."     {See  Lingayat.) 

Janjapul  (sacred  thread). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Boya. 

Janmi. — Janmi  or  Janmakaran  means  "  proprietor  or 
landlord  ;    the  person  in  whom  the  janman  title  rests. 


*  Travels  into  East  India  and  Arabia  deserla,  1665. 
11-29  B 


JANMI  452 

Janman  denotes  (i)  birth,  birthright,  proprietorship  ;  (2) 
freehold  property,  which  it  was  considered  disgraceful  to 
alienate.  Janmabhogam  is  the  share  in  the  produce  of 
the  land,  which  is  due  to  the  Janmi."  *  In  1 805-1 806, 
the  Collector  of  Malabar  obtained,  for  the  purpose  of 
carrying  out  a  scheme  of  assessment  approved  by 
Government,  a  return  from  all  proprietors  of  the 
seed,  produce,  etc.,  of  all  their  fields.  This  return  is 
usually  known  as  the  Janmi  pymaish  of  981  M.E. 
(Malabar  era).t 

Writing  to  me  concerning  Malabar  at  the  present 
day,  a  correspondent  states  that  "  in  almost  every  taluk 
we  have  jungle  tribes,  who  call  themselves  the  men  of 
Janmis.  In  the  old  days,  vrhen  forests  were  sold,  the 
inhabitants  were  actually  entered  in  the  contract  as  part 
of  the  effects,  as,  in  former  times,  the  landlord  sold  the 
adscripti  or  ascripti  glebes  with  the  land.  Now  that  is 
not  done.  However,  the  relationship  exists  to  the  fol- 
lowing extent,  according  to  what  a  Tahsildar  (native 
magistrate)  tells  me.  The  tribesmen  roam  about  the 
forests  at  will,  and  each  year  select  a  place,  which  has 
lain  fallow  for  five  years  or  more  for  all  kinds  of  culti- 
vation. Sometimes  they  inform  the  Janmis  that  they 
have  done  so,  sometimes  they  do  not.  Then,  at  harvest 
time,  the  Janmi,  or  his  agent,  goes  up  and  takes  his 
share  of  the  produce.  They  never  try  to  deceive  the 
Janmi.  He  is  asked  to  settle  their  disputes,  but  these 
are  rare.  They  never  go  to  law.  The  Janmi  can  call 
on  them  for  labour,  and  they  give  it  willingly.  If  badly 
treated,  as  they  have  been  at  times  by  encroaching 
plainsmen,  they  run  off  to  another  forest,  and  serve 
another  Janmi.     At  the  Onam  festival  they  come  with 


*   Wigram,  Malabar  Law  and  Custom. 

f  Logan,  Manual  of  Malabar,  which  contains  full  details  concerning  Janmis, 


453  JATAPU 

gifts  for  the  Janmi,  who  stands  them  a  feast.  The 
relation  between  the  jungle  folk  and  the  Janmi  shows 
the  instinct  in  a  primitive  people  to  have  a  lord.  There 
seems  to  be  no  gain  in  having  a  Janmi.  His  protection 
is  not  needed,  and  he  is  hardly  ever  called  in  to  interfere. 
If  they  refused  to  pay  the  Janmi  his  dues,  he  would 
find  it  very  hard  to  get  them.  Still  they  keep  him."  In 
the  middle  of  the  last  century,  when  planters  first  began 
to  settle  in  the  Malabar  Wynad,  they  purchased  the 
land  from  the  Janmis  with  the  Paniyans  living  on  it, 
who  were  practically  slaves  of  the  landowners. 

The  hereditary  rights  and  perquisites  claimed,  in  their 
villages,  by  the  astrologer,  carpenter,  goldsmith,  washer- 
man, barber,  etc.,  are  called  Cherujanmam. 

Janni. — The  name  of  the  caste  priests  of  Jatapus. 

Japanese. — At  the  Mysore  census,  1901,  two 
Japanese  were  returned.  They  were  managers  of  the 
silk  farm  instituted  on  Japanese  methods  by  Mr.  Tata 
of  Bombay  in  the  vicinity  of  Bangalore. 

Jat. — A  few  members  of  this  North  Indian  class  of 
Muhammadans,  engaged  in  trade,  have  been  returned  at 
times  of  census  in  Mysore. 

Jatapu. — The  Jatapus  are  defined,  in  the  Madras 
Census  Report,  1901,  as  "a  civilised  section  of  the 
Khonds,  who  speak  Khond  on  the  hills  and  Telugu 
on  the  plains,  and  are  now  practically  a  distinct  caste. 
They  consider  themselves  superior  to  those  Khonds 
who  still  eat  beef  and  snakes,  and  have  taken  to  some 
of  the  ways  of  the  castes  of  the  plains." 

For  the  following  note,  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  C. 
Hayavadana  Rao.  The  name  Jatapu  is  popularly  be- 
lieved to  be  an  abbreviated  form  of  Konda  Jatapu 
Doralu,  or  lords  of  the  Khond  caste.  To  this  caste  the 
old  chiefs  of  the  Palkonda  Zamindari  are  said  to  have 


JAtapu  454 

belonged.     It  is  divided  into  a  number  of  septs,  such, 
for  example,  as  : — 

Thorika  or  Thoyika,  who  revere  the  thorika  kodi, 
a  species  of  wild  fowl. 

Kadrika,  who  revere  another  species  of  fowl. 
Mamdangi,  who  revere  the  bull  or  cow. 
Addc'iku,  who  revere  the  addaku  [Bauhinia  race- 
mosa),  which  is  used  by  low-country  people  for  eating- 
platters. 

Konda  Gorre,  who  revere  a  certain  breed  of  sheep. 
Navalipitta,  who  revere  the  peacock. 
Arika,  who  revere  the  arika  {Paspahmi  scrobicu- 
latuni). 

Other  septs,  recorded  in  the  Census  Report,  1901, 
are  Koalaka  (arrow),  Kutraki  (wild  goat),  and  Vinka 
(white  ant,  Termes). 

Marriage  is  celebrated  either  before  or  after  a  girl 
reaches  puberty.  A  man  may  claim  his  paternal  aunt's 
daughter  as  his  wife.  The  marriage  ceremonies  closely 
resemble  those  of  the  low-country  Telugu  type.  The 
bride-price,  called  voli,  is  a  new  cloth  for  the  bride's 
mother,  rice,  various  kinds  of  grain,  and  liquor.  The  bride 
is  conducted  to  the  house  of  the  bridegroom,  and  a 
feast  is  held.  On  the  following  morning,  the  kallagolla 
sambramam  (toe-nail  cutting)  ceremony  takes  place, 
and,  later  on,  at  an  auspicious  hour,  the  wrist  threads 
(kankanam)  are  tied  on  the  wrists  of  the  contracting 
couple,  and  their  hands  joined  together.  They  then 
bathe,  and  another  feast  is  held.  The  remarriage  of 
widows  is  allowed,  and  a  younger  brother  may  marry 
the  widow  of  his  elder  brother.  Divorce  is  permitted, 
and  divorcees  may  remarry. 

The  dead  are  usually  buried,  but  those  who  die  from 
snake-bite  are  said  to  be  burnt.     Death  pollution  lasts 


455  JATI    PILLAI 

for  three  days,  during  which  the  caste  occupation  of 
cultivating  is  not  carried  on.  An  annual  ceremony  is 
performed  by  each  family  in  honour  of  the  dead.  A 
fowl  or  goat  is  killed,  a  portion  of  the  day's  food  col- 
lected in  a  plate,  and  placed  on  the  roof  of  the  house. 
Once  in  twenty  years  or  so,  all  the  castemen  join 
together,  and  buy  a  pig  or  cow,  which  is  sacrificed  in 
honour  of  the  ancestors. 

The  caste  goddess  is  Jakara  Devata,  who  is  pro- 
pitiated with  sacrifices  of  pigs,  sheep,  and  buffaloes. 
When  the  crop  is  gathered  in,  the  first  fruits  are  offered 
to  her,  and  then  partaken  of. 

The  caste  headman  is  called  Nayudu  or  Samanthi, 
and  he  is  assisted  by  the  Janni,  or  caste  priest, 
who  officiates  at  ceremonials,  and  summons  council 
meetings. 

The  caste  titles  are  Dora,  Naiko,  and  Samanto. 

Jatikirtulu. — Recorded,  in  the  Madras  Census 
Report,  1 90 1,  as  a  class  of  beggars  in  the  Cuddapah 
district.  The  name  means  those  who  praise  the  caste, 
and  may  have  reference  to  the  Bhatrazus. 

Jati  Pillai  (children  of  the  caste). — A  general  name 
for  beggars,  who  are  attached  to  particular  castes,  from 
the  members  of  which  they  receive  alms,  and  at  whose 
ceremonies  they  take  part  by  carrying  flags  in  proces- 
sions, etc.  It  is  their  duty  to  uphold  the  dignity  of  the 
caste  by  reciting  the  story  of  its  origin,  and  singing  its 
praises.  As  examples  of  Jati  Pillais,  the  following  may 
be  cited  : — 

Mailari  attached  to  Komatis. 

Viramushti  attached  to  Beri  Chettis  and  Komatis. 

Nokkan  attached  to  Pallis. 

Mastiga  attached  to  Madigas. 


JAURA  456 

It  is  recorded  by  Mr.  M.  Paupa  Rao  Naidu  *  that 
some  Koravas,  who  go  by  the  name  of  Jatipalli  Kora- 
vas, ''  are  prevalent  in  the  southern  districts  of  the  Madras 
Presidency,  moving  always  in  gangs,  and  giving  much 
trouble.  Their  women  tattoo  in  return  for  grain,  money, 
or  cloths,  and  help  their  men  in  getting  acquainted  with 
the  nature  and  contents  of  the  houses." 

Jaura. — The  Jauras  are  a  small  Oriya  caste,  closely 
allied  to  the  Khoduras,  the  members  of  which  manufac- 
ture lac  (jau)  bangles  and  other  articles.  Lac,  it  may  be 
noted,  is  largely  used  in  India  for  the  manufacture  of 
bangles,  rings,  beads,  and  other  trinkets  worn  as  orna- 
ments by  women  of  the  poorer  classes.  Dhippo  (light) 
and  mohiro  (peacock)  occur  as  common  exogamous 
septs  among  the  Jauras,  and  are  objects  of  reverence. 
The  Jauras  are  mainly  Saivites,  and  Suramangala  and 
Bimmala  are  the  caste  deities.  Titles  used  by  members 
of  the  caste  are  Danse,  Sahu,  Dhov,  and  Mahapatro. 

Javvadi  (civet-cat). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Medara. 

Jelakuppa  (a  fish). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kuruba. 

Jen  (honey). — A  sub-division  of  Kurumba. 

Jenna.— A  title  of  Oriya  castes,  e.g.,  Bolasi  and 
Kalinji. 

Jerribotula  (centipedes). — An  exogamous  sept  of 
Boya. 

Jetti.— A  Telugu  caste  of  professional  wrestlers  and 
gymnasts,  who,  in  the  Telugu  districts,  shampoo  and  rub 
in  ointments  to  cure  nerve  pains  and  other  disorders. 
In  Tanjore,  though  living  in  a  Tamil  environment,  they 
speak  Telugu.  They  wear  the  sacred  thread,  and 
consider  themselves  to  be  of  superior  caste,  never 
descending  to  any  degrading  work.     During  the  days 


*  History  of  Korawars,  Eiukalab,  or  Kaikarics.     Madras,  1905. 


457  JETTI 

of  the  Rajas  of  Tanjore,  they  were  employed  in  guarding 
the  treasury  and  jewel  rooms.  But,  since  the  death  of 
the  late  Raja,  most  of  them  have  emigrated  to  Mysore 
and  other  Native  States,  a  few  only  remaining  in 
Tanjore,  and  residing  in  the  fort. 

The  Jettis,  in  Mysore,  are  said  *  to  have  been  some- 
times employed  as  executioners,  and  to  have  despatched 
their  victim  by  a  twist  of  the  neck.f  Thus,  in  the  last 
war  against  Tipu  Sultan,  General  Matthews  had  his  head 
wrung  from  his  body  by  the  "  tiger  fangs  of  the  Jetties, 
a  set  of  slaves  trained  up  to  gratify  their  master  with 
their  infernal  species  of  dexterity.''^ 

They  are  still  considered  skilful  in  setting  dislocated 
joints.  In  a  note  regarding  them  in  the  early  part  of 
the  last  century,  Wilks  writes  as  follows.  "These 
persons  constitute  a  distinct  caste,  trained  from  their 
infancy  in  daily  exercises  for  the  express  purpose  of 
exhibitions ;  and  perhaps  the  whole  world  does  not 
produce  more  perfect  forms  than  those  which  are 
exhibited  at  these  interesting  but  cruel  sports.  The 
combatants,  clad  in  a  single  garment  of  light  orange- 
coloured  drawers  extending  half-way  down  the  thigh, 
have  their  right  arm  furnished  with  a  weapon,  which,  for 
want  of  a  more  appropriate  term,  we  shall  name  a  caestus, 
although  different  from  the  Roman  instruments  of  that 
name.  It  is  composed  of  buffalo  horn,  fitted  to  the 
hand,  and  pointed  with  four  knobs,  resembling  very 
sharp  knuckles,  and  corresponding  to  their  situation, 
with  a  fifth  of  greater  prominence  at  the  end  nearest  the 
little  finger,  and  at  right  angles  with  the  other  four. 
This  instrument,  properly  placed,  would  enable  a  man 


*  Rice,  Mysore  and  Coorg  Gazetteer. 

t  Narrative  Sketches  of  the  Conquest  of  Mysore,  iSoo. 

t  Wilks'  Historical  Sketches  :  Mysore,  1810-17. 


