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CASTES AND TRIBES
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in 2008 with funding from
IVIicrosoft Corporation
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CASTES AND TRIBES
OF
SOUTHERN INDIA
CASTES AND TRIBES
OF
SOUTHERN INDIA
EDGAR THURSTON, c.i.e.,
Superintendent, Madras Government Museum ; Correspondant Etranger,
Soci^t6 d'Anthropologie de Paris; Socio Corrispondante,
Societa Romana di Anthropologia.
ASSISTED BY
K. RANGACHARI, m.a.,
of the Madras Government Museum.
VOLUME III— K
GOVERNMENT PRESS, MADRAS
3S
V
X
113S747
^
( NOV 17 1966 I
CASTES AND TRIBES
OF SOUTHERN INDIA.
VOLUME III.
^TT^v^ABBERA.— The Kabberas are a caste of
i (§^ Canarese fishermen and cultivators. "They
are," Mr. W. Francis writes,* " grouped into
two divisions, the Gaurimakkalu or sons of Gauri
(Parvati) and the Gangimakkalu or sons of Ganga,
the goddess of water, and they do not intermarry,
but will dine together. Each has its bedagus (ex-
ogamous septs), and these seem to be different in
the two sub-divisions. The Gaurimakkalu are scarce
in Bellary, and belong chiefly to Mysore. They seem
to be higher in the social scale (as such things are
measured among Hindus) than the Gangimakkalu,
as they employ Brahmans as priests instead of men of
their own caste, burn their dead instead of burying them,
hold annual ceremonies in memory of them, and prohibit
the remarriage of widows. The Gangimakkalu were
apparently engaged originally in all the pursuits con-
nected with water, such as propelling boats, catching
fish, and so forth, and they are especially numerous in
villages along the banks of the Tungabhadra." Coracles
are still used on various South Indian rivers, e.o-., the
Cauvery, Bhavani, and Tungabhadra. Tavernier, on
* Gazetteer of the Bellarv district.
KABBERA 2
his way to Golgonda, wrote that " the boats employed
in crossing the river are like large baskets, covered out-
side with ox-hides, at the bottom of which some faggots
are placed, upon which carpets are spread to put the
baggage and goods upon, for fear they should get wet."
Bishop Whitehead has recently * placed on record his
experiences of coracles as a means of conveyance.
" We embarked," he writes, " in a boat (at Hampi on the
Tungabhadra) which exactly corresponds to my idea of
the coracle of the ancient Britons. It consists of a very
large, round wicker basket, about eight or nine feet in
diameter, covered over with leather, and propelled by
paddles. As a rule, it spins round and round, but the
boatmen can keep it fairly straight, when exhorted to
do so, as they were on this occasion. Some straw had
been placed in the bottom of the coracle, and we were
also allowed the luxury of chairs to sit upon, but it is
safer to sit on the straw, as a chair in a coracle is
generally in a state of unstable equilibrium. I remem-
ber once crossing a river in the Trichinopoly district in
a coracle, to take a confirmation at a village on the
other side. It was thought more suitable to the dignity
of the occasion that I should sit upon a chair in the
middle of the coracle, and I weakly consented to do so.
All the villagers were assembled to meet us on the
opposite bank ; four policemen were drawn up as a
guard of honour, and a brass band, brought from
Tanjore, stood ready in the background. As we came
to the shore, the villagers salaamed, the guard of honour
saluted, the band struck up a tune faintly resembling
' See the conquering hero comes,' the coracle bumped
heavily against the shelving bank, my chair tipped up,
* Madras Diocesan Magazine, June, 1906.
3 KABBERA
and I was deposited, heels up, on my back in the straw !
. . . . We were rowed for about two miles down
the stream. The current was very swift, and there were
rapids at frequent intervals. Darkness overtook us,
and it was not altogether a pleasant sensation being
whirled swiftly over the rapids in our frail-looking boat,
with ugly rocks jutting out of the stream on either side.
But the boatmen seemed to know the river perfectly,
and were extraordinarily expert in steering the coracle
with their paddles." The arrival in 1847 of the American
Missionary, John Eddy Chandler at Madura, when the
Vaigai river was in flood, has been described as follows.*
" Coolies swimming the river brought bread and notes
from the brethren and sisters in the city. At last, after
three days of waiting, the new Missionaries safely
reached the mission premises in Madura. Messrs.
Rendall and Cherry managed to cross to them, and they
all recrossed into the city by a large basket boat, eight
or ten feet in diameter, with a bamboo pole tied across
the top for them to hold on to. The outside was
covered with leather. Ropes attached to all sides were
held by a dozen coolies as they dragged it across,
walking and swimming." In recent years, a coracle
has been kept at the traveller's bungalow at Paikara on
the Nilgiris for the use of anglers in the Paikara river.
" The Kabberas," Mr. Francis continues, " are at
present engaged in a number of callings, and, perhaps
in consequence, several occupational sub-divisions have
arisen, the members of which are more often known by
their occupational title than as either Gangimakkalu or
Kabberas. The Barikes, for example, are a class of
village servants who keep the village chavadi (caste
* John S. Chandler, a Madura Missionary, Boston.
III-i B
KABBERA 4
meeting house) clean, look after the wants of officials
halting in the village, and do other similar duties. The
Jalakaras are washers of gold-dust ; the Madderu are
dyers, who use the root of the maddi {Morinda citri-
folia) tree ; and apparently (the point is one which I
have not had time to clear up) the Besthas, who have
often been treated as a separate caste, are really a
sub-division of the Gangimakkalu, who were originally
palanquin-bearers, but, now that these vehicles have
gone out of fashion, are employed in divers other ways.
The betrothal is formally evidenced by the partaking of
betel-leaf in the girl's house, in the manner followed by
the Kurubas. As among the Madigas, the marriage is
not consummated for three months after its celebration.
The caste follow the Kuruba ceremony of calling back
the dead." Consummation is, as among the Kurubas
and Madigas, postponed for three months, as it is con-
sidered unlucky to have three heads of a family in a
household during the first year of marriage. By the
delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the
second year, so that, during the first year, there will be
only two heads, husband and wife. In the ceremony of
calling back the dead, referred to by Mr. Francis, a pot
of water is worshipped in the house on the eleventh day
after a funeral, and taken next morning to some lonely
place, where it is emptied.
For the following note on the Kabberas of the Bel-
lary district, I am indebted to Mr. Kothandram Naidu.
The caste is sometimes called Ambiga. Breaches
of caste rules and customs are enquired into by a
panchayat presided over by a headman called Katte-
maniavaru. If the fine inflicted on the offender is a
heavy one, half goes to the headman, and half to the
caste people, who spend it in drink. In serious cases,
5 KABBERA
the offender has to be purified by shaving and drinking
holy water (thirtam) given to him by the headman.
Both infant and adult marriage are practiced. Sexual
license previous to marriage is tolerated, but, before
that takes place, the contracting couple have to pay a
fine to the headman. At the marriage ceremony, the
tali is tied on the bride's neck by a Brahman. Married
women carry painted new pots with lights, bathe the
bride and bridegroom, etc. Widows are remarried with
a ceremonial called Udiki, which is performed at night
in a temple by widows, one of whom ties the tali. No
married men or women may be present, and music is
not allowed. Divorce is said to be not permitted. In
religion the Kabberas are Vaishnavites, and worship
various village deities. The dead are buried. Cloths
and food are offered to ancestors during the Dasara
festival, excepting those who have died a violent death.
Some unmarried girls are dedicated to the goddess
Hulugamma as Basavis (dedicated prostitutes).
Concerning an agricultural ceremony in the Bellary
district, in which the Kabberas take part, I gather that
" on the first full-moon day in the month of Bhadrapada
(September), the agricultural population celebrate a
feast called Jokumara, to appease the rain-god. The
Barikas (women), who are a sub-division of the Kabbera
caste belonging to the Gaurimakkalu section, go round
the town or village in which they live, with a basket on
their heads containing margosa {Me Ha Azadirachtd)
leaves, flowers of various kinds, and holy ashes. They
beg alms, especially of the cultivating classes (Kapus),
and, in return for the alms bestowed (usually grain and
food), they give some of the margosa leaves, flowers, and
ashes. The Kapus, or cultivators, take the margosa
leaves, flowers, and ashes to their fields, prepare cholum
KABBILI 6
[Andropog07i Sorghum) kanji, mix these with it. and
sprinkle this kanji, or gruel, all round their fields. After
this, the Kapu proceeds to the potter's kiln in the village
or town, fetches ashes from it, and makes a figure of a
human being. This figure is placed prominently in
some convenient spot in the field, and is called Joku-
mara, or rain-god. It is supposed to have the power of
bringing down the rain in proper time. The figure is
sometimes small, and sometimes big." *
Kabbili.— Kabbili or Kabliga, recorded as a sub-
division of Bestha, is probably a variant of Kabbera.
Kadacchil (knife-grinder or cutler). — A sub-division
of Kollan.
Kadaiyan.— The name, Kadaiyan, meaning last or
lowest, occurs as a sub-division of the Pallans. The
Kadaiyans are described f as being lime (shell) gather-
ers and burners of Ramesvaram and the neighbourhood,
from whose ranks the pearl-divers are in part recruited
at the present day. On the coasts of Madura and
Tinnevelly they are mainly Christians, and are said, like
the Paravas, to have been converted through the work of
St. Francis Xavier.J
Kadaperi.— A sub-division of Kannadiyan.
Kadavala (pots). — An exogamous sept of Padma
Sale.
Kadi (blade of grass). — A g5tra of Kurni.
Kadir.-^The Kadirs or Kadans inhabit the Anai-
malai or elephant hills, and the great mountain range
which extends thence southward into Travancore, A
night journey by rail to Coimbatore, and forty miles by
* Madras Mail, November, 1905.
+ J. Hornell. Report on the Indian Pearl Fisheries of the Gulf of Manaar,
1905.
4 Madras Diocesan Mag., 1906,
7 KADIR
road at the mercy of a typically obstinate jutka pony,
which landed me in a dense patch of prickly-pear
{Optmiia Dillenii), brought me to the foot of the hills
at Sethumadai, where I came under the kindly hospitality
of Mr. H. A. Gass, Conservator of Forests, to whom
I am indebted for much information on forest and tribal
matters gathered during our camp life at Mount Stuart,
situated 2,350 feet above sea-level, in the midst of a
dense bamboo jungle, and playfully named after Sir
Mountstuart Grant Duff, who visited the spot during
his quinquennium as Governor of Madras.
At Sethumadai I made the acquaintance of my first
Kadir, not dressed, as I hoped, in a primitive garb of
leaves, but wearing a coloured turban and the cast-off
red coat of a British soldier, who had come down the
hill to carry up my camp bath, which acted as an excel-
lent umbrella, to protect him from the driving monsoon
showers. Very glad was I of his services in helping to
convey my clothed, and consequently helpless self, across
the mountain torrents, swollen by a recent burst of
monsoon rain.
The Kadir forest guards, of whom there are sev-
eral in Government service, looked, except for their
noses, very unjungle-like by contrast with their fellow-
tribesmen, being smartly dressed in regulation Norfolk
jacket, knickerbockers, pattis (leggings), buttons, and
accoutrements.
On arrival at the forest depot, with its comfortable
bungalows and Kadir settlement, I was told by a native
servant that his master was away, as an "elephant done
tumble in a fit." My memory went back to the occasion
many years ago, when, as a medical student, I took part
in the autopsy of an elephant, which died in convulsions
at the London Zoological Gardens. It transpired later
KADIR 5
in the day that a young and grown-up cow elephant had
tumbled, not in a fit, but into a pit made with hands for
the express purpose of catching elephants. The story
has a philological significance, and illustrates the difficulty
which the Tamulian experiences in dealing with the letter
F. An incident is still cherished at Mount Stuart in
connection with a sporting globe-trotter, who was accre-
dited to the Conservator of Forests for the purpose of
putting him on to "bison" (the gaur, Bos gaurus), and
other big game. On arrival at the depot, he was in-
formed that his host had gone to see the " ellipence."
Incapable of translating the pigeon-English of the native
butler, and, concluding that a financial reckoning was
being suggested, he ordered the servant to pay the
baggage coolies their elli-pence, and send them away.
To a crusted Anglo-Indian it is clear that ellipence
could only mean elephants. Sir M. E. Grant Duff
tells * the following story of a man, who was shooting
on the Anaimalais. In his camp was an elephant, who,
in the middle of the night, began to eat the thatch
of the hut, in which he was sleeping. His servant in
alarm rushed in and awoke him, saying " Elephant,
Sahib, must, must (mad)." The sleeper, half-waking and
rolling over, replied " Oh, bother the elephant. Tell
him he mustn't."
The salient characteristics of the Kadirs may be
briefly summed up as follows : short stature, dark skin,
platyrhine. Men and women have the teeth chipped.
Women wear a bamboo comb in the back-hair. Those
whom I met spoke a Tamil patois, running up the scale
in talking, and finishing, like a Suffolker, on a higher
note than they commenced on. But I am told that some
* Notes from a Diary, 1SS1-S6.
9 KADIR
of them speak a mixture of debased Tamil and Mala-
yalam. I am informed by Mr. Vincent that the Kadirs
have a peculiar word Ali, denoting apparently a fellow
or thing, which they apply as a suffix to names, e.g.,
Karaman Ali, black fellow ; Mudi Ali, hairy fellow
Kutti Ali, man with a knife ; Puv Ali, man with a flower.
Among nicknames, the following occur : white mother,
white flower, beauty, tiger, milk, virgin, love, breasts.
The Kadirs are excellent mimics, and give a clever imi-
tation of the mode of speech of the Muduvans, Malasars,
and other hill tribes.
The Kadirs afford a typical example of happiness
without culture. Unspoiled, by education, the advancing
wave of which has not yet engulfed them, they still retain
many of their simple " manners and customs." Quite
refreshing was it to hear the hearty shrieks of laughter
of the nude curly-haired children, wholly illiterate, and
happy in their ignorance, as they played at funerals, or
indulged in the amusement of making mud pies, and
scampered off to their huts on my appearance. The
uncultured Kadir, living a hardy out-door life, and capa-
ble of appreciating to the full the enjoyment of an
" apathetic rest " as perfect bliss, has, I am convinced,
in many ways, the advantage over the poor under-fed
student with a small-paid appointment under Government
as the narrow goal to which the laborious passing of
examination tests leads.
Living an isolated existence, confined within the
thinly-populated jungle, where Nature furnishes the
means of obtaining all the necessaries of life, the Kadir
possesses little, if any, knowledge of cultivation, and
objects to doing work with a mamuti, the instrument
which serves the gardener in the triple capacity of spade,
rake, and hoe. But armed with a keen-edged bill-hook
KADIR lO
he is immense. As Mr. O. H. Bensley says : * "The
axiom that the less civilised men are, the more they are
able to do every thing for themselves, is well illustrated
by the hill-man, who is full of resource. Give him a
simple bill-hook, and what wonders he will perform.
He will build houses out of etah, so neat and comfort-
able as to be positively luxurious. He will bridge a
stream with canes and branches. He will make a raft
out of bamboo, a carving knife out of etah, a comb out
of bamboo, a fishing-line out of fibre, and fire from dry
wood. He will find food for you where you think you
must starve, and show you the branch which, if cut, will
give you drink. He will set traps for beasts and birds,
which are more effective than some of the most elabor-
ate products of machinery." A European, overtaken
by night in the jungle, unable to light fire by friction or
to climb trees to gather fruits, ignorant of the edible
roots and berries, and afraid of wild beasts, would, in
the absence of comforts, be quite as unhappy and ill-
at-ease as a Kadir surrounded by plenty at an official
dinner party.
At the forest depot the Kadir settlement consists of
neatly constructed huts, made of bamboo deftly split
with a bill-hook in their long axis, thatched with leaves of
the teak tree ( Tcctona grandis) and bamboo ( Ochlandra
travancoricd), and divided off into verandah and compart-
ments by means of bamboo partitions. But the Kadirs
are essentially nomad in habit,, living in small communities,
and shifting from place to place in the jungle, whence
they suddenly re-appear as casually as if they had only
returned from a morning stroll instead of a long camping
expedition. When wandering in the jungle, the Kadirs
* Lecture delivered at Trivandrum, MS.
KADIR.
1 1 KADIR
make a rouoh lean-to shed covered over with leaves, and
keep a small fire burning through the night, to keep off
bears, elephants, tigers, and leopards. They are, I am
told, fond of dogs, which they keep chiefly as a protection
against wild beasts at night. The camp fire is lighted
by means of a flint and the floss of the silk-cotton tree
(Boiubax malabaricunt), over which powdered charcoal
has been rubbed. Like the Kurumbas, the Kadirs are
not, in a general way, afraid of elephants, but are careful
to get out of the way of a cow with young, or a solitary
rover, which may mean mischief. On the day following
my descent from Mount Stuart, an Odde cooly woman
was killed on the ghat road by a solitary tusker. Fami-
liarity with wild beasts, and comparative immunity from
accident, have bred contempt for them, and the Kadirs
will go where the European, fresh to elephant land, fears
to tread, or conjures every creak of a bamboo into the
approach of a charging tusker. As an example of pluck
worthy of a place in Kipling's 'Jungle-book,' I may cite
the case of a hill-man and his wife, who, overtaken by
night in the jungle, decided to pass it on a rock. As
they slept, a tiger carried off the woman. Hearing her
shrieks, the sleeping man awoke, and followed in pursuit
in the vain hope of saving his wife. Coming on the
beast in possession of the mangled corpse, he killed it
at close quarters with a spear. Yet he was wholly uncon-
scious that he had performed an act of heroism worthy
of the bronze cross 'for valour.'
The Kadirs carry loads strapped on the back over the
shoulders by means of fibre, instead of on the head in the
manner customary among coolies in the plains ; and
women on the march may be seen carrying the cooking
utensils on their backs, and often have a child strapped
on the top of their household goods. The dorsal position
KADIR 12
of the babies, huddled up In a dirty cloth, with the ends
slung over the shoulders and held in the hands over the
chest, at once caught my eye, as it is contrary to the
usual native habit of straddling the infants across the
loins as a saddle.
Mr. Vincent informs me that " when the planters
first came to the hills, the Kadirs were found practically
without clothes of any description, with very few orna-
ments, and looking very lean and emaciated. All this,
however, changed with the advent of the European, as
the Kadirs then got advances in hard cash, clothes, and
grain, to induce them to work. For a few years they
tried to work hard, but were failures, and now I do not
suppose that a dozen men are employed on the estates
on the hills. They would not touch manure owing to
caste scruples ; they could not learn to prune ; and with
a mamoti (spade) they always promptly proceeded to
chop their feet about in their efforts to dig pits." The
Kadirs have never claimed, like the Todas, and do not
possess any land on the hills. But the Government has
declared the absolute right of the hill tribes to collect all
the minor forest produce, and to sell it to the Government
through the medium of a contractor, whose tender has
been previously accepted. The contractor pays for the
produce in coin at a fair market rate, and the Kadirs
barter the money so obtained for articles of food with
contractors appointed by Government to supply them
with their requirements at a fixed rate, which will leave
a fair, but not exorbitant margin of profit to the vendor.
The principal articles of minor forest produce of the
Anaimalai hills are wax, honey, cardamoms, myrabolams,
ginger, dammer, turmeric, deer horns, elephant tusks,
and rattans. And of these, cardamoms, wax, honey, and
rattans are the most important. Honey and wax are
jiCl'
--«r^
IWH
L^.'=
KADIR.
13 KADIR
collected at all seasons, and cardamoms from September
to November. The total value of the minor produce
collected, in 1897-98, in the South Coimbatore division
(which includes the Anaimalais) was Rs. 7,886. This sum
was exceptionally high owing to a good cardamom crop.
An average year would yield a revenue of Rs. 4,000—
5,000, of which the Kadirs receive approximately 50 per
cent. They work for the Forest Department on a system
of short advances for a daily wage of 4 annas. And, at
the present day, the interests of the Forest Department
and planters, who have acquired land on the Anaimalais,
both anxious to secure hill men for labour, have come
into mild collision.
Some Kadirs are good trackers, and a few are good
shikaris. A zoological friend, who had nicknamed his
small child his " little shikari " ( = little sportsman) was
quite upset because I, hailing from India, did not recog-
nise the word with his misplaced accent. One Kadir,
named Viapoori Muppan, is still held in the memory of
Europeans, who made a good living, in days gone by, by
shooting tuskers, and had one arm blown off by the
bursting of a gun. He is reputed to have been a much
married man, greatly addicted to strong drinks, and to
have flourished on the proceeds of his tusks. At the
present day, if a Kadir finds tusks, he must declare the
find as treasure-trove, and hand it over to Government,
who rewards him at the rate of Rs. 15 to Rs. 25 per
maund of 25 lb. according to the quality. Government
makes a good profit on the transaction, as exceptionally
good tusks have been known to sell for Rs. 5 per lb. If
the find is not declared, and discovered, the possessor
thereof is punished for theft according to the Act. By an
elastic use of the word cattle, it is, for the purposes of the
Madras Forest Act, made to include such a heterogeneous
KADIR 14
zoological collection of animals as elephants, sheep, pigs,
goats, camels, buffaloes, horses — and asses. This classi-
fication recalls to mind the occasion on which the
Flying-fox or Fox-bat was included in an official list of
the insectivorous birds of the Presidency ; and, further,
a report on the wild animals of a certain district, which
was triumphantly headed with the "wild tattu," the
long-suffering, but pig-headed country pony.
I gather, from an account of the process by one who
had considerable knowledge of the Kadirs, that "they
will only remove the hives of bees during dark nights,
and never in the daytime or on moonlight nights. In
removing them from cliffs, they use a chain made of
bamboo or rattan, fixed to a stake or a tree on the top.
The man, going down this fragile ladder, will only do so
while his wife, or son watches above to prevent any foul
play. They have a superstition that they should always
return by the way they go down, and decline to get to
the bottom of the cliff, although the distance may be
less, and the work of re-climbing avoided. For hives
on trees, they tie one or more long bamboos to reach up
to the branch required, and then climb up. They then
crawl along the branch until the hive is reached. They
devour the bee-bread and the bee-maggots or larvae,
swallowing the wax as well." In a note on a shooting
expedition in Travancore, ■'■ Mr. J. D. Rees, describing
the collection of honey by the Kadirs of the southern
hills, says that they " descend giddy precipices at night,
torch in hand, to smoke out the bees, and take away
their honey. A stout creeper is suspended over the
abyss, and it is established law of the jungle that no
brother shall assist in holding it. But it is more
* Nineteenth Century, 1898.
15 KADIR
interesting to see them run a ladder a hundred feet up
the perpendicular stem of a tree, than to watch them
disappearing over a precipice. Axe in hand, the honey-
picker makes a hole in the bark for a little peg, standing
on which he inserts a second peg higher up, ties a long-
cane from one to the other, and by night — for the dark-
ness gives confidence — he will ascend the tallest trees,
and bring down honey without any accident." I have
been told, with how much of truth I know not, that,
when a Kadir goes down the face of a rock or precipice
in search of honey, he sometimes takes with him, as a
precautionary measure, and guarantee of his safety, the
wife of the man who is holding the ladder above.
Often, when out on the tramp with the late Government
Botanist, Mr. M. A. Lawson, I have heard him lament
that it is impossible to train arboreal monkeys to collect
specimens of the fruit and flowers of lofty forest trees,
which are inaccessible to the ordinary man. Far superior
to any trained Simian is the Kadir, who, by means of
pegs or notches, climbs even the tallest masts of trees
with an agility which recalls to memory the celebrated
picture in " Punch," representing Darwin's ' Habit of
climbing plants.' For the ascent of comparatively low
trees, notches are made with a bill-hook, alternately
right and left, at intervals of about thirty inches. To
this method the Kadir will not have recourse in wet
weather, as the notches are damp and slippery, and there
is the danger of an insecure foot-hold.
An important ethnographic fact, and one which is
significant, is that the detailed description of tree-climbing
by the Dyaks of Borneo, as given by Wallace,'- might
have been written on the Anaimalai hills, and would
Malay Archipelago.
KADIR l6
apply equally well in every detail to the Kadir. " They
drove in," Wallace writes, "a peg very firmly at about
three feet from the ground, and, bringing one of the long
bamboos, stood it upright close to the tree, and bound
it firmly to the two first pegs by means of a bark cord
and small notches near the head of each peg. One
of the Dyaks now stood on the first peg and drove in a
third about level with his face, to which he tied the
bamboo in the same way, and then mounted another step,
standing on one foot, and holding by the bamboo at the
peg immediately above him, while he drove in the next
one. In this manner he ascended about twenty feet,
when the upright bamboo became thin ; another was
handed up by his companion, and this was joined on by
tying both bamboos to three or four of the pegs. When
this was also neeirly ended, a third was added, and shortly
after the lowest branch of the tree was reached, along
which the young Dyak scrambled. The ladder was
perfectly safe, since, if any one peg were loose or faulty,
the strain would be thrown on several others above
and below it. I now understood the use of the line of
bamboo pegs sticking in trees, which I had often seen."
In their search for produce in the evergreen forests
of the higher ranges, with their heavy rainfall, the Kadirs
became unpleasantly familiar with leeches and blue
bottle flies, which flourish in the moist climate. And it
is recorded that a Kadir, who had been gored and
wounded by a bull ' bison,' was placed in a position of
safety while a friend ran to the village to summon help.
He was not away for more than an hour, but, In that
short time, flies had deposited thousands of maggots
in the wounds, and, when the man was brought into
camp, they had already begun burrowing into the flesh,
and were with difficulty extracted. On another occasion,
KADIR TREE-CLIMBING.
17 kAdir
the eye-witness of the previous unappetising incident
was out alone in the forest, and shot a tiger two miles
or so from his camp. Thither he went to collect coolies
to carry in the carcase, and was away for about two
hours, during which the flies had, like the child in the
story, 'not been idle,' the skin being a mass of maggots
and totally ruined. I have it on authority that, like the
Kotas of the Nilgiris, the Kadirs will eat the putrid and
fly-blown flesh of carcases of wild beasts, which they
come across in their wanderings. To a dietary which
includes succulent roots, which they upturn with a digging
stick, bamboo seed, sheep, fowls, rock-snakes (python),
deer, porcupines, rats (field, not house), wild pigs,
monkeys, etc., they do credit by displaying a hard, well-
nourished body. The mealy portion of the seeds of the
Cycas tree, which flourishes on the lower slopes of the
Anaimalais, forms a considerable addition to the menu.
In its raw state the fruit is said to be poisonous, but it is
evidently wholesome when cut into slices, thoroughly
soaked in running water, dried, and ground into flour
for making cakes, or baked in hot ashes. Mr. Vincent
writes that, " during March, April, and May, the Kadirs
have a glorious time. They usually manage to find
some wild sago palms, called by them koondtha panai,
of the proper age, which they cut down close to the
ground. They are then cut into lengths of about i J feet,
and split lengthways. The sections are then beaten
very hard and for a long time with mallets, and
become separated into fibre and powder. The powder is
thoroughly wetted, tied in cloths and well beaten with
sticks. Every now and then, between the beatings, the
bag of powder is dipped in water, and well strained. It
is then all put into water, when the powder sinks, and
the water is poured off. The residue is well boiled,
ni-2
KADIR l8
with constant stirring, and, when it is of the consistency
of rubber, and of a reddish brown colour, it is allowed to
cool, and then cut in pieces to be distributed. This food
stuff is palatable enough, but very tough." The Kadir
is said to prefer roasting and eating the flesh of animals
with the skin on. For catching rats, jungle-fowl, etc.,
he resorts to cunningly devised snares and traps made of
bamboo and fibre, as a substitute for a gun. Porcupines
are caught by setting fire to the scrub jungle round
them as they lie asleep, and thus smoking and burning
them to death.
When a Kadir youth's thoughts turn towards
matrimony, he is said to go to the village of his bride-
elect, and give her a dowry by working there for a year.
On the wedding day a feast of rice, sheep, fowls,
and other luxuries is given by the parents of the
bridegroom, to w^hich the Kadir community is invited.
The bride and bridegroom stand beneath a pandal
(arch) decorated with flowers, w^hich is erected outside
the home of the bridegroom, while men and women
dance separately to the music of drum and fife. The
bridegroom's mother or sister ties the tali (marriage
badge) of gold or silver round the bride's neck, and her
father puts a turban on the head of the bridegroom.
The contracting parties link together the little fingers
of their right hands as a token of their union, and walk
in procession round the pandal. Then, sitting on a reed
mat of Kadir manufacture, they exchange betel. The
marriage tie can be dissolved for incompatibility of
temper, disobedience on the part of the wife, adultery,
etc., without appeal to any higher authority than a
council of elders, who pronounce judgment on the
evidence. As an illustration of the manner in which
such a council of hill-men disposes of cases, Mr. Bensley
19 kAdir
cites the case of a man who was made to carry forty
basket loads of sand to the house of the person against
whom he had offended. He points out how absolute is
the control exercised by the council. Disobedience
would be followed by excommunication, and this would
mean being turned out into the jungle, to obtain a
living in the best way one could.
By one Kadir informant I was assured, as he
squatted on the floor of my bungalow at "question
time," that it is essential that a wife should be a good
cook, in accordance with a maxim that the way to the
heart is through the mouth. How many men in civilised
western society, who suffer from marrying a wife wholly
incompetent, like the first Mrs. David Copperfield, to
conduct the housekeeping, might well be envious of
the system of marriage as a civil contract to be sealed
or unloosed according to the cookery results ! Polygyny
is indulged in by the Kadirs, who agree with Benedick
that " the world must be peopled," and hold more
especially that the numerical strength of their own tribe
must be maintained. The plurality of wives seems
to be mainly with the desire for offspring, and the father-
in-law of one of the forest-guards informed me that he
had four wives living. The first two wives producing
no offspring, he married a third, who bore him a solitary
male child. Considering the result to be an insufficient
contribution to the tribe, he married a fourth, who, more
prolific than her colleagues, gave birth to three girls and
a boy, with which he remained content. In the code of
polygynous etiquette, the first wife takes precedence over
the others, and each wife has her own cooking utensils.
Special huts are maintained for women during
menstruation and parturition. Mr. Vincent informs me
that, when a girl reaches puberty, the friends of the
III-2 B
KADIR 20
family gather together, and a great feast is prepared.
All her friends and relations give her a small present of
money, according to their means. The girl is decorated
with the family jewelry, and made to look as smart
as possible. For the first menstrual period, a special
hut, called mutthu salai or ripe house, is constructed for
the girl to live in during the period of pollution ; but at
subsequent periods, the ordinary menstruation hut, or
unclean house, is used. All girls are said to change
their names when they reach puberty. For three
months after the birth of a child, the woman is considered
unclean. When the infant is a month old, it is named
without any elaborate ceremonial, though the female
friends of the family collect together. Sexual inter-
course ceases on the establishment of pregnancy, and
the husband indulges in promiscuity. Widows are
not allowed to re-marry, but may live in a state of
concubinage. Women are said to suckle their children
till they are two or three years old, and a mother has
been seen putting a lighted cigarette to the lips of a
year old baby immediately after suckling it. If this is
done with the intention of administering a sedative, it
is less baneful than the pellet of opium administered by
ayahs (nurses) to Anglo-Indian babies rendered fractious
by troubles climatic, dental, and other. The Kadir men
are said to consume large quantities of opium, which
is sold to them illicitly. They will not allow the
women or children to eat it, and have a belief that
the consumption thereof by women renders them
barren. The women chew tobacco. The men smoke
the coarse tobacco as sold in the bazars, and showed
a marked appreciation of Spencer's Torpedo cheroots,
which I distributed among them for the purposes of
bribery and conciliation.
21 kAdir
The religion of the Kadirs is a crude polytheism,
and vague worship of stone images or invisible gods.
It is, as Mr. Bensley expresses it, an ejaculatory reli-
gion, finding vent in uttering the names of the gods and
demons. The gods, as enumerated and described to
me, were as follows : —
(i) Paikutlatha, a projecting rock overhanging
a slab of rock, on which are two stones set up on end.
Two miles east of Mount Stuart.
(2) Athuvisariamma, a stone enclosure, ten to
fifteen feet square, almost level with the ground. It is
believed that the walls were originally ten feet high, and
that the mountain has grown up round it. Within the
enclosure there is a representation of the god. Eight
miles north of Mount Stuart.
(3) Vanathavathi. Has no shrine, but is worship-
ped anywhere as an invisible god.
(4) lyappaswami, a stone set up beneath a teak
tree, and worshipped as a protector against various
forms of sickness and disease. In the act of worship-
ping, a mark is made on the stone with ashes. Two
miles and a half from Mount Stuart, on the ghat road to
Sethumadai.
(5) Masanyatha, a female recumbent figure in stone
on a masonry wall in an open plain near the village of
Anaimalai, before which trial by ordeal is carried out.
The goddess has a high repute for her power of detecting
thieves or rogues. Chillies are thrown into a fire in her
name, and the guilty person suffers from vomiting and
diarrhoea.
According to Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer,* the
Kadirs are " worshippers of Kali. On the occasion of
* Monograph. Ethnog : Survey of Cochin, No. 9, 1906,
KADIR 22
the offering to Kali, a number of virgins are asked to
bathe as a preliminary to the preparation of the offering,
which consists of rice and some vegetables cooked in
honey, and made into a sweet pudding. The rice for
this preparation is unhusked by these girls. The offer-
ing is considered to be sacred, and is partaken of by all
men, women, and children assembled."
When Kadirs fall sick, they worship the gods by
saluting them with their hands to the face, burning
camphor, and offering up fruits, cocoanuts, and betel.
Mr. Vincent tells me that they have a horror of cattle,
and will not touch the ordure, or other products of the
cow. Yet they believe that their gods occasionally reside
in the body of a " bison," and have been known to do
puja (worship) when a bull has been shot by a sportsman.
It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer that wild
elephants are held in veneration by them, but tame ones
are believed to have lost the divine element.
The Kadirs are said, during the Hindu Vishu festival,
to visit the plains, and, on their way, pray to any image
which they chance to come across. They are believers
in witchcraft, and attribute all diseases to the miraculous
workings thereof. They arc good exorcists, and trade
in mantravadam or magic. Mr. Logan mentions * that
" the family of famous trackers, whose services in the
jungles were retained for H.R.H. the Prince of Wales'
(now King Edward) projected sporting tour in the
Anamalai mountains, dropped off most mysteriously, one
by one, shortly afterwards, stricken down by an unseen
hand, and all of them expressing beforehand their con-
viction that they were under a certain individual's spell,
and were doomed to certain death at an early date. They
* Malabar Manual.
23 KADIR
were probably poisoned, but how it was managed remains
a mystery, although the family was under the protection
of a European gentleman, who would at once have
brought to light any ostensible foul play."
The Kadir dead are buried in a grave, or, if death
occurs in the depths of the jungles, with a paucity of
hands available for digging, the corpse is placed in a
crevice between the rocks, and covered over with stones.
The grave is dug from four to five feet deep. There is
no special burial-ground, but some spot in the jungle,
not far from the scene of death, is selected. A band of
music, consisting of drum and fife, plays weird dirges
outside the hut of the deceased, and whistles are blown
when it is carried away therefrom. The old clothes of
the deceased are spread under the corpse, and a new
cloth is put on it. It is tied up in a mat, which com-
pletely covers it, and carried to the burial-ground on a
bamboo stretcher. As it leaves the hut, rice is thrown
over it. The funeral ceremony is simple in the extreme.
The corpse is laid in the grave on a mat in the recumbent
posture, with the head towards the east, and with split
bamboo and leaves placed all round it, so that not a
particle of earth can touch it. No stone, or sepulchral
monument of any kind, is set up to mark the spot. The
Kadir believes that the dead go to heaven, which is in
the sky, but has no views as to what sort of place it is.
The story that the Kadirs eat their dead originated with
Europeans, the origin of it being that no one had ever
seen a dead Kadir, a grave, or sign of a burial-place.
The Kadirs themselves are reticent as to their method of
disposing of the dead, and the story, which was started
as a joke, became more or less believed. Mr. Vincent
tells me that a well-to-do Kadir family will perform the
final death ceremonies eight days after death, but poorer
KADIR 24
folk have to wait a year or more, till they have collected
sufficient money for the expenses thereof. At cock-crow
on the morning of the ceremonies, rice, called polli chor,
is cooked, and piled up on leaves in the centre of the hut
of the deceased. Cooked rice, called tullagu chor, is then
placed in each of the four corners of the hut, to propi-
tiate the gods, and to serve as food for them and the spirit
of the dead person. At a short distance from the hut,
rice, called kanal chor, is cooked for all Kadirs who
have died, and been buried. The relations and friends
of the deceased commence to cry, and make lamentations,
and proclaim his good qualities, most of which are
fictitious. After an hour or so, they adjourn to the hut
of the deceased, where the oldest man present invokes
the gods, and prays to them and to the heaped up food.
A pinch from each of the heaps is thrown into the air as
a gift of food to the gods, and those present fall to, and
eat heartily, being careful to partake of each of the food-
stuffs, consisting of rice, meat, and vegetables, which
have been prepared.
On a certain Monday in the months of Adi and
Avani, the Kadirs observe a festival called nombu, during
which a feast is held, after they have bathed and
anointed themselves with oil. It was, they say, observed
by their ancestors, but they have no definite tradition as
to its origin or significance. It is noted by Mr. Anantha
Krishna Iyer that, at the Onam festival, presents in the
shape of rice, cloths, coats, turbans, caps, ear-rings,
tobacco, opium, salt, oil and cocoanuts are distributed
among the Kadirs by the Forest Department.
According to Mr. Bensley, " the Kadir has an air of
calm dignity, which leads one to suppose that he had
some reason for having a more exalted opinion of himself
than that entertained for him by the outside world. A
25 kAdir
forest officer of a philanthropic turn had a very high
opinion of the sturdy independence and blunt honesty of
the Kadir, but he once came unexpectedly round a corner,
to find two of them exploring the contents of his port-
manteau, from which they had abstracted a pair of
scissors, a comb, and a looking glass." " The Kadirs,"
Mr. (now Sir F. A.) Nicholson writes,* " are, as a rule,
rather short in stature, and deep-chested, like most
mountaineers ; and, like many true mountaineers, they
rarely walk with a straight leg. Hence their thigh
muscles are often abnormally developed at the expense
of those of the calf Hence, too, in part, their dislike to
walking long distances on level ground, though their
objection, mentioned by Colonel Douglas Hamilton, to
carrying loads on the plains, is deeper-rooted than that
arising from mere physical disability. This objection is
mainly because they are rather a timid race, and never
feel safe out of the forests. They have also affirmed that
the low-country air is very trying to them." As a matter
of fact, they very rarely go down to the plains, even as
far as the village of Anaimalai, only fifteen miles distant
from Mount Stuart. One woman, whom I saw, had
been as far as Palghat by railway from Coimbatore, and
had returned very much up-to-date in the matter of
jewelry and the latest barbarity in imported piece-good
body-cloth.
With the chest-girth of the Kadirs, as well as
their general muscular development, I was very much
impressed. Their hardiness, Mr. Conner writes, f has
given rise to the observation among their neighbours
that the Kadir and Kad Anai (wild elephant) are much
the same sort of animal.
* Manual of the Coimbatore district.
t Madras Joiun. Lit. Science, I. 1833.
kAdir 26
Perhaps the most interesting custom of the Kadirs is
that of chipping all or some of the incisor teeth, both
upper and lower, into the form of a sharp-pointed, but
not serrated cone. The operation, which is performed
with a chisel or bill-hook and file by members of the
tribe skilled therein, on boys and girls, has been thus
described. The girl to be operated on lies down, and
places her head against a female friend, who holds her
head firmly. A woman takes a sharpened bill-hook, and
chips away the teeth till they are shaded to a point, the
girl operated on writhing and groaning with the pain.
After the operation she appears dazed, and in a very few
hours the face begins to swell. Swelling and pain last
for a day or two, accompanied by severe headache.
The Kadirs say that chipped teeth make an ugly man or
woman handsome, and that a person, whose teeth have
not been thus operated on, has teeth and eats like a cow.
Whether this practice is one which the Kadir, and Mala
Vedar of Travancore, have hit on spontaneously in
comparatively recent times, or whether it is a relic of a
custom resorted to by their ancestors of long ago,
which remains as a stray survival of a custom once more
widely practiced by the remote inhabitants of Southern
India, cannot be definitely asserted, but I incline to the
latter view.
A friendly old woman, with huge discs in the widely
dilated lobes of the ears, and a bamboo five-pronged
comb in her back-hair, who acted as spokesman on the
occasion of a visit to a charmingly situated settlement in
a jungle of magnificent bamboos by the side of a moun-
tain stream, pointed out to me, with conscious pride,
that the huts were largely constructed by the females,
while the men worked for the sircar (Government).
The females also carry water from the streams, collect
KADIR BUY WITH CHIPPED TEETH.
27 kAdir
firewood, dig up edible roots, and carry out the sundry
household duties of a housewife. Both men and women
are clever at plaiting" bamboo baskets, necklets, etc.
I was told one morning by a Kadir man, whom I met on
the road, as an important item of news, that the women
in his settlement were very busy dressing to come and
see me — an event as important to them as the dressing
of a debutante for presentation at the Court of St.
James'. They eventually turned up without their hus-
bands, and evidently regarded my methods as a huge
joke organised for the amusement of themselves and
their children. The hair was neatly parted, anointed
with a liberal application of cocoanut oil, and decked
with wild flowers. Beauty spots and lines had been
painted with coal-tar dyes on the forehead, and turmeric
powder freely sprinkled over the top of the heads of the
married women. Some had even discarded the racrg^ed
and dirty cotton cloth of every-day life in favour of a
colour-printed imported sari. One bright, good-looking
young woman, who had already been through the
measuring ordeal, acted as an efficient lady-help in
coaching the novices in the assumption of the correct
positions. She very readily grasped the situation, and
was manifestly proud of her temporary elevation to the
rank of standard-bearer to Government.
Dr. K. T. Preuss has drawn my attention to an
article in Globus, 1899, entitled 'Die Zauberbilder
Schriften der Negrito in Malaka,' wherein he describes
in detail the designs on the bamboo combs worn by the
Negritos of Malacca, and compares them with the
strikingly similar design on the combs worn by the Kadir
women. Dr. Preuss works out in detail the theory that
the design is not, as I have elsewhere called it, a geome-
trical pattern, but consists of a series of hieroglyphics.
KADIR 28
The collection of Kadir combs in the Madras Museum
shows very clearly that the patterns thereon are con-
ventional designs. The bamboo combs worn by the
Semang women are stated* to serve as talismans, to
protect them against diseases which are prevalent, or
most dreaded by them. Mr. Vincent informs me that,
so far as he knows, the Kadir combs are not looked
on as charms, and the markings thereon have no mystic
significance. A Kadir man should always make a comb,
and present it to his intended wife just before marriage,
or at the conclusion of the marriage ceremony, and the
young men vie with each other as to who can make the
nicest comb. Sometimes they represent strange articles
on the combs. Mr. Vincent has, for example, seen
a comb with a very good imitation of the face of a clock
scratched on it.
It is sometimes difficult to distinguish adolescent
Kadir youths with curly fringe, chests covered by a
cotton cloth, and wearing necklets made of plaited grass
or glass and brass beads, from girls. And I was myself
several times caught in an erroneous diagnosis of sex.
Many of the infants have a charm tied round the neck,
which takes the form of a dried tortoise foot ; the tooth
of a crocodile mimicking a phallus, and supposed to ward
off attacks from a mythical water elephant which lives in
the mountain streams ; or wooden imitations of tiger's
claws. One baby wore a necklet made of the seeds
of Coix Lachryina-Jobi (Job's tears). Males have the
lobes of the ears adorned with brass ornaments, and
the nostril pierced, and plugged with wood. The ear-
lobes of the females are widely dilated with palm-leaf
rolls or huge wooden discs, and they wear ear-rings,
* W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden. Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula,
1906.
t-
f'^'*r-Y*''
is^cs.-
.-1^?_
KADIR GIRL WEARING CUMU.
29 kAdukuttukiravar
brass or steel bangles and finger-rings, and bead
necklets.
It is recorded by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer that the
Kadirs are attached to the Raja of Cochin "by the
strongest ties of personal affection and regard. When-
ever His Highness tours in the forests, they follow him,
carry him from place to place in manjals or palanquins,
carry saman (luggage), and in fact do everything for
him. His Highness in return is much attached to them,
feeds them, gives them cloths, ornaments, combs, and
looking-glasses."
The Kadirs will not eat with Malasars, who are beef-
eaters, and will not carry boots made of cow-hide, except
under protest.
Average stature 1577 cm,; cephalic index 72-9;
nasal index 89.
Kadle.— Kadle, Kalle, and Kadale meaning Bengal
gram [Cicer arietiiiimi) have been recorded as exoga-
mous septs or gotras of Kurubas and Kurnis.
Kadu.— Kadu or Kattu, meaning wild or jungle,
has been recorded as a division of Golla, Irula,
Korava, Kurumba, and Tottiyan. Kadu also occurs
as an exogamous sept or gotra of the Kurnis. Kadu
Konkani is stated, in the Madras Census Report,
1 90 1, to mean the bastard Konkanis, as opposed to
the God or pure Konkanis. Kattu Marathi is a
synonym for the bird-catching Kuruvikarans. In the
Malabar Wynaad, the jungle Kurumbas are known as
Kattu Nayakan.
Kadukuttukiravar. — A synonym, meaning one who
bores a hole in the ear, for Koravas who perform the
operation of piercing the lobes of the ears for various
castes.
KADUPPATTAN 30
Kaduppattan.— The Kadupattans are said,* accord-
ing to the traditional account of their origin, to have
been Pattar Brahmans of Kadu gramam, who became
degraded owing to their supporting the introduction of
Buddhism. "The members of this caste are," Mr. H. A.
Stuart writes.t "at present mostly palanquin-bearers, and
carriers of salt, oil, etc. The educated among them
follow the profession of teaching, and are called Ezhut-
tacchan, i.e., master of learning. Both titles are used
in the same family. In the Native State of Cochin, the
Kaduppattan is a salt-worker. In British Malabar he
is not known to have followed that profession for some
generations past, but it may be that, salt manufac-
ture having long ago been stopped in South Malabar,
he has taken to other professions, one of which is the
carriage of salt. In manners and customs Kaduppattans
resemble Nayars, but their inheritance follows the male
line." The Kaduppattans are described % by Mr. Logan
as " a caste hardly to be distinguished from the Nayars.
They follow a modified makkatayam system of inheritance,
in which the property descends from father to son, but
not from father to daughter. The girls are married
before attaining pubert}% and the bridegroom, who is to
be the girl's real husband in after life, arranges the
dowry and other matters by means of mediators (enangan).
The tali is tied round the girl's neck by the bridegroom's
sister or a female relative. At the funeral ceremonies
of this class, the barber caste perform priestly functions,
giving directions and preparing oblation rice. A widow
without male issue is removed on the twelfth day after
her husband's death from his house to that of her own
parents. And this is done even if she has female issue.
* Gazetteer of the Malabar district. f Madras Census Beport, 1891.
X Manual of Malabar.
31 KAIKOLAN
But, on the contrary, if she has borne sons to the
deceased, she is not only entitled to remain at her
husband's house, but she continues to have, in virtue of
her sons, a joint right over his property."
Kahar. — In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the
Kahars are returned as a Bengal caste of boatmen and
fishermen. In the Mysore Census Report, it is noted
that Kahar means in Hindustani a blacksmith, and that
those censused were immigrants from the Bombay
Presidency.
Kaikatti (one who shows the hand). — A division of
the Kanakkans (accountants). The name has its origin
in a custom, according to which a married woman is
never allowed to communicate with her mother-in-law
except by signs.*
KaikOlan.— The Kaikolans are a large caste of
Tamil weavers found in all the southern districts, who
also are found in considerable numbers in the Telugu
country, where they have adopted the Telugu language.
A legend is current that the Nayakkan kings of Madura
were not satisfied with the workmanship of the Kaikolans,
and sent for foreign weavers from the north (Patnul-
karans), whose descendants now far out-number the
Tamil weavers. The word Kaikolan is the Tamil
equivalent of the Sanskrit Virabahu, a mythological hero,
from whom both the Kaikolans and a section of the
Paraiyans claim descent. The Kaikolans are also called
Sengundar (red dagger) in connection with the following
legend. " The people of the earth, being harassed by
certain demons, applied to Siva for help. Siva was
enraged against the giants, and sent forth six sparks of
fire from his eyes. His wife, Parvati, was frightened,
* Manual of the North Arcot district.
KAIKOLAN 32
and retired to her chamber, and, in so doing, dropped
nine beads from her anklets. Siva converted the beads
into as many females, to each of whom was born a hero
with full-grown moustaches and a dagger. These nine
heroes, with Subramanya at their head, marched in
command of a large force, and destroyed the demons.
The Kaikolans or Sengundar are said to be the descend-
ants of Virabahu, one of these heroes. After killing
the demon, the warriors were told by Siva that they
should become musicians, and adopt a profession, which
would not involve the destruction or injury of any living
creature, and, weaving being such a profession, they
were trained in it." * According to another version,
Siva told Parvati that the world would be enveloped in
darkness if he should close his eyes. Impelled by
curiosity, Parvati closed her husband's eyes with her
hands. Being terrified by the darkness, Parvati ran to
her chamber, and, on the way thither, nine precious
stones fell from her anklets, and turned into nine fair
maidens, with whom Siva became enamoured and
embraced them. Seeing later on that they were pregnant,
Parvati uttered a curse that they should not bring forth
children formed in their wombs. One Padmasura was
troubling the people in this world, and, on their praying
to Siva to help them, he told Subramanya to kill the Asura.
Parvati requested Siva not to send Subramanya by
himself, and he suggested the withdrawal of her curse.
Accordingly, the damsels gave birth to nine heroes, who,
carrying red daggers, and headed by Subramanya, went
in search of the Asura, and killed him. The word kaikol
is said to refer to the ratnavel or precious dagger carried
by Subramanya. The Kaikolans, on the Sura Samharam
* Madras Census Report, 1891.
33 KAIKOLAN
day during the festival of Subramanya, dress themselves
up to represent the nine warriors, and join in the
procession.
The name Kaikolan is further derived from kai
(hand), and kol (shuttle). The Kaikolans consider the
different parts of the loom to represent various Devatas
and Rishis, The thread is said to have been originally
obtained from the lotus stalk rising from Vishnu's navel.
Several Devas formed the threads, which make the
warp; Narada became the woof; and Vedamuni the
treadle. Brahma transformed himself into the plank
(padamaram), and Adisesha into the main rope.
In some places, the following sub-divisions of the
caste are recognised : — Sozhia ; Rattu ; Siru-tali (small
marriage badge) ; Peru-tali (big marriage badge) ;
Sirpadam, and Sevaghavritti. The women of the Siru
and Peru-tali divisions wear a small and large tali
respectively.
In religion, most of the Kaikolans are Saivites, and
some have taken to wearing the lingam, but a few are
Vaishnavites.
The hereditary headman of the caste is called Peri-
danakaran or Pattakaran, and is, as a rule, assisted by
two subordinates entitled Sengili or Gramani, and Oral.
But, if the settlement is a large one, the headman may
have as many as nine assistants.
According to Mr. H. A. Stuart,* " the Kaikolans
acknowledge the authority of a headman, or Mahanattan,
who resides at Conjeeveram, but itinerates among their
villages, receiving presents, and settling caste disputes.
Where his decision is not accepted without demur, he
imposes upon the refractory weavers the expense of a
* Manual of the North Arcot district,
iii-'i
KAIKOLAN 34
curious ceremony, in which the planting of a bamboo
post takes part. From the top of this pole the Maha-
nattan pronounces his decision, which must be acquiesced
in on pain of excommunication." From information
gathered at Conjeeveram, I learn that there is attached to
the Kaikolans a class of mendicants called Nattukattada
Nayanmar. The name means the Nayanmar who do
not plant, in reference to the fact that, when performing,
they fix their bamboo pole to the gopuram of a temple,
instead of planting it in the ground. They are expected
to travel about the country, and, if a caste dispute
requires settlement, a council meeting is convened, at
which they must be present as the representatives of
the Mahanadu, a chief Kaikolan head-quarters at Con-
jeeveram. If the dispute is a complicated one, the
Nattukattada Nayanmar goes to all the Kaikolan houses,
and makes a red mark with laterite * on the cloth in the
loom, saying " Andvaranai," as signifying that it is done
by order of the headman. The Kaikolans may, after
this, not go on with their work until the dispute is settled,
for the trial of which a day is fixed. The Nattukattada
Nayanmars set up on a gopuram their pole, which should
have seventy-two internodes, and measure at least as
many feet. The number of internodes corresponds to
that of the nadus into which the Kaikolan community is
divided. Kamatchiamma is worshipped, and the Nattu-
kattada Nayanmars climb up the pole, and perform
various feats. Finally, the principal actor balances a
young child in a tray on a bamboo, and, letting go of the
bamboo, catches the falling child. The origin of the
performance is said to have been as follows. The demon
Suran was troubling the Devas and men, and was
* A reddish formation found all over Southern India.
35 kaikOlan
advised by Karthikeya (Subramanya) and Virabahu to
desist from so doing. He paid no Keed, and a fight
ensued. The demon sent his son Vajrabahu to meet the
enemy, and he was slain by Virabahu, who displayed the
different parts of his body in the following manner. The
vertebral column was made to represent a pole, round
which the other bones were placed, and the guts tightly
wound round them. The connective tissues were used
as ropes to support the pole. The skull was used as a
jaya-mani (conquest bell), and the skin hoisted as a flag.
The trident of Virabahu was fixed to the top of the pole,
and, standing over it, he announced his victory over the
world. The Nattukattada Nayanmars claim to be the
descendants of Virabahu. Their head-quarters are at
Conjeeveram. They are regarded as slightly inferior to
the Kaikolans, with whom ordinarily they do not inter-
marry. The Kaikolans have to pay them as alms a
minimum fee of four annas per loom annually. Another
class of mendicant, called Ponnambalaththar, which is
said to have sprung up recently, poses as true caste
beggars attached to the Kaikolans, from whom, as they
travel about the country, they solicit alms. Some
Kaikolans gave Ontipuli as the name of their caste
beggars. The Ontipulis, however, are Nokkans attached
to the Pallis.
The Kaikolan community is, as already indicated,
divided into seventy-two nadus or desams, viz., forty-
four mel (western) and twenty-eight kil (eastern) nadus.
Intermarriages take place between members of seventy-
one of these nadus. The great Tamil poet Ottaikuththar
is said to have belonged to the Kaikolan caste and to
have sung the praises of all castes except his own.
Being angry on this account, the Kaikolans urged him
to sing in praise of them. This he consented to do,
ni-3 B
KAIKOLAN 36
provided that he received 1,008 human heads. Seventy-
one nadus sent the first-born sons for the sacrifice, but one
nadu (Tirumarudhal) refused to send any. This refusal
led to their isolation from the rest of the community.
All the nadus are subject to the authority of four thisai
nadus, and these in turn arc controlled by the mahanadu
at Conjeeveram, which is the residence of the patron
deity Kamatchiamman. The thisai nadus are (i)
Sivapuram (Walajabad), east of Conjeeveram, where
Kamatchiamman is said to have placed Nandi as a
guard ; (2) Thondipuram, where Thondi Vinayakar was
stationed ; (3) Virinjipuram to the west, guarded by
Subramanya ; (4) Sholingipuram to the south, watched
over by Bairava. Each of the seventy-one nadus is
sub-divided into kilai gramams (branch villages), perur
(big) and sithur (little) gramams. In Tamil works relat-
ing to the Sengundar caste, Conjeeveram is said to be
the mahanadu, and those belonging thereto are spoken
of as the nineteen hundred, who are entitled to respect
from other Kaikolans. Another name for Kaikolans of
the mahanadu seems to be Andavar ; but in practice this
name is confined to the headman of the mahanadu, and
members of his family. They have the privilege of
sitting at council meetings with their backs supported
by pillows, and consequently bear the title Thindusarndan
(resting on pillows). At present there are two sections
of Kaikolans at Conjeeveram, one living at Ayyam-
pettai, and the other at Pillaipalayam. The former claim
Ayyampettai as the mahanadu, and refuse to recognise
Pillaipalayam, which is in the heart of Conjeeveram, as
the mahanadu. Disputes arose, and recourse was had
to the Vellore Court in 1904, where it was decided that
Ayyampettai possesses no claim to be called the
mahanadu.
Zl KAIKOLAN
Many Kaikolan families have now abandoned their
hereditary employment as weavers in favour of agricul-
ture and trade, and some of the poorer members of the
caste work as cart-drivers and coolies. At Coimbatore
some hereditary weavers have become cart-drivers, and
some cart-drivers have become weavers de necessitd in
the local jail.
In every Kaikolan family, at least one girl should be set
apart for, and dedicated to temple service. And the rule
seems to be that, so long as this girl or her descendants,
born to her or adopted, continue to live, another girl is
not dedicated. But, when the line becomes extinct,
another girl must be dedicated. All the Kaikolans deny
their connection with the Deva-dasi (dancing-girl) caste.
But Kaikolans freely take meals in Dasi houses on
ceremonial occasions, and it would not be difficult to cite
cases of genuine Dasis who have relationship with rich
Kaikolans.
Kaikolan girls are made Dasis either by regular
dedication to a temple, or by the headman tying the tali
(nattu pottu). The latter method is at the present day
adopted because it is considered a sin to dedicate a girl
to the god after she has reached puberty, and because
the securing of the requisite official certificate for a girl
to become a Dasi involves considerable trouble.
"It is said," Mr. Stuart writes,* "that, where the
head of a house dies, leaving only female issue, one of
the girls is made a Dasi in order to allow of her working
like a man at the loom, for no woman not dedicated in
this manner may do so."
Of the orthodox form of ceremonial in connection
with a girl's initiation as a Dasi, the following account
* op. cit.
ICAIKOLAN 38
was given by the Kaikolans of Coimbatore. The girl
is taught music and dancing. The dancing master or
Nattuvan, belongs to the Kaikolan caste, but she may
be instructed in music by Brahman Bhagavathans. At
the tah-tying ceremony, which should take place after
the girl has reached pubert)^ she is decorated with
jewels, and made to stand on a heap of paddy (unhusked
rice). A folded cloth is held before her by two Dasis,
who also stand on heaps of paddy. The girl catches
hold of the cloth, and her dancing master, who is seated
behind her, grasping her legs, moves them up and down
in time with the music, which is played. In the course
of the day, relations and friends are entertained, and, in
the evening, the girl, seated astride a pony, is taken
to the temple, where a new cloth for the idol, the tali,
and various articles required for doing puja, have been
got ready. The girl is seated facing the idol, and the
officiating Brahman gives sandal and flowers to her, and
ties the tali, which has been lying at the feet of the idol,
round her neck. The tali consists of a eolden disc and
black beads. Betel and flowers are then distributed
among those present, and the girl is taken home through
the principal streets. She continues to learn music and
dancing, and eventually goes through a form of nuptial
ceremony. The relations are invited for an auspicious
day, and the maternal uncle, or his representative, ties
a gold band on the girl's forehead, and, carrying her,
places her on a plank before the assembled guests. A
Brahman priest recites the mantrams, and prepares the
sacred fire (homam). The uncle is presented with new
cloths by the girl's mother. For the actual nuptials
a rich Brahman, if possible, and, if not, a Brahman of
more lowly status is invited. A Brahman is called in,
as he is next in importance to, and the representative of
39 KAIKOLAN
the idol. It is said that, when the man who is to receive
her first favours, joins the girl, a sword must be placed,
at least for a few minutes, by her side. When a Dasi
dies, her body is covered with a new cloth removed
from the idol, and flowers are supplied from the temple,
to which she belonged. No puja is performed in the
temple till the body is disposed of, as the idol, being her
husband, has to observe pollution.
Writing a century ago (1807) concerning the
Kaikolan Dasis, Buchanan says * that " these dancing
women, and their musicians, now form a separate kind
of caste ; and a certain number of them are attached
to every temple of any consequence. The allowances
which the musicians receive for their public duty is very
small, yet, morning and evening, they are bound to
attend at the temple to perform before the image. They
must also receive every person travelling on account of
the Government, meet him at some distance from the
town, and conduct him to his quarters with music and
dancing. All the handsome girls are instructed to dance
and sing, and are all prostitutes, at least to the Brahmans.
In ordinary sets they are quite common ; but, under
the Company's government, those attached to temples
of extraordinary sanctity are reserved entirely for the
use of the native officers, who are all Brahmans, and
who would turn out from the set any girl that profaned
herself by communication with persons of low caste, or
of no caste at all, such as Christians or Mussulmans.
Indeed, almost every one of these girls theit is tolerably
sightly is taken by some officer of revenue for his own
special use, and is seldom permitted to go to the temple,
except in his presence. Most of these officers have
Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar.
KAIKOLAN 40
more than one wife, and the women of the Brahmans
are very beautiful ; but the insipidity of their conduct,
from a total want of education or accomplishment, makes
the dancing women to be sought after by all natives
with great avidity. The Mussulman officers in particular
were exceedingly attached to this kind of company, and
lavished away on these women a great part of their
incomes. The women very much regret their loss, as
the Mussulmans paid liberally, and the Brahmans durst
not presume to hinder any girl who chose, from amusing
an Asoph, or any of his friends. The Brahmans are
not near so lavish of their money, especially where it
is secured by the Company's government, but trust to
their authority for obtaining the favour of the dancers.
To my taste, nothing can be more silly and unanimated
than the dancing of the women, nor more harsh and
barbarous than their music. Some Europeans, however,
from long habit, I suppose, have taken a liking to it,
and have even been captivated by the women. Most of
them I have had an opportunity of seeing have been very
ordinary in their looks, very inelegant in their dress,
and very dirty in their persons ; a large proportion of
them have the itch, and a still larger proportion are most
severely diseased."
Though the Kaikolans are considered to belong to
the left-hand faction, Dasis, except those who are
specially engaged by the Beri Chettis and Kammalans,
are placed in the right-hand faction. Kaikolan Dasis,
when passing through a Kammalan street, stop dancing,
and they will not salute Kammalans or Beri Chettis.
A peculiar method of selecting a bride, called siru
tali kattu (tying the small tali), is said to be in vogue
among some Kaikolans. A man, who wishes to marry
his maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter, has to
41 kaikolan
tie a tali, or simply a bit of cloth torn from her clothing,
round her neck, and report the fact to his parents and
the headman. If the girl eludes him, he cannot claim
her, but, should he succeed, she belongs to him. In
some places, the consent of the maternal uncle to a
marriage is signified by his carrying the bride in his
arms to the marriage pandal (booth). The milk-post is
made of Erythrina indica. After the tali has been tied,
the bridegroom lifts the bride's left leg, and places it
on a grinding-stone. Widows are stated by Mr. Stuart
to be " allowed to remarry if they have no issue, but
not otherwise ; and, if the prevalent idea that a Kai-
kola woman is never barren be true, this must seldom
take place."
On the final day of the death ceremonies, a small
hut is erected, and inside it stones, brought by the
barber, are set up, and offerings made to them.
The following proverbs are current about or among
the Kaikolans : —
Narrate stories in villages where there are no
Kaikolans.
Why should a weaver have a monkey .'*
This, it has been suggested,* implies that a monkey
would only damage the work.
On examining the various occupations, weaving
will be found to be the best.
A peep outside will cut out eight threads.
The person who was too lazy to weave went to the
stars.
The Chetti (money-lender) decreases the money,
and the weaver the thread.
The titles of the Kaikolans are Mudali and Nayanar.
* Rev, H. Jensen. Classified Collection of Tamil Froveibs, 1S97.
KAIKOLAN 42
Among the Kaikolan musicians, I have seen every
gradation of colour and type, from leptorhine men with
fair skin and chiselled features, to men very dark and
platyrhine, with nasal index exceeding 90.
The Kaikolans take part in the annual festival at
Tirupati in honour of the goddess Gangamma. " It is,"
Mr. Stuart writes,* "distinguished from the majority of
similar festivals by a custom, which requires the people
to appear in a different disguise (vesham) every morning
and evening. The Matangi vesham of Sunday morning
deserves special mention. The devotee who consents to
undergo this ceremony dances in front of an image or
representation of the goddess, and, when he is worked
up to the proper pitch of frenzy, a metal wire is passed
through the middle of his tongue. It is believed that
this operation causes no pain, or even bleeding, and the
only remedy adopted is the chewing of a few margosa
{Melia Azadirachta) leaves, and some kunkumam (red
powder) of the goddess. This vesham is undertaken
only by a Kaikolan (weaver), and is performed only in
two places — the house of a certain Brahman and
the Mahant's math. The concluding' disg-uise is that
known as the perantalu vesham, Perantalu signifies the
deceased married women of a family who have died before
their husbands, or, more particularly, the most distin-
guished of such women. This vesham is accordingly
represented by a Kaikolan disguised as a female, who
rides round the town on a horse, and distributes to the
respectable inhabitants of the place the kunkumam,
saffron paste, and flowers of the goddess."
For the following account of a ceremony, which took
place at Conjeeveram in August, 1908, I am indebted
* Manual of the North Arcot district.
43 KAIKOLAN
to the Rev. J. H. Maclean. "On a small and very
lightly built car, about eight feet high, and running on
four little wheels, an image of Kali was placed. It was
then dragged by about thirty men, attached to it by cords
passed through the flesh of their backs. I saw one of
the young men two days later. Two cords had been
drawn through his flesh, about twelve inches apart. The
wounds were covered over with white stuff, said to be
vibuthi (sacred ashes). The festival was organised by a
class of weavers calling themselves Sankunram (Sen-
gundar) Mudaliars, the inhabitants of seven streets in the
part of Conjeeveram known as Pillaipalyam. The total
amount spent is said to have been Rs. 500. The people
were far from clear in their account of the meanino- of the
ceremony. One said it was a preventive of small-pox,
but this view did not receive general support. Most said
it was simply an old custom : what good it did they could
not say. Thirty years had elapsed since the last festival.
One man said that Kali had given no commands on the
subject, and that it was simply a device to make money
circulate. The festival is called Punter (flower car)."
In September, 1908, an ofificial notification was issued
in the Fort St. George Gazette to the following effect.
" Whereas it appears that hook- swinging, dragging of
cars by men harnessed to them by hooks which pierce
their sides, and similar acts are performed during the
Mariyamman festival at Samayapuram and other places
in the Trichinopoly division, Trichinopoly district, and
whereas such acts are dangerous to human life, the
Governor in Council is pleased, under section 144, sub-
section (5), of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898, to
direct that the order of the Sub-divisional Magistrate,
dated the 7th August, 1908, prohibiting such acts, shall
remain in force until further orders."
KAILA 44
It is noted by Mr. F. R. Hemingway * that, at
Ratnagiri, in the Trichinopoly district, the Kaikolans,
in performance of a vow, thrust a spear through
the muscles of the abdomen in honour of their god
Sahanayanar.
Kaila (measuring grain in the threshing-floor). — An
exogamous sept of Mala.
Kaimal.— A title of Nayars, derived from kai, hand,
signifying power.
Kaipuda. — A sub-division of Holeya.
Kaivarta.— A sub-division of Kevuto.
Kaka (crow). — The legend relating to the Kaka
people is narrated in the article on Koyis. The equiva-
lent Kaki occurs as a sept of Malas, and Kako as a sept
of Kondras.
Kakara or Kakarla {Momoi-dka Charantio). — An
exogamous sept of Kamma and Muka Dora.
Kakirekka-vandlu (crows' feather people). —
Mendicants who beg from Mutrachas, and derive their
name from the fact that, when begging, they tie round
their waists strings on which crows', paddy birds' (heron)
feathers, etc., are tied,
Kakka Kuravan. — A division of Kuravas of
Travancore.
Kakkalan.— The Kakkalans or Kakkans are a
vagrant tribe met with in north and central Travancore,
who are identical with the Kakka Kuravans of south
Travancore. There are among them four endogamous
divisions called Kavitiyan, Manipparayan, Meluttan,
and Chattaparayan, of which the two first are the
most important. The Kavitiyans are further sub-divided
into Kollak Kavitiyan residing in central Travancore,
* Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district.
45 KAKKALAN
Malayalam Kavitiyan, and Pandi Kavitiyan or immi-
grants from the Pandyan country.
The Kakkakns have a legend concerning their origin
to the effect that Siva was once going about begging as
a Kapaladharin, and arrived at a Brahman street, from
which the inhabitants drove him away. The offended
god immediately reduced the village to ashes, and the
guilty villagers begged his pardon, but were reduced to
the position of the Kakkalans, and made to earn their
livelihood by begging.
The women wear iron and silver bangles, and a
palunka mala or necklace of variously coloured beads.
They are tattooed, and tattooing members of other castes
is one of their occupations, which include the following : —
Katukuttu, or boring the lobes of the ears.
Katuvaippu, or plastic operations on the ear, which
Nayar women and others who wear heavy pendant ear
ornaments often require.
Kainokku or palmistry, in which the women are
more proficient than the men.
Kompuvaippu, or placing the twig of a plant on any
swelling of the body, and dissipating it by blowing on it.
Taiyyal, or tailoring.
Pampatam or snake dance, in which the Kakkalans
are unrivalled.
Fortune telling.
The chief object of worship by the Kakkalans is the
rising sun, to which boiled rice is offered on Sunday.
They have no temples of their own, but stand at some
distance from Hindu temples, and worship the gods
thereof. Though leading a wandering life, they try to
be at home for the Malabar new year, on which occasion
they wear new clothes, and hold a feast. They do not
observe the national Onam and Vishu festivals.
kakkE 46
The Kakkalans are conspicuously polygamous, and
some have as many as twelve wives, who are easily
supported, as they earn money by their professional
engagements. A first marriage must be celebrated on
Sunday, and the festivities last from Saturday to Monday.
Subsequent marriages may also be celebrated on
Thursday. On the night of the day before the wedding,
a brother, or other near relation of the bridegroom,
places the sambandham (alliance) by bringing a fanam
(coin), material for chewing, and cooked rice to the
marriage pandal (booth). Fruit and other things are
flung at him by the bride's people. On the following
day the bridegroom arrives at the pandal, and, after
raising the tali (marriage badge) three times towards
heaven, and, invoking a blessing from on high, ties it
round the bride's neck. When a girl reaches puberty, a
merry celebration is kept up for a week. The dead are
buried. Inheritance is from father to son. A childless
widow is a coparcener with the brothers of the deceased,
and forfeits this right if she remarries.
Though in the presence of other castes the Kakka-
lans speak Malayalam, they have a peculiar language
which is used among themselves, and is not understood
by others.*
Kakke (Indian laburnum : Cassia fistula). — A gotra
of Kurni.
Kala.— Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report,
1 90 1, as a sub-division of Nayar.
Kalaikuttadi (pole-dancer). — A Tamil synonym of
Dommara.
Kalal.— A Hindustani synonym of Gamalla.
* For this note I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.
47 kAlingi and kalinji
Kalamkotti (potter). — An occupational title of
Nayar.
Kalasi.— A name given to Vada fishermen by Oriya
people.
Kalava (channel or ditch). — An exogamous sept of
Padma Sale.
Kalavant.— The Kalavants are dancers and singers,
who, like o-ther dancing-girls, are courtesans. The name
occurs not only in South Canara, but also in the Telugu
country.
Kalinga.— A sub-division of Komatis, who "were
formerly the inhabitants of the ancient Kalinga country.
They are considered inferior to the other sub-divisions,
on account of their eating flesh. Their titles are
Subaddhi, Patro, and Chaudari." * In the Ganjam
Manual, they are described as " traders and shopkeepers,
principally prevalent in the Chicacole division. The
name Kling or Kaling is applied, in the Malay countries,
including the Straits Settlements, to the people of penin-
sular India, who trade thither, or are settled in those
regions." It is recorded by Dr. N. Annandale that the
phrase Orang Kling Islam {i.e., a Muhammadan from
the Madras coast) occurs in Patani Malay.
Kalingi and Kalinji. — There has been some con-
fusion, in recorded accounts, between these two classes.
In the Ganjam Manual, the Kalinjis are described as
agriculturists in that district, and, in the Vizagapatam
Manual, the Kalingas or Kalingulu are stated to be
cultivators in the Vizagapatam district, and a caste of
Paiks or fighting men in Jeypore. In the Census
Report, 189 1, the Kalingis are said to be " most numer-
ous in Ganjam, but there is a considerable number of
* Madras Census Report, 1891.
KALINGI AND KALINJI 48
them in Vizagapatam also. The word means a native of
KaHnga, the name of the sea-board of the Telugu country;
the word Telugu itself is supposed by Dr. Caldwell to
be a corruption of Tri-Kalinga. The three large sub-
divisions of the caste are Buragam, Kintala, and Odiya.
In the Kintala sub-division, a widow may remarry if she
has no male issue, but the remarriage of widows is not
allowed in other sub-divisions. The use of flesh and
alcoholic liquor is permitted. Naidu and Chaudari are
their titles." Further, in the Census Report, 1901, the
Kalingis are described as follows : " A caste of temple
priests and cultivators, found mainly in Ganjam and
Vizagapatam, whither they are supposed to have been
brought by the KaHnga kings to do service in the Hindu
temples, before the advent of the Brahmans. They speak
either Oriya or Telugu. They have two sub-divisions,
the Kintali Kalingas, who live south of the Langulya
river, and the Buragam Kalingis, who reside to the north
of it, and the customs of the two differ a great deal. There
is also a third section, called Pandiri or Bevarani, which
is composed of outcastes from the other two. Except the
Kalingis of Mokhalingam in Vizagapatam,* they have
headmen called Nayakabalis or Santos. They also
have priests called Kularazus, each of whom sees to the
spiritual needs of a definite group of villages. They are
divided into several exogamous gotras, each comprising
a number of families or vamsas, some of which, such as
Arudra, a lady-bird, and Revi-chettu, the Ficus religiosa
tree, are of totemistic origin. Each section is said to
worship its totem. Marriage before puberty is the rule,
and the caste is remarkable for the proportion of its girls
under twelve years of age who are married or widowed.
• Mokhalingam is in Ganjam, not Vizagapatam.
49 kAlingi and kAlinji
Widow marriage is not recognised by the Buragam
Kalingis, but the KintaHs freely allow it. As usual, the
ceremonies at the wedding of a widow differ from those
at the marriage of a maid. Some turmeric paste is
placed on a new cloth, which is then put over a pot of
water, and the ceremony takes place near this. The
binding portion of it is the tying of a saffron-coloured
string to the woman's wrist. The Kalingis pay special
reverence to Sri Radha Krishna and Chaitanya. Some
of the caste officiate in temples, wear the sacred thread,
and call themselves Brahmans, but they are not received
on terms of equality by other Brahmans. All Kalingis
bury their dead, but sraddhas (memorial services) are
performed only by the Kintali sub-division. The Bura-
gam Kalingis do not shave their heads in front. Kalingi
women wear heavy bangles of brass, silver bell-metal
and glass, extending from the wrist to the elbow. The
titles of the castes are Naidu, Nayarlu, Chowdari, Bissoyi,
Podhano, Jenna, Swayi, and Naiko."
In the foregoing account, the Oriya-speaking Kalinjis,
and Telugu-speaking Kalingis, are both referred to.
The confusion seems to have arisen from the fact that
the Kalinjis are sometimes called Kalingis by other
castes. The Kalingis are essentially Telugus, and are
found mainly on the borderland between the districts
of Ganjam and Vizagapatam. The Kalinjis are, on
the other hand, Oriyas, and seem to be closely allied
to the agricultural castes, Doluva, Alia, Bosantiya,
etc., like which they are mainly agriculturists. The
Kalinjis can be easily distinguished from the Kalingis,
as the latter wear the sacred thread. The following
story is told in connection with the origin of the
Kalinji caste. A band of robbers was once upon a
time staying in a fort near Bhattu Kunnarade, and
1 1 1-4
KALINGI AND KALINJI 50
molesting the people, who invited the king of Puri to
come and drive the robbers away. Among the warriors
who were recruited for this purpose, was a member
of the Khondaito caste, who, with the permission of
the king, succeeded in expelling the robbers. He
was named by the people Bodo-Kalinja, or one having
a stout heart. He and his followers remained in the
Ganjam country, and the Kalinjis are their descend-
ants. The caste is widespread in the northern part
thereof.
There do not seem to be any sub-divisions among the
Kalinjis, but there is a small endogamous group, called
Mohiri Kalinji. Mohiri is a well-known division in
Ganjam, and Kalinjis who dwell therein intermarry with
others, and do not form a separate community. It has
been suggested that the Mohiri Kalinjis are Telugu
Kalingis, who have settled in the Oriya country. Like
other Oriya castes, the Kalinjis have gotras, e.g., bano
(sun), sukro (star), sanko (conch-shell), bhago (tiger)
and nago (cobra). There is a good deal of confusion
regarding the gotras in their connection with marriage.
The same gotra, e.g., sukro, is exogamous in some places,
and not so in others. Many titles occur among the
Kalinjis, e.g., Borado, Bissoyi, Bariko, Behara, Dolei,
Gaudo, Jenna, Moliko, Naiko, Patro, Podhano, Pulleyi,
Ravuto, Santo, Savu, Swayi, Guru. In some places, the
titles are taken as representing bamsams (or vamsams),
and, as such, are exogamous. Families as a rule refrain
from marrying Into families bearing the same title. For
example, a Dolei man will not marry a Dolei girl,
especially If their gotras are the same. But a Dolei may
marry a Pullel, even if they have the same gotra.
The headman of the Kalinjis Is styled Santo, and he
is assisted by a Patro. There is also a caste messenger,
51 KALINGI AND KALINJI
called Bhollobhaya. For the whole community there
are said to be four Santos and four Patros, residing at
Attagada, Chinna Kimedi, Pedda Kimedi, and Mohiri.
A man who is suffering from a wound or sore infested by
maggots is said to be excommunicated, and, when he has
recovered, to submit himself before the caste-council
before he is received back into the community.
Girls are generally married before puberty, and, if
a real husband is not forthcoming, a maid goes through a
mock marriage ceremony with her elder sister's husband,
or some elder of the community. A bachelor must
be married to the sado (yStrebhts asper) tree before
he can marry a widow. The remarriage of widows
(thuvathuvvi) is freely allowed. A widow, who has a
brother-in-law, may not marry anyone else, until she has
obtained a deed of separation (tsado patro) from him.
The marriage ceremonies conform to the standard Oriya
type. In some places, the little fingers of the contract-
ing couple are linked, instead of their hands being tied
together with thread. On the fourth day, a Bhondari
(barber) places on the marriage dais some beaten rice
and sugar-candy, which the bride and bridegroom sell
to relations for money and grain. The proceeds of
the sale are the perquisite of the Bhondari. On the
seventh day, the bridegroom breaks a pot on the dais,
and, as he and the bride go away, the brother of
the latter throws brinjal {Solammz Melongend) fruits
at him.
The dead are as a rule cremated. On the day
after death, food, made bitter by the addition of mar-
gosa [Melia Azadirachta) leaves, is offered. A piece
of bone is carried away from the burning-ground, and
buried under a pipal i^Ficus religiosd) tree. Daily, until
the tenth day, water is poured seven times over the spot
ni-4 B
KALKATTA 52
where the bone is buried. On the tenth day, if the
deceased was an elder of the community, the jola-jola
handi ceremony is performed with a pot riddled with
holes. {See Bhondari.)
Kalkatta.— An occupation name for stone-masons
in South Canara.
Kalkatti. — Kalkatti, denoting, it has been suggested,
those who wear glass beads, is a sub-division of Idaiyan.
The Lingayats among Badagas of the Nilgiri hills are
called Kalkatti, because they hang a stone (the lingam)
from their necks in a casket. Some Irulas of the same
hills are also said to go by the name Kalkatti.
Kalla.^Recorded as a sub-di\asion of Shanan,
and of Idaiyans in localities where Kalians are most
numerous.
Kalladi.^The title of a Cheruman who performs
important duties, and becomes possessed by the spirit
of the deceased, at a Cheruman funeral.
Kalladi Mangan. — A synonym of Mondi.
Kalladi Siddhan. — The name, meaning a beggar
who beats himself with a stone, of a class of Telugu
mendicants, who are very clamorous and persistent in
their demands for alms. The name is applied as a term
of contempt for any obstinate and troublesome individual.
These beggars carry with them a gourd, have tortoise
and cowry shells tied on their elbows, and carry an iron
rod, with which they beat an iron ring worn on the hand.
They present a very revolting spectacle, as they smear
their bodies with rice done up so as to resemble vomit,
and with the juice of the prickly-pear {Opuntia Dillenii),
to make people believe that it is blood oozing from
cuts made with a knife. They are said to be very
fond of eating crows, which they catch with nets. {See
Mondi.)
53 KALLAN
Kallamu (threshing-floor). — An exogamous sept of
Panta Reddi.
Kalian. — Of the Kalians of the Madura district in
the early part of the last century, an excellent account
was written by Mr. T. Turnbull (1817), from which the
following extract has been taken. " The Cullaries are
said to be in general a brave people, expert in the use
of the lance and in throwing the curved stick called
vullaree taddee. This weapon is invariably in use
among the generality of this tribe ; it is about 30 inches
in curvature. The w^ord Cullar is used to express a thief
of any caste, sect or country, but it will be necessary to
trace their progress to that characteristic distinction
by which this race is designated both a thief, and an
inhabitant of a certain Naud, which was not altogether
exempted from paying tribute to the sovereign of Madura.
This race appears to have become hereditary occupiers,
and appropriated to themselves various Nauds in differ-
ent parts of the southern countries ; in each of these
territories they have a chief among them, whose orders
and directions they all must obey. They still possess
one common character, and in general are such thieves
that the name is very justly applied to them, for they
seldom allow any merchandize to pass through their
hands without extorting something from the owners, if
they do not rob them altogether, and in fact travellers,
pilgrims, and Brahmans are attacked and stript of
everything they possess, and they even make no scruple
to kill any caste of people, save only the latter. In case
a Brahman happens to be killed in their attempt to
plunder, when the fact is made known to the chief,
severe corporal punishment is inflicted on the crimi-
nals and fines levied, besides exclusion from society
for a period of six months. The Maloor Vellaloor and
KALLAN 54
Serrugoody Nauds are denominated the Keelnaud, whose
inhabitants of the Cullar race are designated by the
appellation of Amblacaurs.