JETTI  458 

of  ordinary  strength  to  cleave  open  the  head  of  his 
adversary  at  a  blow  ;  but,  the  fingers  being  introduced 
through  the  weapon,  it  is  fastened  across  them  at  an 
equal  distance  between  the  first  and  second  lower  joints, 
in  a  situation,  it  will  be  observed,  which  does  not  admit 
of  attempting  a  severe  blow,  without  the  risk  of  dislocat- 
ing the  first  joints  of  all  the  fingers.  Thus  armed,  and 
adorned  with  garlands  of  flowers,  the  successive  pairs  of 
combatants,  previously  matched  by  the  masters  of  the 
feast,  are  led  into  the  arena  ;  their  names  and  abodes  are 
proclaimed  ;  and,  after  making  their  prostrations,  first 
to  the  Raja  seated  on  his  ivory  throne,  and  then  to  the 
lattices  behind  which  the  ladies  of  the  court  are  seated, 
they  proceed  to  the  combat,  first  divesting  themselves 
of  the  garlands,  and  strewing  the  flowers  gracefully  over 
the  arena.  The  combat  is  a  mixture  of  wrestling  and 
boxing,  if  the  latter  may  be  so  named.  The  head  is  the 
exclusive  object  permitted  to  be  struck.  Before  the  end 
of  the  contest,  both  of  the  combatants  may  frequently  be 
observed  streaming  with  blood  from  the  crown  of  the 
head  down  to  the  sand  of  the  arena.  When  victory 
seems  to  have  declared  itself,  or  the  contest  is  too 
severely  maintained,  the  moderators  in  attendance  on 
the  Raja  make  a  signal  for  its  cessation  by  throwing 
down  turbans  and  robes,  to  be  presented  to  the  combat- 
ants. The  victor  frequently  goes  off  the  arena  in  four 
or  five  somersaults,  to  denote  that  he  retires  fresh  from 
the  contest.  The  Jettis  are  divided  into  five  classes,  and 
the  ordinary  price  of  victory  is  promotion  to  a  higher 
class.  There  are  distinct  rewards  for  the  first  class, 
and  in  their  old  age  they  are  promoted  to  be  masters  of 
the  feast." 

In    an   account  of  sports  held   before  Tipu    Sultan 
at   Seringapatam,    James  Scurry,   who  was  one  of  his 


459  JETTI 

prisoners,  writes  as  follows.*  "  The  getiees  would  be 
sent  for,  who  always  approached  with  their  masters  at 
their  head,  and,  after  prostration,  and  making  their  grand 
salams,  touching  the  ground  each  time,  they  would  be 
paired,  one  school  against  another.  They  had  on  their 
right  hands  the  wood-guamootie  (wajramushtl)  of  four 
steel  talons,  which  were  fixed  to  each  back  joint  of  their 
fingers,  and  had  a  terrific  appearance  when  their  fists 
were  closed.  Their  heads  were  close  shaved,  their 
bodies  oiled,  and  they  wore  only  a  pair  of  short  drawers. 
On  being  matched,  and  the  signal  given  from  Tippu, 
they  begin  the  combat,  always  by  throwing  the  flowers, 
which  they  wear  round  their  necks.  In  each  other's 
faces  ;  watching  an  opportunity  of  striking  with  the 
right  hand,  on  which  they  wore  this  mischievous  weapon 
which  never  failed  lacerating  the  flesh,  and  drawing 
blood  most  copiously.  Some  pairs  would  close 
instantly,  and  no  matter  which  was  under,  for  the 
gripe  was  the  whole  ;  they  were  In  general  taught  to 
suit  their  holds  to  their  opponent's  body,  with  every 
part  of  which,  as  far  as  concerned  them,  they  were 
well  acquainted.  If  one  got  a  hold  against  which  his 
antagonist  could  not  guard,  he  would  be  the  conqueror  ; 
they  would  frequently  break  each  other's  legs  and  arms  ; 
and.  If  anyway  tardy,  Tippu  had  means  of  infusing 
spirit  Into  them,  for  there  were  always  two  stout  fellows 
behind  each,  with  Instruments  in  their  hands  that  would 
soon  put  them  to  work.  They  were  obliged  to  fight 
as  long  as  Tippu  pleased,  unless  completely  crippled, 
and,  if  they  behaved  well,  they  were  generally  rewarded 
with  a  turban  and  shawl,  the  quality  being  according  to 
their  merit." 


*  The  captivity,  sufferings,  and  escape  of  James  Scurry,  1824. 


Jew  460 

The  Jettis  of  Mysore  still  have  in  their  possession 
knuckle-dusters  of  the  type  described  above,  and  take 
part  annually  in  matches  during  the  Dasara  festival.  A 
Jetti  police  constable,  whom  I  saw  at  Channapatna,  had 
wrestled  at  Baroda,  and  at  the  court  of  Nepal,  and 
narrated  to  me  with  pride  how  a  wrestler  came  from 
Madras  to  Bangalore,  and  challenged  any  one  to  a 
match.  A  Jctti  engaged  to  meet  him  in  two  matches 
for  Rs.  500  each,  and,  after  going  in  for  a  short  course  of 
training,  walked  round  him  in  each  encounter,  and  won 
the  money  easily. 

The  Mysore  Jettis  are  said  to  be  called,  in  some 
places,  Mushtigas.  And  some  are  stated  to  use  a  jargon 
called  Mallabasha.* 

Jetti  further  occurs  as  the  name  of  an  exogamous 
sept  of  the  Kavarais. 

Jew.— It  has  been  said  by  a  recent  writer  that  "  there 
is  hardly  a  more  curious,  and  in  some  respects  one 
might  almost  say  a  more  weird  sight  than  the  Jew  town, 
which  lies  beyond  the  British  Settlement  at  Cochin. 
Crossing  over  the  lagoon  from  the  beautiful  little  island 
of  Bolghotty,  where  the  British  Residency  for  the 
Cochin  State  nestles  in  a  bower  of  tropical  vegeta- 
tion, one  lands  amidst  cocoanut  trees,  opposite  to 
one  of  the  old  palaces  of  the  Cochin  Rajahs,  and, 
passing  through  a  native  bazaar  crowded  with  dark- 
skinned  Malayalis,  one  -turns  off  abruptly  into  a  long 
narrow  street,  where  faces  as  white  as  those  of  any 
northern  European  race,  but  Semitic  in  every  feature, 
transport  one  suddenly  in  mind  to  the  Jewish  quarter 
in  Jerusalem,  or  rather  perhaps  to  some  ghetto  in  a 
Polish  city," 


*  Manual  of  the  Bellary  district. 


46 1  JEW 

In  the  preparation  of  the  following  note,  I  have  been 
much  indebted  to  the  Cochin  Census  Report,  1901, 
and  to  a  series  of  articles  published  by  Mr.  Elkan 
N.  Adler  in  the  Jewish  Chronicle.* 

The  circumstances  under  which,  and  the  time  when 
the  Jews  migrated  to  the  Malabar  Coast,  are  wrapped 
in  obscurity.  They  themselves  are  able  to  give  accounts 
of  only  isolated  incidents,  since  whatever  records  they 
had  were  lost  at  the  destruction  by  the  Portuguese  of 
their  original  settlement  at  Cranganur  in  1565,  and  by 
the  destruction  at  a  later  period  of  such  fragments  as 
remained  in  their  possession  in  the  struggle  between 
the  Portuguese  and  the  Dutch,  for  the  Portuguese,  sus- 
pecting that  the  Jews  had  helped  the  Dutch,  plundered 
their  synagogue  in  Cochin. 

It  is  recorded  by  the  Dutch  Governor  Moens  f  that 
"  when  Heer  van  Goens  besieged  Cochin,  the  Jews 
were  quite  eager  to  provide  the  troops  of  the  Dutch 
Company  with  victuals,  and  to  afford  them  all  the 
assistance  they  could,  hoping  that  they  would  enjoy 
under  this  Company  the  greatest  possible  civil  and 
religious  liberty  ;  but,  when  the  above-mentioned  troops 
were  compelled  to  leave  this  coast  before  the  end  of 
the  good  monsoon,  without  having  been  able  to  take 
Cochin,  the  Portuguese  did  not  fail  to  make  the  Jews 
feel  the  terrible  consequences  of  their  revenge.  For, 
no  sooner  had  the  Dutch  retreated,  than  a  detachment 
of  soldiers  was  sent  to  the  Jewish  quarters,  which  were 
pillaged  and  set  fire  to,  whilst  the  inhabitants  fled  to  the 
high-lands,  and  returned  only  after  Cochin  was  taken  by 
the  Dutch. 


*  May  nth,  June  1st  and  29th,  1906. 

t  For  the  translations  from  the  Dutch  I  am  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the 
Rev.  P.  Grote, 


JEW  462 

"  The  Jews,  who  still  hold  that  the  Malabar  Israel- 
ites were  in  possession  of  an  old  copy  of  the  Sepher 
Thora,  say  that  this  copy,  and  all  other  documents, 
got  lost  on  the  occasion  when  the  Portuguese  destroyed 
the  Jewish  quarters,  but  this  is  not  likely.  For,  whereas 
they  had  time  to  save  their  most  valuable  property 
according  to  their  own  testimony,  and  to  take  it  to 
the  mountains,  they  would  not  have  failed  to  take  along 
with  them  these  documents,  which  were  to  them  of 
inestimable  value.  For  it  is  related  that  for  a  new  copy 
of  the  Pentateuch  which  at  that  time  was  in  their 
synagogue  they  had  so  much  respect,  and  took  such 
great  care  of  it,  that  they  even  secured  this  copy, 
and  took  it  along,  and  (when  they  returned)  carried 
it  back  with  great  rejoicing,  as  it  was  done  in  olden 
times  with  the  Ark  of  the  Covenant." 

Writing  in  the  eighteenth  century,  Captain  Hamil- 
ton states  *  that  the  Jews  "  have  a  synagogue  at  Cochin, 
not  far  from  the  King's  Palace,  in  which  are  carefully 
kept  their  Records,  engraven  on  copper  plates  in 
Hebrew  characters  ;  and  when  any  of  the  characters 
decay,  they  are  new  cut,  so  that  they  can  show  their 
own  History  from  the  Reign  of  Nebuchadnezzar  to  this 
present  time.  Myn  Heer  Van  Reeda,  about  the  year 
1695,  had  an  Abstract  of  their  History  translated  from 
the  Hebrew  into  low  Dutch.  They  declare  themselves 
to  be  of  the  Tribe  of  Manasseh,  a  Part  whereof  was,  by 
order  of  that  haughty  Conqueror  Nebuchadnezzar, 
carried  to  the  easternmost  Province  of  his  large  Empire, 
which,  it  seems,  reached  as  far  as  Cape  Comerin,  which 
journey  200,000  of  them  travelled  in  three  years  from 
their  setting  out  of  Babylon." 


*  A  new  account  of  the  East  Indies,  1744. 


463  JEW 

The  elders  of  the  White  Jews  of  Cochin  have  in 
their  possession  a  charter  on  two  copper  plates  in 
Vatteluttu  character,  "the  original  character  which  once 
prevailed  over  nearly  all  the  Tamil  country  and  south- 
west coast,  but  which  has  long  ceased  to  be  used  in  the 
former  place,  and,  in  the  latter,  is  now  only  known  in  a 
later  form,  used  for  drawing  up  documents  by  Hindu 
Rajas."  *  Concerning  this  copper-plate  charter,  Mr. 
Adler  writes  that  "the  white  Jews  say  that  they  have 
always  held  it  ;  the  black  Jews  contend  that  it  was 
originally  theirs.  The  title-deed  is  quaint  in  many 
ways.  It  consists  of  three  strips  of  copper,  one  of 
which  is  blank,  one  etched  on  both  sides,  and  the  third 
on  one  side  only.  The  characters  are  made  legible  by 
being  rubbed  with  whitening.  The  copper  plates  have 
a  round  hole  in  the  corner,  through  which  a  string  was 
passed  to  tie  them  together  under  seal,  but  the  seal 
is  lost.  They  are  now  kept  together  by  a  thin  and 
narrow  copper  band,  which  just  fits." 

Taking  Dr.  Gundert's  t  and  Mr.  Ellis'  I  translation 
of  the  charter  as  guides,  Mr.  Burnell  translates  it  as 
follows  : —  § 

Svasti  Sri. — The  king  of  kings  has  ordered  (T/iis 
is)  the  act  of  grace  ordered  by  His  Majesty  Sri  Parkaran 
Iravi  Vanmar  ||  wielding  the  sceptre  and  reigning  in 
a  hundred  thousand  places,  (m)  the  year  {which  is) 
the  opposite  to  the  second  year,  the  thirty-sixth  year, 
(^on)  the  day  he  designed  to  abide  in   Muyirikkodu.l 


*  A.  C.  Burnell,  Ind.  Ant.  Ill,  1874. 

t  Madras  Journ,  Lit.  Science,  XIII,  Part  I. 

X  Ibid.,  Part  II.  §  Loc.  cit,  \\    Bhaskara-Ravi-Varma. 

H  This  is  explained  in  the  Hebrew  version  by  Cranganore,  and  Muyiri  is, 
no  doubt,  the  original  of  the  Mouziris  of  Ptolemy  and  the  Periplus  of  the  Red 
Sea.  It  is  (according  to  local  tradition)  the  part  where  the  Travancore  lines 
end,  opposite  to  Cranganore  but  across  the  back-water. 


JEW  464 

We  have  g'iven  to  Isuppu  Irabban  *  Ansuvannam  (as 
a  principalityi),  and  seventy-two  proprietary  rights 
{appertainmg  to  the  dignity  of  a  feiidal  lord)  also 
tribute  by  reverence  (?)  and  offerings,  and  the  profits 
of  Ansuvannam,  and  day-lamps,  and  broad  garments 
(as  opposed  to  the  cnstoju  of  Malabar\  and  palankins, 
and  umbrellas,  and  large  drums,  and  trumpets,  and  small 
drums  and  garlands,  and  garlands  across  streets,  etc., 
and  the  like,  and  seventy-two  free  houses.  Moreover, 
wc  have  granted  by  this  document  on  copper  that  he 
shall  not  pay  the  taxes  paid  by  the  houses  of  the  city 
into  the  royal  treasury,  and  the  {above-said)  privileges 
to  hold  (them).  To  Isuppu  Irabban,  prince  of  Ansu- 
vannam, and  to  his  descendants,  his  sons  and  daughters, 
and  to  his  nephews,  and  to  (the  nephews)  of  his 
daughters  in  natural  succession,  Ansuvannam  (is)  an 
hereditary  estate,  as  long  as  the  world  and  moon  exist. 
Sri.     The  charter  is  witnessed  by  various  local  chiefs. 

A  somewhat  different  reading  is  given  by  Dr.  G. 
Oppert  t  who  renders  the  translation  as  follows  : — 

"  Hail  and  happiness  !  The  King  of  Kings,  His 
Holiness  Sri  Bhaskara  Ravi  Varma,  who  wields  the 
sceptre  in  many  hundred  thousand  places,  has  made 
this  decree  on  the  day  that  he  was  pleased  to  dwell 
in  Muyirikodu  in  the  thirty-sixth  year  of  his  reign. 
We  have  granted  unto  Joseph  Rabban  Anjavannan 
the  [dignity  of]  Prince,  with  all  the  seventy-two  rights 
of  ownership.  He  shall  [enjoy]  the  revenues  from 
female  elephants  and  riding  animals,  and  the  income 
of  Anjavannan.  He  is  entitled  to  be  honoured  by 
lamps  by  day,  and  to  use  broad-cloth  and  sedan  chairs, 


*  I.e.,  Vusuf  Rabban, 

t  Ueber  die    Jiidischen  Colonien   in    Indian.     Kohut    Memorial    Volume, 
Semitic  Studies,  Berlin,  1897. 


4^5  JEW 

and  the  umbrella  and  the  drums  of  the  north  and 
trumpets,  and  little  drums,  and  gates,  and  garlands 
over  the  streets,  and  wreaths,  and  so  on.  We  have 
granted  unto  him  the  land  tax  and  weight  tax.  More- 
over, we  have  by  these  copper  tablets  sanctioned  that, 
when  the  houses  of  the  city  have  to  pay  taxes  to  the 
palace,  he  need  not  pay,  and  he  shall  enjoy  other 
privileges  like  unto  these.  To  Joseph  Rabban,  the 
prince  of  Anjavannam,  and  to  his  descendants,  and  to 
his  sons  and  daughters,  and  to  the  nephews  and 
sons-in-law  of  his  daughters,  in  natural  succession,  so 
long  as  the  world  and  moon  exist,  Anjuvannam  shall 
be  his  hereditary  possession."  It  is  suggested  by  Dr. 
Oppert  that  Anjuvannam  is  identical  with  the  fifth  or 
foreign  caste. 

Dr.  E.  Hultzsch,  the  latest  authority  on  the  subject 
of  the  copper  plates,  gives  the  following  translation:* 
"  Hail  !  Prosperity  !  (The  following)  gift  (prasada)  was 
graciously  made  by  him  who  had  assumed  the  title 
'  King  of  Kings'  (Kogon),  His  Majesty  (tiruvadi)  the 
King  (ko),  the  glorious  Bhaskara  Ravivarman,  in  the 
time  during  which  (he)  was  wielding  the  sceptre  and 
ruling  over  many  hundred  thousands  of  places,  in  the 
thirty-sixth  year  after  the  second  year,  on  the  day  on 
which  (he)  was  pleased  to  stay  at  Muyirikkodu.  We 
have  given  to  Issuppu  Irappan  (the  village  of)  Anjuvan- 
nam, together  with  the  seventy-two  proprietary  rights 
(viz.),  the  tolls  on  female  elephants  and  other  riding- 
animals,  the  revenue  of  Anjuvannam,  a  lamp  in  day-time, 
a  cloth  spread  (in  front  to  walk  on),  a  palanquin,  a 
parasol,  a  Yaduga  [i.e.,  Telugu  ?)  drum,  a  large  trumpet, 
a  gateway,  an  arch,  a  canopy  (in  the  shape)  of  an  arch. 


*  Epigraphia  Indica,  III,   1S94-95, 
11-30 


JEW  466 

a  garland,  and  so  forth.  We  have  remitted  tolls  and  the 
tax  on  balances.  Moreover,  we  have  granted  with 
(these)  copper-leaves  that  he  need  not  pay  (the  dues) 
which  the  (other)  inhabitants  of  the  city  pay  to  the  royal 
palace  (koyil),  and  that  (he)  may  enjoy  (the  benefits) 
which  (they)  enjoy.  To  Issuppu  Irappan  of  Anjuvannam, 
to  the  male  children  and  to  the  female  children  born  of 
him,  to  his  nephews,  and  to  the  sons-in-law  who  have 
married  (his)  daughters  (we  have  given)  Anjuvannam 
(as)  an  hereditary  estate  for  as  long  as  the  world  and  the 
moon  shall  exist.  Hail !  Thus  do  I  know,  Govardhana- 
Martandan  of  Venadu.  Thus  do  I  know,  Kodai 
Srikanthan  of  Venapalinadu.  Thus  do  I  know,  Mana- 
vepala-Manavyan  of  Eralanadu.  Thus  do  I  know, 
Irayiram  of  Valluvanadu.  Thus  do  I  know,  Kodai  Ravi 
of  Nedumpuraiyurnadu.  Thus  do  I  know,  Murkham 
Sattan,  who  holds  the  office  of  sub-commander  of  the 
forces.  The  writing  of  the  Under-Secretary  Van — 
Talaiseri — Gandan  Kunrappolan." 

"The  date  of  the  inscription,"  Dr.  Hultzsch  adds, 
"  was  the  thirty-sixth  year  opposite  to  the  second  year. 
As  I  have  shown  on  a  previous  occasion,*  the  meaning 
of  this  mysterious  phrase  is  probably  '  the  thirty-sixth 
year  (of  the  king's  coronation,  which  took  place)  after  the 
second  year  (of  the  king's  yauvarajya).'  The  inscription 
records  a  grant  which  the  king  made  to  Issuppu  Irappan, 
i.e.,  Joseph  Rabban.  The  occurrence  of  this  Semitic 
name,  combined  with  the  two  facts  that  the  plates  are 
still  with  the  Cochin  Jews,  and  that  the  latter  possess  a 
Hebrew  translation  of  the  document,  proves  that  the 
donee  was  a  member  of  the  ancient  Jewish  colony  on 
the  western  coast.     The  grant  was  made  at  MuriyikkSdu. 

•  Ind.  Ant.,  XX,  1891. 


467  JEW 

The  Hebrew  translation  identifies  this  place  with 
KodunnallQr  (Cranganore),  where  the  Jewish  colonists 
resided,  until  the  bad  treatment  which  they  received 
at  the  hands  of  the  Portuguese  induced  them  to  settle 
near  Cochin.  The  object  of  the  grant  was  Anjuvannam. 
This  word  means  'the  five  castes,'  and  may  have  the 
designation  of  that  quarter  of  Cranganore,  in  which  the 
five  classes  of  Artisans — Ain-Kammalar,  as  they  are  called 
in  the  smaller  Kottayam  grant — resided." 

In  a  note  on  the  Kottayam  plate  of  Vira  Raghava, 
which  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Syrian  Christians,  Rai 
Bahadur  V.  Venkayya  writes  as  follows.*  "  Vira- 
Raghava  conferred  the  title  of  Manigramam  on  the 
merchant  Iravikkorran.  Similarly  Anjuvannam  was  be- 
stowed by  the  Cochin  plates  on  the  Jew  Joseph  Rabban. 
The  old  Malayalam  work  Payyanur  Pattola,  which  Dr. 
Gundert  considered  the  oldest  specimen  of  Malayalam 
composition,  refers  to  Anjuvannam  and  Manigramam. 
The  context  in  which  the  two  names  occur  in  this  work 
implies  that  they  were  trading  institutions.  In  the 
Kottayam  plates  of  Sthanu  Ravi,  both  Anjuvannam  and 
Manigramam  are  frequently  mentioned.  Both  of  them 
were  appointed  along  with  the  six  hundred  to  be  '  the 
protectors  '  of  the  grant.  They  were  *  to  preserve 
the  proceeds  of  the  customs  duty  as  they  were  collected 
day  by  day, '  and  '  to  receive  the  landlord's  portion  of 
the  rent  on  land.  If  any  injustice  be  done  to  them,  they 
may  withhold  the  customs  and  the  tax  on  balances,  and 
remedy  themselves  the  injury  done  to  them.  Should 
they  themselves  commit  a  crime,  they  are  themselves 
to  have  the  investigation  of  it.'  To  Anjuvannam  and 
Manigramam  was  granted  the  freehold  of  the  lands  of 


*  Epigraphia  Indica,  IV,  1896-97. 
11-30  B 


JEW  468 

the  town  (of  Kollam?).  From  these  extracts,  and  from 
the  reference  in  the  Payyanur  Pattola,  it  appears  that 
Anjuvannam  and  Manigramam  were  semi-independent 
trading  corporations.  The  epithet  Setti  (merchant) 
given  to  Ravikkorran,  the  trade  rights  granted  to  him, 
and  the  sources  of  revenue  thrown  open  to  him  as  head 
of  Manigramami,  confirm  the  view  that  the  latter  was  a 
trading  corporation.  There  is  nothing  either  in  the 
Cochin  grant,  or  in  the  subjoined  inscription  to  show 
that  Anjuvannam  and  Manigramam  were,  as  beheved  by 
Dr.  Gundert  and  others,  Jewish  and  Christian  princi- 
palities, respectively.  It  was  supposed  by  Dr.  Burnell 
that  the  plate  of  Vira-Raghava  created  the  principality 
of  Manigramam,  and  the  Cochin  plates  that  of  Anjuvan- 
nam, and  that,  consequently,  the  existence  of  these  two 
grants  is  presupposed  by  the  plates  of  Sthanu  Ravi, 
which  mention  both  Anjuvannam  and  Manigramam  very 
often.  The  Cochin  plates  did  not  create  Anjuvannam, 
but  conferred  the  honours  and  privileges  connected 
therewith  to  a  Jew  named  Joseph  Rabban.  Similarly, 
the  rights  and  honours  associated  with  the  other 
corporation,  Manigramam,  was  bestowed  at  a  later 
period  on  Ravikkorran.  Therefore,  Anjuvannam  and 
Manigramam  must  have  existed  as  institutions  even 
before  the  earliest  of  these  three  copper-plates  was 
issued.  It  is  just  possible  that  Ravikkorran  was  a 
Christian  by  religion.  But  his  name  and  title  give 
no  clue  in  this  direction,  and  there  is  nothing  Christian 
in  the  document,  except  its  possession  by  the  present 
owners." 

It  is  recorded  by  Mr.   Francis  Day*  that  Governor 
Moens  obtained  three  different  translations  of  the  plates, 


*  The  Land  of  the  Permauls,  or  Cochin,  its  past  and  its  present,  1S63, 


469  JEW 

and  gave  as  the  most  correct  version  one,  in  which 
the  following  words  occur  : — "  We,  Erawi,  Wanwara, 
Emperor  of  Malabar  ....  give  this  deed  of 
rights  to  the  good  Joseph  Rabban,  that  he  may  use  the 
five  colours,  spread  his  religion  among  the  five  castes." 
Mr.  Burnell,  however,  notes  that  Dr.  Gundert  has  ascer- 
tained beyond  doubt  that  Anjuvannan  (literally  five 
colours)  does  not  mean  some  privilege,  but  is  the  name 
of  a  place. 

Concerning  the  copper-plates,  Governor  Moens 
writes  thus.  "  The  following  translation  is  by  the 
Jewish  merchant  Ezechiel  Rabby,  who  was  an  earnest 
explorer  of  anything  that  had  any  connection  with  his 
nation.  After  this  I  will  give  another  translation,  which 
I  got  from  our  second  interpreter  Barend  Deventer,  who 
was  assisted  by  an  old  and  literary  inhabitant  of  Malabar  ; 
and  lastly  I  will  add  a  third  one,  which  I  obtained  from 
our  first  interpreter  Simon  of  Tongeren,  assisted  by  a 
heathen  scribe  of  Calicut,  in  order  thus  not  to  allow  the 
Jews  to  be  the  judges  in  their  own  affair,  but  rather 
to  enable  the  reader  to  judge  for  himself  in  this  doubtful 
matter.     The  first  translation  runs  thus  : — 

"  By  the  help  of  God,  who  created  the  universe 
and  appoints  the  kings,  and  whom  I  honour,  I,  Erawi 
Wanwara,  Emperor  of  Malabar,  grant  in  the  36th  year 
of  our  happy  reign  at  the  court  of  Moydiricotta — alias 
Cranganore — this  Act  of  Privileges  to  the  Jew  Josep 
Rabaan,  viz.,  that  he  may  make  use  of  the  five  colours, 
spread  his  religion  among  the  five  castes  or  dynasties, 
fire  salutes  on  all  solemnities,  ride  on  elephants  and 
horses,  hold  stately  processions,  make  use  of  cries  of 
honour,  and  in  the  day-time  of  torches,  different  musical 
instruments,  besides  a  big  drum  ;  that  he  may  walk  on 
roads  spread  with  white  linen,  hold  tournaments  with 


JEW  -  470 

sticks,  and  sit  under  a  stately  curtain.  These  privileges 
we  give  to  Josep  Rabaan  and  to  the  72  households, 
provided  that  the  others  of  this  nation  must  obey  the 
orders  of  his  and  their  descendants  so  long  as  the 
sun  shall  shine  on  the  earth.  This  Act  is  granted  in 
the  presence  of  the  Kings  of  Trevancore,  Tekkenkore, 
Baddenkenkore,  Calicoilan,  Aringut,  Sammoryn,  Palcat- 
chery,  and  Colastry  ;  written  by  the  secretary  Calembi 
Kelapen  in  the  year  3481  Kalijogam. 