" The women are inflexibly vindictive and furious
on the least injury, even on suspicion, which prompts
them to the most violent revenge without any regard to
consequences. A horrible custom exists among the
females of the Colleries when a quarrel or dissension
arises between them. The insulted woman brings her
child to the house of the aggressor, and kills it at her
door to avenge herself Although her vengeance is
attended with the most cruel barbarity, she immediately
thereafter proceeds to a neighbouring village with all
her goods, etc. In this attempt she is opposed by her
neighbours, which gives rise to clamour and outrage.
The complaint is then carried to the head Amblacaur,
who lays it before the elders of the village, and solicits
their interference to terminate the quarrel. In the
course of this investigation, if the husband finds that
sufficient evidence has been brought against his wife,
that she had given cause for provocation and aggression,
then he proceeds unobserved by the assembly to his
house, and brings one of his children, and, in the
presence of witness, kills his child at the door of the
woman who had first killed her child at his. By this mode
of proceeding he considers that he has saved himself
much trouble and expense, which would otherwise have
devolved on him. This circumstance is soon brought
to the notice of the tribunal, who proclaim that the
offence committed is sufficiently avenged. But, should
this voluntary retribution of revenge not be executed
by the convicted person, the tribunal is prorogued to a
limited time, fifteen days generally. Before the expira-
tion of that period, one of the children of that convicted
55 KALLAN
person must be killed. At the same time he is to bear
all expenses for providing food, etc., for the assembly
during those days.
" A remarkable custom prevails both among the
males and females in these Nauds to have their ears
bored and stretched by hanging heavy rings made of
lead so as to expand their ear-laps (lobes) down to their
shoulders. Besides this singular idea of beauty attached
by them to pendant ears, a circumstance still more
remarkable is that, when merchants or travellers pass
through these Nauds, they generally take the precaution
to insure a safe transit through these territories by
counting the friendship of some individual of the Naud
by payment of a certain fee, for which he deputes
a young girl to conduct the travellers safe through the
limits. This sacred guide conducts them along with her
finger to her ear. On observing this sign, no Cullary
will dare to plunder the persons so conducted. It some-
times happens, in spite of this precaution, that attempts
are made to attack the traveller. The girl in such cases
immediately tears one of her ear-laps, and returns to
spread the report, upon which the complaint is carried
before the chief and elders of the Naud, who forthwith
convene a meeting in consequence at the Mundoopoolee.*
If the violators are convicted, vindictive retaliation
ensues. The assembly condemns the offenders to have
both their ear-laps torn in expiation of their crime,
and, if otherwise capable, they are punished by fines or
absolved by money. By this means travellers generally
obtain a safe passage through these territories. [Even
at the present day, in quarrels between women of the
lower castes, long ears form a favourite object of
* Place of meeting, which is a large tamarind tree, under which councils are
held.
KALLAN 56
»
attack, and lobe-tearing cases figure frequently in police
records.*]
" The Maloor Naud was originally inhabited and
cultivated by Vellaulers. At a certain period some
Cullaries belonging to Vella Naud in the Conjeeveram
district proceeded thence on a hunting excursion with
weapons consisting of short hand pikes, cudgels,
bludgeons, and curved sticks for throwing, and dogs.
While engaged in their sport, they observed a peacock
resist and attack one of their hounds. The sportsmen,
not a little astonished at the sight, declared that this
appeared to be a fortunate country, and its native
inhabitants and every living creature naturally possessed
courage and bravery. Preferring such a country to their
Naud in Conjeeveram, they were desirous of establishing
themselves here as cultivators. To effect this, they
insinuated themselves into the favour of the Vellaulers,
and, engaging as their servants, were permitted to remain
in these parts, whither they in course of time invited
their relations and friends, and to appearance conducted
themselves faithfully and obediently to the entire satis-
faction of the Vellaulers, and were rewarded for their
labour. Some time afterwards, the Vellaulers, exercis-
ing an arbitrary sway over the Cullaries, began to inflict
condign punishment for ofl^ences and misdemeanours
committed in their service. This stirred up the wrath
of the Cullaries, who gradually acquired the superiority
over their masters, and by coercive measures impelled
them to a strict observance of the following rules : —
is^. — That, if a Culler was struck by his master in
such a manner as to deprive him of a tooth, he was to pay
a fine of ten cully chuckrums (money) for the offence.
* Gazetteer of the Madura district.
57 K ALLAN
27id. — That, if a Culler happened to have one of
his ear-laps torn, the Vellauler was to pay a fine of six
chuckrums.
3^^. — That if a Culler had his skull fractured, the
Vellauler was to pay thirty chuckrums, unless he preferred
to have his skull fractured in return.
\th. — That, if a Culler had his arm or leg broke, he
was then to be considered but half a man. In such case
the offender was required to grant the Culler one cullum
of nunjah seed land (wet cultivation), and two koorkums
of punjah (dry cultivation), to be held and enjoyed in
perpetuity, exclusive of which the Vellauler was required
to give the Culler a doopettah (cloth) and a cloth for his
wife, twenty cullums of paddy or any other grain, and
twenty chuckrums in money for expenses.
^th. — That, if a Culler was killed, the offender was
required to pay either a fine of a hundred chuckrums, or
be subject to the vengeance of the injured party. Until
either of these alternatives was agreed to, and satisfaction
afforded, the party injured was at liberty to plunder the
offender's property, never to be restored.
" By this hostile mode of conduct imposed on their
masters, together with their extravagant demands, the
Vellaulers were reduced to that dread of the Cullers as
to court their favour, and became submissive to their will
and pleasure, so that in process of time the Cullers not
only reduced them to poverty, but also induced them to
abandon their villages and hereditary possessions, and to
emigrate to foreign countries. Many were even mur-
dered in total disregard of their former solemn promises
of fidelity and attachment. Having thus implacably got
rid of their original masters and expelled them from their
Naud, they became the rulers of it, and denominated
it by the singular appellation of Tun Arrasa Naud,
KALLAN 58
signifying a forest only known to its possessors [or tan-
arasu-nad, i.e., the country governed by themselves].* In
short, these Colleries became so formidable at length
as to evince a considerable ambition, and to set the then
Government at defiance. Allagar Swamy they regarded
as the God of their immediate devotion, and, whenever
their enterprizes were attended with success, they never
failed to be liberal in the performance of certain religious
ceremonies to Allagar. To this day they invoke the
name of Allagar in all what they do, and they make no
objection in contributing whatever they can when the
Stalaters come to their villages to collect money or grain
for the support of the temple, or any extraordinary
ceremonies of the God. The Cullers of this Naud, in
the line of the Kurtaukles, once robbed and drove away
a large herd of cows belonging to the Prince, who, on
being informed of the robbery, and that the calves were
highly distressed for want of nourishment, ordered them
to be drove out of and left with the cows, wherever they
were found. The Cullers were so exceedingly pleased
with this instance of the Kurtaukle's goodness and crreat-
ness of mind that they immediately collected a thousand
cows (at one cow from every house) in the Naud as a
retribution, and drove them along with the plundered
cattle to Madura. Whenever a quarrel or dispute hap-
pens among them, the parties arrest each other in the
name of the respective Amblacaurs, whom they regard
as most sacred, and they will only pay their homage to
those persons convened as arbitrators or punjayems to
settle their disputes.
" During the feudal system that prevailed among
these Colleries for a long time, they would on no
* Gazetteer of the Madura district.
59 KALLAN
consideration permit the then Government to have any
control or authority over them. When tribute was
demanded, the Cullers would answer with contempt :
' The heavens supply the earth with rain, our cattle
plough, and we labour to improve and cultivate the
land. While such is the case, we alone ought to enjoy
the fruits thereof. What reason is there that we should
be obedient, and pay tribute to our equal ? '
" During the reign of Vizia Ragoonada Saitooputty*
a party of Colleries, having proceeded on a plundering
excursion into the Ramnad district, carried off two
thousand of the Raja's own bullocks. The Raja was
so exasperated that he caused forts to be erected at five
different places in the Shevagunga and Ramnad districts,
and, on pretext of establishing a good understanding
with these Nauttams, he artfully invited the principal
men among them, and, having encouraged them by
repeatedly conferring marks of his favour, caused a
great number to be slain, and a number of their women
to be transported to Ramiserum, where they were
branded with the marks of the pagoda, and made Deva
Dassies or dancing girls and slaves of the temple. The
present dancing girls in that celebrated island are said to
be the descendants of these women of the Culler tribe."
In the eighteenth century a certain Captain Rumley was
sent with troops to check the turbulent Colleries. " He
became the terror of the Collerie Naud, and was highly
respected and revered by the designation of Rumley
Swamy, under which appellation the Colleries afterwards
distinguished him." It is on record that, during the
Trichinopoly war, the horses of Clive and Stringer
Lawrence were stolen by two Kalian brothers.
* Sstupali, or lord of the bridge. The title of the Kajas of Kaninad.
KALLAN 60
Tradition says that one of the rooms in Tirumala
Nayakkan's palace at Madura "was Tirumala's sleeping
apartment, and that his cot hung by long chains from
hooks in the roof. One night, says a favourite story, a
Kalian made a hole in the roof, swarmed down the
chains, and stole the royal jewels. The king promised
a jaghir (grant of land) to anyone who would bring him
the thief, and the Kalian then gave himself up and
claimed the reward. The king gave him the jaghir, and
then promptly had him beheaded."*
By Mr. H. A. Stuart f the Kalians are said to be "a
middle-sized dark-skinned tribe found chiefly in the dis-
tricts of Tanjore, Trichinopoly and Madura, and in the
Pudukota territory. The name Kalian is commonly
derived from Tamil kallam, which means theft. Mr.
Nelson J expresses some doubts as to the correctness of
this derivation, but Dr. Oppert accepts it, and no other
has been suggested. The original home of the Kalians
appears to have been Tondamandalam or the Pal lava
country, and the head of the class, the Raja of Puduk5ta,
is to this day called the Tondaman. There are good
grounds for believino^ that the Kalians are a branch of the
Kurumbas, who, when they found their regular occupation
as soldiers gone, ' took to maraudering, and made them-
selves so obnoxious by their thefts and robberies, that the
term kalian, thief, was applied, and stuck to them as a tribal
appellation.' § The Rev. W. Taylor, the compiler of the
Catalogue Raisonne of Oriental Manuscripts, also iden-
tifies the Kalians with the Kurumbas, and Mr. Nelson ac-
cepts this conclusion. In the census returns, Kurumban is
returned as one of the sub-divisions of the Kalian caste.'
* Gazetteer of the Madura district. t Madras Census Report, 1891.
X Manual of the Madura district.
§ G. Oppert. Madras Journ. Lit. Science, 188S-9,
6 1 K ALL AN
"The Chola country, or Tanjore," Mr. W. Francis
writes,* " seems to have been the original abode of the
Kalians before their migration to the Pandya kingdom
after its conquest by the Cholas about the eleventh
century A.D. But in Tanjore they have been greatly
influenced by the numerous Brahmans there, and have
taken to shaving their heads and employing Brahmans as
priests. At their weddings also the bridegroom ties the
tali himself, while elsewhere his sister does it. Their
brethren across the border in Madura continue to merely
tie their hair in a knot, and employ their own folk to
officiate as their priests. This advance of one section
will doubtless in time enhance the social estimation of
the caste as a whole."
It is further noted, in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore
district, that the ambitions of the Kalians have been
assisted " by their own readiness, especially in the more
advanced portions of the district, to imitate the practices
of Brahmans and Vellalans. Great variations thus occur
in their customs in different localities, and a wide gap
exists between the Kalians of this district as a whole and
those of Madura."
In the Manual of the Tanjore district, it is stated that
" profitable agriculture, coupled with security of property
in land, has converted the great bulk of the Kallar and
Padeiyachi classes into a contented and industrious
population. They are now too fully occupied with agri-
culture, and the incidental litigation, to think of their
old lawless pursuits, even if they had an inclination to
follow them. The bulk of the ryotwari proprietors in
that richly cultivated part of the Cauvery delta which
constituted the greater part of the old taluk of Tiruvadi
* Madras Census Report, 1901.
KALLAN 62
are Kallars, and, as a rule, they are a wealthy and well-
to-do class. The Kallar ryots, who inhabit the villages
along the banks of the Cauvery, in their dress and
appearance generally look quite like Vellalas. Some of
the less romantic and inoffensive characteristics of the
Kallars in Madura and Tinnevelly are found among the
recent immigrants from the south, who are distinguished
from the older Kallar colonies by the general term
Terkattiyar, literally southerns, which includes emigrants
of other castes from the south. The Terkattiyars are
found chiefly in the parts of the district which border on
Pudukota. Kallars of this group grow their hair long
all over the head exactly like women, and both men and
women enlarge the holes in the lobes of their ears to
an extraordinary size by inserting rolls of palm-leaf
into them." The term Terkattiyar is applied to Kalian,
Maravan, Agamudaiyan, and other immigrants into the
Tanjore district. At Mayaveram, for example, it is
applied to Kalians, Agamudaiyans, and Valaiyans. It is
noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that Agamudaiyan
and Kalian were returned as sub-divisions of Maravans
by a comparatively large number of persons. " Mara-
van is also found among the sub-divisions of Kalian,
and there can be little doubt that there is a very
close connection between Kalians, Maravans, and Aga-
mudaiyans." " The origin of the Kallar caste," Mr.
F. S. Mullaly writes,* "as also that of the Maravars
and Ahambadayars, is mythologically traced to Indra
and Aghalia, the wife of Rishi Gautama. The legend
is that Indra and Rishi Gautama were, among others,
rival suitors for the hand of Aghalia. Rishi Gautama
was the successful one. This so incensed Indra that he
* Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.
63 KALLAN
determined to win Aghalia at all hazards, and, by means
of a cleverly devised ruse, succeeded, and Aghalia bore
him three sons, who respectively took the names Kalla,
Marava, and Ahambadya. The three castes have the
agnomen Theva or god, and claim to be descendants
of Thevan (Indra)." According to another version of
the legend " once upon a time Rishi Gautama left his
house to go abroad on business. Devendra, taking
advantage of his absence, debauched his wife, and three
children were the result. When the Rishi returned, one
of the three hid himself behind a door, and, as he thus
acted like a thief, he was henceforward called Kalian.
Another got up a tree, and was therefore called Mara-
van from maram, a tree, whilst the third brazened it out
and stood his ground, thus earning for himself the name
of Ahamudeiyan, or the possessor of pride. This name
was corrupted into Ahambadiyan."* There is a Tamil
proverb that a Kalian may come to be a Maravan. By
respectability he may develop into an Agamudaiyan, and,
by slow and small degrees, become a Vellala, from which
he may rise to be a Mudaliar.
"The Kalians," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,! "will eat
flesh, excepting beef, and have no scruples regard-
ing the use of intoxicating liquor. They are usually
farmers or field-labourers, but many of them are em-
ployed as village or other watchmen, and not a few
depend for their subsistence upon the proceeds of thefts
and robberies. In Trichinopoly town, householders are
obliged to keep a member of the Kalian caste in their
service as a protection against the depredations of these
thieves, and any refusal to give in to this custom
invariably results in loss of property. On the other
* Madras Review, 1899. f Madras Census Report, 1S91.
KALLAN 64
hand, if a theft should, by any chance, be committed in
a house where a Kalian is employed, the articles stolen
will be recovered, and returned to the owner. In
Madura town, I am informed, a tax of four annas per
annum is levied on houses in certain streets by the head
of the Kalian caste in return for protection against
theft." In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. Francis records
that " the Kalians, Mara vans, and Agamudaiyans are
responsible for a share of the crime of the southern
districts, which is out of all proportion to their strength
in them. In 1897, the Inspector-General of Prisons
reported that nearly 42 per cent, of the convicts in the
Madura jail, and 30 per cent, of those in the Palamcot-
tah jail in Tinnevelly, belonged to one or other of these
three castes. In Tinnevelly, in 1894, 131 cattle thefts
were committed by men of these three castes against 47
by members of others, which is one theft to 1,497 of the
population of the three bodies against one to 37,8t,o of
the other castes. The statistics of their criminality in
Trichinopoly and Madura were also bad. The Kalians
had until recently a regular system of blackmail, called
kudikaval, under which each village paid certain fees to
be exempt from theft. The consequences of being in
arrears with their payments quickly followed in the shape
of cattle thefts and 'accidental' fires in houses. In
Madura the villagers recently struck against this extor-
tion. The agitation was started by a man of the Idaiyan or
shepherd caste, which naturally suffered greatly by the
system, and continued from 1893 to 1896." The origin of
the agitation is said * to have been the anger of certain
of the Idaiyans with a Kalian Lothario, who enticed away
a woman of their caste, and afterwards her daughter, and
* Gazetteer of the Madura district.
65 KALLAN
kept both women simultaneously under his protection.
The story of this anti- Kalian agitation is told as follows
in the Police Administration Report, 1896. " Many of
the Kalians are the kavalgars of the villages under the
kaval system. Under that system the kavalgars receive
fees, and in some cases rent-free land for undertaking to
protect the property of the villagers against theft, or
to restore an equivalent in value for anything lost. The
people who suffer most at the hands of the Kallars are
the shepherds (Konans or Idaiyans). Their sheep and
goats form a convenient subject for the Kallar's raids.
They are taken for kaval fees alleged to be overdue, and
also stolen, again to be restored on the payment of black-
mail. The anti-Kallar movement was started by a man
of the shepherd caste, and rapidly spread. Meetings of
villagers were held, at which thousands attended. They
took oath on their ploughs to dispense with the services
of the Kallars ; they formed funds to compensate such
of them as lost their cattle, or whose houses were burnt ;
they arranged for watchmen among themselves to patrol
the villages at night ; they provided horns to be sounded
to carry the alarm in cases of theft from village to
village, and prescribed a regular scale of fines to be
paid by those villagers who failed to turn out on the
sound of the alarm. The Kalians in the north in many
cases sold their lands, and left their villages, but in some
places they showed fight. For six months crime is said
to have ceased absolutely, and, as one deponent put it,
people even left their buckets at the wells. In one or
two places the Kalians gathered in large bodies in view
to overawe the villagers, and riots followed. In one
village there were three murders, and the Kallar quarter
was destroyed by fire, but whether the fire was the work
of Konans or Kallars has never been discovered. In
in-5
KALLAN 66
Auorust, larore numbers of vlllao-ers attacked the Kallars
in two villages in the Dindigul division, and burnt the
Kallar quarters."
" The crimes," Mr. F. S. Mullaly writes,* " that
Kallars are addicted to are dacoity in houses or on high-
ways, robbery, house-breaking and cattle-stealing. They
are usually armed with vellari thadis or clubs (the so-
called boomerangs) and occasionally with knives similar
to those worn by the inhabitants of the western coast.
Their method of house-breaking is to make the breach
in the wall under the door. A lad of diminutive size then
creeps in, and opens the door for the elders. Jewels worn
by sleepers are seldom touched. The stolen property is
hidden in convenient places, in drains, wells, or straw
stacks, and is sometimes returned to the owner on receipt
of blackmail from him called tuppu-kuli or clue hire. The
women seldom join in crimes, but assist the men in their
dealings (for disposal of the stolen property) with the
Chettis." It is noted by the Abbd Dubois that the
Kallars " regard a robber's occupation as discreditable
neither to themselves, nor to their fellow castemen, for
the simple reason that they consider robbery a duty, and
a right sanctioned by descent. If one were to ask of a
Kallar to what people he belonged, he would coolly
answer, I am a robber."
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura
district, that " dacoity of travellers at night used to be
the favourite pastime of the Kalians, and their favourite
haunts the various roads leading out of Madura, and
that from Ammayanayakkanur to Periyakulam. The
method adopted consisted in threatening the driver of
the cart, and then turning the vehicle into the ditch so
* op. cit.
6; K ALL AN
that it upset. The unfortunate travellers were then
forced by some of the gang to sit at the side of the road,
with their backs to the cart and their faces to the
ground, while their baggage was searched for valuables
by the remainder. The gangs which frequented these
roads have now broken up, and the caste has practically
quitted road dacoity for the simpler, more paying, and
less risky business of stealing officials' office-boxes and
ryots' cattle. Cattle-theft is now the most popular calling
among them. They are clever at handling animals, and
probably the popularity of the jallikats {see Maravan) has
its origin in the demands of a life, which always included
much cattle-lifting. The stolen animals are driven great
distances (as much as 20 or 30 miles) on the night of
the theft, and are then hidden for the day either in a
friend's house, or among hills and jungles. The next
night they are taken still further, and again hidden.
Pursuit is by this time hopeless, as the owner has no idea
even in which direction to search. He, therefore, pro-
ceeds to the nearest go-between (these individuals are
well-known to every one), and offers him a reward if he
will bring back the cattle. This reward is called tuppu-
kuli, or payment for clues, and is very usually as much
as half the value of the animals stolen. The Kalian
undertakes to search for the lost bullocks, returns soon,
and states that he has found them, receives his tuppu-
kuli, and then tells the owner of the property that, if he
will go to a spot named, which is usually in some lonely
neighbourhood, he will find his cattle tied up there.
This information is always correct. If, on the other
hand, the owner reports the theft to the police, no Kalian
will help him to recover his animals, and these are
eventually sold in other districts or Travancore, or even
sent across from Tuticorin to Ceylon. Consequently,
HI-5 B
KALLAN 68
hardly any cattle-thefts are ever reported to the police.
Where the Kalians are most numerous, the fear of
incendiarism induces people to try to afford a tiled or
terraced roof, instead of being content with thatch. The
cattle are always tied up in the houses at night. Fear
of the Kalians prev^ents them from being left in the fields,
and they may be seen coming into the villages every
evening in scores, choking every one with the dust they
kick up, and polluting the village site (instead of manur-
ing the land) for twelve hours out of every twenty-four.
Buffaloes are tied up outside the houses. Kalians do
not care to steal them, as they are of little value, are
very troublesome when a stranger tries to handle them,
and cannot travel fast or far enough to be out of reach
of detection by daybreak. The Kalians' inveterate
addiction to dacoity and theft render the caste to this
day a thorn in the flesh of the authorities. A very large
proportion of the thefts committed in the district are
attributable to them. Nor are they ashamed of the fact.
One of them defended his class by urging that every
other class stole, the official by taking bribes, the vakil
(law pleader) by fostering animosities, and so pocketing
fees, the merchant by watering the arrack (spirit) and
sanding the sugar, and so on, and that the Kalians
differed from these only in the directness of their methods.
Round about Melur, the people of the caste are taking
energetically to wet cultivation, to the exclusion of cattle-
lifting, with the Periyar water, which has lately been
brought there. In some of the villages to the south
of that town, they have drawn up a formal agree-
ment (which has been solemnly registered, and is most
rigorously enforced by the headmen), forbidding theft,
recalling all the women who have emigrated to Ceylon
and elsewhere, and, with an enlightenment which puts
6g KALLAN
other communities to shame, prohibiting several other
unwise practices which are only too common, such as
the removal from the fields of cow-dung for fuel, and
the pollution of drinking-water tanks (ponds) by step-
ping into them. Hard things have been said about the
Kalians, but points to their credit are the chastity of
their women, the cleanliness they observe in and around
their villages, and their marked sobriety. A toddy-shop
in a Kalian village is seldom a financial success."
From a recent note,* I gather the following additional
information concerning tuppu-kuli. "The Kalians are
largely guilty of cattle-thefts. In many cases, they
return the cattle on receiving tuppu-kuli. The official
returns do not show many of these cases. No cattle-
owner thinks of reporting the loss of any of his cattle.
Naturally his first instinct is that it might have strayed
away, being live property. The tuppu-kuli system
generally helps the owner to recover his lost cattle. He
has only to pay half of its real value, and, when he
recovers his animal, he goes home with the belief that
he has really made a profitable bargain. There is no
matter for complaint, but, on the other hand, he is glad
that he got back his animal for use, often at the most
opportune time. Cattle are indispensable to the agri-
culturist at all times of the year. Perhaps, sometimes,
when the rains fail, he may not use them. But if, after
a long drought, there is a shower, immediately every
agriculturist runs to his field with his plough and cattle,
and tills it. If, at such a time, his cattle be stolen, he
considers as though he were beaten on his belly, and his
means of livelihood gone. No cattle will be available
then for hire. There is nothing that he will not part
* IllubliaLed Criminal InvesligalioQ and Law Digest, I, 3, 190S, Vellore.
\
KALLAN 70
with, to get back his cattle. There is then the nefarious
system of tuppu-kuli offering itself, and he freely resorts
to it, and succeeds in getting back his lost cattle sooner
or later. On the other hand, if a complaint is made
to the Village Magistrate or Police, recovery by this
channel is impossible. The tuppu-kuli agents have their
spies or informants everywhere, dogging the footsteps
of the owner of the stolen cattle, and of those who are
likely to help him in recovering it. As soon as they
know the case is recorded in the Police station, they
determine not to let the animal go back to its owner at
any risk, unless some mutual friend intervenes, and works
mightily for the recovery, in which case the restoration
is generally through the pound. Such a restoration
is, prima facie, cattle-straying, for only stray cattle are
taken to the pound. This, too, is done after a good
deal of hard swearing on both sides not to hand over
the offender to the authorities."
In connection with the ' vellari thadi ' referred to
above, Dr. Oppert writes * that " boomerangs are used
by the Tamil Maravans and Kalians when hunting deer.
The Madras Museum collection contains three (two ivory,
one wooden) from the Tanjore armoury. In the arsenal
of the Pudukkottai Raja a stock of wooden boomerangs
is always kept. Their name in Tamil is valai tadi (bent
stick)." Concerning these boomerangs, the Dewan of
Pudukkottai writes to me as follows. "The valari or
valai tadi is a short weapon, generally made of some
hard-ofrained wood. It is also sometimes made of iron.
o
It is crescent-shaped, one end being heavier than the
other, and the outer edge is sharpened. Men trained in
the use of the weapon hold it by the lighter end, whirl
* Madras Journ. Lit. Science, XXV.
71 KALLAN
it a few times over their shoulders to give it impetus,
and then hurl it with great force against the object aimed
at. It is said that there were experts in the art of
throwing the valari, who could at one stroke despatch
small game, and even man. No such experts are now
forthcoming in the State, though the instrument is
reported to be occasionally used in hunting hares, jungle
fowl, etc. Its days, however, must be counted as past.
Tradition states that the instrument played a consider-
able part in the Poligar wars of the last century. But it
now reposes peacefully in the households of the descend-
ants of the rude Kalian and Maravan warriors, who
plied it with such deadly effect in the last century, pre-
served as a sacred relic of a chivalric past along with
other old family weapons in their puja room, brought out
and scraped and cleaned on occasions like the Ayudha
puja day (when worship is paid to weapons and imple-
ments of industry), and restored to its place of rest
immediately afterwards."
The sub-divisions of the Kalians, which were returned
in greatest numbers at the census, 1 89 1, were Isanganadu
(or Visangu-nadu), Kungiliyan, Menadu, Nattu, Pira-
malainadu, and Sirukudi. In the Census Report, 1901,
it is recorded that " in Madura the Kalians are divided
into ten main endogamous divisions * which are territorial
in origin. These are (i) Mel-nadu, (2) Sirukudi-nadu,
(3) Vellur-nadu, (4) Malla-kottai nadu, (5) Pakaneri, (6)
Kandramanikkam or Kunnan-kottai nadu, (7) Kanda-
devi, (8) Puramalai-nadu, (9) Tennilai-nadu, and (10)
Palaya-nadu. The headman of the Puramalai-nadu
section is said to be installed by Idaiyans (herdsmen),
but what the connection between the two castes may be
* I am informed thai only Mel-nadu, Sirukudi, Mella-kottai, and Puramalai
are endogamous.
K ALLAN 72
is not clear. The termination nadu means a country.
These sections are further divided into exogamous
sections called vaguppus. The Mel-nadu Kalians have
three sections called terus or streets, namely, Vadakku-
teru (north street), Kilakku-teru (east street), and
Terku-teru (south street). The Sirukudi Kalians have
vaguppus named after the gods specially worshipped by
each, such as Andi, Mandai, Aiyanar, and Viramangali.
Among the Vellur-nadu Kalians the names of these
sections seem merely fanciful. Some of them are Vengai
puli (cruel-handed tiger), Vekkali puli (cruel-legged
tiger), Sami puli (holy tiger), Sem puli (red tiger), Sam-
matti makkal (hammer men), Tiruman (holy deer), and
Sayumpadai tangi (supporter of the vanquished army).
A section of the Tanjore Kalians names its sections
from sundry high-sounding titles meaning King of the
Pallavas, King of Tanjore, conqueror of the south,
mighty ruler, and so on."
Portions of the Madura and Tanjore districts are
divided into areas known as nadus, a name which, as
observed by Mr. Nelson, is specially applicable to
Kalian tracts. In each nadu a certain caste, called the
Nattan, is the predominant factor in the settlement of
social questions which arise among the various castes
livinof within the nadu. Round about Devakotta in the
Sivaganga zamindari there are fourteen nadus, repre-
sentatives of which meet once a year at Kandadevi, to
arrange for the annual festival at the temple dedicated
to Swarnamurthi Swami. The four nadus Unjanai,
Sembonmari, Iravaseri, and Tennilai in the same zamin-
dari constitute a group, of which the last is considered
the chief nadu, whereat caste questions must come up
for settlement. For marriage purposes these four nadus
constitute an endogamous section, which is sub-divided
n
KALLAN
into septs or karais. Among^ the Vallambans these
karais are exogamous, and run in the male Hne. But,
among the Kalians, the karai is recognised only in
connection with property. A certain tract of land is the
property of a particular karai, and the legal owners
thereof are members of the same karai. When the land
has to be disposed of, this can only be effected with the
consent of representatives of the karai. The Nattar
Kalians of Sivaganga have exogamous septs called kilai
or branches, which, as among the Maravans, run in the
female line, i.e., a child belongs to the mother's, not the
father's, sept. In some castes, and even among Brah-
mans, though contrary to strict rule, it is permissible
for a man to marry his sister's daughter. This is not
possible among the Kalians who have kilais such as
those referred to, because the maternal uncle of a girl,
the girl, and her mother all belong to the same sept.
But the children of a brother and sister may marry,
because they belong to different kilais, i.e., those of their
respective mothers.
Subban = Pachchai
(Kurivili kIlai). (Arasiya kIlai).
Karuppan, son
(Arasiya kilai)
Raman
(Pesadan kilai)
Ellamma, daughter
(Arasiya kilai)
Minachi
(Arasiya kilai)
In the above example, the girl Minachi may not
marry Karuppan, as both are members of the same kilai.
But she ought, though he be a mere boy, to marry
Raman, who belongs to a different sept.
KALLAN 74
It is noted* that, among the Sivaganga Kalians,
" when a member of a certain kilai dies, a piece of new
cloth should be given to the other male member of the
same kilai by the heir of the deceased. The cloth thus
obtained should be given to the sister of the person
obtaining it. If her brother fails to do so, her husband
will consider himself degraded, and consequently will
divorce her." Round about Pudukkottai and Tanjore,
the Visangu-nadu Kalians have exogamous septs called
pattaperu, and they adopt the sept name as a title, e.g.,
Muthu Udaiyan, Karuppa Tondaman, etc. It is noted,
in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district, that the sub-
divisions of the Kalians are split into groups, e.g., Onaiyan
(wolfish), Singattan (lion-like), etc.
It is a curious fact that the Puramalai-nadu Kalians
practice the rite of circumcision. The origin of this
custom is uncertain, but it has been suggested t that it is
a survival of a forcible conversion to Muhammadanism of
a section of the Kurumbas who fled northwards on the
downfall of their kingdom. At the time appointed for
the initiatory ceremony, the Kalian youth is carried on
the shoulders of his maternal uncle to a grove or plain
outside the village, where betel is distributed among those
who have assembled, and the operation is performed by
a barber-surgeon. En 7'OtUe to the selected site, and
throughout the ceremony, the conch shell (musical instru-
ment) is blown. The youth is presented with new cloths.
It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that
" every Kalian boy has a right to claim the hand of his
paternal aunt's daughter in marriage. This aunt bears
the expenses connected with his circumcision. Similarly,
the maternal uncle pays the costs of the rites which are
* Madras Census Report, 1891. t Manual of the Madura district.
75 KALLAN
observed when a girl attains maturity, for he has a claim
on the girl as a bride for his son. The two ceremonies
are performed at one time for large batches of boys and
girls. On an auspicious day, the young people are all
feasted, and dressed in their best, and repair to a river or
tank (pond). The mothers of the girls make lamps of
plantain leaves, and float them on the water, and the boys
are operated on by the local barber." It is stated, in the
Census Report, 1901, that the Sirukudi Kalians use a tali,
on which the Muhammadan badge of a crescent and star
is engraved.
In connection with marriage among the Kalians, it
is noted by Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri * that "at the
Mattupongal feast, towards evening, festoons of aloe fibre
and cloths containing coins are tied to the horns of bullocks
and cows, and the animals are driven through the streets
with tom-tom and music. In the villages, especially those
inhabited by the Kalians in Madura and Tinnevelly, the
maiden chooses as her husband him who has safely un-
tied and brought to her the cloth tied to the horn of the
fiercest bull. The animals are let loose with their
horns containing valuables, amidst the din of tom-tom and
harsh music, which terrifies and bewilders them. They
run madly about, and are purposely excited by the
crowd. A young Kalla will declare that he will run
after such and such a bull — and this is sometimes a risky
pursuit — and recover the valuables tied to its horn.
The Kalian considers it a great disgrace to be injured
while chasing the bull."
A poet of the early years of the present era, quoted
by Mr. Kanakasabhai Pillai,t describes this custom as
practiced by the shepherd castes in those days. " A
* Hindu Feasts, Fasts, and Ceremonies, 1903.
t The Tamils eighteen hundred years ago, 1904.
KALLAN "J^
large area of ground Is enclosed with palisades and
strong fences. Into the enclosure are brought ferocious
bulls with sharpened horns. On a spacious loft, over-
looking the enclosure, stand the shepherd girls, whom
they intend to give away in marriage. The shepherd
youths, prepared for the fight, first pray to their gods,
whose images are placed under old banian or peepul
trees, or at watering places. They then deck themselves
with garlands made of the bright red flowers of the
kanthal, and the purple flowers of the kaya. At a signal
given by the beating of drums, the youths leap into the
enclosure, and try to seize the bulls, which, frightened
by the noise of the drums, are now ready to charge
anyone who approaches them. Each youth approaches
a bull, which he chooses to capture. But the bulls rush
furiously, with tails raised, heads bent down, and horns
levelled at their assailants. Some of the youths face
the bulls boldly, and seize their horns. Some jump
aside, and take hold of their tails. The more wary young
men cling to the animals till they force them to fall on
the ground. Many a luckless youth is now thrown down.
Some escape without a scratch, while others are trampled
upon or gored by the bulls. Some, though wounded
and bleeding, again spring on the bulls. A few, who suc-
ceed in capturing the animals, are declared the victors of
that day's fight. The elders then announce that the bull-
fight is over. The wounded are carried out of the enclo-
sure, and attended to immediately, while the victors and
the brides-elect repair to an adjoining grove, and there,
forming into groups, dance joyously before preparing for
their marriage."
In an account of marriage among the Kalians, Mr.
Nelson writes that " the most proper alliance in the
opinion of a Kalian is one between a man and the
"J"] KALLAN
daughter of his father's sister, and, if an individual have
such a cousin, he must marry her, whatever disparity
there may be between their respective ages. A boy of
fifteen must marry such a cousin, even if she be thirty
or forty years old, if her father insists upon his so doing.
Failing a cousin of this sort, he must marry his aunt or
his niece, or any near relative. If his father's brother has
a daughter, and insists upon him marrying her he cannot
refuse ; and this whatever may be the woman's age.
One of the customs of the western Kalians is specially
curious. It constantly happens that a woman is the wife
of ten, eight, six, or two husbands, who are held to be the
fathers jointly and severally of any children that may be
born of her body, and, still more curiously, when the
children grow up they, for some unknown reason,
invariably style themselves the children not of ten, eight
or six fathers as the case may be, but of eight and two,
six and two, or four and two fathers. When a wedding-
takes place, the sister of the bridegroom goes to the
house of the parents of the bride, and presents them with
twenty-one Kali fanams (coins) and a cloth, and, at the
same time, ties some horse-hair round the bride's neck.
She then brings her and her relatives to the house of
the bridegroom, where a feast is prepared.
Sheep are killed, and stores of liquor kept ready,
and all partake of the good cheer provided. After this
the bride and bridegroom are conducted to the house of
the latter, and the ceremony of an exchange between
them of vallari thadis or boomerangs is solemnly per-
formed. Another feast is then given in the bride's
house, and the bride is presented by her parents with
one markal of rice and a hen. She then goes with her
husband to his house. Durinor the first twelve months
after marriage, it is customary for the wife's parents to
KALLAN 78
invite the pair to stay with them a day or two on the
occasion of any feast, and to present them on their
departure with a markal of rice and a cock. At the
time of the first Pongal feast after the marriage, the
presents customarily given to the son-in-law are five
markals of rice, five loads of pots and pans, five bunches
of plantains, five cocoanuts, and five lumps of jaggery
(crude sugar). A divorce is easily obtained on either
side. A husband dissatisfied with his wife can send her
away if he be willing at the same time to give her half
of his property, and a wife can leave her husband at will
upon forfeiture of forty-two Kali fanams. A widow may
marry any man she fancies, if she can induce him to
make her a present often fanams."
In connection with the foregoing account, I am
informed that, among the Nattar Kalians, the brother of
a married woman must give her annually at Pongal a
present of rice, a goat, and a cloth until her death. The
custom of exchanging boomerangs appears to be fast
becoming a tradition. But, there is a common saying
still current " Send the valari tadi, and bring the bride."
As regards the horse-hair, which is mentioned as being
tied round the bride's neck, I gather that, as a rule, the
tali is suspended from a cotton thread, and the horse-
hair necklet may be worn by girls prior to puberty and
marriage, and by widows. This form of necklet is also
worn by females of other castes, such as Maravans,
Valaiyans, and Morasa Paraiyans. Puramalai Kalian
women can be distinguished by the triangular ornament,
which is attached to the tali string. It is stated, in the
Gazetteer of the Madura district, that " when a girl has
attained maturity, she puts away the necklace of coloured
beads she wore as a child, and dons the horse-hair neck-
let, which is characteristic of the Kalian woman. This
79 KALLAN
she retains till death, even if she becomes a widow.
The richer Kalians substitute for the horse-hair a
necklace of many strands of fine silver wire. In Tiru-
mangalam, the women often hang- round their necks a
most curious brass and silver pendant, six or eight inches
long, and elaborately worked."
It is noted in the Census Report, 1891, that as a
token of divorce "a Kalian gives his wife a piece of
straw in the presence of his caste people. In Tamil the
expression ' to give a straw ' means to divorce, and ' to
take a straw ' means to accept divorce."
In their marriage customs, some Kalians have
adopted the Puranic form of rite owing to the influence
of Brahman purohits, and, though adult marriage is the
rule, some Brahmanised Kalians have introduced infant
marriage. To this the Puramalai section has a strong
objection, as, from the time of marriage, they have to
give annually till the birth of the first child a present
of fowls, rice, a goat, jaggery, plantains, betel, turmeric,
and condiments. By adult marriage the time during
which this present has to be made is shortened, and
less expenditure thereon is incurred. In connection
with the marriage ceremonies as carried out by some
Kalians, I gather that the consent of the maternal
uncle of a girl to her marriage is essential. For the
betrothal ceremony, the father and maternal uncle
of the future bridegroom proceed to the girl's house,
where a feast is held, and the date fixed for the
wedding written on two rolls of palm leaf dyed with
turmeric or red paper, which are exchanged between the
maternal uncles. On the wedding day, the sister of the
bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, accompanied
by women, some of whom carry flowers, cocoanuts, betel
leaves, turmeric, leafy twigs of Sesbania grandiflora.
KALLAN 80
paddy (unhusked rice), milk, and gh! (clarified butter).
A basket containing a female cloth, and the tali string
wrapped up in a red cloth borrowed from a washerman,
is given to a sister of the bridegroom or to a woman
belonging to his sept. On the way to the bride's house,
two ofthe women blow chank shells (musical instrument).
The bride's people question the bridegroom's party as to
his sept, and they ought to say that he belongs to Indra
kulam, Thalavala nadu, and Ahalya gotra. The bride-
groom's sister, taking up the tali, passes it round to be
touched by all present, and ties the string, which is
decorated with flowers, tightly round the bride's neck
amid the blowino- of the conch shell. The bride is then
conducted to the home of the bridegroom, whence they
return to her house on the following day. The newly
married couple sit on a plank, and coloured rice-balls or
coloured water are waved, while women yell out " killa,
ilia, ilia ; killa, ilia, ilia." This ceremony is called kulavi
idal, and is sometimes performed by Kalian women
during the tali-tying.
The following details relating to the marriage cere-
monies are recorded in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore
district. " The arrival of the bridegroom has been
described as being sometimes especially ceremonious.
Mounted on a horse, and attended by his maternal uncle,
he is met by a youth from the bride's house, also mounted,
who conducts the visitors to the marriage booth. Here
he is given betel leaves, areca nuts, and a rupee by the
bride's father, and his feet are washed in milk and
water, and adorned with toe-rings by the bride's mother.
The tali is suspended from a necklet of gold or silver
instead of cotton thread, but this is afterwards changed
to cotton for fear of offending the god Karuppan. A
lamp is often held by the bridegroom's sister, or some
KALLAX CHILDREN WITH DILATED EAR-LOBES.
8 1 KALLAN
married woman, while the tali is being tied. This is left
unlighted by the Kalians for fear it should go out, and
thus cause an evil omen. The marriage tie is in some
localities very loose. Even a woman who has borne
her husband many children may leave him if she likes,
to seek a second husband, on condition that she pays
him her marriage expenses. In this case (as also when
widows are remarried), the children are left in the late
husband's house. The freedom of the Kalian women
in these matters is noticed in the proverb that, " though
there may be no thread in the spinning-rod, there will
always be a (tali) thread on the neck of a Kalian
woman," or that " though other threads fail, the thread
of a Kalian woman will never do so."
By some Kalians pollution is, on the occasion of the
first menstrual period, observed for seven or nine days.
On the sixteenth day, the maternal uncle of the girl
brings a sheep or goat, and rice. She is bathed and
decorated, and sits on a plank while a vessel of water,
coloured rice, and a measure filled with paddy with a
style bearing a betel leaf struck on it, are waved before
her. Her head, knees, and shoulders are touched with
cakes, which are then thrown away. A woman, con-
ducting the girl round the plank, pours water from a
vessel on to a betel leaf held in her hand, so that it falls
on the ground at the four cardinal points of the compass,
which the girl salutes.
A ceremony is generally celebrated in the seventh
month of pregnancy, for which the husband's sister pre-
pares pongal (cooked rice). The pregnant woman sits
on a plank, and the rice is waved before her. She then
stands up, and bends down while her sister-in-law pours
milk from a betel or pipal [Fiats religiosa) leaf on her
back. A feast brings the ceremony to a close. Among
ni-6
KALLAN 82
the Vellur-nadu Kalians patterns are said * to be drawn
on the back of the pregnant woman with rice-flour, and
milk is poured over them. The husband's sister deco-
rates a grindstone in the same way, invokes a blessing
on the woman, and expresses a hope that she may have
a male child as strong as a stone.
When a child is born in a family, the entire family
observes pollution for thirty days, during which entrance
into a temple is forbidden. Among the Nattar Kalians,
children are said to be named at any time after they are
a month old. But, among the Puramalai Kalians, a first-
born female child is named on the seventh day, after
the ear-boring ceremony has been performed. " All
Kalians," Mr. Francis writes,* "put on sacred ashes,
the usual mark of a Saivite, on festive occasions, but
they are nevertheless generally Vaishnavites. The dead
are usually buried, and it is said that, at funerals, cheroots
are handed round, which those present smoke while the
ceremony proceeds." Some Kalians are said,t when a
death occurs in a family, to put a pot filled with dung or
water, a broomstick, and a fire-brand at some place where
three roads meet, or in front of the house, in order to
prevent the ghost from returning.
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district,
that "the Kilnad Kalians usually bury their dead.
Lamps are periodically lighted on the tomb, and it is
whitewashed annually. The Piramalainad division
usually burn the dead. If a woman dies when with child,
the baby is taken out, and placed alongside her on the
pyre. This, it may be noted, is the rule with most castes
in this district, and, in some communities, the relations
afterwards put up a stone burden-rest by the side of a
* Madras Census Report, 1901. + Gazetteer of the Tanjore district.
83 KALLAN
road, the idea bein^ that the woman died with her burden,
and so her spirit rejoices to see others lightened of
theirs. Tradition says that the caste came originally
from the north. The dead are buried with their faces
laid in that direction ; and, when puja is done to Karup-
panaswami, the caste god, the worshippers turn to the
north."
According to Mr. H. A. Stuart* "the Kalians are
nominally Saivites, but in reality the essence of their
religious belief is devil-worship. Their chief deity is
Alagarswami, the god of the great Alagar Kovil twelve
miles to the north of the town of Madura. To this
temple they make large offerings, and the Swami, called
Kalla Alagar, has always been regarded as their own
peculiar deity." The Kalians are said by Mr. Mullaly
to observe omens, and consult their household gods
before starting on depredations. " Two flowers, the one
red and the other white, are placed before the idol, a
symbol of their god Kalla Alagar. The white flower is
the emblem of success. A child of tender years is told
to pluck a petal of one of the two flowers, and the
undertaking rests upon the choice made by the child."
In like manner, when a marriage is contemplated among
the Idaiyans, the parents of the prospective bride and
bridegroom go to the temple, and throw before the idol
a red and white flower, each wrapped in a betel leaf. A
small child is then told to pick up one of the leaves.
If the one selected contains the white flower, it is con-
sidered auspicious, and the marriage will take place.
In connection with the Alagar Kovil, I gather t
that, when oaths are to be taken, the person who is to
swear is asked to worship Kallar Alagar, and, with.
* Madras Census Report, 1891. f Madras Mail, 1908,
ni-6 B
KALLAN 84
a parivattam (cloth worn as a mark of respect in the
presence of the god) on his head, and a garland round
his neck, should stand on the eighteenth step of the
eighteen steps of Karuppanaswami, and say : " I swear
before Kallar Alagar and Karuppannaswami that I
have acted rightly, and so on. If the person swears
falsely, he dies on the third day ; if truly the other
person meets witb the same fate."
It was noted by Mr. M. J. Walhouse,* that " at the
bull games (jellikattu) at Dindigul, the Kalians can alone
officiate as priests, and consult the presiding deity. On
this occasion they hold quite a Saturnalia of lordship
and arrogance over the Brahmans." It is recorded, in
the Gazetteer of the Madura district, that '' the keen-
ness of the more virile sections of the community
(especially the Kalians), in this game, is extraordinary,
and, in many villages, cattle are bred and reared specially
for it. The best jallikats are to be seen in the Kalian
country in Tirumangalam, and next come those in Melur
and Madura taluks." [See also Maravan.)
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district,
that Karuppan is *' essentially the god of the Kalians,
especially of the Kalians of the Melur side. In those
parts, his shrine is usually the Kalians' chavadi (assembly
place). His priests are usually Kalians or Kusavans.
Alagarswami (the beautiful god) is held in special
veneration by the Kalians, and is often popularly called
the Kallar Alagar. The men of this caste have the
right to drag his car at the car festival, and, when he
goes (from Alagar Kovil) on his visit to Madura, he is
dressed as a Kalian, exhibits the long ears characteristic
of that caste, and carries the boomerang and club, which
* Ind. Ant,, III., 1S74.
85 KALLAN
were of their old favourite weapons. It is whispered that
Kalian dacoits invoke his aid when they are setting out
on marauding expeditions, and, if they are successful
therein, put part of their ill-gotten gains into the
offertory (undial) box, which is kept at his shrine."
For the following note I am indebted to the Rev.
J. Sharrock. " The chief temple of the Kalians is about
ten miles west of Madura, and is dedicated to Alagar-
swami, said to be an incarnation of Vishnu, but also said
to be the brother of Minatchi (the fish-eyed or beautiful
daughter of the Pandya king of Madura). Now Minatchi
has been married by the Brahmans to Siva, and so we
see Hinduism wedded to Dravidianism, and the spirit
of compromise, the chief method of conversion adopted
by the Brahmans, carried to its utmost limit. At the
great annual festival, the idol of Alagarswami is
carried, in the month of Chittra (April-May), to the
temple of Minatchi, and the banks of the river Vaiga
swarm with two to three lakhs * of worshippers, a large
proportion of whom are Kalians. At this festival, the
Kalians have the right of dragging with a rope the
car of Alagarswami, though other people may join in
later on. As Alagarswami is a vegetarian, no blood
sacrifice is offered to him. This is probably due to
the influence of Brahmanism, for, in their ordinary
ceremonies, the Kalians invariably slaughter sheep as
sacrifices to propitiate their deities. True to their
bold and thievish instincts, the Kalians do not hesitate
to steal a god, if they think he will be of use to them in
their predatory excursions,! and are not afraid to dig
up the coins or jewels that are generally buried under
an idol. Though they entertain little dread of their
* A lakh = a hundred thousand.
t Compare the theft of Laban's teraphim by Rachel. Genesis, XXXI, 19.
KALLAN 86
own village gods, they are often afraid of others that
they meet far from home, or in the jungles when they are
engaged in one of their stealing expeditions. As regards
their own village gods, there is a sort of understanding
that, if they help them in their thefts, they are to have
a fair share of the spoil, and, on the principle of honesty
among thieves, the bargain is always kept. At the
annual festival for the village deities, each family sacri-
fices a sheep, and the head of the victim is given to the
pujari (priest), while the body is taken home by the
donor, and partaken of as a communion feast. Two
at least of the elements of totem worship appear here :
there is the shedding of the sacrificial blood of an innocent
victim to appease the wrath of the totem god, and
the common feasting together which follows it. The
Brahmans sometimes join in these sacrifices, but of
course take no part of the victim, the whole being the
perquisite of the pujari, and there is no common partici-
pation in the meal. When strange deities are met with
by the Kalians on their thieving expeditions, it is usual
to make a vow that, if the adventure turns out well, part
of the spoil shall next day be left at the shrine of the
god, or be handed over to the pujari of that particular
deity. They are afraid that, if this precaution be not
taken, the god may make them blind, or cause them to
be discovered, or may go so far as to knock them down,
and leave them to bleed to death. If they have seen
the deity, or been particularly frightened or otherwise
specially affected by these unknown gods, instead of
leaving a part of the body, they adopt a more thorough
method of satisfying the same. After a few days they
return at midnight to make a special sacrifice, which
of course is conducted by the particular pujari, whose
god is to be appeased. They bring a sheep with rice,
8; KALLAN
curry-stuffs and liquors, and, after the sacrifice, give a
considerable share of these dainties, together with
the animal's head, to the pujari, as well as a sum of
money for making the puja (worship) for them. Some
of the ceremonies are worth recording. First the idol
is washed in water, and a sandal spot is put on the
forehead in the case of male deities, and a kunkuma
spot in the case of females. Garlands are placed round
the neck, and the bell is rung, while lamps are lighted
all about. Then the deity's name is repeatedly invoked,
accompanied by beating on the udukku. This is a
small drum which tapers to a narrow waist in the
middle, and is held in the left hand of the pujari with
one end close to his left ear, while he taps on it with
the fingers of his right hand. Not only is this primitive
music pleasing to the ears of his barbarous audience,
but, what is more important, it conveys the oracular
communications of the god himself By means of the
end of the drum placed close to his ear, the pujari is
enabled to hear what the god has to say of the predatory
excursion which has taken place, and the pujari (who,
like a clever gypsy, has taken care previously to get as
much information of what has happened as possible)
retails all that has occurred during the exploit to his
wondering devotees. In case his information is incom-
plete, he is easily able to find out, by a few leading
questions and a little cross-examination of these ignorant
people, all that he needs to impress them with the idea
that the god knows all about their transactions, having
been present at their plundering bout. At all such
sacrifices, it is a common custom to pour a little water
over the sheep, to see if it will shake itself, this being
invariably a sign of the deity's acceptance of the animal
offered. In some sacrifices, if the sheep does not shake
KALLAN 88
itself, it is rejected, and another substituted for it ; and,
in some cases (be it whispered, when the pujari thinks
the sheep too thin and scraggy), he pours over it only
a little water, and so demands another animal. If,
however, the pujari, as the god's representative, is satis-
fied, he goes on pouring more and more water till the
half-drenched animal has to shake itself, and so signs
its own death-warrant. All who have ventured forth in
the night to take part in the sacrifice then join together
in the communal meal. An illustration of the value of
sacrifices may here be quoted, to show how little value
may be attached to an oath made in the presence of a
god. Some pannaikarans (servants) of a Kalian land-
owner one day stole a sheep, for which they were
brought up before the village munsif When they
denied the theft, the munsif took them to their village
god, Karuppan (the black brother), and made them
swear in its presence. They perjured themselves again,
and were let off. Their master quietly questioned them
afterwards, asking them how they dared swear so falsely
before their own god, and to this they replied ' While
we were swearing, we were mentally offering a sacrifice
to him of a sheep ' (which they subsequently carried
out), to pacify him for the double crime of stealing and
perjury."
As a typical example of devil worship, the practice
of the Valaiyans and Kalians of Orattanadu in the
Tanjore district is described by Mr. F. R. Hemingway.*
" Valaiyan houses have generally an odiyan (Odma
Wodier) tree in the backyard, wherein the devils are
believed to live, and among Kalians every street has
a tree for their accommodation. They are propitiated
* Gazetteer of the Tanjore district.
89 KALLAN
at least once a year, the more virulent under the tree
itself, and the rest in the house, generally on a Friday
or Monday. Kalians attach importance to Friday in Adi
(July and August), the cattle Pongal day in Tai (January
and February), and Kartigai day in the month Kartigai
(November and December). A man, with his mouth
covered with a cloth to indicate silence and purity,
cooks rice in the backyard, and pours it out in front of
the tree, mixed with milk and jaggery (crude sugar).
Cocoanuts and toddy are also placed there. These are
offered to the devils, represented in the form of bricks
or mud images placed at the foot of the tree, and
camphor is set alight. A sheep is then brought and
slaughtered, and the devils are supposed to spring one
after another from the tree into one of the bystanders.
This man then becomes filled with the divine afflatus,
works himself up into a kind of frenzy, becomes the
mouthpiece of the spirits, pronounces their satisfac-
tion or the reverse at the offerings, and gives utterance
to cryptic phrases, which are held to foretell good or
evil fortune to those in answer to whom they are
made. When all the devils in turn have spoken and
vanished, the man recovers his senses. The devils are
worshipped in the same way in the houses, except that
no blood is shed. All alike are propitiated by animal
sacrifices."
The Kalians are stated by Mr. Hemingway to be
very fond of bull-baiting. This is of two kinds. The
first resembles the game played by other castes, except
that the Kalians train their animals for the sport, and
have regular meetings, at which all the villagers congre-
gate. These begin at Pongal, and go on till the end of
May. The sport is called tolu madu (byre bull). The
best animals for it are the Pulikkolam bulls from the
KALLAN 90
Madura district. The other game is called pachal
madu (leaping bull). In this, the animals are tethered
to a long rope, and the object of the competition is to
throw the animal, and keep it down. A bull which is
good at the game, and difficult to throw, fetches a very-
high price.
It is noted in the Gazetteer of the Tanjore district,
that " the Kalians have village caste panchayats
(councils) of the usual kind, but in some places they
are discontinuino^ these in imitation of the Vellalans.
According to the account given at Orattanadu, the
members of Ambalakaran families sit by hereditary right
as Karyastans or advisers to the headman in each village.
One of these households is considered superior to the
others, and one of its members is the headman (Ambala-
karan) proper. The headmen of the panchayats of
villages which adjoin meet to form a further panchayat
to decide on matters common to them generally. In
Kalian villages, the Kalian headman often decides dis-
putes between members of other lower castes, and inflicts
fines on the party at fault."
In the Gazetteer, of the Madura district, it is recorded
that " the organization of the Kilnad Kalians differs from
that of their brethren beyond the hills. Among the
former, an hereditary headman, called the Ambalakaran,
rules in almost every village. He receives small fees
at domestic ceremonies, is entitled to the first betel
and nut, and settles caste disputes. Fines inflicted are
credited to the caste fund. The western Kalians are
under a more monarchial rule, an hereditary headman
called Tirumala Pinnai Tevan decidino" most caste
matters. He is said to get this hereditary name from
the fact that his ancestor was appointed (with three
co-adjutors) by King Tirumala Nayakkan, and given
91 KALLAN MUPPAN
many insignia of office including a state palanquin. If
any one declines to abide by his decision, excommu-
nication is pronounced by the ceremony of ' placing
the thorn,' which consists in laying a thorny branch
across the threshold of the recalcitrant party's house,
to signify that, for his contumacy, his property will go
to ruin and be overrun with jungle. The removal of
the thorn, and the restitution of the sinner to Kalian
society can only be procured by abject apologies to
Pinnai Tevan."
The usual title of the Kalians is Ambalakaran
(president of an assembly), but some, like the Maravans
and Agamudaiyans, style themselves Tevan (god) or
Servaikkaran (commander).*
Kallankanadoru (stone). — A sub-division of
Komati, said to be descended from those who sat on the
stone (kallu) mantapa outside the Penukonda Kanya-
kamma temple, when the question whether to enter the
fire-pits or not was being discussed by the caste elders.
Kalian Muppan. — In the Madras Census Report,
1901, Kalian Muppan is returned as "a sub-caste of the
Malabar Kammalans, the members of which are stone-
workers." A correspondent writes to me that, " while
the Kammalans are a polluting and polyandrous class,
the Kalian Muppans are allowed to enter the outside
enclosure of temples. They do not remarry their
widows, and are strictly monogamous. Their purohits
are Tamil barbers, who officiate at their marriages. The
barber shaves the bridegroom before the wedding
ceremony. The purohit has also to blow the conch-
shell all the way from the bridegroom's house to that of
the bride."
* Madras Census Report, 1891.
KALLANGI 92
The names Kalian and Kalkotti are also those by
which the Malabar stone-masons are known.
Kallangi. — Kallangi and Kallaveli (Kalian's fence)
are fanciful names, returned by Pallis at times of census.
Kallasari (stone-workers). — The occupational name
of a sub-division of Malayalam Kammalans.
Kallatakurup. — A sub-division of Ambalavasis,
who sing in Bhagavati temples. They play on a
stringed instrument, called nandurini, with two strings
and a number of wooden stops glued on to the long
handle, and a wooden plectrum.
Kallu (stone). — A sub-division of Ganiga and Odde.
Kallukoti (stone-mason) is a sub-division of Malabar
Kammalans, who work in stone.
Kallukatti. — It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the
South Canara district, that " a grinding stone made of
granite is an article peculiar to South Canara. It is a
semicircular, oval-shaped block with a flat bottom, and a
round hole in the middle of the surface. It has another
oval-shaped block, thin and long, with one end so shaped
as to fit into the hole in the larger block. These two
tOQ^ether make what is known as the ocrindinCT-stone of
the district, which is used for grinding curry-stuff, rice,
wheat, etc. Mill-stones for pounding grain are also
made of granite. Formerly, a class of people called
Kallukattis used to make such articles, but the industry
is now taken up by other castes as well. Mile-stones,
slabs for temple door-frames, idols and other figures for
temple purposes are also made of granite."
Kallur.— Recorded, in the Travancore Census
Report, 1 90 1, as a name for the Pulikkappanikkan
sub-division of Nayar.
Kalluri (stone village). — An exogamous sept of
Medara.
93 KAMBALATTAN
Kal Tacchan (stone-mason). — A sub-division of
Kammalan.
Kalti (expunged). — A degraded Paraiyan is known
as a Kalti. Amongst the Paraiyans of Madras, Chingle-
put and North Arcot, the rule Is that a man who does
not abide by the customs of the caste is formally excom-
municated by a caste council. He then joins "those at
Vinnamangalam " near Vellore, i.e., those who have, like
himself, been driven out of the caste.
Kalugunadu (eagle's country). — An exogamous
sept of Tamil goldsmiths in the Madura district.
Kaluthai (possessors of donkeys). — A sub-division
of Odde.
Kalyanakulam (marriage people). — A fanciful name
returned by some Mangalas at times of census, as they
officiate as musicians at marriages.
Kamadi (tortoise). — A gotra of Kurni.
Kamakshiamma. — Recorded, in the North Arcot
Manual, as a sub-division of Vaniyan. Kamakshiamma
is the chief goddess worshipped at Conjeeveram. She
and Minakshi Amma of Madura are two well-known
goddesses worshipped by Saivites. Both names are
synonyms of Parvati, the wife of Siva.
Kamati (foolish). — A name sometimes applied to
carpenters, and also of a sub-division of Okkiliyans, who
are said to have abandoned their original occupation of
cultivating land, and become bricklayers.
Kambalam.— The name Kambalam is applied to a
group of nine castes (Tottiyan, Annappan, Kappiliyan,
Chakkiliyan, etc.), because at their council meetings a
blanket (kambli) is spread, on which is placed a brass
vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and decorated with
flowers. iySee Tottiyan.)
Kambalattan.— A synonym of Tottiyan.
KAMBAN 94
Kamban.— A title of the Occhans, to which caste
the great Tamil epic poet Kamban is reputed to have
belonged.
Kambha.^Kambha or Kambhapu, meaning a pillar
or post, has been recorded as an exogamous sept of
Madiga and Komati.
Kamma.-^Writing collectively concerning the Kam-
mas, Kapus or Reddis, Velamas, and Telagas, Mr. W.
Francis states * that " all four of these large castes closely
resemble one another in appearance and customs, and
seem to have branched off from one and the same
Dravidian stock. Originally soldiers by profession, they
are now mainly agriculturists and traders, and some of
them in the north are zamindars (land-owners). The
Razus, who now claim to be Kshatriyas, were probably
descended from Kapus, Kammas, and Velamas. The
Kammas and Kapus of the Madura and Tinnevelly
districts seem to have followed the Vijayanagar army
south, and settled in these districts when the Nayak
Governors were established there. Their women are less
strict in their deportment than those of the same castes
further north, the latter of whom are very careful of their
reputations, and, in the case of one section of the
Kammas, are actually gosha (kept in seclusion) like
Musalmanis."
Various stories are current, which point to the
common ancestry of the Kammas, Kapus, and Velamas.
The word Kamma in Telugu means the ear-ornament,
such as is worn by women. According to one legend
"the Rishis, being troubled by Rakshasas, applied to
Vishnu for protection, and he referred them to Lakshmi.
The goddess gave them a casket containing one of her
* Madras Census Report, 1901.
95 KAMMA
ear ornaments (kamma), and enjoined them to worship
it for a hundred years. At the expiry of that period, a
band of five hundred armed warriors sprang up from
the casket, who, at the request of the Rishis, attacked
and destroyed the giants. After this they were directed
to engage in agriculture, being promised extensive
estates, and the consideration paid to Kshatriyas. They
accordingly became possessed of large territories,
such as Amravati and others in the Kistna, Nellore and
other districts, and have always been most successful
agriculturists."*
Some Kammas, when questioned by Mr. F. R.
Hemingway in the Godavari district, stated that they
were originally Kshatriyas, but were long ago persecuted
by a king of the family of Parikshat, because one of them
called him a bastard. They sought refuge with the
Kapus, who took them in, and they adopted the customs
of their protectors. According to another legend, a
valuable ear ornament, belonging to Raja Pratapa Rudra,
fell into the hands of an enemy, whom a section of the
Kapus boldly attacked, and recovered the jewel. This
feat earned for them and their descendants the title
Kamma. Some of the Kapus ran away, and they are
reputed to be the ancestors of the Velamas (veli, away).
At the time when the Kammas and Velamas formed a
single caste, they observed the Muhammadan gosha
system, whereby the women are kept in seclusion.
This was, however, found to be very inconvenient for
their agricultural pursuits. They accordingly determined
to abandon it, and an agreement was drawn up on a
palm-leaf scroll. Those who signed it are said to have
become Kammas, and those who declined to do so
* Manual of the North Arcot district.
KAMMA 96
Velamas, or outsiders. One meaning of the word kamma
is the palm-leaf roll, such as is used to produce dilatation
of the lobes of the ears. According to another story,
there once lived a king, Belthi Reddi by name, who had
a large number of wives, the favourite among whom he
appointed Rani. The other wives, being jealous, induced
their sons to steal all the jewels of the Rani, but they were
caught in the act by the king, who on the following day
asked his wife for her jewels, which she could not produce.
Some of the sons ran away, and gave origin to the
Velamas ; others restored the kamma, and became
Kammas. Yet one more story. Pratapa Rudra's wife
lost her ear ornament, and four of the king's captains
were sent in search of it. Of these, one restored the
jewel, and his descendants became Kammas ; the second
attacked the thieves, and gave origin to the Velamas ;
the third ran away, and so his children became the
ancestors of the Pakanatis ; and the fourth disappeared.
According to the Census Report, 1891, the main sub-
divisions of the Kammas are Gampa, Illuvellani, Godajati,
Kavali, Vaduga, Pedda, and Bangaru. It would seem
that there are two main endogamous sections, Gampa
(basket) Chatu, and Goda (wall) Chatu. Chatu is said
to mean a screen or hiding place. Concerning the origin
of these sections, the following story is told. Two
sisters were bathing in a tank (pond), when a king
happened to pass by. To hide themselves, one of the
girls hid behind a basket, and the other behind a wall.
The descendants of the two sisters became the Gampa
and Goda Chatu Kammas, who may not intermarry by
reason of their original close relationship. According
to another legend, after a desperate battle, some members
of the caste escaped by hiding behind baskets, others
behind a wall. The terms Illuvellani and Pedda seem to
97 KAMMA
be synonymous with Godachatu. The women of this
section were gosha, and not allowed to appear in public,
and even at the present day they do not go out and work
freely in the fields. The name Illuvellani indicates those
who do not go (vellani) out of the house (illu). The
name Pedda (great) refers to the superiority of the section.
Vaduga simply means Telugu, and is probably a name
given by Tamilians to the Kammas who live amongst
them. The name Bangaru is said to refer to the custom
of the women of this sub-division wearing only gold nose
ornaments (bangaramu). The Godajati sub-division is
said to be most numerously represented in North Arcot
and Chingleput, the Illuvellani in Kistna, Nellore and
Anantapur. The Kavali sub-division is practically
confined to the Godavari, and the Pedda to the Kistna
district. The Vaduga Kammas are found chiefly in
Coimbatore.
In his note on the Kammas of the Godavari district,
Mr. Hemingway writes that " in this district they are
divided into Kavitis, Eredis, Gampas or Gudas, Uggams,
and Rachas. These names are, according to local
accounts, derived from curious household customs, gener-
ally from traditional methods of carrying water. Thus,
the Kavitis will not ordinarily carry water except in
pots on a kavidi, the Eredis except on a pack-bullock,
the Uggams except in pots held in the hand, and not on
the hip or head, the Rachas except in a pot carried by
two persons. The Gampa women, when they first go to
their husbands' houses, take the customary presents in
a basket. It is said that these practices are generally
observed at the present day."
Writing concerning the Iluvedalani (Illuvellani)
Kammas, the editor of the Kurnool Manual (1886) states
that " a few families only exist in the district. The
1 1 1-7
KAMMA 98
women are kept in strict gosha. They consider it
beneath them to spin thread, or to do other work. A
sub-division of this caste Hves in Pullalcheruvu, whose
families, also gosha, work at the spindles, like other
women of the country. Another class of indoor Kammas
resides about Owk. They are apparently descendants
of the Kammas, who followed the Naiks from Guntur to
Gandikota in the sixteenth century. They are now
reduced, and the females work, like Kapus, in the field.
The Gampas are distinguished from the indoor Kammas
by their women wearing the cloth over the right, instead
of the left shoulder."
As with other Telugu castes, there are, among the
Kammas, a number of exogamous septs or intiperu, of
which the following are examples : —
Palakala, planks.
Kasturi, musk.
Baththala, rice.
Karnam, accountant.
Irpina, combs.
Gali, wind.
Dhaniala, coriander.
Anumollu, Dolichos Lablab.
Tsanda, tax or subscription,
Jasthi, too much.
Mallela, jasmine.
Lanka, island.
Thota kijra, Amarantus gangeticiis,
Komma, horn, or branch of a tree.
Cheni, dry field.
The Kammas also have gotras such as Chittipoola,
Kurunollu, Kulakala, Uppala, Cheruku (sugar-cane),
Vallotla, and Yenamalla.
When matters affecting the community have to be
decided, a council of the leading members thereof assem-
bles. But, in some places, there is a permanent headman,
called Mannemantri or Chaudri.
The Kammas will work as coolies in the fields, but
will, on no account, engage themselves as domestic
servants. " They are," the Rev. J. Cain writes,* " as a
rule a fine well-built class of cultivators, very proud and
Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
99 KAMMA
exclusive, and have a great aversion to town life. Many
of them never allow their wives to leave their compounds,
and it is said that many never do field work on Sundays,
but confine themselves on that day to their house-work."
" If," a correspondent writes from the Kistna district,
" you ask in a village whether so-and-so is a Brahman,
and they say * No. He is an asami (ordinary man),' he
will be a Kamma or Kapu. If you ask how many pay
income-tax in a village, they may tell you two Baniyas
(merchants), and two Samsari-vallu, i.e., two prosperous
Kamma ryots."
The Kammas are stated by Mr. H. A. Stuart* to be
" most industrious and intelligent cultivators, who, now
that gosha has been generally abandoned, beat all rivals
out of the field — a fact which is recognised by several
proverbs, such as Kamma vani chetulu kattina nilavadu
(though you tie a Kamma's hands, he will not be quiet) ;
Kamma vandlu cherite kadama jatula vellunu (if Kammas
come in, other castes go out) ; Kamma variki bhumi
bhayapadu tunnadi (the earth fears the Kammas), and
many others to the same effect. In addition to being
industrious and well-to-do they are very proud, an
instance of which occurred in the Kistna district, when
the Revenue Settlement Officer offered them pattas,
in which they were simply called Naidu without the
honorific ending garu. They refused on this account to
accept them, and finally the desired alteration was made,
as they proved that all of their caste were considered
entitled to the distinction. In North Arcot, however,
they are not so particular, though some refuse to have
their head shaved, because they scruple to bow down
before a barber. Besides Vishnu the Kammas worship
* Manual of the North Arcot district.
III-7 B
KAMMA lOO
Ganga, because they say that long ago they fled from
Northern India, to avoid the anger of a certain Raja, who
had been refused a bride from among them. They were
pursued, but their women, on reaching the Mahanadi,
prayed for a passage to Ganga, who opened a dry path
for them through the river. Crossing, they all hid
themselves in a dholl [Cajanus iiidicus) field, and thus
escaped from their pursuers. For this reason, at their
marriages, they tie a bunch of dholl leaves to the north-
eastern post of the wedding booth, and worship Ganga
before tying the tali."
Among the Kammas of the Tamil country, the bride-
groom is said to be sometimes much younger than the
bride, and a case is on record of a wife of twenty-two
years of age, who used to carry her boy-husband on her
hip, as a mother carries her child.* A parallel is to be
found in Russia, where not very long ago grown-up
women were to be seen carrying about boys of six, to
whom they were betrothed. t Widow remarriage is not
permitted. Widows of the Goda chatu section wear
white, and those of the Gampa chatu section coloured
cloths.
Prior to the betrothal ceremony, female ancestors,
Vigneswara, and the Grama Devata (village deities) are
worshipped. A near relation of the future bridegroom
proceeds, with a party, to the home of the future bride.
On their way thither, they look for omens, such as the
crossing of birds in an auspicious direction. Imme-
diately on the occurrence of a favourable omen, they
burn camphor, and break a cocoanut, which must split
in two with clean ed^es. One half is sent to the
would-be bridegroom, and the other taken to the
* Madras Census Report, 1891.
t Hutchinson. Marriage Customs in many lands, 1897.
lOI KAMMA
bride's house. If the first cocoanut does not split
properly, others are broken till the wished-for result
is obtained. When the girl's house is reached, she
demands the sagunam (omen) cocoanut. Her lap is
filled with flowers, cocoanuts, turmeric, plantains, betel
leaves and areca nuts, combs, sandal paste, and coloured
powder (kunkumam). The wedding day is then fixed.
Marriage is generally celebrated at the house of the
bridegroom, but, if it is a case of kannikadhanam
(presenting the girl without claiming the bride's price),
at the house of the bride. The bride-price is highest in
the Gampa section. On the first day of the marriage
rites, the petta mugada sangyam, or box-lid ceremony is
performed. The new cloths for the bridal couple, five
plantains, nuts, and pieces of turmeric, one or two combs,
four rupees, and the bride-price in money or jewels, are
placed in a box, which is placed near the parents of the
contracting couple. The contents of the box are then
laid out on the lid, and examined by the sammandhis
(new relations by marriage). The bride's father gives
betel leaves and areca nuts to the father of the bride-
groom, saying " The girl is yours, and the money mine."
The bridegroom's father hands them back, saying
" The girl is mine, and the money yours." This is
repeated three times. The officiating purohit (priest)
then announces that the man's daughter is to be
given in marriage to so-and-so, and the promise is
made before the assembled Deva Brahmanas, and in
the presence of light, Agni, and the Devatas. This
ceremony is binding, and, should the bridegroom per-
chance die before the bottu (marriage badge) is tied,
she becomes, and remains a widow. The milk-post is
next set up, the marriage pots are arranged, and the
nalagu ceremony is performed. This consists of the
KAMMA 102
annointing of the bridal couple with oil, and smearing
the shoulders with turmeric flour, or Acacia Concinna
paste. A barber pares the nails of the bridegroom, and
simply touches those of the bride with a mango leaf
dipped in milk. In some places this rite is omitted by
the Gampa section. A small wooden framework, called
dhornam, with cotton threads wound round it, is generally
tied to the marriage pandal (booth) by a Tsakali (washer-
man) not only at a marriage among the Kammas, but
also among the Balijas, Kapus, and Yelamas. After the
return of the bridal couple from bathing, the bridegroom
is decorated, and taken to a specially prepared place
within or outside the house, to perform Vira-gudi-
mokkadam, or worship of heroes in their temple. At
the spot selected a pandal has been erected, and beneath
it three or five bricks, representing the heroes (viralu), are
set up. The bricks are smeared with turmeric paste, and
painted with red dots. In front of the bricks an equal
number of pots are placed, and they are worshipped by
breaking a cocoanut, and burning camphor and incense.
The bridegroom then prostrates himself before the bricks,
and, taking up a sword, cuts some lime fruits, and touches
the pots three times. In former days, a goat or sheep
was sacrificed. The hero worship, as performed by the
Goda section, differs from the above rite as practiced by
the Gampa section. Instead of erecting a pandal, the
G5das go to a pipal (Ficiis religiosa) tree, near which
one or more daggers are placed. A yellow cotton thread
is wound three or five times round the tree, which is
worshipped. As a substitute for animal sacrifice, lime
fruits are cut. The hero worship concluded, the wrist-
threads of cotton and wool (kankanam) are tied on the
bride and bridegroom, who is taken to the temple after
he has bathed and dressed himself in new clothes. On
103 KAMMA
his return to the booth, the purohit lights the sacred fire,
and the contracting couple sit side by side on a plank.
They then stand, with a screen spread between them, and
the bridegroom, with his right big toe on that of the bride,
ties the bottu round her neck. They then go three times
round the dais, with the ends of their cloths knotted
together. The bottu of the Gampas is a concave disc of
gold, that of the Godas a larger fiat disc. On the follow-
ing day, the usual nagavali, or sacrifice to the Devas is
offered, and a nagavali bottu (small gold disc) tied. All
the relations make presents to the bridal pair, who indulge
in a mock representation of domestic life. On the third
day, pongal (rice) is offered to the pots, and the wrist-
threads are removed. Like the Palli bridegroom, the
Kamma bridegroom performs a mimic ploughing cere-
mony, but at the house instead of at a tank (pond). He
goes to a basket filled with earth, carrying the iron bar
of a ploughshare, an ox-goad, and rope, accompanied by
the bride carrying in her lap seeds or seedlings. While
he pretends to be ploughing, his sister stops him, and will
not let him continue till he has promised to give his first-
born daughter to her son in marriage. The marriage pots
are presented to the sisters of the bridegroom. During
the marriage celebration, meat must not be cooked.
Among the Kammas, consummation does not take
place till three months after the marriage ceremony, as it
is considered unlucky to have three heads of a family in
a household during the first year of marriage. By the
delay, the birth of a child should take place only in the
second year, so that, during the first year, there will be
only two heads, husband and wife. In like manner, it is
noted by Mr. Francis * that, among the Gangimakkulu
Gazetteer of the Bellary district.
KAMMA 104
and Madigas, the marriage is not consummated till three
months after its celebration.
When a pregnant woman is delivered, twigs of
Balanites Roxburghii are placed round the house.
The dead are usually cremated. As the moment of
death approaches, a cocoanut is broken, and camphor
burnt. The thumbs and great toes of the corpse are tied
together. A woman, who is left a widow, exchanges
betel with her dead husband, and the women put rice into
his mouth. The corpse is carried to the burning-ground
on a bier, with the head towards the house. When it
approaches a spot called Arichandra's temple, the bier is
placed on the ground, and food is placed at the four
corners. Then a Paraiyan or Mala repeats the formula
" I am the first born {i.e., the representative of the oldest
caste). I wore the sacred thread at the outset. I am
Sangu Paraiyan (or Reddi-Mala). I was the patron of
Arichandra. Lift the corpse, and turn it round with its
head towards the smasanam (burning-ground), and feet
towards the house." When the corpse has been laid on
the pyre, the relations throw rice over it, and the chief
mourner goes three times round the pyre, carrying on his
shoulder a pot of water, in which a barber makes holes.
During the third turn he lights the pyre, and throwing
down the pot, goes off to bathe. On the following day,
a stone is placed on the spot where the deceased breathed
his last, and his clothes are put close to it. The women
pour milk over the stone, and offer milk, cocoanuts, cooked
rice, betel, etc., to it. These are taken by the males
to the burning-ground. When Arichandra's temple is
reached, they place there a small quantity of food on a
leaf. At the burning-ground, the fire is extinguished,
and the charred bones are collected, and placed on a
plantain leaf. Out of the ashes they make an effigy on
I05 KAMMA
the ground, to which food is offered on four leaves,
one of which is placed on the abdomen of the figure, and
the other three are set by the side of it. The first of
these is taken by the Paraiyan, and the others are given
to a barber, washerman, and Panisavan (a mendicant
caste). The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram) are
performed on the sixteenth day. They commence with
the punyaham, or purificatory ceremony, and the giving
of presents to Brahmans. Inside the house, the dead
person's clothes are worshipped by the women. The
widow is taken to a tank or well, where her nagavali
bottu is removed. This usually wears out in a very short
time, so a new one is worn for the purpose of the death
ceremony. The males proceed to a tank, and make an
effigy on the ground, near which three small stones are
set up. On these libations of water are poured, and
cooked rice, vegetables, etc., are offered. The chief
mourner then goes into the water, carrying the effigy,
which is thrown in, and dives as many times as there have
been days between the funeral and the karmandhiram.
The ceremony closes with the making of presents to the
Brahmans and agnates. Towards evening, the widow sits
on a small quantity of rice on the ground, and her marriage
bottu is removed. The Kammas perform a first annual
ceremony, but not a regular sradh afterwards.*
As regards their religion, some Kammas are Saivites,
others Vaishnavites. Most of the Saivites are disciples
of Aradhya Brahmans, and the Vaishnavites of Vaishnava
Brahmans or Satanis. The Gampas reverence Draupadi,
Mannarsami, Gangamma, Ankamma, and Padavetiamma;
the Godas Poleramma, Veikandla Thalli (the thousand-
eyed goddess) and Padavetiamma.
* Gazetteer of the Ananlapur district.
KAMMA I06
Kamma (ear ornament). — An exogamous sept of
Motati Kapu.
Kammalan (Tamil). — The original form of the name
Kammalan appears to have been Kannalan or Kannalar,
both of which occur in Tamil poems, e.g., Thondamandala
Satakam and Er Ezhuvathu, attributed to the celebrated
poet Kamban. Kannalan denotes one who rules the
eye, or one who gives the eye. When an image is made,
its consecration takes place at the temple. Towards
the close of the ceremonial, the Kammalan who made it
comes forward, and carves out the eyes of the image.
The name is said also to refer to those who make
articles, and open the eyes of the people, i.e., who make
articles pleasing to the eyes.
A very interesting account of the netra mangalya, or
ceremony of painting the eyes of images, as performed by
craftsmen in Ceylon, has been published by Mr. A. K.
Coomaraswamy.* Therein he writes that '' by far the
most important ceremony connected with the building
and decoration of a vihara (temple), or with its renovation,
was the actual netj^a mangalya or eye ceremonial. The
ceremony had to be performed in the case of any image,
whether set up in a vihara or not. Even in the case of
flat paintings it was necessary. D. S. Muhandiram, when
making for me a book of drawings of gods according
to the Rupavaliya, left the eyes to be subsequently
inserted on a suitable auspicious occasion, with some
simpler form of the ceremony described.
" Knox has a reference to the subject as follows.
' Some, being devoutly disposed, will make the image
of this god (Buddha) at their own charge. For the
making whereof they must bountifully reward the
* Mediaeval Sinhalese Art.
lo; KAMMALAN
Founder. Before the eyes are made, it is not accounted a
god, but a lump of ordinary metal, and thrown about the
shop with no more regard than anything else. But, when
the eyes are to be made, the artificer is to have a good
gratification, besides the first agreed upon reward.
The eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a god. And
then, being brought with honour from the workman's
shop, it is dedicated by solemnities and sacrifices, and
carried with great state into its shrine or little house,
which is before built and prepared for it.' " The pupils
of the eyes of a series of clay votive offerings, which
were specially made for me, were not painted at the
potter's house, but in the verandah of the traveller's
bungalow where I was staying.
The Tamil Kammalans are divided into three
endogamous territorial groups, Pandya, Sozia (or Chola),
and Kongan. The Pandyas live principally in the
Madura and Tinnevelly districts, and the Sozias in the
Trichinopoly, Tanjore, Chingleput, North and South
Arcot districts, and Madras. The Koneas are found
chiefly in the Salem and Coimbatore districts. In some
places, there are still further sub-divisions of territorial
origin. Thus, the Pandya Tattans are divided into
Karakattar, Vambanattar, Pennaikku-akkarayar (those
on the other side of the Pennaiyar river), Munnuru-
vittukarar (those of the three hundred families), and so
forth. They are further divided into exogamous septs,
the names of which are derived from places, e.g.,
Perugumani, Musiri, Oryanadu, Thiruchendurai, and
Kalagunadu.
The Kammalans are made up of five occupational
sections, viz., Tattan (goldsmith), Kannan (brass-smith),
Tac'chan (carpenter), Kal-Tac'chan (stone-mason), and
Kollan or Karuman (blacksmith). The name Panchala,
KAMMALAN io8
which is sometimes used by the Tamil as well as the
Canarese artisan classes, has reference to the fivefold
occupations. The various sections intermarry, but the
goldsmiths have, especially in towns, ceased to intermarry
with the blacksmiths. The Kammalans, claiming, as
will be seen later on, to be Brahmans, have adopted
Brahmanical g5tras, and the five sections have five
g5tras called Visvagu, Janagha, Ahima, Janardana, and
Ubhendra, after certain Rishis (sages). Each of these
gotras, it is said, has twenty-five subordinate gotras
attached to it. The names of these, however, are not
forthcoming, and indeed, except some individuals who
act as priests for the Kammalans, few seem to have
any knowledge of them. In their marriages the Kam-
malans closely imitate the Brahmanical ceremonial, and
the ceremonies last for three or five days according to
the ineans of the parties. The parisam, or bride's
money, is paid, as among other non-Brahmanical castes.
Widows are allowed the use of ordinary jewelry and
betel, which is not the case among Brahmans, and they
are not compelled to make the usual fasts, or observe
the feasts commonly observed by Brahmans.
The Kammalan caste is highly organised, and its
oroanisation is one of its most interesting!' features. Each
of the five divisions has at its head a Nattamaikkaran or
headman, and a Karyasthan, or chief executive officer,
under him, who are elected by members of the particular
division. Over them is the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran
(also known as Ainduvittu Periyathanakkaran or Anji-
jati Nattamaikkaran), who is elected by lot by representa-
tives chosen from among the five sub-divisions. Each
of these chooses ten persons to represent it at the
election. These ten again select one of their number,
who is the local Nattamaikkaran, or one who is likely to
KAMMALANS,
109 K AM M ALAN
become so. The five men thus selected meet on an
appointed day, with the castemen, at the temple of
the caste goddess Kamakshi Amman. The names of
the five men are written on five slips of paper, which,
together with some blank slips, are thrown before the
shrine of the goddess. A child, taken at random from
the assembled crowd, is made to pick up the slips, and
he whose name first turns up is proclaimed as Anjivlttu
Nattamaikkaran, and a big turban is tied on his head by
the caste priest. This is called Uruma Kattaradu, and
is symbolic of his having been appointed the general head
of the caste. Lots are then drawn, to decide which of
the remaining four shall be the Anjivittu Karyasthan
of the newly-elected chief. At the conclusion of the
ceremony, betel leaf and areca nut are given first to
the new officers, then to the local officers, and finally to
the assembled spectators. With this, the installation
ceremony, which is called pattam-kattaradu, comes to
an end. The money for the expenses thereof is, if
necessary, taken from the funds of the temple, but a
special collection is generally made for the occasion,
and is, it is said, responded to with alacrity. The
Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran is theoretically invested with
full powers over the caste, and all members thereof are
expected to obey his orders. He is the final adjudicator
of civil and matrimonial causes. The divisional heads
have power to decide such causes, and they report their
decisions to the Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran, who generally
confirms them. If, for any reason, the parties concerned
do not agree to abide by the decision, they are advised
to take their cause to one of the established courts. The
Anjivittu Nattamaikkaran has at times to nominate, and
always the right to confirm or not, the selection of the
divisional heads. In conjunction with the Karyasthan
kammAlan iio
and the local heads, he may appoint Nattamaikkarans
and Karyasthans to particular places, and delegate his
powers to them. This is done in places where the caste
is represented in considerable numbers, as at Sholavandan
and Vattalagundu in the Madura district. In this con-
nection, a quaint custom may be noted. The Pallans,
who are known as " the sons of the caste " in villages of
the Madura and Tinnevelly districts, are called together,
and informed that a particular village is about to be con-
verted into a local Anjivlttu Nattanmai, and that they
must possess a Nattamaikkaran and Karyasthan for them-
selves. These are nominated in practice by the Pallans,
and the nomination is confirmed by the Anjivlttu
Nattamaikkaran. From that day, they have a right to get
new ploughs from the Kalians free of charge, and give
them in return a portion of the produce of the land.
The local Nattamaikkarans are practically under the
control of the Karyasthan of the Anjivlttu Nattamaik-
karan, and, as the phrase goes, they are " bound down
to " the words of this official, who possesses great power
and influence with the community. The local officials
may be removed from office by the Anjivlttu Natta,maik-
karan or his Karyasthan, but this is rarely done, and only
when, for any valid reason, the sub-divisions insist on it.
The mode of resigning office is for the Nattamaikkaran
or Karyasthan to bring betel leaf and areca nut, lay them
before the Anjivlttu Nattamaikkaran, or his Karyasthan,
and prostrate himself in front of him. There is a
tendency for the various offices to become hereditary,
provided those succeeding to them are rich and respected
by the community. The Anjivlttu Nattamaikkaran is
entitled to the first betel at caste weddings, even outside
his own jurisdiction. His powers are in striking contrast
with those of the caste Guru, who resides in Tinnevelly,
Ill kammAlan
and occasionally travels northwards. He purifies, it is
said, those who are charged with drinking intoxicating
liquor, eating flesh, or crossing the sea, if such persons
subject themselves to his jurisdiction. If they do not, he
does not even exercise the power of excommunication,
which he nominally possesses. He is not a Sanyasi, but
a Grihastha or householder. He marries his daughters
to castemen, though he refrains from eating in their
houses.
The dead are, as a rule, buried in a sitting posture,
but, at the present day, cremation is sometimes resorted
to. Death pollution, as among some other non-Brah-
manical castes, lasts for sixteen days. It is usual for a
Pandaram to officiate at the death ceremonies. On the
first day, the corpse Is anointed with oil, and given
a soap-nut bath. On the third day, five lingams are made
with mud, of which four are placed in the four corners at
the spot where the corpse was burled, and the fifth is
placed in the centre. Food Is distributed on the fifth day
to Pandarams and the castemen. Sradh (annual death
ceremony) is not as a rule performed, except in some of
the larger towns.
The Kammalans profess the Saiva form of the
Brahman religion, and reverence greatly Pillalyar, the
favourite son of Siva. A few have come under the
Lingayat influence. The caste, however, has its own
special goddess Kamakshi Amma, who Is commonly
spoken of as VrlththI Daivam. She is worshipped by
all the sub-divisions, and female children are frequently
named after her. She is represented by the firepot and
bellows-fire at which the castemen work, and presides
over them. On all auspicious occasions, the first betel
and dakshina (present of money) are set apart in her name,
and sent to the pujari (priest) of the local temple dedicated
KAMMALAN 112
to her. Oaths are taken In her name, and disputes
affecting the caste are settled before her temple. There
also elections to caste offices are held. The exact con-
nection of the goddess Kamakshi with the caste is not
known. There is, however, a vague tradition that she
was one of the virgins who committed suicide by throw-
ing herself into a fire, and was in consequence deified.
Various village goddesses (grama devata) are also
worshipped, and, though the Kammiilans profess to be
vegetarians, animal sacrifices are offered to them. Among
these deities are the Saptha Kannimar or seven virgins,
Kochade Periyandavan, and Periya Nayanar. Those
who worship the Saptha Kannimar are known by the
name of Madavaguppu, or the division that worships the
mothers. Those who revere the other two deities men-
tioned are called Nadlka Vamsathal, or those descended
from men who, through the seven virgins, attained
eternal bliss. Kochade Periyandavan is said to be a
corruption of Or Jate Periya Pandyan, meaning the great
Pandya with the single lock. He is regarded as Vishnu,
and Periya Nayanar is held to be a manifestation of Siva.
The former is said to have been the person who invited
the Tattans (who called themselves Pandya Tattans) to
settle in his kingdom. It is traditionally stated that they
emigrated from the north, and settled in the Madura and
Tinnevelly districts. An annual festival in honour of
Kochade Periyandavan is held in these districts, for the
expenses in connection with which a subscription is
raised among the five sub-divisions. The festival lasts
over three days. On the first day, the image of the
deified king is anointed with water, and a mixture of the
juices of the mango, jak {^Artocarpus integrifolid), and
plantain, called muppala pujai. On the second day, rice
is boiled, and offered to the god, and, on the last day,
113 KAMMALAN
a healthy ram is sacrificed to him. This festival is said
to be held, in order to secure the caste as a whole against
evils that might overtake it. Tac'chans (carpenters)
usually kill, or cut the ear of a ram or sheep, whenever
they commence the woodwork of a new house, and smear
the blood of the animal on a pillar or wall of the house.
The Kammalans claim to be descended from Visva-
karma, the architect of the gods, and, in some places,
claim to be superior to Brahmans, calling the latter
Go-Brahmans, and themselves Visva Brahmans. Visva-
karma is said to have had five sons, named Manu, Maya,
Silpa, Tvashtra, and Daivagna. These five sons were
the originators of the five crafts, which their descendants
severally follow. Accordingly, some engage in smithy
work, and are called Manus ; others, in their turn, devote
their attention to carpentry. These are named Mayas.
Others again, who work at stone-carving, are known as
Silpis. Those who do metal work are Tvashtras, and
those who are engaged in making jewelry are known as
Visvagnas or Daivagnas. According to one story of the
origin of the Kammalans, they are the descendants of
the issue of a Brahman and a Beri Chetti woman. Hence
the proverb that the Kammalans and the Beri Chettis
are one. Another story, recorded in the Mackenzie
manuscripts, which is current all over the Tamil country,
is briefly as follows. In the town of Mandapuri, the
Kammalans of the five divisions formerly lived closely
united together. They were employed by all sorts of
people, as there were no other artificers in the country,
and charged very high rates for their wares. They
feared and respected no king. This offended the kings
of the country, who combined against them. As the fort
in which the Kammalans concealed themselves, called
Kantakkottai, was entirely constructed of loadstone, all
in-8
KAMMALAN 1 14
the weapons were drawn away by it. The king then
promised a big reward to anyone who would burn down
the fort, and at length the Deva-dasis (courtesans) of
a temple undertook to do this, and took betel and nut
in signification of their promise. The king built a fort
for them opposite Kantakk5ttai, and they attracted the
Kammalans by their singing, and had children by them.
One of the Deva-dasis at length succeeded in extracting
from a young Kammalan the secret that, if the fort was
surrounded with varaghu straw and set on fire, it would
be destroyed. The king ordered that this should be done,
and, in attempting to escape from the sudden conflagra-
tion, some of the Kammalans lost their lives. Others
reached the ships, and escaped by sea, or were captured
and put to death. In consequence of this, artificers
ceased to exist in the country. One pregnant Kammalan
woman, however, took refuge in the house of a Beri
Chetti, and escaped decapitation by being passed off as
his daughter. The country was sorely troubled owing to
the want of artificers, and agriculture, manufactures, and
weaving suffered a great deal. One of the kings wanted
to know if any Kammalan escaped the general destruction,
and sent round his kingdom a piece of coral possessing
a tortuous aperture running through it, and a piece
of thread. A big reward was promised to anyone who
should succeed in passing the thread through the coral.
At last, the boy born of the Kammalan woman in the
Chetti's house undertook to do it. He placed the coral
over the mouth of an ant-hole, and, having steeped the
thread in sugar, laid it down at some distance from the
hole. The ants took the thread, and drew it through
the coral. The king, being pleased with the boy, sent
him presents, and gave him more work to do. This he
performed with the assistance of his mother, and satisfied
115 kammAlan
the king. The king, however, grew suspicious, and,
having sent for the Chetti, enquired concerning the
boy's parentage. The Chetti thereon detailed the story
of his birth. The king provided him with the means
for making ploughshares on a large scale, and got him
married to the daughter of a Chetti, and made gifts of
land for the maintenance of the couple. The Chetti
woman bore him five sons, who followed the five
branches of work now carried out by the Kammalan
caste. The king gave them the title of Panchayudhat-
tar, or those of the five kinds of weapons. They now
intermarry with each other, and, as children of the
Chetti caste, wear the sacred thread. The members of
the caste who fled by sea are said to have gone to
China, or, according to another version, to Chingala-
dvlpam, or Ceylon, where Kammalans are found at the
present day. In connection with the above story, it may
be noted that, though ordinarily two different castes do
not live in the same house, yet Beri Chettis and Kam-
malans so live together. There is a close connection
between the Kammalans and Acharapakam Chettis,
who are a section of the Beri Chetti caste. Kammalans
and Acharapakam Chettis interdine ; both bury their
dead in a sitting posture ; and the tali (marriage badge)
used by both is alike in size and make, and unlike that
used by the generality of the Beri Chetti caste. The
Acharapakam Chettis are known as Malighe Chettis,
and are considered to be the descendants of those Beri
Chettis who brought up the Kammalan children, and
intermarried with them. Even now, in the city of
Madras, when the Beri Chettis assemble for the trans-
action of caste business, the notice summoning the
meeting excludes the Malighe Chettis, who can neither
vote nor receive votes at elections, meetings, etc., of the
iii-Sb
KAMMALAN ii6
Kandasami temple, which every other Beri Chetti has a
right to.
It may be noted that the Deva-dasis, whose treachery
is said to have led to the destruction of the Kammalan
caste, were Kaikolans by caste, and that their illegitimate
children, like their progenitors, became weavers. The
weavers of South India, according to old Tamil poems,
were formerly included in the Kammiyan or Kammalan
caste. "^ Several inscriptions show that, as late as 1013
A.D., the Kammalans were treated as an inferior caste,
and, in consequence, were confined to particular parts of
villages. t A later inscription gives an order of one of
the Chola kings that they should be permitted to blow
conches, and beat drums at their weddings and funerals,
wear sandals, and plaster their houses. J " It is not
difficult," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, § " to account for the
low position held by the Kammalans, for it must be
remembered that, in those early times, the military castes
in India, as elsewhere, looked down upon all engaged in
labour, whether skilled or otherwise. With the decline
of the military power, however, it was natural that a use-
ful caste like the Kammalans should generally improve
its position, and the reaction from their long oppression
has led them to make the exaggerated claims described
above, which are ridiculed by every other caste, high
or low." The claims here referred to are that they are
descended from Visvakarma, the architect of the gods,
and are Brahmans.
From a note by Mr. F. R. Hemingway, I gather
that the friendship between the Muhammadans and
Kammalans, who call each other mani (paternal uncle)
* Maduraikanchi, Line 521.
t E. HuUzsch. South Indian Inscriptions, II, i, 44, 46, 1891.
X Ibid. Ill, i, 47, 1899. § Madras Census Report, 1S91.
Il7 KAMMALAN
" originated in the fact that a holy Muhammadan, named
Ibrahim Nabi, was brought up in the house of a Kam-
malan, because his father was afraid that he would be
killed by a Hindu king named Namaduta, who had been
advised by his soothsayers that he would thus avoid a
disaster, which was about to befall his kingdom. The
Kammalan grave his dauohter to the father of Ibrahim in
exchange. Another story (only told by Kammalans) is
to the effect that the Kammalans were once living in a
magnetic castle, called Kanda Kottai, which could only
be destroyed by burning it with varagu straw ; and that
the Musalmans captured it by sending Musalman pros-
titutes into the town, to wheedle the secret out of the
Kammalans. The friendship, according to the story,
sprang up because the Kammalans consorted with the
Musalman women."
The Kammalans belong to the left hand, as opposed
to the rioht hand faction. The orioin of this distinction
of castes is lost in obscurity, but, according to one
version, it arose out of a dispute between the Kammalans
and Vellalas. The latter claimed the former as their Jati-
pillaigal or caste dependents, while the former claimed
the latter as their own dependents. The fight grew
so fierce that the Chola king of Conjeeveram ranged
these two castes and their followers on opposite sides,
and enquired into their claims. The Kammalans, and
those who sided with them, stood on the left of the
king, and the Vellalas and their allies on the right.
The king is said to have decided the case against the
Kammalans, who then dispersed in different directions.
According to another legend, a Kammalan who had two
sons, one by a Balija woman, and the other by his
Kammalan wife, was unjustly slain by a king of Conjee-
veram, and was avenged by his two sons, who killed the
KAMMALAN fi8
king and divided his body. The Kammalan son took
his head and used it as a weighing pan, while the Balija
son made a pedler's carpet out of the skin, and threads
out of the sinews for stringing bangles. A quarrel arose,
because each thought the other had got the best of
the division, and all the other castes joined in, and took
the side of either the Kammalan or the Balija. Right
and left hand dancing-girls, temples, and mandapams,
are still in existence at Conjeeveram, and elsewhere in
the Tamil country. Thus, at Tanjore, there are the
Kammala Tevadiyals, or dancing-girls. As the Kam-
malans belong to the left-hand section, dancing-girls of
the right-hand section will not perform before them, or
at their houses. Similarly, musicians of the right-hand
section will not play in Kammalan houses. In olden
days, Kammalans were not allowed to ride in palan-
quins through the streets of the right hands. If they
did, a riot was the result. Such riots were common
during the eighteenth century. Thus, Fryer refers to
one of these which occurred at Masulipatam, when
the contumacy of the Kamsalas (Telugu artisans) led to
their being put down by the other castes with the aid of
the Moors.
The Kammalans call themselves Achari and Paththar,
which are equivalent to the Brahman titles Acharya
and Bhatta, and claim a knowledge of the Vedas. Their
own priests officiate at marriages, funerals, and on other
ceremonial occasions. They wear the sacred thread,
which they usually don on the Upakarmam day, though
some observe the regular thread investiture ceremony.
Most of them claim to be vegetarians. Non-Brahmans
do not treat them as Brahmans. and do not salute them
with the namaskaram (obeisance). Their women, unlike
those of other castes, throw the end of their body-cloth
119 KAMMALAN
over the right shoulder, and are conspicuous by the nose
ornament known as the nattu.
In connection with the professional calling of the
Kammalans, Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish writes as
follows.* "The artisans, who are smiths or carpenters,
usually bring up their children to the same pursuits. It
might have been supposed that the hereditary influence
in the course of generations would have tended to excel-
lence in the several pursuits, but it has not been so.
Ordinary native work in metal, stone, and wood, is
coarse and rough, and the designs are of the stereotyped
form. The improvement in handicraft work ot late years
has been entirely due to European influence. The
constructors of railways have been great educators of
artisans. The quality of stone-masonry, brick-work,
carpentry, and smith-work has vastly improved within
the last twenty years, and especially in districts where
railway works have been in progress. The gold and
silver smiths of Southern India are a numerous body.
Their chief employment consists in setting and making
native jewellery. Some of their designs are ingenious,
but here again the ordinary work for native customers
is often noticeable for a want of finish, and, with the
exception of a few articles made for the European
markets, there is no evidence of progressive improve-
ment in design or execution. That the native artists
are capable of improvement as a class is evident from
their skill and ingenuity in copying designs set before
them, and from the excellent finish of their work under
European supervision ; but there must be a demand for
highly finished work before the goldsmiths will have
generally improved. The wearers of jewellery in India
* Madras Census Report, 1S71.
KAMMALAN 120
look more to the intrinsic value of an article, than to the
excellence of the design or workmanship. So that there
is very little encouragement for artistic display." The
collection of silver jewelry at the Madras Museum,
which was made in connection with the Colonial and
Indian Exhibition, London, 1886, bears testimony to the
artistic skill of the silversmiths. Recently, Colonel
Townshend, Superintendent of the Madras Gun Carriage
Factory, has expressed his opinion* that "good as the
Bombay smiths are, the blacksmiths of Southern India
are the best in Hindustan, and the pick of them run
English smiths very close, not only in skill, but in speed
of outturn."
Anyone who has seen the celebrated temples of
Southern India, for example, the Madura and Tanjore
temples, and the carving on temple cars, can form some
idea of the skill of South Indian stone-masons and
carpenters. The following note on idols and idol-makers
is taken from a recent article. f " The idol-maker's
craft, like most of the other callings in this country, is a
hereditary one, and a workman who has earned some
reputation for himself, or has had an ancestor of renown,
is a made man. The Sthapathi, as he is called in
Sanskrit, claims high social rank among the represent-
atives of the artisan castes. Of course he wears a
heavy sacred thread, and affects Brahman ways of living.
He does not touch flesh, and liquor rarely passes down
his throat, as he recognises that a clear eye and steady
hand are the first essentials of success in his calling.
There are two sorts of idols in every temple, mula-
vigrahas or stone idols which are fixed to the ground,
and utsavavigrahas or metal idols used in processions.
• New Asiatic Review, Jan. 1907.
t Madras Mail, 1907.
121 KAMMx\LAN
In the worst equipped pagoda there are at least a dozen
idols of every variety. They do duty for generations,
for, though they become black and begrimed with oil
and ashes, they are rarely replaced, as age and dirt but
add to their sanctity. But now and then they get
desecrated for some reason, and fresh ones have to be
installed in their stead ; or it may be that extensions are
made in the temple, and godlings in the Hindu Pantheon,
not accommodated within its precincts till then, have to
be carved and consecrated. It is on such occasions that
the hands of the local Sthapathi are full of work, and
his workshop is as busy as a bee-hive. In the larger
temples, such as the one at Madura, the idols in which
are to be counted by the score, there are Sthapathis on
the establishment receiving fixed emoluments. Despite
the smallness of the annual salary, the office of temple
Sthapathi is an eagerly coveted one, for, among other privi-
leges, the fortunate individual enjoys that of having his
workshop located in the temple premises, and thereby
secures an advertisement that is not to be despised.
Besides, he is not debarred from adding to his pecuniary
resources by doing outside work when his hands are
idle. Among- stone imagoes, the larcrest demand is for
representations of Ganapati or Vignesvara (the elephant
god), whose popularity extends throughout India.
Every hamlet has at least one little temple devoted to
his exclusive worship, and his shrines are found in the
most unlikely places. Travellers who have had occasion
to pass along the sandy roads of the Tanjore district
must be familiar with the idols of the o-od of the
protuberant paunch, which they pass every half mile or
so, reposing under the shade of avenue trees with an air
of self-satisfaction suffusing their elephantine features.
Among other idols called into being for the purpose of
KAMMALAN 122
wayside installation in Southern India, may be mentioned
those of Viran, the Madura godling, who requires
offerings of liquor, Mariamma, the small-pox goddess,
and the evil spirit Sangili Karappan. Representations
are also carved of nagas or serpents, and installed by
the dozen round the village asvatha tree {Fiats reli-
giosa). Almost every week, the mail steamer to Rangoon
takes a heavy consignment of stone and metal idols
commissioned by the South Indian settlers in Burma
for purposes of domestic and public worship. The
usual posture of mulavigrahas is a standing one, the
figure of Vishnu in the Srirangam temple, which repre-
sents the deity as lying down at full length, being an
exception to this rule. The normal height is less than
four feet, some idols, however, being of gigantic propor-
tions. Considering the very crude material on which
he works, and the primitive methods of stone-carving
which he continues to favour, the expert craftsman
achieves quite a surprising degree of smoothness and
polish. It takes him several weeks of unremitting
toil to produce a vigraha that absolutely satisfies his
critical eye. I have seen him engaged for hours at a
stretch on the trunk of Vignesvara or the matted tuft
of a Rishi. The casting of utsavavigrahas involves a
greater variety of process than the carving of stone
figures. The substance usually employed is a com-
pound of brass, copper and lead, small quantities of silver
and gold being added, means permitting. The required
fio-ure is first moulded in some plastic substance, such as
wax or tallow, and coated with a thin layer of soft wet
clay, in which one or two openings are left. When the
clay is dry, the figure is placed in a kiln, and the red-hot
liquid metal is poured into the hollow created by the
running out of the melted wax. The furnace is then
123 KAMMALAN
extinguished, the metal left to cool and solidify, and the
clay coating removed. A crude approximation to the
image required is thus obtained, which is improved upon
with file and chisel, till the finished product is a far
more artistic article than the figure that was enclosed
within the clay. It is thus seen that every idol is made
in one piece, but spare hands and feet are supplied, if
desired. Whenever necessary, the Archaka (temple
priest) conceals the limbs with cloth and flowers, and,
inserting at the proper places little pieces of wood which
are held in position by numerous bits of string, screws on
the spare parts, so as to fit in with the posture that the
idol is to assume during any particular procession."
An association, called the Visvakarma Kulabhimana
Sabha, was established in the city of Madras by the
Kammalans in 1903. The objects thereof were the
advancement of the community as a whole on intellectual
and industrial lines, the provision of practical measures
in guarding the interests, welfare and prospects of the
community, and the improvement of the arts and sciences
peculiar to them by opening industrial schools and
workshops, etc.
Of proverbs relating to the artisan classes, the
following may be noted : —
The goldsmith who has a thousand persons to
answer. This in reference to the delay in finishing a
job, owing to his taking more orders than he can
accomplish in a given time.
The goldsmith knows what ornaments are of fine
gold, i.e., knows who are the rich men of a place.
It must either be with the goldsmith, or in the pot
in which he melts gold, i.e., it will be found somewhere
in the house. Said to one who is in search of something
that cannot be found.
kammAlan 124
Goldsmiths put inferior gold into the refining-pot.
If, successful, pour it into a mould; if not, pour it
into the melting pot. The Rev. H. Jensen explains*
that the goldsmith examines the gold after melting it.
If it is free from dross, he pours it into the mould ; if it
is still impure, it goes back into the pot.
The goldsmith will steal a quarter of the gold of
even his own mother.
Stolen gold may be either with the goldsmith, or
in his fire-pot.
If the ear of the cow of a Kammalan is cut and
examined, some wax will be found in it. It is said that
the Kammalan is in the habit of substituting sealing-
wax for gold, and thus cheating people. The proverb
warns them not to accept even a cow from a Kamma-
lan. Or, according to another explanation, a Kamma-
lan made a figure of a cow, which was so lifelike that a
Brahman purchased it as a live animal with his hard-
earned money, and, discovering his mistake, went mad.
Since that time, people were warned to examine an
animal offered for sale by Kammalans by cutting off"
its ears. A variant of the proverb is that, though you
buy a Kammalan's cow only after cutting its ears, he
will have put red wax in its ears (so that, if they are cut
into, they will look like red fiesh).
What has a dog to do in a blacksmith's shop ?
Said of a man who attempts to do work he is not
fitted for.
When the blacksmith sees that the iron is soft,
he will raise himself to the stroke.
Will the blacksmith be alarmed at the sound of a
hammer ?
* Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897, from which some of the
proverbs quoted are taken.
125 KAMMALAN
When a child is born in a blacksmith's family,
sugar must be dealt out in the street of the dancing-
girls. This has reference to the legendary relation of
the Kammalans and Kaik5lans.
A blacksmith's shop, and the place in which
donkeys roll themselves, are alike.
The carpenters and blacksmiths are to be
relegated, i.e., to the part of the village called the
Kammalacheri.
What if the carpenter's wife has become a widow }
This would seem to refer to the former practice of
widow remarriage.
The carpenter wants (his wood) too long, and the
blacksmith wants (his iron) too short, i.e., a carpenter
can easily shorten a piece of wood, and a blacksmith can
easily hammer out a piece of iron.
When a Kammalan buys cloth, the stuff he buys
is so thin that it does not hide the hair on his legs.
Kammalan (Malayalam). — " The Kammalans of
Malabar," Mr. Francis writes,* "are artisans, like those
referred to immediately above, but they take a lower
position than the Kammalans and Kamsalas of the
other coast, or the Panchalas of the Canarese country.
They do not claim to be Brahmans or wear the sacred
thread, and they accept the position of a polluting caste,
not being allowed into the temples or into Brahman
houses. The highest sub-division is Asari, the men of
which are carpenters, and wear the thread at certain
ceremonies connected with house-buildino."
According to Mr. F. Fawcett " the orthodox number
of classes of Kammalans is five. But the artisans do
not admit that the workers in leather belong to the
• Madras Census Report, 1901.
KAMMALAN 126
guild, and say that there are only four classes. According
to them, the fifth class was composed of coppersmiths,
who, after the exodus, remained in Izhuva land, and did
not return thence with them to Malabar.* Nevertheless,
they always speak of themselves as the Ayen Kudi
or five-house Kammalans. The carpenters say that
eighteen families of their community remained behind in
Izhuva land. Some of these returned long afterwards,
but they were not allowed to rejoin the caste. They
are known as Puzhi Tachan or sand carpenters, and
Pathinettanmar or the eighteen people. There are
four families of this class now living at or near Parpan
gadi. They are carpenters, but the Asaris treat them
as outcastes."
For the following note on Malabar Kammalans I am
indebted to Mr. S. Appadorai Iyer. The five artisan
classes, or Ayinkudi Kammalans, are made up of the
following : —
Asari, carpenters.
Musari, braziers.
Tattan, goldsmiths.
Karuman, blacksmiths.
Chembotti or Chempotti,
coppersmiths.
The name Chembotti is derived from chembu,
copper, and kotti, he who beats. They are, according
to Mr. Francis, " coppersmiths in Malabar, who are
distinct from the Malabar Kammalans. They are sup-
posed to be descendants of men who made copper idols
for temples, and so rank above the Kammalans in social
position, and about equally with the lower sections of
the Nayars."
The Kammalans will not condescend to eat food at
the hands of Kurups, Tolkollans, Pulluvans, Mannans,
or Tandans. But a Tandan thinks it equally beneath
See the legendary story narrated in the article on Tiyans,
127 KAMMALAN
his dio-nity to accept food from a Kammalan. The
Kammalans believe themselves to be indigenous in
Malabar, and boast that their system of polyandry is the
result of the sojourn of the exiled Pandavas, with their
common wife Panchali, and their mother Kunthi, in
the forest of the Walluvanad division. They say that
the destruction of the Pandavas was attempted in the
Arakkuparamba amsam of this division, and that the
Tac'chans (artisans) were given as a reward by the Kurus
the enjoyment of Tacchanattukara amsam. They state
further that the Pandus lived for some time at the village
of Bhimanad, and went to the Attapadi valley, where
they deposited their cooking utensils at the spot where
the water falls from a height of several hundred feet.
This portion of the river is called Kuntipuzha, and the
noise of the water, said to be falling on the upset utensils,
is heard at a great distance.
The Kammalans, male and female, dress like Nayars,
and their ornaments are almost similar to those of the
Nayars, with this difference, that the female Tattan
wears a single chittu or ring in the right ear only.
In the building of a house, the services of the Asari
are required throughout. He it is who draws the plan
of the building. And, when a door is fixed or beam
raised, he receives his perquisite. The completion of a
house is signified as a rule by a kutti-poosa, For this
ceremony, the owner of the house has to supply the
workmen with at least four goats to be sacrificed at the
four corners thereof, a number of fowls to be killed so
that the blood may be smeared on the walls and ceiling,
and an ample meal with liquor. The feast concluded,
the workmen receive presents of rings, gold ear-rings,
silk and other cloths, of which the Moothasari or chief
carpenter receives the lion's share. " The village
KAMMALAN 128
carpenter," Mr. Gopal Panikkar writes, * " has to do
everything connected with our architecture, such as
fixing poles or wickets at the exact spot where buildings
are to be erected, and clearing newly erected buildings
of all devils and demons that may be haunting them.
This he does by means of pujas (worship) performed
after the completion of the building. But people have
begun to break through the village traditions, and to
entrust architectural work to competent hands, when the
village carpenter is found incompetent for the same."
It is noted by Canter Visscher t that " in commencing
the building of a house, the first prop must be put up
on the east side. The carpenters open three or four
cocoanuts, spilling the juice as little as possible, and put
some tips of betel leaves into them ; and, from the way
these float in the liquid, they foretell whether the house
will be lucky or unlucky, whether it will stand for a
long or short period, and whether another will ever be
erected on its site. I have been told that the heathens
say that the destruction of fort Paponetti by our arms
was foretold by the builders from these auguries."
The blacksmith is employed in the manufacture of
locks and keys, and ornamental iron and brasswork for
the houses of the rich. The smithy is near the dwelling
hut, and the wife blows the bellows. The smith makes
tyres for wheels, spades, choppers, knives, sickles, iron
spoons, ploughshares, shoes for cattle and horses, etc.
These he takes to the nearest market, and sells there.
In some places there are clever smiths, who make
excellent chellams (betel boxes) of brass, and there is
one man at Walluvanad who even makes stylographic
pens.
* Malabar and its Folk, 1900. f Letters from Malabar.
129 K AM M ALAN
The Musari works in bell-metal, and makes all kinds
of household utensils, and large vessels for cooking
purposes. He is an adept at making such articles with
the proper proportions of copper, lead and brass. In
some of the houses of the wealthier classes there are
cooking utensils, which cost nearly a thousand rupees.
Excellent bell-metal articles are made at Cherpalcheri,
and Kunhimangalam in North Malabar is celebrated
for its bell-metal lamps. The importation of enamelled
and aluminium vessels, and lamps made in Europe, has
made such inroads into the metal industry of the district
that the brazier and blacksmith find their occupation
declining.
The o'oldsmith makes all kinds of Sfold ornaments
worn by Malaialis. His lot is better than that of the
other artisan classes.
It is noted in the Malabar Marriage Commission's
report that " among carpenters and blacksmiths in the
Calicut, Walluvanad and Ponnani taluks, several brothers
have one wife between them, although the son succeeds
the father amongst them." Polyandry of the fraternal
type is said to be most prevalent among the blacksmiths,
who lead the most precarious existence, and have to
observe the strictest economy. As with the Nayars, the
tali-kettu kalyanam has to be celebrated. For this the
parents of the child have to find a suitable manavalan
or bridegroom by the consultation of horoscopes. An
auspicious day is fixed, and new cloths are presented
to the manavalan. The girl bathes, and puts on new
clothes. She and the manavalan are conducted to a
pandal (booth), where the tali-tying ceremony takes
place. This concluded, the manavalan takes a thread
from the new cloth, and breaks it in two, saying that his
union with the girl has ceased. He then walks away
111-9
KAMMALAN 130
without looking" back. When a Kammalan contemplates
matrimony, his parents look out for a suitable bride.
They are received by the girl's parents, and enquiries are
made concerning her. The visit is twice repeated, and,
when an arrangement has been arrived at, the village
astrologer is summoned, and the horoscopes of the
contracting parties are consulted. It is sufficient if the
horoscope of one of the sons agrees with that of the girl.
The parents of the sons deposit as earnest money, or
achcharapanam, four, eight, twelve, or twenty-one fanams
according to their means, in the presence of the artisans of
the village ; and a new cloth (kacha) is presented to the
bride, who thus becomes the wife of all the sons. There
are instances in which the girl, after the achcharam
marriage, is immediately taken to the husband's house.
All the brother-husbands, dressed in new clothes and
decorated with ornaments, with a new palmyra leaf
umbrella in the hand, come in procession to the bride's
house, where they are received by her parents and
friends, and escorted to the marriage pandal. The bride
and bridegrooms sit in a row, and the girl's parents give
them fruits and sugar. This ceremony is called mathu-
ram kotukkal. The party then adjourns to the house
of the bridegrooms where a feast is held, in the course
of which a ceremony called pal kotukkal is performed.
The priest of the Kammalans takes some milk in a vessel,
and pours it into the mouths of the bride and bride-
grooms, who are seated, the eldest on the right, the others
in ord-er of seniority, and lastly the bride. During the
nuptials the parents of the bride have to present a
water-vessel, lamp, eating dish, cooking vessel, spittoon,
and a vessel for drawing water from the well. The
eldest brother cohabits with the bride on the wedding
day, and special days are set apart for each brother.
131 KAMMALAN
There seems to be a belief among the Kammalan women
that, the more husbands they have, the greater will be
their happiness. If one of the brothers, on the ground
of incompatibility of temper, brings a new wife, she
is privileged to cohabit with the other brothers. In
some cases, a girl will have brothers ranging in age
from twenty-five to five, whom she has to regard as
her husband, so that by the time the youngest reaches
puberty she may be well over thirty, and a young man
has to perform the duties of a husband with a woman
who is twice his age.
If a w^oman becomes pregnant before the achchara
kalyanam has been performed, her parents are obliged
to satisfy the community that her condition was caused
by a man of their own caste, and he has to marry the
girl. If the paternity cannot be traced, a council is
held, and the woman is turned out of the caste. In the
sixth or eighth month of pregnancy, the woman is taken
to her mother's house, where the first confinement takes
place. During her stay there the pulikudi ceremony is
performed. The husbands come, and present their wife
with a new cloth. A branch of a tamarind tree is
planted in the yard of the house, and, in the presence of
the relations, the brother of the pregnant woman gives
her conji (rice gruel) mixed with the juices of the
tamarind, Spondias mangife^'a and Hibiscus^ to drink.
The customary feast then takes place. A barber
woman (Mannathi) acts as midwife. On the fourteenth
day after childbirth, the Thali-kurup sprinkles water
over the woman, and the Mannathi gives her a newly-
washed cloth to wear. Purification concludes with a
bath on the fifteenth day. On the twenty-eighth day
the child-naming ceremony takes place. The infant
is placed in its father's lap, and in front of it are set a
111-9 B
KAMMALAN 132
measure of rice and paddy (unhusked rice) on a plantain
leaf. A brass lamp is raised, and a cocoanut broken.
The worship of Ganesa takes place, and the child is
named after its grandfather or grandmother. In the
sixth month the choronu or rice-giving ceremony takes
place. In the first year of the life of a boy the ears are
pierced, and gold ear-rings inserted. In the case of a
girl, the ear-boring ceremony takes place in the sixth or
seventh year. The right nostril of girls is also bored,
and mukkuthi worn therein.
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, that,
"amongst Kammalans, the betrothal ceremony is
similar to that of the Tiyans. If more than one brother
is to be married, to the same girl, her mother asks
how many bridegrooms there are, and replies that
there are mats and planks for so many. Cohabitation
sometimes begins from the night of the betrothal, the
eldest brother having the priority, and the rest in
order of seniority on introduction by the bride's brother.
If the girl becomes pregnant, the formal marriage
must be celebrated before the pregnancy has advanced
six months. At the formal marriage, the bridegrooms
are received by the bride's mother and brothers ; two
planks are placed before a lighted lamp, before which
the bridegrooms and the bride's brothers prostrate
themselves. The bride is dressed in a new cloth, and
brought down by the bridegroom's sister and fed with
sweetmeats.
" Next day all the bridegroom's party visit the
Tandan of the bride's desam (village), who has to give
them arrack (liquor) and meat, receiving in his turn a
present of two fanams (money). The next day the bride
is again feasted in her house by the bridegrooms, and
is given her dowry consisting of four metal plates, one
133 KAMMALAN
spittoon, one kindi (metal vessel), and a bell-metal lamp.
The whole party then goes to the bridegroom's house,
where the Tandan proclaims the titles of the parties and
their desam. All the brothers who are to share in the
marriage sit in a row on a mat with the bride on the
extreme left, and all drink cocoanut milk. The presence
of all the bridegrooms is essential at this final ceremony,
though for the preceding formalities it is sufficient if the
eldest is present."
The Kammalans burn the corpses of adults, and
bury the young. Fifteen days' pollution is observed,
and at the expiration thereof the Thai kiirup pours
water, and purification takes place. On the third day
the bones of the cremated corpse are collected, and
placed in a new earthen pot, which is buried in the
grounds of the house of the deceased. One of the sons
performs beli (makes offerings), and observes diksha
(hair-growing) for a year. The bones are then carried to
Tirunavaya in Ponnani, Tiruvilamala in Cochin territory,
Perur in Coimbatore, or Tirunelli in the Wynad, and
thrown into the river. A final beli is performed, and
the sradh memorial ceremony is celebrated. If the
deceased was skilled in sorcery, or his death was due
thereto, his ghost is believed to haunt the house, and
trouble the inmates. To appease it, the village washer-
man (Mannan) is brought with his drums, and, by
means of his songs, forces the devil into one of the
members of the household, who is made to say what
murthi or evil spirit possesses him, and how it should
be satisfied. It is then appeased with the sacrifice of
a fowl, and drinking the juice of tender cocoanuts. A
further demand is that it must have a place consigned
to it in the house or grounds, and be worshipped once
a year. Accordingly, seven days later, a small stool
KAMMALAN 1 34
representing the deceased is placed in a corner of one of
the rooms, and there worshipped annually with offerings
of cocoanuts, toddy, arrack, and fowls. In the grounds
of some houses small shrines, erected to the memory of
the dead, may be seen. These are opened once a year,
and offerings made to them.
The Kammalans worship various minor deities, such
as Thikutti, Parakutti, Kala Bairavan, and others.
Some only worship stone images erected under trees
annually. They have barbers of their own, of whom
the Mannan shaves the men, and the Mannathi the
women. These individuals are not admitted into the
Mannan caste, which follows the more honourable
profession of washing clothes.
In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the following
sub-castes of Malabar Kammalans are recorded : —
Kalian Muppanand Kallukkotti (stone-workers), Kotton
(brass-smith), Pon Chetti (gold merchant), and Puli-
asari (masons). In the Cochin Census Report, 1901, it
is stated that " the Kammalans are divided into six
sub-castes, viz., Marasari (carpenter), Kallasari (mason),
Musari (brazier), Kollan (blacksmith), Tattan (gold-
smith), and Tolkollan (leather-worker). Of these six,
the first five interdine, and intermarry. The Tolkollan
is considered a degraded caste, probably on account
of his working in leather, which in its earlier stages is
an unholy substance. The other sub-castes do not
allow the Tolkollans even to touch them. Among
the Marasaris are included the Marasaris proper and
Tacchans. The Tacchans are looked upon by other
castes in the group as a separate caste, and are not
allowed to touch them. All the sub-castes generally
follow the makkathayam law of inheritance, but there are
some vestiges of marumakkathayam also among them.
135 KAMMALAN
There is a sub-caste called Kuruppu, who are their
barbers and priests. They officiate as priest at marriage
and funeral ceremonies. When they enter the interior
shrine of temples for work in connection with the image
of a god, or with the temple flagstaff, the Asari and
Musari temporarily wear a sacred thread, which is a rare
privilege. Their approach within a radius of twenty-
four feet pollutes Brahmans. On the completion of a
building, the Marasari, Kallasari and Kollan perform
certain pujas, and sacrifice a fowl or sheep to drive
out the demons and devils which are supposed to have
haunted the house till then."
For the following note on the Kammalans of
Travancore, I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramania Aiyar.
" The titles of the Malayalam Kammalans are Panikkan
and Kanakkan. The word Panikkan means a worker, and
Kanakkan is the title given to a few old and respect-
able Kammalas in every village, who superintend the
work of others, and receive the- highest remuneration.
It is their business to sketch the plan of a building, and
preside at the vastubali rite. Many Tamil Kammalans
have naturalised themselves on the west coast, and
speak Malayalam. Between them and the Malayalam
Kammalans neither intermarriage nor interdining obtains.
The latter are divided into five classes, viz., Asari or
Marapanikkan (workers in wood), Kalian or Kallasari
(workers in stone), Musari (braziers and coppersmiths),
Tattan (goldsmiths), and Kollan (workers in iron). To
these the Jatinirnaya and Keralaviseshamahatmya add
a sixth class, the Tacchan or Irchchakollan, whose
occupation is to fell trees and saw timber. The
Tacchans are also known as Villasans (bowmen), as they
were formerly required to supply bows and arrows for
the Travancore army.
KAMMALAN 1 36
Epigraphic records point to the existence of the five
classes of Kammalans in Malabar at least as early as
the beginning of the ninth century A.D., as a Syrian
Christian grant refers to them as Aimvazhi Kammalas.
There is a tradition that they were brought to Kerala
by Parasu Rama, but left in a body for Ceylon on being
pressed by one of the early Perumal satraps of Cranga-
nur to marry into the washerman caste, after they had
by a special arrangement of the marriage shed trapped
to death a large number of that obnoxious community.
The King of Ceylon was requested, as an act of
international courtesy, to send back some of the Kamma-
lans. As, however, they were loth to return to their
former persecutor, they were sent in charge of some
Izhavas, who formed the military caste of the island.
The legend is given in detail by Canter Visscher, who
writes as follows. "In the time of Cheramperoumal, a
woman belonging to the caste of the washermen, whose
house adjoined that of an Ajari (the carpenter caste),
being occupied as usual in washing a cloth in water
mixed with ashes (which is here used for soap), and
having no one at hand to hold the other end of it, called
to a young daughter of the Ajari, who was alone in the
house, to assist her. The child, not knowing that this
was an infringement of the laws of her caste, did as
she was requested, and then went home. The washer-
woman was emboldened by this affair to enter the Ajari's
house a few days afterwards ; and, upon the latter
demanding angrily how she dared to cross his threshold,
the woman answered scornfully that he belonged now to
the same caste as she did, since his daughter had helped
to hold her cloth. The Ajari, learning the disgrace that
had befallen him, killed the washerwoman. Upon this,
her friends complained to Cheramperoumal, who espoused
137 KAMMALAN
their cause, and threatened the carpenters ; whereupon
the latter combined together to take refuge in Ceylon,
where they were favourably received by the King of
Candy, for whom the Malabars have great veneration.
Cheramperoumal was placed in great embarrassment
by their departure, having no one in his dominions who
could build a house or make a spoon, and begged the
King of Candy to send them back, promising to do them
no injury. The Ajaris would not place entire confidence
in these promises, but asked the king to send them
with two Chegos (Chogans) and their wives, to witness
Cheramperoumal's conduct towards them, and to protect
them. The king granted their request, with the stipula-
tion that on all high occasions, such as weddings and
deaths and other ceremonies, the Ajaris should bestow
three measures of rice on each of these Chegos and
their descendants as a tribute for their protection ; a
custom which still exists. If the Ajari is too poor to
afford the outlay, he is still obliged to present the
requisite quantity of rice, which is then given back
to him again ; the privilege of the Chegos being thus
maintained.
" The Kammalans are to some extent educated, and
a few of them have a certain knowledge of Sanskrit, in
which language several works on architecture are to be
found. Their houses, generally known as kottil, are only
low thatched sheds. They eat fish and flesh, and drink
intoxicating liquors. Their jewelry is like that of the
Nayars, from whom, however, they are distinguished by
not wearing the nose ornaments mukkutti and gnattu.
Some in Central Travancore wear silver mukkuttis.
Tattooing, once very common, is going out of fashion.
" In timber work the Asaris excel, but the Tamil
Kammalans have outstripped the Tattans in gold and
KAMMALAN 138
silver work. The house-building of the Asari has a
^uasi-reWglous aspect. When a temple is built, there is
a preliminary rite known as anujgna, when the temple
priest transfers spiritual force from the image, after
which a cow and calf are taken thrice round the temple,
and the Kanakkan is invited to enter within for the
purposes of work. The cow and calf are let loose in
front of the carpenter, who advances, and commences
the work. On the completion of a building, an offering
known as vastubali is made. Vastu is believed to
represent the deity who presides over the house, and
the spirits inhabiting the trees which were felled for the
purpose of building it. To appease these supernatural
powers, the figure of a demon is drawn with powders,
and the Kanakkan, after worshipping his tutelary deity
Bhadrakali, offers animal sacrifices to him in non-
Brahmanical houses, and vegetable sacrifices in Brahman
shrines and homes. An old and decrepit carpenter
enters within the new building, and all the doors thereof
are closed. The Kanakkan from without asks whether
he has inspected everything, and is prepared to hold
himself responsible for any architectural or structural
shortcomings, and he replies in the affirmative. A
jubilant cry is then raised by all the assembled Asaris.
Few carpenters are willing to undertake this dangerous
errand, as it is supposed that the dissatisfied demons
are sure to make short work of the man who accepts
the responsibility. The figure is next effaced, and no
one enters the house until the auspicious hour of
milk-boiling.
'* Vilkuruppu or Vilkollakkuruppu, who used formerly
to supply bows and arrows for the Malabar army, are
the recognised priests and barbers of the Kammalans.
They still make and present bows and arrows at the
139 KAMMALAN
Onam festival. In some places the Kammalans have
trained members of their own caste to perform the
priestly offices. The Malayala Kammalans, unlike the
Tamils, are not a thread-wearing class, but sometimes
put on a thread when they work in temples or at
images. They worship Kali, Matan, and other divinities.
Unlike the Tamil Kammalans, they are a polluting class,
but, when they have their working tools with them, they
are less objectionable. In some places, as in South
Travancore, they are generally regarded as higher in
rank than the Izhavas, though this is not universal.
" The tali-kettu ceremony is cancelled by a cere-
mony called vazhippu, by which all connection between
the tali-tier and the girl is extinguished. The wedding
ornament is exactly the same as that of the Izhavas, and
is known as the minnu (that which shines). The system
of inheritance is makkathayam. It is naturally curious
that, among a makkathayam community, paternal poly-
andry should have been the rule till lately. ' The custom,'
says Mateer, ' of one woman having several husbands
is sometimes practiced by carpenters, stone-masons, and
individuals of other castes. Several brothers living
together are unable to support a single wife for
each, and take one, who resides with them all. The
children are reckoned to belong to each brother in
succession in the order of seniority.' But this, after all,
admits of explanation. If only the marumakkathayam
system of inheritance is taken, as it should be, as a
necessary institution in a society living in troublous
times, and among a community whose male members
had duties and risks which would not ordinarily permit
of the family being perpetuated solely through the male
line, and not indicating any paternal uncertainty as some
theorists would have it ; and if polyandry, which is much
KAMMARA 140
more recent than the marumakkathayam system of
inheritance, is recognised to be the deplorable result of
indigence, individual and national, and not of sexual
bestiality, there is no difficulty in understanding how a
makkathayam community can be polyandrous. Further,
the manners of the Kammalars lend a negative support
to the origin just indicated by the marumakkathayam
system of inheritance even among the Nayars. The
work of the Kammalars was within doors and at home,
not even in a large factory where power-appliances may
lend an element of risk, for which reason they found it
quite possible to keep up lineage in the paternal line,
which the fighting Nayars could not possibly do. And
the fact that the marumakkathayam system was ordained
only for the Kshatriyas, and for the fighting races, and
not for the religious and industrial classes, deserves to
be specially noted in this connection."
Kammara. — The Kammaras are the blacksmith
section of the Telugu Kamsalas, whose services are in
great demand by the cultivator, whose agricultural imple-
ments have to be made, and constantly repaired. It
is noted, in the Bellary Gazetteer, that "until recently
the manufacture of the huge shallow iron pans, in which
the sugar-cane is boiled, was a considerable industry at
Kamalapuram. The iron was brought by pack bullocks
from Jambunath Konda, the dome-shaped hill at the
Hospet end of the Sandur range, and was smelted and
worked by men of the Kammara caste. Of late years,
the cheaper English iron has completely ousted the
country product, the smelting industry is dead, and the
Kammaras confine themselves to making and mending
the boilers with English material. They have a temple
of their own, dedicated to Kali, in the village, where the
worship is conducted by one of themselves." The name
141 KAMSALA
Baita Kammara, meaning outside blacksmiths, is applied
to Kamsala blacksmiths, who occupy a lowly position,
and work in the open air or outside a village.*
Kammiyan. — A Tamil name for blacksmiths.
Kampa (bush of thorns). — An exogamous sept of
Yerukala.
Kampo. — In the Manual of the Ganjam district,
the Kampos are described as Oriya agriculturists. In
the Madras Census Report, 1901, the name is taken
as an Oriya form of Kapu. Kampu is the name for
Savaras, who have adopted the customs of the Hindu
Kampos.
Kamsala. — The Kamsalas, or, as they are some-
times called, Kamsaras, are the Telugu equivalent of the
Tamil Kammalans. They are found northward as far
as Berhampore in Ganjam. According to tradition, as
narrated In the note on Kammalans, they emigrated to
the districts in which they now live on the disruption
of their caste by a certain king. The Kamsalas of
Vizagapatam, where they are numerically strong, say
that, during the reign of a Chola king, their ancestors
claimed equality with Brahmans. This offended the
king, and he ordered their destruction. The Kamsalas
fled northward, and some escaped death by taking shelter
with people of the Ozu caste. As an acknowledgment
of their gratitude to their protectors, some of them have
Ozu added to their house-names, e.g., Lakkozu, Kattozu,
Patozu, etc.
The Kamsalas have territorial sub-divisions, such as
Murikinadu, Pakinadu, Dravida, etc. Like the Kamma-
lans, they have five occupational sections, called Kamsali
(goldsmiths), Kanchari or Musari (brass-smiths), Vadrangi
• Madras Census Report, 1901.
KAMSALA 142
(carpenters), and KasI or Silpi (stone-masons). In a
note on the Kamsalas of the Godavari district, Mr.
F. R. Hemingway writes that " they recognise two
main divisions, called Desayi (indigenous) and Turpu-
sakas (easterns) or immigrants from Vizagapatam. They
sometimes speak of their occupational sub-divisions
as gotras. Thus, Sanathana is the iron, Sanaga, the
wooden, Abhonasa, the brass, Prathanasa, the stone, and
Suparnasa, the gold gotra." Intermarriage takes place
between members of the different sections, but the gold-
smiths affect a higher social status than the blacksmiths,
and do not care to interdine or intermarry with them.
They have taken to calling themselves Brahmans, have
adopted Brahmanical gotras, and the Brahmanical form
of marriage rites. They quote a number of well-known
verses of the Telugu poet Vemana, who satirised the
Brahmans for their shortcomings, and refer to the
Sanskrit Mulastambam and Silpasastram, which are
treatises on architecture. They trace their descent from
Visvakarma, the architect of the gods. Visvakarma is
said to have had five sons, of whom the first was Kam-
maracharya. His wife was Surelavathi, the daughter
of Vasishta. The second was Vadlacharyudu. The
third was Rudra or Kamcharacharya of the Abha-
vansa gotra, whose wife was Jalavathi, the daughter
of Paulasthya Brahma. The fourth was Kasacharyudu
of the Prasnasa gotra. His wife was Gunavati, the
daughter of Visvavasa. The fifth was Agasalacharya or
Chandra of the Suvarnasa gotra, whose wife was Saunati,
the daughter of Bhrigumahamuni. Visvakarma had
also five daughters, of whom Sarasvathi was married
to Brahma, Sachi Devi to Indra, Mando Dari to Ravana,
and Ahalya to Gautama. Since they were married
to the devatas, their descendants acquired the title of
143 KAMSALA
Acharya. The use of the umbrella, sacred thread,
golden staff, the insignia of Garuda, and the playing of
the bheri were also allowed to them. It is recorded
by the Rev, J. Cain* that "the so-called right-hand
castes object most strongly to the Kamsalilu being
carried in a palki (palanquin), and three years ago some
of them threatened to get up a little riot on the occasion
of a marriage in the Kamsali caste. They were deprived
of this opportunity, for the palki was a borrowed one,
and its owner, more anxious for the safety of his
property than the dignity of the Kamsali caste, recalled
the loan on the third day. A ringleader of the dis-
contented was a Madras Pariah. The Kamsalilu were
formerly forbidden to whitewash the outside of their
houses, but municipal law has proved stronger in this
respect than Brahmanical prejudice." The Kamsalas of
Ganjam and Vizagapatam do not make such a vigorous
claim to be Brahmans, as do those further south. They
rear poultry, partake of animal food, do not prohibit
the use of alcoholic liquor, and have no gotras. They
also have sub-divisions among them, which do not wear
the sacred thread, and work outside the village limits.
Thus, the Karamalas are a section of blacksmiths, who
do not wear the sacred thread. Similarly, the Baita
Kammaras are another section of blacksmiths, who do
not w^ear the thread, and, as their name implies, work
outside the village. In Vizagapatam, almost the only
castes which will consent to receive food at the hands of
Kamsalas are the humble Malas and Rellis. Even the
Tsakalas and Yatas will not do so. There is a popular
saying that the Kamsalas are of all castes seven visses
(viss, a measure of weight) less.
* Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
KAMSALA 144
In 1885, a criminal revision case came before the
High Court of Madras, in which a goldsmith performed
abishekam by pouring cocoanut-water over a lingam. In
his judgment, one of the Judges recorded that " the facts
found are that ist accused, a goldsmith by caste, on the
night of the last Mahasivaratri, entered a Siva temple
at Vizagapatam, and performed abishekam, i.e., poured
cocoanut-water over the lingam, the 2nd and 3rd accused
(Brahmans) reciting mantrams (sacred formulae) while
he did so. Another Brahman who was there expostu-
lated with I St accused, telling him that he, a goldsmith,
had no right to perform abishekam himself, upon which
I St accused said that it was he who made the idol, and
he was fit to perform abishekam. An outcry being
raised, some other Brahmans came up, and objected to
I St accused performing abishekam, and he was turned
out, and some ten rupees spent in ceremonies for the
purification of the idol. The 2nd-class Magistrate con-
victed the I St accused under sections 295 and 296, Indian
Penal Code, and the 2nd and 3rd accused of abetment.
All these convictions were reversed on appeal by the
District Magistrate. There was certainly no evidence
that any of the accused voluntarily caused disturbance
to an assembly engaged in the performance of religious
worship or religious ceremonies, and therefore a convic-
tion under section 296 could not be supported. In order
to support a conviction under section 295, it would be
necessary for the prosecution to prove (i) that the
accused ' defiled ' the lingam, and (2) that he did so,
knowing that a class of persons, viz., the Brahmans,
would consider such defilement as an insult to their
religion. It may be noted that the ist accused is a
person of the same religion as the Brahmans, and,
therefore, if the act be an insult at all, it was an insult to
145 KAMSALA
his own religion. The act of defilement alleged was the
performance of abishekam, or the pouring of cocoanut-
water over the lingam. In itself, the act is regarded
as an act of worship and meritorious, and I understand
that the defilement is alleged to consist in the fact that
the ist accused was not a proper person — not being
a Brahman — to perform such a ceremony, but that he
ought to have got some Brahman to perform it for him."
The other Judge (Sir T. Muttusami Aiyar) recorded
that " in many temples in this Presidency, it is not usual
for worshippers generally to touch the idol or pour
cocoanut-water upon it, except through persons who are
specially appointed to do so, and enjoined to observe
special rules of cleanliness. If the accused knew that
the temple, in the case before us, is one of those
temples, and if he did the act imputed to him to ridicule
openly the established rule in regard to the purity of
the lingam as an object of worship, it might then be
reasonably inferred that he did the act wantonly, and
with the intention of insultins: the reliofious notions of
the general body of worshippers. The Sub-Magistrate
refers to no specific evidence in regard to the accused's
knowledge of the usage. I may also observe that,
in certain temples attended by the lower classes, the
slaughtering of sheep is an act of worship. But,
if the same act is done in other temples to which
other classes resort as places of public worship, it is
generally regarded as a gross outrage or defilement."
The High Court upheld the decision of the District
Magistrate.
Each occupational sub-division of the Kamsalas has
a headman styled Kulampedda, and occasionally the five
headmen assemble for the settlement of some important
question of general interest to the community.
Ill- 10
KAMSALA 146
A Kamsala may, according to the custom called
menarikam, claim his maternal uncle's daughter in
marriage. The following account of the wedding rites
is given in the Nellore Manual. " The relations of the
bridegroom first go to the bride's parents or guardians,
and ask their consent to the proposed union. If consent
is given, a day is fixed, on which relations of the bride-
groom go to the bride's house, where all her relations
are present with cocoanuts, a cloth for the bride, betel,
turmeric, etc. On the same occasion, the amount of
the dower is settled. The bride bathes, and is adorned
with flowers, turmeric, etc., and puts on the new cloth
brought for her, and she receives the articles which the
bridegroom's party have brought. On the auspicious
day appointed for the marriage, the relations of the
bride go to the bridegroom's house, and fetch him in a
palanquin. A Brahman is sent for, who performs the
ceremonies near the dais on which the bride and bride-
groom are seated. After the recital of the mantras
(hymns) before the young couple, he sends for their
uncles, and blesses them. The bridegroom then ties a
pilgrim's cloth upon him, places a brass water-pot on his
head, holds a torn umbrella in his hands, and starts out
from the pandal (booth), and says he is going on a
pilgrimage to Benares, when the bride's brother runs
after him, and promises that he will give his sister in
marriage, swearing thrice to this effect. The bride-
groom, satisfied with this promise, abandons his pretended
journey, takes off his pilgrim cloths, and gives them,
with the umbrella, to the Brahman. The couple seat
themselves on the dais, and the Brahman, having
repeated some mantras, gives a sacred thread to the bride-
groom to place over his shoulders. He then blesses
the mangalasutram (marriage badge corresponding to
147 KAMSALA
the Tamil tali), and hands it to the bridegroom, who
ties it round the bride's neck, his sister or other
elderly matron seeing that it is properly tied. The
bride's father comes forward, and, placing his daughter's
right hand in the bridegroom's right, pours water on
them. The other ceremonies are exactly similar to
those practiced by the Brahmans." Girls are invariably
married before puberty. Widows are not allowed to
remarry, and divorce is not recognised.
The Kamsalas are either Madhvas, Saivites, or
Lingayats. All revere the caste goddess Kamakshi
Amma, who is represented by each sub-division in a
special manner. Thus the Kanchara represents her by
the stone on which he beats his metal work, the orold-
smith by one of his implements, and the blacksmith
by his bellows. On the eighteenth day of the Dasara
festival, an annual festival is celebrated in honour of the
goddess.
The dead are buried in a seated posture, but, in
recent years, some Kamsalas have taken to cremation.
The death rites closely follow the Brahmanical form.
Death pollution is observed for twelve days.
In the Vizagapatam district, some artisans are
engaged in the ivory-carving industry. They " manu-
facture for European clients fancy articles, such as chess-
boards, photograph frames, card-cases, trinket boxes,
and so on, from tortoise-shell, horn, porcupine quills,
and ivory. The industry is in a flourishing state, and
has won many medals at exhibitions. It is stated to
have been introduced by Mr. Fane, who was Collector
of the district from 1859 to 1862, and to have then been
developed by the Kamsalis, and men of other castes
who eventually took it up. The foundation of the fancy
articles is usually sandal-wood, which is imported from
ni-io B
KAMSALA 148
Bombay. Over this are laid porcupine quills split in
half and placed side by side, or thin slices of 'bison,'
buffalo, or stag horn, tortoise-shell, or ivory. The ivory
is sometimes laid over the horn or shell, and is always
either cut into geometrical patterns with a small key-
hole saw, or etched with designs representing gods and
flowers. The etching is done with a small V tool, and
then black wax is melted into the design with a tool
like a soldering iron, any excess being scraped off with
a chisel, and the result is polished with a leaf of Fictis
asperrima (the leaves of which are very rough, and used
as a substitute for sand-paper). This gives a black
design (sgraffito) on a white ground. The horn and
porcupine quills are obtained from the Agency, and the
tortoise-shell and ivory mainly from Bombay through
the local Marvaris. The designs employed both in the
etching and fret-work are stiff, and suited rather to work
in metal than in ivory ; and the chief merit of this
Vizagapatam work perhaps lies in its careful finish — a
rare quality in Indian objects of art. The ivory is rarely
carved now, but, in the Calcutta Museum and elsewhere,
may be seen samples of the older Vizagapatam work,
which often contained ivory panels covered with scenes
from holy writ, executed in considerable relief."*
The caste title of the Kamsalas is usually Ayya,
but, in recent times, a good many have taken the title
Achari.
The two begging castes Panasa and Runja are stated
by Mr. Hemingway to be exclusively devoted to the
Kamsalas. " The former," he writes, " are said to be
out-castes from the Komati sub-division of that name.
Formerly in the service of the Nizam, it is said they
* Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.
149 KANAKA
were disgraced by him, and driven to accept food of
a degradinsf nature from a Kamsala. The Kamsalas
accordingly took them under their protection. The
Runjas are said to have been specially created by Siva.
Siva had killed a giant named Ravundasura, and the
giant's dying request was that his limbs might be turned
into musical instruments, and a special caste created to
play them at the celebration of Siva's marriage. The
Runjas were the caste created. The god ordered
Viswakarma, the ancestor of the Kamsalas, to support
them, and the Kamsalas say that they have inherited
the obligation."
It is recorded, in the Kurnool Manual, that " the
story goes that in Golkonda a tribe of Komatis named
Bacheluvaru were imprisoned for non-payment of arrears
of revenue. Finding certain men of the artificer caste,
who passed by in the street, spit chewed betel-nut, they
got it into their mouths, and begged the artificers to
get them released. The artificers pitied them, paid the
arrears, and procured their release. It was then that
the Kamsalis fixed a vartana or annual house fee for
the maintenance of the Panasa class, on condition that
they should not beg alms from the other castes."
Kamukham (areca-nut : Ai^eca Catechu). — A tree
or kothu of Kondaiyamkottai Maravan.
Kamunchia.— Recorded, in the Madras Census
Report, 1 90 1, as a very small class of Oriya cultivators.
Kanagu {Pongamia glabra). — An exogamous sept
of Koravas and Thumati Gollas. The latter may not
use the oil obtained from the seeds of this tree. The
equivalent Kanagala occurs as an exogamous sept of
Kapu.
Kanaka.— An exogamous sept of Badagas of the
Nilgiris.
KANAKKAN 150
Kanakkan.— Kanakkan is a Tamil accountant caste,
corresponding to the Oriya Korono. In an account
thereof, in the North Arcot Manual, Mr. H. A. Stuart
writes that they are " found chiefly in the districts of
North Arcot, South Arcot, and Chingleput. The name
is derived from the Tamil word kanakku, which means
an account. They were employed as village account-
ants by the ancient kings. In the inscriptions the word
Karanam or Kanakkan occurs very often, and their title is
invariably given as Velan, which is possibly a contracted
form of Vellalan. These accountants of the Tamil
districts seem to be quite distinct from those of Ganjam
and other Telugu provinces (see Korono), some of whom
claim to be Kshatriyas, or even Brahmans. It is true
that the Karnams themselves claim to be the sons of
Brahma, but others maintain that they are the offspring
of a Sudra woman by a Vaisya. The caste is said to
have four divisions, Sir (Sri), Sarattu, Kaikatti, and
Solia. The Sir Karnams are considered of highest
rank, and are generally the most intelligent accountants,
though they are sadly deficient when compared with the
Brahmans who perform the duty of keeping the village
accounts above the ghats. The Kai-katti Karnams (or
Karnams who show the hand) derive their name from
a peculiar custom existing among them, by which a
daughter-in-law is never allowed to speak to her mother-
in-law except by signs. The reason may perhaps be
surmised. The members of the four divisions can-
not intermarry. In their customs the caste is some-
what peculiar. They wear the thread, disallow liquor-
drinking, flesh-eating, and widow remarriage. Most
of them worship Siva, but there are some who are
Vaishnavites, and a very few are Lingayats." Their title
is Pillai. In the records relating to the Tamil country,
151 KANAKKAN
Conicopoly, Conicoply, Canacappel, and other variants
appear as a corrupt form of Kanakka Pillai. For
example, in the records of Fort St. George, 1680, it
is noted that " the Governour, accompanyed with the
Councell and several persons of the factory, attended
by six files of soldyers, the Company's Peons, 300 of
the Washers, the Pedda Naigue, the Cancoply of the
Towne and of the grounds, went the circuit of Madras
ground, which was described by the Cancoply of
the grounds." It is recorded by Baldaeus (1672) that
Xaverius set everywhere teachers called Canacappels.*
The title Conicopillay is still applied to the examiner
of accounts by the Corporation of Madras.
It is laid down in the Village Officers' Manual that
" the Karnam, who is entrusted with the keeping of village
accounts, is subordinate to the Head of the villao-e. He
should help and advise the Head of the village in every
way. He is the clerk of the Head of the village in his
capacity of village munsif and magistrate. He has to
prepare reports, accounts, statements, etc., which it is
necessary to put in writing." When sudden or un-
natural death takes place within the limits of a village,
the Karnam takes down in writing the evidence of
persons who are examined, and frames a report of the
whole proceedings. He keeps the register of those who
are confined, or placed in the stocks by the Head of the
village for offences of a trivial nature, such as using
abusive language, or petty assaults or affrays. It is the
Karnam who keeps the revenue accounts, and registers
of the price of all kinds of grain, strangers passing
or re-passing through the village, births and deaths, and
cattle mortality when cattle disease, e.g., anthrax or
Yule and Burnell, Hobson-Jobson.
KANAKKAN 1 52
rinderpest, exists. Further, it is the duty of the Karnam
to take proper care of Government survey instruments,
and, when revenue survey is being carried out, to satisfy
himself that the village and field boundary marks are
properly erected.
In their marriage and death ceremonies, the Kanak-
kans closely follow the Tamil Puranic type as observed
by Vellalas. The Kaikatti section, however, has one
peculiar custom. After the marriage ceremony, the girl
is kept inside the house, and not allowed to move about
freely, for at least two or three days. She is considered
to be under some kind of pollution. It is said that, in
former times, she was confined in the house for forty
days, and, as occupation, had to separate dhal (peas) and
rice, which had been mixed together.
The following proverbs are not complimentary to
the Kanakkan, who, as an influential village official, is
not always a popular individual : —
Though babies are sold for a pie each, we do not
want a Kanakka baby.
Wherever you meet with a Kanakka child or with
a crow's young one, put out its eyes.
In Travancore, Kanakkan is a name by which
Kammalans are addressed, and a prefix to the name of
Todupuzha Vellalas. It further occurs, on the west
coast, as a sub-division of Cheruman or Pulayan.
For the following note on the Kanakkans o f the
Cochin State, I am indebted to Mr. L. K. Anantha
Krishna Aiyar.*
The Kanakkans belong to the slave castes, and are
even now attached to some landlords. In the taluks
of Trichur, Mukandapuram, and Cranganur, where I
* Monograph, Eth. Survey of Cochin, No. 4, 1905.
153 KANAKKAN
obtained all my information about them, I learnt that
they are the Atiyars (slaves) of Chittur Manakkal
Nambudiripad at Perumanom near Trichur, and they
owe him a kind of allegiance. The Nambudiri landlord
told me that the members of the caste, not only from
almost all parts of the State, but also from the British
taluks of Ponnani, Chowghat, and even from Calicut,
come to him with a Thirumulkazhcha, i.e., a few annas in
token of their allegiance. This fact was also confirmed
by a Kanakkanar (headman) at Cranganur, who told me
that he and his castemen were the slaves of the same
landlord, though, in disputes connected with the caste,
they abide by the decision of the local Raja. In the
event of illness or calamity in the family of a Kanakkan,
an astrologer (Kaniyan), who is consulted as to the
cause and remedy, sometimes reminds the members
thereof of the negligence in their allegiance to the
landlord, and suggests the advisability of paying respects
to him (Nambikuru) with a few annas. On the Puyam
day in Makaram (January- February), these people from
various parts of the State present themselves in a body
with a few annas each, to own their allegiance to him.
The following story is mentioned by him. One of his
ancestors chanced to pay his respects to one of the
rulers of the State, when the residence of the Royal
Family was in Cochin. On arriving near the town,
the boat capsised in a storm, but was luckily saved by
the bravery of a few rowers of this caste. The Raja,
who witnessed the incident from a window of his
palace, admired their valour, and desired to enlist
some Kanakkans into his service.
There are four endogamous sub-divisions among
the Kanakkans, viz., Patunna, the members of which
formerly worked in salt-pans, Vettuva, Chavala, and
KANAKKAN 154
Parattu. Each of these is further sub-divided into clans
(kiriyam), which are exogamous.
A young man may marry the daughter of his maternal
uncle, but this is not permissible in some places.
Marriage is both infant and adult, and may be celebrated
by Patunna Kanakkans at any time between the tenth
and thirteenth years of a girl, while the Vettuva Kanak-
kans may celebrate it only after girls attain puberty.
They often choose the bridegroom beforehand, with the
intention of performing the ceremony after puberty.
When a girl attains maturity, she is kept apart in a
part of the house on the score of pollution, which lasts
for seven days. She bathes on the fourth day. On the
morning of the seventh day seven girls are invited, and
they accompany the girl to a tank (pond) or a river.
They all have an oil bath, after which they return home.
The eirl, dressed and adorned in her best, is seated on a
plank in a conspicuous part of the hut, or in a pandal
(booth) put up for the time in front of it. A small
vessel full of paddy * (nerapara), a cocoanut, and a
lighted lamp, are placed in front of her. Her Enangan
begins his musical tunes, and continues for an hour or
two, after which he takes for himself the above things,
while his wife, who has purified the girl by sprinkling
cow-dung water, gets a few annas for her service. It is
now, at the lucky moment, that the girl's mother ties the
tali round her neck. The seven girls are fed, and given
an anna each. The relations, and other castemen who are
invited, are treated to a sumptuous dinner. The guests
as they depart give a few annas each to the chief host,
to meet the expenses of the ceremony and the feast.
This old custom of mutual help prevails largely among
* Unhusked rice.
155 KANAKKAN
the Pulayas also. The girl is now privileged to enter
the kitchen, and discharge her domestic duties. The
parents of the bridegroom contribute to the ceremony a
small packet of jaggery (crude sugar), a muri (piece of
cloth), some oil and incha {Acacia Intsia), the soft fibre
of which is used as soap. This contribution is called
bhendu nyayam. If the girl is married before puberty,
and she attains her maturity during her stay with her
husband, the ceremony is performed in his hut, and the
expenses are met by the parents of the bridegroom,
while those of the bride contribute a share.
When a Vettuva Kanakka girl comes of age, the
headman (Vatikaran) of the caste is informed. He
comes, along with his wife, to help the girl's parents
in the performance of the ceremony. Seven girls are
invited. Each of them breaks a cocoanut, and pours the
water on the girl's head. Water is also poured over her.
As soon as she is thus bathed, she is allowed to remain
in a room, or in a part of the hut. Near her are placed
a mirror made of metal, a vessel of paddy, a pot full of
water, and a lighted lamp. The young man who has
been chosen as her husband is invited. He has to
climb a cocoanut tree to pluck a tender cocoanut for the
girl, and a cluster of flowers. He then takes a meal in
the girl's hut, and departs. The same proceedings are
repeated on the fourth day, and, on the seventh day, he
takes the cluster of flowers, and throws it on water.
As soon as a young man is sufficiently old, his
parents look out for a girl as his wife. When she is
chosen, the negociations leading to marriage are opened
by the father of the bridegroom, who, along with his
brother-in-law and Enangan (relations by marriage),
goes to the house of the bride-elect, where, in the
midst of relations and friends previously assembled.
KANAKKAN 1 56
the formal arrangements are made, and a portion of the
bride's money is also paid. The auspicious day for the
wedding is settled, and the number of guests to be
invited is fixed. There is also an entertainment for
those that are assembled. A similar one is also held at
the hut of the bridegroom-elect. These people are too
poor to consult the local Kaniyan (astrologer) ; but, if it
is known that the couple were born on the day of the
same constellation, the match is at once rejected. On
the day chosen for the celebration of the marriage, the
bridegroom, neatly dressed, and with a knife and stylus,
sets out from his hut, accompanied by his parents,
uncles, other relatives, and men of his village, to the
hut of the bride, where they are welcomed, and seated
on mats in a pandal (booth) put up for the occasion.
The bride, somewhat veiled, is taken to the pandal and
seated alono- with the brideorroom, and to both of them
a sweet preparation of milk, sugar and plantain fruits
is given, to establish the fact that they have become
husband and wife. There is no tali-tying then. The
guests are treated to a sumptuous dinner. As they take
leave of the chief host, each of them pays a few annas
to meet the expenses of the ceremony. The bride-
groom, with the bride and those who have accompanied
him, returns to his hut, where some ceremonies are gone
through, and the guests are well fed. The bridegroom
and bride are seated together, and a sweet preparation
is given, after which the parents and the maternal uncle
of the former, touching the heads of both, says " My
son, my daughter, my nephew, my niece," meaning that
the bride has become a member of their family. They
throw rice on their heads as a token of their blessings
on them. After this, the couple live together as man and
wife. In some places, marriage is performed by proxy.
157 KANAKKAN
A young Vettuva Kanakkan cannot marry by proxy.
Neither can the tali-tying ceremony be dispensed with.
If a woman has abandoned herself to a member of
a lower caste, she is put out of caste, and becomes a
Christian or Muhammadan. Adultery is regarded with
abhorrence. All minor offences are dealt with by the
headman, whose privileges are embodied in a Thituram
(royal order), according to which he may preside at
marriage, funeral, and other ceremonies, and obtain
a small fee as remuneration for his services. He may
use a stick, a stylus, and a knife lined with gold. He
may wear a white coat, turban and ear-rings, and use an
umbrella. He may also construct a shed with six posts
for marriage ceremonies. He has to pay a tax of ten
annas to the Sirkar (Government). Chittur Manakkal
Nambudiripad in the taluk of Talapilly, the Cranganur
Raja in the taluk of Cranganur, and His Highness the
Maharaja exercise absolute powers in the settlement of
disputes connected with this and other castes.
The Kanakkans believe in magic, sorcery, and
witchcraft. Persons who practice the art are very rare
among them. They go to a Panan, Velan, or Parayan,
whenever they require his services. They profess
Hinduism, and worship Siva, Vishnu, Ganapathi, and
Subramania, Mukkan, Chathan, Kandakaranan, and the
spirits of their ancestors are also adored. Vettuva
Kanakkans do homage to Kappiri and Virabhadran also.
Chathan cannot be worshipped at Cranganur, as he is
opposed to the local deity. Wooden or brass images of
their ancestors are kept in their huts, to whom regular
sacrifices are oftered on Karkadagom, Thulam, and
Makaram Sankranthis. In their compounds is often
seen a raised platform beneath a tree, on which are
placed a few stones representing the images of the
KANAKKAN 158
demons whom they much fear and respect. Sacrifices
are offered to them on leaves.
Patunna Kanakkans invariably bury their dead.
The funeral rites are similar to those observed by other
low castes. Death pollution lasts for fifteen days. On
the sixteenth morning, the hut and compound are
swept and cow-dunged. The relatives and castemen
are invited, and bring some rice and curry stuffs for a
feast. Along with the chief mourner (the son of the
deceased) and his brothers, they go to the nearest tank
or river to bathe. The Enangan of the family purifies
them by the sprinkling of cow-dung water. They return
home, and those assembled are treated to a grand
dinner. The son observes the diksha (mourning) either
for forty-one days, or for a whole year, after which a
grand feast called Masam is celebrated.
The Kanakkans are employed in fishing in the
backwaters, cutting timber and floating it on bamboo
rafts down rivers flooded during the monsoon, boating,
pumping out water from rice fields by means of water-
wheels, and all kinds of agricultural labour. They
were at one time solely engaged in the manufacture
of salt from the backwaters. Women are engaged
in making coir (cocoanut fibre) and in agricultural
labour. \^ettuva Kanakkans are engaged in cocoanut
cultivating, and making lime out of shells. They are
very skilful in climbing cocoanut trees for plucking
cocoanuts.
The Kanakkans take food prepared by members of
the higher castes, and by Kammalans, Izhuvas, and
Mappillas. They have a strong objection to eating
at the hands of Veluthedans (washermen), Velakka-
thalavans (barbers), Panans. Velans, and Kaniyans.
Pulayas, Ulladans, and Nayadis have to stand far away
159 KANCHUGARA
from them. They themselves have to keep at a distance
of 48 feet from high caste Hindus. They pollute
Izhuvas by touch, and Kammalans and Valans at a
short distance. They cannot approach the temples of
the higher castes, but take part in the festivals of
temples in rural parts. At Cranganur, they can come
as far as the kozhikallu, which is a stone outside the
temple at a short distance from it, on which fowls are
offered by low caste people.
Kanakku.^A prefix to the name of Nayars, e.g.,
Kanakku Raman Krishnan, and also adopted as a prefix
by the Todupuzha Vellalas of Travancore.
Kancharan.— A Malabar caste, the occupation of
which is the manufacture of brass vessels.
Kanchera.— Kanchera and Kanchari are names of
the Telugu section of metal-workers.
Kanchimandalam Vellala. — A name assumed by
Malaiyalis of the Salem hills, who claim to be Vellalas
who emigrated from Conjeeveram (Kanchipuram).
Kanchu (bell-metal). — An exogamous sept of
Kuruba. Kansukejje (bronze bell) occurs as a sub-
division of Toreya.
Kanchugara. — In the Madras and Mysore Census
Reports, Kanchugara is recorded as a sub-division of
Panchala, the members of which are workers in brass,
copper, and bell-metal. The Kanchugaras of South
Canara are described by Mr. H. A. Stuart* as "a
Canarese caste of brass- workers. They are Hindus of
the Vaishnava sect, and pay special reverence to Ven-
katramana of Tirupati. Their spiritual guru is the head
of the Ramachandrapuram math. A man cannot marry
within his own gotra or family. They have the ordinary
Manual of the South Canara district.
KANDAPPAN l6o
system of Inheritance through males. Girls must be
married before puberty, and the dhare form of marriage
(see Bant) is used. The marriage of widows is not
permitted, and divorce is allowed only in the case of
women who have proved unchaste. The dead are
either cremated, or buried in a recumbent posture.
Brahmans officiate as their priests. The use of spiritu-
ous liquors, and flesh and fish is permitted. Bell-metal
is largely used for making household utensils, such as
lamps, goglets, basins, jugs, etc. The process of manu-
facturing these articles is as follows. The moulds are
made of clay, dried and coated with wax to the thickness
of the articles required, and left to dry again, a hole
being made in them so as to allow the wax to flow
out when heated. After this has been done, the molten
metal is poured in. The moulds are then broken, and
the articles taken out and polished."