"  '  The  second  translation  differs  in  important 
statements  from  the  first,  and  would  deserve  more 
attention  when  neutral  people  of  Malabar  could  be  found, 
who  could  testify  to  the  credibility  of  the  same ;  but, 
notwithstanding  the  trouble  I  have  taken  to  find  such 
persons,  it  has  been  hitherto  in  vain.  The  second 
translation  runs  thus  : — 

"  '  In  the  quiet  and  happy  time  of  our  reign,  we, 
Erawi  Wanwara,  imitator  of  (successor  to  ?)  the  sceptres, 
which  for  many  hundreds  of  thousands  of  years  have 
reigned  in  justice  and  righteousness,  the  glorious  foot- 
steps of  whom  we  follow,  now  in  the  second  year  of  our 
reign,  being  the  36th  year  of  our  residence  in  the  town 
of  Moydiricotta,  grant  hereby,  on  the  obtained  good 
testimony  of  the  great  experience  of  Joseph  Rabaan, 
that  the  said  person  is  allowed  to  wear  long  dresses  of 
five  colours,  that  he  may  use  carriages  together  with  their 
appurtenances,  and  fans  which  are  used  by  the  nobility. 
He  shall  have  precedence  to  the  five  castes,  be  allowed 
to  burn  day-lamps,  to  walk  on  spread  out  linen,  to  make 
use  of  palanquins,  Payeng  umbrellas,  large  bent  trum- 
pets, drums,  staff,  and  covered  seats.  We  give  him 
charge  over  the  72  families  and  their  temples,  which  are 
found  both  here  and  elsewhere,  and  we  renounce  our 
rights  on  all  taxes  and  duties  on  both  houses.     He  shall 


471  JEW 

everywhere  be  allowed  to  have  lodgings.  All  these 
privileges  and  prerogatives,  explained  in  this  charter, 
we  grant  to  Joseph  Rabaan  head  of  the  five  castes,  and 
to  his  heirs,  sons,  daughters,  children's  children,  the  sons- 
in-law  married  to  the  daughters,  together  with  their 
descendants,  as  long  as  the  sun  and  moon  shall  shine  ; 
and  we  grant  him  also  all  power  over  the  five  castes,  as 
long  as  the  names  of  their  descendants  shall  last.  Wit- 
nesses hereof  are  the  Head  of  the  country  of  Wenaddo 
named  Comaraten  Matandden  ;  the  head  of  the  country 
of  Wenaaodea  named  Codei  Cheri-canden  ;  the  Head  of 
the  country  of  Erala  named  Mana  Bepalamaan  ;  the  Head 
of  the  country  W'alonaddo  named  Trawaren  Chaten  ;  the 
Head  of  the  country  Neduwalur  named  Codei  Trawi  ; 
besides  the  first  of  the  lesser  rulers  of  territories  of  the 
part  of  Cusupady  Pawagan,  namely  the  heir  of  Murkom 
Chaten  named  Kelokandan  ;  written  by  the  secretary 
named  Gunawendda  Wanasen  Nayr,  Kisapa  Kelapa ; 
signed  by  the  Emperor. 

"  '  The  third  translation  runs  as  follows  : — 

'"  In  the  name  of  the  Most  High  God,  who 
created  the  whole  world  after  His  own  pleasure,  and  main- 
tains justice  and  righteousness,  I,  Erwij  Barman,  raise 
my  hands,  and  thank  His  Majesty  for  his  grace  and  bless- 
ing bestowed  on  my  reign  in  Cranganore,  when  residing 
in  the  fortress  of  Muricotta.  I  have  granted  for  good 
reasons  to  my  minister  Joseph  Raban  the  following 
privileges  ;  that  he  may  wear  five  coloured  cloths,  long 
dresses,  and  hang  on  the  shoulders  certain  cloths  ;  that 
they  may  cheer  together,  make  use  of  drums  and  tam- 
bourines, burn  lights  during  the  day,  spread  cloths  on 
the  roads,  use  palanquins,  umbrellas,  trumpet  torches, 
burning  torches,  sit  under  a  throne  (?),  and  act  as  Head 
of  all  the  Jews  numbering  seventy -two  houses^  who  will 


JEW  472 

have  to  pay  him  the  tolls  and  taxes  of  the  country,  no 
matter  in  what  part  of  the  country  they  are  living  ;  these 
privileges  I  give  to  Joseph  Raban  and  his  descendants, 
be  they  males  or  females,  as  long  as  any  one  of  them 
is  alive,  and  the  sun  and  moon  shine  on  the  earth  ;  for 
this  reason  I  have  the  same  engraved  on  a  copper-plate 
as  an  everlasting  remembrance.  Witnesses  are  the 
Kings  of  Travancore,  Berkenkore,  Samniorin,  Arangolla, 
Palcatchery,  Collastry,  and  Corambenaddo  ;  written  by 
the  secretary  Kellapen. 

"  '  The  aforesaid  copper-plate  is  written  in  the  old 
broken  Northern  Tamil  language,  but  with  different  kinds 
of  characters,  viz.,  Sanskrit  and  Tamil,  and  is  now  read 
and  translated  by  a  heathen  scribe  named  Callutil  Atsja, 
who  was  born  at  Calicut,  and  who,  during  the  war,  fled 
from  that  place,  and  stays  at  present  on  the  hills. 

"  '  When  these  translations  are  compared  with  one 
another,  it  will  be  observed  at  once  that,  in  the  first,  the 
privileges  are  granted  to  the  Jew  Joseph  Rabban,  and 
to  the  72  Jewish  families,  whereas,  in  the  second,  no 
trace  is  found  of  the  word  Jew  ;  and  Joseph  Rabban  is, 
in  the  third,  not  called  a  Jew,  but  the  minister  of  the 
king,  although  he  may  be  taken  for  a  Jew  from  the 
context  in  the  course  of  the  translation,  for  he  is  there 
appointed  as  Head  of  all  the  other  Jews  to  the  member  of 
'/2  houses.  It  is  equally  certain  that  the  name  of  Rabaan 
is  not  exclusively  proper  to  the  Jews  only.  Further- 
more, the  first  and  last  translations  grant  the  above- 
mentioned  privileges  not  only  to  Joseph  Rabaan,  but  also 
to  the  72  Jewish  families,  whereas,  according  to  the 
second  translation,  the  same  are  given  to  Joseph  Rabaan, 
his  family  and  offspring  only.  The  second  translation, 
besides,  does  not  at  all  mention  the  freedom  granted, 
and  the  consent  to  spread  the  Jewish  religion  among 


473  JEW 

the  five  castes.  Thus,  it  is  obvious  that  these  three 
translations  do  not  agree,  that  the  first  and  third 
coincide  more  with  each  other  than  they  do  with  the 
second  ;  that,  for  that  reason,  the  first  and  last  trans- 
lations deserve  more  to  be  believed  than  the  second, 
which  stands  alone  ;  but  that  this,  for  that  very  reason, 
does  not  prove  what  it,  properly  speaking,  ought  to 
prove,  and,  whereas  I  am  not  acquainted  with  the 
Malabar  language,  I  prefer  to  refrain  from  giving  my 
opinion  on  the  subject.  For  hitherto  1  have  been  unable 
to  come  across,  either  among  the  people  of  Malabar 
and  Canara,  or  among  the  literary  priests  and  natives, 
any  one  who  was  clever  enough  to  translate  these  old 
characters  for  the  fourth  time,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  I  had  sent  a  copy  of  these  characters  to  the  north 
and  south  of  Cochin,  in  order  to  have  them  deciphered. 
"  '  The  witnesses  who  were  present  at  the  granting 
of  this  charter  differ  also.  The  first  and  third  transla- 
tions, however,  seem  also  to  concur  more  with  each 
other  than  with  the  second  one.  But  the  discrepancy  of 
the  second  translation  lies  in  this,  that  in  it  not  the 
personal  names  of  the  witnesses  are  recorded,  but  only 
their  offices  or  dignities,  in  which  they  officiated  at  that 
time  ;  whereas  the  mistake  in  the  first  and  third  transla- 
tions consists  herein,  that  the  witnesses  are  called  kings, 
and  more  so  of  those  places  by  which  names  these  places 
were  called  some  time  after  and  subsequently  when 
times  had  changed,  and  by  which  names  they  are  still 
known.  The  second  translation,  however,  calls  them 
merely  heads  of  the  countries,  in  the  same  manner  as 
they  were  known  at  the  time  of  the  Emperor,  when 
these  heads  were  not  as  yet  kings,  because  these  heads 
bore  the  title  of  king  and  ruler  only  after  the  well-known 
division  of  the  Malabar  Empire  into  four  chief  kingdoms, 


JEW  474 

and  several  smaller  kingdoms  and  principalities.  It  must 
be  admitted,  however,  that  the  head  of  the  country  of 
Cochin  is,  in  the  first  and  third  translations,  not  mentioned 
by  that  name,  although  the  kingdom  of  Cochin  is  in 
reality  one  of  the  four  chief  kingdoms  of  Malabar.  I 
add  this  here  for  elucidation,  in  order  that  one  should 
not  wonder,  when  reading  this  charter,  that  inferior  heads 
of  countries  and  districts  of  the  Malabar  Empire  could 
be  called  kings,  because  the  Empire  being  at  that  time 
not  as  yet  divided,  they  were  not  kings.  It  seems, 
therefore,  to  have  been  a  free  translation,  of  which  the 
translators  of  the  first  and  third  translations  have  made 
use,  and  which  has  been  pointed  out  in  the  second 
translation. 

"  '  The  other  statements  of  this  charter,  especially 
the  authority  over  the  five  castes,  must  be  explained 
according  to  the  ancient  times,  customs,  and  habits  of 
the  people  of  Malabar,  and  need  not  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration here.  Whether  this  charter  has  in  reality 
been  granted  to  the  Jews  or  not,  it  is  certain  that  not 
at  any  time  has  a  Jew  had  great  authority  over  his 
co-religionists,  and  still  less  over  the  so-called  five  castes. 
Moreover,  the  property  of  the  Jews  has  never  been  free 
from  taxes,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  kings  to 
whom  they  were  subject  appointed  as  a  rule  as  heads  of 
the  Jews  men  of  their  own  nationality.  They  were 
known  by  the  name  of  Moodiliars,  who  had  no  other 
authority  than  to  dispose  of  small  civil  disputes,  and  to 
impose  small  fines  of  money. 

"  '  There  is,  however,  a  peculiarity,  which  deserves 
to  be  mentioned.  Although,  in  the  charter,  some  pri- 
vileges are  granted,  which  were  also  given  to  other 
people,  yet  to  no  one  was  it  ever  permitted  to  fire  three 
salutes  at  the  break  of  day,  or  on  the  day  of  a  marriage 


475  JEW 

feast  of  one  who  entered  upon  the  marriage  state,  without 
a  previous  request  and  special  permission.  This  was 
always  reserved,  even  to  the  present  day,  to  the  kings  of 
Cochin  only.  Yet  up  to  now  it  was  always  allowed  to 
the  Jews  without  asking  first.  And  it  is  known  that  the 
native  kings  do  not  easily  allow  another  to  share  in 
outward  ceremonies,  which  they  reserve  for  themselves. 
If,  therefore,  the  Jews  would  have  arrogated  to  themselves 
this  privilege  without  high  authority,  the  kings  of  Cochin 
would  put  a  stop  to  this  privilege  of  this  nation,  whose 
residences  are  situated  next  to  the  Cochin  palace,  but 
for  this  reason,  I  suppose,  dare  not  do  so.'  " 

Various  authorities  have  attempted  to  fix  approxi- 
mately the  date  of  the  copper-plate  charter.  Mr.  Burnell 
gives  700  A.D.  as  its  probable  date.  The  Rev.  G. 
Milne  Rae,  accepting  the  date  as  fixed  by  Mr.  Burnell, 
argues  that  the  Jews  must  have  received  the  grant  a 
few  generations  after  the  settlement,  and  draws  the 
conclusion  that  they  might  have  settled  in  the  country 
some  time  about  the  sixth  century  A.D.  Dr.  J.  Wilson, 
in  a  lecture*  on  the  Beni- Israels  of  Bombay,  adopts 
the  sixth  century  of  the  Christian  era  as  the  proba- 
ble date  of  the  arrival  of  the  Beni-Israels  in  Bombay, 
about  which  time  also,  he  is  inclined  to  think,  the  Cochin 
Jews  came  to  India,  for  their  first  copper-plate  charter 
seems  to  belong  to  this  period.  There  is  no  tradi- 
tion among  the  Jews  of  Cochin  that  they  and  the  Beni- 
Israels  emigrated  to  the  shores  of  India  from  the  same 
spot  or  at  the  same  time,  and  the  absence  of  any  social 
intercourse  between  the  Beni-Israels  and  the  Cochin 
Jews  seems  to  go  against  this  theory.  In  one  of 
the  translations  of  the  charter  obtained  by  the  Dutch 


*  Ind.  Ant.,  Ill,  1874- 


JEW  476 

Governor  Moens,  the  following  words  appear  :  "  Writ- 
ten by  the  Secretary  Calembi  Kelapoor,  in  the  year 
3481  of  the  Kali-yuga  (i.e.,  379  A.D.)."  This  date  does 
not  appear,  however,  in  the  translations  of  Gundert, 
Ellis,  Burncll  and  Oppcrt.  The  charter  was  given  in 
the  thirty-sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  the  donor  Bhaskara 
Ravi  Varma.  And,  as  all,  except  the  last  of  the  foreign 
Viceroys  of  Kerala,  are  said  to  have  been  elected  for 
twelve  years  only,  Cheruman  Perumal,  reputed  to  be  the 
last  of  Peruniclls,  who  under  exceptional  circumstances 
had  his  term  extended,  according  to  Malabar  tradition,  to 
thirty-six  years,  may  be  identical  with  Bhaskara  Ravi 
Varma,  who,  Mr.  Day  says,  reigned  till  t^j^  A.D.  Mr. 
C.  M.  Whish  gives  a  still  earlier  date,  for  he  fixes  231 
A.D.  as  the  probable  date  of  the  grant.  In  connection 
with  the  claim  to  the  antiquity  of  the  settlement  of  the 
Jews  in  Malabar,  it  is  set  forth  in  the  Cochin  Census 
Report  that  they  "  are  supposed  to  have  first  come  in 
contact  with  a  Dravidian  people  as  early  as  the  time  of 
Solomon  about  B.C.  1000,  for  '  philology  proves  that  the 
precious  cargoes  of  Solomon's  merchant  ships  came 
from  the  ancient  coast  of  Malabar.'  It  is  possible  that 
such  visits  were  frequent  enough  in  the  years  that 
followed.  But  the  actual  settlement  of  the  Jews  on  the 
Malabar  coast  might  not  have  taken  place  until  long 
afterwards.  Mr.  Logan,  in  the  Manual  of  Malabar, 
writes  that  'the  Jews  have  traditions,  which  carry  back 
their  arrival  on  the  coast  to  the  time  of  their  escape 
from  servitude  under  Cyrus  in  the  sixth  century  B.C.,' 
and  the  same  fact  is  referred  to  by  Sir  W.  Hunter  in  his 
'History  of  British  India.'  This  eminent  historian, 
in  his  '  Indian  Empire'  speaks  of  Jewish  settlements  in 
Malabar  long  before  the  second  century  A.D.  A  Roman 
merchant  ship,  that  sailed  regularly  from  Myos  Hormuz 


477  JEW 

on  the  Red  Sea  to  Arabia,  Ceylon,  and  Malabar,  is 
reported  to  have  found  a  Jewish  colony  in  Malabar 
in  the  second  century  A.D.  In  regard  to  the  settlement 
of  the  Jews  in  Malabar,  Mr.  Whish  observes  that  'the 
Jews  themselves  say  that  Mar  Thomas,  the  apostle, 
arrived  in  India  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  52,  and  them- 
selves, the  Jews,  in  the  year  69.'  In  view  of  the 
commercial  intercourse  between  the  Jews  and  the  people 
of  the  Malabar  coast  long  before  the  Christian  era,  it 
seems  highly  probable  that  Christianity  but  followed  in 
the  wake  of  Judaism.  The  above  facts  seem  to  justify 
the  conclusion  that  the  Jews  must  have  settled  in 
Malabar  at  least  as  early  as  the  first  century  A.D." 