Kandappan. — A sub-division of Occhan.
Kandulu (dal : Cajamis indices). — An exogamous
sept of Yerukala. Kandikattu (dal soup) occurs as an
exogamous sept of Medara.
Kangara. — The word Kangara means servant,
and the Kangaras (or Khongars) were orginally village
watchmen in the Vizagapatam Agency tracts, correspond-
ing to the Kavalgars of the Tamil country. They are
described as follows by Lieutenant J. Macdonald Smith,
who was Assistant Agent to the Governor in Jeypore
in the sixties of the last century. " A Khongar, it
seems, is nothing but a Kavilgar or village watchman.
That these people, in many parts of India, are little
better than a community of thieves, is pretty well known,
and what was the true nature of the system in Jeypore
was very clearly brought to light in a case which was
committed to my Court. It was simply this. Before
l6l KANGARA
we entered the country, the entire police and magis-
terial authority of a taluk was lodged in the revenue
ameen or renter. Whenever a theft occurred, and the
property was of sufficient importance to warrant the
trouble and expense, the traveller or householder, as
the case might be, resorted at once to the ameen, who
(if sufficiently feed by the complainant) forthwith sent
for the Head Khongar of the quarter, and desired him
to recover the goods, whatever they might be. The
Khongar generally knows very well where to lay his
hand on the property, and would come back with such
portion of it as the urgency of the ameen's order seemed
to require, while the zeal of that functionary of course
varied in each case, according to the extent of the
gratification the complainant seemed disposed to give.
This is the Khongar system of Jeypore in its length and
breadth, as proved at the trial referred to. Wherever
a taluk is taken up by the Police, the system of course
falls down of itself. As for the Khongars, they willingly
enlist in our village constabulary, and are proving
themselves both intelligent and fearless." The Meriah
Officers {1845-61) remarked that the former Rajas of
Jeypore, and their subordinate chiefs, retained in their
service great numbers of professional robbers, called
Khongars, whom they employed within the Jeypore
country, and in the plains, on expeditions of rapine and
bloodshed.
The Khongars were generally Paidis by caste, and
their descendants are even now the most notorious
among the dacoits of the Vizagapatam district. Their
methods are thus described in the Gazetteer of the
Vizagapatam district (1907). " Like the Konda Doras,
they have induced some of the people to employ watch-
men of their caste as the price of immunity from theft.
lU-II
KANGAYAN I 62
They are connected with the Dombus of the Rayagada
and Gunupur taluks, who are even worse. These
people dacoit houses at night in armed gangs of fifty or
more, with their faces blackened to prevent recognition.
Terrifying the villagers into staying quiet in their huts,
they force their way into the house of some wealthy
person (for choice the local Sondi, liquor-seller and
sowcar * — usually the only man worth looting in an
Agency village, and a shark who gets little pity from his
neighbours when forced to disgorge), tie up the men,
rape the women, and go off with everything of value.
Their favourite method of extracting information regard-
ing concealed property is to sprinkle the house-owner
with boiling oil."
Kangayan.— A division of Idaiyans settled in
Travancore.
Kaniala (land-owners). — A sub-division of Vellala.
Kanigiri (a hill in the Nellore district). — An
exogamous sept of Medara.
Kanikar. — The Kanikars, who are commonly known
as Kanis, are a jungle tribe inhabiting the mountains of
South Travancore. Till recently they were in the habit
of sending all their women into the seclusion of the
dense jungle on the arrival of a stranger near their
settlements. But this is now seldom done, and some
Kanikars have in modern times settled in the vicinity of
towns, and become domesticated. The primitive short,
dark-skinned and platyrhine type, though surviving, has
become changed as the result of contact metamorphosis,
and many leptorhine or mesorhine individuals above
middle height are to be met with.
r_* Money-lender.
1 63
KANIKAR
Stature.
Nasal index.
AV.
MAX.
MIN,
AV.
MAX,
MIN.
Jungle ...
155-2
170-3
150-2
84-6
105
72-3
Domesticated
I5S7
170-4
148
81-2
90- 5
70-8
The Kanikars are said to be characterised by a high
standard of honour, and to be straightforward, honest
and truthful. They are good trackers and fond of sport,
and in clearing forest paths they have hardly any equals.
Their help and guidance are sought by, and willingly
given to any person who may have to travel through
the forests.
The jungle Kanikars have no permanent abode, but
shift about from one part of the forest to another. Their
settlements, composed of lowly huts built of bamboo
and reeds, are abandoned when they suffer from fever,
or are harassed by wild beasts, or when the soil ceases
to be productive. The settlements are generally situated,
away from the tracks of elephants, on steep hill slopes,
which are terraced and planted with useful trees. In
their system of cultivation the Kanikars first clear a
patch of forest, and then set fire to it. The ground is
sown with hardly any previous tillage. When, after two
or three years, the land diminishes in productiveness,
they move onto another part of the forest, and follow the
same rough and ready method of cultivation. Thus one
patch of ground after another is used for agricultural
purposes, until a whole tract of forest is cleared. But
the Kanikars have now to a large extent abandoned this
kind of migratory cultivation, because, according to the
forest rules, forests may not be set fire to or trees felled
at the unrestricted pleasure of individuals. They culti-
vate various kinds of cereals and pulses, as well as tapioca
III-II B
KANIKAR 164
{Manikot utilissima), sweet potatoes {IpomcEa batatas),
ganja (Indian hemp), and tobacco. Each settlement
now has a forest block assigned to it for cultivation, with
which other tribes are not allowed to interfere, and
wherein the Kanikars are allowed to fell, clear, and
grow their crops. They do not pay anything in the
way of tax to the Government. Once a year they go
in a group to visit the Maharaja at Trivandrum, and
he " always receives them most kindly, accepting the
nuzzur they offer in the shape of the bamboo plantain
with large though few fruits, a parcel of Muttucheri hill
rice, bamboo joints containing different varieties of honey,
and virukachattam or a parcel of civet. The customary
modes of court address, and the prescribed court etiquette
are alike unknown to them, and the Maharaja, pleased
with their simplicity and unaffected homage, rewards
them with presents of cloth, money, salt, and tobacco,
with which they return satisfied to their jungle home."
The Rev. S. Mateer notes that he had difficulty in
persuading the Kanikars to part with a sucker of the
bamboo plantain, as they fancied it must be reserved for
the use of the Maharaja alone.
Some Kanikars are engaged as coolies on planters'
estates, or in felling timber and cutting bamboos for
contractors, others in the manufacture of bows and
arrows with blunt or barbed iron heads. Heated arrows
are used by them, for hitting elephants which invade
their sugar-cane or other crop, from the safe protection
of a hut built on a platform of sticks in tall trees of
branches or bamboo covered with leaves of Ochlandra
Travanco7Hca or other large leaves. In connection with
these huts, which are called anamadam (elephant huts),
it has been said that " the hills abound with game.
' Bison ' {Bosga2irtts), bears, and sambar [Ce7'vus zmicolor)
l6s KANIKAR
are frequently met with, while elephants and tigers
are so numerous that the Kanikars are in some parts
compelled to build their houses high up in trees. These
primitive houses are quickly and easily constructed.
The walls are made of bamboo, and the roof is thatched
with jungle leaves. They are generally built about fifty
feet above the ground, and are securely fastened to the
branches of a substantial tree, and a crude ladder of
bamboo connects them with the ground. When all the
inmates are safely housed for the night, the ladder
is removed aloft out of the reach of elephants, who,
mischievously inclined, might remove the obstruction,
and leave the Kanikars to regain terra firma the best
way they could." Sometimes a single bamboo, with the
shoots on the sides cut short, does duty for a ladder.
It has been said that, when the crops are ripening, the
Kanikar watchmen are always at home in their arboreal
houses, with their bows and arrows, and chanting their
wild songs. Sometimes the blunt end of an arrow is
used as a twirling stick in making fire by friction, for
which purpose sticks made of Grewia tili^folia, etc.,
are also used. In making fire, the Kanikars " procure
two pieces of wood, one of which is soft, and contains a
small hole or hollow about half an inch deep to receive
the end of the other, which is a hard round stick about
eighteen inches long, and as thick as an ordinary ruler.
The Kanikar takes this stick between the palms of his
hands, keeping it in a vertical position, with the end of
it in the hollow referred to, and produces a quick rotary
and reverse motion, and with slight pressure causes the
friction necessary to produce a quantity of fluff, w^hich
soon ignites."
The Kanikars are employed by the Government to
collect honey, wax, ginger, cardamoms, dammar, and
kAnikar i66
elephant tusks, in return for a small remuneration known
as kutivaram. Other occupations are trapping, capturing
or killing elephants, tigers, and wild pigs, and making
wicker-work articles of bamboo or rattan. The Rev. S.
Mateer mentions having seen a wicker bridge, perhaps
a hundred feet long, over which a pony could pass. A
tiger trap is said to be a huge affair made of strong
wooden bars, with a partition at one end for a live goat
as bait. The timbers thereof are supported by a spring,
which, on a wild beast entering, lets fall a crushing
weight on it.
The Kanikars wander all over the hills in search of
honey, and a resident in Travancore writes that " I have
seen a high rugged rock, only accessible on one side,
the other side being a sheer precipice of several hun-
dred feet, and in its deep crevices scores of bees' nests.
Some of them have been there for generations, and the
Kanikars perform periodically most daring feats in
endeavouring to secure at least a portion of the honey.
On this precipice I have seen overhanging and fluttering
in the breeze a rattan rope, made in rings and strongly
linked together, the whole forming a rope ladder several
hundred feet long, and securely fastened to a tree at the
top of the precipice. Only a short time ago these
people made one of their usual raids on the ' honey
rock.' One of the tribe descended the rope ladder for a
considerable distance, with a basket fastened to his back
to receive the honey, and carrying with him torch-wood
with which to smoke the bees out of the nests. Having
arrived at his goal two hundred feet from the top, and
over three hundred feet from the ground below, he
ignited the torch, and, after the usual smoking process,
which took some little time to perform, the bees made a
hurried exit from the nests, and the Kanikar began the
l67 KANIKAR
work of destruction, and with every movement the man
and the ladder swayed to and fro, as if the whole thing
would collapse at any moment. However, all was safe,
and, after securing as much honey as he could con-
veniently carry, he began the return journey. Hand
and foot he went up ring after ring until he reached
the top in safety, performing the ascent with an air of
nonchalant ease, which would have done credit to any
steeple jack." The honey is brought for sale in hollow
bamboo joints.
Sometimes Kanikars come into Trivandrum, bringing
with them live animals for the zoological gardens.
The word Kanikaran means a hereditary proprietor
of land. There is a tradition that there were once two
hill kings, Sri Rangan and Virappan, whose descendants
emigrated from the Pandyan territories beyond Agastya-
kutam under pressure from a superior force, and never
returned to the low country. The following legend is
current among the Kanikars. " The sea originally
covered everything, but God caused the water to roll
back, and leave bare all the hills. Then Parameswara
and Parvati made a man and woman, whose descendants
were divided into fifty-six races, and multiplied exceed-
ingly, so that a sore famine invaded the land. In those
days men were hunters, and lived by snaring animals
and plucking wild fruits off the trees. There was no
corn, for men did not know how to sow rice, and cultivate
it. The cry of the famine-stricken reached Parameswara
and Parvati, and they visited the earth in the form of a
pair of hamsam (the bird which carries Brahma), and
alighted on a kanjiram tree. While seated there, the
god and goddess noticed a pair of dragon-flies, which
paired together, and they too, their hearts swelling with
love, embraced each other, and, taking pity on mankind,
kAnikar i68
willed that a field of rice should sprout on the low-lying
land near the sea-shore. The Paraiyans and Pulayans,
who witnessed the rice growing, were the first to taste
of the crop, and became prosperous. This was in
Malabar, or the far north of Travancore. The Maharaja,
hearing of the new grain, sent seven green parrots to go
on a journey of discovery, and they returned with seven
ears of rice. These the Maharaja placed in a granary,
and gave some to the Paraiyans to sow, and the grain
miraculously increased. But the Maharaja wanted to
know how it was to be cooked. The parrots were
accordingly once more brought into requisition, and
they flew away, and brought back eighteen varieties of
cooked rice which a Paraiyan's wife had prepared. Then
the Maharaja, having got some rice prepared by his
cooks, fell to and eat heartily. After eating, he went
into the yard to wash his hands, and, before drying them
on a cloth, wrung his right hand to get the last drops
of water off. A valuable gold ring with three stones fell
therefrom, and, burying itself in the dust, was never
recovered. The Maharaja was sore distressed by his
loss, but, Parameswara, as some recompense, caused to
grow from the ground where the ring fell three trees
which are very valuable in Travancore, and which, by
the sale of their produce, would make the Maharaja
wealthy and prosperous. The trees were the dammar
tree, the resinous gum of which is useful in religious
ceremonies, the sandal-wood tree so widely used for its
perfume, and lastly the bamboo, which is so useful and
necessary to the well-being of the Kanikars."
The sub-divisions among the Kanikars are known as
illams or families, of which five are said to be endo-
gamous, and five exogamous. The former are called
Machchampi or brother-in-law illams, and the latter
A
l69 KANIKAR
Annantampi or brother illams. They are named after
mountains {e.g., Palamala, Talamala), places {e.g., Vella-
nat), etc. The Kanikars who live south of the Kodayar
river cannot marry those living north of it, the river
forming a marital boundary.
Among the names of Kanikars are Parapan (broad-
faced), Chanthiran (moon), Marthandan (sun), Muntan
(dwarf), Kaliyan (little Kali), Madan (a deity), Nili
(blue) and Karumpi (black). The first name is some-
times that of the settlement in which they live. For
example, the various Mullans are known as Kuzhumbi
Mullan, Anaimalai Mullan, Chembilakayam Mullan, etc.
The Kanikars live together in small communities
under a Muttakani or headman, who wields considerable
influence over them, and enjoys various perquisites. He
presides over tribal council meetings, at which all social
questions are discussed and settled, and fixes the time
for clearing the jungle, sowing the seed, gathering the
harvest, worshipping the gods, etc. Fines which are
inflicted are spent in propitiating the gods.
The language of the Kanikars is a dialect of Mala-
yalam, with a large admixture of Tamil, which they call
Malampashai or language of the hills.
The system of inheritance among those who live in
the hills is makkathayam (from father to son). But a
moiety of the personal property goes to the nephews.
With those who live in the plains, an equal distribution
of their self-acquired property is made between the sons
and nephews. If there are no sons, the nephews inherit
the property, the widow being entitled to maintenance.
The chief object of worship is said to be Sasthan, a
forest god. But the Kanikars also make offerings to
a variety of deities, including Amman, Poothathan,
Vetikad Pootham, Vadamala Poothathan, and Amcala.
kAnikar 170
They have, it has been said, " certain spots, trees
or rocks, where their relations or friends have met
with some unusual good luck or calamity, where they
generally offer their prayers. Here they periodically
assemble, and pray that the catastrophe that had befallen
a comrade may not fall on them, or that the blessings
which another had received may be showered on them."
Generally in February a festival called kodai is held,
whereat the Kanikars assemble. Goats and fowls are
sacrificed, and the pujari (priest) offers boiled rice and
meat to the sylvan deities in a consecrated place. The
festival, to which many come from the low country,
winds up with drinking and dancing. The Kanikar
musical instruments include a reed flute or clarionet,
and men dance to the music, while the women clap their
hands in time with it. The Kanikars worship their
gods twice a year, in the months of Minam and Kanni.
On the morning of the celebration, every family takes
rice and plantains to the dwelling of the headman.
With the exception of a small quantity which is set
aside, the rice is husked and ground to Hour by boys or
men, after bathing and washing their hands and feet.
The rice is taken to a clearing in the fields, whither a
Kanikar who knows how to invoke the deity comes
after bathing. He lays out a row of plantain leaves,
and spreads on each leaf a little rice, on which plantains
are laid. These are covered over with a plantain leaf,
on which rice is sprinkled. The officiating Kanikar
then burns incense, carries it round the trophy, and
places it in front thereof. All do obeisance by raising
their hands to their foreheads, and pray for a fruitful
harvest. Sometimes the officiating Kanikar becomes
inspired like a Velichapad, and gives expression to
oracular utterances. At the close of the ceremony, a
171 KANIKAR
distribution of the rice and plantains takes place. When
the land is to be cleared for cultivation, the headman
is invited to attend, and some rice and cocoanuts are
presented to him, which he offers up, and clears a small
portion with his own hand. On the first appearance of
the ears of grain, the Kanikars spend two nights in
drumming, singing, and repeating mantrams at the field,
and put up a tattu or platform on four sticks as a shrine
for the spirits, to whom they offer raw rice, tender
cocoanuts, flowers, etc. At harvest time rice, plantains,
sweetmeats, and flowers are offered to the various hill
demons, Purcha Mallan Pey, the cat giant, Athirakodi
Pey, the boundary flag demon, and others.
For the following note on a Kanikar harvest festival
I am indebted to an article by Mr. A. P. Smith.* It
was performed in propitiation of the Baradevata, or
household gods of a house in the neighbourhood, the
presiding deity being Madan. The ceremony is com-
monly called the feeding ceremony, and should be carried
out just before the harvesting of the grain commences.
" The officiating Kani is generally an elderly and
influential man, who professes inspiration and knowledge
obtained when asleep. The articles necessary to perform
the ceremony are called Paduka or sacrifice, and Ashta-
mangalyam. Paduka is for the adult gods or manes,
male or female, called Chava, and Ashtamangalyam
is for the virgins who have died, called Kanyakas.
A temporary pavilion or pandal had been erected in
front of the house, and from the canopy long streamers
of tender cocoanut leaves, bunches of plantains, and
tender cocoanuts, with their husk on, were hung.
Branches of areca nuts and flowers adorned the posts
* Malabar Quarterly Review, 1905.
kAnikar 172
and pillars. Small heaps, consisting of boiled rice,
paddy, a tender cocoanut, a sprig of areca flowers, and
betel were placed on plantain leaves in seven definite
spots. The officiating Kanikar, after formally getting
the permission of the assembled spectators, and
especially of one who subsequently appeared on the
scene as the chief dancer, began a monotonous chant
in what appeared to be a mixed language. It was
understood to be a history of the beginning of earthly
kings, a record of the life and doings of departed souls,
whose protection was prayed for, and a prayer for the
souls of those persons for whose benefit the ceremony
of propitiation was in progress. Now and again the
feelings of the narrator or singer would overcome him,
and he would indulge in a shout or in emphatic
gesticulations. This went on for about three or four
hours, punctuated at intervals by the firing of petards
or old smooth-bore guns, and the shrill cries of the
women. Before the chanting terminated, a large heap
of the red flowers of Ixora coccinea (thetti pu), about a
yard square at the base, had been raised in the centre
of the pandal, and it was prettily picked out with areca
flowers in artistic designs. The horrible sound of a
human voice roaring like a wild beast aroused every one
to a sense of activity. From behind the hut came the
man already mentioned, very primitively clothed, his
hair hanging loose, his eyes staring, and what appeared
like foam at his mouth. He would stand, run short
distances, leap, sit, agitate his body, and dance, keeping
step to the rhythmic and muflled beating of the drum.
This he did for ten minutes or so. Suddenly, with a
shout, he dived into the hut specially set apart as the
feeding place of the god Madan, and presently appeared
with two long sticks adorned at their ends with bells,
173 KANIKAR
which emitted a jingling sound. The frenzy of motion,
ecstatic, unregulated and ungovernable, was apparently
infectious, for a young man, hitherto a silent spectator
of the scene, gave a shout, and began to dance wildly,
throwing up his arms, and stepping out quite actively.
This encouragement stimulated the original performer,
and he caught a man standing near by the neck, thrust
the stick with the bells into his hand, and he thereupon
started dancing as well. In about ten minutes there
were some half a dozen wild dancing dervishes, shout-
ing, gesticulating, revolving, and most certainly in an
abnormal state of excitement. A dying but still glowing
heap of fire and ashes became the centre of attraction,
for the chief dancer danced over the fire, and sent the
sparks flying, and scattered the wood, and evoked the
admiration and eulogies of the crowd. Streaming with
perspiration, spotted with ashes, wild, dishevelled and
exhausted, the chief dancing demoniac stepped under
the pandal, and finally sat himself before the heap of red
flowers, and tossed the blossoms over his head in a kind
of shower bath. He was assisted in this by the old
Kanikar and other bystanders. A little boy was brought
before him, and he called the lad by a name. This was
his christening ceremony, for the lad assumed the name
from that time. The chief dancer then stood up, and
appeared to be still in a possessed state. A fine old
rooster was brought, and its throat cut. It was then
handed to the dancer, who applied his lips to the gaping
wound, and drained the blood, swallowing the fluid
audibly. Before relinquishing his hold of the bird, he
swayed and fell on the ground in what seemed to be
a swoon. This indicated that the sacrifice had been
acceptable, that the propitiation was perfected, and that
all the wishes of the persons interested in them would
KANIKAR 174
be granted. The crowd then set to eating and druiking
the sacrificial elements, and dispersed."
Both adult and infant marriage are practiced. Those
who had married ' infants,' on being questioned, stated
that this is the safest course, as grown-up brides some-
times run away to their parents' house, whereas younger
girls get accustomed to their husbands' home. On a
fixed day, within a month of the marriage ceremony,
four Kanikars, accompanied by a boy carrying betel
leaves and areca nuts, go to the home of the future bride,
and present them to the families of the settlement. On
the wedding morning, all assemble at a pandal (booth),
and the bridegroom distributes pan-supari (betel leaf and
areca nuts). His sister then brings forward the bride,
and the bridegroom presents her with a cloth, which she
puts on. Bride, bridegroom, and a young boy, then
stand on a mat beneath the pandal, and the bridegroom
ties the minnu (marriage badge) round the neck of the
bride if she is an infant. If she is an adult, he places
the minnu in front of her neck, on which it is tied by his
sister. A plantain leaf is then placed in front of the
bridal couple, and curry and rice served thereon by their
mothers. The two women then take hold of the bride's
head, and press it seven times towards her husband's
shoulders. This ceremony concluded, the young boy
takes a small quantity of the curry and rice, and puts
it in the mouth of the bridegroom seven times. The
bridegroom's younger brother then gives a morsel to
the bride. The ceremonial terminates with a feast.
The dowry includes billhooks, brass vessels, choppers,
grain, and pulses. The headman, according to Mateer,
offers some advice to the husband concerning the
management of his wife. The heads of his discourse
are arranged under the following heads : — teaching by
175 kAnikar
words, pinching, and blows, and casting the woman
away at last, if she is not obedient. In the remarriage of
widows, the bridegroom simply gives the woman a pair
of cloths, and, with the consent of the male members of
her family, takes her to his home.
During the seventh month of pregnancy, a woman
has to perform a ceremony called vaguthu pongal.
Seven pots are placed on seven hearths, and, when the
rice placed therein has boiled, the woman salutes it, and
all present partake thereof. According to Mateer " the
ceremony practised on the occasion of pregnancy is
called vayaru pongal, when boiled rice is offered to
the sun. First they mould an image of Ganesha, and,
setting it in a suitable place, boil the rice. To this they
add for an offering aval or flattened rice, parched rice,
cakes, plantain fruits, young cocoanuts, and tender
leaves of the same palm, with the flowers of the areca
palm. The headman then commences dancing, and
repeating mantrams. He waves the offerings to the
sun. On first giving rice to a child, a feast is held, and
an offering presented to the jungle demons."
Concerning the death ceremonies, Mateer writes
that " when any one is taken ill, the headman is at once
consulted. He visits the sick person, and orders two
drumming and singing ceremonies to be performed. A
whole night is spent in dancing, singing, drumming, and
prayers for the recovery of the patient. The offerings
consist of tapioca, flour and cocoanuts, and other articles.
After some time the headman, with manifestations of
demoniac possession, reveals whether the sufferer will
die or not. If the former, he repeats a mantram (kudumi
vettu mantram, or formula on cutting off the top-knot),
and cuts off the sick man's kudumi. This being a sign
of approaching death, the relatives and others pay their
KANIKAR 176
last visits to the sick. After death, a mixture of ganja
(Indian hemp), raw rice, and cocoanut, is put into the
mouth of the corpse by the son and nephews, and it is
buried at some distance from their abode, mantrams
being repeated over it. Occasionally the corpse is
cremated. The relatives bathe before returning home,
and cannot take any of the produce of their lands till
the death pollution is removed, fearing that wild beasts
will attack them or destroy their crops. To this end a
small shed is built outside their clearing on the third
day. Three measures of rice are boiled, and placed in
a cup or on a plantain leaf inside the shed. Then all
bathe, and return home. On the seventh day all this is
repeated, the old shed being pulled down, and a new
one put up. On returning to their dwelling, they
sprinkle cow-dung on their houses and in the yard, which
finally removes the defilement. People in better circum-
stances make a feast of curry and rice for all present."
The cow-dung is sprinkled with leafy twigs of the mango
or jak tree, or flower stalks of the areca palm. The
ashes, after cremation, are said to be collected in a pot
or leaf, and thrown into the nearest stream or river. An
annual ceremony, in commemoration of ancestors, is
held, at which rice is boiled and offered up.
The Kanikars, like the Irulas and Yanadis of the
Tamil and Telugu countries, do not belong to the pol-
luting classes. Pulayans, Kuruvans, and Vedans are
not allowed to approach them.
The dietary of the jungle Kanikars includes wild
pigs, deer, porcupines, hares, monkeys, fowls, sheep and
goats, parakeets, doves, tortoises, fish, crabs, peacocks,
tigers (said to taste like black monkey), owls, squirrels and
field rats, in addition to many vegetable products of the
forest. They will not eat beef or the flesh of ' bison.'
KANIKAR.
177 KANIKAR
Some Kanikars are tattooed on the forehead with a
crescent and dot, or a vertical stripe. The Kanikars say-
that their ancestors wore a garment made of jungle fibre,
which has been replaced by a cotton loin-cloth. " Both
men and women," Mr. M. Ratnaswami Aiyar writes,
" wear on the neck numerous strings of red beads and
rings made of shells, which hang down to the abdomen
in the case of the women. The men wear ear-rings of
brass or silver. The women wear bangles of brass and
iron, and a number of brass rings on the fingers. The
men bear suspended from one of their shoulders a cloth
bag containing two or more partitions, in which they
keep their vilangupetti or box containing betel, tobacco,
and chunam. They carry, too, suspended from the
shoulder, a cane basket wherein they place their day's
crop of grain or roots, or any other food obtained by
them. They attach to their waist-string or cloth a
billhook and knife, and carry their bows and arrows
slung on their shoulders. Whenever the Kanikars from
the different kanis or settlements have to be gathered
together for a common meeting, or for going together
elsewhere on a common purpose, a messenger amongst
them carries from one kani to another the message with
a knot of fibres of creepers, which serves as a symbol of
call. The knotted fibre is passed on from one kani to
another till the required assembly is secured. It is thus
that I secured my Kanikars to present them to their
Excellencies Lord and Lady Curzon."
For most of the information contained in this article
I am indebted to Mateer's ' Native Life in Travancore,'
an article by Mr, Ratnaswami Aiyar,* and notes by
Mr. N. Subrahmani Aiyar.
* Indian Review, III, 1902.
III-I2
KANI KURUPPU 178
Kani Kuruppu. — Barbers of the Kaniyans.
Kani Razu. — A name, denoting fortune-telling
Razus, sometimes used as a synonym by Bhatrazus, in
whose songs it occurs. The name Kani-vandlu, or
fortune-tellers, occurs as a synonym ofYerukala.
Kaniyan.— Kaniyan, spelt and pronounced Kanisan
in Malabar, is a Malayalam corruption of the Sanskrit
Ganika, meaning an astrologer. The word was origi-
nally Kani, in which form it invariably appears in Mala-
yalam works and Tamil documents. The honorific suffix
' an ' has been added subsequently.
The two titles, generally applied to Kaniyans, are
Panikkar and Asan. The former is said to be a common
title in Malabar, but in Travancore it seems to be
restricted to the north. The word Panikkar comes from
pani, or work, viz., that of military training. The fact
that most of the families, who own this title at present,
were once teachers of bodily exercises, is evident not
only from the name kalari, literally a military school, by
which their houses are usually known, but also from the
Keralolpatti, which assigns military training as a duty
of the caste. Asan, a corruption of the Sanskrit Acharya,
is a common title among Kaniyans in South Travancore.
Special titles, such as Anantapadmanabham, Sivasan-
karan, and Sankili, are said to be possessed by certain
families in the south, having been conferred on them by
kings in olden times. Some Kaniyans in the north enjoy
the surname of Nampikuruppu.
Kaniyans are divided into two endogamous sections,
viz., Kaniyar and Tinta (or polluting). The occupations
of the latter are umbrella-making and spirit-exorcising,
while the others remain astrologers, pure and simple.
A few families, living at Alengad, are called Vattakan
Kaniyans, and are believed to have come there on the
179 KANIYAN
eve of Tipu Sultan's invasion. The women of the Kani-
yans proper do not eat with them. According to
tradition, eight sub-septs are said to have existed among
the Kaniyans, four of which were known as kiriyams,
and four as illams. The names of the former are Anna-
vikkannam, Karivattam, Kutappilla, and Nanna ; of the
latter Pampara, Tachchazham, Netumkanam, and Ayyar-
kala. These divisions were once endogamous, but this
distinction has now disappeared.
In a note on the Kaniyans of the Cochin State,* Mr.
L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes that " there is some
difference in the social status between the Kaniyans of the
southern, and the Kalari Panikkans of the northern parts
of the State. The latter profess a kind of superiority in
status, on the ground that the former have no kalaris. It
is also said by the latter that the occupation of the former
was once that of umbrella-making, and that astrology as
a profession has been recently adopted by them. There
is at present neither intermarriage, nor interdining
between them. The Kaniyans pollute the Kalari Panik-
kans by touch." In connection with the old village
organisation in Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore, Mr.
Anantha Krishna Iyer writes further that " every tara
or kara (village) consisted of all castemen below Brah-
mans, especially the Nayars of all classes, more or less
living in a community, the Kammalans, Izhuvans, Panans,
Mannans, and other castemen living further apart. For
every such village in the northern part of the State, there
was also a Kalari Panikkan, with a kalari (gymnastic
or military school), where the young men of the village,
chiefly the Nayars, were trained in all kinds of athletic
feats, and in arms. The institution of the kalaris has
* Monograph, Ethnog. Survey, Cochin.
in-i2 B
KANIYAN 1 80
now disappeared, though the building remains in some
places, and the Panikkans are now mainly astrologers
and village schoolmasters. According to their own
statement, Parasurama, the great coloniser of Kerala,
established kalaris throughout the kingdom, and ap-
pointed them as the masters to train Sudra young men
in all kinds of feats (one thousand and eight in number),
for the protection of the country against foreign invaders.
The Nayars, who then formed the fighting race, were
mostly trained by the Panikkans. In memory of this,
the Kalari Panikkans of the northern portions of the
State, and of South Malabar, profess even now a pre-
ceptorship to the Nayars, and the Nayars show them
some respect, being present at their marriages and other
ceremonies. The Pannikkans say that the Nayars
obtained their kalaris from them. There are still a few
among the Panikkans, here and there, fit to teach young
men various feats. The following are the names of
some of them : —
(i) Pitichu Kali. Two persons play on their
drums (chenda), while a third person, well dressed in a
kacha, and with a turban on his head, and provided with
a sword and shield, performs various feats in harmony
with the drum beating. It is a kind of sword-dance.
(2) Parishathalam Kali. A large pandal (booth)
is erected in front of the house where the performance
is to take place, and the boys below sixteen, who have
been previously trained for it, are brought there. The
performance takes place at night. The chenda, maddha-
1am, chengala, and elathalam (circular bell-metal plates
slightly concave in the middle) are the instruments used
in the performance. After the performance, the boys,
whom the Asan has trained, present themselves before
him, and remunerate him with whatever they can afford.
l8l KANIYAN
Parties are organised to give this performance on all
auspicious occasions in rural districts.
(3) Kolati. Around a lighted lamp, a number of
persons stand in a circle, each with a stick a foot in
length, and as thick as a thumb, in each hand. They
begin to sing, first in slow time, and gradually in rapid
measure. The time is marked by each one hitting his
neisrhbours' sticks with his own on both sides. Much
dexterity and precision are required, as also experience
in combined action and movements, lest the amateur
should be hit by his neighbours as the measure is
accelerated. The songs are invariably in praise of God
or man."
The Kaniyans, according to one tradition, are Brah-
man astrologers, who gradually lost their position, as
their predictions became less and less accurate. Concern-
ing their legendary history, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer
writes as follows. " Once, says one of these legends,
when the god Subrahmanya, son of Siva, and his friend
were learning astrology, they knew that the sound of
a lizard close by foreboded some evil to the mother of the
former. The friend practiced some magical rite, which
averted the evil. His mother, who had been in a state
of unconsciousness, suddenly woke up as if from slumber,
and asked the son * Kany-ar,' i.e., who it was that she
looked at. To which the son replied that she was look-
ing at a Kaniyan (astrologer). The Kaniyans still believe
that the umbrella, the stick, the holy ashes, and the
purse of cowries, which form the paraphernalia of a
Kaniyan nowadays, were given by Subramanya. The
following is another tradition regarding the origin of
the caste. In ancient times, it is said, Panans, Velans,
and Kaniyans were practicing magic, but astrology as a
profession was practiced exclusively by the Brahmans.
KANIYAN 182
There lived a famous astrologer, Thalakkaleth Bhatta-
thiripad, who was the most renowned of the astrologers
of the time. He had a son whose horoscope he cast, and
from it he concluded that his son would live long.
Unfortunately he proved to be mistaken, for his son
died. Unable to find out the error in his calculation
and prediction, he took the horoscope to an equally
famous astrologer of the Chola kingdom, who, awate of
the cause of his advent, directed him to adore some
deity that might aid him in the working out of his
predictions. Accordingly he came to the Trichur temple,
where, as directed, he spent some days in devotion to
the deity. Thereafter he worked wonders in astrology,
and became so well known in Malabar, Cochin, and
Travancore, that he commanded the respect and admira-
tion of the rulers, who invited him to cast horoscopes,
and make predictions. For so doing he was liberally
rewarded. One day a Brahman, hearing that his guru
at Benares was seriously ill, consulted the Bhattathiripad
whether and how he would be able to see him before
his death. The Brahman astrologer directed him to
go to the southern side of the Trichur temple, where he
would see two persons coming towards him, who might
gratify his desire to see his preceptor. These persons
were reaily the servants of Yama (the god of death).
They asked him to touch them, and he at once found
himself at the side of his teacher. The Brahman was
asked who had directed him to them, and, when he told
them that it was the renowned Brahman astrologer,
they cursed him, saying that he would become an out-
caste. This fate came as no surprise to the astrologer,
for he had already perceived from an evil conjunction of
the planets that disgrace and danger were impending.
To try to avoid the sad fate which he foresaw, he left
1 83 KANIYAN
his home and friends, and set out on a boating excursion
in a river close by Pazhur. The night was dark, and it
was midnight when he reached the middle of the stream.
A severe storm, accompanied by rain, had come on, and
the river was in flood. He was swept away to an
unknown region, and scrambled ashore in torrents of
rain and in darkness, when he saw a light in a house
near where he landed, and he made for it in an
exhausted condition. On reaching it, he lay down in
the verandah at the gate of the house, musing on the
untoward events of the night, and on his affectionate
family whom he had left. The hut belonged to the
family of a Kaniyan,* who, as it happened, had had a
quarrel with his wife that day, and had left his hut.
Anxiously expecting her husband's return, the wife
opened the door about midnight, and, seeing a man
lying in the verandah, mistook him for her husband.
The man was so wrapt in his thoughts of his home that
he in turn mistook her for his wife. When the Brahman
woke up from his slumber, he found her to be a Kaniya
woman. On looking at the star in the heavens to
calculate the precise time, he saw that the prediction
that he would become an outcaste had been fulfilled.
He accepted the degradation, and lived the rest of his
days with the Kaniya woman. She bore him several
sons, whom in due course he educated in the lore of
his profession, and for whom, by his influence, he ob-
tained an important place in the Hindu social system as
astrologers (Ganikans). It is said that, according to his
instruction, his body, after his death, was placed in a coffin,
and buried in the courtyard of the house. The spot
is still shown, and an elevated platform is constructed,
* According Lo another version of the legend, it was the liut of a Tiyan,
KANIYAN 184
with a thatched roof over it. A Hghted lamp is placed
at all times on the platform, and in front of it astro-
logical calculations and predictions are made, for it is
believed that those who made such calculations there
will have the aid of the spirit of their dead Brahman
ancestor, who was so learned in the science that he could
tell of events long past, and predict even future birth.
As an instance of the last, the following incident may be
CTiven. Once the orreat Brahman ascetic Vilwaman-
galath Swamiyar was suffering severely from pains in
the stomach, when he prayed to the divine Krishna for
relief Finding no remedy, he turned to a Brahman
friend, a Yogi, who gave him some holy ashes, which
he took, and which relieved him of the pains. He
mentioned the fact to his beloved god Krishna, who, by
the pious adoration of the ascetic, appeared before him,
when he said that he would have three births in the
world instead of one which was destined for him. With
an eager desire to know what they would be, he consulted
the Bhattathiripad, who said that he would be born first
as a rat-snake (Zamenis mucosus), then as an ox, and
thirdly as a tulsi plant [Ocimum sanctuiii), and that he
would be along with him in these births. With great
pleasure he returned home. It is also said that the
astrologer himself was born as an ox, and was in this
form afterwards supported by the members of his family.
The incident is said to have taken place at Pazhur,
eio-hteen miles east of Ernakulam. The members of the
family are called Pazhur Kaniyans, and are w^ell known
throughout Malabar, Cochin and Travancore, for their
predictions in astrology, and all classes of people even
now resort to them for aid in predictions. The Kalari
Panikkans in the northern parts of the Cochin State
have a different account of the origin of the caste.
1 85 KANIYAN
Once, they say, a sage and astrologer, named a Ganikan,
was making prediction to a Sudra regarding his future
destiny. As this was done by him when in an uncleanly
state, he was cursed by the Saptharishis (seven sages).
The Panikkans who are reputed to be his descendants
are ordained to be teachers and astrologers of all castes
below Brahmans."
According to another legendary account, there were
Kaniyans before the time of Bhattatiri, but their astro-
logical attainments are connected with him. Talaku-
lattu Bhattatiri was one of the earliest astrologers of
renown, being the author of Muhurtapadavi, and lived
in the fourth century A.D. There is a tradition,
believed by the Kaniyans south of Neyyattenkara, that
their ancestor was descended from the union of a
Gandharva woman with Kani, a Brahman saint, who
lived in the western ghats. Their grandson propitiated
the god Subrahmanya presiding over astronomy, and
acquired the surname Nalika from his never-ceasing
truthfulness. Some of the southern Kaniyans even at
the present day call themselves Nali. According to
another legend, Parameswara and his wife Parvati were
living happily together, when Agni fell desperately in
love with the latter. Eventually, Parameswara caught
them together, and, to save Agni, Parvati suggested
that he should hide himself inside her body. On
Agni doing this, Parvati became very indisposed, and
Parameswara, distressed at seeing his wife rolling in
agony, shed tears, one of which fell on the ground,
and became turned into a man, who, being divinely
born, detected the cause of Parvati's indisposition, and,
asking for some incense, sprinkled it over a blazing
torch. Agni, seeing his opportunity, escaped in the
smoke, and Parvati had instant relief. For this service,
KANIYAN 1 86
Parameswara blessed the man, and appointed him and
his descendants to cure diseases, exorcise demons, and
foretell events.
The Kaniyans of Malabar have been connected by
tradition with the Valluvans of the Tamil country, who
are the priests, doctors, and astrologers of the Pallans
and Paraiyans. According to this tradition, the modern
Kaniyans are traced to the Valluvans brought from the
east by a Perumal who ruled over Kerala in 350 M.E.
The latter are believed to have become Kaniyans proper,
while the old Kaniyans of the west coast descended to
the rank of Tinta Kaniyans. The chief of the Valluvans
so brought was a Yogi or ascetic, who, being asked by a
Nambutiri concerning a missing article at Pazhur, replied
correctly that the lost ring had been placed in a hole
in the bank of the Nambutiri's tank (pond), and was
consequently invited to settle there permanently.
The Kaniyans are easily recognised by their punc-
tilious cleanness of person and clothing, the iron style
and knife tucked into the waist, the palm umbrella with
its ribs holding numbers of horoscopes, their low artistic
bow, and their deliberate answers to questions put to
them. Most of them are intelligent, and well versed
in Malayalam and Sanskrit. They are, however, not a
flourishing community, being averse to manual labour,
and depending for their living on their hereditary
profession. There are no more conservative people in
Travancore, and none of them have taken kindly to
western education. In their clothing they follow the
orthodox Malabar fashion. The dress of the males
seldom hangs loose, being tucked in in token of humility.
The Kaniyan, when wanted in his professional capacity,
presents himself with triple ash marks of Siva on his
chest, arms, and forehead. The woman's ornaments
1 8; KANIYAN
resemble those of the Izhuvans. Fish and flesh are not
forbidden as food, but there are many families, as those of
Pazhur and Onakkuru, which strictly abstain from meat.
Marriage between families which eat and abstain from
flesh is not absolutely forbidden. But a wife must give
up eating flesh immediately on entering the house of her
vegetarian husband. The profession of the Kaniyans is
astrology. Marco Polo, writing as early as the thirteenth
century about Travancore, says that it was even then
pre-eminently the land of astrologers. Barbosa, at the
beginning of the sixteenth century, has a detailed refer-
ence to the Kaniyans, of whom he writes that " they
learn letters and astronomy, and some of them are
great astrologers, and foretell many future things, and
form judgments upon the births of men. Kings and
great persons send to call them, and come out of their
palaces to gardens and pleasure-grounds to see them,
and ask them what they desire to know ; and these
people form judgment upon these things in a few days,
and return to those that asked of them, but they may
not enter the palaces ; nor may they approach the king's
person on account of being low people. And the king
is then alone with him. They are great diviners, and
pay great attention to times and places of good and bad
luck, which they cause to be observed by those kings
and great men, and by the merchants also ; and they
take care to do their business at the time which these
astrologers advise them, and they do the same in their
voyages and marriages. And by these means these men
gain a great deal." Buchanan, three centuries later,
alludes in the same glowing terms to the prosperity of
the Kaniyans. He notes that they are of very low caste,
a Nambutiri coming within twenty-four feet of one being
obliged to purify himself by prayer and ablution. " The
KANIYAN l88
Kaniyans," he writes, " possess almanacks, by which
they inform people as to the proper time for performing
ceremonies or sowing their seeds, and the hours which
are fortunate or unfortunate for any undertaking. When
persons are sick or in trouble, the Cunishun, by perform-
ing certain ceremonies in a magical square of 12 places,
discovers what spirit is the cause of the evil, and also
how it may be appeased. Some Cunishuns possess
mantrams, with which they pretend to cast out devils."
Captain Conner notes twenty years later that " Kan-
neans derive the appellation from the science of divina-
tion, which some of their sect profess. The Kannean
fixes the propitious moment for every undertaking, all
hysterical affections being supposed to be the visitation
of some troublesome spirit. His incantations are
believed alone able to subdue it."
The Kaniyans are practically the guiding spirits in
all the social and domestic concerns of Travancoreans,
and even Muhammadans and Christians do not fail to
profit by their wisdom. From the moment of the birth
of an infant, which is noted by the Kaniyan for the pur-
pose of casting its horoscope, to the moment of death,
the services of the village astrologer are constantly in
requisition. He is invariably consulted as to the cause
of all calamities, and the cautious answers that he gives
satisfy the people. " Putro na putri," which may either
mean no son but a daughter, or no daughter but a son,
is jocosely referred to as the type of a Kaniyans answer,
when questioned about the sex of a child in utero. " It
would be difficult," Mr. Logan writes,* "to describe a
single important occasion in everyday life when the
Kanisan is not at hand as a guiding spirit, foretelling
* Malabar Manual.
1 89 KANIYAN
aucky days and hours, casting horoscopes, explaining the
cause of calamities, prescribing remedies for untoward
events, and physicians (not physic) for sick persons.
Seed cannot be sown, or trees planted, unless the
Kanisan has been consulted beforehand. He is even
asked to consult his shastras to find lucky days and
moments for setting out on a journey, commencing an
enterprise, giving a loan, executing a deed, or shaving
the head. For such Important occasions as births,
marriages, tonsure, investiture with the sacred thread,
and beginning the A, B, C, the Kanisan is of course
Indispensable. His work In short mixes him up with the
gravest as well as the most trivial of the domestic events
of the people, and his influence and position are corre-
spondingly great. The astrologer's finding, as one will
solemnly assert with all due reverence, Is the oracle of
God himself, with the justice of which everyone ought to
be satisfied, and the poorer classes follow his dictates
unhesitatingly. There is no prescribed scale of fees
for his services, and in this respect he Is like the native
physician and teacher. Those who consult him, however,
rarely come empty-handed, and the gift is proportioned
to the means of the party, and the time spent in serving
him. If no fee is given, the Kanisan does not exact it,
as it is one of his professional characteristics, and a
matter of personal etiquette, that the astrologer should
be unselfish, and not greedy of gain. On public occa-
sions, however, and on important domestic events, a
fixed scale of fees is usually adhered to. The astrologer's
most busy time is from January to July, the period of
harvest and of marriages, but in the other six months of
the year his is far from being an idle life. His most
lucrative business lies in casting horoscopes, recording
the events of a man's life from birth to death, pointing
KANIYAN 190
out dangerous periods of life, and prescribing rules and
ceremonies to be observed by individuals for the purpose
of propitiating the gods and planets, and so averting the
calamities of dangerous times. He also shows favourable
junctures for the commencement of undertakings, and the
grantham or book, written on palmyra leaf, sets forth in
considerable detail the person's disposition and mental
qualities, as affected by the position of the planets in
the zodiac at the moment of birth. All this is a work of
labour, and of time. There are few members of respect-
able families who are not thus provided, and nobody
grudges the five to twenty-five rupees usually paid for a
horoscope according to the position and reputation of the
astrologer. Two things are essential to the astrologer,
namely, a bag of cowry shells {^Cyprcea moneta), and an
almanac. When any one comes to consult him, he quietly
sits down, facing the sun, on a plank seat or mat, mur-
muring some mantrams or sacred verses, opens his bag
of cowries, and pours them on the floor. With his right
hand he moves them slowly round and round, solemnly
reciting meanwhile a stanza or two in praise of his
guru or teacher, and of his deity, invoking their help.
He then stops, and explains what he has been doing, at
the same time taking a handful of cowries from the heap,
and placing them on one side. In front is a diagram
drawn with chalk on the floor, and consisting of twelve
compartments (rasis) one for each month in the year.
Before commencing operations with the diagram, he
selects three or five of the cowries highest up in the
heap, and places them in a line on the right-hand side.
[In an account before me, three cowries and two glass
bottle-stoppers are mentioned as being placed on this
side.] These represent Ganapati (the belly god, the
remover of difficulties), the sun, the planet Jupiter,
191 KANIYAN
Sarasvati (the goddess of speech), and his own guru or
preceptor. To all of these the astrologer gives due
obeisance, touching his ears and the ground three times
with both hands. The cowries are next arranged in the
compartments of the diagram, and are moved about from
compartment to compartment by the astrologer, who
quotes meanwhile the authority on which he makes the
moves. Finally he explains the result, and ends with
again worshipping the deified cowries, who were witness-
ing the operation as spectators." According to another
account,* the astrologer "pours his cowries on the
ground, and, after rolling them in the palm of his right
hand, while repeating mantrams (consecrated formulae),
he selects the largest, and places them in a row outside
the diagram at its right hand top corner. They repre-
sent the first seven planets, and he does obeisance to
them, touching his forehead and the ground three times
with both hands. The relative position of the nine
planets is then worked out, and illustrated with cowries
in the diagram."
At the chal (furrow) ceremony in Malabar, on the eve
of the new agricultural year, " every Hindu house in the
district is visited by the Kanisans of the respective
desams, who, for a modest present of rice, vegetables
and oils, makes a forecast of the season's prospects,
which is engrossed on a cadjan (palm leaf). This is
called the Vishu phalam, which is obtained by comparing
the nativity with the equinox. Special mention is made
therein as to the probable rainfall from the position
of the planets — highly prized information in a district
where there are no irrigation works or large reservoirs
for water." t
* Gazetteer of the Malabar district.
t C. Karunakara Menon. Madras Mus. Bull., V, 2, 1906.
KANIYAN 192
The science of astrology is studied and practiced
by other castes, but the Kani house of Pazhur is the
most celebrated. Numerous stories are related of the
astrological skill of the Pazhur Kaniyans, of which one
relates to the planets Mercury and Venus, who, arriving
at the house of one of the Kaniyans, were asked by him
to wait at the gate. He then jumped into a neighbour-
ing well, to conduct some prayers with a view to keeping
them there permanently. In this task he succeeded, and
even today a prophecy made at that out-house is believed
to be certain of turning out true.
In addition to astrology, the Kaniyans practice
sorcery and exorcism, which are strictly the occupation
of the Tinta Kaniyans. The process by which devils
are driven out is known as kolamtullal (a peculiar
dance). A troupe of Kaniyans, on being invited to a
house where a person is suspected of being possessed
by a devil, go there wearing masques representing
Gandharva, Yakshi, Bhairava, Raktesvari, and other
demons, and dressed up in tender cocoanut leaves.
Accompanied by music and songs, they rush towards
the affected person, who is seated in the midst of the
assembly, and frighten away the evil spirit. For the
cure of disease, which is considered as incurable by
ordinary methods of treatment, a form of exorcism called
kalapasamtikkuka, or the removal of the rope or evil
influence, is resorted to. In this, two Kaniyans take
the stage, and play the parts of Siva and Yama, while
a third recites in song the story of the immortal
Markandeya.
"The Pannikar's astrology," Mr. F. Fawcett writes,*
" he will tell you, is divided into three parts : —
• Madras Mus. Bull., II, 3, igoi.
193 KANIYAN
(i) Ganita, which treats of the constellations.
(2) Sankita, which explains the origin of the
constellations, comets, falling- stars, and earthquakes.
(3) Hora, by which the fate of man is explained.
" The Panikkar, who follows in the footsteps of
his forefathers, should have a thorough knowledge of
astrology and mathematics, and be learned in the Vedas.
He should be sound in mind and body, truthful, and
patient. He should look well after his family, and
should worship regularly the nine planets : — Suryan,
the sun ; Chandran, moon ; Chovva, Mars ; Budhan,
Mercury ; Vyazham, Guru, or Brihaspati, Jupiter ;
Sukran, Venus ; Sani, Saturn ; Rahu ; and Ketu. The
two last, though not visible, are, oddly enough, classed
as planets by the Panikkar. They are said to be two
parts of an Asura who was cut in two by Vishnu. The
Panikkars also dabble in magic, and I have in my
possession a number of yantrams presented to me by a
Panikkar. They should be written on a thin gold, silver,
or copper plate, and worn on the person. A yantram
written on gold is the most effective. As a rule, the
yantram is placed in a little cylinder-case made of silver,
fastened to a string tied round the waist. Many of
these are often worn by the same person. The yantram
is sometimes written on cadjan (palm leaf), or paper. I
have one of this kind in my collection, taken from the
neck of a goat. It is common to see them worn on the
arm, around the neck."
The following examples of yantrams are given by
Mr. Fawcett : —
Aksharamdla. — Fifty-one letters. Used in con-
nection with every other yantram. Each letter has its
own meaning, and does not represent any word. In
itself this yantram is powerless, but it gives life to all
ni-13
KANIYAN 194
others. It must be written on the same plate as the
other yantram.
Sulini. — For protection against sorcery or devils,
and to secure the aid of the goddess.
Mdha Sulini. — To prevent all kinds of harm
through the devils, chief of whom is Pulatini, he who
eats infants. Women wear it to avert miscarriage.
Ganapati. — To increase knowledge, and put away
fear and shyness.
Sarasvati. — To enable its possessor to please his
listeners, and increase his knowledge.
Santdna gopalam. — As a whole it represents Sri
Krishna. Used by barren women, so that they may bear
children. It may be traced on a metal plate and worn
in the usual way, or on a slab of butter, which is eaten.
When the latter method is adopted, it is repeated on
forty-one consecutive days, during which the woman, as
well as the Panikkar, may not have sexual connection.
Navva. — Drawn in ashes of cow-dung on a new
cloth, and tied round the waist. It relieves a woman in
labour.
Asvarudha (to climb a horse). — A person wearing
it is able to cover long distances easily on horseback,
and he can make the most refractory horse amenable by
tying it round its neck. It will also help to cure cattle.
"The charms," Mr. Fawcett explains, "are entirely
inoperative, unless accompanied in the first place with
the mystic rite, which is the secret of the Panikkar."
Many Kaniyans used formerly to be village school-
masters, but, with the abolition of the old methods of
teaching, their number is steadily decreasing. Some of
them are clever physicians. Those who have no preten-
sion to learning live by making palm-leaf umbrellas,
which gives occupation to the women. But the industry
195 KANIYAN
is fast declining before the competition of umbrellas
imported from foreign countries.
The Kaniyans worship the sun, the planets, the
moon, Ganesa and Subramanya, Vishnu, Siva, and
Baghavati. On each day of the week, the planet, which
is believed to preside over it, is specially worshipped
by an elaborate process, which is compulsorily gone
through for at least three weeks after a Kaniyan has
become proficient in astrology, and able to make calcu-
lations for himself
It is generally believed that the supreme authority in
all social matters affecting the Kaniyan rests in British
Malabar with the Yogi already referred to, in Cochin
and North Travancore with the head of the Pazhur
house, and in South Travancore with the eldest member
of a house at Manakkad in Trivandrum, known by the
name of Sankili. Practically, however, the spiritual
headmen, called Kannalmas, are independent. These
Kannalmas are much respected, and well paid on festive
occasions by every Kaniyan house. They and other
elders sit in judgment on persons guilty of adultery,
commensality with lower castes, and other offences, and
inflict punishments.
The Kaniyans observe both the tali-kettu ceremony
before puberty, and sambandham after that event.
Inheritance is through the father, and the eldest male of
a family has the management of the ancestral estate.
Fraternal polyandry is said to have been common in
olden times, and Mr. Logan observes that, " like the
Pandava brothers, as they proudly point out, the Kani-
sans used formerly to have one wife in common among
several brothers, and this custom is still observed by
some of them." There is no restriction to the marriage
of widows.
ni-13 B
KANIYAN 196
Concerning polyandry, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer
states that ** among the Kaniyans, as well as among
Panikkans, polyandry largely prevails. If the young
woman is intended to be the wife of several brothers, the
eldest brother goes to the bride's house, and gives her
the cloth, and takes her home the next day along with
her parents and relations, who are all well entertained.
The young woman and the brothers are seated together,
and a sweet preparation is given to them, which signifies
that she has become the common wife of all. The
Kalari Muppan (Nayar headman of the village) also
declares her to be such. The guests depart, and the
bridegroom (the eldest brother) and the bride are invited
to what they call virunnu-oon (sumptuous meal) in
the house of the latter, where they stay for a few days.
The bridegroom then returns home with the wife. The
other brothers, one after another, are similarly enter-
tained along with the bride at her house. The brothers
cannot afford to live together for a long time, and they
go from place to place, earning their livelihood by astrol-
ogy. Each brother is at home only for a few days in
each month ; hence practically the woman has only one
husband at a time. If several of them happen to be at
home together for a few weeks, each in turn associates
with the woman, in accordance with the directions given
by their mother."
The Kaniyans follow high-caste Hindus as regards
many of their ceremonies. They have their name-
bestowing, food-giving and tuft-making ceremonies, and
also a superstitious rite called ittaluzhiyuka, or exorcism
in child-birth on the seventh or ninth day after the birth
of a child. A Kaniyan's education begins in his seventh
year. In the sixteenth year a ceremony, corresponding
to the upanayana of the higher castes, is performed.
197 KANIYAN
For forty-one days after, the Kannalma initiates the
young Kaniyc'n into the mysteries of astrology and
witchcraft. He is obliged to worship Subramanya, the
tutelary god of the caste, and abstains from meat and
liquor. This may be taken as the close of his Brahma-
charya stage or Samavartana, as marriage cannot take
place before the observance of this ceremony.
On the subject of religion, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer
writes that " the Kalari Panikkans and the Kaniyans are
generally Saivite worshippers, but are not disinclined to
the worship of Vishnu also. It is said that their kalaris
are forty-two feet long, and contain the images of forty-
two deities. The following are the most important of
them : — Subrahmanya, Sastha, Ganapati, Virabhadran,
Narasimha, Ashtabairavas, Hanuman, and Bhadrakali.
Some of their kalaris, which were seen by me, contained
stone and metal images of these gods. Every night a
lamp is lighted in front of them for their worship.
During the Mandalam (forty days) from the first of
Vrischikam to the tenth of Dhanu (14th November to
25th December), the senior member of the Panikkans
family bathes early in the morning, and performs his
pujas to all the gods, making offerings of boiled rice,
plantains and cocoanuts. On the fortieth day, i.e.^ the
last day of the Mandalam, a grand puja is performed
individually to every one of the deities in the kalari,
and this lasts for twenty-four hours, from sunrise to sun-
rise, when offerings of boiled rice, parched rice, sheep
and fowls are also given. This is the grand puja per-
formed once in the course of the year. Besides this,
some of their deities command their special reverence.
For instance, Subrahmanya is adored for the sake of
astrology, Sastha for wealth and offspring. They are
also worshippers of Sakti in any of her following
KANIYAN 198
manifestations, namely, Bala, Thripura, Mathangi,
Ambika, Durga, Bhadrakali, the object of which is to
secure accuracy in their astrological predictions. Further,
every member of the caste proficient in astrology daily
offers, after an early bath, his prayers to the seven
planets. Among the minor deities whom they worship,
are also Mallan, Mundian, Muni and Ayutha Vadukan,
the first three of which they worship for the prosperity
of their cattle, and the last four for their success in the
training of young men in athletic feats. These deities
are represented by stones placed at the root of some
shady tree in their compounds. They also worship the
spirits of their ancestors, on the new-moon nights in
Karkadakam (July-August), Thulam (October-Novem-
ber), and Makaram (December-January). The Kalari
Panikkans celebrate a kind of feast to the spirits of their
female ancestors. This is generally done a few days
before the celebration of a wedding in their houses, and
is probably intended to obtain their blessings for the
happy married life of the bride. This corresponds to
the performance of Sumangalia Prarthana (feast for the
spirits of departed virgins and married women) per-
formed by Brahmans in their families. At times when
small-pox, cholera, and other pestilential diseases prevail
in a village, special pujas are offered to Mariamma (the
small-pox demon) and Bhadrakali, who should be propi-
tiated. On these occasions, their priest turns Velichapad
(oracle), and speaks to the village men as if by inspiration,
tellinor them when and how the maladies will subside."
Kaniyans were formerly buried, but are now, excepting
young children, cremated in a portion of the grounds of
the habitation, or in a spot adjacent thereto. The ashes
are collected on the fourth day, and deposited under
water. In memory of the deceased, an annual offering
199 KANIYAN
of food is made, and an oblation of water offered on
every new moon.
The Potuvans or Kani Kuruppus are the barbers
of the Kaniyans, and have the privilege of being in
attendance during marriages and funerals. It is only
after they have sprinkled water in the houses of polluted
Kaniyans that they again become pure. In fact, the
Potuvans stand in the same relation to the Kaniyans
as the Marans to the Nayars. The Potuvans are not
expected to shave the Tlnta Kaniyans.
The Kaniyans are said to keep at a distance of
twenty-four feet from a Brahman or Kshatriya, and half
that distance from a Sudra. The corresponding dis-
tances for a Tinta Kaniyan are thirty-six and eighteen
feet. This restriction is not fully observed in Trivan-
drum, and south of it. It is noted by Mr. Anantha
Krishna Iyer that, on marriage occasions, a Nayar gives
a gift of a few annas and betel leaves to the astrologer,
standing close beside him, and yet there is no pollution.
The Malayalam proverb " On marriage occasions the
Nayars give dakshina (gift), almost touching the hand,"
refers to this fact. The Kaniyans cannot enter Brahman-
ical temples. They will not receive food from Izhavans,
except in a few villages in central Travancore, but this
is a regular practice with the Tinta Kaniyans. It is
believed that the Kaniyans proper have no objection to
receiving sweetmeats from Kammalans.
The Kaniyans have been summed up as a law-abiding
people, who not infrequently add agriculture to their
avocations of village doctor, prophet, or demon-driver,
and are popular with Christians and Muhammadans as
well as with Hindus.*
This account is mainly from an article by Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar.
KANNADA 200
The late Mr. Pogson, when Government astronomer,
used to say that his principal native assistant was an
astronomer from lo a.m. to 5 p.m. and an astrologer from
5 P.M. to 10 A.M.
Kannada. — Kannada (Kanarese) has, at recent
times of census, been returned as a linguistic or terri-
torial division of various classes, e.g., Agasa, Bedar,
Devanga, Holeya, Koracha, Kumbara, Samagara,
Rachewar, and Uppiliyan.
Kanna Pulayan. — Described by the Rev. W. J.
Richards * as Pulayans of Travancore, who wear rather
better and more artistically made aprons than the Thanda
Pulayan women.
Kannaku. — A prefix to the name of Nanchinat
Vellalas in Travancore.
Kannan.— A sub-division of Kammalans, the mem-
bers of which do braziers' work.
Kannadiyan. — The Kannadiyans have been summed
up t as "immigrants from the province of Mysore.
Their traditional occupation is said to have been military
service, although they follow, at the present day, different
pursuits in different districts. They are usually cattle-
breeders and cultivators in North and South Arcot and
Chingleput, and traders in the southern districts. Most
of them are Lingayats, but a few are Vaishnavites."
"They are," it is stated,| " in the Mysore State known
as Gaulis. At their weddings, five married women are
selected, who are required to bathe as each of the most
important of the marriage ceremonies is performed, and
are alone allowed to cook for, or to touch the happy
couple. Weddings last eight days, during which time
the bride and bridegroom must not sit on anything but
* Ind. Ant., IX, 1880. t Manual of the North Arcot district.
X Madras Census Report, 190 1.
201 KANNADIYAN
woollen blankets." Some Kannadiyans in the Tanjore
district are said to be weavers. For the following
account of the Kannadiyans of the Chingleput district I
am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao.
About twenty miles from the city of Madras is a big
tank (lake) named after the village of Chembrambakam,
which is close by. The fertile land surrounding this
tank is occupied, among others, by a colony of Lingayats,
of whom each household, as a rule, owns several acres of
land. With the cultivation thereof, they have the further
occupation of cattle grazing. They utilize the products
of the cow in various ways, and it supplies them with
milk, butter and curds, in the last two of which they
carry on a lucrative trade in the city of Madras. The
curds sold by them are very highly appreciated by
Madras Brahmans, as they have a sour taste caused by
keeping them till fermentation has set in. So great is
the demand for their curds that advances of money are
made to them, and regular delivery is thus secured.
Their price is higher than that of the local Madras curds,
and if a Lingayat buys the latter and sells them at the
higher rate, he is decisively stigmatised as being a
" local." They will not even touch sheep and goats, and
believe that even the smell of these animals will make
cows and buffaloes barren.
Though the chief settlement of the Lingayats is
at Chembrambakam, they are also to be found in the
adjacent villages and in the Conjeeveram taluk, and, in
all, they number, in the Chingleput district, about four
thousand.
The Lingayats have no idea how their forefathers
came to the Chingleput district. Questioned whether
they have any relatives in Mysore, many answered in
the affirmative, and one even pointed to one in a high
KANNADIYAN 202
official position as a close relation. Another said that
the Gurukkal or Jangam (priest) is one and the same man
for the Mysore Lingayats and themselves. A third told
me of his grandfather's wanderings in Mysore, Bellary,
and other places of importance to the Lingayats. I
have also heard the story that, on the Chembrambakam
Lingayats being divided into two factions through
disputes among the local caste-men, a Lingayat priest
came from Mysore, and brought about their union.
These few facts suffice to show that the Lingayats are
emigrants from Mysore, and not converts from the
indigenous populations of the district. But what as to
the date of their immigration ? The earliest date which
can, with any show of reason, be ascribed thereto seems
to be towards the end of the seventeenth century, when
Chikka Deva Raja ruled over Mysore. He adopted
violent repressive measures against the Lingayats
for quelling a widespread insurrection, which they
had fomented against him throughout the State. His
measures of financial reform deprived the Lingayat
priesthood of its local leadership and much of its
pecuniary profit. What followed may best be stated
in the words of Colonel Wilks,* the Mysore historian.
" Everywhere the inverted plough, suspended from the
tree at the gate of the village, whose shade forms a
place of assembly for its inhabitants, announced a state
of insurrection. Having determined not to till the land,
the husbandmen deserted their villages, and assembled
in some places like fugitives seeking a distant settle-
ment ; in others as rebels breathing revenge. Chikka
Deva Raja, however, was too prompt in his measures
to admit of any very formidable combination. Before
* Historical Sketches, Mysore.
203 KANNADIYAN
proceeding to measures of open violence, he adopted
a plan of perfidy and horror, yielding to nothing which
we find recorded in the annals of the most sanguinary
people. An invitation was sent to all the Jangam
priests to meet the Raja at the great temple of Nunjen-
god, ostensibly to converse with him on the subject of
the refractory conduct of their followers. Treachery
was apprehended, and the number which assembled was
estimated at about four hundred only. A large pit
had been previously prepared in a walled enclosure,
connected by a series of squares composed of tent walls
with the canopy of audience, at which they were received
one at a time, and, after making their obeisance, were
desired to retire to a place where, according to custom,
they expected to find refreshments prepared at the
expense of the Raja. Expert executioners were in
waiting in the square, and every individual in succession
was so skilfully beheaded and tumbled into the pit
as to give no alarm to those who followed, and the
business of the public audience went on without
interruption or suspicion. Circular orders had been
sent for the destruction on the same day of all the
Jangam Mutts (places of residence and worship) in his
dominions, and the number reported to have been
destroyed was upwards of seven hundred ....
This notable achievement was followed by the operations
of the troops, chiefly cavalry. The orders were dis-
tinct and simple — to charge without parley into the
midst of the mob ; to cut down every man wearing an
orange-coloured robe (the peculiar garb of the Jangam
priests)."
How far the husbandmen carried out their threat of
seeking a distant settlement it is impossible, at this
distance of time, to determine. If the theory of religious
KANNADIYAN 204
persecution as the cause of their emigration has not an
air of certainty about it, it is at least plausible.
If the beginning of the eighteenth century is the
earliest, the end of that century is the latest date that
can be set down for the Lingayat emigration. That
century was perhaps the most troublous one in the
modern history of India. Armies were passing and
repassing the ghats, and I have heard from some old
gentlemen that the Chingleput Lingayats, who are
mostly shepherds, accompanied the troops in the humble
capacity of purveyors of milk and butter.
Whatever the causes of their emigration, we find
them in the Chingleput district ordinarily reckoning the
Mysore, Salem and Bellary Lingayats as of their own
stock. They freely mix with each other, and I hear
contract marital alliances with one another. They speak
the Kannada (Kanarese) language — the language of
Mysore and Bellary. They call themselves by the name
of Kannadiyans or Kannadiyars, after the language they
speak, and the part of the village they inhabit — Kanna-
dipauliem, or village of the Kannadiyars. In parts of
Madras they are known as Kavadi and Kavadiga
(=bearers of head-loads).
Both men and women are possessed of great stamina.
Almost every other day they walk to and fro, in all
seasons, more than twenty miles by road to sell their
butter and curds in Madras. While so journeying, they
carry on their heads a curd pot in a rattan basket
containing three or four Madras measures of curds,
besides another pot containing a measure or so of
butter. Some of the men are Qrood acrobats and
gymnasts, and I have seen a very old man successively
break in two four cocoanuts, each placed on three or
four crystals of common salt, leaving the crystals almost
205 KANNADIYAN
intact. And I have heard that there are men who can
so break fifty cocoanuts — perhaps an exaggeration for a
considerable number. In general the women may be
termed beautiful, and, in Mysore, the Lingayat women
are, by common consent, regarded as models of feminine
beauty.
These Lingayats are divided into two classes, viz.,
Gauliyars of Damara village, and Kadaperi or Kanna-
diyars proper, of Chembrambakam and other places.
The Gauliyars carry their curd pots in rattan baskets ;
the Kannadiyars in bamboo baskets. Each class has its
own beat in the city of Madras, and, while the majority
of the rattan basket men traffic mainly in Triplicane, the
bamboo basket men carry on their business in George-
town and other localities. The two classes worship the
same gods, feed together, but do not intermarry. The
rattan is considered superior to the bamboo section.
Both sections are sub-divided into a large number of
exogamous septs or bedagagulu, of which the meaning,
with a few exceptions, e.g., split cane, bear, and fruit
of Ettgenia Jambolana, is not clear.
Monogamy appears to be the general rule among
them, but polygamy to the extent of having two wives,
the second to counteract the sterility of the first, is not
rare. Marriage before puberty is the rule, which must
not be transgressed. And it is a common thing to see
small boys grazing the cattle, who are married to babies
hardly more than a year old. Marriages are arranged
by the parents, or through intermediaries, with the tacit
approval of the community as a whole. The marriage
ceremony generally lasts about nine or ten days, and,
to lessen the expenses for the individual, several fami-
lies club together and celebrate their marriages simul-
taneously. All the preliminaries such as inviting the
KANNADIYAN 2o6
wedding guests, etc., are attended to by the agent of the
community, who is called Chaudri. The appointment
of agent is hereditary.
The first day of the marriage ceremony is employed
in the erection of the booth or pandal. On the following
day, the bodice-wearing ceremony is performed. The
bride and bridegroom are presented with new clothes,
which they put on amid general merriment. In connec-
tion with this ceremony, the following Mysore story may
not be out of place. When Tipu Sultan once saw
a Lingayat woman selling curds in the street without
a body cloth, he ordered the cutting off of her breasts.
Since then the wearing of long garments has come into
use among the whole female population of Mysore.
The third day is the most important, as it is on that
day that the Muhurtham, or tali-tying ceremony, takes
place, and an incident of quite an exceptional character
comes off amid general laughter. A Brahman (generally
a Saivite) is formally invited to attend, and pretends
that he is unable to do so. But he is, with mock gravity,
pressed hard to do so, and, after repeated guarantees of
good faith, he finally consents with great reluctance and
misgivings. On his arrival at the marriage booth, the
headman of the family in which the marriage is taking
place seizes him roughly by the head, and ties as tightly
as possible five cocoanuts to the kudumi, or lock of
hair at the back of the head, amidst the loud, though
not real, protestations of the victim. All those present,
with all seriousness, pacify him, and he is cheered by
the sight of five rupees, which are presented to him.
This gift he readily accepts, together with a pair of new
cloths and pan-supari (betel leaves and areca nuts).
Meanwhile the young folk have been making sport of
him by throwing at his new and old clothes big empty
207 KANNADIYAN
brinjal fruits [Solantim Melongena) filled with turmeric
powder and chunam (lime). He goes for the boys, who
dodge him, and at last the elders beat off the youngsters
with the remark that " after all he is a Brahman, and
ought not to be trifled with in this way." The Brahman
then takes leave, and is heard of no more in connection
with the wedding rites. The whole ceremony has a
decided ring of mockery about it, and leads one to the
conclusion that it is celebrated more in derision than in
honour of the Brahmans. It is a notorious fact that the
Lingayats will not even accept water from a Brahman's
hands, and do not, like many other castes, require his
services in connection with marriage or funeral cere-
monies. The practice of tying cocoanuts to the hair of
the Brahman seems to be confined to the bamboo section.
But an equally curious custom is observed by the rattan
section. The villao^e barber is invited to the weddino-
and the infant bride and bridegroom are seated naked
before him. He is provided with some ghl (clarified
butter) in a cocoanut shell, and has to sprinkle some of
it on the head of the couple with a grass or reed. He
is, however, prevented from doing so by a somewhat
cruel contrivance. A big stone (representing the linga)
is suspended from his neck by a rope, and he is kept
nodding to and fro by another rope which is pulled by
young lads behind him. Eventually they leave off, and
he sprinkles the ghl, and is dismissed with a few annas,
pan-supari, and the remains of the ghi. By means of
the stone the barber is for the moment turned into a
Lingayat.
The officiating priest at the marriage ceremony is
a man of their own sect, and is known as the Gurukkal.
They address him as Ayyanavaru, a title generally
reserved for Brahmans in Kannada-speaking districts.
KANNADIYAN 2o8
The main items of expenditure at a wedding are the
musician, presents of clothes, and pan-supari, especially
the areca nuts. One man, who was not rich, told me
that it cost him, for a marriage, three maunds of nuts,
and that guests come more for them than for the meals,
which he characterised as not fit for dogs.
Widow remarriage is permitted. But it is essential
that the contracting parties should be widower and
widow. For such a marriage no pandal is erected, but
all the elders countenance it by their presence. Such a
marriage is known as naduvittu tali, because the tali is
tied in the mid-house. It is usually a simple affair, and
finished in a short time after sunset instead of in the day
time. The offspring of such marriages are considered
as legitimate, and can inherit. But remarried couples
are disqualified from performing certain acts, e.g., the
distribution of pan-supari at weddings, partaking in the
harathi ceremony, etc. The disqualifications attaching
to remarried people are, by a curious analogy, extended
to deformed persons, who are, in some cases, considered
to be widowers and widows.
Among the ordinary names of males are Basappa^
Linganna, Devanna, Ellappa, Naganna ; and of females
Ellamma, Lingi and Nagamma. It is said that all are
entitled to the honorific Saudri ; but the title is specially
reserved for the agent of their sect. Among common
nicknames are Chikka and Dodda Thamma (younger
and elder brother), Andi (beggar), Karapi (black woman),
Guni (hunch back). In the Mysore Province the most
becoming method of addressing a Lingayat is to call
him Sivane. Their usual titles are Ravut, Appa, Anna,
and Saudri.
The child-naming ceremony is a very important one.
Five swords with limes fixed to their edges are set in
KAXNADIYAN.
209 KANNADIYAN
a line with equi-distant spaces between them. By each
sword are placed two plantain fruits, a cocoanut, four
dried dates, two cocoanut cups, pan-supari, and karamani
[Vigna Catiang) cakes. In front of the swords are also
placed rice-balls mixed with turmeric powder, various
kinds of vegetables and fruits, curds and milk. Opposite
each sword five leaves are spread out, and in front of
each leaf a near relation of the family sits. The chief
woman of the house then brings five pots full of water,
and gives to each man a potful for the worship of the
jangama linga which he wears. She also brings con-
secrated cow-dung ashes. The men pour the water
over the linga, holding it in the left hand, and smear
both the linga and their faces with the ashes. The
woman then retires, and the guests partake of a hearty
meal, at the conclusion of which the woman reappears
with five vessels full of water, with which they wash
their hands. The vessels are then broken, and thrown
on a dung-heap. After partaking of pan-supari and
chunam (lime), each of the men ties up some of the
food in a towel, takes one of the swords in his hand, and
leaves the house without turning back. The headman
of the family then removes the limes from the swords,
and puts them back in their scabbards. The same
evening the child is named. Sometimes this ceremony,
which is costly, is held even after the child is a
year old.
When a death takes place, information is sent round
to the relations and castemen by two boys carrying
little sticks in their hands. Under the instructions
of a priest, the inmates of the house begin to make
arrangements for the funeral. The corpse is washed,
and the priest's feet are also washed, and the refuse-
water on the ground is poured over the corpse or into
in-14
KANNADIYAN 2lo
its mouth. Among certain sections of Lingayats it is
customary, contrary to the usual Hindu practice, to
invite the friends and relations, who have come for the
funeral, to a banquet, at which the priest is a guest.
It is said that the priest, after partaking of food, vomits
a portion of it, which is shared by the members of the
family. These practices do not seem to be followed by
the Chingleput Lingayats. A second bath is given to
the corpse, and then the nine orifices of the body are
closed with cotton or cloth. The corpse is then dressed
as in life, and, if it be that of a priest, is robed in the
characteristic orange tawny dress. Before clothing it,
the consecrated cow-duno- ashes are smeared over the
forehead, arms, chest, and abdomen. The bier is made
like a car, such as is seen in temple processions on the
occasion of car festivals. To each of its four bamboo
posts are attached a plantain tree and a cocoanut, and it
is decorated with bright flowers. In the middle of the
bier is a wooden plank, on vvhich the corpse is set in a sit-
ting position. The priest touches the dead body three
or four times with his right leg, and the funeral cortege,
accompanied by weird village music, proceeds to the
burial-ground. The corpse, after removal from the bier,
is placed in the grave in a sitting posture, facing south,
with the linga, which the man had worn during life, in
the mouth. Salt, according to the means of the family,
is thrown into the grave by friends and relations, and it
is considered that a man's life would be wasted if he did
not do this small service for a dead fellow-casteman.
They quote the proverb ** Did he go unserviceable
even for a handful of mud ? " The grave is filled in,
and four lights are placed at the corners. The priest,
standing over the head of the corpse, faces the lamps,
with branches of Leucas aspera and Vitex Negundo at
211 KANNADIYAN
his feet. A cocoanut is broken and camphor burnt, and
the priest says " Lingannah (or whatever the name of
the dead man may be), leaving Nara Loka, you have
gone to Bhu Loka," which is a Httle incongruous, for
Nara Loka and Bhu Loka arc identical. Perhaps the
latter is a mistake for Swarga Loka, the abode of bliss
of Brahmanical theology. Possibly, Swarga Loka is not
mentioned, because it signifies the abode of Vishnu.
Then the priest calls out Oogay ! Oogay ! and the funeral
ceremony is at an end. On their return home the
corpse-bearers, priest, and sons of the deceased, take
buttermilk, and apply it with the right hand to the left
side of the back. A Nandi (the sacred bull) is made
of mud, or bricks and mortar, and set up over the
grave. Unmarried girls and boys are buried in a lying
position. From enquiries made among the Lingayats
of Chembarambakam, it appears that, when a death has
occurred, pollution is observed by the near relatives ;
and, even if they are living at such distant places as
Bellary or Bangalore, pollution must be observed, and
dissolved by a bath.
Basava attached no importance to pilgrimages. The
Chingleput Lingayats, however, perform what they call
Jatray {i.e., pilgrimage), of which the principal cele-
bration takes place in Chittra-Vyasi (April-May), and
is called Virabhadra Jatray, The bamboo Lingayats of
Chembarambakam send word, with some raw rice, to the
rattan Lingayats of Kadaperi to come to the festival on
a fixed day with the image of their god Virabhadra.
The Gauliyars of Kadaperi and other villages accord-
ingly proceed to a tank on the confines of the village
of Chembrambakam, and send word that they have
responded to the call of their brethren. The chief men
of the village, accompanied by a crowd, and the village
in-i4B
KANNADIYAN 212
musicians, start for the tank, and bring in the Kadaperi
guests. After a feast all retire for the night, and get up
at 3 A.M. for the celebration of the festival. Swords are
unsheathed from their scabbards, and there is a deafening
noise from trumpets and pipes. The images of Vira-
bhadra are taken in procession to a tank, and, on the
way thither, the idol bearers and others pretend that they
are inspired, and bawl out the various names of the god.
Sometimes they become so frenzied that the people
break cocoanuts on their foreheads, or pierce their neck
and wrists with a big needle, such as is used in stitching
gunny bags. Under this treatment the inspired ones
calm down. All along the route cocoanuts are broken,
and may amount to as many as four hundred, which
become the perquisite of the village washerman. When
the tank is reached, pan-supari and kadalai [Cicer
arietimim) are distributed among the crowd. On the
return journey, the village washerman has to spread
dupatis (cloths) for the procession to walk over. At
about noon a hearty meal is partaken of, and the cere-
mony is at an end. After a few days, a return celebration
takes place at Kadaperi. The Virabhadra images of the
two sections, it may be noted, are regarded as brothers.
Other ceremonial pilgrimages are also made to Tirutani,
Tiruvallur and Mylapore, and they go to Tiruvallur on
new moon days, bathe in the tank, and make offerings
to Vira Raghava, a Vaishnava deity. They do not
observe the feast of Pongal, which is so widely celebrated
throughout Southern India. It is said that the cele-
bration thereof was stopped, because, on one occasion,
the cattle bolted, and the men who went in pursuit of
them never returned. The Ugadi, or new year feast, is
observed by them as a day of general mourning. They
also observe the Kama festival with great eclat, and one
213 KANNADIYAN
of their national songs relates to the burning of Kama.
When singing it during their journeys with the curd-pots,
they are said to lose themselves, and arrive at their
destination without knowing the distance that they have
marched.
In addition to the grand Virabhadra festival, which
is celebrated annually, the Ariservai festival is also
observed as a great occasion. This is no doubt a Tamil
rendering of the Sanskrit Hariservai, which means the
service of Hari or worship of Vishnu. It is strange
that Lingayats should have this formal worship of
Vishnu, and it must be a result of their environment, as
they are surrounded on all sides by Vaishnavite temples.
More than six months before the festival a meeting of
elders is convened, and it is decided that an assessment
of three pies per basket shall be levied, and the Saudri
is made honorary treasurer of the fund. If a house has
two or more baskets, i.e., persons using baskets in their
trade, it must contribute a corresponding number of
three pies. In other words, the basket, and not the
family, is the unit in their communal finance. An invita-
tion, accompanied by pan-supari, is sent to the Thadans
(Vaishnavite dramatists) near Conjeeveram, asking them
to attend the festival on the last Saturday of Paratasi,
the four Saturdays of which month are consecrated to
Vishnu, The Thadans arrive in due course at Chem-
brambakam, the centre of the bamboo section of the
Lingayats, and make arrangements for the festival.