At  Cochin  the  Jews  enjoyed  full  privileges  of  citizen- 
ship, and  were  able  to  preserve  the  best  part  of  their 
religious  and  civil  liberty,  and  to  remain  here  for 
centuries  unseen,  unknown,  and  unsearched  by  their 
persecutors.  But,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  they  fell  vic- 
tims by  turns  to  the  oppression  of  fanatical  Moors  and 
over-zealous  Christians.  "  In  1524,  the  Mahomedans 
made  an  onslaught  on  the  Cranganur  Jews,  slew  a 
great  number,  and  drove  out  the  rest  to  a  village  to  the 
east ;  but,  when  they  attacked  the  Christians,  the  Nayars 
of  the  place  retaliated,  and  in  turn  drove  all  the  Maho- 
medans out  of  Cranganur.  The  Portuguese  enlarged 
and  strengthened  their  Cranganur  fort,  and  compelled 
the  Jews  finally  to  desert  their  ancient  settlement  of 
Anjuvannam."  Thus,  with  the  appearance  of  a  powerful 
Christian  nation  on  the  scene,  the  Jews  experienced  the 
terrors  of  a  new  exile  and  a  new  dispersion,  the  desola- 
tion of  Cranganur  being  likened  by  them  to  the  desolation 
of  Jerusalem  in  miniature.  Some  of  them  were  driven 
to  villages  adjoining  their  ruined  principality,  while 
others   seem   to    have    taken    shelter    in    Cochin    and 


JEW  478 

Ernakulam.  "  Cranganore,"  Mr.  Adler  writes,  "was 
captured  by  the  Mahomedan  Sheikh  or  Zamorin  in 
1524,  and  razed  to  the  ground.  The  Rajah  Daniel 
seems  to  have  previously  sent  his  brother  David  to 
Europe  to  negociate  with  the  Pope  and  the  Portuguese  for 
an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  against  the  Zamorin. 
Anyhow,  a  mysterious  stranger,  who  called  himself 
David  Rubbeni,  appeared  in  Rome  in  March,  1524,  and, 
producing  credentials  from  the  Portuguese  authorities 
in  India  and  Egypt,  was  received  with  much  honour  by 
the  Pope,  King  John  of  Portugal,  and  the  Emperor 
Charles  the  Fifth  in  turn.  After  some  years  he  fell 
a  victim  to  the  inquisition,  but  his  failure  and  non-return 
to  India  are  more  easily  explained  by  the  fact  that 
he  was  too  late,  and  that  the  State  he  represented 
was  no  longer  existent,  than  by  the  cheap  assumption 
of  all  our  historians,  including  Graetz,  that  he  was  an 
impostor  with  a  cock-and-bull  story.  Whether  the 
famous  diary  of  David  Rubbeni  is  genuine  or  not  is  less 
certain.  But  I  have  elsewhere  sought  to  re-establish 
this  long-discredited  ambassador,  and  here  limit  myself 
to  drawing  attention  to  his  name,  which  seems  to  have 
been  David  Rabbani.  To  this  day  David  is  one  of  the 
commonest  names  among  the  Cochin  Jews,  as  well 
as  the  B'nei  Israel,  and  Rabbani  is  the  name  of  the 
ruling  family  under  the  copper  grant.  Its  alteration 
into  Rubeni  was  due  to  sixteenth  century  interest  in  the 
lost  ten  tribes,  and  a  consequent  desire  of  identifying 
the  Royal  family  as  sprung  from  Reuben,  the  first-born 
of  Israel.  Reuben,  too,  is  a  favourite  name  among  the 
B'nei  Israel.  With  the  destruction  of  their  capital,  the 
Jews  left  and  migrated,  though  to  no  great  distance. 
Within  20  miles  south  of  Cranganore  are  four  other 
places,  all  on  the  Cochin  back-water,  where  the  Black 


479  J  EW 

Jews  still  have  synagogues.  Parur,  Chennan  Manga- 
1am,  and  Mala  have  each  one  synagogue,  Ernakulam 
has  two,  and  Cochin  three,  of  which  one  belongs  to 
the  White  Jews.  The  Parur  Jews  have  also  the  ruins 
of  another  synagogue  marked  by  a  Ner  Tamid,  which 
they  say  existed  400  years  ago,  when  there  were 
eighteen  Bote  Midrash  (schools)  and  500  Jewish  houses. 
This  tradition  further  confirms  the  importance  of 
Cranganore  before  1524.  With  the  advent  of  the 
Dutch,  better  times  ensued  for  the  Jews.  The  Dutch 
were  bitter  foes  of  the  Portuguese  and  their  inquisition, 
and  friends  of  their  enemies.  Naturally  the  Jews  were 
on  the  side  of  the  Dutch,  and,  as  naturally,  had  to  suffer 
for  their  temerity.  In  1662  the  Dutch  attacked  the 
Ranee's  palace  at  Mattancheri  and  besieged  the  adjoin- 
ing town  of  Cochin,  but  had  to  retire  before  Portuguese 
reinforcements.  The  Portuguese  therefore  burnt  the 
synagogue  adjoining  the  palace,  because  they  suspected 
the  Jews,  no  doubt  with  justice,  of  having  favoured  the 
Dutch.  In  the  following  year,  however,  'the  Dutch 
renewed  their  attack  on  Cochin,  this  time  with  complete 
success.  The  port  and  town  fell  into  their  hands,  and 
with  it  fell  the  Portuguese  power  in  India.  By  a  series 
of  treaties.  Cochin  and  Holland  became  close  allies,  and 
the  Dutch  settlement  became  firmly  established  in 
Cochin.'  The  Dutch  helped  the  White  Jews  to  rebuild 
their  synagogue.  The  Dutch  clock  is  still  the  pride  of 
Cochin  Jewry." 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Cochin  Jews  are  generally 
divided  into  two  classes,  the  White  and  the  Black. 
Writing  in  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,* 
Baldajus  states  that  "  in  and  about  the  City  of  Cochin, 


*  AtDescription  of  ye  East  India  Coasts  of  Malabar  and  Coromandel,  1703. 


JEW  480 

lived    formerly    some    Jews,    who    even    now    have    a 
synagogue  allow'd  them  without  the  Fortifications  ;  they 
are   neither   White   nor   Brown,    but  quite  black.     The 
Portuguese   Histories   mention   that    at   a  certain    time 
certain  blasphemous  papers  against  our   Saviour,   with 
some   severe   reflections    against  the  Jesuit   Gonsalvus 
Pereira  (who  afterwards  suffer'd  Martyrdom  at  Monopa- 
tapa)  being  found  in  a  box  set  in  the  Great  Church  for 
the  gathering  of  Alms ;  and  the  same  being  supposed 
to  be  laid  there  by  some  European  Jews,  who  now  and 
then  used  to  resort  thither  privately,   this  gave  occasion 
to  introduce  the  Inquisition  into  Goa."      It  is  noted  by 
the  Rev.  J.   H.   Lord*   that  "Jacob   Saphir,   a  Jewish 
traveller,   who  visited   his  co-religionists  in   Cochin  in 
recent  years,  having  described  some  of  the  Jews  resident 
there  as  black,   hastens  to  tone  down  his   words,   and 
adds,    they   are    not    black    like    the    raven,   or    as   the 
Nubians,   but  only  as  the  appearance  of  copper.      But 
Hagim  Jacob  Ha  Cohen,  another  modern  Jewish  tra- 
veller, chastizing  the  latter  for  calling  them  black  at  all, 
declares  that  he  will  write  of  this  class  everywhere  as 
the  non-white,  and  never  anywhere  (God  forbid  !)  as  the 
Black."     The  Black  Jews  claim  to  have  been  the  earliest 
settlers,   while   the    White    Jews  came   later.     But  the 
latter  assert  that  the  former  are  pure  natives  converted 
to  the  Jewish  faith.     These  two  difficult,  yet  important, 
issues  of  priority  of  settlement  and  purity  of  race  have 
divided   antiquarians   and   historians   quite  as  much  as 
they  have  estranged  the  two  classes  of  Jews  themselves 
from  one  another.     According  to  the  Rev.  C.  Buchanan,  t 
the  White  Jews  dwelling  in  Jews'  town  in  Mattancheri 
arc  later  settlers  than  the  Black  Jews.     They  had  only 


*  The  Jews  in  India  and  the  Far  East,  1907. 
t  Christian  Researches  in  India,  1840. 


481  JEW 

the  Bible  written  on  parchment,  and  of  modern  appear- 
ance, in  their  synagogue,  but  he  managed  to  get  from 
the  Black  Jews  much  older  manuscripts  written  on 
parchment,  goat's  skin,  and  cotton  paper.  He  says  that 
"  it  is  only  necessary  to  look  at  their  countenances  to  be 
satisfied  that  their  ancestors  must  have  arrived  in  India 
many  years  before  the  White  Jews.  Their  Hindu  com- 
plexion, and  their  very  imperfect  resemblance  to  the 
European  Jews,  indicate  that  they  had  been  detached 
from  the  parent  stocks  in  Judea  many  ages  before  the 
Jews  in  the  West,  and  that  there  have  been  marriages 
with  families  not  Israelitish."  The  Rev.  J.  Hough 
observes  *  that  the  Black  Jews  "  appear  so  much  like 
the  natives  of  India,  that  it  is  difficult  at  first  sight  to 
distinguish  them  from  the  Hindu.  By  a  little  closer 
observation,  however,  the  Jewish  contour  of  their 
countenances  cannot  be  mistaken."  In  the  lecture 
already  referred  to.  Dr.  Wilson  states  that  "their  family 
names,  such  as  David  Castile  (David  the  Castilian)  go 
to  prove  that  they  (the  White  Jews)  are  descended  of 
the  Jews  of  Spain,  probably  of  those  driven  from  that 
country  in  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  of 
German  and  Egyptian  Jews.  The  real  ancient  Jews  of 
Cochin  are  the  Black  Jews'  descendants,  we  believe, 
of  Judea- Arabians  and  Indian  proselytes.  Some  rather 
obscure  references  to  the  Jews  of  Cochin  and  Ouilon  are 
made  by  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  who  returned  to  Spain 
from  his  eastern  voyage  in  11 73.  He  found  no  White 
Jews  in  India.  Speaking  of  those  in  the  pepper  country 
near  Chulam  (Ouilon),  he  says  that  all  the  cities  and 
countries  inhabited  by  these  people  contain  only  about 
100  Jews  (members  of  the  synagogue),  who  arc  of  black 


*  History  of  Christianity  in  India,  I,  470-71,  1839. 
1 1-3  I 


JEW  482 

colour  as  well  as  the  other  inhabitants."  Referring  to 
Jan  Linschoten's  '  Itinerary,'  published  in  Holland  in 
1596,  Mr.  Adler  observes  that  "  the  Jews  who  interested 
our  traveller  were  the  '  rich  merchants  and  of  the  king- 
of  Cochin's  nearest  counsellers,  who  are  most  white  of 
colour  like  men  of  Europe,  and  have  many  fair  women. 
There  are  many  of  them  that  came  of  the  country 
Palestine  and  Jerusalem  thither,  and  spoke  over  all  the 
exchange  verie  perfect  and  good  Spanish.'  This  directly 
confirms  the  view  that  the  White  Jew^s  were  new  comers 
from  foreign  lands.  Their  knowledge  of  Spanish  is  now 
quite  a  thing  of  the  past,  but  it  proves  that  they  were 
Sephardim." 

In  regard  to  the  claim  of  the  White  Jews  to  being 
the  only  genuine  Jews,  it  may  be  of  interest  to  record 
the  opinion  of  a  Jew,  Rabbi  David  D'Beth  Hithel,  who 
travelled  in  Cochin  in  1832.  He  says  that  "  the  White 
Jews  say  of  them  (the  Black  Jews)  that  they  are  de- 
scendants of  numerous  slaves  who  were  purchased  and 
converted  to  Judaism,  set  free  and  carefully  instructed 
by  a  rich  White  Jew  some  centuries  ago.  At  his  cost, 
they  say,  were  all  their  old  synagogues  erected.  The 
Black  Jews  believe  themselves  to  be  the  descendants  of 
the  first  captivity,  who  were  brought  to  India,  and  did 
not  return  with  the  Israelites  who  built  the  second 
temple.  This  account  I  am  inclined  to  believe  correct. 
Though  called  Black  Jews — they  are  of  somewhat  darker 
complexion  than  the  White  Jews — yet  they  are  not  of 
the  colour  of  the  natives  of  the  country,  or  of  persons 
descended  from  Indian  slaves."  This  passage  bears 
reference  to  a  tradition  current  among  the  Black  Jews 
that  they  are  the  descendants  of  the  Jews  who  were 
driven  out  of  the  land  of  Israel  thirteen  years  before  the 
destruction  of  the  first  temple  built  by  Solomon.     They 


483  JEW 

are  said  to  have   first  come   to    Calicut,  whence   they 
emigrated  to  Cranganur. 

"The  White  Jews,"  Mr.  Adler  writes,  "claiming 
that  they,  and  they  alone,  are  the  true  descendants  of 
the  aboriginal  Jews  of  Cranganur,  retain  the  copper 
tablets  in  their  possession,  and  boast  that,  about  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  Rajah  of 
Cochin  invested  the  head  of  the  Hallegua  family  with 
the  hereditary  title  of  Mudaliar  or  Noble  [and  a  wand 
with  a  silver  knob  as  a  sign  of  his  dignity],  with  the 
power  of  punishing  certain  crimes.  The  males  of  that 
family  still  bear  the  title,  but  their  feudal  rights  have 
been  abrogated.  Nowadays  the  number  of  White  Jews 
has  dwindled  to  less  than  200,  so  that  it  was  easy 
to  procure  a  list  of  all  their  names.  From  the  foreign 
origin  of  their  surnames  (Kindel,  Ashkenazi,  Mizrahi, 
Koder,  Roby,  Sassoon),  as  well  as  for  other  reasons,  it 
seems  certain  that  the  White  Jews  are  late  comers,  who 
did  not  settle  in  India  till  after  the  destruction  of 
Cranganur.  They  were  traders,  who  came  to  Cochin  ; 
they  prospered  under  the  rule  of  the  Dutch,  and  built 
their  synagogue  and  quarter  after  the  Black  Jews  were 
already  established  there.  Though,  now,  they  hold 
themselves  jealously  aloof  from  the  Black  Jews,  they 
were  at  first  quite  intimate  and  friendly.  The  Indian 
environment  has  had  the  opposite  effect  to  that  which 
England  has  had  upon  our  Ashkenazim  and  our  no 
longer  exclusive  Sephardim.  In  India  caste  is  varna, 
which  means  colour,  and  their  difference  in  colour  has 
produced  caste  distinctions  among  the  Indian  Jews. 
But,  although  the  White  Jews  are  fair,  some  of  them  are 
certainly  not  quite  white,  nor  are  the  Black  Jews  quite 
black.  Some  of  the  '  Black '  Jews  are  hardly  distin- 
guishable from  their  *  White  '  brethren.  Their  customs, 
11-32 


JEW  484 

ritual,  and  religious  observances  are  the  same.     Their 
synagogues  are   so  alike  that  it  needs   some   keenness 
of  eyesight  to  detect   that  two  pictures  are  not  of  the 
identical   building.     The    only    great  (?)    difference    is 
that  the   White  Jews   have   theirs  tiled  with   rare    old 
blue   tiles,   over  which  newspaper  correspondents   wax 
•eloquent.     They  say  the  tiles  are  old  Dutch,  but  really 
they   are    genuine    Chinese    [blue   and    white    Canton 
China],  *  whereby  hangs  a  tale.     The  synagogue  was 
built  nearly  200  years  ago  in  a  corner  of  the   Rajah's 
palace-yard.     At  that  time,  the  Dutch  were  in  possession 
of  what  is  now  British  Cochin,  and  they  were  the  only 
people  trading  with  China.     The   Rajah,  through  his 
allies  the  Dutch,  had  imported  a  large  quantity  of  the 
best  China  tiles  to  pave  his  Darbar  hall,  but  the  Jews, 
says  Mr.  Thurston,  thought  they  would  just  do  for  the 
synagogue  they  were  building,  so  they  told  the  Rajah 
that    he    could    not    possibly    use    them,    inasmuch    as 
bullock's  blood  had  been  employed  in  their  manufacture. 
His  Highness,  much  perturbed  at  the  indignity  to  so 
sacred  an  animal,  bade  them  take  the  tiles  away,  and 
never  let  him  see  them  again.     Hence  their  presence 
in  the  synagogue.     The  other  synagogue  has  tiles  also, 
but  they  are  of  gleaming  white."     The  synagogues,   it 
may  be  added,  are  square  whitewashed  buildings,  sur- 
mounted  by  a  bell-tower.     It  is  said  that  the  Kadya- 
bagan  synagogue  of  the  Black  Jews  is  admitted  by  the 
White  Jews  to  be  the  oldest  at  present  existing,  having 
been  built  in  the  12th  century. 

It  is  recorded  by  Governor  Moens  that  "  in  the  Jewish 
quarters  (situated)  next  to  the  palace  of  the  king  of 
Cochin  at  Cochin  de  Sima  there  are  two  synagogues, 


•  J.  Siilinter  Slavorinus.     Voyages  to  the  East  Indies,  1774-78. 


4^5  JEW 

viz.,  one  for  the  White  Jews,  and  the  other  for  the 
Black  Jews.  The  latter  have  readers  of  their  own  tribe, 
who  hold  the  services,  but,  when  a  White  Rabbi  comes 
to  their  synagogue,  the  honour  of  conducting  the  service 
must  be  given  to  him." 

"The  dates,"  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Lord  writes,  "of  the 
synagogues  of  the  Black  Jews  altogether  antedate  those 
of  the  White.  Thus,  the  date  on  the  mural  slab  of  the 
now  disused  and  dilapidated  Cochin  Angadi  synagogue 
is  A.D.  1344  =  563  years  ago.  That  of  the  Kadavamba- 
gom  synagogue  in  Cochin  is  A.D.  1639,  or  =  268  years 
ago.  That  of  the  Cochin  Theckumbagom  synagogue 
is  A.D.  1586,  or  =  32 1  years  ago;  while  that  of  the  syna- 
gogue of  the  White  Jews  is  A.D.  1666  or  =  241  years 
ago.  Hence  the  institutions  of  the  Black  Jews  are 
the  more  ancient.  The  tomb-stone  dates  of  the  Black 
Jews  are  also  far  more  ancient  than  those  of  the 
White  Jews.  The  earliest  date  of  any  tomb-stone  of 
the  Black  Jews  is  six  hundred  years  old." 

It  is  further  noted  by  the  Rev.  J.  H.  Lord  that  "  the 
Black  Jews  are  still  the  ones  who  make  use  of  the 
privileges  granted  in  the  copper-plate  charter.  They 
still  carry  a  silk  umbrella,  and  lamps  lit  at  day-time, 
when  proceeding  to  their  synagogue  on  the  8th  day  after 
birth  of  sons.  They  spread  a  cloth  on  the  ground,  and 
place  ornaments  of  leaves  across  the  road  on  occasions 
when  their  brides  and  bridegrooms  go  to  get  married, 
and  use  then  cadanans  (mortars  which  are  charged 
with  gunpowder,  and  fired),  and  trumpets.  After  the 
wedding  is  over,  four  silk  sunshades,  each  supported  on 
four  poles,  are  borne,  with  lamps  burning  in  front,  as 
the  bridal  party  goes  home.  The  Black  Jews  say  that 
the  White  Jews  use  none  of  these,  and  never  have  done 
so.     The  White  Jews  aver  that  they  were  accustomed 


JEW  486 

formerly  to  use  such  privileges,  but  have  discontinued 
them." 

There  is  record  of  disputes  between  the  White  and 
Black  Jews  for  as  early  a  time  as  that  of  the  Dutch 
settlement,  or  even  earlier.  Jealousy  and  strife  between 
the  two  sections  on  matters  of  intermarriage  and  equal 
privileges  seem  to  have  existed  even  during  the  time  of 
the  Portuguese.  Canter  Visscher,  in  his  '  Letters  from 
Malabar,'*  refers  to  these  party  feelings.  "  The  blacks," 
he  writes,  "  have  a  dark  coloured  Rabbi,  who  must 
stand  back  if  a  white  one  enters,  and  must  resign  to  him 
the  honour  of  performing  the  divine  service  in  the 
synagogue.  On  the  other  hand,  when  the  black  Rabbis 
enter  the  synagogue  of  Whites,  they  must  only  be  hearers. 
There  has  lately  been  a  great  dispute  between  the  two 
races  ;  the  Black  wishing  to  compel  the  White  Jewesses 
to  keep  their  heads  uncovered,  like  their  own  women, 
and  trying  to  persuade  the  Rajah  to  enforce  such  a  rule. 
The  dispute  ended,  however,  with  permission  given  to 
every  one,  both  men  and  women,  to  wear  what  they 
chose." 

More  than  once,  Jewish  Rabbis  have  been  appealed 
to  on  the  subject  of  racial  purity,  and  they  have  on  all 
occasions  upheld  the  claims  of  a  section  of  the  Black 
Jews  to  being  Jews,  and  the  White  Jews  have  as  often 
repudiated  such  decisions,  and  questioned  their  validity. 
The  weight  of  authority,  and  the  evidence  of  local  facts, 
seem  to  militate  against  the  contention  of  the  White 
Jews  that  the  Black  Jews  do  not  belong  to  the  Israelitish 
community,  but  are  the  descendants  of  emancipated 
slaves  and  half  castes.  The  White  Jews  appear  to 
have  maintained  the  purity  of  their  race   by   declining 


•  Edition  by  Major  Hebcr  Drury,  1S62.     Letter  XVIII. 


487  JEW 

intermarriage  with  the  Black  Jews.  It  must  be  admitted 
that,  in  the  earlier  centuries,  the  original  settlers  pur- 
chased numerous  slaves,  who  have  since  then  followed  the 
rclieion  of  their  masters.  It  is  recorded  by  Stavorinus  * 
that  "when  these  Jews  purchase  a  slave,  they  immedi- 
ately manumit  him  ;  they  circumcise  him  and  receive  him 
as  their  fellow  Israelite,  and  never  treat  him  as  a  slave." 
It  is  noted  by  Canter  Visscher  t  that  "the  Jews  make  no 
objection  to  selling  their  slaves  who  are  not  of  their  own 
religion  to  other  nations,  obliging  them,  however,  when 
sold,  to  abandon  the  use  of  the  Jewish  cap,  which  they  had 
before  worn  on  their  heads.  But  slaves,  male  or  female, 
once  fully  admitted  into  their  religion  by  the  performance 
of  the  customary  rites,  can  never  be  sold  to  a  stranger." 
The  Jews  are  said  to  have  had  former  fugitive  connec- 
tions with  the  women  of  these  converts,  and  brought 
into  existence  a  mixed  race  of  Dravidians  and  Semitics. 
It  would  be  uncharitable  to  infer  from  this  that  all  the 
Black  Jews  are  the  descendants  of  converted  slaves  or 
half-castes,  as  it  would  be  unreasonable  to  suppose  that 
all  of  them  are  the  descendants  of  the  original  settlers. 
It  is  noted  by  Mr.  Adler  that  "the  Rev.  J.  H.  Lord 
quotes  an  interesting  pronouncement  on  the  racial  purity 
of  the  Black  Jews  of  Malabar  made  by  Haham  Bashi  of 
Jerusalem  in  1S92,  The  Rabbi  is  said  to  have  referred 
to  the  Maharikash  (R.  Jacob  Castro,  of  Alexandria), 
whose  responsum  in  1610  confirmed  the  '  Jichus'  or  the 
'  Mejuchasim '  and  decided  likewise.  He  is  even  said  to 
have  allowed  one  of  his  relatives  to  marry  a  Brown  Jew  ! 
Nowadays,  the  White  Jews  hold  aloof  from  the  larger 
community,  black  or  brown,  and  profess  to  be  of  another 
caste  altoeether.     But  one  of  the    most   intelligent  of 


*  op.  cit.  t  Loc^  cit. 

11-33 


JEW  4S8 

their  number,  who  took  us  round  the  synagogues,  pro- 
fessed to  think  such  exclusiveness  exaggerated  and 
unfair,  and  admitted  that  their  own  grandfathers  had 
lived  with  Black  Jewesses  in  a  more  or  less  binding 
marital  relation,  and  it  is  abundantly  clear  that,  till 
recently,  the  Black  and  White  Jews  were  quite  friendly, 
and  the  very  fact  of  the  White  Jews  holding  the  title- 
deeds  merely  proves  that  they  were  trusted  by  the  true 
owners  to  keep  them  for  safe  custody,  as  they  were  richer 
and  possessed  safes.  In  an  article  in  the  '  Revue  des 
Deux  Mondes,'*  Pierre  Loti,  writing  of  the  Black  Jews, 
says  that  "  le  rabbin  me  fait  d'ameres  doleances  sur  la 
fiert6  des  rivaux  de  la  rue  proche,  qui  ne  veulent  jamais 
consentir  a  contracter  marriage,  ni  meme  a  frayer  avec 
ses  paroissiens.  Et,  pour  comble,  me  dit-il,  le  grand 
rabbin  de  Jerusalem,  a  qui  on  avait  adress6  une  plainte 
collective,  le  priant  d'intervenir,  s'est  content^  d  emettre, 
en  reponse,  cette  generalite  plutot  offensante :  Pour 
nicher  ensemble,  il  faut  etre  des  moineaux  de  meme 
plumage." 

In  recent  years,  a  distinction  appears  to  have  grown 
up  among  the  Black  Jews,  so  that  they  now  want  to  be 
distinguished  as  Brown  Jews  and  Black  Jews,  the  former 
claiming  to  be  Meyookhasim  or  genuine  Jews.  In  this 
connection,  Mr.  Adler  writes  that  "  the  Black  Jews  are 
themselves  divided  into  two  classes,  the  Black  Jews 
proper,  who  are  darker,  and  have  no  surnames,  and  the 
noble,  who  have  family  names  and  legitimate  descent, 
and  claim  to  be  the  true  descendants  of  the  Cranganur 
or  Singili  Jews." 

The  White  Jews  are  generally  known  by  the  name 
of  Paradesis  (foreigners).     This  designation  is  found  in 

*  July,  1902. 


489  JEW 

some  of  the  Sirkar  (State)  accounts,  and  also  in  a  few 
Theetoorams  or  Royal  writs  granted  to  them.  It  is 
argued  that  they  must  have  been  so  called  at  first  to 
distinguish  them  from  the  more  ancient  Israelites.  The 
existence  for  centuries  of  three  small  colonies  of  Black 
Jews  at  Chennamangalam  and  Mala  in  the  Cochin 
State,  and  Parur  in  Travancorc,  at  a  distance  of  five 
or  six  miles  from  Cranganur,  shows  that  they  must 
have  sought  refuge  in  those  places  on  being  hard 
pressed  by  the  Moors  and  the  Portuguese.  There  are 
no  White  Jews  in  any  of  these  stations,  nor  can  they 
point  to  any  vested  interests  in  the  tracts  about 
Cranganur,  the  most  ancient  Jewish  settlement  in  the 
State. 