Invitations are sent to five persons of the Lingayat
community, who fast from morning till evening. About
8 or 9 P.M., these five guests, who perhaps represent
priests for the occasion, arrive at the pandal (booth), and
leaves are spread out before them, and a meal of rice,
dhal {CajantLs indicus) water, cakes, broken cocoanuts.
KANNADIYAN 214
etc., is served to them. But, instead of partaking
thereof, they sit looking towards a lighted lamp, and
close their eyes in meditation. They then quietly retire
to their homes, where they take the evening meal.
After a torchlight procession with torches fed with ghi
(clarified butter) the village washermen come to the
pandal, and collect together the leaves and food, which
have been left there. About 11 r.M, the villagers repair
to the spot where a dramatic performance of Hiranya
Kasyapa Natakam, or the Prahallada Charitram, is held
during five alternate nights. The latter play is based on a
favourite story in the Bhagavatha, and it is strange that
it should be got up and witnessed by a community of Sai-
vites, some of whom (Vira Saivas) are such extremists
that they would not tolerate the sight of a Vaishnavite at
a distance.
The Chembrambakam Lingayats appear to join the
other villagers in the performance of the annual puja
(worship) to the village deity, Namamdamma, who is
worshipped in order to ward off cholera and cattle
disease. One mode of propitiating her is by sacrificing
a goat, collecting its entrails and placing them in a pot,
with its mouth covered with goat skin, which is taken
round the village, and buried in a corner. The pot is
called Bali Setti, and he who comes in front of it while
it is being carried through the streets, is supposed to be
sure to suffer from serious illness, or even die. The
sacrifice, filling of the pot, and its carriage through
the streets, are all performed by low class Occhans
and Vettiyans. The Chembrambakam Lingayats assert
that the cholera goddess has given a promise that she
will not attack any of their community, and keeps it
faithfully, and none of them die even during the worst
cholera epidemics.
215 kAppiliyan
Kanni (rope). — A gotra of Kurni.
Kapata. — A name for rag-wearing Koragas.
Kappala (frog). — An exogamous sept of Madiga,
and sub-division of Yanadis, who are said to be frog-
eaters. It is also a gotra of Janappans, who have a
legend that, when some of their family were fishing, they
caught a haul of big frogs instead offish. Consequently,
members of this gotra will not injure frogs. I have
seen frogs hanging up for sale in the Cochin bazar.
Kappiliyan. — The Kappiliyans, or Karumpurath-
thals, as they are sometimes called, are Canarese-speaking
farmers, who are found chiefly in Madura and Tinne-
velly. It is noted, in the Manual of the Madura district,
that "a few of the original Poligars were Canarese ; and
it is to be presumed that the Kappiliyans immigrated
under their auspices. They are a decent and respect-
able class of farmers. Their most common ao-nomen is
Koundan (or Kavandan)."
Some Kappiliyans say that they came south six or
seven generations ago, along with the Urumikkarans,
from the banks of the Tungabhadra river, because the
Tottiyans tried to ravish their women. According to
another tradition, similar to that current amono- the
Tottiyans, " the caste was oppressed by the Musalmans
of the north, fled across the Tungabhadra, and was saved
by two pongu {Pongavtia glabi^d) trees bridging an
unfordable stream, which blocked their escape. They
travelled, says the legend, through Mysore to Conjee-
veram, thence to Coimbatore, and thence to the Madura
district. The stay at Conjeeveram is always emphasised,
and is supported by the fact that the caste has shrines
dedicated to Kanchi Varadaraja Perumal."*
* Gazetteer of the Madura district.
KAPPILIYAN 2i6
The Kappiliyans are one of the nine Kambalam
castes, who are so called because, at their caste council
meetings, a kambli (blanket) is spread, on which is
placed a kalasam (brass vessel) filled with water, and
decorated with flowers. Its mouth is closed by mango
leaves and a cocoanut. According" to the Gazetteer of
the Madura district, they are "split into two endoga-
mous sub-divisions, namely the Dharmakattu, so called
because, out of charity, they allow widows to marry one
more husband, and the Munukattu, who permit a woman
to have three husbands in succession." They are also
said to recognise, among themselves, four sub-divisions,
Vokkiliyan (cultivator), Muru Balayanoru (three bangle
people), Bottu Kattoru (bottu tying people), Vokkulo-
thoru, to the last of which the following notes mainly
refer.
They have a large number of exogamous septs,
which are further divided into exogamous sub-septs, of
which the following are examples : —
Sept. Sub-sept.
r Hennu (female) Basiri.
B^si"y°'^^ iGandu (male) Basiri.
f Loddu.
Palingi Loddu.
Kolingi Loddu.
Uddudhoru ( Phaseolus Mimgo, var.
1-adiaius).
Huniseyoru (tamarind people).
Mottuguni.
Manaloru, sand people.
One exogamous sept is called Ane (elephant), and
as names of sub-septs, named after animate or inanimate
objects, I may mention Hatti (hamlet), Arane (lizard)
and Puli (tiger).
Lodduvoru
217 KAPPILIYAN
The affairs of the caste are regulated by a headman
called Gauda, assisted by the Saundari. In some places,
the assistance of a Pallan or Maravan called Jadipillai,
is sought.
Marriage is, as a rule, adult, and the common emblem
of married life — the tali or bottu — is dispensed with.
On the first day of the marriage ceremonies, the bride
and bridegroom are conducted, towards evening, to the
houses of their maternal uncles. There the nalagu
ceremony, or smearing the body with Phaseolus Mttngo,
sandal and turmeric paste, is performed, and the uncles
place toe-rings on the feet of the contracting couple.
On the following day, the bride's price is paid, and betel
is distributed, in the presence of a Kummara, Urumik-
karan, and washerman, to the villagers in a special order
of precedence. On the third day, the bridegroom goes
in procession to the house of the bride, and their
fingers are linked together by the maternal uncle or
uncles. For this reason, the day is called Kai Kudu-
kahodina, or hand-locking day.
It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Madura district,
that " the binding portions of the marriage ceremony
are the donning by the bride of a turmeric-coloured cloth
sent her by bridegroom, and of black glass bangles
(unmarried girls may only wear bangles made of lac),
and the linking of the couple's little fingers. A man's
right to marry his paternal aunt's daughter is so
rigorously insisted upon that, as among the Tottiyans,
ill-assorted matches are common. A woman, whose
husband is too young to fulfil the duties of his position,
is allowed to consort with his near relations, and the
children so begotten are treated as his. [It is said that
a woman does not suffer in reputation, if she cohabits
with her brothers-in-law.] Adultery outside the caste is
KAPPILIYAN 2 1 8
punished by expulsion, and, to show that the woman is
thenceforward as good as dead, funeral ceremonies are
solemnly performed to some trinket of hers, and this is
afterwards burnt."
At the first menstrual period, a girl remains under
pollution for thirteen days, in a corner of the house or
outside it in the village common land (mandai). If she
remains within, her maternal uncle makes a screen, and,
if outside, a temporary hut, and, in return for his services,
receives a hearty meal. On the thirteenth day the girl
bathes in a tank (pond), and, as she enters the house,
has to pass over a pestle and a cake. Near the entrance,
some food is placed, which a dog is allowed to eat.
While so doing, it receives a severe beating. The more
noise it makes, the better is the omen for a large family
of children. If the poor brute does not howl, it is
supposed that the girl will bear no children. A cotton
thread, dyed with turmeric, is tied round her neck by a
married woman, and, if she herself is married, she puts
on glass bangles. The hut is burnt down and the pots
she used are broken to atoms.
The caste deities are said to be Lakkamma and
Vira Lakkamma, but they also worship other deities,
such as Chenraya, Thimmappa, and Siranga Perumal.
Certain septs seem to have particular deities, whom
they worship. Thus Thimmaraya is reverenced by the
Dasiriyoru, and Malamma by the Hattiy5ru.
The dead are as a rule cremated, but children, those
who have died of cholera, and pregnant women, are
buried. In the case of the last, the child is, before
burial, removed from the mother's body. The funeral
ceremonies are carried out very much on the lines of
those of the Tottiyans. Fire is carried to the burning
ground by a Chakkiliyan. On the last day of the death
219 KAPPILIYAN
ceremonies (karmandiram) cooked food, fruits of Sola-
num xantkocarpimi, and leaves of Leucas aspera are
placed on a tray, by the side of which a bit of a culm
of Saccharum arundinaceum, with leaves of Cynodon
Dactylon twined round it, is deposited. The tray is
taken to a stream, on the bank of which an effigy is
made, to which the various articles are offered. A
small quantity thereof is placed on arka {Calotropis
giganted) leaves, to be eaten by crows. On the return
journey to the house, three men, the brother-in-law or
father-in-law of the deceased, and two sapindas (agnates)
stand in a row at 'a certain spot. A cloth is stretched
before them as a screen, over which they place their
right hands. These a washerman touches thrice with
Cynodon leaves dipped in milk, cow's urine, and turmeric
water. The washerman then washes the hands with
water. All the agnates place new turbans on their
heads, and go back in procession to the village, accom-
panied by a Urimikkaran and washerman, who must be
present throughout the ceremony.
For the following note on the Kappiliyans of the
Kambam valley, in the Madura district, I am indebted
to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. According to a tradition
which is current among them, they migrated from their
original home in search of new grazing ground for their
cattle. The herd, which they brought with them, still
lives in its descendants in the valley, which are small,
active animals, well known for their trotting powers.
It is about a hundred and fifty strong, and is called devaru
avu in Canarese, and thambiran madu in Tamil, both
meaning the sacred herd. The cows are never milked,
and their calves, when they grow up, are not used for
any purpose, except breeding. When the cattle die,
they are buried deep in the ground, and not handed
KAPPILIYAN 220
over to Chakkiliyans (leather-workers). One of the
bulls goes by the name of pattada avu, or the king bull.
It is selected from the herd by a quaint ceremonial. On
an auspicious day, the castemen assemble, and offer
incense, camphor, cocoanuts, plantains, and betel to the
herd. Meanwhile, a bundle of sugar-cane is placed in
front thereof, and the spectators eagerly watch to see
which of the bulls will reach it first. The animal which
does so is caught hold of, daubed with turmeric, and
decorated with flow^ers, and installed as the king bull.
It is styled Nanda Gopala, or Venugopalaswami, after
Krishna, the divine cattle-grazer, and is an object of
adoration by the caste. To meet the expenses of the
ceremony, which amount to about two hundred rupees,
a subscription is raised among them. The king bull
has a special attendant, or driver, whose duties are to
graze and worship it. He belongs to the Maragala
section of the Endar sub-division of the caste. When
he dies, a successor is appointed in the following
manner. Before the assembled castemen, puja (worship)
is offered to the sacred herd, and a young boy, " upon
whom the god comes," points out a man from among
the Maragalas, who becomes the next driver. He enjoys
the inams, and Is the custodian of the jewels presented
to the king bull in former days, and of the copper plates,
whereon grants made in its name are engraved. As
many as nine of these copper grants were entrusted to
the keeping of a youthful driver, about sixteen years
old, in 1905. Most of them record grants from unknown
kings. One Ponnum Pandyan, a king of Gudalur, is
recorded as having made grants of land, and other
presents to the bull. Others record gifts of land from
Ballala Raya and Rama Rayar. Only the names of the
years are recorded. None of the plates contain the saka
221 KAPPILIYAN
dates. Before the annual migration of the herd to the
hills during the summer, a ceremony is carried out, to
determine whether the king bull is in favour of its going.
Two plates, one containing milk, and the other sugar,
are placed before the herd. Unless, or until the bull
has come up to them, and gone back, the migration
does not take place. The driver, or some one deputed
to represent him, goes with the herd, which is accom-
panied by most of the cattle of the neighbouring villages.
The driver is said to carry a pot of fresh-drawn milk
within a kavadi (shrine). On the day on which the
return journey to the valley is commenced, the pot is
opened, and the milk is said to be found in a hardened
state. A slice thereof is cut off, and given to each
person who accompanied the herd to the hills. It is
believed that the milk would not remain in good condi-
tion, if the sacred herd had been in any way injuriously
affected during its sojourn there. The sacred herd is
recruited by certain calves dedicated as members thereof
by people of other castes in the neighbourhood of the
valley. These calves, born on the ist of the month
Thai (January-February), are dedicated to the god
Nandagopala, and are known as sanni pasuvu. They
are branded on the legs or buttocks, and their ears are
slightly torn. They are not used for ploughing or
milking, and cannot be sold. They are added to the
sacred herd, but the male calves are kept distinct from
the male calves thereof. Many miracles are attributed
to the successive king bulls. During the fight between
the Tottiyans and Kappiliyans at Dindigul, a king bull
left on the rock the permanent imprint of its hoof, which
is still believed to be visible. At a subsequent quarrel
between the same castes, at Dombacheri, a king bull
made the sun turn back in its course, and the shadow
KAPU 222
is still pointed under a tamarind tree beneath which
arbitration took place. For the assistance rendered by
the bull on this occasion, the Maragalas will not use the
wood of the tamarind tree, or of the vela tree, to which
the bull was tied, either for fuel or for house-building.
The Kappiliyans have recently (1906) raised Rs. 11,000
by taxing all members of the caste in the Periyakulam
taluk for three years, and have spent this sum in building
roomy masonry quarters at Kambam for the sacred herd.
Their chief grievance at present is that the same grazing
fees are levied on their animals as on mere ordinary
cattle, which, they urge, is equivalent to treating gods as
equals of men. In the settlement of caste affairs, oaths
are taken within the enclosure for the sacred herd.
" Local tradition at Kambam (where a large propor-
tion of the people are Kappiliyans) says that the
Anuppans, another Canarese caste, were in great
strength here in olden days, and that quarrels arose
between the two bodies, in the course of which the chief
of the Kappiliyans, Ramachcha Kavundan, was killed.
With his dying breath he cursed the Anuppans, and
thenceforth they never prospered, and now not one of
them is left in the town. A fig tree to the east of the
village is shown as marking the place where Ramach-
cha's body was burned ; near it is the tank, the
Ramachchankulam ; and under the bank of this is his
math, where his ashes were deposited." *
Kapu.— The Kapus or Reddis are the largest caste
in the Madras Presidency, numbering more than two
millions, and are the great caste of cultivators, farmers,
and squireens in the Telugu country. In the Gazetteer
of Anantapur they are described as being the great
* Gazetteer of the Madura district.
223 KAPU
land-holding" body in the Telugu districts, who are held
in much respect as substantial, steady-going yeomen, and
next to the Brahmans are the leaders of Hindu Society.
In the Salem Manual it is stated that "the Reddis are
provident. They spend their money on the land, but are
not parsimonious. They are always well dressed, if they
can afford it. The gold ornaments worn by the women
or the men are of the finest kind of gold. Their houses
are always neat and well built, and the Reddis give the
idea of good substantial ryots. They live chiefly on ragi
(grain : Eleusine Coracana), and are a fine, powerful
race." Of proverbs relating to the hereditary occupation
of the Reddis, the following may be quoted. " Only a
Reddi can cultivate the land, even though he has to
drink for every clod turned over." " Those are Reddis
who get their living by cultivating the earth," " The
Reddi who grows arika [Paspalum strobiculatuvi) can
have but one cloth for man and wife."
" The term Kapu," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,* " means
a watchman, and Reddi means a king. The Kapus or
Reddis (Ratti) appear to have been a powerful Dravidian
tribe in the early centuries of the Christian era, for they
have left traces of their presence at various places in
almost every part of India. Though their power has
been put down from time to time by the Chalukyas, the
Pallavas, and the Bellalas, several families of zamindars
came into existence after the captivity of Pratapa Rudra
of Warrangal in A. D. 1323 by the Muhammadan emperor
Ghiyas-ud-din Toghluk."
Writing in the Manual of the Salem district concern-
ing the Kongu kingdom, the Rev. T. Foulkes states
that "the Kongu kingdom claims to have existed from
♦^Madras Census Report, 1891.
KAPU 224
about the commencement of the Christian era, and to
have continued under its own independent kings down
to nearly the end of the ninth century A.D., when it
was conquered by the Chola kings of Tanjore, and
annexed to their dominions. The earliest portion of
the Kongu Chronicle (one of the manuscripts of the
Mackenzie collection) gives a series of short notices of
the reigns of twenty-eight kings who ruled the country
previous to its conquest by the Cholas. These kings
belonged to two distinct dynasties : the earlier line was
of the solar race, and the later line of the Gano-a race.
The earlier dynasty had a succession of seven kings
of the Ratti tribe, a tribe very extensively distributed,
which has at various periods left its mark throughout
almost every part of India. This is probably the earliest
reference to them as a ruling power, and it is the most
southern situation in which they ever held dominion.
They disappear in these parts about the end of the
second century A.D. ; and, in the next historical references
to them, we find them high up in the Northern Dakkan,
amongst the kingdoms conquered by the Chalukyas
about the fourth century A.D. soon after they first
crossed the Nerbudda. In the Kongu Chronicle they
are stated to be of the solar race : and the genealogies
of this tribe accordingly trace them up to Kusha, the
second son of Rama, the hero of the great solar epic of
the Hindus ; but their claim to this descent is not
undisputed. They are, however, sometimes said to
be of the lunar race, and of the Yadava tribe, though
this latter statement is sometimes confined to the
later Rathors." According to the Rev. T. Foulkes, the
name Ratti is found under various forms, e.g., Irattu,
Iretti, Radda, Rahtor, Rathaur, Rashtra-kuta, Ratta,
Reddi, etc.
KAPU.
225 kApu
In a note on the Rashtrakutas, Mr. J. F. Fleet
writes * that " we find that, from the first appearance of
the Chalukyas in this part of the country, in the fifth
century A.D., the Kanarese districts of the Bombay
Presidency were held by them, with short periods of
interruption of their power caused by the invasions of
the Pallavas and other kings, down to about the early
part or the middle of the eighth century A.D. Their
sway over this part of the country then ceased entirely
for a time. This was due to an invasion by the Rashtra-
kuta kings, who, like their predecessors, came from the
north .... It is difficult to say when there was
first a Rashtrakuta kingdom. The earliest notices that
we have of the family are contained in the western
Chalukya inscriptions. Thus, the Miraj plates tell us
that Jayasimha I, restored the fortunes of the Chalukya
dynasty by defeating, among others, one Indra of the
Rashtrakuta family, who was the son of Krishna, and
who possessed an army of eight hundred elephants ; and
there is little doubt that Appayika-Govinda, who, as
we are told in the Aihole Meguti inscription, came from
the north and invaded the Chalukya kingdom with his
troops of elephants, and was repulsed by Pulikesi II, also
belonged to this same dynasty. It is plain, therefore,
that in the fifth and sixth centuries A.D. the Rashtrakuta
dynasty was one of considerable importance in central or
in northern India. The later inscriptions state that the
Rashtrakutas were of the Somavamsa or lunar race, and
were descendants of Yadu. Dr. Burnell seems inclined
to look upon the family as of Dravidian origin, as he
gives ' Rashtra ' as an instance of the Sanskritising of
Dravidian names, and considers it to be a mythological
* Dynasties of the Kanarese Districts of the Bombay Presidency.
III-15
KAPU 226
perversion for * Ratta ,' which is the same as the Kanarese
and Telugu * Reddi.' Dr. Biihler is unable to record
any opinion as to 'whether the Rashtrakutas were an
Aryan Kshatriya, i.e., Rajput race, which immigrated
into the Dekkan from the north like the Chalukyas, or
a Dravidian family which was received into the Aryan
community after the conquest of the Dekkan. The
earliest inscriptions, at any rate, show them as coming
from the north, and, whatever may be their origin, as the
word Rashtrakuta is used in many inscriptions of other
dynasties as the equivalent of Rashtrapati, i.e., as an
official word meaning 'the headman or governor of a
country or district,' it appears to me that the selection
of it as a dynastic name implies that, prior to attaining
independent sovereignty, the Rashtrakutas were feudal
chiefs under some previous dynasty, of which they have
not preserved any record."
It is a common saying among the Kapus that they
can easily enumerate all the varieties of rice, but it is
impossible to give the names of all the sections into
which the caste is split up. Some say that there are
only fourteen of these, and use the phrase Panta padna-
lagu kulalu, or Panta and fourteen sections.
The following sub-divisions are recorded by Mr.
Stuart * as being the most important : —
Ayodhya, or Oudh, where Rama is reputed to
have lived. The sub-division is found in Madura and
Tinnevelly. They are very proud of their supposed
connection with Oudh. At the commencement of the
marriage ceremony, the bride's party asks the bride-
groom's who they are, and the answer is that they are
Ayodhya Reddis. A similar question is then asked by
* Loc. cit., and Manual of the North Arcot district.
227 kApu
the bridegroom's party, and the bride's friends reply that
they are Mithila Reddis.
Balija. The chief Tel ugu trading caste. Many of
the Balijas are now engaged in cultivation, and this
accounts for so many having returned Kapu as their
main caste, for Kapu is a common Telugu word for a
ryot or cultivator. It is not improbable that there was
once a closer connection than now between the Kapus
and Balijas.
Bhumanchi (good earth).
Desur. Possibly residents originally of a place
called Desur, though some derive the word from deha,
body, and sura, valour, saying that they were renowned
for their courage.
Gandi Kottai. Found in Madura and Tinnevelly.
Named after Gandi Kota in the Ceded districts, whence
they are said to have emigrated southward.
Gazula (glass bangle makers). A sub-division of
the Balijas. They are said to have two sections, called
Naga (cobra) and Tabelu (tortoise), and, in some places,
to keep their women gosha.
Kammapuri. These seem to be Kammas, who,
in some places, pass as Kapus. Some Kammas, for
example, who have settled in the city of Madras, call
themselves Kapu or Reddi.
Morasa. A sub-division of the Vakkaligas. The
Verala icche Kapulu, or Kapus who give the fingers,
have a custom which requires that, when a grandchild is
born in a family, the wife of the eldest son of the grand-
father must have the last two joints of the third and
fourth fingers of her right hand amputated at a temple
of Bhairava.
Nerati, Nervati, or Neradu. Most numerous in
Kurnool, and the Ceded districts.
III-15 B
kApu 228
Oraganti. Said to have formerly worked in the
salt-pans. The name is possibly a corruption of
Warangal, capital of the Pratapa Rudra.
Pakanati. Those who come from the eastern
country (prak nadu).
Palle. In some places, the Pallis who have settled
in the Telugu country call themselves Palle Kapulu, and
give as their gotra Jambumaha Rishi, which is the gotra
of the Pallis. Though they do not intermarry with the
Kapus, the Palle Kapulu may intcrdine with them.
Panta (Panta, a crop). The largest sub-division
of all.
Pedaganti or Pedakanti. By some said to be
named after a place called Pedagallu. By others the
word is said to be derived from peda, turned aside, and
kamma eye, indicating one who turns his eyes away
from the person who speaks to him. Another sugges-
tion is that it means stiff-necked. The Pedakantis are
said to be known by their arrogance.
The following legend is narrated in the Baramahal
Records.* " On a time, the Guru or Patriarch came
near a village, and put up in a neighbouring grove until
he sent in a Dasari to apprize his sectaries of his
approach. The Dasari called at the house of one of
them, and announced the arrival of the Guru, but the
master of the house took no notice of him, and, to avoid
the Guru, he ran away through the back door of the
house, which is called peradu, and by chance came to
the grove, and was obliged to pay his respects to the
Guru, who asked if he had seen his Dasari, and he
answered that he had been all day from home. On
which, the Guru sent for the Dasari, and demanded the
* Section III, Inhabitants, Madras Government Press, 1907.
2 29 KAPU
reason of his staying away so long, when he saw the
master of the house was not in it. The Dasari replied
that the person was at home when he went there, but
that, on seeing him, he fled through the back door,
which the Guru finding true, he surnamed him the
Peratiguntavaru or the runaway through the back door,
now corruptly called Perdagantuwaru, and said that he
would never honour him with another visit, and that he
and his descendants should henceforth have no Guru or
Patriarch."
Pokanadu (poka, areca palm : Areca Cateclm).
Velanati. Kapus from a foreign (veli) country.
Yerlam.
" The last division," Mr. Stuart writes. " are the
most peculiar of all, and are partly of Brahmanical
descent. The story goes that a Brahman girl named
Yerlamma, not having been married by her parents in
childhood, as she should have been, was for that reason
turned out of her caste. A Kapu, or some say a Besta
man, took compassion on her, and to him she bore many
children, the ancestors of the Yerlam Kapu caste. In
consequence of the harsh treatment of Yerlamma by
her parents and caste people, all her descendants hate
Brahmans with a deadly hatred, and look down upon
them, affecting also to be superior to every other caste.
They are most exclusive, refusing to eat with any caste
whatever, or even to take chunam (lime for chewing
with betel) from any but their own people, whereas
Brahmans will take lime from a Sudra, provided a little
curd be mixed with it. The Yerlam Kapus do not
employ priests of the Brahman or other religious classes
even for their marriages. At these no homam (sacred
fire) ceremony is performed, and no worship offered to
Vigneswara, but they simply ascertain a fortunate day
kApu 230
and hour, and get an old matron (sumangali) to tie the
tali to the bride's neck, after which there is feasting and
merry-making."
The Panta Kapus are said to be divided into two
tegas or endogamous divisions, viz., Perama Reddi or
Muduru Kapu (ripe or old Kapu) ; and Katama Reddi
or Letha Kapu (young or unripe Kapus). A sub-
division called Konda (hill) Kapus is mentioned by the
Rev. J. Cain * as being engaged in cultivation and the
timber trade in the eastern ghats near the Godavari
river {see Konda Dora). Akula (betel-leaf seller) was
returned at the census, 1901, as a sub-caste of Kapus.
In the Census Report, 1891, Kapu (indicating culti-
vator), is given as a sub-division of Chakkiliyans,
Dommaras, Gadabas, Savaras and Telis. It further
occurs as a sub-division of Mangala. Some Maratha
cultivators in the Telugu country are known as Are
Kapu. The Konda Doras are also called Konda Kapus.
In the Census Report, 1901, Pandu is returned as a
Tamil synonym, and Kampo as an Oriya form of Kapu.
Reddi is the usual title of the Kapus, and is the title
by which the village munsiff is called in the Telugu
country, regardless of the caste to which he may belong.
Reddi also occurs as a sub-division of cultivating Linga
Balijas, Telugu Vadukans or Vadugans in the Tamil
country, Velamas, and Yanadis. It is further given as
a name for Kavarais engaged in agriculture, and as a
title of the Kallangi sub-division of Pallis, and Sadars.
The name Sambuni Reddi is adopted by some Palles
engaged as fishermen.
As examples of exogamous septs among the Kapus,
the following may be cited : —
• Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
Avula, cow.
Alia, grain.
Bandi, cart.
Barrelu, buffaloes.
Dandu, army.
Gorre, sheep.
Gudise, hut.
Guntaka, harrow.
Kodla, fowl.
231 kapu
Mekala, goats.
Kanugala, Ponganiia glabra.
Mungaru, woman's skirt.
Nagali, plough.
Tangedu, Cassia auriculata.
Udumala, Varanus bengalensis.
Varige, Setaria italica.
Yeddulu, bulls.
Yenuga, elephant.
At Conjeeveram, some Panta Reddis have true
totemistic septs, of which the following are examples : —
Magili {Pandamis jascicularis). Women do not, like women of
other castes, use the flower-bracts for the purpose of adorning them-
selves. A man has been known to refuse to purchase some bamboo
mats, because they were tied with the fibre of this tree.
Ippi {Bassia longifolia). The tree, and its products, must not
be touched.
Mancham (cot). They avoid sleeping on cots.
Arigala {Paspalum scrobiculatum). The grain is not used as
food.
Chintaginjalu (tamarind seeds). The seeds may not be touched,
or used.
Puccha {Citriillus vulgaris; water melon). The fruit may not be
eaten.
The Pichigunta vandlu, a class of mendicants who
beg chiefly from Kapus and Gollas, manufacture pedi-
grees and gotras for these castes and the Kammas.
Concerning the origin of the Kapus, the following
legend is current. During the reign of Pratapa Rudra,
the wife of one Belthi Reddi secured by severe penance
a brilliant ear ornament (kamma) from the sun. This was
stolen by the King's minister, as the King was very
anxious to secure it for his wife. Belthi Reddi's wife
told her sons to recover it, but her eldest son refused
to have anything to do with the matter, as the King
was involved in it. The second son likewise refused,
KAPU 232
and used foul language. The third son promised to
secure it, and, hearing this, one of his brothers ran away.
Finally the ornament was recovered by the youngest
son. The Panta Kapus are said to be descended from
the eldest son, the Pakanatis from the second, the
Velamas from the son who ran away, and the Kammas
from the son who secured the jewel.
The Kapus are said to have originally dwelt in
Ayodhya. During the reign of Bharata, one Pillala
Mari Belthi Reddi and his sons deceived the King by
appropriating all the grain to themselves, and giving him
the straw. The fraud was detected by Rama when he
assumed charge of the kingdom, and, as a punishment,
he ordered the Kapus to bring Cucurbita (pumpkin)
fruits for the sradh (death ceremony) of Dasaratha.
They accordingly cultivated the plant, but, before the
ceremony took place, all the plants were uprooted by
Hanuman, and no fruits were forthcoming. In lieu
thereof, they promised to offer gold equal in weight
to that of the pumpkin, and brought all of which they
were possessed. This they placed in the scales, but it
was not sufficient to counterbalance a pumpkin against
which it was weighed. To make up the deficiency in
weight, the Kapu women removed their bottus (marriage
badges), and placed them in the scales. Since that time
women of the Motati and Pedakanti sections have sub-
stituted a cotton string dyed with turmeric for the bottu.
It is worthy of notice that a similar legend is current
among the Vakkaligas (cultivators) of Mysore, who,
instead of giving up the bottu, seem to have abandoned
the cultivation of the Cucurbita plant. The exposure
of the fraud led Belthi Reddi to leave Ayodhya with one
of his wives and seventy-seven children, leaving behind
thirteen wives. In the course of their journey, they had
PAXTA KAPU.
233 KAPU
to cross the Silanadi (petrifying river), and, if they passed
through the water, they would have become petrified.
So they went to a place called Dhonakonda, and, after
worshipping Ganga, the head of the idol was cut off, and
brought to the river bank. The waters, like those of the
Red Sea in the time of Pharaoh, were divided, and the
Kapus crossed on dry ground. In commemoration of
this event, the Kapus still worship Ganga during their
marriage ceremonies. After crossing the river, the tra-
vellers came to the temple of Mallikarjuna, and helped
the Jangams in the duties of looking after it. Some time
afterwards the Jangams left the place for a time, and placed
the temple in charge of the Kapus. On their return, the
Kapus refused to hand over charge to them, and it was
decided that whoever should go to Nagalokam (the abode
of snakes), and bring back Naga Malligai (jasmine from
snake-land), should be considered the rightful owner of
the temple. The Jangams, who were skilled in the art
of transformation, leaving their mortal frames, went in
search of the flower in the guise of spirits. Taking
advantage of this, the Kapus burnt the bodies of the
Jangams, and, when the spirits returned, there were no
bodies for them to enter. Thereon the god of the
temple became angry, and transformed the Jangams into
crows, which attacked the Kapus, who fled to the country
of Oraganti Pratapa Rudra. As this King was a Sakti
worshipper, the crows ceased to harass the Kapus, who
settled down as cultivators. Of the produce of the land,
nine-tenths were to be given to the King, and the Kapus
were to keep a tithe. At this time the wife of Belthi
Reddi was pregnant, and she asked her sons what they
would give to the son who was about to be born. They
all promised to give him half their earnings. The child
grew into a learned man and poet, and one day carried
KAPU 234
water to the field where his brothers were at work. The
vessel containing the water was only a small one, and
there was not enough water for all. But he prayed to
Sarasvati, with whose aid the vessel was always filled
up. Towards evening, the grain collected during the
day was heaped together, with a view to setting apart
the share for the King. But a dispute arose among the
brothers, and it was decided that only a tithe should be
given to him. The King, being annoyed with the Kapus
for not giving him his proper share, waited for an oppor-
tunity to bring disgrace on Belthi Reddi, and sought
the assistance of a Jangam, who managed to become
the servant of Belthi Reddi's wife. After some time, he
picked up her kamma when it fell off while she was
asleep, and handed it over to Pratapa Rudra, who caused
it to be proclaimed that he had secured the ornament as
a preliminary to securing the person of its owner. The
eldest son of Belthi Reddi, however, recovered the
kamma in a fight with the King, during which he car-
ried his youngest brother on his back. From him the
Kammas are descended. The Velamas are descended
from the sons who ran away, and the Kapus from those
who would neither fight nor run away.
Pollution at the first menstrual ceremony lasts, I am
informed, for sixteen days. Every day, both morning
and evening, a dose of gingelly (Sesamum) oil is admin-
istered to the girl, and, if it produces much purging, she
is treated with buffalo ghi (clarified butter). On alter-
nate days water is poured over her head, and from the
neck downwards. The cloth which she wears, whether
new or old, becomes the property of the washerwoman.
On the first day the meals consist of milk and dhal {Caj-
amts indicus), but on subsequent days cakes, etc., are
allowed.
235 KAPU
In their marriage ceremonial, the Panta Reddis of
the South Arcot and Salem districts appear to follow the
Brahmanical form. In the Telugu country, however, it
is as follows. On the pradhanam or betrothal day, the
party of the bridegroom-elect go in procession under
a canopy (ulladam), attended by musicians, and matrons
carrying betel, cocoanuts, date and plantain fruits, and
turmeric on plates. As soon as they have arrived at
the courtyard of the future bride's house, she seats
herself on a plank. A Brahman purohit moulds a
little turmeric paste into a conical mass representing
Vigneswara (the elephant god), and it is worshipped
by the girl, in front of whom the trays brought by the
women are placed. She is presented with a new cloth,
which she puts on, and a near female relation gives her
three handfuls of areca nuts, a few betel leaves, and the
bride-price and jewels tied up in a turmeric-dyed cloth.
All these things the girl deposits in her lap. The
fathers of the contracting couple then exchange betel,
with the customary formula. " The girl is yours, and
the money mine " and " The money is yours, and the
girl mine." Early on the wedding morning the bride-
groom's party, accompanied by a purohit and washerman
(Tsakala), go to fetch the bride from her house. The
milk-post is set up, and is usually made of a branch of
Mimusops hexandra or, in the Tamil country, Odina
Wodier. On the conclusion of the marriage rites, the
Odina post is planted in the backyard, and, if it takes
root and flourishes, it is regarded as a happy omen for
the newly married couple. A small party of Kapus,
taking with them some food and gingelly (Sesamtim)
oil, proceed in procession beneath a canopy to the
house of a washerman (Tsakala), in order to obtain froni
him a framework made of bamboo or sticks over which
KAPU 236
cotton threads are wound (dhornam), and the Ganga
idol, which ii kept in his custody. The food is presented
to him, and some rice poured into his cloth. Receiving
these things, he says that he cannot find the dhornam
and idol without a torch-light, and demands gingelly
oil. This is given to him, and the Kapus return with
the washerman carrying the dhornam and idol to the
marriage house. When they arrive at the entrance
thereto, red coloured food, coloured water (arathi) and
incense are waved before the idol, which is taken into a
room, and placed on a settle of rice. The washerman is
then asked to tie the dhornam to the pandal (marriage
booth) or roof of the house, and he demands some paddy,
which is heaped up on the ground. Standing thereon,
he ties the dhornam. The people next proceed to the
houses of the goldsmith and potter, and bring back
the bottu (marriage badge) and thirteen marriage pots,
on which threads (kankanam) are tied before they are
removed. A Brahman purohit ties the thread round
one pot, and the Kapus round the rest. The pots are
placed in the room along with the Ganga idol. The
bottu is tied round the neck of a married woman who
is closely related to the bridegroom. The contracting
couple are seated with the ends of their clothes tied
together. A barber comes with a cup of water, and a
tray containing rice dyed with turmeric is placed on the
floor. A number of men and women then scatter rice
over the heads of the bride and bridegroom, and, after
waving a silver or copper coin in front of them, throw
it into the barber's cup. The barber then pares the
finger and toe nails of the bridegroom, and touches the
toe nails of the bride with his razor. They then go
through the nalagu ceremony, being smeared with oil
and Phaseolus Mungo paste, and bathe. After the bath
237 KAPU
the bridegroom, dressed in his wedding finery, proceeds
to the temple. As he leaves the house, a Madiga hands
him a pair of shoes, which he puts on. The Madiga is
given food placed in a basket on eleven leaves. At the
temple worship is performed, and a Bhatrazu (bard and
panegyrist), who has accompanied the bridegroom, ties
a bashingham (chaplet) on his forehead. From this
moment the Bhatrazu must remain with the bridegroom,
as his personal attendant, painting the sectarian marks
on his forehead, and carrying out other functions. In
like manner, a Bhogam woman (dedicated prostitute)
waits on the bride. "The tradition," Mr. Stuart writes,
" is that the Bhatrazus were a northern caste, which
was first invited south by king Pratapa Rudra of the
Kshatriya dynasty of Warrangal (i 295-1 323 A.D.).
After the downfall of that kingdom they seem to have
become court bards and panegyrists under the Reddi
and Velama feudal chiefs." From the temple the bride-
groom and his party come to the marriage pandal, and,
after food and other things have been waved to avert
the evil eye, he enters the house. On the threshold his
brother-in-law washes his feet, and sits thereon till he
has extracted some money or a cow as a present. The
bridegroom then goes to the marriage dais, whither the
bride is conducted, and stands facing him, with a screen
interposed between them. Vigneswara is worshipped,
and the wrist threads (kankanam) are tied on, the bride-
groom placing his right foot on the left foot of the bride.
The bottu is removed from the neck of the married woman,
passed round to be blessed, and tied by the bridegroom
on the bride's neck. The bride is lifted up by her
maternal uncle, and the couple sprinkle each other
with rice. The screen is removed, and they sit side by
side with the ends of their cloths tied together. Rice is
KAPU 238
thrown over them by those assembled, and they are
made to gaze at the pole star (Arundati). The pro-
ceedings terminate by the pair searching for a finger-
ring and pap-bowl in one of the pots filled with water.
On the second day there is feasting, and the nalagu
ceremony is again performed. On the following day,
the bridegroom and his party pretend to take offence
at some thing which is done by the bride's people,
who follow them with presents, and a reconciliation is
speedily effected. Towards evening, a ceremony called
nagavali, or sacrifice to the Devatas, is performed. The
bridal pair, with the Bhatrazu and Bhogam woman,
occupy the dais. The Brahman purohit places on a
tray ajconical mass of turmeric representing Vigneswara,
to whom puja (worship) is done. He then places a
brass vessel (kalasam) filled with water, and with its
mouth closed by a cocoanut, on a settle of rice spread
on a tray. The kalasam is worshipped as representing
the Devatas. The Brahman invokes the blessing of all
the Gods and Devatas, saying " Let Siva bless the pair,"
" Let Indra bless the pair," etc. A near relative of the
bridegroom sits by the side of the purohit with plenty of
betel leaves and areca nuts. After each God or Devata
has been mentioned, he throws some of the nuts and
leaves into a tray, and, as these are the perquisites of the
purohit, he may repeat the same name three or four
times. The Kapu then makes playful remarks about the
greed of the purohit, and, amid much laughter, refuses to
put any more leaves or nuts in the tray. This ceremonial
concluded, the near relations of the bridegroom stand in
front of him, and, with hands crossed, hold over his head
two brass plates, into which a small quantity of milk
is poured. Fruit, betel leaves and areca nuts (pan-
supari) are next distributed in a recognised order of
239 KAPU
precedence. The first presentation is made to the house
god, the second to the family priest, and the third to the
Brahman purohit. If a Pakanati Kapu is present, he
must receive his share immediately after the Brahman,
and before other Kapus, Kammas, and others. Before
it is presented to each person, the leaves and nuts are
touched by the bridegroom, and the hand of the bride
is placed on them by the Bhogam woman. At a Panta
Kapu wedding, the Ganga idol, together with a goat and
a kavadi (bamboo pole with baskets of rice, cakes, betel
leaves and areca nuts), is carried in procession to a pond
or temple. The washerman, dressed up as a woman,
heads the procession, and keeps on dancing and singing
till the destination is reached. The idol is placed inside
a rude triangular hut made of three sheaves of straw,
and the articles brought in the baskets are spread before
it. On the heap of rice small lumps of flour paste are
placed, and these are made into lights by scooping out
cavities, and feeding the wicks with ghi (clarified butter).
One of the ears of the goat is then cut, and it is brought
near the food. This done, the lights are extinguished,
and the assembly returns home without the least noise.
The washerman takes charge of the idol, and goes his
way. If the wedding is spread over five days, the Ganga
idol is removed on the fourth day, and the customary
mock-ploughing ceremony performed on the fifth. The
marriaee ceremonies close with the removal of the threads
from the wrists of the newly married couple. Among
the Panta Redd is of the Tamil country, the Ganga idol
is taken in procession by the washerman two or three
days before the marriage, and he goes to every Reddi
house, and receives a present of money. The idol is
then set up in the verandah, and worshipped daily till
the conclusion of the marriage ceremonies. " Among
KAPU 240
the Reddis of TInnevelly," Dr. J. Shortt writes, " a
young woman of sixteen or twenty years of age is
frequently married to a boy of five or six years, or even
of a more tender age. After marriage she, the wife,
lives with some other man, a near relative on the
maternal side, frequently an uncle, and sometimes with
the boy -husband's own father. The progeny so begotten
are affiliated on the boy-husband. When he comes of
age, he finds his wife an old woman, and perhaps past
child-bearing. So he, in his turn, contracts a liaison
with some other boy's wife, and procreates children."
The custom has doubtless been adopted in imitation of
the Maravans, Kalians, Agamudaiyans, and other castes,
among whom the Reddis have settled. In an account of
the Ayodhya Reddis of Tinnevelly, Mr. Stuart writes
that it is stated that " the tali is peculiar, consisting of
a number of cotton threads besmeared with turmeric,
without any gold ornament. They have a proverb that
he who went forth to procure a tali and a cloth never
returned." This proverb is based on the following
legend. In days of yore a Reddi chief was about to be
married, and he accordingly sent for a goldsmith, and,
desiring him to make a splendid tali, gave him the price
of it in advance. The smith was a drunkard, and
neglected his work. The day for the celebration of the
marriage arrived, but there was no tali. Whereupon
the old chief, plucking a few threads from his garment,
twisted them into a cord, and tied it round the neck of
the bride, and this became a custom.*
In the Census Report, 1891, Mr. Stuart states that
he was informed that polyandry of the fraternal type
exists among the Panta Kapus, but the statement
♦ J. F. Kearns. Kalyana shatanku.
241 KAPU
requires verification. I am unable to discover any trace
of this custom, and it appears that Reddi Yanadis are
employed by Panta Reddis as domestic servants. If
a Reddi Yanadi's husband dies, abandons, or divorces
his wife, she may marry his brother. And, in the case
of separation or divorce, the two brothers will live on
friendly terms with each other.
In the Indian Law Reports* it is noted that the
custom of illatom,t or affiliation of a son-in-law, obtains
among the Motati Kapus in Bellary and Kurnool, and
the Pedda Kapus in Nellore. He who has at the time
no son, although he may have more than one daughter,
and whether or no he is hopeless of having male issue,
may exercise the right of taking an illatom son-in-law.
For the purposes of succession this son-in-law stands in
the place of a son, and, in competition with natural-born
sons, takes an equal share. J
According to the Kurnool Manual (1886), "the
Pakanadus of Pattikonda and Ramallakota taluks allow
a widow to take a second husband from among the
caste-men. She can wear no signs of marriage, such as
the tali, glass bangles, and the like, but she as well as
her husband is allowed to associate with the other caste-
men on equal terms. Their progeny inherit their father's
property equally with children born in regular wedlock,
but they generally intermarry with persons similarly
circumstanced. Their marriage with the issue of a
regularly married couple is, however, not prohibited. It
is matter for regret that this privilege of remarrying is
* Madras Series, IV, 1882 ; VI, 1883.
t lUatakaru, a bride's father having no son, and adopting his son-in-law.
J See further C. Ramachendrier. Collection of Decisions of High Courts
and the Privy Council applicable to dancing-girls, illatom affiliation, etc., Madras,
1892.
IH-16
kApu 242
much abused, as among the Linga Balijas. Not unl're-
quently it extends to pregnant widows also, and so
widows live in adultery with a caste-man without fear
of excommunication, encouraged by the hope of getting
herself united to him or some other caste-man in the
event of pregnancy. In many cases, caste-men are
hired for the purpose of going through the forms of
marriage simply to relieve such widows from the penalty
of excommunication from caste. The man so hired
plays the part of husband for a few days, and then goes
away in accordance with his secret contract." The
abuse of widow marriage here referred to is said to be
uncommon, though it is sometimes practiced among
Kapus and other castes in out-of-the-way villages. It
is further noted in the Kurnool Manual that Pedakanti
Kapu women do not wear the tali, or a bodice (ravika)
to cover their breasts. And the tight-fitting bodice is
said* to be "far less universal in Anantapur than
Bellary, and, among some castes {e.g., certain sub-
divisions of the Kapus and Idigas), it is not worn after
the first confinement."
In the disposal of their dead, the rites among the
Kapus of the Telugu country are very similar to those
of the Kammas and Balijas. The Panta Reddis of the
Tamil country, however, follow the ceremonial in vogue
amonor various Tamil castes. The news of a death in the
community is conveyed by a Paraiyan T5ti (sweeper).
The dead man's son receives a measure contaaning
a light from a barber, and goes three times round the
corpse. At the burning-ground the barber, instead of
the son, goes thrice round the corpse, carrying a pot
containing water, and followed by the son, who makes
Gazetteer of the Anantapur district.
243 kApu
holes therein. The stream of water which trickles out
is sprinkled over the corpse. The barber then breaks
the pot Into very small fragments. If the fragments
were large, water might collect In them, and be drunk
by birds, which would bring sickness (pakshidhosham)
on children, over whose heads they might pass. On
the day after the funeral, a Panisavan or barber extin-
guishes the fire, and collects the ashes together. A
washerman brings a basket containing various articles
required for worship, and, after puja has been performed,
a plant of Leucas aspej'a Is placed on the ashes. The
bones are collected in a new pot, and thrown into a river,
or consigned by parcel-post to an agent at Benares, and
thrown Into the Ganges.
By religion the Kapus are both Vaishnavltes and
Saivites, and they worship a variety of deities, such
as Thallamma, Nagarapamma, Putlamma, Ankamma,
Muneswara, Poleramma, Desamma. To Muneswara and
Desamma pongal (cooked rice) is offered, and buffa-
loes are sacrificed to Poleramma. Even Matano-I, the
goddess of the Madigas, Is worshipped by some Kapus.
At purificatory ceremonies a Madlga Basavi woman,
called MatangI, Is sent for, and cleanses the house or
Its inmates from pollution by sprinkling and spitting
out toddy.
From an interesting note * on agricultural ceremonies
In the Bellary district, the following extract Is taken.
" On the first full-moon day In the month of Bhadra-
pada (September), the agricultural population celebrate a
feast called the Jokumara feast, to appease the rain-god.
The Barikas (women), who are a sub-division of the
Kabbera caste belonging to the Gaurlmakkalu section,
* Madras Mail, Nov. 1905.
III-16B
KAPU 244
go round the town or village in which they live, with
a basket on their heads containing margosa [Melia
Azadirachta) leaves, flowers of various kinds, and holy
ashes. They beg alms, especially of the cultivating
classes (Kapus), and, in return for the alms bestowed
(usually grain and food), they give some of the margosa
leaves, flowers, and ashes. The Kapus take these to
their fields, prepare cholam (millet : Sorghum) gruel, mix
them with it, and sprinkle the kanji or gruel all round
their fields. After this, the Kapu proceeds to the potter's
kiln, fetches ashes from it, and makes a figure of a human
being. This figure is placed prominently in some con-
venient spot in the field, and is called Jokumara or
rain-god. It is supposed to have the power of bringing
down the rain in proper time. The figure is sometimes
small, and sometimes big. A second kind of Jokumara
worship is called muddam, or outlining of rude representa-
tions of human figures with powdered charcoal. These
representations are made in the early morning, before
the bustle of the day commences, on the ground at cross-
roads and along thoroughfares. The Barikas who draw
these figures are paid a small remuneration in money
or in kind. The figure represents Jokumara, who will
bring down rain when insulted by people treading on
him. Another kind of Jokumara worship also prevails
in this district. When rain fails, the Kapu females
model a figure of a naked human being of small size.
They place this figure in an open mock palanquin, and
go from door to door singing indecent songs, and col-
lecting alms. They continue this procession for three
or four days, and then abandon the figure in a field
adjacent to the village. The Malas then take possession
of this abandoned Jokumara, and in their turn go about
sineinof indecent songs and collecting alms for three or
245 KAPU
four days, and then throw it away in some jungle. This
form of Jokumara worship is also believed to bring down
plenty of rain. There is another simple superstition
among these Kapu females. When rain fails, the Kapu
females catch hold of a frog, and tie it alive to a new
winnowing fan made of bamboo. On this fan, leaving
the frog visible, they spread a few margosa leaves, and
go singing from door to door * Lady frog must have her
bath. Oh ! rain-god, give a little water for her at least.'
This means that the drought has reached such a stage
that there is not even a drop of water for the frogs.
When the Kapu woman sings this song, the woman of
the house brings a little water in a vessel, pours it over
the frog which is left on the fan outside the door, and
gives some alms. The woman of the house is satisfied
that such an action will soon bring down rain in torrents."
In the Kapu community, women play an important
part, except in matters connected with agriculture. This
is accounted for by a story to the effect that, when they
came from Ayodhya, the Kapus brought no women with
them, and sought the assistance of the gods in providing
them with wives. They were told to marry women who
were the illegitimate issue of Pandavas, and the women
consented on the understanding that they were to be
given the upper hand, and that menial service, such
as husking paddy (rice), cleaning vessels, and carrying
water, should be done for them. They accordingly
employ Gollas and Gamallas, and, in the Tamil country,
Pallis as domestic servants. Malas and Madigas freely
enter Kapu houses for the purpose of husking paddy,
but are not allowed into the kitchen, or room in which
the household gods are worshipped.
In some Kapu houses, bundles of ears of paddy may
be seen hung up as food for sparrows, which are held
KApU 246
in esteem. The hopping of sparrows is said to resemble
the gait of a person confined in fetters, and there is a
legend that the Kapus were once in chains, and the
sparrows set them at liberty, and took the bondage on
themselves.
It has been noted * by Mr. C. K. Subbha Rao, of
the Agricultural Department, that the Reddis and others,
who migrated southward from the Telugu country,
" occupy the major portion of the black cotton soil of the
Tamil country. There is a strange affinity between the
Telugu cultivators and black cotton soil ; so much so
that, if a census was taken of the owners of such soil
in the Tamil districts of Coimbatore, Trichinopoly,
Madura, and Tinnevelly, ninety per cent, would no doubt
prove to be Vadugars (northerners), or the descendants
of Telugu immigrants. So great is the attachment of
the Vadugan to the black cotton soil that the Tamilians
mock him by saying that, when god offered paradise to
the Vadugan, the latter hesitated, and enquired whether
there was black cotton soil there."
In a note on the Pongala or Pokanati and Panta
Reddis of the Trichinopoly district, Mr. F. R. Heming-
way writes as follows. " Both speak Telugu, but they
differ from each other in their customs, live in separate
parts of the country, and will neither intermarry nor
interdine. The Reddis will not eat on equal terms with
any other Sudra caste, and will accept separate meals
only from the vegetarian section of the Vellalas. They
are generally cultivators, but they had formerly rather a
bad reputation for crime, and it is said that some of them
are receivers of stolen property. Like various other
castes, they have beggars, called Bavani Nayakkans,
* Madras Mail, 1905,
247 KApU
attached to them, who beg from no other caste, and
whose presence is necessary when they worship their
caste goddess. The Chakkiliyans are also attached to
them, and play a prominent part in the marriages of
the Panta sub-division. Formerly, a Chakkiliyan was
deputed to ascertain the status of the other party before
the match was arranged, and his dreams were considered
as omens of its desirability. He was also honoured at the
marriage by being given the first betel and nuts. Nowa-
days he precedes the bridegroom's party with a basket
of fruit, to announce its coming. A Chakkiliyan is also
often deputed to accompany a woman on a journey.
The caste goddess of the Reddis is Yellamma, whose
temple is at Esanai in Perambalur, and she is reverenced
by both Pantas and Pongalas. The latter observe rather
gruesome rites, including the drinking of a kid's blood.
The Pantas also worship Rengayiamman and Polayam-
man with peculiar ceremonies. The women are the
principal worshippers, and, on one of the nights after
Pongal, they unite to do reverence to these goddesses,
a part of the ritual consisting in exposing their persons.
With this may be compared the Sevvaipillayar rite
celebrated in honour of Ganesa by Vellala woman
{see Vellala). Both divisions of Reddis wear the sacred
thread at funerals. Neither of them allow divorcees or
widows to marry again. The women of the two divisions
can be easily distinguished by their appearance. The
Panta Reddis wear a characteristic gold ear-ornament
called kammal, a flat nose-ring studded with inferior
rubies, and a golden wire round the neck, on which both
the tali and the pottu are tied. They are of fairer com-
plexion than the Pongala women. The Panta women
are allowed a great deal of freedom, which is usually
ascribed to their dancing-girl origin, and are said to rule
KApU 248
their husbands in a manner rare in other castes. They
are often called devadiya (dancing-girl) Reddis, and it is
said that, though the men of the caste receive hospitality
from the Reddis of the north country, their women are
not invited. Their chastity is said to be frail, and their
lapses easily condoned by their husbands. The Pongalas
are equally lax about their wives, but are said to rigor-
ously expel girls or widows who misconduct themselves,
and their seducers as well. However, the Panta men
and women treat each other with a courtesy that is prob-
ably to be found in no other caste, rising and saluting
each other, whatever their respective ages, whenever
they meet. The purification ceremony for a house defiled
by the unchastity of a maid or widow is rather an ela-
borate affair. Formerly a Kolakkaran (huntsman), a
Tottiyan, a priest of the village goddess, a Chakkiliyan,
and a Bavani Nayakkan had to be present. The Totti-
yan is now sometimes dispensed with. The Kolakkaran
and the Bavani Nayakkan burn some kamacchi grass
{Andropogon Sckcenanihns), and put the ashes in three
pots of water. The Tottiyan then worships Pillayar
(Ganesa) in the form of some turmeric, and pours the
turmeric into the water. The members of the polluted
household then sit in a circle, while the Chakkiliyan
carries a black kid round the circle. He is pursued by
the Bavani Nayakkan, and both together cut off the
animal's head, and bury it. The guilty parties have then
to tread on the place where the head is buried, and the
turmeric and ash water is poured over them. This cere-
mony rather resembles the one performed by the Oralis.
The Pantas are said to have no caste panchayats
(council), whereas the Pongalas recognise the authority
of officers called Kambalakkarans and Kottukkarans
who uphold discipline."
249 KARAITURAI
The following are some of the proverbs relating to
the Kapus : —
The Kapu protects all.
The Kapu's difficulties are known only to god.
The Kapu dies from even the want of food.
The Kapu knows not the distinction between daugh-
ter and daughter-in-law {i.e., both must work for him).
The Karnam (village accountant) is the cause of the
Kapu's death.
The Kapu goes not to the fort {i.e., into the presence
of the Raja). A modern variant is that the Kapu goes
not to the court (of law).
While the Kapu was sluggishly ploughing, thieves
stole the rope collars.
The year the Kapu came in, the famine came too.
The Reddis are those who will break open the soil to
fill their bellies.
When the unpracticed Reddi got into a palanquin, it
swung from side to side.
The Reddi who had never mounted a horse sat with
his face to the tail.
The Reddi fed his dog like a horse, and barked himself.
Karadhi. — A name sometimes given to Mari
Holeyas.
Karadi (bear). — An exogamous sept of Tottiyan.
Karaikkat. — Karaikkat, Karaikkatar, or Kar-
katta, meaning those who waited for rain, or, according
to another version, those who saved or protected the
clouds, is an endogamous division of Vellala. Some
Tamil Malayalis, who claim to be Vellalas who emigrated
to the hills from Conjeeveram, have, at times of census,
returned themselves as Karaikkat Vellalas.
Karaiturai (sea-coast) Vellala. — A name assumed
by some Pattanavans.
karaiyAlan 250
Karaiyalan (ruler of the coast). — A title of Mara-
vans, also taken by some Idaiyans.
Karaiyan.— A name for Tamil sea-fishermen, who
live on the coast (karai). The fishing section of the
Palles is known as Palle Kariyalu. See Pattanavan.
Karalan. — In the Census Report, 1891, the Karalans
(rulers of clouds) are returned as a tribe of hunters and
cultivators found in the hills of Salem and South Arcot.
In the Report, 1901, Karalan is given as a synonym
for Vellala in Malabar, and also as a name for Malayalis.
At the census, 1901, many of the Malayalis of the Sheva-
roy hills in the Salem district returned themselves as
Vellalas and Karalans. And the divisions returned by
the Karalans, e.g., Kolli, Pacchai, Periya, and Perianan,
connect them with these Malayalis {q.v.).
Karepaku.— Karepaku or Karuvepilai is a name for
Koravas, who hawk for sale leaves of the curry-leaf plant
{^Murray a Kcenigii).
Karichcha. — Recorded, in the Travancore Census
Report, 1 901, as a sub-division of Nayar.
Karimbarabannaya (sugar-cane sept). — An exoga-
mous sept of Kelasi.
Karimpalan.— The Karimpalans are a small hunt-
ing and cultivating forest tribe in Malabar. They are
" punam (shifting) cultivators, hewers of wood, and
collectors of wild pepper, and are found in all the foot
hills north of the Camel's H ump. They wear the kudumi
(hair knot), and are said to follow the marumakkatayam
system of inheritance in the female line, but they do not
perform the tali kettu ceremony. They are supposed
to have the power of exorcising the demon Karuvilli,
possession by whom takes the form of fever." *
* Gazetteer of the Malabar district.
251 KARNABATTU
Kariya.— A sub-division of Kudubi.
Karkadabannaya (scorpion sept). — An exogamous
sept of Bant.
Karkatta. — A synonym of Karaikattu Vellala.
Karna.— A sub-division of Golla, and an exogamous
sept of Mala.
Karnabattu. — The Karnabattus, or Karnabhatus,
are a Telugu weaving caste, found chiefly in the Godavari
district. The story goes that there once lived a king, who
ruled over a portion of the country now included in this
district, and was worried by a couple of demons, who
carried off some of his subjects for their daily food. The
king prayed Siva for deliverance from them, and the god,
being gratified at his devotion to him, produced nine
persons from his ears, and ordered them to slay the
demons. This they did, and their descendants are the
Karnabhatus, or ear soldiers. By religion, the Karna-
battus are either ordinary Saivites or Lingayats. When
a girl reaches maturity, she remains under a pollution for
sixteen days. Early marriage is the rule, and a Brahman
officiates at weddings. The dead, as among other Lin-
gayats, are buried in a sitting posture. The caste is
organised in the same manner as the Sales, and, at each
place, there is a headman called Kulampedda or Jati-
pedda, corresponding to the Senapathi of the Sales.
They weave coarse cloths, which are inferior in texture
to those manufactured by Patta Sales and Silevantas.
In a note on the Karnabattus, Mr. F. R. Hemingway
writes that " though a low caste, they forbid the remar-
riage of widows. But the remark in the Census Report
(1901) that they abstain from meat is not true of the
Karnabattus questioned, who admitted that they would
eat even pork. Their special deity is Somesvara, whom
they unite to worship on the new-moon day of Pushyam
KARNA SALE 252
(January-February). The god is represented by a mud
idol made for the occasion. The pujari (priest) throws
flowers over it in token of adoration, and sits before it
with his hands outstretched and his mouth closed until
one of the flowers falls into his hands."
The Karnabattus have no regular caste titles, but
sometimes the elders add Ayya or Anna as a suffix to
their name.
Karna Sale. — The Kama Sales are a caste of
Telugu weavers, who are called Seniyans in the Tamil
country, <?.,^., at Madura and Tanjore. They seem to
have no tradition as to their origin, but the name Karna
would seem to have its origin in the legend relating to
the Karnabattus. These are, in the community, both
Saivites and Vaishnavites, and all members of the
Illabatbthini sept are Vaishnavites. They are said to
have only one gotra, Kasi (Benares), and numerous
exogamous septs, of which the following are examples: —
Vasthrala, cloth.
Rudrakshala, seeds of Ehco-
carpus Ganitriis.
Mandha, village common or
herd.
Kodavili, sickle.
Thadla, rope.
Thatichettu, palmyra palm.
Dhoddi, court-yard.
Thippa, rubbish-heap.
In some places, the office of headman, who is called
Setti, is hereditary. He is assisted by a Pedda Kapu,
and Nela Setti, of whom the latter is selected monthly,
and derives his name from the Telugu nela (month).
In their marriage ceremonial, the Karna Sales closely
follow the Padma Sales, but they have no upanayanam
(sacred thread rite), or Kasiyathre (mock pilgrimage
to Benares), have twelve pots brought for worship, and
no pot-searching.
As among other Telugu castes, when a girl reaches
puberty, twigs of Strychnos Nux-vomica are placed in the
253 KARNATAKA
special hut erected for the occasion. On the third or
fifth day, the girl's relations come to her house under a
cloth canopy (ulladam), carrying rice soaked in jaggery
(crude sugar) water. This rice is called dhadibiyam
(wet rice), and is placed in a heap, and, after the waving
of coloured water, distributed, with pan-supari (betel
leaves and areca nuts), among those present.
The dead are carried to the burial-ground in a car,
and buried, after the manner of Lingayats, in a sitting
posture. Jangams officiate at funerals.
The caste deity is Somesvara. Some Kama Sales
wear the lingam, but are not particular about keeping it
on their person, leaving it in the house, and wearing it
when at meals, and on important occasions. Concerning
the Lingayat section of the community, Mr. H. A. Stuart
writes, as follows.* " The Lingayats resemble the
Linga Balijas in all their customs, in all respects, except
that they recognise sutakam, or pollution, and bathe to
remove it. They freely eat in the houses of all Linga
Balijas, but the latter will not eat with them. They
entirely disregard the spiritual authority of the Brahmans,
recognising priests among the Linga Balijas, Jangams,
or Pandarams. In the exercise of their trade, they are
distinguished from the Kaikolans in that they sometimes
weave in silk, which the Kaikolans never do." Like the
Padma Sales, the Kama Sales usually only weave coarse
cotton cloths.
Karnam. — See Korono.
Karnam (accountant). — An exogamous sept of
Kamma.
Karnataka.— 'The territorial name of a sub-division
of Handichikka and Uppara. It is also the name of a
* Manual of the North Arcot district.
kAro panikkar 254
sub-division of Madhva and Smarta Brahmans who speak
the Kanarese language, as opposed to the Desastha
Brahmans, who are immigrants into Southern India from
the Maratha country.
Karo Panikkar.— A class of temple servants in
Malabar. " The Karo Panikkar is said to be descended
from the union of Vettakorumagan (the God of hunting)
and a Kiriyattil Nayar woman. His occupation is to act
as Vellichapad or oracle in temples dedicated to his
divine ancestor." *
Karpura Chetti. — A synonym of Uppiliyans, who
used to manufacture camphor (karpura).
Karta.— Kartaand Kartavu, meaning agent or doer,
is an honorific title of Nayars and Samantas. It is also
the name for the chief mourner at funerals of Nayars and
other castes on the west coast. Kartakkal, denoting,
it is said, governors, has been returned, at times of census
by Balijas claiming to be descendants of the Nayak
kings of Madura and Tanjore.
Karukku-pattayar (those of the sharp sword). —
A sub-division of Shanan. In the Census Report, 1891,
the division Karukku-mattai (petiole of the palmyra leaf
with serrated edges) was returned. Some Shanans are
said to have assumed the name of Karukku-mattai
Vellalas.
Karumala (black mountain). — An exogamous sept
of Kanikar.
Karuman. — A sub-division of Kammalans, who do
blacksmith's work.
Karumpuraththal. — A synonym for the caste name
adopted by some Kappiliyans.
* Gazetteer of the Malabar district.
255 KASI
Karumpurattan. — It is recorded, in the Madras
Census Report, 1901, that " the term Karumpurattan is
said to be a corruption of Karu-aruttar, which means the
Annihilators, and to have been given to the caste because
they are the descendants of a garrison of Chola Vellalas,
who treacherously allowed an enemy to enter the Tanjore
fort, and annihilate the Raja and his family. Winslow,
however, says * that Karumpuram is a palmyra tree,t
and Karumpurattan may thus mean a palmyra man, that
is, a toddy-drawer. In the enumeration schedules, the
name was often written Karumpuran. If this etymology
is correct, this caste must originally have been Shanans
or Iluvans. It is said to have come from the village of
Tiruvadamarudur in Tanjore, and settled in the north-
eastern part of Madura. The caste has seven sub-castes,
called after seven nadus or villages in Madura, in which
it originally settled. In its ceremonies, etc., it closely
follows the Ilamagams. Its title is Pillai."
Karutta (dark-coloured). — Recorded, at the Madras
census, 1891, as a sub-division of Idaiyans, who have
also returned Karuttakkadu, meaning black cotton soil
or regur.
Karuva Haddi.— A name for the scavenging section
of Haddis.
Karuvan. — A corrupt form of Karuman.
Karuvelam.— Recorded in the Travancore Census
Report, 1 90 1, as a sub-division of Nayar.
Kasayi (butcher). — A Muhammadan occupational
name.
Kasi (Benares). — A gotra of Medara and Kama Sale.
• Tamil and English Dictionary, 1862.
+ The word, in this sense, is said to occur in a Tamil work named Pingala
Nikandu. Karuku is Tamil for the serrated margin of the leaf — petiole of the
palmyra palm.
KASI 256
Kasi.— A name for the stone-mason section of
Kamsalas.
Kasturi (musk). — An exogamous sept of Badaga,
Kamma, Okkiliyan, and Vakkaliga. Indian musk is
obtained from the musk glands of the Himalayan musk-
deer, Moschiis moschiferus.
Kasuba (workmen). — A section of Irulas of the
Nilgiris, who have abandoned jungle life in favour of
working on planters' estates or elsewhere.
Kasukkar.— The name, derived from kas, cash, of a
sub-division of Chetti.
Kasula (copper coins). — An exogamous sept of
Padma Sale.
Kasyapa.— A Brahmanical g5tra adopted by Bhat-
razus, Khatris, and Tontis. Kasyapa was one of the
seven important Rishis, and the priest of Parasu Rama.
Katakam (crab). — An exogamous sept of K5mati.
Katal Arayan. — See Valan.
Katari (dagger : katar). — An exogamous sept of
Golla, Mutracha, and Yerukala. The dagger or poig-
nard, called katar, has " a solid blade of diamond section,
the handle of which consists of two parallel bars with a
cross-piece joining them. The hand grips the cross-
piece, and the bars pass along each side of the wrist."*
Katasan.— Recorded t as " a small caste of basket-
makers and lime-burners in the Tinnevelly district. It
has at least two endogamous sub-divisions, namely, Pat-
tankatti and Nittarasan. Widows are allowed to remarry.
The dead are buried. The social position of the caste
is above that of the Vettuvans, and they consider them-
selves polluted if they eat food prepared by a Shanan.
But they are not allowed to enter Hindu temples,
♦ Yule and Burnell. Hobson-Jobson.
t Madras Census Report, 190 1.
257 kaththiravAndlu
they worship devils, and they have separate washermen
and barbers of their own, all of which are signs of
inferiority. Their title is Pattamkatti, and Kottan is
also used."
Kaththavaraya. — A synonym for Vannan, derived
from Kaththavaraya, the deified son of Kali, from whom
the Vannans trace their descent.
Kaththe (donkey). — An exogamous sept of Madiga.
Kaththi (knife). — An exogamous sept of Devanga
and Madiga.
Kaththiri (scissors). — An exogamous sept of
Devanga, and sub-division of Gadaba.
Kaththiravandlu (scissors people). — Concerning
this section of the criminal classes, Mr. F. S. Mullaly
writes to me as follows. " This is purely a Nellore
name for this class of professional pick-pockets. The
appellation seems to have been given to them from
the fact that they frequent fairs and festivals, and busy
railway platforms, offering knives and scissors for sale.
And, when an opportunity presents itself, they are used
for cutting strings of beads, ripping open bags, etc.
Several of these light-fingered gentry have been found
with small scissors in their mouths. Most of them wear
shoes of a peculiar shape, and these form a convenient
receptacle for the scissors. Bits of broken glass (to act
as knives) are frequently found in their mouths. In
different districts they are known by different appella-
tions, such as Donga Dasaris in North Arcot and parts
of Cuddapah ; Golla Woddars, Donga Woddars, and
Muheri Kalas in Cuddapah, Bellary, and Kurnool ;
Pachupus in Kistna and Godavari ; Alagiris, Ena or
Thogamalai Koravas in the southern districts. Indivi-
duals belonging to this class of thieves have been traced,
since the opening of the East Coast Railway, as far as
111-17
KATHTHIRAVANDLU 258
Midnapore. An important way of identifying them is
the fact that everyone of them, male and female, is
branded at the corners of the eyebrows and between the
eyes in childhood, as a safeguard against convulsions."
For the following additional information I am in-
debted to an official of the Police department. " I am
not aware of these people using any particular shoes.
They use sandals such as are generally worn by ryots
and the lower classes. These they get by stealing.
They pick them up from houses during the daytime,
when they go from house to house on the pretence of
begging, or they steal them at nights along with other
property. These sandals are made in different fashions
in different districts, and so those possessed by Kathiras
are generally of different kinds, being stolen from various
parts of the country. They have no shoes of any pecu-
liar make, nor do they get any made at all. Kathiras do
not generally wear any shoes. They walk and run faster
with bare feet. They wear shoes when walking through
the jungle, and entrust them to one of their comrades
when walking through the open country. They some-
times throw them off when closely pursued, and run
away. In 1899, when we arrested one on the highroad,
he had with him five or six pairs of shoes of different
kinds and sizes, and he did not account satisfactorily for
being in possession of so many. I subsequently learnt
that some supernumeraries were hiding in the jungle
close to the place where he was arrested.
" About marks of branding on the face, it is not only
Kathiras, but almost all nomadic tribes who have these
marks. As the gangs move on exposed to changes of
weather, the children sometimes get a disease called
sandukatlu or palakurkura. They generally get this
disease from the latter part of the first year up to the
259 KATIKE
fifth year. The symptoms are similar to those which
children sometimes have at the time of teething. It is
when children get this disease that they are branded on
the face between the eyebrows, on the outer corners of
the eyes, and sometimes on the belly. The brand-marks
on the face and corners of the eyes are circular, and those
on the belly generally horizontal. The circular brand-
marks are made with a long piece of turmeric, one end
of which is burnt for the purpose, or with an indigo-
coloured cloth rolled like a pencil and burnt at one end.
The horizontal marks are made with a hot needle.
Similar brand-marks are made by some caste Hindus on
their children."
To Mr. P. B. Thomas I am indebted for specimens of
the chaplet, made of strips of rolled pith, worn by Kath-
thira women when begging, and of the cotton bags, full
of false pockets, regularly carried by both men and
women, in which they secrete the little sharp knife and
other articles constituting their usual equipment.
In his " History of Railway thieves," Mr. M. Paupa
Rao Naidu, writing about the pick-pockets or Thetakars,
says that " most of them wear shoes called chadavs,
and, if the articles stolen are very small, they put them
at once into their shoes, which form very convenient
receptacles from their peculiar shape ; and, therefore,
when a pick-pocket with such a shoe on is suspected of
having stolen a jewel, the shoes must be searched first,
then the mouth and the other parts of the body."
Kaththula (sword). — An exogamous sept of Yanadi.
Katige (collyrium). — A gotra of Kurni.
Katikala (collyrium). — An exogamous sept of
Devanga.
Katike.— The Katike or Katikilu are butchers in the
Telugu country, concerning whom it is noted, in the
111-17 B
KATIKE 260
Kurnool Manual, that " some are called Sultani butchers,
or Hindus forcibly circumcised by the late Nabob of
Kurnool. They observe both Mussalman and Hindu
customs." A correspondent in the Kurnool district
informs me that the butchers of Kurnool belong to three
classes, one selling beef, and the others mutton. Of
these, the first are Muhammadans, and are called Gayi
Khasayi, as they deal in beef. The other two are called
respectively Sultanis and Surasus, i.e., the circumcised
and uncircumcised. Both claim to be the descendants
of two brothers, and have the following tradition
concerning their origin. Tipu Sultan is said not to have
relished the idea of taking mutton at the hands of
Hindus, as they would not perform Bismallah at the
time of slaughtering the sheep. He accordingly ordered
both the brothers to appear before him. Being the
manager of the family, the elder went, and was forcibly
circumcised. On hearing the news, the younger brother
absconded. The descendants of the former are Muham-
madans, and of the latter Hindus. As he was made
a Muhammadan by force, the elder brother and his
descendants did not adopt all the Muhammadan
manners and customs. Till recently they did not even
allow their beards to grow. At the present day, they go
to mosques, dress like Muhammadans, shave their heads,
and grow beards, but do not intermarry with the true
Muhammadans. The descendants of the younger
brother still call themselves Ari-katikelu, or Maratha
butchers, profess the Hindu religion, and follow Hindu
manners and customs. Though they do not eat with
Muhammadans or Sultanis, their Hindu brethren shun
them because of their profession, and their intimacy
with Sultanis. I am informed that, at Nandyal in the
Kurnool district, some Maratha butchers, who observe
26l KATORAUTO
purely Hindu customs, are called by Muhammadan
names. The Tahsildar of the Sirvel taluk in the same
district states that, prior to the reign of the father of
Ghulam Rasul Khan, the dethroned Nawab of Kur-
nool, the butcher's profession was solely in the hands
of the Marathas, some of whom were, as stated in the
Manual, forcibly circumcised, and became a separate
butcher caste, called Sultani. There are two sections
among these Sultani butchers, viz., Bakra (mutton) and
Gai Kasai (beef butcher). Similar stories of forcible
conversion to the Muhammadan religion are prevalent
in the Bellary district, where the Kasayis are mostly
converted Hindus, who dress in the Hindu style, but
possess Muhammadan names with Hindu terminations,
e.g., Hussainappa.
In connection with butchers, I may quote the
following extract from a petition to the Governor of
Madras on the subject of a strike among the Madras
butchers in 1907. " We, the residents of Madras, beg
respectfully to bring to your Excellency's notice the
inconvenience and hardship we are suffering owing to
the strike of the butchers in the city. The total failure
of the supply of mutton, which is an important item in
the diet of non-Brahmin Hindus, Muhammadans, Indian
Christians, Parsis, Eurasians and Europeans, causes a
deprivation not merely of something to which people
have become accustomed, but of an article of food by
which the health of many is sustained, and the want of
which is calculated to impair their health, and expose
them to diseases, against which they have hitherto
successfully contended."
Katorauto. — A name for the offspring of maid
servants in the harems of Oriya Zamindars, who are said
to claim to be Kshatriyas.
KATTA 262
Katta. — Katta or Katte, meaning a bund, dam, or
embankment, has been recorded as an exogamous sept
or gotra of Devanga and Kurni.
Kattelu (sticks or faggots). — An exogamous sept
of Boya.
Kattira.— A sub-division of Gadaba.
Kattu. — See Kadu.
Kattukudugirajati. — The name, meaning the caste
which allows living together after marriage of an
informal kind, recorded * as the caste name of Turuvalars
(Vfedars) of Salem, derived from a custom among them,
which authorises temporary matrimonial arrangements.
Kattu Kapari (dweller in the forest). — Said to be
a name for Irulas or Villiyans. The equivalent Kattu
Kapu is, in like manner, said to be a name for Jogis.
Kattu Marathi. — A synonym of Kuruvikaran.
Kaudikiaru.— Kaudikiaru or Gaudikiaru is a title
of Kurubas.
Kavadi. — In the Madras Census Report, 1901,
Kabadi is returned as the name of a class of Telugu
wood-cutters. Kavadi is the name of a division of
Koravas, who carry offerings to Perumalswami at
Tirupati on a pole (kavadi). Kavadi or Kavadiga is
further the name given to Kannadiyan curd-sellers in
Madras, who carry the curds in pots as head-loads.
Kavalgar (watchman). — Recorded, at times of
census, as a sub-division of Ambalakaran, and title of
Nattaman, Malaiman, and Sudarman. The equivalent
Kavali is recorded as a sub-division of the Kammas.
The Kavalis, or watchers, in the Telugu country, are
said to be generally Lingayat Boyas.f The Telugu
Mutrachas are also called Kavalgar. The village kaval
* Manual of the Salem district. f Madras Census Report, 1901.
263 KAVARAI
system in the southern districts is discussed in the note
on Mara vans.
Kavandan.— At the census, 1901, more than nine
thousand people returned themselves as Kavandan or
Kaundan, which is a title of Konga Vellalas, and many
other castes, such as Anappan, Kappiliyan, Palli, Sem-
badavan, Urali, and Vettuvan. The name corresponds
to the Canarese Gauda or Gaunda.
Kaundinya (a sage). — A Brahmanical gotra adopted
by Razus and Bhatrazus.
Kavane (sling). — An exogamous sept of Gangadi-
kara Holeyas.
Kavarai.^Kavarai is the name for Balijas (Telugu
trading caste), who have settled in the Tamil country.
The name is said to be a corrupt form of Kauravar or
Gauravar, descendants of Kuroo of the Mahabaratha, or
to be the equivalent of Gauravalu, sons of Gauri, the
wife of Siva. Other suggested derivatives are : (a) a
corrupt form of the Sanskrit Kvaryku, badness or
reproach, and Arya, i.e., deteriorated Aryans ; (d) Sans-
krit Kavara, mixed, or Kavaraha, a braid of hair, i.e.,
a mixed class, as many of the Telugu professional
prostitutes belong to this caste ; (c) Kavarai or Gavaras,
buyers or dealers in cattle.
The Kavarais call themselves Balijas, and derive the
name from bali, fire, jaha sprung, i.e., men sprung from
fire. Like other Telugu castes, they have exogamous
septs, e.£:, tupaki (gun), jetti (wrestler), pagadala (coral),
bandi (cart), simaneli, etc.
The Kavarais of Srivilliputtur, in the Tinnevelly
district, are believed to be the descendants of a few
families, which emigrated thither from Manjakuppam
(Cuddalore) along with one Dora Krishnamma Nayudu.
About the time of Tirumal Nayak, one Ramaswami
KAVARAI 264
Raju, who had five sons, of whom the youngest was
Dora Krishnamma, was reigning near Manjakuppam.
Dora Krishnamma, who was of wandering habits, having
received some money from his mother, went to Trichi-
nopoly, and, when he was seated in the main bazar, an
elephant rushed into the street. The beast was stopped
in its career, and tamed by Dora Krishnamma, to escort
whom to his palace Vijayaranga Chokkappa sent his
retinue and ministers. While they were engaged in
conversation, news arrived that some chiefs in the
Tinnevelly district refused to pay their taxes, and Dora
Krishnamma volunteered to s^o and subdue them. Near
Srivilliputtur he passed a ruined temple dedicated to
Krishna, which he thought of rebuilding if he should
succeed in subduing the chiefs. When he reached Tinne-
velly, they, without raising any objection, paid their dues,
and Dora Krishnamma returned to Srivilliputtur, and
settled there.
Their marriage ceremonies are based on the type
common to many Telugu castes, but those who belong
to the Simaneli sept, and believe themselves to be direct
descendants of Krishnamma, have two special forms of
ceremonial, viz., Krishnamma perantalu, and the carrying
of pots (gurigelu) on the heads of the bride and bride-
groom when they go to the temple before the Kasiyatra
ceremony. The Krishnamma perantalu is performed on
the day prior to the muhurtam (tali-tying), and consists in
the worship of the soul of Krishnamma, a married woman.
A new cloth is purchased and presented to a married
woman, together with money, betel, etc., and she is fed
before the rest. It is practically a form of sradh cere-
mony, and all the formalities of the sradh, except the
homam (sacred fire) and repeating of mantras from
the Vedas, are gone through. This is very commonly
265 KAVARAI
observed by Brahmans, and a few castes which engage
a Brahman priest for their ceremonies. The main idea
is the propitiation of the soul of the dead married woman.
If such a woman dies in a family, every ceremony of
an auspicious nature must be preceded by sumangali-
prarthana, or worship of this married woman (sumangali).
Orthodox females think that, if the ceremony is not per-
formed, she will do them some harm. Another custom,
now dying out, is the tying of a dagger to the waist of
the bridegroom.
In the Madura district, the Kavarais are described *
as being " most commonly manufacturers and sellers of
bangles made of a particular kind of earth, found only
in one or two parts of the district. Those engaged in
this traffic usually call themselves Chettis or merchants.
When otherwise employed as spinners, dyers, painters,
and the like, they take the title of Nayakkan. It is
customary with these, as with other Nayakkans, to
wear the sacred thread : but the descendants of the
Nayakkan kings, who are now living at Vellei-kuricchi,
do not conform to this usage, on the ground that
they are at present in a state of impurity and degra-
dation, and consequently ought not to wear the sacred
emblem."
The bulk of the Kavarais in Tanjore are said f "to
bear the title Nayak. Some that are engaged in trade,
more especially those who sell glass bangles, are called
Settis, and those who originally settled in agriculture
are called Reddis. The title of Nayak, like Pillai,
Mudali, and Setti, is generally sought after. As a rule,
men of the Palli or cooly class, when they enter the
Government service, and shepherds, when they grow
Manual of the Madura district. f Manual of the Tanjore district.
KAVUTHIYAN 266
rich in trade or otherwise, assume this title, wear the
namam (the trident mark on the forehead emblematic
of the Vaishnava persuasion), and call themselves Kava-
rais or Vadugars, though they cannot speak Telugu,
much less point to any part of the Telugu country as
the seat of their forefathers."
One of the largest sub-divisions of the Kavarais is
Valaiyal, the Tamil equivalent of Gazula, both words
meaning a glass or lac bangle.*
Kavuthiyan. — The Kavuthiyans are described as
follows in the Gazetteer of Malabar. " They are barbers
who serve the Tiyans and lower castes ; they are also
sometimes given the title Kurup. Their females act
as midwives. There seem to be several sections,
distinguished by the affix of the name of the castes
which they serve, as for instance Tacchakavuthiyan or
Tacchakurup, and Kanisakavuthiyan, appropriated to
the service of the Asaris and Kanisans respectively ;
while the barbers who serve the Izhuvans are known
both as Aduttons, Vattis, or Izhuva Kavuthiyans. But
whether all these should be regarded as offshoots of
one main barber caste, or as degraded sections of the
castes which they serve, the Kavuthiyans proper being
only barbers to the Tiyans, it is difficult to determine.
The fact that the Naviyan or Kavuthiyan section of the
Veluttedans, as well as the Kavuthiyan section of the
Mukkuvans, are admittedly but degraded sections of
these castes, makes the second the more probable view.
It is also to be noticed that the Kavuthiyans, in the north
at least, follow marumakkattayam (inheritance in the
female line), while the Taccha and Kanisa Kavuthiyans
follow the other principle of descent."
* Madras Census Report, 1S91.
26; kAyasth
Kayalan.— The Kayalans are Tamil-speaking
Muhammadans, closely allied to the Marakkayars and
living at Kayalpatnam in Tinnevelly. Many of them
have settled as merchants in Madras, and sell glass
beads, cowry shells, dolls from Tirupati, toys, etc.
Some are money-lenders to the lower classes, and others
travel about from village to village selling, for cash or
credit rates, cloths, brass vessels, and other articles.
They are sometimes called Arumasaththukadankarar,
or six months' debt people, as this is the time usually
allowed for payment. At Kayalpatnam, a Kayalan
husband is expected to live in his father-in-law's house,
and, in connection with this custom, the following legend
is narrated. The chiefman of the town gave his daughter
in marriage to a man living in an adjacent village. One
evening, she went to fetch water from a tank, and, on her
way back, trod on a cobra. She could not move her foot,
lest she should be bitten, so she stood where she was,
with her water-pot on her head, till she was discovered
by her father on the following morning. He killed the
snake with the kitti (tweezers) and knife which he had
with him, and told the girl to go with him to his house.
She, however, refused to do so, and went to her husband's
house, from which she was subsequently taken to that
of her father. The kitti is an instrument of torture,
consisting of two sticks tied together at one end, between
which the fingers were placed as in a lemon squeezer.
With this instrument, the fingers were gradually bent
backwards towards the back of the hand, until the
sufi"erer, no longer able to endure the excruciating pain,
yielded to the demands made on him to make confession
of guilt.
Kayasth.— Kayasth or Kayastha is the writer-caste
of Bengal. See Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal.
KAYERTHANNAYA 268
Kayerthannaya {St7ycknos Nux-vomica sept). —
An exogamous sept of the Bants and Shivalli Brahmans
in South Canara.
Kayila (unripe fruit). — An exogamous sept of
Orugunta Kapu.
Keimal (kei, hand, as an emblem of power). — A
sub-division of Nayar.
Kela.— A small class of Oriya jugglers and mounte-
banks, whose women, like the Dommara females, are
often prostitutes. The name is derived from keli,
dancing, or khel to play.
Kelasi. — For the following account of the Kelasi or
barber caste of South Canara, I am indebted to a note
on the barbers of Tuluva by Mr. M. Bapu Rao.* The
caste name is derived from kelasa, work. In like
manner, the Canarese barbers of Bellary and Dharwar
call themselves Kashta Madovaru, or those who perform
the difficult task.
The barbers of South Canara are of different castes
or sub-castes according to the language they speak,
or the people for whom they operate. Thus there are
(i) the Tulu Kelsi (Kutchidaye, man of the hair) or
Bhandari ; (2) the Konkani Kelsi or Mhallo, who must
have migrated from the north ; (3) the Hindustani Kelsi
or Hajams ; (4) the Lingayat Kelsi or Hadapavada (man
of the wallet) ; (5) the Mappilla (Moplah) barber Vasa ;
(6) the Malayali barber Kavudiyan ; and even Telugu
and Tamil barbers imported by the sepoy regiments
until recently stationed at Mangalore. Naturally the
Tulus form the bulk of the class in Tuluva. There is
among them a section known as Maddele, employed by
palm-tappers, and hence considered socially inferior to
* Madras Christ. Coll, Mag., 1894.
269 KELASI
the Bhandari, who is employed by the higher classes.
[The Billava barbers are called Parel Madiali or Pare!
Madivala.] If a high caste barber operates for a man of
lower caste, he loses his caste thereby, and has to pay
a fine, or in some other way expiate his offence before
he gains re-admission into his community. Pariahs in
these parts have no separate caste of barbers, but any-
one among themselves may try his skill on any head.
Mappilla barbers are employed only by the Muham-
madans. Even in their own community, however, they
do not live in commensality with other Mappillas; though
gradations of caste are not recognised by their religion.
The barber is not ambitious enough to claim equality
of rank with the Bant, the potter, the piper, the weaver,
or the oilmonger ; but he shows a decided disposition to
regard himself as above the level of the fisherman or
the palanquin-bearer. The latter often disclaim any such
inferiority, and refer to the circumstance that they dis-
charge the functions of carrying the huge umbrella
in marriage processions, and shouldering the gods in
religious processions. They argue that their rivals
perform an operation, the defilement of which can
only be wiped off by bathing the head with a solution of
sacred earth taken from besides the roots of the tulsi
plant (yOcimum sanctum). In justice to the barber, how-
ever, it must be mentioned that he has to perform
certain priestly duties for most Sudras. His presence is
essential at two of the ceremonies observed by castes
professing to be superior to his. At the name-giving
ceremony a Tulu barber has to tie a thread round the
waist of the child, and name it, among Sudras of a higher
caste than himself. [At the present day, the Bhandari is
said to receive his fee for tying the thread, though he does
not actually perform the act.] Again, on the death of a
KELASI ?70
high caste Sudra, the barber has to carry the fire to the
cremation ground, though the funeral pyre is lighted
by the relations of the deceased. He also has to assist
at certain other rites connected with funeral obsequies,
such as purifying the house.
[The collection of fragments of bones from the ashes,
heaping up the ashes, and cleaning the spot where the
corpse was burnt, are the business of the Kelasi. These
duties he performs for Morlis, Bants, Gattis, and
Vodaris. The Bhandari or Kelasi is an object of intense
hatred to Konkani women, who call them by abusive
names, such as fellow with a burnt face, miserable wretch,
widow-maker, etc.]
The barber in South Canara has invented several
stories concerning the origin of his first progenitor. At
a time when the barber had not yet been created, Siva
was a bachelor, spending his time in austere devotions,
and allowing his hair to grow into long matted locks.
A time came when he became bent on matrimony, and
he thouo^ht that the hirsute condition of his face would
not be appreciated by his bride, the young daughter of
the king of the mountains. It was at this juncture that
the barber was created to make Siva a good-looking
bridegroom, and the Brahman to officiate at the marriage
ceremony. According to another legend, a Gandharva-
born woman was on one occasion cast into the sea
by irate Brahma, and doomed to be turned into a rock.
Moved by her piteous entreaties, however, Brahma
relented, and ordained that she should be restored to
human form when Parasurama should happen to set
his foot upon the rock. This came to pass when Para-
surama thrust back the waters of the western sea in
order to create the western coast. The re-humanised
woman thereupon offered her thanksgivings in such
271 KELASI
winning words that the great Brahman hero asked
her to beg any boon she wished. She begged a son,
who should in some way remind generations to come
of the great Brahman who had reclaimed her from
her inanimate state. The boon was thereupon granted
that she should give birth to sons, who would not
indeed be Brahmans, but who would perform functions
analogous to those performed by Brahmans. The
barber thus discharges certain priestly duties for Sudras,
and cleanses the body even as the Brahman cleanses the
soul ; and the defilement caused by the razor can be
removed only by the smearing of mud and water, because
the barber's female progenitor was a rock recovered out
of water.
The primary occupation of the barber does not
always bring in a sufficient income, while it leaves him
a large amount of leisure. This he spends, if possible,
in agricultural labour, in which he is materially assisted
by his female relations. Barbers residing in towns hold
no land to fall back upon, but their average monthly
earnings range from five to seven rupees. Their
brethren in the villages are not so busy plying the razor,
so they cultivate land as tenants. One of the blessino-s
conferred by Parasurama is that the barber shall never
starve.
When a child is born, a male member of the family
has to tie a thread round its waist, and give it a name.
The choice of a name often depends upon the day of the
week on which the child was born. If it is born on a
Sunday it is called, if a boy, Aitha (Auditya, sun), or, if
a girl, Aithe ; if on a Monday, Some or Somu ; if on a
Tuesday, Angara or Angare ; if on a Wednesday,
Budara or Budare, changed among Pariahs into Mudara
or Mudaru ; if on a Thursday, Guruva or Guruvu ; if on
KELASI 272
a Friday, Tukra (Shukra) or Tukru ; If on a Saturday,
Taniya (Sanlya) or Tanlyaru. Other names which are
common are Lakkana (Lakshmana), Krishna, Subba,
and Korapulu (Koraga woman). Those who can afford
to do so often employ a Brahman priest to ascertain
whether the child is born lucky or unlucky ; and, in the
latter case, the barber is advised to offer something to
the tutelary deity or the nine planets, or to propitiate
the village deity, if it is found that the child is born
under its evil eye. No lullaby should be sung while the
child is being rocked for the first time in a cradle,
perhaps because, if the very first rocking is done with a
show of rejoicing, some evil spirit may be envious of the
human joy, and mar the happiness.
The initiation of a boy into the mysteries of his
hereditary profession takes place between the tenth and
the fourteenth year. In very rare cases, nowadays, a
boy is sent to school between the sixth and eighth year.
These occasions are marked by offerings of cocoanuts
and plantains to the village deity.
With boys marriage takes place between the sixteenth
and twenty-fifth year, with girls before or after puberty.
Matches are made by selection on the part of the parents.
Lads are sometimes allowed to choose their own brides,
but their choice is subject to the approval of the parents,
as it must necessarily be in a joint family. Bridegrooms
have to pay for their brides a dowry varying from twenty
to fifty rupees, and sometimes as much as a hundred
rupees. Deformed girls, however, fetch no price ; on the
other hand, they have to pay some pecuniary inducement
to the bridegroom. Widows are allowed, and, when
young, encouraged to remarry. The most essential con-
dition of a valid marriage is that the contracting parties
should belong to different baris or balis (exogamous
273 KELASI
septs). As examples of the names of these balls, the
following may be cited : Bangaru (gold), Salia (weaver),
Uppa (salt), Kombara (cap made of areca palm leaf),
Karimbara (sugar-cane). Horoscopes are not consulted
for the suitability or future prosperity of a match, but the
day and hour, or lagnam of a marriage are always fixed
by a Brahman priest with reference to the conjunction of
stars. The marriage lasts for three days, and takes place
in the house of the bridegroom. This is in accordance
with the primitive conception of marriage as a bringing
away by force or procuring a bride from her parents,
rather than with the current Brahman idea that the
bridegroom should be invited, and the girl given away as
a present, and committed to his custody and protection.
The marriage ceremony takes place in a pandal (booth)
on a raised or conspicuous place adorned with various
figures or mandala. The pair are made to sit on a bench,
and rice is sprinkled on their heads. A barber then shaves
the chin and forehead of the bridegroom, the hair border
being in the form of a broken pointed arch converging
upwards. He also touches the bride's cheeks with the
razor, with the object of removing what is called monetha
kale, the stain on the face. The full import of this cere-
mony is not clear, but the barbers look upon the act as
purificatory. If a girl has not come of age at the time
of marriage, it is done on the occasion of the nuptials.
If she has, the barber, in addition to touching the cheeks
with the razor, goes to her house, sprinkles some water
over her with a betel leaf, and makes her touch the pot
in which rice is to be cooked in her husband's house. At
the bridegroom's house, before the assembled guests,
elders, and headman of the caste, the man and the girl are
linked together in the marriage bond by having water
(dhare) poured on their joined hands. Next, the right
in-i8
KELASI 274
hands of the pair being joined (kaipattavane), the
bridegroom leads the bride to her future home.
Soon after a death occurs, a barber is summoned, who
sprinkles water on the corpse, and touches it with a razor
if it be of a male. In every ceremony performed by him,
the barber must have recourse to his razor, even as the
Brahman priest cannot do without his kusa grass. The
rich burn their dead, and the poor bury them. Persons
dying of infectious diseases are always buried. Prior to
the removal of the corpse to the cremation or burial
ground, all the clothes on and about it, with the exception
of one cloth to cover it from head to foot, are removed
and distributed to Pariahs, who have prepared the pyre
or dug the grave. Before the mourners return from the
cemetery, they light four lamps in halves of cocoanuts,
and leave them burning on the spot. Coming home, the
chief mourner places in the hands of the Gurukara
or headman of the caste a jewel or other valuable article
as a security that he will duly perform all the funeral
rites. This is termed savuotti dipuna. The Gurukara,
in the presence of the relations and friends assembled,
returns the same, enjoining its recipient to be prepared
to perform the requisite rites, even with the proceeds of
the sale of the pledged article if necessary. The eleventh
day is the savu or principal mourning day, on which the
headman and elders of the caste, as well as the friends
and relations of the deceased ought to be present. On
the spot where the deceased expired, or as near thereto
as possible, an ornamental square scaffolding is erected,
and covered with cloth coloured with turmeric. The
ground below the scaffolding is covered with various
figures, and flowers and green leaves are strewn on it.
Each mourner throws on this spot handfuls of cooked
rice, coloured yellow and red, and cries out " Oh ! uncle,
275 KELASI
I cry murrio," or "Oh! father, I cry murrio," and so on,
accordino" to the relationship in which the deceased stood
to the mourner. This ceremony is called murrio korpuna,
or crying alas. In well-to-do families it is usual to
accompany this with devil-dancing. On the twelfth day,
rice is offered to crows, the original belief apparently
being that the spirits of the deceased enter into birds or
beasts, so that food given to these may happen to reach
and propitiate them. On the night of the thirteenth
day, the relations of the deceased set apart a plantain
leaf for the spirit of the departed, serve cooked rice on
it, and, joining their hands, pray that the soul may be
gathered unto its ancestors, and rest in peace. The
anniversary of the death, called agel, is celebrated by
placing cooked rice on two plantain leaves placed over
sacrificial twigs, and burning incense and waving lamps
before it. This is called soma dipuna.
The family god of the barber is Krishna of Udipi, and
the high-priest to whom he pays homage is the Saniyasi
(religious ascetic), who for the time being worships that
god. The same high-priest is also the final court of
appeal from the decisions of the village council of the
barbers in matters relating to caste and religion. The
powers which are ever present to the barber's mind, and
which he always dreads and tries to propitiate, are the
village demons, and the departed spirits of members of
his own family. If a child falls ill, he hastens to the
Brahman seer, to learn who is offended, and how the
spirit should be appeased. If his cow does not eat hay,
he anxiously enquires to which demon he should carry
a cock. If the rain fails or the crops are poor, he hies
to the nearest deity with cocoanuts, plantains, and the
tender spikes of areca. In case of serious illness, he
undertakes a vow to beg from door to door on certain
ni-i8 B
KELASI 276
days, and convey the money thus accumulated to Tirupati.
In his house, he keeps a small closed box with a slit in
the lid, through which he drops a coin at every pinch of
misfortune, and the contents are eventually sent to that
holy place.
The affairs of the community are regulated by a council
of elders. In every village, or for every group of houses,
there is an hereditary Gurukara or headman of the
barbers, who is assisted by four Moktesars. If any of
these five authorities receives a complaint, he gives notice
to the others, and a meeting is arranged to take place
in some house. When there is a difference of opinion,
the opinion of the majority decides the issue. When a
decision cannot be arrived at, the question is referred to the
council of another village. If this does not settle the
point at issue, the final appeal lies to the Swami of the
the Udipi temple. The council inquires into alleged
offences against caste, and punishes them. It declares
what marriages are valid, and what not. It not only
preserves discipline within the community itself, but
takes notice of external affairs affecting the well-being
of the community. Thus, if the pipers refuse to make
music at their marriage processions, the council resolves
that no barber shall shave a piper. Disputes concerning
civil rights were once submitted to these councils, but,
as their decisions are not now binding, aggrieved parties
seek justice from courts of law.
Punishments consist of compensation for minor
offences affecting individuals, and of fine or excommuni-
cation if the offence affects the whole community. If the
accused does not attend the trial, he may be excom-
municated for contempt of authority. If the person
seeks re-admission into the caste, he has to pay a fine,
which goes to the treasury of the temple at Udipi. The
2 77 KELASI
presiding Swami at the shrine accepts the fine, and
issues a writ authorising the re-admission of the penitent
offender. The headman collects the fine to be for-
warded to the Swami, and, if he is guilty of any mal-
practice, the whole community, generally called the ten,
may take cognisance of the offence. Offences against
marriage relations, shaving low caste people, and such
like, are all visited with fine, which is remitted to the
Swami, from whom purification is obtained. The power
of the village councils, however, has greatly declined in
recent years, as the class of cases in which their decision
can be enforced is practically very small.
The Tulu barbers, like many other castes on the west-
ern coast, follow the aliya santana system of inheritance
(in the female line). The tradition in South Canara
is that this, and a number of other customs, were im-
posed upon certain castes by Bhutala Pandya. The
story relates that Deva Pandya, a merchant of the
Pandya kingdom, once had some new ships built, but
before they put to sea, the demon Kundodara demanded
a human sacrifice. The merchant asked his wife to
spare one of her seven sons for the purpose, but she
refused to be a party to the sacrifice, and went away with
her sons to her father's house. The merchant's sister
thereupon offered her son. Kundodara, however, was
so very pleased with the appearance of this son that
he spared his life, and made him a king, whose sway
extended over Tuluva. This king was called Bhutala
Pandya, and he, being directed by Kundodara, imposed
upon the people the system of nephew inheritance.
The barber is changing with the times. He now
seldom uses the old unfoldable wooden-handled razor
forged by the village blacksmith, but has gone in for
what he calls Raja sri (royal fortune ; corruption of
KEN 278
Rodgers) razors. He believes that he is polluted by the
operation which it is his lot to perform, and, on his
return home from his morning round, he must bathe and
put on washed clothes.
Ken.— Ken (red) and Kenja (red ant) have both
been recorded as gotras of Kurni.
Kenna.— A division of Toda.
Kepumari. — It is noted, in the Gazetteer of South
Arcot, that " the Kepumaris are one of the several
foreign communities from other districts, who help to
swell the total of the criminal classes in South Arcot.
Their head-quarters is at Tiruvallur in the Chingleput
district, but there is a settlement of them at Mariyan-
kuppam (not far from Porto Novo), and another large
detachment at Kunisampet in French territory. They
commit much the same class of crime as the Donga Da-
saris, frequenting railway trains and crowded gatherings,
and they avert suspicion by their respectable appear-
ance and pleasant manners. Their house-language is
Telugu. They call themselves Alagiri Kepumaris. The
etymology of the second of these two words is not free
from doubt, but the first of them is said to be derived
from Alagar, the god of the Kalians, whose temple at
the foot of the hills about twelve miles north of Madura
town is a well-known place of pilgrimage, and to whom
these people, and other criminal fraternities annually offer
a share of their ill-gotten gains." Information concerning
the criminal methods of these people, under the name
Capemari, will be found in Mr. F. S. Mullaly's ' Notes
on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.'
Kerala.— Defined by Mr. Wigram* as "the western
coast from Gokarnam to Cape Comorin, comprising
Malabar Law and Custom.
279 KEVUTO
Travancore, Cochin, Malabar, and part of South
Canara."
Kere (tank). — A gotra of Kurni.
Kesari (lion). — A gotra of Kurni.
Kethaki {Pandanus fascicularis). — An exogamous
sept of Stanika.
Kethri. — See Khatri.
Kevuto.— It is recorded, in the Madras Census
Report, 1 89 1, that " the Kevutas are the fisherman caste
of Ganjam, and they are said to be the descendants of
the Kaibartas, a fishing caste of Bengal. Besides fishing
in rivers, canals and lakes, they ply boats and cata-
marans, and some are also traders. Uriya Brahmans
and Bairagis are their priests. From the fifth day after
child-birth till the twenty-first, the Uriya Brahmans read
the Bhagavata Purana in the house, and on the last day
they give a name to the child. The married girls and
widows put a veil over their faces whenever they go out
of doors."
The Kevutos are low in the social scale, but not a
polluting caste. They apparently recognise the fol-
lowing endogamous sub-divisions : — Bhettiya, Bilva,
Jonka, Khottia, Koibarto or Dasa, Liyari, Chuditiya,
and Thossa. Of these the Thossas are cultivators, the
Liyaris make a preparation of fried rice (liya), and
the Chudityas are engaged in parching grain (chuda,
parched rice). By reason of their change of oocupation,
the Liyaris and Chudityas have practically become
distinct castes, and some deny that there is any con-
nection between them and the Kevutos. Telugu people
sometimes call the Chuditiyas Neyyalu, and I am told
that there is a street in Parlakimedi almost wholly
inhabited by Kevutos, who say that they are of the
Neyyalu caste.
KHADI 280
Of gotras which occur among the Kevutos, nago
(cobra), bhago (tiger), and kochipo (tortoise) are the
most common. They also have exogamous septs or
bamsams, among which are gogudiya (bells) and nolini
(bamboo carrier). The titles which occur in the caste
are Behara, Sitto, Torei, Jalli, Bejjo, and Paiko.
The marriage rite is performed at night, and the
bride's father ties a gold bead (konti) on the neck of the
bridegroom. The Kevutos worship especially Dasaraj
and Gangadevi. The latter is worshipped at the Dasara
festival, and, in some places, fowls and goats are sacri-
ficed in her honour. In the neighbourhood of the
Chilka lake, the goats are not sacrificed, but set at
liberty, and allowed to graze on the Kalikadevi hill.
There is a belief that animals thus devoted to Gangadevi
do not putrify when they die, but dry up.
In the Vizagapatam Agency tracts, the Kevutos are
said to be notorious for their proficiency in magic and
necromancy.
Khadi. — A sub-division of Telli.
Khadiya.— A name, said to be derived from
ghatiyal, meaning a person possessed, and used as a
term of reproach for Kudumis of Travancore.
Khajjaya (cake). — An exogamous sept of Vakkaliga.
Kharvi.— The Kharvis are described, in the South
Canara Manual, as " Marathi fishermen, who migrated
to this district from the Bombay Presidency. The
name Kharvi is said to be a corrupt form of the Sanskrit
kshar, salt. They are hardworking but thriftless, and
much given to drink, chiefly toddy. They are sea-
fishermen and good sailors, and also work as domestic
servants and labourers. They employ Havik Brahmans
to perform their marriage and other ceremonies. The
head of the Sringeri Math is their spiritual teacher."
28 1 KHARVI
The Kharvis are Konkani-speaking fishermen and
cultivators, found in the Kundapur taluk of South
Canara. Those who are not engaged in fishing always
wear the sacred thread, whereas the fishermen wear it
for seven days from the Sravana Hunnami, or full-moon
day of the month Sravana (August-September), and
then remove it. All are Saivites, and disciples of the
Sringeri mutt. Ajai Masti and Nagu Masti are the
deities specially worshipped by them. They follow the
makkala santana law of inheritance (from father to son).
Their headmen are called Saranga or Patel, and these
names are used as titles by members of the families
of the headmen. The assistant to the headman is
styled Naik or Naicker.
For the performance of the marriage ceremonial,
Shivalli or Kota Brahmans are engaged. The dhare
form of marriage [see Bant) is observed, but there are a
few points of detail, which may be noted. Five women
decorate the bride inside her house just before she
comes to the marriage pandal (booth), and tie on her
neck a gold bead (dhare mani) and black beads. At the
pandal she stands in front of the bridegroom, separated
from him by a screen, which is stretched between them.
Garlands of tulsi (^Ocimum sanctum) are exchanged,
and the screen is removed. Bashingams (chaplets) are
tied on the foreheads of the bridal pair at the outset of
the ceremonial, and are worn for five days.
The dead are cremated, and, in most cases, the
ashes are thrown into a river. But, among the orthodox,
they are taken to Gokarna, and thrown into the river
at that place. On the eleventh day, presents are
made to Brahmans after purification. On the following
day, food is offered on two leaves to the soul of the
deceased.
KHASA 282
One of the leaves is thrown into water, and the
other given to a cow or bull.
Khasa.^It is noted by the Rev. J. Cain * that
" members of this caste are found chiefly in attendance
on zamindars and other rich people, and report says
that they are not unfrequently their illegitimate children."
Khasa is synonymous with Adapapa {q.v.).
Khasgi. — Marathas, of whom a few families con-
stitute the aristocracy in the Sandur State.
Khatri. — The Khatris are described by Mr. Lewis
Rice t as " silk weavers, who in manners, customs,
and language are akin to Patvegars, but they do not
intermarry with them, although the two castes eat
together. The Katris claim to be Kshatriyas, and quote
Renuka Purana as their authority. The legend is that,
during the general massacre of the Kshatriyas by Parasu
Rama, five women, each of whom was big with child,
escaped, and took refuge in a temple dedicated to Kali.
When the children came of age, their marriages were
celebrated, and their mothers prayed to Kali to point
out some means of livelihood. In answer to their
supplications, the goddess gave them looms, and taught
them weaving and dyeing. The Katris claim descent
from these refugees, and follow the same trades."
The following note relates to the Khatris of Con-
jeeveram, where most of them trade in silk thread, silk
sasbss, and dye-stuffs. Some deal in human hair, which
is used by native females as a chignon. By reason of
their connection with the silk industry, the Khatris are
called Patnulkaran by other castes. The true Patnul-
karans are called Koshta by the Khatris. The Khatris
give Bhuja Raja Kshatriya as their caste name, and
* Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879. t Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer.
\
283 KHATRI
some say that they are the descendants of one Karta
Virya Arjuna of the human race. Their tribal deity is
Renukamba, the mother of Parasu Rama, to whom
pongal (boiled rice) is offered, and a goat sacrificed in
the month of Thai (January-February). They have
exogamous septs, such as Sulegar, Powar, Mudugal,
Sonappa, Bojagiri, etc., and have adopted the same
Brahmanical gotras as the Bhats or Bhatrazus, e.g.,
Gautama, Kasyapa, Vasishta, and Bharadwaja. At-
tached to them is a caste beggar, called Bhat, who
comes round at long intervals. He is said to keep the
genealogies of the Khatri families. He ties a flag to a
post of the house at which he intends to claim a meal,
and, after partaking thereof, he receives information
concerning the births and marriages, which have taken
place in the family since his last visit. Girls are
married both before and after puberty, and infant
marriage is fashionable at the present day. The
remarriage of widows is permitted, but a divorced woman
may not marry again so long as her husband is alive.
A man may not marry the widow of his brother, or of
an agnate. The custom of menarikam, by which a
man may marry his maternal uncle's daughter, is pro-
hibited. Families belonging to one sept may give their
daughters in marriage to men of another sept, from
which, however, they are not allowed to receive girls
as wives for their sons. For example, a man of a
Sulegar sept may give his daughters in marriage to
men of the Powar sept, but may not take Powar
girls as wives for his sons. But a certain elasticity in
the rule is allowed, and the prohibition ceases after a
certain number of generations by arrangement with the
Bhat. The marriage ceremonies last over seven days.
On the first day, the deity Bharkodev, who is represented
KHATRI 284
by seven quartz pebbles placed in a row on plantain
leaves, is worshipped with offerings of fruit, etc., and a
goat is sacrificed. The blood which flows from its cut
neck is poured into a vessel containing cooked rice,
of which seven balls are made, and offered to the
pebbles. Towards evening some of the rice is thrown
to the four cardinal points of the compass, in order to
conciliate evil spirits. On the second day, the house is
thoroughly cleansed with cow-dung water, and the walls
are whitewashed. The eating of meat is forbidden
until the marriaofe ceremonies are concluded. The third
day is devoted to the erection of the marriage pandal
(booth) and milk-post, and the worship of female
ancestors (savasne). Seven married women are selected,
and presented with white ravikes (bodices) dyed with
turmeric. After bathing, they are sumptuously fed.
Before the feast, the bridegroom's and sometimes the
bride's mother, goes to a well, tank (pond) or river,
carrying on a tray a new woman's cloth, on which a
silver plate with a female figure embossed on it is
placed. Another silver plate of the same kind, newly
made, is brought by a goldsmith, and the two are
worshipped, and then taken to the house, where they
are kept in a box. The bridegroom and his party go in
procession through the streets in which their fellow
castemen live. When they reach the house of the bride,
her mother comes out and waves coloured water to avert
the evil eye, washes the bridegroom's eyes with water,
and presents him with betel and a vessel filled with
milk. The bride is then conducted to the bridegroom's
house, where she takes her seat on a decorated plank,
and a gold or silver ornament called sari or kanti is
placed on her neck. She is further presented with a
new cloth. A Brahman purohit then writes the names
285 KHATRI
of the contracting parties, and the date of their marriage,
on two pieces of palm leaf or paper, which he hands
over to their fathers. The day closes with the per-
formance of gondala puja, for which a device (muggu)
is made on the ground with yellow, red, and white
powders. A brass vessel is set in the centre thereof,
and four earthen pots are placed at the corners. Puja
(worship) is done, and certain stanzas are recited amid
the beating of a pair of large cymbals. On the fourth
day, the bridal couple bathe, and the bridegroom is
invested with the sacred thread. They then go to the
place where the metal plates representing the ancestors
are kept, with a cloth thrown over the head like a hood,
and some milk and cooked rice are placed near the plates.
On their way back they, in order to avert the evil eye,
place their right feet on a pair of small earthen plates tied
together, and placed near the threshold. The bride's
mother gives the bridegroom some cakes and milk, after
partaking of which he goes in procession through the
streets, and a further ceremony for averting the evil eye
is performed in front of the bride's house. This over,
he goes to the pandal, where his feet are washed by his
father-in-law, who places in his hands a piece of plantain
fruit, over which his mother-in-law pours some milk.
The bride and bridegroom then go into the house, where
the latter ties the tali on the neck of the former. During
the tying ceremony, the couple are separated by a cloth
screen, of which the lower end is lifted up. The screen
is removed, and they sit facing each other with their
bashingams (forehead chaplets) in contact, and rice is
thrown over their heads by their relations. The
Brahman hands the contracting couple the wrist-threads
(kankanams), which they tie on. These threads are,
among most castes, tied at an earlier stage in the
KHATRI 286
marriage ceremonies. On the fifth day, seven betel nuts
are placed in a row on a plank within the pandal, round
which the bride and bridegroom go seven times. At the
end of each round, the latter lifts the right foot of the
former, and sweeps off one of the nuts. For every
marriage, a fee of Rs. 12-5-0 must be paid to the head-
man of the caste, and the money thus accumulated is
spent on matters such as the celebration of festivals,
which affect the entire community. If the fee is not paid,
the bride and bridegroom are not permitted to go round
the plank the seventh time. On the sixth day, the
bride receives presents from her family, and there is a
procession at night. On the last day of the ceremonies,
the bride is handed over to her mother-in-law by her
mother, who says " I am giving you a melon and a
knife. Deal with them as you please." The bride is
taken inside the house by the mother-in-law and shown
some pots containing rice into which she dips her
right hand, saying that they are full. The mother-in-law
then presents her with a gold finger-ring, and the two
eat together as a sign of their new relationship.
The dead are cremated, and, when a married man
dies, his corpse is carried on a palanquin to the burning-
ground, followed by the widow. Near the pyre it is
laid on the ground, and the widow places her jewelry
and glass bangles on the chest. The corpse should
be carried by the sons-in-law if possible, and the
nomination of the bearers is indicated by the eldest son
of the deceased person making a mark on their shoulders
with ashes. On the third day after death, the milk
ceremony takes place. Three balls of wheat-flour,
mixed with honey and milk, are prepared, and placed
respectively on the spot where the deceased breathed
his last, where the bier was laid on the ground, and at
28; KHATRI
the place where the corpse was burnt, over which milk
is poured. The final death ceremonies (karmandhiram)
are observed on the seventh or tenth day, till which
time the eating of flesh is forbidden.
The headman of the Khatris, who is called Gramani,
is elected once a month, and he has an assistant called
Vanja, who is appointed annually.
The Khatris are Saivites, and wear the sacred thread,
but also worship various grama devatas (village deities).
They speak a dialect of Marathi. The caste title is Sa,
e.g., Dharma Sa.
Kethree is described, in the Vizagapatam Manual, as
"the caste of the Zamindar's family in Jeypore. It is
divided into sixteen classes. They wear the paieta
(sacred thread), and the Zamindar used formerly to sell
the privilege of wearing it to any one who could afford
to pay him twelve rupees. Pariahs were excluded from
purchasing the privilege."
The Khatri agriculturists of the Jeypore Agency
tracts in Vizagapatam are, Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao
informs me, entirely distinct from the weaving Khatris
of the south. They are divided into four septs, viz.,
Surya (Sun), Bhag (tiger), Kochchimo (tortoise), and
Nag (cobra). Girls are married before puberty, and an
Oriya Brahman officiates at their marriages, instead of
the customary Desari. They do not, like other castes
in the Agency tracts, give fermented liquor (madho) as
part of the jholla tonka or bride-price, which consists of
rice, a goat, cloths, etc. The marriage ceremonies are
performed at the bride's house. These Khatris put on
the sacred thread for the first time when they are
married, and renew it from time to time throughout life.
They are fair skinned, and speak the Oriya language.
Their usual title is Patro.
KHINBUDI 288
Khinbudi (bear). — A sept of Rona.
Khodalo.—- vS^^ Bavuri.
Khodikaro. — A name for Pandltos, derived from
the stone (khodi), with which they write figures on the
floor, when making astrological calculations.
Khodura. — The name is derived from khodu, bangle.
The Khoduras, Mr. Francis writes,* are " manufac-
turers of the brass and bell-metal bangfles and rines
ordinarily worn by the lower class Odiyas. Their
headman is called Nahako Sahu, and under him there
are deputies called Dhoyi Nahako and Behara. There
is a fourth functionary styled Aghopotina, whose peculiar
duty is said to be to join in the first meal taken by
those who have been excommunicated, and subsequently
readmitted into the caste by the caste panchayat (council).
A quaint custom exists, by which honorific titles like
Senapati, Mahapatro, Subuddhi, etc., are sold by the
panchayat to any man of the caste who covets them, and
the proceeds sent to Puri and Pratabpur for the benefit
of the temples there. It is said that the original home
of the caste was Orissa, and that it came to Ganjam
with Purushottam Deva, the Maharaja of Puri. In
its general customs it resembles the Badhoyis." I am
informed that the name of the fourth functionary should
be Aghopotiria, or first leaf man, i.e., the man who is
served first at a public dinner.
Khoira. — Recorded, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as a low caste of Oriya cultivators.
Khoja.^In the Madras Census Report, 1901, eleven
Khojas are recorded as belonging to a Mussalman tribe
of traders from Bombay.
* Madras Census Report, igoi.
289 KHOJA
For the following note on the Khojas of Southern
India, I am indebted to an article by Dr. J. Shortt.*
"The true Kojahs, or eunuchs, are not numerous in
Southern India. They are chiefly to be seen in the
houses of wealthy Mussalman nobles, by whom they
are placed at the head of their zenanas or harems.
The Kojahs are properly divided into two classes : (i)
Kojahs; (2) Hijras. Sometimes Hindus, Sudras, and
Brahmans subject themselves to the operation (of cas-
tration), of their own accord from a religious impression.
Others, finding themselves naturally impotent, consider
it necessary to undergo the operation, to avoid being
born again at a future birth in the same helpless
state. The operation of castration is generally performed
by a class of barbers, sometimes by some of the more
intelligent of the eunuchs themselves, in the following
manner. The patient is made to sit on an upturned
new earthen pot, being previously well drugged with
opium or bhang. The entire genitals being seized by
the left hand, an assistant, who has a bamboo lath slit
in the centre, runs it down quite close to the pubis,
the slit firmly embracing the whole of the genitals at
the root, when the operator, with a sharp razor, runs
it down along the face of the lath, and removes penis,
testicles and scrotum in one swoop, leaving a large
clean open wound behind, in which boiling gingelly
{Sesamum indicum) oil is poured to staunch the bleeding,
and the wound covered over with a soft rag steeped in
warm oil. This is the only dressing applied to the
wound, which is renewed daily, while the patient is
confined in a supine position to his bed, and lightly fed
with conjee (rice gruel), milk, etc. During the operation,
* Journ. Anthrop. Inst., II, 1873.
ni-19
KHOJA 290
the patient is urged to cry out ' Din ' (the faith in
Mahomet) three times.
" Of the two classes, the Kojahs are the artificially-
created eunuchs, in contradistinction to the Hijras
(impotents) or natural eunuchs. Some years ago there
were three Kojahs at the head of the State prison or
Royal Mahal at Vellore, in charge of some of the
wives, descendants, and other female connections of
Tippoo Sultan. These men were highly respected,
held charges of considerable trust, and were Muham-
madans by birth. Tales were often repeated that the
zenana women (slaves and adopted girls) were in the
habit of stripping them naked, and poking fun at
their helplessness. There were two Kojahs in the
employ of the late Nabob of the Carnatic. They were
both Africans. On the death of the Nabob, the
Government allowed one of them a pension of fifteen
rupees a month.
"The second class, Hijras or natural eunuchs as they
arc termed, are not so, strictly speaking, but are said to
be impotent. While some are naturally so from birth,
others are impressed with a belief in childhood, and are
dressed up in women's clothes, taught to ape their
speech and manners, whilst a few adopt it as a profession
in after-life. They are chiefly Mussalmans. The hair
of the head is put up as in women, well oiled, combed,
and thrown back, tied into a knot, and shelved to the
left side, sometimes plaited, ornamented, and allowed to
hang down the back. They wear the choice or short
jacket, the saree or petticoat, and put on abundance of
nose, ear, finger, and toe rings. They cultivate singing,
play the dhol (a drum), and attitudinise. They go about
the bazaars in groups of half a dozen or more, singing
songs with the hope of receiving a trifle. [Such a group
291 KHOJA
I saw at Sandur, who, on hearing that I wished to
photograph them, made tracks for another place. — E. 7".]
They are not only persistent, but impudent beggars,
singing filthy, obscene, and abusive songs, to compel the
bazaarmen to give them something. Should they not
succeed, they would create a fire and throw in a lot of
chillies, the suffocating and irritative smoke producing
violent coughing, etc., so that the bazaarmen are com-
pelled to yield to their importunity, and give them a
trifle to get rid of their annoyance. While such were
the pursuits in the day, at nightfall they resorted to
debauchery and low practices by hiring themselves out
to a dissipated set of Moslems, who are in the habit of
resorting to these people for the purpose, whilst they
intoxicate themselves with a preparation termed majoon,
being a confection of opium, and a drink termed boja,
a species of country beer manufactured from ragi
[Eleitsine Cor ac and), which also contains bhang (Indian
hemp). In addition to this, they smoke bhang. The
Hijras are met with in most of the towns of Southern
India, more especially where a large proportion of
Mussalmans is found."
In Hyderabad, castration used to be performed at
about the age of sixteen. A pit, 31 feet deep, was dug
in the ground, and filled with ashes. After the opera-
tion, the patient had to sit on the ashes, with crossed
legs, for three days. The operation was performed,
under the influence of narcotics, by a Pir — the head of
the Khoja community.
I am informed by Mr. G. T. Paddison that, at the
annual festival of the Gadabas of Vizagapatam, thorns
are set on a swing outside the shrine of the goddess.
On these the priest or priestess sits without harm. If
the priest is masculine, he has been made neuter. But,
in-19 B
KHOND 292
if the village is not fortunate enough to possess a eunuch,
a woman performs the ceremony.
The following notes were recorded by me on the
occasion of an interview with some eunuchs living in the
city of Madras : —
Hindu, aged about 30. Generative organs feebly
developed. Is a natural eunuch. Speaks and behaves
like a female. Keeps a stall, at which he sells cakes.
Goes out singing and dancing with four other eunuchs,
and earns from ten annas to a rupee in a night. There
are, in Madras, about thirty eunuchs, who go about
dancing. Others keep shops, or are employed as
domestic servants.
One well acquainted with the Hindu eunuchs of
Madras stated that, when a boy is born with ill-developed
genitalia, his unnatural condition is a source of anxiety
to his parents. As he grows up he feels shy, and is
made fun of by his companions. Such boys run away
from home, and join the eunuchs. They are taught to
sing and dance, and carry on abominable practices.
They are employed by dancing-girls, to decoy paramours
to them. For this purpose, they dress up as dancing-
girls, and go about the streets. At times of census,
they return themselves as males engaged in singing and
dancing.
Khond.^^"^^ Kondh.
Khongar. — See Kangara.
Kichagara. — A small class of Canarese basket-
makers and beggars. The name is said to be derived
from kichaku, meaning an imitative sound, in reference
to the incessant noise which the Kichagaras make when
begging.
Kidaran (copper boiler). — A synonym for Mala-
y^lam artisans.
293 KIMEDI
Kilakku Teru (east street). — A section of Kalian.
Killavar.—- A sub-division of Tottiyan.
Killekyata.— The Killekyatas are a Marathi-speak-
ing people, who amuse villagers with their marionette
shows in the Telugu and Canarese countries. " They
travel round the villages, and give a performance wher-
ever they can secure sufficient patronage. Contributions
take the form of money, or oil for the foot-lights."*
"Their profession," Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri writes,!
" is enacting religious dramas before the village public
(whence their name, meaning buffoon). The black
kambli (blanket) is their screen, and any mandapa or
village chavadi, or open house is their stage. Night is
the time for giving the performance. They carry with
them pictures painted in colours on deer skins, which
are well tanned, and made fine like parchment. The
several parts of the picture representing the human or
animal body are attached to each other by thin iron
wires, and the parts are made to move by the assistance
of thin bamboo splits, and thus the several actions and
emotions are represented to the public, to the accom-
paniment of songs. Their pictures are in most cases
very fairly painted, with variety and choice of colours.
The stories chosen for representation are generally from
the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, which they how-
ever call Ravanyakatha and Pandavakatha — the stories
of Ravana and the Pandavas." The dead are buried in
a seated posture.
Some of the women are engaged as professional
tattooers.
Kimedi.— A local name for Koronos who live at
Parlakimedi.
♦ Gazetteer of the Anantapur district. f Indian Review, VII, 1906.
KINDAL 294
Kindal (basket-maker). — A sub-division of Savara.
Kinkila (the koel or cuckoo). — A gotra of Kurni.
Tiie cuckoo, named Eudynainis konorata, is the bird,
whose crescendo cry, ku-il, ku-il, is trying to the nerves
during the hot season.
Kinthali. — A sub-division of the Telugu Kalingis.
Kira (parrot). — A sept of Gadaba. Kira also
occurs as a sub-division of Sondi.
Kiraikkaran.-^Kiraikkaran is an occupational
name, denoting those who cultivate kirai {Ainarantics).
The Kiraikkarans are stated, in the Census Report,
1 90 1, to be usually Agamudaiyans in Coimbatore. I
gathered, however, that the name is given by Tamil-
speaking people to the Kempati Okkiliyans of Coim-
batore, a Canarese people who migrated thither from
Kempati in Mysore. The majority of them cultivate
kirai and other edible vegetables, but some are petty
traders or fishermen. Some of their marriage divisions
are named after deities, e.g., Masani and Viramashti, and
one division is called Jogi.
Kirata (hunter). — A name assumed by Bedars,
Ekaris, and other classes.
Kirganiga. — Kirganiga or Kiruganiga is the name
of a sub-division of Ganigas, who express oils in wooden
mills.
Kiriyam. — A sub-division of Nayar. Also the
Malayalam word for house name or sept.
Kiriyattil. — A sub-division of Nayar.
Kizhakathi. — Recorded, in the Madras Census
Report, 1 89 1, as a sub-division of Paraiyan. The word
means easterner, and a Paraiyan of North or South
Arcot would call a Paraiyan of Madras by this name.
Koalaka (arrow). — An exogamous sept of Jatapu.
295 KODIYAL
Kobbiriya.— A sub-division of Domb.
Kochattabannaya. — Kochattabannaya or Kojja-
rannaya (jak tree, Artocarpus integrifolia, sept) is an
exogamous sept of Bant.
Kochimo (tortoise). — A sept of Oriya Gaudo, Bo-
santiya, Bottada, Konda Dora, Mattiya, and Omanaito.
Kochuvalan. — Recorded, in the Travancore Census
Report, 1901, as a name for Ulladans.
Kodaketti (umbrella tying). — A sub-division of
Panan.
Kodavili (sickle). — An exogamous sept of Kama
Sale.
Kodekal Hata-kararu (cloth- weavers). — A sub-
division of Devanga.
Kodi (cock). — An exogamous sept of Kapu. Tho-
rika occurs as a sept of Jatapus, who are said to revere
a species of fowl called thorika kodi, and Kodi Kandla
(fowl's eyes) as a sept of Boya.
Kodikkal. — Kodikkal, Kodikkar, or Kodikkalkaran,
meaning betel vine man, is the occupational name of a
sub-division of Vellalas, and of Labbai Muhammadans
who cultivate the betel vine. In the Census Report,
1 90 1, it is noted that those who gave this as the name
of their caste returned their parent tongue as Tamil, and
their title as Nayakkan, and were therefore clubbed with
Pallis. Kodikkal is further a sub-division of the Sha-
nans, who derive the name from kodi, a flag, and give
flag-bearer as its significance. Other castes, however,
make it to mean a betel garden, in reference to Shanans
who were betel vine growers. Kodikkal Pillaimar is a
synonym of the Senaikkudaiyans, indicating Pillaimars
who cultivate the betel vine.
Kodiyal. — A sub-division of Kudubi.
KODLA 296
Kodla.— Kodla (fowl) has been recorded as an
exogamous sept of Tsakala, and Kodla bochchu (fowl's
feathers) as an exogamous sept of Kapu.
Kodu. — A form of Kondh. Also a sub-division of
Konda Razu.
Kohoro. — A form of Kahar.
Koi.— ^^^ Koya.
Koibarto. — A sub-division of Kevuto.
Koil Pandala (keeper of the royal treasury). — One
of the divisions of Kshatriyas in Travancore.
Koil Tampuran.— The following note is extracted
from the Travancore Census Report, 1901. The Koil
Tampurans form a small community, made up of the
descendants of the immigrant Kshatriya families from
certain parts of Malabar lying to the north of Travancore
and Cochin. They are also known as Koil Pantalas.
In early records, the term Koviladhikarikal appears
to have been used. Immemorial tradition connects the
Koil Tampurans with Cheraman Perumal, and goes to
say that their original settlement was Beypore. About
300 M.E. a few male members were invited to settle in
Travancore, and form marital alliances with the ladies
of the Travancore Royal House, known then as the
Venat Svarupam. Houses were built for them at
Kilimanur, six miles from Attingal, where all the female
members of the Royal Family resided. In M.E. 963,
eight persons — three males and five females — from the
family of Aliakk5tu, oppressed by the invasion of Tipu
Sultan, sought shelter in Travancore. Maharaja Rama
Varma received them kindly, and gave them the palace
of the Tekkumkur Raja, who had been subjugated by
Rama lyen Dalawah. This site in Changanachery is
still recognised as Nirazhikkottaram. In 975 M.E. one
of the five ladies removed to Kirtipuram near Kantiyur
297 KOIL TAMPURAN
(Mavelikara taluk), and thence to a village called Gramam
in the same taluk. Another shifted to Pallam in the
Kottayam taluk, a third to Paliyakkara in Tiruvalla, and
a fourth, having no issue, continued to live at Changana-
chery with the fifth lady who was the youngest in the
family. Raja Raja Varma Koil Tampuran, who married
Rani Lakshmi Bai, sovereign of Travancore from 985
to 990 M.E. was the eldest son of the lady that stayed
at Changanachery. Their present house at that place,
known as Lakshmipuram Kottaram, was named after
the Koil Tampuran's royal consort. Raja Raja Varma's
sister gave birth to three daughters and two sons. The
eldest daughter and sons removed to Kartikapalli in
1040, and thence, in 1046, to Anantapuram in Haripad.
In 1 04 1, the second daughter and issue removed to
Chemprol in Tiruvalla, while the third continued to live
at Changanachery. Thus there came into existence
seven families of Koil Tampurans, namely those of
Kilimanur, Changanachery, Anantapuram, Pallam,
Chemprol, Gramam, and Paliyakkare. Some time after
1040 M.E. (A.D. 1856), three more families, viz., those
of Cherukol, Karamma, and Vatakkematham, immigrated
from North Malabar.
The Koil Tampurans are all regarded as blood
relations, and observe birth and death pollutions like
Dayadis among Brahmans. They follow the matriarchal
system of inheritance. Nambutiri Brahmans marry their
ladies. Their religious ceremonies are the same as
those of Nambutiris, whom they resemble in the matter
of food and drink. Their caste government is in the
hands of the Nambutiri Vaidikans.
Their ceremonies are the usual Brahmanical
Samskaras — Gatakarma, Namakarana, Annaprasana,
etc. Regarding the Namakarana, or naming, the only
KOIL TAMPURAN 298
noteworthy fact is that the first-born male always goes
by the name of Raja Raja Varma. The Upanayana,
or investiture with the sacred thread, takes place in the
sixteenth year of age. On the morning of the Upa-
nayana, Chaula or the tonsure ceremony is performed.
It is formally done by the Nambutiri priest in the capa-
city of Guru, just as the father does to his son among
Brahmans, and afterwards left to be completed by the
Maran. The priest invests the boy with the thread,
and, with the sacrificial fire as lord and witness, initiates
him in the Gayatri prayer. The Koil Tampurans are to
repeat this prayer morning, noon and evening, like the
Brahmans, but are to do so only ten times on each
occasion. On the fourth day, the boy listens to a few
Vedic hymns recited by the priest. There is not the
prolonged course of severe discipline of the Brahmani-
cal Brahmachari, which the Nambutiris so religiously
observe. The Samavartana, or pupilage stage, is
performed on the fifteenth day. The ceremony of pro-
ceeding to Benares is then gone through. Just as in
the case of the Brahmans, a would-be father-in-law
intercedes, and requests the Snataka (past Brahmachari)
to bless his daughter, and settle in life as a Grihastha.
The Nambutiri priest then steps in to remind the boy of
his dharma (duty) as a Kshatriya, and gives him a sword
symbolic of his pre-ordained function in society.
The marriage of a Koil Tampuran does not present
many peculiar features. One item in the programme,
called Dikshavirippu, may be referred to. During all
the four days of the marriage, the bride is confined to a
special room, where a white cloth with a carpet over it is
spread on the fioor, and a lamp burns day and night.
The ceremonial bridegroom is either an Aryappattar or
a Nambutiri, now generally a Nambutiri. Of course,
299 KOLAYAN
the marriage is a mere ceremonial, and the bridegroom
at the ceremony is not necessarily the spouse of actual
life. His death deprives her of the right to wear
the tali, and makes her an Amangali (an inauspicious
person) for all socio-religious purposes. At sraddhas
(memorial service for the dead), the Tampuratti with
her married husband alive faces the east, and one that
has lost him has to look in the direction of Yamaloka
(south).
Mr. Ravi Varma, the celebrated artist, who died
recently, was a Koil Tampuran of Kilimanur, an exten-
sive village assio^ned to his ancestors rent-free for the
military services they had rendered to the State in times
of trouble.*
Kokala (woman's cloth). — An exogamous sept of
Golla.
Kokkara.— Recorded, in the Travancore Census
Report, as a sub-division of Nayar.
Kokkundia. — See Kukkundi.
Kola (ear of corn). — An exogamous sept of
Medara.
Kolari. — See Kolayan.
Kolalo (arrack-seller). — A name of Sondis.
Kolata Gudiya.— A name for Gudiyas engaged in
agriculture.
Kolayan. — It is recorded, in the Madras Census
Report, 1901, that "the caste is found chiefly in the
Kasaragod taluk of South Canara, and in the northern
part of Malabar. In South Malabar, it is called Urali.
Its traditional occupation is herding cows, and it claims
the privilege of supplying milk and ghee to certain
Hindu temples, but at present most of its members are
* See Ravi Varma, the Indian Artist. Indian Press, Allahabad.
KOLAYAN 300
masons. It has two endogamous sections, Ayan or
Kol-Ayan, and Mariyan or Eruman " (Eruma, a cow-
buffalo). It is further noted, in the same report under
the heading Eruman, that " the people of the caste were
originally buffalo drivers and keepers, and still follow
their traditional occupation in the Kasaragod taluk of
South Canara. In North Malabar, they are masons and
bricklayers." The masonry work of temples is done by
Kolayans.
The name Kolayan has been said to be derived from
Golla and Ayan, meaning cowherd. Golla is, however,
a Telugu word not used in the Malayalam country.
Members of the tw^o sections, Kolayan and Eruman
(or Eruvan), are said not to intermarry. Women of both
sections may affect sambandham (alliance) with Nayars.
Children born of such unions are regarded as somewhat
inferior to those born of Kolayan parents, and are not
allowed to worship at the temples. The priests of the
Kolayans are called Muthavan or Poduvan, and are
usually elected by Rajas.
Kolayan girls go through the mangalam or tali-kettu
ceremony before they reach puberty. On an auspicious
day fixed by the Kanisan (astrologer), the girl sits on a
plank in the middle room of the house, and four lamps
are placed near her. Her father throws rice and flowers
over her head, and ties the tali (marriage emblem) on
her neck. The girl, four women, and four girls, are fed
in the middle room. On the following day, a priest
(Vathiyan) places rice, paddy (unhusked rice), tender
cocoanut, betel leaves and areca nuts, before the girl.
Men and women of the priest's family wave rice, cocoa-
nuts, etc., in front of her both in the morning and
afternoon. Finally, towards evening, a Vathiyan woman
waves the rice and other articles thrice, calling out
30I KOLI
" Kolachi, Kolachi, Kolachi." The girl may then leave
the middle room.
At the first menstrual period, a girl is under pollution
for three days. On the first day, a cloth (mattu) is given
to her by a washerwoman, and on the fourth day she
receives one from a Malayan woman.
The dead are usually cremated. Daily, until the
twelfth day of the death ceremonies, food is offered to
the spirit of the deceased, on a dais set up outside
the house, by the relatives. On the fifth day, all the
agnates are purified by the Vathiyan sprinkling water
over them. On the twelfth day, the Vathiyan draws
the image of a man with vibuthi (sacred ashes) on the
spot where the deceased breathed his last. Near the
figure, cooked rice, vegetables, etc., are placed. The
chief mourner offers these to the dead person, and makes
a bundle of them in his cloth. Going outside the house,
he kicks the dais already referred to with his foot, while
the Vathiyan holds one hand, and his relations the other
hand or arm. He then bathes in a tank (pond) or river,
while his hands are held in like manner.
Koli. — In the Madras Census Report, 1901, the K5lis
are described as being " a Bombay caste of fishermen
and boatmen in South Canara ; also a low class of
Bengal weavers found in Ganjam." The Kolis who
were investigated in Ganjam are an Oriya-speaking
class, who are apparently Telugu people who have
settled in the Oriya country as weavers of coarse
cloths, traders, and agriculturists. They have Oriya
titles such as Behara. They worship village deities
(Takuranis), are Saivites, and none of them have been
converted to the Paramartho form of Vishnavism. The
caste council, puberty and death ceremonies, are based
on the common Oriya type, but the marriage rites are
KOLIYAN 302
an interesting blend of the Oriya and Telugu types of
ceremonial. Thus the usual Telugu marriage post, but
made of Streblus asper wood, is set up, and nine kinds
of grain are placed near it. A bottu (marriage badge)
is tied on the neck of the bride by the bridegroom, and
the hands of the contracting couple are united (hastha-
gonthi) as among the Oriyas.
Koliyan.— The Koliyans are summed up, in the
Madras Census Report, 1901, as " a weaver caste, the
members of which were originally Paraiyans, but now do
not eat or intermarry with that caste." They are largely
found in the Tanjore and Madura districts, and are
divided into various nadus (territories) and kuppams
(settlements). Those at Pattukottai, for example, belong
to Ambu Nadu, and are sub-divided into five kuppams.
Many of the Koliyans are engaged in weaving coarse
white cloths, while some work as field labourers. As
some Paraiyans have Samban (Siva) as their title, so the
title of the Koliyans is Isan (god). At times of marriage,
the names of persons must not be mentioned without
this title, e.g., one who is, in everyday life, called Ponnan
is addressed as Isa Ponnan.
An interesting point in connection with the first
puberty ceremonial of a girl is that, on the sixteenth
day, when she bathes, a withe of a creeper (Dalbergia,
sp.) made into a loop, is passed round her body by a
barber from head to foot thrice, without touching her.
If this is not done, it is believed that the girl is not free
from pollution.
There are two forms of marriage ceremony, called
chinna (little) and periya (big) kalyanam. The former
is resorted to by those who cannot afford the more
elaborate ceremonial. The sister of the bridegroom is
sent to the house of the bride on an auspicious day.
303 KOLIYAN
She there ties the tali (marriage badge) on the bride's
neck, and conducts her to the house of the bridegroom.
Women who are thus married may not take part in the
marriage of their children. More especially, they may
not decorate them with garlands and flowers, unless
they have themselves performed the sadangu rite. In
this, which is usually carried out a day or two before
the child's marriage, the husband and wife sit on planks,
and, after being decorated, and the performance of wave
offerings (arathi), the former ties the tali on his wife's
neck.
In the periya kalyanam, the bridegroom goes on a
horse to the bride's house, where he is met by her
brother, who is also on horseback. They exchange
garlands, and proceed to the marriage pandal (booth).
The bridesrroom receives from the bride's father a
cocoanut, and the bride seats herself on a bench. The
bridegroom g-ives her the cocoanut, and ties the tali on
her neck. They then exchange garlands, and their
fingers are linked together. All these items must be
performed as quickly as possible, in accordance with a
saying that the tali should be tied without dismounting
from the horse, which one is riding. Before the tali is
tied, the contracting couple go through the sadangu
ceremony, in which a loop of cotton thread is passed
over them from head to foot, without touching them.
Then the kankanams, or wrist threads, are tied on their
wrists. The milk-post and marriage pots are set up
within the pandal, and the bride and bridegroom prostrate
themselves before them, and salute their maternal uncles,
parents and relations, and lastly the musicians. The
day's proceedings terminate with a feast, at the conclu-
sion of which hands are washed within the house. For
six days the bride and bridegroom pay visits to each
KOLLAKAR 304
Other alternately, and, on the seventh day, the wrist-
threads, marriage pots, and milk-post are removed.
During marriage and other auspicious ceremonies,
coloured water, into which leaves of Bauhinia variegata
are thrown, are waved (arathi).
On ceremonial occasions, and at times of worship,
the Koliyans put on Saivite sect marks. Among other
deities, they worship Aiyanar, Pattavanswami, and
Pothiamman.
The dead are burnt, and the body is placed in a
seated posture with fingers and toes tied together. On
the way to the burning-ground, a widow goes round the
corpse, and breaks a pot containing water. On the day
after the funeral, the calcined bones are collected, and
arranged so as to represent a human figure, to which
food is offered. The final death ceremonies (karman-
dhiram) are performed on the sixteenth day. A mass of
cooked rice, vegetables, and meat, is placed within an
enclosure, round which the relations go in tears.
Kollakar. — There are about seven hundred members
of this community at Cochin, to which place the Kolla-
kars, or people of Kollam, are said to have come from
Ouilon (Kollam) in Travancore one or two centuries ago.
The majority of the men work as coolies on board
steamers, and a few as fishermen. The women of the
poorer classes twist rope and sell fish, while the others
make lace. A few hold appointments under the Govern-
ment, and, in 1907, two had passed the Matriculation
examination of the Madras University. They are
Roman Catholics, and are said to have been converted
to Christianity by the Portuguese. They marry among
themselves. The Kollakars are also found at Calicut,
Cannanore, Mahe, and Tellicherry, and are mainly occu-
pied in fishing, rope-making, and making fishing-nets.
305 KOLLAR
A few at Tellicherry are employed as carpenters, tailors,
and petty shopkeepers.
Kolla Kurup. — The Kolla Kurups of Malabar are
described, in the Gazetteer of Malabar, as a sub-caste of,
or a caste allied to, the Kammalans. " They combine
two professions, which at first sight seem strangely
incongruous, shampooing or massage, and the construc-
tion of the characteristic leather shields of Malabar. But
the two arts are intimately connected with the system of
combined physical training, as we should now call it, and
exercise in arms, which formed the curriculum of the kalari
(gymnasium), and the title Kurup is proper to castes
connected with that institution." Among Kolla Kurups,
the following symbolical ceremony is necessary to con-
stitute a valid divorce. " The husband and the wife's
brother stand east and west respectively of a lighted
lamp placed in the yard of the woman's original home.
The husband pulls a thread from his cloth, and approaches
the lamp, and breaks the thread saying ' Here is your
sister's accharam.' "
KoUan.— "The blacksmiths are iron-workers among
the Malayalam Kammalans. " These Malabar Kollans,"
Mr. H. A. Stuart writes,* "are said to practice fraternal
polyandry to a greater extent even than the rest of the
Malabar artizan castes. Kollans are divided into (i) Ti
(fire) Kollan, (2) Perum (big) Kollan, (3) Tiperum
Kollan, (4) Irumbu (iron) Kollan. There are also
Kadacchil Kollan (knife-grinders) and Tol Kollan
(leather-workers). These are of inferior status, on
account of the nature of their professions."
Kollar.-"A section of Tottiyan, the full name of
which is Yerrakollavaru or Yerrakolla Tottiyar. Kollar
* Madras Census Report, 1891.
III-20
KOLLI 306
is a corrupt Tamil form of GoIIa, to which caste the
Tottiyans trace their descent.
Kolli (fire-brand). — A sub-division of Kadu
Kurumba.
Kolli (a hill-range, the Kollimalais). — A sub-division
of Malayalis.
Komali (buffoon). — An exogamous sept of Odde.
Komanandi. — A sub-division of Andis, who go
about naked, except for a small loin cloth (komanam).
Komaro. — Oriya blacksmiths. See Badhoyi.
Komati. — The Komatis form the great trading caste
of the Madras Presidency, and are found in almost all
the districts thereof. They are further found in the
Mysore State, Bombay Presidency, Berar, Central
Provinces, and as far north-west as Baroda. Their
wide distribution accounts for the great variety which
prevails in the minor details of the religious and social
ceremonials.
The name Komati has been derived in many different
ways. By some it is said to be from ko-mati, meaning
fox-minded. This has reference to the cunning of the
Komatis in business, and is undoubtedly the outcome of
their unpopularity with their customers. The phrase
Komatiguttu (the secrecy of a Komati) is said to be
a common one. Others say that it is from go-mati,
meaning the possessor of cows, one of the ordained
duties of Vaisyas being the protecting of cows. Others,
ao"ain, say that it is from go-mati, meaning cow-minded.
A modern redaction of the Kanyaka Purana, the sacred
book of the Komatis, gives this derivation. According
to this work, the Komatis did severe penance, and were
consequently invited to live in heaven. Their continued
absence from this world gave rise to serious trouble,
and Vishnu accordingly asked them to return thither for
307 KOMATI
the good of mankind. They, however, refused to do
so. Vishnu then called for Siva, and asked him to
induce them to return. Siva brought a cow, and directed
all the Komatis to get into its right ear. From there
they saw gloriously decorated towns, with magnificent
temples, pleasure gardens, etc., and begged permission
to live in them. Siva assented, and they speedily began
to march off to their new abodes. But, almost imme-
diately, a huge conflagration came In view, and began
to overwhelm them. Terror-stricken, they cried out to
Siva to help them in their trouble. He consented on
condition that they would return to the mortal world.
This they accordingly did. Siva gave them the name
of Gomati, because they exhibited as much fear at the
conflagration as a cow would when anything untoward
happened. Yet another derivation of KomatI is go-mati,
meaning sprung from the cow In accordance with the
above legend, or cow-gored In reference to the story
that the ancestors of the Komatis commingled In a
cow-shed, where a pregnant woman was gored by a
cow. The derivation ku-mati, meaning evil-minded. Is
grammatically impossible. The Komatis are said to
have originally lived, and still live in large numbers on
the banks of the Godavarl river. One of the local
names thereof is Gomati or Gomtl, and the Sanskrit
Gomati would, in Telugu, become corrupted into
KomatI.
The Komatis everywhere speak Telugu, and are
devoted to their mother-tongue. There is a common
proverb among them, "Telugu theta, Aravam adhvanam,"
meaning that Telugu Is easy (has an easy flow), and
Tamil is wretched. " Of all Dravidlan languages,"
Mr. Henry Morris writes, " Telugu Is the sweetest and
most musical. It Is exceedingly mellifluous, and sounds
III-20 B
KOMATI
308
harmonious even in the mouth of the most vulgar and
illiterate. It has justly been called the Italian of the
East." Komatis are clever at learning languages other
than their own. In the Tamil and Canarese districts,
they are conversant with the languages thereof, and in
Bombay they speak Marathi. In the Ganjam and
Vizagapatam Agencies, they speak the Kondh and
Savara languages very fluently.
As a commercial caste, the Komatis have a secret
trade language of their own, which is substantially the
same all over the country. It will be seen from the
tables given how complete their numerical tables are,
ranging, as they do, from one pie to a thousand
rupees. It will be observed that the rupee is repre-
sented by the word thelupu, which means white. Some
Tamil trading castes in like manner call the rupee velle
(white) : —
I. Pie table.
PIES,
PIES
Nakili batu
I
Rayam batu
... 4
Ke batu ...
2
Rayam nakili batu
••• 5
Kevu nakili batu
.-. 3
2. Anni
I table.
ANNAS,
ANNAS
Thfpi kamanalu
... i
Uddulam analu
• 3
Nakili ana
... *
Uddulam nakili analu..
. 3i
Kev ana
I
Kungidu analu
• 4
Kevan nakili ana
... li
Sulalu analu ...
. 12
Rayam analu ...
2
The word sulalu is connected with trisiilam, the
trident emblem of Siva, and sometimes used to denote
three annas.
309
KOMATI
3. Rupee table.
Thapi thelupu
Nakili ,,
Ke
Rayam ,,
Uddulam thelupu
Do. nakili thelupu.
Panam thelupu
Mulam ,,
Thipam ,,
Maram ,,
Thamam ,,
Navaram ,,
Galam ,,
Rayam galalu
Uddulam galalu
Panam „
RS.
i
i
I
2
3
3i
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
20
30
40
Mulam galalu ...
Thipanam galalu
Maram galalu ...
Thamam ,,
Navaram galalu
Ke savalu
Rayam savalu ...
Uddulam savalu
Panam ,,
Mulam ,,
Thipanam ,,
Maram ,,
Thamam „
Navaram „
Galam ,,
Ke makaram
Rayam makaram
Uddulam ,,
Panam „
Mulam
4. Varaham {pagoda) table.
Thipanam makaram
Maram ,,
Thamam „
Navaram ,,
Galam
RS.
50
60
70
80
90
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
800
900
1,000
9
10
A common saying is that, if you commence at galam,
it will be settled at mulam, or, in plain language, begin
at ten varahams, and the bargain will be closed at five.
When one man says to another " Dotu " or " Dotra,"
it means strike the bargain. If a Komati is the purchaser,
and another says to him " Dot ko," it means take it.
The Komatis are a highly organised caste. In each
place where they are settled there is a Pedda Setti, who,
among the Kalinga Komatis, is known as Puri Setti or
Senapathi. Among the latter, there is also a headman
for several villages, who is styled Kularaju or Vaisyaraju.
Each Pedda Setti is assisted by a Mummadi Setti, who
KOMATI 310
assembles the castemen for the settlement of important
questions, by fines, excommunication, etc. There is
further a caste guru Bhaskaracharya, whose duties are
more religious than social. Komatis have recourse to
the established Courts of Justice only as a last resort.
They are consulted by other castes in the settlement of
their disputes, and it must be said to their credit that
their decisions are usually sound, and bear ample testi-
mony to the confidence which is placed in them.
The Komatis are, broadly speaking, divided into two
great sections, called Gavara and Kalinga. The former
live as far north of Vizianagram, and are then replaced
by the latter. The Gavaras or Gauras are said to be so
called because, by following the caste goddess Kanya-
kamma into the fire-pits, they maintained the gaura-
vam or social status of the caste. According to another
version, they are so called because they revere Gauri
(Parvati), the consort of Siva, whose incarnation was the
goddess Kanyakamma. The Kalinga Komatis are those
who live in the old Kalinga or Kling country, which
extended roughly from Vizagapatam to Orissa. They
are forbidden to settle beyond Ramatirtham, a place of
pilgrimage close to Vizianagram. The story goes that
their ancestors lived at Padmanabham, the hill close to
Bimlipatam, well known from the battle which took
place close to it in 1 794, and there sustained great losses.
Hence the place was deserted, and has ever since been
regarded as inauspicious. The Komatis have since that
time not resided at any place from which the hill can
be seen. In fact, they make their first appearance at
Chipurupalli, and increase in numbers as we go north-
eastward. The Kalinga Komatis believe themselves to
be Gavara Komatis, who became separated from the
main stock owing to their emigration from their original
311 KOMATI
home. Their meat-eating habit has, they say, widened
the breach which separates the two divisions.
While the Kalinga Komatis form a fairly compact
division by themselves, the Gavaras have become more
and more sub-divided. Their sub-divisions are either
territorial, occupational, or religious in character. Thus
there are Penukonda and Veginadu Komatis, of whom
the former belong to the town of Penukonda in the
Godavari district, and the latter to the Vegi or Vengi
country, the former name of part of the modern Kistna
district. Again, there are Trinikas or Traivarnikas
(third caste people), who are invariably Vaishnavas, and
to which section a good many of the Komatis in the city
of Madras belong. Lingadhari Komatis are found
mostly in the Vizagapatam, Godavari, Guntur and Kistna
districts. They wear the lingam in a gold or silver
casket. Besides these, there are the Siva, Vaishnava,
and Madhva Komatis, of which the last are mostly found
in the Bellary district. Of occupational sub-divisions,
the following may be noted : — Nune (oil) ; Nethi (ghi,
clarified butter) ; Dudi (cotton) ; Uppu (salt) ; Gone
(gunny-bag) ; Gantha (torn cloth). Lastly, there are
other divisions, of which the origin dates back to the
time of Kanyakamma, the caste goddess. Thus, there
are those who entered the fire-pits with Kanyakamma,
and those who did not. The former are known as
Vegina, and the latter as Beri, which is said to be a
corruption of Bedari, meaning those who fled through
fear. All Gavara K5matis are said to be descended from
those who entered the hre-pits. The majority of the
Komatis of the Sandur State, in the Bellary district,
belong to the Kallankanadavaru section, which is said
to be descended from those who sat on the stone (kallu)
mantapa outside the Penukonda Kanyakamma temple,
KOMATI 312
when the question whether to enter the fire-pits or not
was being discussed by the caste elders.
The mutual relations between the various sub-
divisions vary much. Broadly speaking, Gavaras and
Kalingas do not intermarry, and the objection to
intermarriage is due to several causes. The former,
according to the caste Purana, gave their lives to their
goddess, while the latter did not. Moreover, the former
do not partake of animal food and spirituous drinks,
whereas the latter do. Lingadharis and ordinary Saivites
intermarry, as also do Saivites and Madhvas. Gavaras
and Traivarnikas occasionally intermarry, but such
marriages are looked down upon. The Traivarnikas,
like the Kalingas, eat animal food. The occupational
sub-divisions neither intermarry nor interdine. Socially,
the Gavaras are held in the highest esteem, while the
Beris are regarded as the lowest in the social scale.
The sub-divisions are split up into septs, which are
of a strictly exogamous character. That these origi-
nated in totemistic belief seems to be supported by what
remains of these beliefs at the present day. All the
sub-divisions contain such septs, which are very numer-
ous, the names of as many as a hundred and twenty
having been collected. The tendency for a long time
past has been to reduce the number to a hundred and
two, to represent the number of families which followed
Kanyakamma to the fire-pits. It would be tedious to
enumerate the names of all these septs, from which the
following, with the corresponding totems, are selected : —
(fl) Plants.
Munikula ... ... Kg2^%\ {^Sesbania grandiflora).
Amalaka or Usiri ... Amalaka or Usiri {Phyllanthiis Emblica).
Anupa or Anupala ... Knu^^la. {Dolichos Lablab).
Tulasi or Tulashishta. Tulasi {Ociminn sancium).
313 KOMATI
(a) Plants — cont.
Chinta, Chinty
a, or
Chinta {Tatnarindus indica).
Varachinta.
Vakkala
. Vakkalu {Areca Catechii).
Puchcha
. Puchcha i^Citrullus Colocynihis).
Padma-sista ...
, Padma (red lotus).
Kamala
, Kamalam (white lotus).
Aranta
Arati {Afusa sapientuni : plantain).
Thotakula
Thotakura {Atnaraiitiis, sp.).
Uthakula
...
Uththareni {Achyranthes aspera).
Mandu
...
Mamadikaya {Mangifera indica).
Dikshama
Drakshapandu (grapes).
Venkola
Vankaya {Solanum Melo?tgena : brinjal).
Sauna
, Samanthi {Chiysanthejnum indiaim).
{b) Animals.
GosTla, Sathya
Goslla,
Cow.
and Uthama GosTla.
Asthi
...
Elephant.
Enupa
...
Buffalo.
Ghonta
...
Horse.
Ananta
...
Cobra.
Bhramada or
Bhra-
Bee.
{c) Heavenly bodies.
Arka or Surya
Chandra, Chandra
Sishta, Suchandra,
or Vannavamsam.
Sun.
Moon.
It may be observed that the totems are variously
termed gotram, vamsam, and kulam. The first of these
is in imitation of the Brahman gotras. Vamsam is the
bams of the Agency tracts of Ganjam, Vizagapatam, and
the Godavari districts. The name means bamboo, and
denotes a family, whose branches are as countless as
those of a bamboo. Kulam is used as the equivalent of
KOMATI 314
group or family. The totem objects are revered in the
usual way, and no secret is made of the reverence shown
to them. In regard to plant totems, it is stated that, if
the totem objects are not strictly treated as tabu, delin-
quents will be born as insects for seven generations.
But an exception is allowed. A person who wishes to
eat the forbidden plant may do so by annually performing
the funeral ceremonies of the totem ancestor at Gaya,
the great Hindu place of pilgrimage where obsequial
ceremonies to ancestors are performed.
In recent times, the Komatis have claimed to be the
Vaisyas mentioned in the Vedic Purusha-sukta. Accord-
ingly, the totems have been arranged under the different
Brahmanical gotras, whose pravaras have been appro-
priated. Thus, Munikula and four others are grouped
under Madgalya Rishi gotra, whose pravara is given
for all the five. Similarly, Vakkala kula and another
kula come under Vayavya Rishi ; Ghonta kula under
Goupaka Rishi ; Arati, Arisishta and a few others under
Atri Rishi ; Anupa kula under Agasthya Rishi, and so on.
It is said that the totem names are secret names (sanketa
namamulu) given by Kanyakamma, in order that the
bearers thereof may be distinguished from those who did
not take up her cause. All sub-divisions of the caste,
however, have these septs in common.
In the northern parts of the Madras Presidency, the
sept is further sub-divided into sections called intiperulu
(house names). These are either named after some
distinguished ancestor, or the place where the family
once lived before emigrating to their present abode.
These intiperulu are purely exogamous.
A Komati can claim his maternal uncle's daughter
in marriage, in accordance with the custom of menarikam.
The rigidity with which this right is exercised is testified
315 KOMATI
by the sacred book of the caste — the Kanyaka Purana.
On their descent from heaven, it is said, the Komatis
settled in eighteen towns (ashta dasapuramulu), which
had been built by Visvakarma under the orders of Siva.
These towns are said to be situated in a tract of country
sixty-four yojanas in extent, and bounded on the east by
the Gautami (Godavari), on the south by the sea, on the
west by the Gostani, and on the north by the Ganges.
Of these, Penukonda, in the modern Godavari district,
was the capital. In it are the temples of Nagariswara-
swami (dedicated to Siva), and Janardhanaswami (dedi-
cated to Vishnu). Its Pedda Setti was Kusama Sreshti,
and his wife was Kusamamba. He performed Putra
Kameshti sacrifice, and was blessed with a son and
daughter. The former was named Virupaksha, and
the latter Vasavambika (Vasavakanya, Kanyakamma,
or Kanyaka Parameswari). The girl was possessed
of indescribable beauty. Vishnu Vardhana, the son of
Vijayarka of the lineage of the moon, who had his capital
at Rajamundry, while on a pleasure tour round his
dominions, halted at Penugonda, on learning that it was
ruled by Setti Rajas, who paid no tribute to him.
Being informed of his arrival by their boys, the caste
elders, headed by Kusuma Setti, welcomed him, and
took him in procession through the town. Then the
women of the place waved arathi before him. Among
them was the beautiful Vasavambika, with whom the
king instantly fell in love. He proposed to her father
that he should give her in marriage to himself, and in
return obtain the gift of half of his kingdom. Kusuma
Sreshti protested, and said that the sastras were against
such a union. The king, through his minister, threat-
ened that he would plunder his town, take him prisoner,
and, with the riches of the place, carry off his daughter,
KOMATI 316
and marry her. The Setti chief and his compatriots
prayed for time to think over the matter, and retired.
The chief then called a meeting of the castemen, at
which it was decided that they should make a false
promise to the king that they would give the girl in
marriage to him, and send him off with a dinner, to
return to Penugonda for the marriage after the lapse of a
couple of months. Meanw^hile, the boys of the town
assembled, and resolved that the dinner ought not to be
given. They informed their elders of this resolution, and
were commissioned to induce the king to leave the town
without it. This they did, with the ambiguous promise
that, if they did not give the girl in marriage to him, they
would kill themselves. On this, the king went off towards
his capital, and Kusuma Setti called a caste meeting of the
eighteen towns, at which various proposals were made.
One proposed that the girl should not be given in
marriage, and that, if the king came to claim her hand,
he should be driven off. Another proposed that they
should give the girl to the king, and save themselves
from ruin. Others suggested that it would be best to
marry the king to a substituted girl, to secrete the
coveted girl, or to bribe the ministers to induce the king
to abandon his intention of marrying her. The last of
these proposals was adopted, and a few elders were sent
to Rajamundry, to negociate the affair. They first
argued that, though they promised to give the girl in
marriage, the promise was made through fear of the
king's anger, and they could not give the girl in contra-
vention of the rule of menarikam. The king, in his fury,
ordered that the troops should immediately besiege the
eighteen towns, imprison the inhabitants in dark dun-
geons, and carry off the girl in a palanquin. On this, the
envoys heavily bribed the ministers, and begged them
317 KOMATI
not to march the army on their towns. But the king
would not yield, and sent his troops on Penugonda.
The envoys returned home, and narrated their sad tale.
A further meeting of the castemen was called at the
instance of Bhaskaracharya, the caste guru, and it was
resolved that all who wished to maintain the caste rule of
menarikam should prepare to kill themselves in burning
fire-pits. The majority fled rather than comply with the
resolution. Those, however, who determined to sacrifice
themselves in the fire-pits were 102 gotras in number,
and they assembled in council, and asked Kusuma
Sreshti to induce his daughter (who was only seven
years old) to die with them. To this she consented, and
showed herself in her true form of Paramesvari, the wife
of Siva. On this, the Setti chief returned to his caste-
men, who asked him to get 103 fire-pits ready in the
western portion of the town before the arrival of the
king. These were accordingly dug, and decorated with
festoons and plantain trunks at the four corners. Then
the heads of the 102 gotras assembled, with their wives,
in the courtyard of the temple of Nagaresvaraswami,
where Vasavambika was symbolically married to the
god. The headmen then tied on vira kankanams
(heroes' wrist-threads), and marched in a body, with
Vasavambika, to the fire-pits. There they gave counsel
to their children that they should not ask voli (bride-
price) for the marriage of their daughters, or communi-
cate their secrets to females, or allow karnams (village
accountants), rulers, unbelievers, or those universally
abused into their homes. They further counselled them
to give their daughters in marriage to the sons of their
paternal aunts, even though they should be black-
skinned, plain, blind of one eye, senseless, or of vicious
habits, and though their horoscopes did not agree, and
KOMATI 3 1 8
the omens were inauspicious. They were warned that,
if they failed in so doing, they would lose their riches,
and misfortune would fall on their families. Moreover,
full power was given to the castemen to excommunicate
the delinquents, and put them outside the town limits.
If the transgressors subsequently repented, they w^ere,
after the lapse of six months, to be sent to Kasi (Bena-
res), bathe in the Ganges, and return to their home.
There they were to openly express their regret for their
past conduct, fast the whole day, feed Brahmans, and
present them with three hundred cows, and hear the
Mahabharatha during the night. On the following day,
they were again to fast, present two hundred cows to
Brahmans and feast them, and hear the Ramayana
during the night. On the third day, they were once
more to fast, present a hundred cows, and hear the
Bhagavatam during the night. On the fourth day, they
were again to feast Brahmans, and worship Nagaresvara-
swami of Penugonda, and thus purge themselves from
the sin of contravening the rule of menarikam. But
they were not bound to follow the rule, if the paternal
aunt's son was totally blind, deaf, insane, stricken with
disease, a eunuch, thief, idiot, leper, dwarf, or immoral,
or if an old man or younger than the girl. The children
were further advised to respect, at the time of their
marriage, the families whose heads went as envoys to
the king at Rajamundry, and the boys who made false
promises to the king, and induced him to withdraw to
his capital. The heads of the families then made various
gifts to Brahmans, and asked Vasavambika to enter the
pit. In her true form of Paramesvari, she blessed those
gotras which had resolved to follow her, and announced
that those who had fled would be nameless and without
caste. She then declared that, immediately Vishnu
319 KOMATI
Vardhana entered Penugonda, his head would fall severed
from his neck. Finally, she invoked Brahma not to
create thenceforth beautiful girls in the caste in which she
was born, and prayed that in future they should be short
of stature, with gaping mouth, disproportionate legs,
broad ears, crooked hands, red hair, sunken eyes, dilated
eye-balls, insane looks, broad noses and wide nostrils,
hairy body, black skin, and protruding teeth. She then
jumped into her pit, and immediately afterwards the
heads of the 102 gotras, with their wives, fell into their
respective pits, and were reduced to ashes. On the
morrow, Vishnu Vardhana started on his journey from
Rajamundry to Penugonda. Brahmans portended evil,
and a voice from heaven said that he would lose his
life. An evil spirit obstructed him, and it rained blood.