The  Jews  wear  a  long  tunic  of  rich  colour,  a  waist- 
coat buttoned  up  to  the  neck,  and  full  white  trousers. 
They  go  about  wearing  a  skull  cap,  and  put  on  a  turban 
when  they  go  to  the  synagogue.  The  Black  Jews  dress 
more  or  less  like  the  native  Mahomedans.  Many  of 
them  put  on  shirts,  and  have  skull  caps  like  the  Jonaka 
Mappilas.  They  generally  wear  coloured  cloths.  The 
Jews  invariably  use  wooden  sandals.  These,  and  their 
locks  brought  down  in  front  of  the  ears,  distinguish  them 
from  other  sections  of  the  population.  The  Jewesses 
always  wear  coloured  cloths.  Hebrew  is  still  the 
liturgical  language,  and  is  studied  as  a  classic  by  a  few, 
but  the  home  language  is  Malayalam.  The  White  Jews 
celebrate  their  marriages  on  Sundays,  but  the  Black  Jews 
still  retain  the  ancient  custom  of  celebrating  them  on 
Tuesdays  after  sunset.  Though  polygamy  is  not  pro- 
hibited, monogamy  is  the  rule.  The  males  generally 
marry  at  the  age  of  20,  while  the  marriageable  age  for 
girls  is  14  or  15.  Marriages  are  generally  celebrated  on 
a  grand  scale.  The  festivities  continue  for  seven  days 
"-33  ^ 


JEW  490 

in  the  case  of  the  White  Jews,  and  for  fifteen  days  among 
the  Black  Jews,  who  still  make  use  of  some  of  the  ancient 
privileges  granted  by  the  charter  of  Cheraman  Perumal. 
The  Jews  of  all  sections  have  adopted  a  few  Hindu 
customs.  Thus,  before  going  to  the  synagogue  for 
marriage,  a  tali  (marriage  badge)  is  tied  round  the  bride's 
neck  by  some  near  female  relative  of  the  bridegroom 
(generally  his  sister)  in  imitation  of  the  Hindu  custom, 
amidst  the  joyful  shouts  (kurava)  of  women.  Divorce 
is  not  effected  by  a  civil  tribunal.  Marriages  are 
dissolved  by  the  making  good  the  amount  mentioned  in 
the  kethuba  or  marriage  document.  In  regard  to  their 
funerals,  the  corpse  is  washed,  but  not  anointed,  and  is 
deposited  in  the  burial-ground,  which  is  called  Beth 
Haim,  the  house  of  the  living. 

Like  their  brethren  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  the 
Cochin  Jews  observe  the  Sabbath  feasts  and  fasts 
blended  intimately  with  their  religion,  and  practice  the 
rite  of  circumcision  on  the  eighth  day,  when  the  child 
is  also  named.  The  Passover  is  celebrated  by  the 
distribution  of  unleavened  bread,  but  no  kid  is  killed,  nor 
is  blood  sprinkled  upon  the  door-post  and  lintel.  The 
other  feasts  are  the  feast  of  Pentecost,  feast  of  Trumpets, 
and  feast  of  Tabernacles.  The  day  of  atonement,  and 
the  anniversary  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  are 
observed  as  fasts.  On  the  day  of  atonement,  the  Jews 
pray  in  the  synagogue  from  5  a.m.  till  7  r.M.  The  Jewish 
fasts  commence  from  5  p.m.  on  the  day  previous  to  the 
fast,  and  end  at  7  p.m.  next  day.  Their  days  begin  and 
end  with  sunset.  The  feast  of  Tabernacles  is  observed 
with  more  pomp  and  ceremony  than  other  feasts.  A 
pandal,  or  temporary  shed,  with  a  flat  roof,  covered  over 
with  plaited  leaves  of  the  cocoanut  palm,  and  decorated 
with  festoons,  is   put  up   in  the  court-yard  of,  or  near 


491  JEW 

every  house,  beneath  which  the  inmates  of  the  house 
assemble  and  take  their  meals.  On  the  last  day  of  the 
feast,  a  large  can  filled  with  oil  is  lit  up  in  front  of  the 
synagogue.  On  that  day,  the  congregation  assembles 
in  the  synagogue.  Persons  of  both  sexes  and  of  all  ages 
meet  in  the  house  of  prayer,  which  is  gorgeously 
decorated  for  the  occasion.  On  this  day,  when  the 
books  are  taken  outside  the  synagogue  by  the  male 
congregation,  the  females,  who  are  seated  in  the  gallery, 
come  into  the  synagogue,  and,  when  the  books  are  taken 
back,  they  return  to  their  gallery. 

The  genuine  Jews  are,  as  indicated,  known  as 
M'yukhasim  (those  of  lineage  or  aristocracy),  while 
converts  from  the  low  castes  are  called  non-M'yukhasim. 
According  to  the  opinion  of  Jewish  Rabbis,  Tabila,  or 
the  holy  Rabbinical  bath,  removes  the  social  disabilities 
of  the  latter.  Those  who  have  had  recourse  to  this  bath 
are  free  to  marry  genuine  Jews,  but  respect  for  caste,  or 
racial  prejudice,  has  invariably  stood  in  the  way  of  such 
marriages  being  contracted. 

From  a  recent  note  (1907),  I  gather  that  "  the  Jews, 
realising  that  higher  and  more  advanced  education  is 
needed,  have  bestirred  themselves,  and  are  earnestly 
endeavouring  to  establish  an  institution  which  will  bring 
their  education  up  to  the  lower  secondary  standard. 
The  proposed  school  will  be  open  to  both  the  White  and 
Black  Jews.  In  order  to  place  the  school  on  a  good 
financial  basis,  one  of  the  leading  Jews,  Mr.  S.  Koder, 
approached  the  Anglo-Jewish  Association  for  aid,  and 
that  Society  has  readily  agreed  to  provide  a  sum  of  ;^  150 
a  year  for  the  upkeep  of  the  school.  Generous,  however, 
as  this  offer  is,  it  is  found  that  the  amount  is  insufficient 
to  cover  the  expenditure  ;  so  the  Jews  are  going  to  raise 
a  public  subscription  amongst  themselves,  and  they  also 


JHODIA  492 

intend  to  apply  to  the  Cochin  Darbar  for  a  grant  under 
the  Educational  Code."* 

I  was  present  at  the  Convocation  of  the  Madras 
University  in  1903,  when  the  Chancellor  conferred  the 
degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts  on  the  first  Jew  who  had 
passed  the  examination. 

According  to  the  Cochin  Census,  1901,  there  were 
180  White,  and  957  Black  Jews. 

Jhodia.-^A  sub-division  of  Poroja. 

Jhoria.— A  sub-division  of  Gaudo. 

Jilaga  (pith). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Devanga. 

Jilakara  (cumin  seeds :  Cwninum  cymimun).  An 
exogamous  sept  of  Balija  and  Togata. 

Jinigar. — "There  are,"  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart  writes,t 
"a  few  members  of  this  caste,  chiefly  in  the  Chendragiri 
taluk,  whose  ordinary  occupation  it  now  is  to  paint 
pictures.  They  were,  however,  once,  it  is  said,  artificers, 
and  the  account  given  of  them  is  as  follows.  They  were 
originally  Razus  from  the  Northern  Circars,  who,  coming 
to  the  Chendragiri  Raja  for  employment,  were  set  to 
watch  members  of  the  Kammala  caste  who  served  the 
Raja,  in  order  to  prevent  idleness  or  fraud.  After  some 
time,  the  Kammalans  finished  an  idol's  car,  and,  being 
inflated  with  pride,  demanded  to  be  allowed  to  sit  in  it 
before  the  swami  was  himself  placed  there.  For  their 
arrogance  they  were  expelled,  and  the  Razus,  having  by 
observation  learnt  something  of  their  craft,  discharged 
their  duties  to  the  community.  Under  the  Nabobs  they 
abandoned  this  walk  of  life,  and  took  to  saddlery,  whence 
came  their  name  from  jini  a  saddle,  and  now  they  are 
merely  muchis." 


♦   Madras  Mail,  1907.  f  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district. 


493  JINIGAR 

I\Ir.  \V.  Francis  informs  us  *  that  "  in  Bellary  wood- 
carvin<^  is  done  by  Jlnigaras,  who  have  taught  the  art  to 
some  JMuhammadans,  who  are  now  often  more  skilful 
than  their  teachers.  Two  of  them  made  a  teak  doorway, 
carved  in  the  Chalukyan  style,  which  obtained  a  medal 
at  the  Arts  Exhibition  at  the  Delhi  Darbar,  and  is  now 
in  the  Madras  Museum." 

At  Nandyal  in  the  Kurnool  district,  I  recently  saw  a 
Jlnigar,  who  makes  "  lacquer  "  (gesso)  fans,  trays,  large 
circular  table  tops,  etc.,  and  paintings  of  Hindu  deities 
and  m.ythological  subjects.  He  made  a  number  of 
panels  used  in  the  dado  of  Lady  Curzon's  boudoir  at 
the  circuit  house,  Delhi.  A  medal  was  awarded  to  him 
for  his  gesso  ware  at  the  Delhi  Exhibition,  but  it  was, 
in  colouring,  inferior  to  that  of  the  collection  which 
was  sent  to  the  Indo-Colonial  Exhibition  in  1886.  The 
"  lacquer  "  ware  of  Kurnool  has  been  said  to  be  perhaps 
the  finest  Indian  gesso  work  produced  anywhere.  The 
work  turned  out  at  Mandasa  in  Ganjam  is  much  bolder, 
and  suitable  for  decoration  on  a  large  scale.  A  similar 
method  of  decoration  was  formerly  largely  used  in 
Saracenic  architectural  decoration  of  interiors  in  various 
countries.  The  patterns  of  the  Kurnool  ware  are  floral, 
and  in  slight  relief,  and  the  colours  are  very  bright  with 
much  gilding.  At  Nossam,  in  Ganjam,  leather  dish- 
mats  are  painted  with  pictures  of  deities  and  floral 
designs.  Native  circular  playing-cards,  and  fans  made 
of  palmyra  leaves  or  paper  and  cloth  "  lacquered  "  and 
painted  in  brilliant  colours,  are  also  made  here. 

In  the  Nellore  district,  the  Jiniga-vandlu  make 
toys,  pictures,  and  models  in  paper  and  pith.  At 
Trichinopoly,  very  elaborate  and  accurate  models  of  the 


*  Gazetteer  of  the  Bellary  district. 


JINKA  494 

great  Hindu  temples,  artificial  flowers,  bullock  coaches, 
etc.,  are  made  of  the  pith  of  sola  {yEschynomcne  aspcra), 
which  is  also  used  in  the  construction  of  sola  topis 
(sun-hats).  The  Madras  Museum  possesses  a  very- 
quaint  pith  model  of  the  Raja  of  Tanjore  in  darbar, 
with  performing  wrestlers  and  Deva-dasis,  made  many 
years  ago. 

Jinka.^(Indian  gazelle,  Gazclla  ben7tciti). — An  ex- 
ogamous  sept  of  Padma  Sale.  The  equivalent  Jinkala 
is  a  sept  of  Boya. 

Jira.^In  the  Bellary  district,  a  Lingayat  who  sells 
flowers  calls  himself  a  Jira,  and  his  caste  Jira  kula. 

Jirige  (cumin  :  Cuminum  cyminum). — An  exogamous 
sept  of  Kuruba,  and  gotra  of  Kurni. 

Jivala  (an  insect). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Kuruba. 

Jogi. — The  Jogis,  who  are  a  caste  of  Telugu  mendi- 
cants, are  summed  up  by  Mr.  H.  A.  Stuart*  as  being 
"  like  the  Dasaris,  itinerant  jugglers  and  beggars. 
They  are  divided  into  those  who  sell  beads,  and  those 
who  keep  pigs.  They  are  dexterous  snake-charmers, 
and  pretend  to  a  profound  knowledge  of  charms  and 
medicine.  They  are  very  filthy  in  their  habits.  They 
have  no  restrictions  regarding  food,  may  eat  in  the 
house  of  any  Sudra,  and  allow  widows  to  live  in  con- 
cubinage, only  exacting  a  small  money  penalty,  and 
prohibiting  her  from  washing  herself  with  turmeric- 
water."  In  addition  to  begging  and  pig-breeding,  the 
Jogis  are  employed  in  the  cultivation  of  land,  in  the 
destruction  of  pariah  dogs,  scavenging,  robbery  and 
dacoity.  Some  of  the  women,  called  Killekyata,  are 
professional  tattooers.  The  Jogis  wander  about  the 
country,  taking  with  them  (sometimes  on  donkeys)  the 


*  Manual  of  the  North  Arcot  district. 


JUGI   iMKXDICAX'l". 


495  JOGI 

materials  for  their  rude  huts.  The  packs  of  the  donkeys 
are,  Mr.  F.  S.  Mullaly  informs  us,*  "  used  as  receptacles 
for  storing  cloths  obtained  in  predatory  excursions. 
Jogis  encamp  on  the  outskirts  of  villages,  usually  on  a 
plain  or  dry  bed  of  a  tank.  Their  huts  or  gudisays  are 
made  of  palmyra  leaves  (or  sedge)  plaited  with  five 
strands  forming  an  arch."  The  huts  are  completely 
open  in  front. 

In  the  Tamil  country,  the  Jogis  are  called  Dhoddiyan 
or  Tottiyan  {q-'v.),  and  those  who  are  employed  as 
scavengers  are  known  as  Koravas  or  Oddans.  The 
scavengers  do  not  mix  with  the  rest  of  the  community. 
Some  Jogis  assert  that  they  have  to  live  by  begging  in 
consequence  of  a  curse  brought  on  them  by  Parvati, 
concerning  whose  breasts  one  of  their  ancestors  made 
some  indiscreet  remarks.  They  consider  themselves 
superior  to  Malas  and  Madigas,  but  an  Oddan  (navvy 
caste)  will  not  eat  in  the  house  of  a  Jogi.  They  are 
said  to  eat  crocodiles,  field  rats,  and  cats.  There  is  a 
tradition  that  a  Jogi  bridegroom,  before  tying  the  bottu 
(marriage  badge)  on  his  bride's  neck,  had  to  tie  it  by 
means  of  a  string  dyed  with  turmeric  round  the  neck  of 
a  female  cat.  People  sometimes  object  to  the  catching 
of  cats  by  Jogis  for  food,  as  the  detachment  of  a  single 
hair  from  the  body  of  a  cat  is  considered  a  heinous 
offence.  To  overcome  the  objection,  the  Jogi  says  that 
he  wants  the  animal  for  a  marriage  ceremony.  On  one 
occasion,  I  saw  a  Madiga  carrying  home  a  bag  full  of 
kittens,  which,  he  said,  he  was  going  to  eat. 

The  Jogi  mendicants  go  about,  clad  in  a  dirty  loin- 
cloth (often  red  in  colour)  and  a  strip  of  cloth  over  the 
shoulders,  with  cobras,  pythons,  or  rat  snakes  in  baskets, 


•  Notes  on  Criminal  Classes  of  the  Madras  Presidency. 