Liehtnine struck men, and numerous other signs of im-
pending evil occurred. Arrived at Penugonda, Vishnu
Vardhana was informed that the castemen and Vasa-
vambika had been burnt in the fire-pits. Stunned by
the news, he fell from his elephant, and his head was
severed from his body, and broke into a thousand pieces.
His broken head and body were carried by his follow-
ers to Rajamundry, and cremated by his son Raja
Raja Narendra. Then the latter pacified the citizens
of Penugonda, and appointed Virupaksha, the son of
Kusuma Sreshti, Pedda Setti of the towns. The 102
families performed funeral rites for their dead parents,
visited Kasi and Ramesvaram, and built a temple in
honour of Vasavambika at Penugonda, in which they
placed an image in her name, and worshipped it ever
afterwards.
Popular versions of the story here related from the
Purana are told all over Southern India, where Komatis
live. One of the most singular of these is narrated by
KOMATI 320
Bishop Whitehead.* " The story," he writes, " goes
that, in ancient days, there was a bitter hatred between
the Komatis, who claim to belong to the Vaisya caste,
and the Mlechas or barbarians. When the Komatis
were getting worsted in the struggle for supremacy, they
requested Parvati, the wife of Siva, to come and deliver
them. It so happened that about that time Parvati
was incarnate as a girl of the Komati caste, who was
exceedingly beautiful. The Mlechas demanded that she
should be given in marriage to one of their own people,
and the refusal of the Komatis led to severe fiehtinof, in
which the Komatis, owing to the presence of the avatar
of Siva among them, were completely victorious, and
almost exterminated their enemies. After their victory,
the Komatis entertained doubts as to the chastity of the
girl, and compelled her to purify herself by passing
through fire. This she did, and disappeared in the fire,
resuming her real shape as Parvati, and taking her place
beside Siva in heaven. Her last words were a com-
mand to the Komatis to worship her, if they wished
their caste to prosper."
It is impossible to identify with certainty the Vishnu
Vardhana of the Purana. There are as many as eleven
individuals of that name known in Eastern Chalukyan
history. The Purana refers to Vishnu Vardhana, the
son of Vijayarka, who had his capital at Rajamundry.
His son, according to the same authority, was Raja
Raja Narendra. According to the Mackenzie manu-
scripts, the town of Rajamundry was founded by a king
named Vijayaditya Mahendra, who has not been identi-
fied. Dr. Fleet is of opinion that Vishnu Vardhana VI,
who ruled between 918 and 925 A.D., was the first to
* Madras Museum Bull., V. 3, 1907.
KO-MATI.
32 1 KOMATI
occupy, and re-name it. He, therefore, called himself
Rajamahendra. Amma II, who ruled between 945 and
970 A.D., bore the same tide. His brother and succes-
sor was Danarnaya (970 — "jz A.D.). Passing over the
hiatus of thirty years, when the country was in the hands
of the Cholas, we come to the reign of Saktivarman,
the eldest son of Danarnaya, If we are to believe the
Kanyaka Purana, then we must identify this Saktivarman
with its Vijayarka. Saktivarman's successor, according
to inscriptions, was Vimaladitya, who must be identified
with the Vishnu Vardhana of the Purana. Vimaladitya's
son, according to inscriptions, was Raja Raja I, surnamed
Vishnu Vardhana VIII. He has been identified with
the Raja Raja Narendra of current tradition in the
Telugu country, to whom Nannayya Bhatta dedicated
his translation of the Mahabharatha. He must also
be the Raja Raja Narendra of the Purana. If that is
so, we must set down the cardinal incidents mentioned
in it to the first quarter of the nth century A.D. The
actual spots where the principal events of the tragedy
were enacted are still pointed out at Penugonda.
Thus, the garden in which king Vishnu Vardhana
halted is said to be the site on which the hamlet
of Vanampalli (meaning village of gardens) stands at
present. The spot where the huge fire-pit for Kanya-
kamma was dug is pointed out as having been in field
Nos. 63/3 and 63/4 to the north of the now non-existent
Nagarasamudram tank. The 102 other pits were, it
is said, in the fields round the bund (embankment) of
this tank. The tank is now under cultivation, but faint
traces of the bund are said to be still visible. It is
about two furlongs to the north-west of the temple of
Nagaresvaraswami. It is locally believed that Kanya-
kamma's fire-pit was, on the morning following her tragic
III-3I
kOmati 322
end, found to contain, among the ashes, a golden likeness
of herself, which was placed by the side of the image of
Nagareswara, to whom she had been married. Long
afterwards, the golden image was removed, and one in
stone substituted for it, in accordance, it is said, with the
direction of Kanyakamma, who appeared to one of the
townsmen in a dream.
The temple of Nagaresvaraswami has several inscrip-
tions on slabs, built into its prakara, and elsewhere.
One of these is on the gateway inside the prakara walls.
It opens with a glowing description of the powers of
Nagaresvaraswami in giving blessings and gifts, and
refers to Penugonda as one of the eighteen towns built
by Visvakarma, and presented by Siva to the Komatis
as a place of residence. The object of the inscription
appears to be to record the restoration by one Kotha-
linga, a Komati whose genealogy is given, of the great
town (Penugonda), which had been burnt to ashes by a
Gajapathi king. He is also stated to have made grants
of tanks, wells, and pleasure gardens, for the benefit of
Nagaresvaraswami, for whose daily offerings and the
celebration of festivals he provided by the grants of the
villages of Mummadi, Ninagepudi, Varanasi, Kalkaveru,
and Mathampudi, all included in the town of Penugonda.
Various inscriptions show that, from so early a time as
1488 A.D., if not from still earlier times, the temple had
become popular with the Komatis, and got intertwined
with the statements now found in the Purana. Rai
Bahadur V. Venkayya, Government Epigraphist, writes
to say that the Teki plates found in the Ramachandra-
puram taluk of the Godavari district, and published by
Dr. E. Hultzsch,* may refer to some Komatis. The
* Epigraphia Indica, VI, 1900-1901.
323 KOMATI
edict contained in it was, according to Dr. Hultzsch,
probably issued about 1086 A.D., and records the grant
of certain honorary privileges on the descendants of a
family of merchants belonging to the Teliki family.
That about the end of the 14th century A.D., the
story of Kanyakamma was popular is obvious from the
Telugu version of the Markandeya Purana, which was
composed by the poet Marana, the disciple of Tikkana,
the part author of the Telugu Bharata. In this Purana,
the following episode, which bears a close resemblance
to the story narrated in the Kanyaka Purana, is intro-
duced. A king, named Vrushadha, while on a hunting
expedition, killed a cow, mistaking it for a " bison."
He was cursed by Bhabhravya, the son of a Rishi, who
was in charge of it, and in consequence became a Sudra,
by name Anaghakara. He had seven sons, a descendant
of one of whom was Nabhaga, who fell in love with a
Komati girl, and asked her parents to give her in mar-
riage to him. The Komatis replied much in the same
manner as Kusuma Sreshti and his friends did to the
ministers of Vishnu Vardhana in the Kanyaka Purana.
Their answer will be found in canto VH, 223, of the
Markandeya Purana, which contains the earliest authen-
tic literary reference to the name Komati. In effect
they said " Thou art the ruler of the whole of this
universe. Oh ! King ; we are but poor Komatis living
by service. Say, then, how can we contract such a
marriage ? " The king was further dissuaded by his
father and the Brahmans. But all to no purpose. He
carried oft" the girl, and married her in the rakshasa form
(by forcible abduction), and, in consequence, in accord-
ance with the law of Manu, became a Komati. He then
performed penance, and again became a Kshatriya. It
would seem that this episode, which is not found in the
III-21 B
KOMATI 324
Sanskrit Markandeya Purana, is undoubtedly based on
the incident recorded in the Kanyaka Purana.
There remain only three arguments to adduce in
support of the suggestion that the chief event narrated
in the Kanyaka Purana is worthy of credence. In the
marriage ceremonies as performed by the Komatis, some
prominence is given to certain of the incidents alleged
to have taken place in setting at naught the demands
of king Vishnu Vardhana. Such, for instance, is the
respect shown to the bala nagaram boys, which is
referred to later on. Secondly, there are certain castes
which beg only from Komatis, in return for services
rendered during this critical period of their history.
These are the Mailaris and Viramushtis. The former
still carry round the villages an image of Kanyakamma,
sing her story, and beg alms of devotees. The Vira-
mushtis are wrestlers, who, by acrobatic performances,
delayed, by previous arrangement, the second advance
of Vishnu Vardhana, before the Komatis committed
themselves to the flames. Allied to these castes are the
Bukka Komatis. Originally, it is explained, the Bukkas
belonged to the Komati caste. When Kanyakamma
threw herself into the fire-pit, they, instead of follow-
ing her example, presented bukka powder, saffron, and
kunkumum prepared by them to her. She directed
that they should live apart from the faithful Komatis,
and live by selling the articles which they offered to her.
The Kalinora Komatis also have a begro-ar caste attached
to them, called Jakkali-vandlu, who have nothing to do
with the Gavara Komati beggar castes. Thirdly, if we
may place any faith in the stories told by other castes,
e.g., the Jains of South Arcot, the Tottiyans, Kappili-
yans, and Beri Chettis, the persecution of their subjects
by their kings, in the manner indicated in the Kanyaka
325 KOMATI
Purana, seems to have been widely practiced all over
the country. And the method adopted by the Komatis
to evade the king, and maintain the menarikam rule,
has its counterpart in the popular ballad known as
Lakshmammapata, still sung all over the Northern
Circars, which gives a graphic description of the murder
of his wife by a husband, who would not agree to giving
their daughter away from his own sister's son. Even
now, the sentiment on this subject is so strong that a
man who goes against the rule of menarikam, not only
among the Komatis, but among all castes observing it,
is looked down on. It is usually described as bending
the twig from its natural course, and, as the twig would
waste away and die in consequence, so would parties to
such marriages not prosper. In 1839, according to the
Asiatic Journal, a case was taken before the Supreme
Court of Madras, in which the plaintiff brought an
action against his uncle for giving his daughter away in
marriage, without making him an offer of her hand. The
Judges were anxious that the matter should be settled
out of Court, but the parties disagreed so entirely that
nothing less than a public trial would satisfy them. It
has not been possible to trace the decision of the Court.
The Komatis have for a long time been alleged to
be connected with the Madigas in a variety of ways.
"The Komatis," Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes, "do
not as a rule deny the fact of this connection. The
Madigas are, indeed, apparently under the protection
of the Komatis, apply to them for help when in trouble,
and obtain loans and other assistance. Some Komatis
explain the connection with the Madigas by a story
that either Vishnu Vardhana, or his successor Rajaraja
Narendra persecuted the Komatis, and that they had to
fly for refuge to the Madigas. The Madigas took them
KOMATI 326
in, and hid them, and they say that the present favour
shown to that caste is only in gratitude for the kindness
shown to themselves in the past. The Komatis them-
selves do not admit the title Mid-day Madigas (ap-
plied to them by other castes), but explain it by a story
that long ago a KSmati killed and ate a cow-buffalo,
which was really no cow-buffalo, but the wife of a
great sage who had transformed her into that shape in
order that she might be safe when he was in contem-
plation. The saint accordingly cursed the caste, and
said that they should be Mid-day Madigas for ever more."
It is possible that the connection between the KSmatis
and Madigas was originally such as that of the Kam-
m&lans, Ambattans, and other castes, with Paraiyans,
Vettiyans, and other depressed classes, and that, in later
times, weird stories were invented by fertile brains to
explain them away. One of these undoubtedly is that
which makes the Komatis the descendants of the issue
of a plain Brahman and a handsome Madiga woman.
It is said that their children managed a sweetmeat
bazar, which the Brahman kept in a much frequented
forest, and, in his absence, pointed with a stick (kol)
to the plates, and thereby told their prices, without
polluting the articles with the touch. Hence arose
the name K5lmutti (those who pointed with the stick),
which became softened down to Komutti. Another
story runs to the effect that the Madiga woman, when
she was pregnant with her first child, was gored by a
cow, and gave birth to it in the cow-shed. Hence arises
the name Go-mutti, or cow-gored. In days gone by, it
was incumbent on the Komatis to bear the marriage
expenses of the Madiga families attached to their village,
much in the same way that the Chakkiliyan is treated
in the Madura district by the Tottiyan caste in return
327 KOMATI
for the services he renders when a Tottiyan girl is under
pollution on reaching maturity. In later times, this
custom dwindled in some places * to the payment of the
expenses of the marriage of two Madigas, and even this
was abandoned in favour of inviting the Madigas to
their weddings. In the city of Madras, it would appear
to have been customary, in the eighteenth century, for
the Komatis to get the mangalyam or sathamanam
(marriage badge) blessed by an aged Madiga before it
was tied on the bride's neck. Further, it would appear
to have then been customary to give the sacred fire,
used at marriages for the performance of hOmam, to a
Madiga, and receive it back from him.
These, and similar customs, traces of which still
exist in some places {e.^., North Arcot), show that the
Madiga has some claim on the Komatis. What that
claim is is not clear. However, it is reported that, if the
Madiga is not satisfied, he can effectually put a stop to a
marriage by coming to the house at which it is to be
celebrated, chopping away the plantain trunks which
decorate the marriage booth, and carrying them off.
Similarly, Kammalans invite Vettiyans (or Paraiyans) to
their marriage, and, if this is not done, there is the same
right to cut down the plantain trunks. It would seem
that the right thus exercised has reference to the right
to the soil on which the booth stands. The cutting away
of the plantain shows that their right to stand there
is not recognised. The invitation to the Madiga or
Vettiyan would thus refer to the recognition by the
Komatis and Kammalans to the lordship of the soil held
in bygone days by these now depressed castes. Writing
in 1869 and 1879, respectively, Sir Walter Elliot and
* Rev. J. Cain, Ind. Ant., VIII, 1879.
KOMATI 328
Major J. S. F. Mackenzie of the Mysore Commission
refer * to the presentation of betel and nuts by the Komatis
to the Madigas, thereby inviting them to be present at
their marriages. Dr. G. Oppert also refers to the same
custom. t Having risen in the social scale, the Komatis
would naturally wish to give this invitation covertly.
Major Mackenzie says that the Komatis in Mysore, in
order to covertly invite the Madigas to the wedding,
went to the back of their houses at a time when they
were not likely to be seen, and whispered into an iron
vessel, such as is commonly used for measuring grain, an
invitation in the following words : — " In the house of the
small ones {i.e., Komatis) a marriage is going to take
place. The members of the big house {i.e., Madigas)
are to come." The Madigas look on such a secret invi-
tation as an insult, and would, if they saw the inviters,
handle them roughly. It is noted, in the Madras Census
Report, 1 90 1, that " now-a-days the presentation (of
betel leaf and nuts) is sometimes veiled by the Komati
concerned sending his shoes to be mended by the Madiga
a few days before the wedding, deferring payment till the
wedding day, and then handing the Madiga the leaf and
nut with the amount of his bill." According to another
account, the Komati of set purpose unbinds the toe-ring
of his native shoes (cherupu), and summons the Madiga,
whose function it is to make and repair these articles of
attire. The Madiga quietly accepts the job, and is paid
more amply than is perhaps necessary in the shape of
pan-supari, flowers, and money. On the acceptance by
the Madiga of the betel and nuts, the Komati asks
" Cherinda, cherinda" ? i.e., has it reached you, and the
Madiga replies " Cherindi, cherindi", i.e., it has reached.
* Trans. Ethnolog. Soc, London, 1869 ; Ind. Ant., VIII, 1S79.
f Original Inhabitants of Bharathavarsha.
329 KOMATI
Until he replies thus, the mangalyam cannot, it is said, be
tied on the bride's neck. In the Bellary district, betel
leaf and nuts are usually left at night behind the Madiga's
house, in token of the invitation to the wedding. In the
Godavari district, according to Mr. Hemingway, the
Komati gives an order for a Madiga for palmyra leaf
baskets before the marriage, and presents him with betel
and nut when he brings the baskets. Still another
account says that some of the Komatis, just before a
marriage, leave in the backyard of Madiga houses a few
pice and betel close to the cattle-pen, and that it is
whispered that some Komatis use chuckler's (leather-
worker's) tools, made in silver, for worship. It is also
reported that chuckler's work is pretended to be gone
through by some Komatis, after the completion of
the marriage ceremonies, in the backyard of the house
at dead of night, in the presence of caste-people only,
and by preference under a danimma chettu (^Pimica
Granatum : pomegranate). This is known as kula-
charam, kuladharmam, or gotra puja (custom of the
caste, or worship of the gotras). The figure of a cow is
made of flour, and into its stomach they put a mixture of
turmeric, lime, and water, called wokali. This, it has
been suggested, is meant to represent blood. After the
cow has been worshipped in due form, it is cut up with
instruments made of flour, and intended to represent
those used by cobblers. To each family is secretly sent
that portion of the cow, which, according to custom, they
are entitled to receive. Thus, the Kommala-varu receive
the horns, the Gontula the neck, the Karakapala the
hands and temples, the Thonti the hump, the Danta the
teeth, the Veligollu the white nails, and so on. Major
Mackenzie testified to the performance of this ceremony
by the caste in Mysore in 1879, and it is recorded from
KOMATI 330
different parts of the Madras Presidency. The flour,
which is thus distributed, is known as nepasani mudda
or nepasani unta. The ceremony is still performed in
the city of Madras, on the night of the fifth day if the
marriage lasts over seven days, or on the night of the
third day if it lasts over five days. If the wedding
ceremonies are completed in one day, the ceremony is
performed even during the day time. The following
details are performed. A brass vessel (kalasam) and a
cocoanut are set up in the house, and the bride and
bridegroom's parties arrange themselves on each side of
it. The vessel is decorated, and the cocoanut is made to
represent the face of a woman, with eyes, nose, mouth,
etc., and adorned with jewelry, flowers, anilin and tur-
meric powder marks. A young man of the bridegroom's
party worships the feet of all present. The flour cow
is then made, cut up, and distributed. Cocoanuts are
broken, and camphor is set on fire, and waved before the
vessel. Mr. Muhammad Ibrahim states that families are
known by the names of the various organs of the cow in
the Godavari district. There is, he says, a story to the
effect that some Komatis killed a cow-buffalo, which
went about as such by day, but became transformed into
a beautiful woman under the miraculous influence of a
pious Brahman. As a redemption for their sin, these
Komatis were ordered by the Brahman to take their
names after the various parts of the animal, and as, by
killing the animal, they proved worse than Madigas,
they were ordered to show respect to these people. In
the Kumbum taluk of the Kurnool district, a flour buffalo
is substituted for the cow. In the Markapur taluk of the
same district, two elephants are made of mud, and the
bride and bridegroom sit beside them. Presentations of
cloths and jewels are then made to them. The officiating
33^ KOMATI
purohit (priest) worships the elephants, and the bride
and bridegroom go round them.
Two further points of connection between the Ko-
matis and Madigas are referred to by Major Mackenzie.
" I find," he writes, "that it is the custom to obtain
the fire for burning Kama, the Indian Cupid, at the
end of the HoH feast from a Madiga's house. The
Madigas do not object to giving the fire, in fact they are
paid for it." This appears to be a purely local custom,
and no trace of its existence has been found in various
parts of the Madras Presidency. The other point refers
to the identification of the goddess Matangi of the
Madigas with the Komati goddess Kanyaka Amma. " I
cannot," Major Mackenzie writes, " discover the connec-
tion between two such different castes as the Komatis
and Madigas, who belong to different divisions. The
Komatis belong to the lo pana division, while the
Madigas are members of the 9 pana.* One reason has
been suggested. The caste goddess of the Komatis is
the virgin Kannika Amma, who destroyed herself rather
than marry a prince, because he was of another caste.
She is usually represented by a vessel full of water, and,
before the marriagfe ceremonies are commenced, she is
brought in state from the temple, and placed in the seat
of honour in the house. The Madigas claim Kannika as
their goddess, worship her under the name of Matangi
and object to the Komatis taking their goddess." The
Komatis stoutly deny that there is any connection
between Matangi and Kanyaka Amma, and it would
seem that they are independent goddesses.
Marriage is always infant. A Brahman purohit
officiates. Each purohit has a number of houses attached
* The panas have reference lo the division of South Indian castes into the
right- and left-hand factions.
KOMATI 332
to his circle, and his sons usually divide the circle among
themselves on partition, like any other property. Poly-
gamy is permitted, but only if the first wife produces no
offspring. The taking of a second wife is assented to
by the first wife, who, in some cases, believes that, as
the result of the second marriage, she herself will
beget children. Two forms of marriage ceremonial are
recognised, one called puranoktha, according to long
established custom, and the other called vedoktha, which
follows the Vedic ritual of Brahmans. In Madras, on the
first day of a marriage, the contracting couple have an
oil bath, and the bridegroom goes through the upanayana
(sacred thread investiture) ceremony. He then pretends
to go off to Kasi (Benares), and is met by the bride's
party, who take him to the bride's house, where the
mangalyam is tied by the bridegroom before the homam
(sacrificial fire). On the second day, homam is con-
tinued, and a caste dinner is given. On the third day,
the gotra puja is performed. On the fourth day, homam
is repeated, and, on the following day, the pair are seated
on a swing, and rocked to and fro. Presents, called
katnam, are made to the bridegroom, but no voli (bride-
price) is paid. In the mofussil,* where the puranoktha
form of ceremonial is more common, ancestors are
invoked on the first day. On the second day, the
ashtavarga is observed, and the bride and bridegroom
worship eight of the principal gods of the Hindu
Pantheon. On this day, the pandal (marriage booth)
is erected. On the third day, the mangalyam is tied,
sometimes by the officiating Brahman purohit, and some-
times by the bridegroom. On the fourth day, the Brah-
mans of the place are honoured, and, on the following
* The mofussil indicates up-country stations and districts, as contra-distin-
guished from the " Presidency " (Madras City).
333 KOMATI
day, in most places, a festival is held in honour of the
goddess Kanyaka Parameswari. The bride and bride-
groom's mothers go to a tank (pond) or river with copper
vessels, and bring back water at the head of a procession.
The vessels are placed in a special pandal, and worship-
ped with flowers, anilin and turmeric powders. Finally,
cocoanuts are broken before them. On the next day,
or on the same day if the marriage ceremonies con-
clude thereon, the festival in honour of the Balanagaram
boys, or those who helped the Komatis of Penugonda in
their trouble with Vishnu Vardhana, is held. Five boys
and girls are bathed, decked with jewelry, and taken
in procession to the local temple, whence they are con-
ducted to the bride's house, where they are fed.
On the following day, the ceremony called thotlu
puja is performed. A doll is placed in a cradle con-
nected with two poles, and rocked to and fro. The
bridegroom gives the doll into the hands of the bride,
saying that he has to go on a commercial trip. The
bride hands it back to him, with the remark that she
has to attend to her kitchen work. On the following
day, the bridal couple are taken in procession, and, in
the Bellary district, a further day is devoted to the
surgi ceremony. The bride and bridegroom bathe
together, go to the local temple, and return. Then five
girls bathe, the five posts of the marriage pandal are
worshipped, and the kankanams (wrist-threads) are
removed from the wrists of the newly-married couple.
Kalinga Komatis, who live in the northern part
of Ganjam, and have forgotten their mother-tongue,
have practically adopted the Oriya customs, as they
have to depend mainly on Oriya Brahmans. At
their marriages, however, they use the Telugu bottu or
sathamanam.
KOmati 334
Widow remarriage is not permitted among any
sections of the caste, which is very strict in the observance
of this rule. Except among the Saivites, a widow is not
compelled to have her head shaved, or give up wearing
jewelry, or the use of betel. In the south of the Madras
Presidency, if a little girl becomes a widow, her mangal-
yam is not removed, and her head is not shaved till she
reaches maturity. Vaishnava widows always retain
their hair.
Concerning a form of marriage between the living
and the dead, performed by members of this caste if a
man and woman have been living together, and the man
dies, Mr. Hutchinson writes as follows.* "The sad
intelligence of her man's death is communicated to her
neighbours, a guru or priest is summoned, and the
ceremony takes place. According to a writer who once
witnessed such a proceeding, the dead body of the man
was placed against the outer wall of the verandah of the
house in a sitting posture, attired like a bridegroom, and
the face and hands besmeared with turmeric. The
woman was clothed like a bride, and adorned with the
usual tinsel ornament over the face, which, as well as the
arms, was daubed over with yellow. She sat opposite
the dead body, and spoke to it in light unmeaning words,
and then chewed bits of dry cocoanuts, and squirted
them on the face of the dead man. This continued for
hours, and not till near sunset was the ceremony brought
to a close. Then the head of the corpse was bathed,
and covered with a cloth of silk, the face rubbed over
with some red powder, and betel leaves placed in
the mouth. Now she might consider herself married,
and the funeral procession started." This refers to
* Marriage Customs in Many Lands, 1897.
335 KOMATI
the Vira Saiva or Lingayat Komatis of the Northern
Circars.
In the Northern Circars, and part of the Ceded
Districts, the Vedoktha form of marriage now prevails,
and its usage is spreading into the southern districts of
Mysore. Further, the Komatis perform most of their
ceremonies in the same form. This, it is contended, is a
latter day development by some of the more conservative
members of the caste, but it is stated by those who
follow it that it is allowed to them by the Hindu sastras
(law books), as they are Vaisyas. During recent years,
the latter view has obtained a great impetus through the
writings and influence of several of the more prominent
members of the caste, between whom and their oppo-
nents a war of pamphlets has taken place. It is not
possible here to go into details of the dispute, but the
main point seems to be as follows. On the one hand, it
is denied that there are any true Vaisyas in the Kaliyuga
(iron age). And so, though the Komatis are accorded
the status of Vaisyas in recognition of their being traders,
yet they cannot follow the Vedic form of ceremonial,
which is the exclusive right of Brahmans ; and, even if
they ever followed it, they forfeited it after the break-up
of the caste on the death of Kanyakamma. On the
other hand, it is stated that the Komatis are Dwijas
(twice born), and that they are consequently entitled to
follow the Vedic ritual, and that those who forfeited the
Vedic rights are those who did not follow Kanyakamma
to the fire-pits, and do not therefore belong to the 102
gotras. The dispute is an old standing one, and nearly
a century ago was taken for adjudication as far as the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The question
whether the Komatis are entitled to perform their subah
and asubah (auspicious, like marriage, and inauspicious.
KOMATI SS6
like death) ceremonies according to the Vedic form, was
raised by the Brahmans of Masulipatam in 1817, and
adjudicated upon.* Disputes had occurred between the
Brahmans and Komatis for a long time, and disturbances
constantly took place. The Magistrate of Masulipatam
prohibited the Komatis from performing one of the
ceremonies, until they had established their right to do
so in a Civil Court. The appellants thereon sued the
defendants in damages for impediments made against
their attending to the rites prescribed by the Vedas, and
prayed for permission to perform them in conformity
with the Vedas. The defendants denied the right of
the Komatis to perform, and the fact of their ever
having performed the ceremonies appointed by the
Vedas. They admitted the intervention of the Magis-
trate, and stated that " upwards of two thousand years
ago, the Komatis adopted the customs of the Soodra
caste, and some of them became Byri Komatis, and
Bookha caste people, etc. The rest of them, amounting
to a hundred and two gotras, fabricated false gotrams
for themselves, and called themselves Nagaram Komatis.
They fabricated a book called Canniaca Puranam, named
the Bashcara Puntulu Varu their priest, conformed to
that book, performed the sign of the upanayana ceremony
in a loose manner, and in the language of the Puranas ;
at the time of marriage, made marriage ceremony in
seven days contrary to the custom of all castes whatever,
erected prolu posts, made lumps of dough with flour,
and got the same divided among them according to their
spurious gotrams, at midnight fetched the pot of water
called arivany, and observed the ceremonies for ten
days on the occurrence of a birth, and fifteen days on
• Moore. Indian Appeal Cases, Vol. Ill, 359 — 82.
337 KOMATI
the occurrence of a death. In this manner, the fore-
fathers of the plaintiffs, the other merchants, and the
plaintiffs themselves, had got all ceremonies conducted
for upwards of two thousand years past." They cited
instances, in which the plaintiffs, or some of them, had
failed in previous attempts to sustain the right now
claimed, and objected to the form of the plaint as not
sufficiently setting forth the particulars and nature of the
obstruction for which the plaintiffs claimed compensation.
The plaintiffs, in their reply, did not negative or rebut
the specific statements of the defendants, but insisted
generally on their right to the performance of the
ceremonies in question. The point at issue being not
clear from the pleadings, the parties were questioned in
open Court as to the precise object of the action, and the
ground on which it was maintained. The plaintiffs
stated that their object was the establishment of their
right to have the whole of the subha and asubha cere-
monies performed in their houses by Brahmans in the
language of the Vedas, and that they claimed this right
on the ground of the Sastras. On this, the Zilla Judge
framed a hypothetical statement of facts and law based
on the defendant's answer for the opinion of the Pandit
of the Court, and, upon his opinion, declared the plaint-
iffs entitled to have the ceremonies performed for them
by Brahmans. Upon appeal, the Provincial Court for
the northern division remitted the suit to the Zilla Court
to take evidence, and, upon such opinions of the Pandits
which the Provincial Court took upon the same statement
as the Zilla, they affirmed the decree, but without costs.
The Pandits consulted by them were those of the
Provincial Courts of the northern, centre, southern and
western divisions. They all agreed that " the Brahmans
ought not to perform the ceremonies in the language of
111-22
KOMATI 338
the Vadas for the Vaisyas." Three of them further
added that, in their opinion, the Judges ought to pass a
decision, awarding that the Komatis are to continue to
perform reHgious rites according to the rules laid down
in the book called Puranam {i.e., in the Puranoktha
form), as are at present observed by the corrupt or
degenerate Vaisyas or Komatis and others. On appeal,
the Sudder Dewani Adawlut reversed the decisions
of the lower Courts, " having maturely weighed the
evidence produced, and considered the unbiassed and
concurring opinions of the four law officers of the
Provincial Courts." On further appeal to the Privy
Council, Lord Brougham, in delivering judgment, ob-
served that "the plaintiffs, not having, in their opinion,
alleged any case of injury done to them by the defendants
upon which they were entitled to go into evidence, and
not having therefore established any case for damages
in their suit against the defendants, no question remained
but of a mere declaration of a right to perform certain
religious ceremonies ; that, if the Courts had jurisdiction
to proceed to the determination of that question in this
suit (upon which their Lordships guard themselves in
their judgment), the plaintiffs have not produced suffi-
cient evidence to establish such a right ; that, under
these circumstances, all the decrees therefore ought to
be reversed, and the plaint dismissed (the reversal of
the Sudder Court amounts in fact to a dismissal of the
plaint) ; but it is not, as it ought to be, a dismissal
without costs ; and that this decision should be without
prejudice to the existence or non-existence of the right
claimed by the appellants, in any other suit, in which
such a question may be properly raised."
The Komatis wear the sacred thread, and utter the
Gayatri and other sacred mantras. A number of them,
339 KOMATI
at Adoni in the Bellary district, refused to be measured
by me in the afternoon, as they would not have time to
bathe, and remove the pollution by evening. In Telugu
dictionaries, the Komatis are given the alternative names
of Mudava Kolamuvaru (those of the third caste),
Vaisyalu, and Nallanayya Todabiddalu (those who were
begotten from the thighs of Vishnu). As already stated,
there are among the Komatis ordinary Saivites, who
daub themselves with ashes ; Lingayats or Vira Saivas,
who wear the linga in a silver casket ; Ramanuja Vaishna-
vites ; Chaitanya Vaishnavas, who are confined to the
Kalinga section ; and Madhvas, who put on the sect
marks of Madhva Brahmans. The Traivarnikas are a
special class among the Vaishnavas. They imitate the
Vaishnava Brahmans more closely than the rest. They,
and their females, tie their cloths like Brahmans, and the
men shave moustaches. Unlike the Saivites and Linga-
yats, they eat flesh and fish, and drink spirituous liquors.
They will eat in the houses of Satanis, whereas other
Komatis do not eat in any but Brahman houses. But
it may be observed that Velamas, Balijas, Kammalans,
Ambattans, Vannans, and many other castes, will take
neither water nor food from Komatis. This, however,
does not prevent them from purchasing the cakes
prepared in ghl or oil, which the Komatis sell in petty
shops.
Writing early in the nineteenth century, Buchanan
refers * to a dispute at Gubbi in the Mysore State
between the Komatis and Banajigas, which arose from
the former building a temple to their goddess Kanya-
kamma. Purnia, the Prime-minister, divided the town
by a wall, thus separating the two parties. The Komatis
* Journey through Mysore, Canara and Malabar.
ni-22 B
kOmati 340
claimed that it had been the custom for all parties to live
together, and that it would be an infringement of the
rules of caste for them to be forced into a separate
quarter. The chief of the Komatis entered the town in
procession, on horseback with an umbrella held over his
head. This assumption of rank was regarded by the
Banajigas with the utmost indignation. To such a pitch
did the quarrel reach that, at the time of Buchanan's
visit, there was a rumour current as to the necessity
of killing a jack-ass in the street, which would cause
the immediate desolation of the place. " There is," he
writes, "not a Hindu in Karnata, that would remain
another night in it, unless by compulsion. Even
the adversaries of the party would think themselves
bound in honour to fly. This singular custom seems
to be one of the resources upon which the natives
have fallen to resist arbitrary oppression, and may be
had recourse to whenever the Government infringes,
or is considered to have infringed upon the custom
of any caste. It is of no avail against any other kind of
oppression."
A brief reference may be made to the part which the
Komatis took, in bygone days, in the faction fights
known as right and left-hand caste disputes. Some of
the South Indian castes, including the Komatis, belong
to the former, and others to the latter. Those belonging
to the left-hand would not let those belonging to the
right-hand pass through their streets with their marriage
and other processions. The right-hand section was
equally jealous of the left. The Komatis, who were
among the early settlers in the town of Madras in the
seventeenth century, were involved in faction disputes on
two recorded occasions, once, in 1652 A.D., during the
Governorship of Aaron Baker, and later on during that
341 KOMATI
of William Pitt,* in 1 707. When a wedding procession
of members of one section passed through the streets of
the other section, Pitt summoned twelve of the heads
of each section, and locked them up in a room together,
until the dispute should be adjusted. An agreement
was speedily arrived at, according to which the right-
hand settled on the west side of the town, now known
as Pedda Naikan Pettah, and the left-hand on the east
side, in what is at present called Mutialu Pettah. The
Komatis accordingly are now mainly found in the
western part of the city of Madras.
All over the country, the Komatis venerate the
deified virgin Kannika Parameswari, to whom, in most
places, they have erected temples. One of these, at
Tadpatri in the Anantapur district, which was in course
of construction in 1904, is of more than ordinary interest.
It was being built at the expense of the local Komatis,
who had raised a subscription among themselves for the
purpose. The design was original, and even arches
entered into its construction. The sculpture, with which
it is decorated, is quite excellent in design and finish.
Much of it is copied from the two beautiful temples,
which have existed at the place since the days of the
Vijianagar dynasty. Other notable temples are those at
Penukonda, Vizianagram in Vizagapatam, and Berham-
pur in Ganjam. Fines collected from erring castemen
in the Godavari, Guntur and Kistna districts, are still
sent to the temple at Penukonda. The Komatis worship
various goddesses, in addition to Kanyaka Parameswari.
Those who live in Vizagapatam "relax their faith in
favour of the celebrated Muhammadan saint, who lies
buried by the Durga on the top of the hill which overlooks
* See Talboys Wheeler, Madias in the Olden Time, II, 49— Sg.
KOMATI 342
the harbour. Every vessel, passing the harbour inwards
and outwards, salutes him by hoisting and lowering
its flag three times. He is considered all potent over
the elements in the Bay of Bengal, and many a silver
dhoney (boat) is presented at his shrine by Hindu
ship-owners after a successful voyage. We remember
a suit between a K5mati, the owner of a dhoney, and his
Muhammadan captain, who was also the super-cargo,
for settlement of accounts. In a storm off the coast of
Arakan, the skipper stated that he had vowed a mudupu
or purse of rupees to the Durga, and had duly presented
it on his return. This sum, among other sets-off, he
charged to the owner of the vessel, the plaintiff, whose
sole contention was that the vow had never been dis-
charged ; the propriety of conciliating the old Fakir in
a hurricane he submissively allowed." Ev^en now, the
Komatis, though no longer boat-owners, revere the
saint, and make vows to him for the success of civil suits,
and recovery from all sorts of maladies.
The Komatis employ Brahmans for the performance
of their ceremonial rites, and recognise a Brahman as
their guru. He is commonly called Bhaskaracharya,
after the individual of that name who lived at Penukonda
prior to the sixteenth century A.D., and translated the
Sanskrit Kanyaka Purana into a Telugu poem. He made
certain regulations for the daily conduct of the Komatis,
and made the 102 gotras submit to them. A copy of
an inscription on a copper plate, in the possession of
one Kotta Appaya, the Archaka or priest of the Naga-
reswaraswami temple at Penukonda, is given in the
Mackenzie manuscripts. It records a grant (of unknown
date) to Bhaskaracharya, the guru of the Vaisyas, by the
102 gotrams, according to which each family agreed for
ever afterwards to give half a rupee for every marriage.
343 KOMATI
and a quarter of a rupee for each year. Such doles are
common even at the present day to his successors.
These, Hke the original Bhaskaracharya, who is consi-
dered to be an incarnation of Brahma, are house-holders,
and not Sanyasis (religious ascetics). There are several
of them, in different parts of the country, one for
example being at Penukonda, and another near Hospet,
who makes periodical tours in state, with drums, silver
maces, and belted peons, and is received with every
mark of respect. He settles disputes, levies fines, and
collects subscriptions towards the upkeep of his mutt
(religious institution), which is also supported by inam
(rent-free) lands.
The Komati dead, except children and Lingayats,
are cremated. Lingayat Komatis, like other Lingayats,
bury their dead in a sitting posture. The death cere-
monies among the Gavaras closely resemble those of
Brahmans. The period of death pollution is sixteen
days, during which sweets are taboo.
The Komatis are best known as merchants, grocers,
and money-lenders. In the city of Madras, they are the
principal vendors of all sorts of imported articles. The
row of shops in the China bazar, between Pachaiyappa's
College and Popham's Broadway, is almost entirely main-
tained by them. Many Komatis are cloth merchants,
and Traivarnikas are almost entirely engaged in the
o-lassware trade. In the Northern Circars, some earn
a living as petty dealers in opium and ganja (Indian
hemp). In the Ganjam, Vizagapatam and Godavari
districts they are found in the hills, acting as middle-men
between the hill tribes and the people of the plains.
Most of the Komatis are literate, and this helps them in
their dealings with their constituents. They are prover-
bially shrewd, industrious, and thrifty, and are often rich.
KOMATI 344
If a Komati fails in business, his compatriots will come
to his rescue, and give him a fresh start. Organised
charity is well known among them. Each temple of
Kanyaka Parameswari is a centre for charity. In the
city of Madras the Kanyaka Parameswari charities,
among other good objects, promote the development of
female education. In 1905, the Komatis established a
Southern India Vysia Association, with the object of
encouraging "the intellectual, moral, religious, social,
industrial and commercial advancement of the Vysia
community." Among the means employed for so doing,
are the helping of deserving students with scholarships
for the prosecution of the study of the English and
vernacular languages, and organised relief of poor and
distressed members of the community by founding
orphanages, and so forth. The affairs of the association
are managed by an executive committee made up of
prominent members of the caste, including merchants,
lawyers, and contractors.
Many stories and proverbs have reference to the
wealth, ready wit, thrift, and other qualities of the
Komatis.* Of these, the following are selected from a
large repertoire : —
The Blind Komati and Vishnu.
A blind Komati prayed to Vishnu for the restoration
of his eyesight, and at last the god appeared before him,
and asked him what he wanted. " Oh ! God," he replied,
" I want to see from above the seventh storey of my
mansion my great-grandsons playing in the streets, and
eating their cakes from golden vessels."
Vishnu was so astonished at the request of the blind
man, which combined riches, issue, and the restoration
♦ See Tales of Komati Wit and Wisdom. C. Hayavadana Rao, Madras, 1907.
345 KOMATI
of his eyesight in one demand, that he granted all his
desires.
The Komati and the Thief.
An old Komati observed a thief at dead of nioht
lurking under a pomegranate tree, and cried out to his
wife to bring him a low stool. On this he seated him-
self in front of the thief, and bawled out for hot water,
which his wife brought him. Pretending that he was
suffering from severe tooth-ache, he gargled the water,
and spat it out continuously at the wondering thief.
This went on till daybreak, when he called out his
neighbours, who captured the thief, and handed him
over to the police.
The Komati and his Cakes.
A Komati was on his way to the weekly market, with
his plate of cakes to sell there. A couple of thieves
met him when he was half way there, and, after giving
him a severe thrashing, walked off with the cakes. The
discomfited Komati, on his way back home with the
empty plate, was met by another Komati going to
market with his cakes. The latter asked how the
demand for cakes was at the market, and the former
replied " Why go to the market, when half-way people
come and demand your cakes ? " and passed on. The
unsuspecting Komati went on, and, like the other,
was the recipient of a sound thrashing at the hands of
the thieves.
The Komati and the Scorpion.
A number of Komatis went one day to a temple.
One of them put one of his fingers into the navel of the
image of Vinayakan (the elephant god) at the gateway,
when a scorpion, which was inside it, stung him. Put-
ting his finger to his nose, the Komati remarked "What
KOMATI 346
a fine smell ! I have never experienced the like." This
induced another man to put his finger in, and he too was
stung, and made similar pretence. All of them were
thus stung in succession, and then consoled each other.
The Koniati and the Milk Tax.
Once upon a time, a great king levied a tax upon
milk, and all his subjects were sorely tried by it. The
Komatis, who kept cows, found the tax specially in-
convenient. They, therefore, bribed the minister, and
mustered in strength before the king, to whom they
spoke concerning the oppressive nature of the tax. The
king asked what their profit from the milk was. "A
pie for a pie " said they to a man, and the king, thinking
that persons who profit only a pie ought not to be
troubled, forthwith passed orders for the abolition of
the tax.
The Koinati and the Pdndyan King.
Once upon a time, a Pandyan King had a silver
vessel of enormous size made for the use of the palace,
and superstitiously believed that its first contents should
not be of an ordinary kind. So he ordered his minister
to publish abroad that all his subjects were to put into
the vessel a chembu-full of milk from each house. The
frugal Komatis, hearing of this, thought, each to himself,
that, as the king had ordered such a large quantity, and
others would bring milk, it would suffice if they took a
chembu-full of water, as a little water poured into such
a large quantity of milk would not change its colour, and
it would not be known that they only contributed water.
All the Komatis accordingly each brought a chembu-full
of water, and none of them told the others of the trick
he was about to play. But it so happened that the
Komatis were the first to enter the palace, while they
347 KOMATI
thought that the people of other castes had come and
gone. The vessel was placed behind a screen, so that
no one might cast the evil eye on it, and the Komatis
were let in one by one. This they did in all haste, and
left with great joy at the success of their trick. Thus
there was nothing but water in the vessel. Now it had
been arranged that the king was to be the first person
to see the contents of his new vessel, and he was thunder-
struck to find that it contained only water. He ordered
his minister to punish the Komatis severely. But the
ready-witted Komatis came forward, and said " Oh !
gracious King, appease thy anger, and kindly listen to
what we have to say. We each brought a chembu-full
of water, to find out how much the precious vessel will
hold. Now that we have taken the measurement, we
will forthwith fetch the quantity of milk required." The
king was exceedingly pleased, and sent them away.
A story is told to the effect that, when a Komati was
asked to identify a horse about which a Muhammadan
and Hindu were quarrelling, he said that the fore-part
looked like the Muhammadan's, and the hind-part like
the Hindu's. Another story is told of a Komati, who
when asked by a Judge what he knew about a fight
between two men, deposed that he saw them standing
in front of each other and speaking in angry tones when
a dust-storm arose. He shut his eyes, and the sound
of blows reached his ears, but he could not say which
of the men beat the other.
Of proverbs relating to the Komatis, the following
may be noted : —
A Brahman will learn if he suffers, and a K5mati
will learn if he is ruined.
If I ask whether you have salt, you say that you
have dhol (a kind of pulse).
KOMBARA 348
Like the burning of a Komati's house, which would
mean a heavy loss.
When two Komatis whisper on the other side of
the lake, you will hear them on this side. This has
reference to the harsh voice of the Komatis. In native
theatricals, the Komati is a general favourite with the
audience, and he is usually represented as short of stature,
obese, and with a raucous voice.
The Komati that suits the stake. This has refer-
ence to a story in which a Komati's stoutness, brought on
by want of exercise and sedentary habits, is said to have
shown that he was the proper person to be impaled on
a stake. According to the Rev. H. Jensen,* the pro-
verb refers to an incident that took place in 'the city of
injustice.' A certain man was to be impaled for a crime,
but, at the last moment he pointed out that a certain
fat merchant (Komati) would be better suited for the
instrument of punishment, and so escaped. The pro-
verb is now used of a person who is forced to suffer for
the faults of others.
The Komatis are satirically named Dhaniyala jati,
or coriander caste, because, as the coriander seed has to
be crushed before it is sown, so the Komati is supposed
to come to terms only by rough treatment.
The Komatis have the title Setti or Chetti, which
is said to be a contracted form of Sreshti, meaning a
precious person. In recent times, some of them have
assumed the title Ayya.
Kombara.— The name, meaning a cap made of the
spathe of the areca palm {Areca Catechti) of an exoga-
mous sept of Kelasi. Such caps are worn by various
classes in South Canara, e.g., the Holeyas and Koragas.
* Classified Collection of Tamil Proverbs, 1897. .S'^f also C. Hayavadana
Rao, op. ci(., and Ind. Ant., XX, 78, 1891.
349 KONDA DORA
Kombu (stick). — An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Komma.^Komma (a musical horn) or Kommula
has been recorded as an exogamous sept of Kamma
and Mala. Kommula is further a professional title for
horn-blowers, mainly Mala. Madiga, and Panisavan, who
perform at festivals and funerals.
Kommi.^A gotra of Gollas, the members of which
may not use kommi fuel.
Kompala (houses). — An exogamous sept of
Dcvanga.
Konan.—- Konan or Konar is a title of Idaiyans.
Some Gollas call themselves Konanulu.
Konangi (buffoon). — An exogamous sept of
Devanga.
Konda (mountain). — An exogamous sept of Devanga
and Medara, and a synonym for Konda Dora.
Konda Dora. — The Konda Doras are a caste of hill
cultivators, found chiefly in Vizagapatam. Concerning
them Surgeon-Major W. R. Cornish writes as follows.*
** Contrasting strangely with the energetic, patriarchal,
and land-reverencing Parja (Poroja), are the neighbour-
ing indigenous tribes found along the slopes of the
eastern ghauts. They are known as Konda Doras,
Konda Kapus, and Ojas. From what has been ascer-
tained of their languages, it seems certain that, divested
of the differences which have been engrafted upon them
by the fact of the one being influenced by Uriya and
the other by Telugu, they are substantially of the same
origin as the Parja language and the Khond language.
But the people themselves seem to have entirely lost all
those rights to the soil, which are now characteristic of
the more northern tribes. They are completely at the
Madras Census Report, 1871,
KONDA DORA 350
mercy of late immigrants, so much so that, though they
call themselves Konda Doras, they are called by the
Bhaktas, their immediate superiors, Konda Kapus. If
they are found living in a village with no Telugu
superior, they are known as Doras. If, on the other
hand, such a man is at the head of the village affairs,
they are to him as adscripti gleba;, and are denominated
Kapus or ryots (cultivators). It is apparent that the
comparatively degraded position that this particular soil-
folk holds is due to the influence of the Telugu colonists ;
and the reason why they have been subjected to a
greater extent than the cognate tribes further inland is
possibly that the Telugu colonization is of more ancient
date than the Uriya colonization. It may further be
surmised that, from the comparative proximity of the
Telugu districts, the occupation of the crests of these
ghats partook rather of the character of a conquest than
that of mere settlings in the land. But, however it came
about, the result is most disastrous. Some parts of
Pachipenta, Hill Madugulu, and Kondakamberu, which
have been occupied by Telugu-speaking folk, are far
inferior in agricultural prosperity to the inland parts,
where the Uriyas have assumed the lead in the direction
of affairs."
In the Census Report, 1891, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes
that "these people all speak Telugu, and the majority
of them have returned that as their parent-tongue. But
a large number returned their caste name in the parent-
tongue column. I have since received a vocabulary,
which is said to be taken from the dialect of the Konda
Doras ; and, if this is correct, then the real speech of
these people is a dialect of Khond." One Durgi Patro,
the head of a mutta (division of a Zemindari) informed
Mr. G. F. Paddison that Konda Doras and Khonds are
351 KONDA DORA
identical. In the Census Report, 1901, Mr. W. Francis
states that the Konda Doras "seem to be a section of
the Khonds, which has largely taken to speaking
Telugu, has adopted some of the Telugu customs, and
is in the transitional stage between Animism and
Hinduism. They call themselves Hindus, and worship
the Pandavas and a goddess called Talupulamma.
They drink alcohol, and eat pork, mutton, etc., and will
dine with Kapus." At times of census, Pandavakulam
(or Pandava caste) has been returned as a title of the
Konda Doras.
For the following note I am indebted to Mr. C. Haya-
vadana Rao. There are, among the Konda Doras, two
well-defined divisions, called Pedda (big) and Chinna
(little) Kondalu. Of these, the former have remained
in their old semi-independent position, while the latter
have come under Telugu domination. The Chinna
Kondalu, who have been living in contact with the
Bhaktha caste, have adopted the Telugu system of
intiperulu, as exogamous septs, whereas the Pedda
Kondalu have retained the totem divisions, which occur
among other hill castes, e.g., Naga (cobra), Bhag (tiger),
and Kochchimo (tortoise). Among the Chinna Kondalu,
the custom of menarikam, according to which a man
marries his maternal uncle's daughter, is observed, and
may further marry his own sister's daughter. The
Chinna Kondalu women wear glass bangles and beads,
like women of the plains. Men of the Chinna Kondalu
section serve as bearers and Government employees,
whereas those of the Pedda Kondalu section are engaged
in cultivation. The former have personal names corre-
sponding to those of the inhabitants of the plains,
e.g., Linganna, Gangamma, while the names of the
latter are taken from the day of the week on which
KONDA DORA 352
they were born, e.g., Bhudra (Wednesday), Sukra
(Friday).
Among the Chinna Kondalu, a girl is married before
or after puberty. When a marriage is decided on, the
girl's parents receive a present (voli) of four rupees and
a female cloth. On an auspicious day fixed by the
Chukkamusti (star-gazer), the bride is conducted to the
home of the bridegroom. The contracting couple are
bathed in turmeric-water, put on new cloths presented
by their fathers-in-law, and wrist-threads are tied on their
wrists. On the same day, or the following morning, at
a time settled by the Chukkamusti, the bridegroom,
under the direction of a caste elder, ties the sathamanam
(marriage badge) on the bride's neck. On the follow-
ing day, the wrist-threads are removed, and the newly
married couple bathe.
Among the Pedda, as among the Chinna Kondalu, a
girl is married before or after puberty. When a man
contemplates taking a wife, his parents carry three pots
of liquor to the home of the girl whose hand he seeks.
The acceptance of these by her father is a sign that the
match is agreeable to him, and a jholla tonka (bride-
price) of five rupees is paid to him. The future bride-
groom's party has to give three feasts to that of the
bride-elect, for each of which a pig is killed. The girl
is conducted to the house of the bridegroom, and, if
she has reached puberty, remains there. Otherwise
she returns home, and joins her husband later on, the
occasion being celebrated by a further feast of pork.
Both sections allow the remarriage of widows. Among
the Pedda Kondalu, a younger brother may marry the
widow of his elder brother. By both sections divorce is
permitted. Among the Chinna Kondalus, a man who mar-
ries a divorcee has to pay her first husband twenty-four
353 KONDA DORA
rupees, of which half is divided among the neighbouring
caste villages in certain recognised proportions.
The dead are usually burnt by both sections. The
Pedda Kondalu kill a pig on the third day, and hold
a feast, at which much liquor is disposed of. By the
Chinna Kondalu the chinna rozu (little day) ceremony
is observed, as it is by other castes dwelling in the
plains.
The Chinna Kondalu bear the titles Anna or Ayya
when they are merely cultivators under Bhaktha land-
lords, and Dora under other circumstances. The Pedda
Kondalu usually have no title.
A riot took place, in 1900, at the village of Kor-
ravanivalasa in the Vizagapatam district, under the
following strange circumstances. " A Konda Dora of
this place, named Korra Mallayya, pretended that he was
inspired, and gradually gathered round him a camp
of four or five thousand people from various parts of the
agency. At first his proceedings were harmless enough,
but in April he gave out that he was a re-incarnation
of one of the five Pandava brothers ; that his infant
son was the god Krishna ; that he would drive out the
English and rule the country himself ; and that, to effect
this, he would arm his followers with bamboos, which
should be turned by magic into guns, and would change
the weapons of the authorities into water. Bamboos
were cut, and rudely fashioned to resemble guns, and
armed with these, the camp was drilled by the Swami
(god), as Mallayya had come to be called. The assembly
next sent word that they were going to loot Pachi-
penta, and when, on the ist May, two constables came
to see how matters stood, the fanatics fell upon them,
and beat them to death. The local police endeavoured
to recover the bodies, but, owing to the threatening
ni-23
KONDA DORA 354
attitude of the Swami's followers, had to abandon the
attempt. The District Magistrate then went to the place
in person, collected reserve police from Vizagapatam,
Parvatipur, and Jeypore, and at dawn on the 7th May
rushed the camp to arrest the Swami and the other
leaders of the movement. The police were resisted by
the mob, and obliged to fire. Eleven of the rioters were
killed, others wounded or arrested, and the rest dispersed.
Sixty of them were tried for rioting, and three, including
the Swami, for murdering the constables. Of the latter,
the Swami died in jail, and the other two were hanged.
The Swami's infant son, the god Krishna, also died, and
all trouble ended at once and completely."
Concerning the Konda Kapus or Konda Reddis of
the Godavari district, Mr. F. R. Hemingway writes as
follows.* " The hill Reddis, or Konda Reddis, are a
caste of jungle men, having some characteristics in
common with the Koyas. They usually talk a rough
Telugu, clipping their words so that it is often difficult to
understand them ; but it is said that some of them speak
Koya. They are of slighter build than the Koyas, and
their villages are even smaller. They will not eat in the
house of a Koya. They call themselves by various high-
sounding titles, such as Pandava Reddis, Raja Reddis,
and Reddis of the solar race (Suryavamsa), and do not
like the plain name of Konda Reddi. They recognize no
endogamous sub-divisions, but have exogamous septs.
In character they resemble the Koyas, but are less
simple and stupid, and in former years were much given
to crime. They live by shifting cultivation. They do
not touch beef, but will eat pork. They profess to be
both Saivites and V^aishnavites, and occasionally employ
* Gazetteer of the Godavari district.
355 KONDA DORA
Brahman priests at their funerals ; and yet they worship
the Pandavas, the spirits of the hills (or, as they call
them, the sons of Racha), their ancestors including
women who have died before their husbands, and the
deity Muthyalamma and her brother Poturazu, Sara-
lamma, and Unamalamma. The last three are found in
nearly every village. Other deities are Doddiganga,
who is the protector of cattle, and is worshipped when
the herds are driven into the forests to graze, and Desa-
ganga (or Paraganga), who takes the place of the
Maridamma of the plains, and the Muthyalamma of the
Koyas as goddess of cholera and small-pox. The shrine
of Saralamma of Pedakonda, eight miles east of Reka-
palle, is a place of pilgrimage, and so is Bison Hill
(Papikonda), where an important Reddi festival is held
every seven or eight years in honour of the Pandava
brothers, and a huge fat pig, fattened for the occasion,
is killed and eaten. The Reddis, like the Koyas, also
observe the harvest festivals. They are very supersti-
tious, believing firmly in sorcery, and calling in wizards
in time of illness, l^heir villages are formed into groups
like those of the Koyas, and the hereditary headmen
over these are called by different names, such as Dora,
Muttadar, Varnapedda, and Kulapatradu. Headmen
of villages are known as Pettadars. They recognise,
though they do not frequently practice, marriage by
capture. If a parent wishes to show his dislike for a
match, he absents himself when the suitor's party calls,
and sends a bundle of cold rice after them when they have
departed. Children are buried. Vaishnavite Reddis
burn their adult dead, while the Saivites bury them.
Satanis officiate as priests to the former, and Jangams to
the latter. The pyre is kindled by the eldest male of
the family, and a feast is held on the fifth day after the
ni-23 B
KONDAIKATTI 356
funeral. The dead are believed to be born again into
their former families."
Kondaikatti.— The name of a sub-division of Vel-
lalas, meaning those who tie the whole mass of hair
of the head (kondai) in a knot on the top of the head, as
opposed to the kudumi or knot at the back of the partially
shaved head.
Kondaita.— A sub-division of Doluva.
Kondaiyamkottai. — A sub-division of Mara van.
Kondalar. — Recorded, in the Madras Census Re-
port, 1 90 1, as a sub-caste of Vellala. Kondalam means
women's hair or a kind of dance, and it is possible that
the name was returned by people of the Deva-dasi caste,
who are rising in the social scale, and becoming absorbed
in the Vellala caste. Kondali, of doubtful meaning, has
been returned by cultivators and agricultural labourers
in North Arcot.
Kondh.— In the Administration Report of the
Ganjam Agency, 1902-3, Mr. C. B. Cotterell writes
that Kondh is an exact transliteration from the verna-
cular, and he knows of no reason, either sentimental or
etymological, for keeping such spelling as Khond.
It is noted, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that
" the Khonds inhabit the hill tracts of Ganjam and parts
of Vizagapatam, and are found also in Bengal and the
Central Provinces. They call themselves Kui, a name
identical with the Koi or Koya of the Godavari agency
and the south of the Jeypore Zemindari. The Telugu
people call them Kotuvandlu. The origin of the name
Khond is doubtful, but Macpherson is, I think, right in
deriving it from Telugu Konda, a hill. There is a tribe
in Vizagapatam called Konda Dora or Konda Kapu, and
these people are also frequently called Kotuvandlu. All
these names are derivatives of the root k6 or ku, a
357 KONDH
mountain. The number of sub-divisions returned is 58.
The list includes many names of other castes, a fact
which must be in part ascribed to the impossibility of
distinguishing the true Khonds from persons returned
as Kondavandlu, Kondalu, Kotuvandlu, etc., terms which
mean simply highlanders, and are applicable to all the
hill tribes. For example, 12,164 Panos have returned
their main caste as Khond."
In a note on the Kui, Kandhi, or Khond language,
Mr. G. A. Grierson writes as follows.* " The Kandhs or
Khonds are a Dravidian tribe in the Ihills of Orissa and
neighbouring districts. The tribe is commonly known
under the name of Khond. The Oriyas call them
Kandhs, and the Telugu people Gonds or Kods. The
name which they use themselves is Ku, and their lan-
guage should accordingly be denominated Kui. The
word Ku is probably related to Koi, one of the names by
which the Gonds used to denote themselves. The Koi
dialect of Gondi is, however, quite different from Kui.
The Khonds live in the midst of the Oriya territory.
Their habitat is the hills separating the districts of
Ganjam and Vizagapatam in the Madras Presidency,
and continuing northwards into the Orissa Tributary
States, Bod, Daspalla, and Nayagarh, and, crossing the
Mahanadi, into Angul and the Khondmals. The Khond
area further extends into the Central Provinces, covering
the northern part Kalahandi, and the south of Patna.
Kui is surrounded on all sides by Oriya. Towards the
south it extends towards the confines of the Telugu
territory. The language varies locally, all over this area.
The differences are not, however, great, though a man
from one part of the country often experiences difficulty
* Linguistic Survey of India, IV, 1906.
KONDH 358
in understanding the Kui spoken in other parts. There
are two principal dialects, one eastern, spoken in Gumsur
and the adjoining parts of Bengal, and one western,
spoken in Chinna Kimedi. In the north, Kui has come
under the influence of the neighbouring Aryan forms of
speech, and a specimen forwarded from the Patna State
was written in Oriya with a slight admixture of Chattis-
garhl. The number of Kandhs returned at the census
of 1 89 1 was 627,388. The language returns, however,
give a much smaller figure. The reason is that many
Kandhs have abandoned their native speech."
It has been noted that "the character of the Khonds
varies as much as their language. Where there has been
much contact with the plains, it is not as favourable as
elsewhere. As a rule, they may be taken to be a bold,
and fitfully laborious mountain peasantry of simple, but
not undignified manners ; upright in their conduct ;
sincere in their superstitions ; proud of their position as
landholders ; and tenacious of their rights. The Line-
pada Khonds affect manners like Uriyas, and, among
other things, will not eat pork (the flesh of wild pigs
excepted). The Khond villages have quite the appear-
ance of Uriya villages, the houses are built with mud
walls, a thing unknown with Khonds in other parts of the
Maliahs ; and there is also much neat garden cultivation,
which is rare elsewhere, probably because the produce
thereof would be appropriated by the Uriyas. In 1902,
the Linepada Muttah (settlement) presented the unusual
spectacle of a Khond ruler as Dolabehara, as well as
Moliko, with the Uriya Paiks really at his beck and call.
In some places, the most valuable portions of the land
have passed into the possession of Sondis and low-
country sowcars (money-lenders), who have pandered
to the Khonds by advancing them money, the greater
359 KONDH
portion of which has been expended in drink, the repay-
ment being exacted in land. Except in the Goomsur
MaHahs, paddy (rice) cultivation is not extensively carried
on by the Khonds ; elsewhere it is chiefly in the hands
of the Uriyas. The Khonds take little trouble in raising
their crops. The result is that, except in the Goomsur
Maliahs, where they grow crops to sell in the market for
profit, we find a poverty-stricken race, possessing hardly
any agricultural stock, and no signs of affluence. In
Kimedi, however, they are beginning to follow the
example of Goomsur, and doubtless their material pros-
perity would much increase if some check could be
devised to save them from the Uriyas and Sondis, who
are steadily acquiring all the wet land, and utilising the
Khonds merely as cultivators."
It is noted by Mr. F. Fawcett (1902)* that "up to
within fifteen years ago, the Khonds of the Ganjam hills
would not engage in any ordinary labour. They would
not, for example, carry even the smallest article of the
district officer's luggage. Elephants were accordingly
provided by Government for carriage of tents and all
camp luggage. But there has come a change, and,
within the last ten years or so, the Khonds have taken
to work in the ordinary way. Within the last few years,
for the first time, the Khonds have been emigrating to
Assam, to work in the tea-gardens. Accurate figures
are not available, but the estimate of the best authority
gives the number as about 3,000. This emigration
is now stopped by edict. Of course, they do not set
out, and go of their own accord. They are taken.
The strange thing is that they go willingly." It was
enacted, in an order of Government, in i90i,t that "in
* Man. March 1902. t G.O., No. 1020, Public, Slh October 1901.
KONDH 360
exercise of the power conferred by section 3 of the
Assam Labour and Emigration Act, 1901, and with the
previous sanction of the Governor-General in Council,
the Governor in Council is pleased to prohibit absolutely-
all persons from recruiting, engaging, inducing, or assist-
ing any Native of India to emigrate from the tracts
known as the scheduled districts in the district of Ganjam
to any labour district of Assam."
In 1908, the Madras Government approved of certain
proposals made by the Collector of Ganjam for utilising
the services of the Kondhs in the conservancy of the
forests in the Pondakhol Agency. The following is a
summary of these proposals.* The chief difficulty to
be contended against In Pondakhol is podu cultivation.
This cultivation is not only devastating the hill tops
and upper slopes, which should be kept well covered to
preserve water for the upper reaches of the Rushikulya
river, the chief source of irrigation in Ganjam, but is
also the origin of most of the forest fires that rage
throughout Pondakhol in the hot weather. The District
Forest Officer, in discussing matters with the Kondhs,
was told by some of the villagers that they would forego
poduing if they had cattle to plough the lands in the
plains and valleys. The supply of buffaloes would form
the compensation for a right relinquished. The next
aim should be to give the people work in the non-
cultivation season, which is from the middle of January
to the middle of July. This luckily coincides with the
fire season. There is an abundance of useful work
that the Kondhs can be engaged in, e.g., rendering
the demarcation lines permanent, making fire lines,
constructing roads, and building inspection sheds. The
* G.O., No. 3005, Revenue, 3rd November ic
361 KONDH
question'arises as to' how the Khonds should be repaid
for their^labour. Money is of little use to them in this
out-of-the-way part of the country, and, if they got it,
they would probably go to Surada to get drunk on it.
It would be better to pay them in food-grain and cloths,
and for this purpose departmental shops, and a regular
system of accounts, such as are in force among the
Chenchus in Kurnool, would be necessary.
In the course of a lament over the change which has
come over the Kondhs who live in the range of hills
near Berhampore, Mr. S. P. Rice writes as follows.*
" Here they live in seclusion and in freedom, but also in
the lowest depths of squalor and poverty. Once they
loved gay colours. True Khond dresses, both male and
female, are full of stripes and patterns, in blue, yellow,
and red. Where has gone the love of colour ? Instead
of the long waistcloth ending in tails of blue and red,
the man binds about him a wretched rag that can hardly
be called a garment. Once the women took a delight
in decking themselves with flowers, and a pride in the
silver ornaments that jangled on their naked breasts.
Where are now the grasses that adorned them, and the
innocence that allowed them to go clothed only to the
waist ? Gone ! withered by the blast of the breath of a
'superior civilization.' Gone are the hairpins of sambur
bone — an inestimable treasure in the eyes of the true
hill Khond. Gone are the floral decorations, and the
fantastic head-dresses, which are the pride of the moun-
tain tribes. In dull, unromantic squalor our Khond
lives, moves, and has his being ; and, aver as he moves,
is heard the clanking upon his wrists of the fetters of
his debt. Yet for all that he is happy." The hairpins
* Occasional Essays on Native South Indian Life, X901.
KONDH 362
referred to above are made from sambur (deer : Cervus
unicolor) bones, and stuck in the hair of male Kondhs.
Porcupine quills are sometimes used by them as
hairpins.
The following brief, but interesting summary of the
Kondhs of Ganjam is given by Mr. C. F. MacCartie.*
" The staple food of the Oriyas is rice, and of the Khond
also during the two or three months that succeed the
harvest. In February, they gather the crop of hill dholl,
which, eked out with dry mohwa [Bassia) fruit, fresh
mangoes, and mango stones ground to a sort of flour,
pull them through the hot weather, with the help of
various yams and edible roots that are plentiful in the
jungles. When the south-west monsoon sets in, dry
crops, consisting of millets, hill paddy, and Indian corn,
are sown, which ripen from August on, and thus afford
plentiful means of subsistence. The hot weather is
generally called the sukki kalo, or hungry season, as
the people are rather pinched just then. Turmeric is
perhaps the most valuable crop which the Khonds raise,
as it is the most laborious, in consequence of the time it
takes to mature — two full years, and the constant field-
work thus entailed, first in sheltering the young plants
from the sun by artificial shade, and afterwards in digging,
boiling, and burnishing the root for market. Tobacco
is raised much as in the low country. It is generally
grown in back-yards, as elsewhere, and a good deal of
care is devoted to its cultivation, as the Khonds are
inveterate smokers. Among the products of the jungles
may be included myrabolams {Terminalia fruits), tassar
silk, cocoons, and dammar, all of which are bartered by
the finders to trading Panos in small quantities, generally
Madras Census Report, 1881.
363 KONDH
for salt. [Honey and wax are said to be collected by
the Kondhs and Benias, who are expert climbers of
precipitous rocks and lofty trees. The Kondhs recognise
four different kinds of bees, known by the following
Oriya names : — (a) bhaga mohu, a large-sized bee {Apis
dorsata) ; {b) sattapuri mohu, building its comb in seven
layers {Apis indicd) ; {c) binchina mohu, with a comb
like a fan ; {d) nikiti mohu, a very small bee.] * Wet
paddy is, of course, grown in the valleys and low-lying
bottoms, where water is available, and much ingenuity
is exercised in the formation of bunds (embankments)
to retain the natural supply of moisture. The Khond
has a dead eye for a natural level ; it is surprising how
speedily a seemingly impracticable tract of jungle will be
converted into paddy fields by a laborious process of
levelling by means of a flat board attached to a pair of
buffaloes. The chief feature of the dry cultivation is the
destructive practice of kumeri. A strip of forest, prime-
val, if possible, as being more fertile, is burnt, cultivated,
and then deserted for a term of years, which may vary
from three to thirty, according to the density or other-
wise of the population. The Kutiah Khonds are the
chief offenders in respect of kumeri, to which they con-
fine themselves, as they have no ploughs or agricultural
cattle. In the rare instances when they grow a little rice,
the fields are prepared by manual and pedal labour, as
men, women, and children, assemble in the field, and
puddle the mud and water until it assumes the desired
consistency for the reception of the seed.
" The hair is worn long during childhood, but tied
into a club when maturity is reached, and turbans are
seldom worn. A narrow cloth is bound round the loins,
* Agricul : Ledger Series, Calcutta. No. 7, 1904.
KONDH 364
with Tartan ends which hang down in front and behind,
and a coarse long-cloth is wrapped round the figure
when the weather is cold. The war dress of the Khonds
is elaborate, and consists of a leather cuirass in front,
and a flowing red cloak, which, with an arrangement of
' bison ' horns and peacock's feathers, is supposed to strike
awe into the beholder's mind. Khond women wear a
red or parti-coloured skirt reaching the knee, the neck
and bosom being left bare. Pano females generally wear
an upper cloth. All tattoo their faces. [Tattooing is
said to be performed, concurrently with ear-boring, when
girls are about ten years old. The tattoo marks are said
to represent the implement used in tilling the soil for
cultivation, moustache, beard, etc.] Ornaments of beads
and brass bangles are worn, but the usage of diverse
muttas (settlements) varies very much. In some parts
of the Goomsur Maliahs, the use of glass and brass beads
is confined to married women, virgins being restricted to
decorations composed of plaited grass. Matrons wear
ten or twelve ear-rings of different patterns, but, in many
parts, young girls substitute pieces of broom, which are
worn till the wedding day, and then discarded for brazen
rings. Anklets are indispensable in the dance on account
of the jingling noise they make, and gold or silver nose-
rings are very commonly worn. [The Kondh of the
Ganjam Maliahs has been described as follows.* " He
centres his great love of decoration in his hair. This he
tends, combs and oils, with infinite care, and twists into
a large loose knot, which is caught with curiously shaped
pins of sambur bone, gaily coloured combs and bronze
hairpins with curiously ornamented designs, and it is
then gracefully pinned over the left eyebrow. This
* Madras Mail, 1894.
365 KONDH
knot he decorates according to his fancy with the blue
feathers of the jay (Indian roller, Coracias indica), or the
white feathers of the crane and stork, or the feathers of
the more gorgeous peacock. Two feathers generally
wave in front, while many more float behind. This knot,
in the simple economy of his life, also does duty as a
pocket or pincushion, for into it he stuffs his knife, his
half-smoked cigarette of home-grown tobacco rolled in
a sal {Shorea robustd) leaf, or even his snuff wrapped in
another leaf pinned together with a thorn. Round his
waist he wraps a white cloth, bordered with a curious
design in blue and red, of excellent home manufacture,
and over his shoulder is borne his almost inseparable
companion, the tanghi, of many curious shapes, consisting
of an iron blade with a long wooden handle ornamented
with brass wire. In certain places, he very frequently
carries a bow and arrows, the former made of bent
bamboo, the string of a long strip of bark, and the
handle ornamented with stripes of the white quills of
the peacock.]
" The Khonds are very keen in the pursuit of game,
for which the hot weather is the appointed time, and,
during this period, a sambar or ' bison ' has but little
chance of escape if once wounded by an arrow, as they
stick to the trail like sleuth hounds, and appear insensi-
ble to distance or fatigue. The arms they carry are the
bow, arrows, and tangi, a species of light battle-axe that
inflicts a serious wound. The women are not addicted
to drink, but the males are universally attached to liquor,
especially during the hot weather, when the sago palm
(solopo : Caryota tirens) is in full flow. They often run
up sheds in the jungle, near especially good trees, and
drink for days together. A great many deaths occur at
this season by falls from trees when tapping the liquor.
KONDH 300
Feasts and sacrifices are occasions for drinking to excess,
and the latter especially are often scenes of wild intoxi-
cation, the liquor used being either mohwa, or a species
of strong beer brewed from rice or koeri. Khond women,
when once married, appear to keep pretty straight, but
there is a good deal of quiet immorality among the
young men and girls, especially during the commence-
ment of the hot weather, when parties are made up for
fishing or the collection of mohwa fruit and other jungle
berries. At the same time, a certain sense of shame
exists, as instances are not at all uncommon of double
suicide, when a pair of too ardent lovers are blown upon,
and their liaison is discovered.
''The generality of Khond and Pano houses are
constructed of broad sal logs hewn out with the axe, and
thatched with jungle grass, which is impervious to white-
ants. In bamboo jungles, bamboo is substituted for sal.
The Khond houses are substantially built but very low,
the pitch of the roof never exceeding 8 feet, and the eaves
being only about 4 feet from the ground, the object being
to ensure resistance to the violent storms that prevail
during the monsoons.
" Intermarriage between Khonds, Panos, and Uriyas
is not recognised, but cases do occur when a Pano
induces a Khond woman to go off with him. She may
live with him as his wife, but no ceremony takes place.
If a Pano commits adultery with a Khond married
woman, he has to pay a paronjo, or a fine of a buffalo,
to the husband who retains his wife, and in addition a
goat, a pig, a basket of paddy, a rupee, and a cavady
(shoulder-pole) load of pots. If the adulterer is a Khond,
he gets off with payment of the buffalo, which is
slaughtered for the entertainment of the village. The
husband retains his wife in this case, as also if he finds
Z^7 KONDH
her pregnant when first she comes to him ; this is not
an uncommon incident. Divorce of the wife on the
husband's part is thus very rare, if it occurs at all, but
cases are not unknown where the wife divorces her
husband, and adopts a fresh alliance. When this takes
place, her father has to return the whole of the gifts
known as gontis, which the bridegroom paid for his wife
when the marriage was originally arranged."
In a note on the tribes of the Agency tracts of the
Vizagapatam district, Mr. VV. Francis writes as follows.*
" Of these, by far the most numerous are the Khonds,
who are about 150,000 strong. An overwhelming
majority of this number, however, are not the wild
barbarous Khonds regarding whom there is such a con-
siderable literature, and who are so prominent in Ganjam,
but a series of communities descended from them, which
exhibit infinite degrees of difference from their more inter-
esting progenitors, according to the grade of civilisation
to which they have attained. The only really primitive
Khonds in Vizagapatam are the Dongria (jungle) Khonds
of the north of Bissamkatak taluk, the Dcsya Khonds
who live just south-west of them in and around the
Nimgiris, and the Kuttiya (hill) Khonds of the hills
in the north-east of the Gunupur taluk. The Kuttiya
Khond men wear ample necklets of white beads and
prominent brass earrings, but otherwise they dress like
any other hill people. Their women, however, have a
distinctive garb, putting on a kind of turban on state
occasions, wearing nothing above the waist except masses
of white bead necklaces which almost cover their breasts,
and carrying a series of heavy brass bracelets half way
up their forearms. The dhangadi basa system (separate
* Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.
KONDH 368
hut for unmarried girls to sleep in) prevails among them
in its simplest form, and girls have opportunities for the
most intimate acquaintance before they need inform their
parents they wish to marry. Special ceremonies are
practiced to prevent the spirits of the dead (especially of
those killed by tigers) from returning to molest the living.
Except totemistic septs, they have apparently no
sub-divisions.* The dress of the civilised Khonds of
both sexes is ordinary and uninteresting. These civilised
Khonds worship all degrees of deities, from their own
tribal Jakara down to the orthodox Hindu gods ; follow
every gradation of marriage and funeral customs from
those of their primitive forefathers to those of the low-
country Telugu ; speak dialects which range from good
Khond through bastard patois down to corrupt Telugu ;
and allow their totemistic septs to be degraded down to,
or divided into, the intiperulu of the plains."
There is a tradition that, in olden days, four Kondhs,
named Kasi, Mendora, Bolti, and Bolo, with eyes the
size of brass pots, teeth like axe-heads, and ears like
elephant's ears, brought their ancestor Mandia Patro
from Jorasingi in Boad, and gave him and his children
authority all over the country now comprised in Maha-
singi, and in Kurtilli Barakhumma, Bodogodo, Balliguda,
and Pussangia, on condition of settling their disputes,
and aiding them in their rights. The following legend-
ary account of the origin of the Kondhs is given by
Mr. A. B. Jayaram Moodallar. Once upon a time, the
ground was all wet, and there were only two females on
the earth, named Karaboodi and Tharthaboodi, each of
whom was blessed with a single male child. The names
* A very interesting note on Totemism among the Khonds by Mr. J. E.
Friend-Pcreira has been published in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
LXXIII, 1905.
369 KONDH
of the children were Kasarodi and Singarodi. All these
individuals sprang from the interior of the earth, together
with two small plants called nangakoocha and badokoocha,
on which they depended for subsistence. One day, when
Karaboodi was cutting these plants for cooking, she acci-
dentally cut the little finger of her left hand, and the blood
dropped on the ground. Instantly, the wet soft earth
on which it fell became dry and hard. The woman
then cooked the food, and gave some of it to her son,
who asked her why it tasted so much sweeter than usual.
She replied that she might have a dream that night,
and, if so, would let him know. Next morning, the
woman told him that, if he would act on her advice, he
would prosper in this world, that he was not to think
of her as his mother, and was to cut away the flesh of her
back, dig several holes in the ground, bury the flesh, and
cover the holes with stones. This her son did, and the
rest of the body was cremated. The wet soil dried up
and became hard, and all kinds of animals and trees
came into existence. A partridge scratched the ground
with its feet, and ragi (millet), maize, dhal (pea), and rice
sprung forth from it. The two brothers argued that,
as the sacrifice of their mother brought forth such
abundance, they must sacrifice their brothers, sisters,
and others, once a year in future. A god, by name
Boora Panoo, came, with his wife and children, toThartha-
boodi and the two young men, to whom Boora Panoo's
daughters were married. They begat children, who were
divided equally between Boora Panoo the grandfather and
their fathers. Tharthaboodi objected to this division on
the grounds that Boora Panoo's son would stand in the
relation of Mamoo to the children of Kasarodi and
Singarodi ; that, if the child was a female, when she got
married, she would have to give a rupee to her Mamoo ;
111-24
KONDH 370
and that, if it was a male that Boora Panoo's daughter
brought forth, the boy when he grew up would have to
give the head of any animal he shot to Mamoo (Boora
Panoo's son). Then Boora Panoo built a house, and
Kasarodi and Singarodi built two houses. All lived
happily for two years. Then Karaboodi appeared in a
dream, and told Kasarodi and Singarodi that, if they
offered another human victim, their lands would be very
fertile, and their cattle could flourish. In the absence of
a suitable being, they sacrificed a monkey. Then Kara-
boodi appeared once more, and said that she was not
pleased with the substitution of the monkey, and that
a human being must be sacrificed. The two men, with
their eight children, sought for a victim for twelve years.
At the end of that time, they found a poor man, who had
a son four years old, and found him, his wife and child
good food, clothing, and shelter for a year. They then
asked permission to sacrifice the son in return for their
kindness, and the father gave his assent. The boy was
fettered and handcuffed to prevent his running away, and
taken good care of. Liquor was prepared from grains, and
a bamboo, with a flag hoisted on it, planted in the ground.
Next day, a pig was sacrificed near this post, and a feast
was held. It was proclaimed that the boy would be tied
to a post on the following day, and sacrificed on the third
day. On the night previous to the sacrifice, the Janni
(priest) took a reed, and poked it into the ground in
several places. When it entered to a depth of about
eight inches, it was believed that the god and goddess
Tadapanoo and Dasapanoo were there. Round this
spot, seven pieces of wood were arranged lengthways
and crossways, and an egg was placed in the centre of
the structure. The Khonds arrived from the various
villages, and indulged in drink. The boy was teased,
37^^ KONDH
and told that he had been sold to them, that his sorrow
would affect his parents only, and that he was to be
sacrificed for the prosperity of the people. He was
conducted to the spot where the god and goddess had
been found, tied with ropes, and held fast by the
Khonds. He was made to lie on his stomach on the
wooden structure, and held there. Pieces of flesh were
removed from his back, arms and legs, and portions
thereof buried at the Khond's place of worship. Por-
tions were also set up near a well of drinking water,
and placed around the villages. The remainder of the
sacrificed corpse was cremated on a pyre set alight with
fire produced by the h'iction of two pieces of wood. On
the following day, a buffalo was sacrificed, and a feast
partaken of. Next day, the bamboo post was removed
outside the village, and a fowl and eggs were offered to
the deity. The following stanza is still recited by the
Janni at the buffalo sacrifice, which has been substituted
for that of a human victim : — Oh ! come, male slave ;
come, female slave. What do you say ? What do you
call out for ? You have been brought, ensnared by the
Haddi. You have been called, ensnared by the Domba.
What can I do, even if you are my child ? You are sold
for a pot of food.