JOGI  496 

and  carrying  a  bag  slung  over  the  shoulder.  The 
contents  of  one  of  these  bags,  which  was  examined, 
were  fruits  of  Mimiisops  hexandra  and  flower-spikes  of 
Lippia  nodiflora  (used  for  medicine),  a  snake-charming 
reed  instrument,  a  piece  of  cuttle-fish  shell,  porcupine 
quills  (sold  to  goldsmiths  for  brushes),  a  cocoanut  shell 
containing  a  powder,  narrikombu  (spurious  jackals'  horns) 
such  as  are  also  manufactured  by  Kuruvikarans,  and 
two  pieces  of  wood  supposed  to  be  an  antidote  for  snake- 
poisoning.  The  women  go  about  the  streets,  decorated 
with  bangles  and  necklaces  of  beads,  sharks'  vertebrae, 
and  cowry  shells,  bawling  out  "  Subbamma,  Lach- 
chamma,"  etc,  and  will  not  move  on  till  alms  are  given 
to  them.  They  carry  a  capacious  gourd,  which  serves 
as  a  convenient  receptacle  for  stolen  articles. 

Like  other  Telugu  castes,  the  Jogis  have  exoga- 
mous  septs  or  intiperu,  of  which  the  following  are 
examples  : — 


Vagiti,  court-yard. 
Uluvala,  horse-gram. 
Jalli,  tassels  of  palmyra  leaves 
put  round  the  necks  of  bulls. 
Vavati  (relationship). 
Gundra,  round. 


Bindhollu,  brass  water-pot. 
Cheruku,  sugar-cane. 
Chappadi,  insipid. 
Boda  Dasiri,  bald-headed  men- 
dicant. 
Gudi,  temple. 


At  the  Mysore  census,  1901,  Killekyata,  Helava, 
Jangaliga,  and  Pakanati  were  returned  as  being  Jogis. 
A  few  individuals  returned  gotras,  such  as  Vrishabha, 
Kaverimatha,  and  Khedrumakula.  At  the  Madras 
census,  Siddaru,  and  Pamula  (snake)  were  returned  as 
sub-castes.  Pamula  is  applied  as  a  synonym  for  Jogi, 
inasmuch  as  snake-charming  is  one  of  their  occupations. 

The  women  of  the  caste  are  said  to  be  depraved, 
and  prostitution  is  common.  As  a  proof  of  chastity,  the 
ordeal  of  drinking  a  potful  of  cow-dung  water  or  chilly- 
water  has  to  be  undergone.     If  a  man,  proved  guilty  of 


497  JOGI 

adultery,  pleads  inability  to  pay  the  fine,  he  has  to  walk 
a  furlone  vvith  a  mill- stone  on  his  head. 

At  the  betrothal  ceremony,  a  small  sum  of  money 
and  a  pig  are  given  to  the  bride's  party.  The  pig  is 
killed,  and  a  feast  held,  vvith  much  consumption  of 
liquor.  Some  of  the  features  of  the  marriage  ceremony 
are  worthy  of  notice.  The  kankanams,  or  threads  which 
are  tied  by  the  maternal  uncles  to  the  wrists  of  the 
bride  and  bridegroom,  are  made  of  human  hair,  and  to 
them  are  attached  leaves  of  Alangitim  lamarckii  and 
Strychnos  Nux-vomica.  When  the  bridegroom  and  his 
party  proceed  to  the  bride's  hut  for  the  ceremony  of 
tying  the  bottu  (marriage  badge),  they  are  stopped  by 
a  rope  or  bamboo  screen,  which  is  held  by  the  relations 
of  the  bride  and  others.  After  a  short  struggle,  money 
is  paid  to  the  men  who  hold  the  rope  or  screen,  and  the 
ceremonial  is  proceeded  with.  The  rope  is  called 
vallepu  thadu  or  relationship  rope,  and  is  made  to  imply 
legitimate  connection.  The  bottu,  consisting  of  a  string 
of  black  beads,  is  tied  round  the  bride's  neck,  the  bride 
and  bridegroom  sometimes  sitting  on  a  pestle  and 
mortar.  Rice  is  thrown  over  them,  and  they  are  carried 
on  the  shoulders  of  their  maternal  uncles  beneath 
the  marriage  pandal  (booth).  As  with  the  Oddcs  and 
Upparavas,  there  is  a  saying  that  a  Jogi  widow  may 
mount  the  marriage  dais  {i.e.,  remarry)  seven  times. 

When  a  girl  reaches  puberty,  she  is  put  in  a  hut 
made  by  her  brother  or  husband,  which  is  thatched 
with  twigs  of  E2igenia  Jambolana,  margosa  {Mclia 
Azadirachta),  mango  [Mangifera  Indica),  and  Vitex 
Negundo.  On  the  last  day  of  the  pollution  ceremony^ 
the  girl's  clothes  and  the  hut  are  burnt. 

The  dead  are  always  buried.  The  corpse  is  carried 
to  the  burial-place,  wrapped  up  in  a  cloth.     Before  it  is 


JOGI  498 

lowered  into  the  grave,  all  present  throw  rice  over  the 
eyes,  and  a  man  of  a  different  sept  to  the  deceased 
places  four  annas  in  the  mouth.  Within  the  grave  the 
head  is  turned  on  one  side,  and  a  cavity  scooped  out,  in 
which  various  articles  of  food  are  placed.  Though  the 
body  is  not  burnt,  fire  is  carried  to  the  grave  by  the 
son.  Among  the  JalH-vallu,  a  chicken  and  small 
quantity  of  salt  are  placed  in  the  armpit  of  the  corpse. 
On  the  karmandhiram,  or  day  of  the  final  death 
ceremonies,  cooked  rice,  vegetables,  fruit,  and  arrack 
are  oftered  to  the  deceased.  A  cloth  is  spread  near 
the  grave,  and  the  son,  and  other  agnates,  place  food 
thereon,  while  naming,  one  after  the  other,  their  deceased 
ancestors.  The  food  is  eaten  by  Jogis  of  septs  other 
than  the  Jalli-vallu,  who  throw  it  into  water.  If  septs 
other  than  the  J  alii  were  to  do  this,  they  would  be  fined. 
Those  assembled  proceed  to  a  tank  or  river,  and  make 
an  effigy  in  mud,  by  the  side  of  which  an  earthen  lamp 
is  placed.  After  the  oftering  of  cooked  rice,  etc.,  the 
lamp  and  effigy  are  thrown  into  the  water.  A  man  who 
is  celebrating  his  wife's  death-rites  then  has  his  waist- 
thread  cut  by  another  widower  while  bathing. 

The  Jogis  worship  Peddavadu,  Malalamma,  Gang- 
amma,  Ay)'avaru,  Rudramma,  and  Madura  Virudu. 

Some  women  wear,  in  addition  to  the  marriage  bottu, 
a  special  bottu  in  honour  of  one  of  their  gods.  This  is 
placed  before  the  god  and  worn  by  the  eldest  female  of 
a  family,  passing  on  at  her  death  to  the  next  eldest. 

As  regards  the  criminal  propensities  of  the  Jogis, 
Mr.  Mullaly  writes  as  follows.*  "  On  an  excursion 
being  agreed  upon  by  members  of  a  Joghi  gang,  others 
of  the  fraternity  encamped  in  the  vicinity  are  consulted. 


op,  cU. 


499  JOGI  PURUSHA 

In  some  isolated  spot  a  nlni  tree  [Mc/ia  Azadirachta)  is 
chosen  as  a  meeting  place.  Here  the  preliminaries  are 
settled,  and  their  god  Perumal  is  invoked.  They  set 
out  in  bands  of  from  twelve  to  fifteen,  armed  with  stout 
bamboo  sticks.  Scantily  clad,  and  with  their  heads 
muffled  up,  they  await  the  arrival  of  the  carts  passing 
their  place  of  hiding.  In  twos  and  threes  they  attack 
the  carts,  which  are  usually  driven  off  the  road,  and  not 
unfrequently  upset,  and  the  travellers  are  made  to  give 
all  they  possess.  The  property  is  then  given  to  the 
headman  of  the  gang  for  safe-keeping,  and  he  secretes 
it  in  the  vicinity  of  his  hut,  and  sets  about  the  disposal 
of  it.  Their  receivers  are  to  be  found  among  the 
'  respectable  '  oil-mongers  of  1 1  villages  in  the  vicinity 
of  their  encampments,  while  property  not  disposed  of 
locally  is  taken  to  Madras.  Readmission  to  caste 
after  conviction,  when  imprisonment  is  involved,  is  an 
easy  matter.  A  feed  and  drink  at  the  expense  of  the 
*  unfortunate,'  generally  defrayed  from  the  share  of 
property  which  is  kept  by  his  more  fortunate  kinsfolk, 
are  all  that  is  necessary,  except  the  ceremony  common 
to  other  classes  of  having  the  tongue  slightly  burnt  by 
a  piece  of  hot  gold.  This  is  always  performed  by  the 
Jangam  (headman)  of  the  gang.  The  boys  of  the  class 
are  employed  by  their  elders  in  stealing  grain  stored  at 
kalams  (threshing-floors),  and,  as  opportunity  offers, 
by  slitting  grain  bags  loaded  in  carts." 

Jogi. — A  sub-division  of  Kudubi. 

Jogi  Gurukkal. — See  Yogi  Gurukkal. 

Jogi  Purusha. — The  Purushas  or  Jogi  Purushas 
seem  to  have  come  into  existence  in  recent  times,  and 
to  be  divided  into  two  distinct  classes,  one  of  which  has 
crystallised  into  a  caste,  while  the  other  merely  follows 
a  cult  practiced  by  several  other  castes.     Those  in  South 


JOGI  PURUSHA  500 

Canara,  who  speak  Marathi  and  Tulu,  say  that  they 
form  a  caste,  which  will  not  admit  members  of  other 
castes  Into  its  ranks.  There  is  a  head  mutt  (religious 
institution)  at  Kadiri,  with  subordinate  mutts  at  Halori 
and  Bhuvarasu,  all  in  South  Canara.  The  Jogi  Purushas 
are  disciples  of  one  or  other  of  these  mutts.  Their 
special  deity  is  Bairava,  but  some  regard  Gorakshanath 
as  their  god.  They  arc  initiated  into  the  Bairava  cult 
by  their  priest.  They  may  lead  either  a  celibate  or 
married  life.  The  celibates  should  have  a  bote  bored 
in  the  middle  of  the  ear,  and  wear  therein  a  ring  of 
rhinoceros  horn  or  china-clay.  Those  who  wish  to  lead 
a  married  life  need  not  have  a  hole  in  the  ear,  but,  at 
the  time  of  their  initiation,  a  piece  of  clay  is  pressed  over 
the  spot  where  the  hole  should  be.  All  Jogi  Purushas 
who  have  become  the  disciples  of  a  guru  (spiritual 
instructor)  of  their  cult  ought  to  have  a  brass,  copper, 
or  silver  pipe,  called  singanatha,  tied  on  a  thread  round 
the  neck.  Before  taking  their  meals,  they  are  expected 
to  pray  to  Bairava,  and  blow  the  pipe. 

The  Jogi  Purushas  follow  the  Makkalakattu  system 
of  inheritance  (in  the  male  line),  and,  for  their  marriage 
ceremonies,  engage  a  Karadi  Brahman.  The  dead  are 
buried  in  a  sitting  posture.  The  bojja,  or  final  death 
ceremony,  is  usually  performed  on  the  twelfth  day,  and 
a  Brahman  priest  officiates  thereat.  The  ceremony 
consists  in  offering  food  to  the  crows,  making  presents 
to  Brahmans,  and  undergoing  purificatory  rites  for  the 
removal  of  death  pollution.  If  the  deceased  has  been 
initiated  into  the  Bairava  cult,  puja  (worship)  must  be 
done  at  the  grave  every  alternate  day  from  the  third  day 
till  the  bojja  day. 

Some  Jogi  Purushas  are  professional  mendicants, 
while  others  work  as  coolies,  peons,  etc. 


50I  JUNGU 

Jonagan. — Jonagan  is  given,  in  the  Madras  Census 
Report,  1901,  as  the  name  applied  to  "  Musalman 
traders  of  partly  Hindu  parentage.  The  word  is  from 
the  Tamil  Sonagan,  which  means  Arabia,  and  is  not 
strictly  the  name  of  any  Musalman  tribe,  but  is  a  loose 
term  applied  by  the  Tamils  to  Musalmans  of  mixed 
descent."  In  the  Gazetteer  of  South  Arcot,  Mr.  Francis 
says  that  "the  term  Jonagan  or  Sonagan,  meaning  a 
native  of  S5nagan  or  Arabia,  is  applied  by  Hindus  to 
both  Labbais  and  Marakkayars,  but  it  is  usually  held  to 
have  a  contemptuous  flavour."  According  to  another 
version,  Jonagan  is  applied  to  sea-fishermen  and  boat- 
men, and  the  more  prosperous  traders  are  called 
Marakkayars.  In  a  note  on  the  Mappillas  of  Malabar, 
Mr.  Padmanabha  Menon  writes  that  "  the  Muham- 
madans  generally  go  by  the  name  of  Jonaga  Mappillas. 
Jonaka  is  believed  to  stand  for  Yavanaka,  2.<r.,  Greek." 

Joti  (light). — An  exogamous  sept  of  Boya. 

Jotinagara. — J5tinagara  (people  of  the  city  of  light) 
and  Jotipana  are  high  sounding  synonyms  of  the 
Canarese  oil-pressing  Ganigas,  who  express  illuminant 
oils  from  seeds.  In  like  manner,  the  Tamil  oil-pressing 
Vaniyans  are  known  as  Jotinagarattar  and  Tiru-vilakku 
Nagarattar  (dwellers  in  the  city  of  holy  lamps). 

Juda  Mappilla.^A  name  by  which  the  Cochin 
Jews  are  known. 

Julaha. — A  few  members  of  this  Muhammadan  class 
of  weavers  have  been  returned  at  times  of  census. 

Jungu   (cock's-comb). — A  gotra  of  Kurni. 


Printed  nv  Tiik  Superintendent, 

Government  Press, 

Madras. 


DS  Thurston,   Edgar 

LrJo  Castes  and  tribes  of 

T6  southern  Inaia 

V.2 


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