The ethnological section of the Madras Museum
received a few years ago a very interesting relic in the
shape of a human (Meriah) sacrifice post from Baligudu
in Ganjam. This post, which was fast being reduced to
a mere shell by white-ants, is, I believe, the only one
now in existence. It was brought by Colonel Pickance,
who was Assistant Superintendent of Police, and set up
in the ground near the gate of the reserve Police barracks.
The veteran members of a party of Kondhs, who were
brought to Madras for the purpose of performing before
111-24B
KONDH 372
the Prince and Princess of Wales in 1906, became wildly
excited when they came across this relic of their former
barbarous custom.
" The best known case," Mr. Frazer writes,* " of
human sacrifices systematically offered to ensure good
crops is supplied by the Khonds or Kandhs. Our knowl-
edge of them is derived from the accounts written by
British officers, who, forty or fifty years ago, were
engaged in putting them down. The sacrifices were
offered to the earth goddess, Tari Pennu or Bera Pennu,
and were believed to ensure good crops, and immunity
from all diseases and accidents. In particular, they were
considered necessary in the cultivation of turmeric, the
Khonds arguing that the turmeric could not have a deep
red colour without the shedding of blood. The victim,
a Meriah, was acceptable to the goddess only if he had
been purchased, or had been born a victim, that is the
son of a victim father, or had been devoted as a child by
his father or guardian."
In 1837, Mr. Russell, in a report on the districts
entrusted to his control, wrote as follows.! "The cere-
monies attending the barbarous rite, and still more the
mode of destroying life, vary in different parts of the
country. In the Maliahs of Goomsur, the sacrifice is
offered annually to Thadha Pennoo (the earth) under the
effigy of a bird intended to represent a peacock, with the
view of propitiating the deity to grant favourable seasons
and crops. The ceremony is performed at the expense
of, and in rotation by, certain mootahs (settlements)
composing a community, and connected together from
local circumstances. Besides these periodical sacrifices,
* The Golden Bough, 1900.
t Selections from the Records, Government of India, No. V, Human Sacrifice
and Infanticide, 1854.
2>72> KONDH
others are made by single mootahs, and even by indivi-
duals, to avert any threatening calamity from sickness,
murrain, or other cause. Grown men are the most
esteemed (as victims), because the most costly. Children
are purchased, and reared for years with the family of the
person who ultimately devotes them to a cruel death,
when circumstances are supposed to demand a sacrifice
at his hands. They seem to be treated with kindness,
and, if young, are kept under no constraint ; but, when old
enough to be sensible of the fate which awaits them, they
are placed in fetters and guarded. Most of those who
were rescued had been sold by their parents or nearest
relations, a practice which, from all we could learn, is
very common. Persons of riper age are kidnapped by
wretches who trade in human flesh. The victim must
always be purchased. Criminals, or prisoners captured
in war, are not considered fitting subjects. The price is
paid indifferently in brass utensils, cattle or corn. The
Zanee (or priest), who may be of any caste, officiates at
the sacrifice, but he performs the poojah (offering of
flowers, incense, etc.) to the idol through the medium of
the Toomba, who must be a Khond child under seven
years of age. This child is fed and clothed at the public
expense, eats with no other person, and is subjected to no
act deemed impure. For a month prior to the sacrifice,
there is much feasting and intoxication, and dancing
round the Meriah, who is adorned with garlands, etc.,
and, on the day before the performance of the barbarous
rite, is stupefied with toddy, and made to sit, or, if
necessary, is bound at the bottom of a post bearing the
effigy above described. The assembled multitude then
dance around to music, and addressing the earth, say :
' Oh ! God, we offer the sacrifice to you. Give us good
crops, seasons, and health.' After which they address
KONDH 374
the victim, ' We bought you with a price, and did not
seize you. Now we sacrifice you according to custom,
and no sin rests with us.' On the following day, the
victim being again intoxicated and anointed with oil,
each individual present touches the anointed part, and
wipes the oil on his own head. All then proceed in
procession around the village and its boundaries, preceded
by music, bearing the victim and a pole, to the top of
which is attached a tuft of peacock's feathers. On
returning to the post, which is always placed near the
village deity called Zakaree Pennoo, and represented by
three stones, near which the brass effigy in the shape of
a peacock is buried, they kill a hog in sacrifice and,
having allowed the blood to How into a pit prepared
for the purpose, the victim, who, if it has been found
possible, has been previously made senseless from intoxi-
cation, is seized and thrown in, and his face pressed
down until he is suffocated in the bloody mire amid the
noise of instruments. The Zanee then cuts a piece of
flesh from the body, and buries it with ceremony near
the effigy and village idol, as an offering to the earth.
All the rest afterwards go through the same form,
and carry the bloody prize to their villages, where the
same rites are performed, part being interred near the
village idol, and little bits on the boundaries. The head
and face remain untouched, and the bones, when bare,
are buried with them in the pit. After this horrid
ceremony has been completed, a buffalo calf is brought
in front of the post, and, his forefeet having been cut off,
is left there till the following day. Women, dressed in
male attire and armed as men, then drink, dance and
sing round the spot, the calf is killed and eaten, and
the Zanee is dismissed with a present of rice and a hog
or calf,"
375 KONDH
In the same year, Mr. Arbuthnot, Collector of
Vizao^apatam, reported as follows. " Of the hill tribe
Codooloo, there are said to be two distinct classes, the
Cotia Codooloo and Jathapoo Codooloo. The former
class is that which is in the habit of offering human
sacrifices to the god called Jenkery, with a view to secure
o-ood crops. This ceremony is generally performed on
the Sunday preceding or following the Pongal feast.
The victim is seldom carried by force, but procured by
purchase, and there is a fixed price for each person,
which consists of forty articles such as a bullock, a male
buffalo, a cow, a goat, a piece of cloth, a silk cloth, a
brass pot, a large plate, a bunch of plantains, etc. The
man who is destined for the sacrifice is carried before
the god, and a small quantity of rice coloured with saffron
(turmeric) is put upon his head. The influence of this
is said to prevent his attempting to escape, even though
set at liberty. It would appear, however, that, from the
moment of his seizure till he is sacrificed, he is kept in
a continued state of stupefaction or intoxication. He is
allowed to wander about the village, to eat and drink
anything he may take a fancy to, and even to have
connection with any of the women whom he may meet.
On the morning set apart for the sacrifice, he is carried
before the idol in a state of intoxication. One of the
villagers acts as priest, who cuts a small hole in the
stomach of the victim, and with the blood that flows
from the wound the idol is smeared. Then the crowds
from the neighbouring villages rush forward, and he is
literally cut into pieces. Each person who is so fortunate
as to procure it carries away a morsel of the flesh, and
presents it to the idol of his own village."
Concerning a method of sacrifice, which is illustrated
by the post preserved in the Madras Museum, Colonel
KONDH 376
Campbell records* that "one of the most common ways
of offering the sacrifice in Chinna Kimedi is to the effigy
of an elephant (hatti mundo or elephant's head) rudely
carved in wood, fixed on the top of a stout post, on which
it is made to revolve. After the performance of the
usual ceremonies, the intended victim is fastened to the
proboscis of the elephant, and, amidst the shouts and yells
of the excited multitude of Khonds, is rapidly whirled
round, when, at a given signal by the officiating Zanee
or priest, the crowd rush in, seize the Meriah, and with
their knives cut the flesh off the shrieking wretch as
long as life remains. He is then cut down, the skeleton
burnt, and the horrid orgies are over. In several villages
I counted as many as fourteen effigies of elephants, which
had been used in former sacrifices. These I caused to
be overthrown by the baggage elephants attached to
my camp in the presence of the assembled Khonds, to
show them that these venerated objects had no power
against the living animal, and to remove all vestiges of
their bloody superstition." In another report, Colonel
Campbell describes how the miserable victim is dragged
along the fields, surrounded by a crowd of half intoxi-
cated Khonds, who, shouting and screaming, rush upon
him, and with their knives cut the flesh piecemeal from
the bones, avoiding the head and bowels, till the living
skeleton, dying from loss of blood, is relieved from torture,
when its remains are burnt, and the ashes mixed with the
new grain to preserve it from insects." Yet again, he
describes a sacrifice which was peculiar to the Khonds
of Jeypore. " It is," he writes, " always succeeded by
the sacrifice of three human beings, two to the sun to
the east and west of the village, and one in the centre,
* Personal Narrative of Service among the Wild Tribes of Khondistan.
MERIAH SACRIFICE POST
ZJJ KONDH
with the usual barbarities of the Meriah. A stout
wooden post about six feet long is firmly fixed in the
ground, at the foot of it a narrow grave is dug, and to
the top of the post the victim is firmly fastened by the
long hair of his head. Four assistants hold his out-
stretched arms and legs, the body being suspended
horizontally over the grave, with the face towards the
earth. The officiating Junna or priest, standing on the
right side, repeats the following invocation, at intervals
hacking with his sacrificial knife the back part of the
shrieking victim's neck. ' O ! mighty Manicksoro, this
is your festal day. To the Khonds the offering is Meriah,
to kings Junna. On account of this sacrifice, you have
given to kings kingdoms, guns and swords. The sacrifice
we now offer you must eat, and we pray that our battle-
axes may be converted into swords, our bows and arrows
into gunpowder and balls ; and, if we have any quarrels
with other tribes, give us the victory. Preserve us from
the tyranny of kings and their officers.' Then, addressing
the victim : — ' That we may enjoy prosperity, we offer
you a sacrifice to our God Manicksoro, who will imme-
diately eat you, so be not grieved at our slaying you.
Your parents were aware, when we purchased you from
them for sixty rupees, that we did so with intent to
sacrifice you. There is, therefore, no sin on our heads, but
on your parents. After you are dead, we shall perform
your obsequies.' The victim is then decapitated, the
body thrown into the grave, and the head left suspended
from the post till devoured by wild beasts. The knife
remains fastened to the post till the three sacrifices have
been performed, when it is removed with much ceremony.
In an account by Captain Mac Viccar of the sacrifice as
carried out at Eaji Deso, it is stated that on the day of
sacrifice the Meriah is surrounded by the Khonds, who
KONDH syS
beat him violently on the head with the heavy metal
bangles which they purchase at the fairs, and wear on
these occasions. If this inhuman smashing does not
immediately destroy the victim's life, an end is put to his
sufferings by strangulation, a slit bamboo being used for
the purpose. Strips of flesh are then cut off the back, and
each recipient of the precious treasure carries his portion
to the stream which waters his fields, and there suspends
it on a pole. The remains of the mangled corpse are then
buried, and funeral obsequies are performed seven days
subsequently, and repeated one year afterwards."
The Kondhs of Bara Mootah promised to relinquish
the rite on condition, znie7' alia, that they should be at
liberty to sacrifice buffaloes, monkeys, goats, etc., to their
deities with all the solemnities observed on occasions of
human sacrifice ; and that they should beat liberty, upon
all occasions, to denounce to their gods the Government,
and some of its servants in particular, as the cause of
their having relinquished the great rite.
The last recorded Meriah sacrifice in the Ganjam
Maliahs occurred in 1852, and there are still Kondhs
alive, who were present at it. Twenty-five descendants
of persons who were reserved for sacrifice, but were
rescued by Government officers, returned themselves as
Meriah at the census, 1901. The Kondhs have now
substituted a buffalo for a human being. The animal is
hewn to pieces while alive, and the villagers rush home
to their villages, to bury the flesh in the soil, and so
secure prosperous crops. The sacrifice is not unaccom-
panied by risk to the performers, as the buffalo, before
dying, frequently kills one or more of its tormenters.
This was the case near Baliguda in 1899, when a buffalo
killed the sacrificer. In the previous year, the desire
of a village to intercept the bearer of the flesh for a
379 KONDH
neighbouring village led to a fight, in which two men
were killed.
It was the practice, a few years ago, at every Dassara
festival in Jeypore, Vizagapatam, to select a specially fine
ram, wash it, shave its head, affix thereto red and white
bottu and namam (sect marks) between the eyes and
down the nose, and gird it with a new white cloth after
the manner of a human being. The animal being then
fastened in a sitting posture, certain puja (worship) was
performed by a Brahman priest, and it was decapitated.
The substitution of animals for human victims is indi-
cated by various religious legends. Thus, a hind was
substituted for Iphigenia, and a ram for Isaac.
It was stated by the officers of the Meriah Agency
that there was reason to believe that the Raja of
Jeypore, when he was installed on his father's death in
1 860-6 1, sacrificed a girl thirteen years of age at the
shrine of the goddess Durga in the town of Jeypore.*
It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district
(1907), that " goats and buffaloes now-a-days take the
place of human Meriah victims, but the belief in the
superior efficacy of the latter dies hard, and every now and
again revives. When the Rampa rebellion of 1879-80
spread in this district, several cases of human sacrifice
occurred in the disturbed tracts. In 1880, two persons
were convicted of attempting a Meriah sacrifice near
Ambadala in Bissamkatak. In 1883, a man (a beggar
and a stranger) was found at daybreak murdered in one
of the temples in Jeypore, in circumstances which pointed
to his having been slain as a Meriah ; and, as late as
1886, a formal enquiry showed that there were ample
grounds for the suspicion that the kidnapping of victims
* Manual of the Visagapalam district.
KONDH 380
still went on in Bastar." As recently as 1902, a petition
was presented to the District Magistrate of Ganjam, ask-
ing him to sanction the performance of a human sacrifice.
The memory of the abandoned practice is kept green
by one of the Kondh songs, for a translation of which we
are indebted to Mr. J. E. Friend- Pereira.*
" At the time of the great Kiabon (Campbell) Sahib's
coming, the country was in darkness ; it was enveloped
in mist.
Having sent paiks to collect the people of the land,
they, having surrounded them, caught the Meriah
sacrificers.
Having caught the Meriah sacrificers, they brought
them, and again they went and seized the evil councillors.
Having seen the chains and shackles, the people were
afraid ; murder and bloodshed were quelled.
Then the land became beautiful, and a certain
Mokodella (Macpherson) Sahib came.
He destroyed the lairs of the tigers and bears in the
hills and rocks, and taught wisdom to the people.
After the lapse of a month, he built bungalows and
schools ; and he advised them to learn reading aod law.
They learnt wisdom and reading ; they acquired silver
and gold. Then all the people became wealthy."
Human sacrifice was not practiced in the Kurtilli
Muttah of the Ganjam Maliahs. The reason of this is
assigned to the fact that the first attempt was made with
a crooked knife, and the sacrificers made such a bad busi-
ness of it that they gave it up. Colonel Campbell gives
another tradition, that, through humanity, one of the
Kurtilli Patros (head of a group of villages) threatened
to leave the muttah if the practice was carried out.
* Journ. Asiat. Soc, Bengal, 1898.
381 KONDH
Of a substituted sacrifice, which was carried out in the
Ganjam Maliahs in 1894,* the following graphic account
has been given. " Suddenly we came upon a number of
K bonds carrying an immensely long bamboo, about fifty
feet in length, surmounted by a gorgeous sort of balloon
made of red and white cloth stretched on a bamboo frame.
Attached to this were dried strips of pig's flesh, and the
whole of the extraordinary structure was surmounted by
a huge plume of peacock's feathers that waved gaily in
the breeze. Along with this was carried another bamboo,
not so long, slung all over with iron bells. We found
that the men had been worshipping, and presenting these
structures to a sylvan deity close by, and were now
hastening to the small Khond village of Dhuttiegaum,
the scene of the present Meriah sacrifice. Half a mile
broueht us to this hamlet, situated among-st a dense
grove of trees, in the midst of which was tied to a curi-
ously fluted and carved wooden post the sacrificial
buffalo, a placid animal, with its body glistening with the
oil of many anointings. The huge bamboo pole, with its
crown of red and white cloth and peacock's feathers, and
incongruous shreds of dried pig's flesh, was now erected
in the centre of the village. The comparative quiet in
the village did not last long, for on a sudden the air was
rent with a succession of shrieks. With the sound of the
beating of Maliah drums, and the blowing of buffalo
horns, a party of Khonds came madly dancing and
rushing down a steep hillside from some neighbouring
village. They dashed up to the buffalo, and began
frantically dancing with the villagers already assembled
round and round the animal. Each man carried a green
bough of some tree, a sharp knife, and a tanghi. They
* Madras Mail, 1894.
KONDH 382
were all adorned in holiday attire, their hair combed and
knotted on the forehead, and profusely decorated with
waving feathers. All of them were more or less intoxi-
cated. Various other villagers now began to arrive,
thick and fast, in the same manner, with wavings of green
boughs, flourishing of knives, and hideous yells. Each
party was led by the headman or Moliko of the village.
The dancing now became more general, and faster and
more furious, as more and more joined the human
' merry go round,' circling about the unfortunate buffalo.
The women, who had followed their lords and masters
at a discreet distance, stood sedately by in a group,
and took no part whatever in the revels. They were
for the most part fine buxom girls, well groomed and
oiled, and stood demurely watching everything with
their sharp black eyes. The hitherto quiet buffalo, who
for nearly two days had been without food and water,
now began to get excited, and, straining at its tether,
plunged and butted at the dancers, catching one man
neatly on the nose so that the blood flowed copiously.
However, the Khonds were too excited to care, and
circled round and round the poor maddened brute, singing
and blowing horns into its ears, beating drums, and
every now and then offering it cakes brought with them
from their villages, and then laying them on the top of
the post as offerings. As they thus madly careered
about, we had ample time to note their extraordinary
costumes. One man had somehow got hold of an old
blue Police overcoat, which he had put on inside out, and
round his waist he had gathered what seemed to be a
number of striped tent carpets, forming a stiff ballet
skirt or kilt. He was one of the most athletic in spinning
round the buffalo, flourishing a kitchen chopper. Another
man's costume consisted of almost nothing at all. He
3^3 KONDH
had, however, profusely daubed his body with white and
black spots, and on his head he had centred all his
decorative genius. The head in question was swathed in
yards of cloth, terminating at the back in a perfect cas-
cade of cock's feathers. He excitedly waved over this
erection an ancient and very rusty umbrella, with many
ventilations, with streamers of white cloth attached to
the top. Others had tied on to their heads with bands
of cloth the horns of buffaloes, or brass horns made in
imitation of those of the spotted deer. Their long, black
and curly hair hung in masses from beneath this strange
erection, giving them a most startling appearance. The
dancing round the buffalo lasted quite two hours, as
they were waiting for the arrival of the Patro, before
concluding the final ceremonies, and the great man
was fashionably late. To incite their jaded energies
to further terpsichorean efforts, from time to time the
dancers drank copious draughts of a kind of beer, used
specially on these occasions, and made from kukuri, a
species of grain. At last, the long expected Patro
arrived with the usual uproar of many deafening sounds,
both artificial and natural, and with the waving of green
boughs. On this occasion he walked last, while the
whole of his retinue preceded him dancing, headed by an
ancient and withered hag, carrying on her shoulders a
Maliah drum of cow-hide stretched tightly over a hoop
of iron, and vigorously beaten from behind her by a
Khond with stiff thongs of dried leather. The great
man himself walked sedately, followed by his ' charger,' a
broken-kneed tat (pony), extraordinarily caparisoned,
and led by a youth of tender years, whose sole garment
consisted of a faded red drummer's coat of antiquated
cut. As soon as the Patro had seated himself comfortably
on a log near the dancers, a change came over the scene.
KONDH 384
The hitherto shouting and madly revolving throng
stopped their gyrations round the stupefied beast, too
much exhausted and frightened to offer any resistance,
and. falling on its neck and body, began to smother it
with caresses and endearments, and, to a low plaintive
air, crooned and wailed over it, the following dirge, of
which I append a rude translation. Tradition says that
they used to sing it, with slight variations, over their
human victims before the sacrifice : —
Blame us not, O buffalo !
Thus for sacrificing thee,
For our fathers have ordained
This ancient mystery.
We have bought thee with a price,
Have paid for thee all thy worth.
What blame can rest upon us,
Who save our land from dearth ?
Famine stares us in the face,
Parched are our fields, and dry,
Death looks in at ev'ry door.
For food our young ones cry.
Thadi Pennoo veils her face,
Propitiate me, she cries,
Give to me of flesh and blood,
A willing sacrifice.
That where'er its blood is shed,
On land, or field, or hill.
There the gen'rous grain may spring,
So ye may eat your fill.
Then be glad, O buffalo !
Willing sacrifice to be.
Soon in Thadi's meadows green,
Thou shalt brouse eternally.
After the Khonds had been chanting this sacrificial
hymn for some time, the buffalo was untied from the carved
3^5 KONDH
post, and led, with singing, dancing and shouting, and
with the noise of many musical instruments, to a sacred
grove a few hundred yards off, and there tied to a stake.
As soon as it had been firmly tied, the Khonds threw
off all their superfluous clothing to the large crowd of
womankind waiting near, and stood round the animal,
each man with his hand uplifted, and holding a sharp
knife ready to strike at a moment's notice, as soon as the
priest or Janni had given the word of command. The
Janni, who did not differ outwardly from the others, now
gave the buffalo a slight tap on the head with a small
axe. An indescribable scene followed. The Khonds
in a body fell on the animal, and, in an amazingly short
time, literally tore the living victim to shreds with their
knives, leaving nothing but the head, bones, and stomach.
Death must, mercifully, have been almost instantaneous.
Every particle of flesh and skin had been stripped off
during the few minutes they fought and struggled over
the buffalo, eagerly grasping for every atom of flesh.
As soon as a man had secured a piece of flesh, he rushed
away with the gory mass, as fast as he could, to his fields,
to bury it therein according to ancient custom, before the
sun had set. As some of them had to do good distances to
effect this, it was imperative that they should run very fast.
A curious scene now took place, for which we could obtain
no explanation. As the men ran, all the women flung
after them clods of earth, some of them taking very good
effect. The sacred grove was cleared of people, save a few
that guarded the remnants left of the buffalo, which were
taken, and burnt with ceremony at the foot of the stake."
I pass on to the subject of infanticide among the
Kondhs. It is stated, in the Manual of the Vizagapatam
district, that female infanticide used to be very common
all over the Jeypore country, and the Rajah is said to
ni-25
KONDH 386
have made money out of it in one large taluk (division).
The custom was to consult the Dasari (priest) when a
child was born as to its fate. If it was to be killed, the
parents had to pay the Amin of the taluk a fee for the
privilege of killing it ; and the Amin used to pay the
Rajah three hundred rupees a year for renting the
privilege of giving the license and pocketing the fees.
The practice of female infanticide was formerly very
prevalent among the Kondhs of Ganjam, and, in 1841,
Lieutenant Macpherson was deputed to carry into effect
the measures which had been proposed by Lord Elphin-
stone for the suppression of the Meriah sacrifices and
infanticide. The custom was ascribed to various beliefs,
viz., (i) that it was an injunction by god, as one woman
made the whole world suffer ; (2) that it conduces to
male offspring ; (3) that woman, being a mischief-maker,
is better out of the world than in it ; (4) that the diffi-
culty, owing to poverty, in providing marriage portions
was an objection to rearing females. From Macpherson's
well known report * the following extracts are taken.
" The portion of the Khond country, in which the
practice of female infanticide is known to prevail, is
roughly estimated at 2,400 square miles, its population
at 60,000, and the number of infants destroyed annually
at 1,200 to 1,500. The tribes (who practice infanticide)
belong to the division of the Khond people which does
not offer human sacrifices. The usage of infanticide has
existed amongst them from time immemorial. It owes
its origin and its maintenance partly to religious opinions,
partly to ideas from which certain very important
features of Khond manners arise. The Khonds believe
that the supreme deity, the sun god, created all things
* Selections from the Records of the Government of India (Home Depart-
ment), v., 1845.
3^7 KONDH
good ; that the earth goddess Introduced evil into the
world ; and that these two powers have since conflicted.
The non-sacrificing tribes make the supreme deity the
great object of their adoration, neglecting the earth god-
dess. The sacrificing tribes, on the other hand, believe
the propitiation of the latter power to be the most neces-
sary worship. Now the tribes which practice female
infanticide hold that the sun god, in contemplating the
deplorable effects produced by the creation of feminine
nature, charged men to bring up only as many females as
they could restrain from producing evil to society. This
is the first idea upon which the usage is founded. Again,
the Khonds believe that souls almost invariably return
to animate human forms in the families in which they
have been first born and received. But the reception
of the soul of an infant into a family is completed only
on the performance of the ceremony of naming upon the
seventh day after its birth. The death of a female infant,
therefore, before that ceremonial of reception, is believed
to exclude its soul from the circle of family spirits, dimi-
nishing by one the chance of future female births in the
family. And, as the first aspiration of every Khond is
to have male children, this belief is a powerful incentive
to infanticide." Macpherson, during his campaign,
came across many villages of about a hundred houses,
in which there was not a single female child. In like
manner, in 1S55, Captain Frye found many Baro Bori
Khond villao-es without a sinorle female child in them.
In savage societies, it has been said, sexual unions
were generally effected by the violent capture of the
woman. By degrees these captures have become
friendly ones, and have ended in a peaceful exogamy,
retaining the ancient custom only in the ceremonial form.
Whereof an excellent example is afforded by the Kondhs,
ni-25 B
KONDH 3SS
concerning whom the author of the Ganjam Manual
writes as follows. " The parents arrange the marriages
of their children. The bride is looked upon as a com-
mercial speculation, and is paid for in gontis. A gonti
is one of anything, such as a buffalo, a pig, or a brass
pot ; for instance, a hundred gontis might consist of ten
bullocks, ten buffaloes, ten sacks of corn, ten sets of brass,
twenty sheep, ten pigs, and thirty fowls. The usual
price, however, paid by the bridegroom's father for the
bride, is twenty or thirty gontis. A Khond finds his
wife from among the women of any mutah (village) than
his own. On the day fixed for the bride being taken
home to her husband's house, the pieces of broom in her
ears are removed, and are replaced by brass rings. The
bride is covered over with a red blanket, and carried
astride on her uncle's back towards the husband's village,
accompanied by the young women of her own village.
Music is played, and in the rear are carried brass play-
things, such as horses, etc., for the bridegroom, and
cloths and brass pins as presents for the bridegroom
from the bride's father. On the road, at the village
boundary, the procession is met by the bridegroom and
the young men of his village, with their heads and bodies
wrapped up in blankets and cloths. Each is armed with
a bundle of long thin bamboo sticks. The young women
of the bride's village at once attack the bridegroom's
party with sticks, stones, and clods of earth, which the
young men ward off with the bamboo sticks. A running-
fight is in this manner kept up until the village is reached,
when the stone-throwing invariably ceases, and the
bridegroom's uncle, snatching up the bride, carries her
off to her husband's house. This fighting is by no means
child's play, and the men are sometimes seriously injured.
The whole party is then entertained by the bridegroom
389 KONDH
as lavishly as his means will permit. On the day after
the bride's arrival, a buffalo and a pig are slaughtered
and eaten, and, upon the bride's attendants returning
home on the evening of the second day, a male and
female buffalo, or some less valuable present, is given to
them. On the third day, all the Khonds of the village
have a grand dance or tamasha (festivity), and on the
fourth day there is another grand assembly at the house
of the bridesfi'oom. The bride and brideoroom are then
made to sit down on a cot, and the bridegroom's brother,
pointing upwards to the roof of the house, says : " As
long as this girl stays with us, may her children be as
men and tigers ; but, if she goes astray, may her children
be as snakes and monkeys, and die and be destroyed ! "
In his report upon the Kondhs (1842), Macpherson tells
us that "they hold a feast at the bride's house. Far
into the night the principals in the scene are raised by
an uncle of each upon his shoulders, and borne through
the dance. The burdens are suddenly exchanged, and
the uncle of the youth disappears with the bride. The
assembly divides itself into two parties. The friends of
the bride endeavour to arrest, those of the bridegroom to
cover her flight, and men, women, and children mingle
in mock conflict. I saw a man bearing away upon his
back something enveloped in an ample covering of scarlet
cloth. He was surrounded by twenty or thirty young
fellows, and by them protected from the desperate
attacks made upon him by a party of young women. The
man was just married, and the burden was his blooming
bride, whom he was conveying to his own village. Her
youthful friends were, according to custom, seeking to
regain possession of her, and hurled stones and bamboos
at the head of the devoted bridegroom, until he reached
the confines of his own village. Then the tables were
kONDH 390
turned, and the bride was fairly won ; and off her young
friends scampered, screaming and laughing, but not
relaxing their speed till they reached their own village."
Among the Kondhs of Gumsur, the friends and relations
of the bride and bridegroom collect at an appointed
spot. The people of the female convoy call out to the
others to come and take the bride, and then a mock
fight with stones and thorny brambles is begun by the
female convoy against the parties composing the other
one. In the midst of the tumult the assaulted party
takes possession of the bride, and all tiie furniture brought
with her, and carry all off together.* According to
another account, the bride, as s<oon as she enters the
bridegroom's house, has two enormous bracelets, or
rather handcuffs of brass, each weighing from twenty to
thirty pounds, attached to each wrist. The unfortunate
girl has to sit with her two wrists resting on her
shoulders, so as to support these enormous weights.
This is to prevent her from running away to her old
home. On the third day the bangles are removed, as it
is supposed that by then the girl has become reconciled
to her fate. These marriage bangles are made on the
hills, and are curiously carved in fluted and zigzag lines,
and kept as heirlooms in the family, to be used at the
next marriage in the house. According to a still more
recent account of marriage among the Kondhs t an
old woman suddenly rushes forward, seizes the bride,
flings her on her back, and carries her off A man
comes to the front, catches the groom, and places him
astride on his shoulder. The human horses neigh and
prance about like the live quadruped, and finally rush
away to the outskirts of the village. This is a signal for
* J. A. R. Stevenson. Madras Jonrn : Lit. Science, VI, 1837.
t J. E. Friend-Pereira. Journ : Asiat : Soc. Bengal, LXXI, 1902.
391 ICONDH
the bride's girl friends to chase the couple, and pelt them
with clods of earth, stones, mud, covvdung, and rice.
When the mock assault is at an end, the older people
come up, and all accompany the bridal pair to the
groom's village. A correspondent informs me that he
once saw a Kondh bride going to her new home, riding
on her uncle's shoulders, and wrapped in a red blanket.
She was followed by a bevy of girls and relations, and
preceded by drums and horns. He was told that the
uncle had to carry her the whole way, and that, if he
had to put her down, a fine of a buffalo was inflicted,
the animal being killed and eaten. It is recorded that
a European magistrate once mistook a Kondh marriage
for a riot, but, on enquiry, discovered his mistake.
Reference has been made above to certain brass
playthings, which are carried in the bridal procession.
The figures include peacocks, chamaeleons, cobras, crabs,
horses, deer, tigers, cocks, elephants, human beings,
musicians, etc. They are cast by the cire perdue process.
The core of the figure is roughly shaped in clay, accord-
ing to the usual practice, but, instead of laying on the
wax in an even thickness, thin wax threads are first
made, and arranged over the core so as to form a
network, or placed in parallel lines or diagonally,
according as the form of the figure or fancy of the work-
man dictates. The head, arms, and feet are modelled in
the ordinary way. The wax threads are made by means
of a bamboo tube, into the end of which a moveable
brass plate is fitted. The wax, being made sufficiently
soft by heat, is pressed through the perforation at the
end of the tube, and comes out in the form of long
threads, which must be used by the workmen before they
become hard and brittle. The chief place where these
figures are made is Belugunta, near Russellkonda in
KONDH 392
Ganjam. It is noted by Mr. J. A. R. Stevenson * that
the Kondhs of Gumsur, to represent their deities Jara
Pennu, the Linga Devata, or Petri Devata, keep in their
houses brass figures of elephants, peacocks, dolls, fishes,
etc. If affliction happens to any one belonging to the
household, or if the country skin eruption breaks out on
any of them, they put rice into milk, and, mixing
turmeric with it, sprinkle the mixture on the figures, and,
killing fowls and sheep, cause worship to be made by the
Jani, and, making baji, eat.
At a marriage among the Kondhs of Baliguda, after the
heads of the bride and bridegroom have been brought
together, an arrow is discharged from a bow by the
younger brother of the bridegroom into the grass roof of
the hut. At the betrothal ceremony of some Kondhs,
a buffalo and pig are killed, and some of the viscera
eaten. Various parts are distributed according to an
abiding rule, viz., the head to the bridegroom's maternal
uncle, the flesh of the sides to his sisters, and of the back
among other relations and friends. Some Kondh boys
of ten or twelve years of age are said to be married to
girls of fifteen or sixteen. At Shubernagiri, in the
Ganjam Maliahs, are two trysting trees, consisting of a
jak {Artocarpus integrifolia) and mango growing close
together. The custom was for a Kondh, who was unable
to pay the marriage fees to the Patro (headman), to meet
his love here by night and plight his troth, and then for
the two to retire into the jungle for three days and
nights before returning to the village. Afterwards, they
were considered to be man and wife.
It is noted by Mr. Friend-Pereira t that, at the
ceremonial for settling the preliminaries of a Kondh
Madras Journ : Lit. & Science, VI, 1S37. + Loc. cit.
JVJ
KONDH
marriage, a knotted string is put into the hands of the
seridahpa gataru (searchers for the bride), and a similar
string is kept by the girl's people. The reckoning of
the date of the betrothal ceremony is kept by undoing
a knot in the string every morning.
Some years ago, a young Kondh was betrothed to
the daughter of another Kondh, and, after a few years,
managed to pay up the necessary number of gifts. He
then applied to the girl's father to name the day for the
marriage. Before the wedding took place, however, a
Pano went to the girl's father, and said that she was his
daughter (she had been born before her parents were
married), and that he was the man to whom the gifts
should have been paid. The case was referred to a
council meeting, which decided in favour of the Pano.
Of birth ceremonies, the following account is given by
Mr. Jayaram Moodaliar. The woman is attended in her
confinement by an elderly Kondh midwife, w^ho sham-
pooes her abdomen with castor-oil. The umbilical cord
is cut by the mother of the infant. For this purpose,
the right thigh of the baby is flexed towards its abdomen,
and a piece of cooled charcoal placed on its right knee.
The cord is placed on the charcoal, and divided with the
sharp edge of an arrow. The placenta is buried close to
the house near a wall. After the cord has been severed,
the mother daubs the region of the infant's navel with
her saliva, over which she smears castor-oil. She then
warms her hands at a fire, and applies them to the
infant's body. [It is stated, in the Ganjam Manual, that
the infant is held before a hot fire, and half roasted.]
The warming is repeated several times daily for four or
five days. When the umbilical cord has sloughed off, a
spider is burnt to ashes over a fire, placed in a cocoanut
shell, mixed with castor-oil, and applied by means of a
ICONDH 394
fowl's feather to the navel. The Infant's head is shaved,
except over the anterior fontanelle, the hair from which
is removed after about a month. Its body is smeared all
over daily with castor-oil and tumeric paste until it is a
month old. The mother then goes with her baby and
husband to her brother's house, where the infant is
presented with a fowl, which is taken home, and eaten
by her husband. The appropriation of the fowl varies
according to the locality. In some places, the infant's
father, and other relations, except the mother, may eat
it, and, in others, both its parents, and relations living in
the house, may do so. In still other places, the father,
paternal grandfather and grandmother, and paternal
uncle, may partake of it.
The naming ceremony among the Kondhs of Gumsur
is thus described by Mr. J. A. R. Stevenson. " Six months
after birth, on a fixed day, they make gaduthuva (the
ceremony of naming the child). On that day, killing a
dog, and procuring liquor, they make baji. They wash
the feet of the child. The Jani being come, he ties a
cord from the haft to the point of a sickle, and they
divine by means of it. Having assembled the petrilu
(literally ancestors, but here denoting household images
or gods), they put rice on the sickle. As the names (of
the ancestors or family ?) are repeated in order, each
time the rice is put on, that name is chosen on the
mention of which the sickle moves, and is given to the
child. They then drink liquor, and eat baji. They give
rice and flesh to the Jani."
Of death ceremonies, the following account is given in
the manual of the Ganjam district. " Immediately after
death, a cloth is wrapped round the corpse, but no cloths
or valuables are removed. A portion of paddy (unhusked
rice), and all the cooking utensils of the deceased are
395 icoNDii
given to the village Sitra. [The Sitras manufacture the
brass rings and bangles worn by the Kondhs.] The
body is then burnt. On the following day, a little rice is
cooked, put on a dish, and laid on the spot where the
corpse was burnt. An incantation is then pronounced,
requesting the spirit of the deceased person to eat the
rice and enjoy itself, and not to change itself into a
devil or tiger, and come bothering the survivors in the
village. Three days after death, the madda ceremony is
performed. An effigy of the deceased is prepared of
straw, which is stuck up in front of or on the roof of the
house, and the relations and friends assemble, lament,
and eat at the expense of the people of the deceased's
house. Each person brings a present of some kind or
other, and, on his departure on the next day, receives
something of slightly higher value. The death of a man
in a village requires a purification, which is made by the
sacrifice of a buffalo on the seventh day after death. If
a man is killed by a tiger, the purification is made by the
sacrifice of a pig, the head of which, cut off with a tangi
(axe) by a Pano, is passed between the legs of the men
in the village, who stand in a line astraddle. It is a bad
omen for him if the head touches any man's legs. If the
Patro attends a funeral, he gfets a fee of a sfoat for firino- his
gun, to drive away the dead man's ghost." According
to Mr. Jayaram Moodaliar, if a person is killed by a
tiger, the head of the decapitated pig is placed in a
stream, and, as it floats down, it has to pass between the
legs of the villagers. If it touches the legs of any of
them, it forebodes that he will be killed by a tiger.
In a note on the death ceremonies in Gumsur, Mr.
J. A. R. Stevenson writes as follows. " On life ceasing,
they tie a sheep to the foot of the corpse. They carry
the clothes, brass eating-dish, brass drinking-vessel,
KONDH 396
ornaments, grain in store, and the said sheep to the
burning-ground. Having burned the body, and gone
around about the pile, they leave all those things there,
and, beating drums, return home. The garments the
Panos take away. They procure liquor, and drink it.
They then go to their respective houses, and eat. On
the next day, they kill a she-buffalo, and get together
a great quantity of liquor. The whole of the tribe (near
and distant relations) being assembled, they make baji,
and eat. They beat drums. If the deceased were of
any consequence, dancers come and dance to the sound
of the drums, to whom some animal is given, which they
take, and go away. Subsequently, on the twelfth day,
they carry a hog to the spot where the body was burned,
and, after perambulating the site of the pyre, return
to their home, where they kill a hog in the place set
apart for their household gods, and, procuring liquor,
make baji, the members of the tribe eating together.
Should a tiger carry off any one, they throw out of
doors all the (preserved) flesh belonging to him, and all
the people of the village, not excepting children, quit
their homes. The Jani, being come with two rods of
the tummeca tree {Acacia arabicd), he plants these in
the earth, and then, bring-ino' one rod of the conda-
tamara tree {Smilax macrophylla), he places it trans-
versely across the other two. The Jani, performing some
incantation, sprinkles water on them. Beginning with
the children, as these and the people pass through the
passage so formed, the Jani sprinkles water on them all.
Afterwards, the whole of them go to their houses, without
looking behind them."
In connection with customs observed in the event of
death, Mr. Jayaram Moodaliar writes that " if a woman's
husband dies, she removes the beads from her neck, the
397 KONDH
metal finger rings, ankle and wrist ornaments, and the
ornament worn in the lobe of one ear, that worn in the
lobe of the other ear being retained. These are thrown on
the chest of the corpse, before it is cremated. The widow
does not remove the ornaments worn in the helices of the
ears, and in the alae and septum of the nose. When a
Khond dies, his body is cremated. The people in the
house of the deceased are not allowed to cook their food on
that or the next day, but are fed by their relations and
friends in the village. On the day after death, rice and a
fowl are cooked separately, put in big leaf cups, and placed
on the spot where the corpse was burnt. The spirit of the
deceased is invited to eat the meal, and asked not to do
them any harm. On the third day, the relations bathe,
and smear their heads with clay. An effigy of the
deceased is made, and stuck up on the roof of the house.
The practice of making an image of the deceased obtains
amono- the Goomsur Khonds, but, in some other places,
is considered inauspicious. On the seventh day, a puri-
ficatory ceremony is gone through, and a buffalo killed,
with which, and the indispensable liquor, the guests are
entertained. At a village two miles from Baliguda,
a boy, about sixteen years old, died. His gold ear-rings
and silver bracelets were not removed, but burnt. His
cloths were thrown on the pyre. Ragi and other grains,
paddy, etc., were placed near the funeral pyre, but not
in the fire. The food-stuffs, and " buffalo, were divided
among the Haddis, who are the servants of the headman
(Patro) of the muttah. They also took the remains of
the jewels, recovered from the ashes after cremation."
It is recorded by Mr. F. Fawcett * that " once after
death, a propitiatory sacrifice is made of animals of the
* Journ. Anthrop. Soc, Bombay, II, 249.
KONDH 398
deceased to the Pidari Pitta (ancestor) for the sake of
the deceased's spirit, which, after this festive introduction
to the shades, must take its chance. A curious cere-
mony, which I do not remember seeing noted anywhere,
is performed the day after death. Some boiled rice and
a small fowl are taken to the burning place. The fowl
is split down the breast, and placed on the spot ; it is
afterwards eaten, and the soul is invoked to enter a new-
born child."
The following note on a Kondh funeral dance in the
Ganjam Maliahs is from the pen of an eye-witness.*
" The dead Patro is, as usual, a hill Uriya, of ancient
lineage, no less than that of the great totem of nola
bompsa or the ancestral wood-pigeon that laid its eggs
in the hollow of a bamboo, from which this family
sprang. Various and most interesting are the totems of
the Maliahs. In passing, I may mention another curious
totem, that of the pea-fowl, two eggs of which a man
brought home to his wife, who laid them in an earthen
pot, and from them sprang a man-child, the progenitor
of a famous family. But to return to the Patro. Before
sunset, mourned by his two wives, the younger and
favourite one carrying a young child of light bamboo
colour, he had been burnt, without much ceremony, in
an open grassy spot, his ashes scattered to the four
winds of heaven, and the spot marked by wooden posts
driven deep into the soil. Not now would be celebrated
the funeral obsequies, but a month hence on the acces-
sion of his eldest son, the future Patro, a fair lad of
eighteen years. As the day for the obsequies drew
near, an unusual bustle filled the air. Potters from the
low country arrived, and hundreds upon hundreds of
* Madras Mail, 1896.
399 KONDH
earthen pots of all sizes and shapes were turned, and
piled in great heaps near the village. Huge buffaloes,
unconscious of their approaching fate, lay tethered near,
or wallowing in bovine luxury in a swamp hard by.
Messengers had been sent far and near to all the Patros,
Molikos, and Bissoyis. Even the Kuttiya Khonds were
not left out. The auspicious morning at length dawned,
when a distinguished company began to arrive, each
chief with his followers, and in many cases his wives
and little children, all dressed in their best, and bent
on enjoying everything to the utmost. I noticed fine
stalwart men from Udiagiri on the edge of the ghauts,
together with Khonds from more civilised Baliguda, and
Khonds from cold and breezy Daringabadi, cheerful in
spite of the numbers of their relatives that had found a
horrid tomb inside a man-eating tiger that since 1886
(together with another ally lately started) had carried
off more than four hundred of their kith and kin.
Distinguished amongst even that wild horde for savagery
were the Khonds from the Kuttiya country, who live on
tops of hills, and whose women are seldom, if ever, seen.
These are remarkable for their enormous quantities of
frizzly hair tied in huge chignons over the right brow,
and decorated with feathers of every hue — the jay, the
parrot, the peacock and the white quills of the paddy-
bird predominating. Their short, sturdy limbs are hung
in every direction with necklaces and curious blue beads
and cut agates, said to be dug out of ancient burial
places and cromlechs in Central India. Certain it is
that almost no inducement will prevail on a Khond to
voluntarily part with these precious heirlooms. As each
fresh detachment arrived, their first occupation was to
go to a neighbouring tank (pond), and, after a wash and
decoration of head and hair with either the orthodox
KONDH 400
feathers, or, prettier still, with wreaths of wild flowers,
to repair to the late chief's house, and, presenting them-
selves at the door, condole, with much vigour of lungs,
with the now less disconsolate widows on their recent
loss. This ceremony over, they tendered their allegiance
to the young son of the dead Patro, permitted by
Government to take his place, and each man received
from him an earthen cooking-pot, and each circle of
villages a buffalo. The Khond is a beef eater, but a
curious custom prevails in some parts, that a married
woman must abstain from the flesh of a cow. These
preliminary ceremonies over, the crowd adjourned, with
great noise of shouting, blowing of buffalo horns, and
beating of drums, to the open grassy spot marked by
posts, where the late Patro had been burned, and
where a recently killed buffalo, weltering in its gore,
now lay. Among the throng of men, women and
children, most of the former more than slightly elevated
by drinking copious draughts of a kind of beer made
from the kuhari grain, were three Khond s carrying long
poles surmounted by huge bunches of peacock feathers
that blazed in the sunlight like emeralds and sapphires.
The funeral dance now commenced. The dance itself
is simple in the extreme, for, when the right spot was
reached, old men and young began gyrating round and
round in a large circle, a perfect human merry-go-round.
The old grey-beards, plodding slowly round the ring,
and stamping on the soil with their aged feet, presented
a great contrast to the younger and wilder men, who
capered and pranced about, sometimes outside the circle,
waving their tanghis in the air, and every now and then
leaping up to the slain buffalo, and dipping their axes
into its blood, and then back again, dancing more wildly
than ever, round and round from west to east, till the
40I KONDH
eye ached to behold the perpetual motion of this animated
wheel. In the centre revolved the three men with
the huge bunches of peacock feathers afore-mentioned.
When any dropped out of the circle to rest there were
many eager and willing to take their places, and so, 'vith
relays of fresh dancers, this human circle revolved on
for three whole days, only ceasing at nightfall, when by
large fires the various tribes cooked in the earthen pots
provided the buffaloes presented by the new Patro. In
olden days, an animal was given to each village, but on
this occasion only to a circle of villages, occasioning
thereby certain grumblings among the wiseacres for the
good old days of the past, when not only buffaloes in
plenty, but Meriah human victims as well were lavishly
provided and sacrificed. * Ichabod,' said they in Khond,
'the glory of the Maliahs hath departed.' On the after-
noon of the third day, the Patros, Molikas, Bissoyis, and
others of the great men began to depart with their
retainers for their distant homes in the jungles, having
had a thoroughly good time. The women, who had
been very shy at first, fled at my approach, now, after
three days' familiarity with a white face, began to show
symptoms of friendliness, so that they allowed me to go
quite near to them to examine their pretty necklaces of
coloured grasses, silver coins, and curious beads, and to
count the numbers of small sticks (generally about twelve
or fifteen) of broom that were arranged in the shape of
a crescent round the outer edges of the pierced ears of
each unmarried village belle, and to observe at close
quarters the strange tattooed patterns in blue of zig-
zag and curve that to my eyes disfigured their other-
wise comely faces. As to beauty of figure, I think
very few can compare with a young and well-grown
Khond maiden, with her straight back and handsome
ni-26
KONDH 402
proportions. It was, therefore, without much difficulty
that I persuaded some of them to dance before me. Six
buxom girls stepped out, all of them the respectable
daughters of well-to-do Khonds, prepared to dance
the famous peacock dance. Round their supple but
massive waists was twisted the strip of national
Khond cloth of blue, red and white, and for bodices
what could be more becoming than their glossy brown
skins of nature's millinery, gracefully wreathed with
garlands of coloured grasses and strings of gay beads.
The polished jet black hair, neatly tied in a knot at the
back, and decorated with pretty lacquered and silver
combs, or with forest flowers, added yet more to their
picturesque appearance. Each girl now took a long strip
of white cloth, and, winding it round her waist, allowed
one end to trail at the back in the fashion of a Liberty
sash. This was supposed to represent the tail of the
peacock. Three of the girls then faced the three others,
and, with their left hands resting on their hips, and
their elbows sticking out (to represent the wings), and
the right arms extended in froot with the fingers out-
stretched to simulate the neck and beak, began to dance
to the ear-piercing shrieks of cracked trumpet, and to
the deep beatings of a Maliah drum marking excellent
time. On and on they danced, advancing and retiring,
and now and then crossing over (not unlike the first
figure of the quadrille), while their tinkling feet, ' like
little mice, stole in and out,' the heels alternately clash-
ing against each other, in exact time to the music,
and the lips gracefully waving from side to side as
they advanced or retired. There was perfect grace of
movements combined with extreme modesty, the large
expressive eyes veiled by the long lashes never once
being raised, and the whole demeanour utterly oblivious
403 KONDH
to the crowd of enthusiastic admirers that surrounded
them on all sides. But for the wild scene around, the
noise and shrieking of instruments, and the fantastic
dresses of the Khonds (many of whom had buffalo horns
tied on to their painted faces, or had decorated their
heads with immense wigs of long black hair), one might
easily have supposed these shrinking damsels to have
been the pick of a Mission School specially selected for
propriety to dance the South Indian kummi before, say,
an itinerant Bishop of ascetic tendencies and aesthetic
temperament. When their heaving, panting bodies
showed that exhausted nature claimed them for her own,
the man with the trumpet or the drum would rush up,
and blow or beat it almost under their drooping heads,
urging them with shouts and gesticulations to further
energy, till at length the shades of night crept over the
hills, and, with one accord, the dancing and the deafen-
ing music ceased, while the six girls stole quietly back
and were soon lost in the crowd."
Of superstitions among the Kondhs, the following
are recorded by Mr. Jayaram Moodaliar : —
" When a Kondh starts out on a shooting expedi-
tion, if he first meets an adult female, married or
unmarried, he will return home, and ask a child to tell
the females to keep out of his way. He will then make
a fresh start, and, if he meets a female, will wave his
hand to her as a sign that she must keep clear of
him. Before a party start out for shooting, they warn
the females not to come in their way. The Kondh
believes that, if he sees a female, he will not come
across animals in the jungle to shoot. If a woman is
in her menses, her husband, brothers, and sons living
under the same roof, will not go out shooting for the
same reason.
III-26 B
KONDH 404
A Kondh will not leave his village when a jathra
(festival) is being celebrated, lest the god Pennu should
visit his wrath on him.
They will not cut trees, which yield products
suitable for human consumption, such as the mango, jak,
jambul {Eugenia Jambolana), or iluppai {Bassia) from
which they distil a spirituous liquor. Even though these
trees prevent the growth of a crop in the fields, they
will not cut them down.
If an owl hoots over the roof of a house, or on a
tree close thereto, it is considered unlucky, as foreboding
a death in the family at an early date. If an owl hoots
close to a village, but outside it, the death of one of the
villagers will follow. For this reason, the bird is pelted
with stones, and driven off.
They will not kill a crow, as this would be a sin
amounting to the killing of a friend. According to their
legend, soon after the creation of the world there was a
family consisting of an aged man and woman, and four
children, who died one after the other in quick succes-
sion. Their parents were too aged to take the necessary
steps for their cremation, so they threw the bodies away
on the ground, at some distance from their home. God
appeared to them in their dreams one night, and pro-
mised that he would create the crow, so that it might
devour the dead bodies.
They do not consider it a sin to kill a Brahminy
kite {Haliasttcr Indus : Garuda pakshi), which is held in
veneration throughout Southern India. A Kondh will
kill it for so slight an offence as carrying off his chickens.
They will not cut the crops with a sickle with a
serrated edge, such as is used by the Oriyas, but use a
straight-edged knife. The crops, after they have been
cut, are removed to the village, and threshed by hand,
405 KONDH
and not with the help of cattle. While this is being
done, strangers (Kondh or others) may not look on the
crop, or speak to them, lest their evil eye should be
cast on them. If a stranger is seen approaching near the
threshing-floor, the Kondhs keep him off by signalling
to him with their hands, without speaking. The serrated
sickle is not used, because it produces a sound like that
of cattle grazing, which would be unpropitious. If cattle
were used in threshing the crop, it is believed that the
earth god would feel insulted by the dung and urine of
the animals.
They believe that they can transform themselves
into tigers or snakes, half the soul leaving the body and
becoming changed into one of these animals, either to
kill an enemy, or satisfy hunger by having a good feed
on cattle in the jungle. During this period, they are
believed to feel dull and listless, and disinclined for
work, and, if a tiger is killed in the forest, they will
die synchronously. Mr. Fawcett informs me that the
Kondhs believe that the soul wanders during sleep. On
one occasion, a dispute arose owing to a man discover-
ing that another Kondh, whose spirit used to wander
about in the guise of a tiger, ate up his spirit, and he
became ill.
When cholera breaks out in a village, all males
and females smear their bodies from head to foot with
pig's fat liquefied by heat, and continue to do so until
a few days after the disappearance of the dread disease.
During this time, they do not bathe, lest the smell of the
fat should be washed away."
The Kondhs are said * to prevent the approach of
the goddess of small-pox by barricading the paths with
* Macpherson. Memorials of Service in India.
KONDH 406
thorns and ditches, and boiling caldrons of stinking oil.
The leopard is looked upon in some way as a sacred
beast by the Kondhs of the northern Maliahs. They
object to a dead leopard being carried through their
villages, and oaths are taken on a leopard's skin.
Referring to elf stones, or stones of the dead in
European countries, to which needles, buttons, milk,
eggs, etc., are offered, Mr. F. Fawcett describes * a
Kondh ceremony, in which the ground under a tree was
cleared in the form of a square, within which were
circles of saffron (turmeric), charcoal, rice, and some
yellow powder, as well as an egg or a small chicken.
A certain Kondh had fever caused by an evil spirit, and
the ceremony was an invitation to it to come out, and
go to another village.
The following account of a cow-shed sacrifice is given
by Mr. Fawcett. t " A special liquor is brewed from
grain for the ceremony, on the first day of which there is
a general fast, a pig is bought by general subscription,
and dragged to the place where it is to be sacrificed by
a rope ' through its belly.' The pig is stoned to death,
but, ere it dies, each Khond cuts off some of the hair
and a little piece of the ear, which are treasured. The
meat is divided among them, and cooked with rice. The
priest goes from house to house, and performs the
ceremony of the cow-shed. The ropes of the cattle
(chiefly buffaloes) which are out grazing are tied to the
central point in the cow-shed, and the other ends are
laid on the ground across the shed. These ropes are
the visible objects, to which sacrifice is made. The
head of a chicken is buried near the ends tied to the
post, and near it are ranged leaves, on which are placed
* Journ., Anlh. Soe., Bombay, II, 1890. t ^^i<^-
407 KONDH
rice, flesh of the pig, and a bit of its ear. A little in front
of these is buried a rotten egg. The chicken, whose
head is buried, is boiled, and eaten by children who
have not yet donned a cloth. The Khond puts the rice,
piece of the ear, and the hair of the pig, under the roof.
In the evening the cattle come home, and are tied by
the ropes used in the ceremony. Then the women
break their fast — they musl eat then. Drinking and
dancing occupy the two following days, during which no
manure is removed from the cow-shed. On the third
day, the Khonds come out with a lump of it in the hand,
and throw it in one place, forming a heap, on which the
priest pours liquor and rice."
The following example of a Kondh oath is given by
Mr. J. A. R. Stevenson. " The subject of the circum-
stance is first repeated by the swearing party, and a
basket containing the following things is held before
him : —
A blood-sucker (lizard).
A bit of tiger's skin.
A peacock's feather.
Earth from a ' white-ant ' hill.
Rice mixed with fowl's blood.
A lighted lamp.
He proceeds with his oath, touching each object in
the basket at that part of the oath which refers to that
object. ' Oh ! father (god), I swear, and, if I swear
falsely, then, Oh ! father, may I become shrivelled and
dry like a blood-sucker, and thus die. May I be killed
by a tiger. May I crumble to dust like this white-ant's
hill. May I be blown about like this feather. May I
be extinguished like this lamp.' In saying the last words,
he puts a few grains of rice in his mouth, and blows out
the lamp, and the basket with its contents is made to
touch the top of his head."
KONDH 408
In 1904, a case illustrating the prevailing belief in
witchcraft occurred in the Vizagapatam hill tracts. The
youngest of three brothers died of fever, and, when the
body was cremated, the fire failed to consume the upper
portion. The brothers concluded that death must have
been caused by the witchcraft of a certain Kondh. They
accordingly attacked him, and killed him. After death,
the brothers cut the body in half, and dragged the upper
half to their own village, where they attempted to nail
it up on the spot where their deceased brother's body
failed to burn. The accused were arrested on the spot,
with the fragment of the Kondh's corpse. They were
sentenced to death, and the sentence was confirmed by
the High Court.*
In 1906, a Kondh, suspecting a Pano girl of having
stolen some cloths and a silver ornament from him, went
to the dhengada house in Sollagodo, where the girl slept
with other unmarried girls, and took her to his village,
where he confined her in his house. On the following
day, he took her to an Oriya trader, who thrashed her,
in order to make her confess to the theft. Subsequently,
some of the villagers collected to see her undergo the
ordeal of boiling water. A pot nearly full of water
was boiled, some cow-dung and sacred rice added, and a
rupee placed in the pot. The girl was ordered to take
out the rupee. This she did three times, but, on the
fourth occasion, the water scalded her hand and forearm.
She was then ordered to pay as a fine her ear-ring,
which was worth one rupee. This she did, as it was the
custom for an unsuccessful person to hand over some
property. Her right hand was practically destroyed as
the result of the scalding. An elderly Patro (headman)
* Madras Police Report, 1904,
409 KONDH
deposed that the ordinary practice in trials of this sort
is to place two pots of water, one boiling and the other
cold. In the boiling water a rupee and some rice are
placed, and the suspected person has to take out the
rupee once, and should then dip his hand in the cold
water. If the hand is then scalded, the person is consi-
dered guilty, and has to pay a fine to the caste.
In trial by immersion in water, the disputants dive
into a pool, and he who can keep under water the longest
is considered to be in the right. On one occasion, some
years ago, when two villages were disputing the right of
possession of a certain piece of land, the Magistrate
resorted to a novel method to settle the dispute. He
instituted a tug-of-water between an equal number of
representatives of the contending parties. The side
which won took possession of the disputed property, to
the satisfaction of all.*
In connection with sacred rice, which has been
referred to above, reference may be made to the custom
of Mahaprasad Songatho. "It is prevalent among the
Khonds and other hill tribes of Ganjam and Orissa, and
is found among the Oriyas. Sangatho means union or
friendship. Mahaprasad Songatho is friendship sworn
by mahaprasad, i.e., cooked rice consecrated to god
Jagannath of Puri. The remains of the offering are
dried and preserved. All pilgrims visiting Puri invari-
ably get a quantity of this mahaprasad, and freely
distribute it to those who ask for it. It is regarded as
a sacred thing, endowed with supreme powers of for-
giving the sins and wrongs of men by mere touch. It
is not only holy itself, but also sanctifies everything
done in its presence. It is believed that one dare not
* Madras Mail, 1894.
KONDH 410
commit a foul deed, utter a falsehood, or even entertain
an evil thought, when it is held in the hands. On
account of such beliefs, witnesses in law suits (especially
Oriyas) are asked to swear by it when giving evidence.
Mahaprasad Songatho is sworn friendship between two
individuals of the same sex. Instances are on record of
friendship contracted between a wealthy and cultured
townsman and a poor village rustic, or between a Brahmin
woman of high family and a Sudra servant. Songatho
is solemnised with some ceremonies. On an auspicious
day fixed for the purpose, the parties to the Songatho,
with their relatives, friends and well-wishers, go to a
temple in procession to the festive music of flutes and
drum. There, in that consecrated place, the would-be
friends take a solemn oath, with the god before them,
mahaprasad in their hands, and the assemblage to
witness that they w^ill be lifelong friends, in spite of any
changes that might come over them or their families.
The ceremony closing, there will be dinners, gifts
and presents on both sides, and the day is all mirth and
merriment. Thus bound by inseparable ties of friend-
ship, they live to the end of their lives on terms of
extreme intimacy and affection. They seize every
opportunity of meeting, and living in each other's
company. They allow no festival to pass without an
exchange of new cloths, and other valuable presents.
No important ceremony is gone through in any one's
house without the other being invited. Throughout
the year, they will send each other the various fruits
and vegetables in their respective seasons. If one dies,
his or her family does not consider the bond as having
been snapped, but continues to look upon the other
more or less in the same manner as did the deceased.
The survivor, if in need of help, is sure to receive
411 KONDH
assistance and sympathy from the family of the deceased
friend. This is how the institution is maintained by the
less civilised Oriyas of the rural parts. The romance
of the Songatho increases with the barbarity of the
tribe. The Khonds, and other hill tribes, furnish us
with an example of Songatho, which retains all its
primitive simplicity. Among them, Songatho is ideal
friendship, and examples of Damon and Pythias are not
rare. A Khond has been known to ruin himself for the
sake of his friend. He willingly sacrifices all that he
has, and even his life, to protect the interests of his
friend. The friends have nothing but affection for
each other." *
It is noted, in the Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam
district, that " the Khonds steal cattle, especially those
belonging to Brinjari gangs, in an open manner, for the
sake of their fiesh. In 1898, at Veppiguda near Gudari
a party of them attacked four constables who were
patrolling the country to check these thefts, thrashed
them, and carried off all their property and uniforms.
Efforts to arrest these men resulted in the inhabitants
of their village fleeing to the hills, and, for a time, it
looked as if there was danger of others joining them,
and of the Khonds going out. In 1882, the Khonds of
Kalahandi State rose against the Uriyas, and murdered
some hundreds of them. Luckily the invitation to join
them, conveyed by the circulation of the head, fingers,
hair, etc., of an early victim, was not accepted by the
Khonds of this district." The news of the rising was
conveyed to Mr. H. G. Prendergast, Assistant Superin-
tendent of Police, by a Domb disguised as a fakir, who
carried the report concealed in his languti (cloth). He
* Madras Mail, 190S.
KONDH 412
was rewarded with a silver bangle. At a meeting held
at the village of Balwarpur, it was decided that the
Kultas should all be killed and swept out of the country.
As a sign of this, the Kondhs carried brooms about.
At Asurgarh the police found four headless corpses, and
learnt from the widows all that they had to say about
the atrocities. The murders had been committed in the
most brutal way. All the victims were scalped while
still alive, and one had an arm and a leg cut off before
being scalped. As each victim died, his death was
announced by three taps on a drum given slowly,
followed by shouting and dancing. The unfortunate
men were dragged out of their houses, and killed before
their women and children. Neither here nor anywhere
else were the women outraged, though they were
threatened with death to make them give up buried
treasure. One woman was in this way made to dig
up a thousand rupees. On a tamarind tree near the
village of Billat, affixed to it as a trophy, there was the
scalped head of a Kulta, hacked about in the most
horrible way.*
The fact is noted by Mr. Jayaram Moodaliar that the
Kondh system of notation is duodecimal. Thirteen is
twelve and one, forty three twelves and four, and so
forth.
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413 KONDH
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Risley, H. H. The Tribes and Castes of Bengal,
I 397-413.I1891.
415 KONDRA
Smith, Major J. McD. Practical Handbook of the
Khond Language, 1876, Cuttack.
Taylor, Rev. W. On the Language, Manners, and
Rites of the Khonds or Khoi Jati of the Goomsur
Mountains from documents furnished by J. A. R.
Stevenson. Madras Journ. Lit. and Science, VI, 17-46,
1837-
Taylor, Rev. W. Some Additional Notes on the
Hill Inhabitants of the Goomsur Mountains. Madras
Journ., Lit. and Science, VII, 89-104, 1838.
Kondra. — The Kondras or Kondoras are a fishing
caste in Ganjam, who fish in ponds, lakes, rivers, and
backwaters, but are never engaged in sea-fishing. It has
been suggested that the name is derived from konkoda,
a crab, as they catch crabs in the Chilka lake, and sell
them. The Kondras rank very low in the social scale,
and even the Haddis refuse to beat drums for them, and
will not accept partially boiled rice, which they have
touched. In some places, the members of the caste call
themselves Dasa Divaro, and claim descent from the
boatmen who rowed the boat when King Bharatha went to
Chithrakutam, to inform Rama of the death of Dasaratha.
Apparently the caste is divided into two endogamous
sections, viz., Macha Kondras, who follow the traditional
occupation of fishing, and Dandasi Khondras, who have
taken to the duties of village watchmen. As examples
of septs or bamsams, the following may be cited : —
kako (crow), bilva (jackal), gaya (cow), kukkiriya (dogs),
ghasia (grass), bholia (wild dog), sanguna (vulture). A
few said that reverence is paid to the animals after which
the bamsam is named before the marriage ceremonies,
but this was denied by others. The headman of the
caste is styled Behara, and he is assisted by the
Dolobehara and Bhollobaya. There is also a caste
KONDRA 416
messenger called Chattia. The Behara receives a fee
of a rupee on occasions of marriage, and one anna for
death ceremonies.
Girls are married either before or after puberty.
Sometimes a girl is married in performance of a vow to
the sahada [Strebltis asper) tree. The ground round the
tree is cleaned, a new cloth is then tied round the trunk,
and a bow and arrow are rested against it. The Behara
officiates as priest, and on behalf of the girl, places near
the tree twelve handfuls or measures of rice and twelve
of dal (peas : Cajanus indicus), and twelve pieces of
string on a leaf, as provisions for the bridegroom. If
the girl has not reached maturity, she must remain
seven days near the tree ; otherwise she remains four
days. On the last day, the Behara, sitting close to the
tree, says : " We have given you provisions for twelve
years. Give us a tsado-patra (deed of separation)."
This is written on a palmyra leaf, and thrown down
near the tree.
The dead are cremated, and the corpses of both men
and women are said to be placed face downwards on the
pyre. Among many other castes, only those of women
are placed in this position. The death ceremonies are
similar to those observed by many Oriya castes. A bit
of bone is removed from the burning-ground, and food
offered to it daily until the tenth day, when all the
agnates, as well as the brothers-in-law and sons-in-law
of the deceased, are shaved. The sons of the sister of
the dead person are also expected to be shaved if they
are fatherless ; but, if their father is alive, they are
shaved on the following day.
The Kondras regard Ganga-devi as their caste deity,
but worship also other deities, e.g., Chamunda, Buddhi,
and Kalika.
417 KONGA VELLALA
Konga.— Konga or Kongu Is a territorial term,
meaning inhabitant of the Kongu country. It has, at
recent times of census, been returned as a division of a
large number of classes, mostly Tamil, which include
Ambattan, Kaikolan, Kammalan, Kuravan, Kusavan,
Malayan, Odde, Fallen, Paraiyan, Shanan, Uppara, and
Vellala. It is used as a term of abuse among the
Badagas of the Nilgiri hills. Those, for example, who
made mistakes in matching Holmgren's wools, were
scornfully called Konga by the onlookers. Similarly, in
parts of the Tamil country, a tall, lean and stupid
individual is called a Kongan.
Konga Vellala.— For the following note on the
Konga Vellalas of the Trichinopoly district, I am in-
debted to Mr. F. R. Hemingway. They seem to have
little in common with the other Vellalas, except their
name, and appear to hold a lower position in society, for
Reddis will not cat with them, and they will dine with
Tottlyans and others of the lower non- Brahman castes.
They live in compact communities, generally in hamlets.
Their dwellings are generally thatched huts, containing
only one room. They are cultivators, but not well off.
Their men can generally be recognized by the number
of large gold rings which they wear in the lobes of the
cars, and the pendant (murugu), which hangs from the
upper part of the ears. Their women have a character-
istic tali (marriage badge) of large size, strung on to
a number of cotton threads, which are not, as among
other castes, twisted together. They also seem always
to wear an ornament called tayittu, rather like the
common cylindrical talisman, on the lelt arm.
The Konga Vellalas are split into two endogamous
divisions, viz., the Konga Vellalas proper, and the Tondan
or Ilakanban-kuttam (servant or Inferior sub-division).
ni-27
KONGA VELLALA 418
The latter are admittedly the offspring of illegitimate
intercourse with outsiders by girls and widows of the
caste, who have been expelled in consequence of their
breach of caste rules.
The Kongas proper have an elaborate caste organi-
sation. Their country is divided into twenty-four nadus,
each comprising a certain number of villages, and
possessing recognised head-quarters, which are arranged
into four groups under the villages of Palayakottai,
Kangayam, Pudur and Kadayur, all in the Coimbatorc
district. Each village is under a Kottukkaran, each
nadu under a Nattu-kavundan or Periyatanakkaran, and
each group under a Pattakkaran. The last is treated
with considerable respect. He wears gold toe-rings, is
not allowed to see a corpse, and is always saluted with
clasped hands. He is only occasionally called in to
settle caste disputes, small matters being settled by the
Kottukkarans, and matrimonial questions by the Nattu-
kavundan. Both the Kongas proper, and the Tondans
have a large number of exogamous septs, the names of
which generally denote some article, the use of which is
taboo, e.g., kadai (quail), pannai {Ce/osia aj'gentea, a pot-
herb). The most desirable match for a boy is his
maternal uncle's daughter. To such an extent is the
preference for such unions carried out, that a young boy
is often married to a grown-up woman, and it is admitted
that, in such cases, the boy's father takes upon himself
the duties of a husband until his son has reached
maturity, and that the wife is allowed to consort with
any one belonging to the caste whom she may fancy,
provided that she continues to live in her husband's
house. With widows, who are not allowed to remarry,
the rules are more strict. A man convicted of undue
intimacy with a widow is expelled from the caste, unless
419 KONGA VELLALA
she consents to his leaving her and going back to the
caste, and he provides her with adequate means to Hve
separately. The form of consent is for the woman to say
that she is only a mud vessel, and has been broken
because polluted, whereas the man is of bell-metal,
and cannot be utterly polluted. The erring man is
readmitted to the caste by being taken to the village
common, where he is beaten with an erukkan (arka :
Calotropis gigantea) stick, and by providing a black
sheep for a feast to his relatives.
At weddings and funerals, the Konga Vellalas employ
priests of their own caste, called Arumaikkarans and
Arumaikkaris. These must be married people, who
have had children. The first stage, so far as a wife is
concerned, is to become an clutingalkari (woman of seven
Mondays), without which she cannot wear a red mark on
her forehead, or get any of her children married. This
is effected, after the birth of at least one child, by
observing a ceremonial at her father's house. A pandal
(booth) of green leaves is erected in the house, and a
fillet of pungam [Pongamia glabra) and tamarind twigs
is placed round her head. She is then presented with
a new cloth, prepares some food and eats it, and steps
over a mortar. A married couple wait until one of their
children is married, and then undergo the ceremony
called arumaimanam at the hands of ten Arumaikkarans
and some Pulavans (bards among the Kaikolans), who
touch the pair with some green grass dipped in sandal and
water, oil, etc. The man then becomes an Arumaikkaran,
and his wife an Arumaikkari. All people of arumai rank
are treated with great respect, and, when one of them dies,
a drum is beaten by a man standing on another man's
shoulders, who receives as a present seven measures of
grain measured, and an equal quantity unmeasured.
in-27 B
KONGA VELLALA 420
The betrothal ceremony takes place at the house of the
future bride, in the presence of both the maternal uncles,
and consists in tying fruit and betel leaf in the girl's
cloth. On the wedding day, the bridegroom is shaved,
and an Arumaikkari pours water over him. If he has
a sister, the ceremony of betrothing his prospective
daughter to her son, is performed. He then goes on
horseback, carr^^ing some fruit and a pestle, to a stone
planted for the occasion, and called the nattukal, which
he worships. The stone is supposed to represent the
Kongu king, and the pestle the villagers, and the whole
ceremony is said to be a relic of a custom of the ancient
Kongu people, to which the caste formerly belonged,
which required them to obtain the sanction of the king
for every marriage. On his return from the nattukal,
balls of white and coloured rice are taken round the
bridegroom, to ward off the evil eye. His mother then
ofives him three mouthfuls of food, and eats the remainder
herself, to indicate that henceforth she will not provide
him with meals. A barber then blesses him, and he
repairs on horseback to the bride's house, where he is
received by one of her party similarly mounted. His
ear-rings are put in the bride's ears, and the pair are
carried on the shoulders of their maternal uncles to the
nattukal. On their return thence, they are touched by
an Arumaikkaran with a betel leaf dipped in oil, milk and
water. The tali (marriage badge) is worshipped and
blessed, and the Arumaikkaran ties it on her neck. The
barber then pronounces an elaborate blessing, which runs
as follows : " Live as long as the sun and moon may
endure, or Pasupatisvarar (Siva) at Karur. May your
branches spread like the banyan tree, and your roots
like grass, and may you flourish like the bamboo. May
ye twain be like the flower and the thread, which
42 1 ICONlCA^Nl
together form the garland and cleave together, like water
and the reed growing in it." If a Pulavan is present, he
adds a further blessing, and the little fingers of the con-
tracting- couple are linked together, anointed with milk,
and then separated.
The death ceremonies are not peculiar, except that the
torch for the pyre is carried by a Paraiyan, and not, as
among most castes, by the chief mourner, and that no cere-
monies are performed after the third day. The custom
is to collect the bones on that day and throw them into
water. The barber then pours a mixture of milk and
ghi (clarified butter) over a green tree, crying poll, poli.
The caste has its own beggars, called Mudavandi
{q.v.).
Kongara (crane). — An exogamous sept of Padma
Sale, and Kamma.
Konhoro. — A title of Bolasi.
Konkani. — Defined, in the Madras Census Report,
1901, as a territorial or linguistic term, meaning a
dweller in the Konkan country (Canara), or a person
speaking the Konkani dialect of Marathi. Kadu Kon-
kani (bastard Konkani) is a name opposed to the God
or pure Konkanis. In South Canara, " the Konkani
Brahmans are the trading and shop-keeping class, and,
in the most out-of-the-w^ay spots, the Konkani village
shop is to be found." *
The following note on Konkanis is extracted from
the Travancore Census Report, 1901. " The Konkanis
include the Brahman, Kshatriya, and Vaisya castes of
the Sarasvata section of the Cauda Brahmans. l^hc
Brahmans of this community differ, however, from the
Konkanastha Maharashtra Brahmans belonging to the
* Manual of the South Canara district.
kONKANI 422
Dravida group. The Konkani Sudras who have settled
on this coast are known by a different name, Kudumikkar.
The Konkanis' original habitation is the bank of the
Sarasvati, a river well known in early Sanskrit works,
but said to have lost itself in the sands of the deserts
north of Rajputana. According to the Sahyadrikanda,
a branch of these Sarasvatas lived in Tirhut in Bengal,
whence ten families were brought over by Parasurama
to Gomantaka, the modern Goa, Panchakrosi, and
Kusasthali. Attracted by the richness and beauty of the
new country, others followed, and the whole population
settled themselves in sixty villages and ninety-six
hamlets in and around Goa, the settlers in the former
being called Shashtis (Sanskrit for sixty), and those in
the latter being called Shannavis or Shenavis (Sanskrit
for ninety-six). The history of those Sarasvatas was one
of uninterrupted general and commercial prosperity until
about twenty years after the advent of the Portuguese.
When King Emanuel died and King John succeeded
him, the policy of the Goanese Government is believed
to have changed in favour of religious persecution. A
larcfe efflux to the Canarese and Tulu countries was the
result. Thence the Konkanis appear to have migrated
to Travancore and Cochin, and found a safe haven under
the rule of their Hindu sovereigns. In their last homes,
the Konkanis extended and developed their commerce,
built temples, and endowed them so magnificently that
the religious institutions of that community, especially at
Cochin and Alleppey, continue to this day almost the
richest in all Malabar.
" Canter Visscher writes* that 'the Canarese who
are permanently settled in Malabar are the race best
* Letters from Malabar. Translation. Madras, 1862.
4^3 KONSARl
known to the Europeans, not only because the East
India Company trade with them and appoint one of
their members to be their merchant, giving him the
attendance of two Dutch soldiers : but also because from
the shops of these people in town we obtain all our
necessaries, except animal food. Some sell rice, others
fruits, others various kinds of linen, and some again
are money-changers, so that there is hardly one who
is not engaged in trade.' The occupation of the Kon-
kanis has been commerce ever since the advent of the
Portuguese in India. Some of them make papatams *
(popadams) which is a condiment of almost universal
consumption in Malabar. Till recently, the Konkanis
in Travancore knew nothing else than trade. But
now, following the example of their kinsmen in Bombay
and South Canara, they are gradually taking to other
professions.
" Having settled themselves in the Canarese districts,
most of the Konkanis came under the influence of
Madhavacharya, unlike the Shenavis, who still continue
to be Smartas. The worship of Venkataramana, the
presiding deity of the Tirupati shrine, is held in great
importance. Every Konkani temple is called Tirumala
Devasmam, as the divinity that resides on the sacred hill
(Tirumala) is represented in each."
Konsari. — The Konsaris derive their name from
konsa, a bell-metal dish. They are Oriya workers in
bell-metal, and manufacture dishes, cups and plates.
Brahmans are employed by them as purohits (priests)
and gurus (preceptors). They eat fish and mutton, but
* Fine cakes made of gram flour and a fine species of alkali, which gives them
an agreeable taste, and serves the purpose of making them rise and become very
crisp when fried.
kOONAPILLI VANt)LU 424
not fowls or beef, and drink liquor. Marriage is infant.
Remarriage of widows and divorct^cs is permitted,
Koonapilli vandlu. — Beggars attached to Padma
Sales.
Koppala. — A section ofVelamas, who tie the hair
in a knot (koppu) on the top of the head, and an
exogamous sept of Mutrachas, whose females do up
their hair in a knot when they reach puberty.
Kora (sun). — A sept of Gadaba, Muka Dora, and
Rona.
Koracha. — See Korava.
Koraga. — The Koragas are summed up, in the
Madras Census Report, 1901, as being a wild tribe of
basket-makers and labourers, chiefly found in Mudbidrl,
and in Puttur in the Uppinangadi taluk of South Canara.
They are, Mr. M. T. Walhouse writes,* "a very quiet
and inoffensive race ; small and slight, the men seldom
exceeding five feet six inches ; black-skinned, like most
Indian aborigines, thick-lipped, noses broad and llat, and
hair rough and bushy. Their principal occupation is
basket-making, and they must labour for their masters.
They live on the outskirts of villages, and may not
dwell in houses of clay Or mud, but in huts of leaves,
called koppus. Like many of the wild tribes of India,
they are distinguished by unswerving truthfulness. The
word of a Koragar is proverbial."
The Koragas rank below the Holeyas. In some
towns, they are employed by the sanitary department
as scavengers. They remove the hide, horns, and bones
of cattle and buffaloes, which die in the villages, and sell
them mainly to Mappilla merchants. They accept food,
which is left over after feasts held by various castes.
* Journ. Anthrop, Inst,, IV., 1875.
425 KORAGA
Some arc skilful in the manufacture of cradles, baskets,
cylinders to hold paddy, winnowing and sowinor baskets,
scale-pans, boxes, rice-water strainers, ring-stands for
supporting pots, coir (cocoanut fibre) rope, brushes for
washing cattle, etc. They also manufacture various
domestic utensils from soapstone, which they sell at
a very cheap rate to shopkeepers in the bazar.
"Numerous slave-castes," Mr. Walhousc continues,
" exist throughout India, not of course recognised by
law— indeed formally emancipated by an Act of Govern-
ment in 1843— but still, though improved in condition,
virtually slaves. Their origin and status are thus
described. After the four principal classes, who sprang
from Brahma, came six Anuloma castes, which arose
from the intercourse of Briihrnans and Kshatriyas with
women of the classes below them respectively. The
term Anuloma denotes straight and regular hair, which
in India characterises the Aryan stock. After these
came six Pratiloma castes, originating in reverse order
from Brahman and Kshatriya women by fathers of the
inferior classes. The third among these was the Chan-
dala, the offspring of Shudra fathers by Brahman women.
The Chandalas, or slaves, were sub-divided into fifteen
classes, none of which might intermarry, a rule still
strictly observed. The two last, and lowest of the
fifteen classes, are the Kapata or rag-wearing, and the
Soppu or leaf-wearing Koragas. Such is the account
given by Brahman chroniclers ; but the probability is that
these lowest slave-castes are the descendants of that
primitive population which the Aryan invaders from the
north found occupying the soil, and, after a struggle of
ages, gradually dispossessed, driving some to the hills
and jungles, and reducing others to the condition of
slaves. All these races are regarded by their Hindu
KORAGA 426
masters with boundless contempt, and held unspeakably-
unclean. This feeling seems the result and witness of
times when the despised races were powerful, and to be
approached as lords by their now haughty masters, and
was probably intensified by struggles and uprisings, and
the memory of humiliations inflicted on the ultimately
successful conquerors. Evidences for this may be inferred
from many curious rights and privileges, which the
despised castes possess and tenaciously retain. More-
over, the contempt and loathing in which they are
ordinarily held are curiously tinctured with superstitious
fear, for they are believed to possess secret powers of
magic and witchcraft, and influence with the old malignant
deities of the soil, who can direct good or evil fortune.
As an instance, if a Brahman mother's children die off
when young, she calls a Koragar woman, gives her some
oil, rice, and copper money, and places the surviving
child in her arms. The out-caste woman, who may not
at other times be touched, gives the child suck, puts on
it her iron bracelets, and, if a boy, names it Koragar, if
a girl, Korapulu. She then returns it to the mother.
This is believed to give a new lease of life. Again,
when a man is dangerously ill, or perhaps unfortunate,
he pours oil into an earthen vessel, worships it in
the same way as the family god, looks at his face
reflected in the oil, and puts into it a hair from his
head and a nail paring from his toe. The oil is then
presented to the Koragars, and the hostile gods or
stars are believed to be propitiated." According to
Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao,* old superstitious Hindus
never venture to utter the word Koraga during the
night.
• Madras Christ. Coll. Mag. Ill, 1SS5-6.
42 7 KORAGA
It is noted in the Manual of the South Canara district,
that " all traditions unite in attributing the introduction
of the Tulu Brahmins of the present day to Mayur
Varma (of the Kadamba dynasty), but they vary in details
connected with the manner in which they obtained a firm
footing in the land. One account says that Habashika,
chief of the Koragas, drove out Mayur Varma, but was
in turn expelled by Mayur Varma's son, or son-in-law,
L5kaditya of Gokarnam, who brought Brahmins from
Ahi-kshetra, and settled them in thirty-two villages."
Concerning the power, and eventual degradation of the
Koragas, the following version of the tradition is cited by
Mr. Walhouse. " When Lokadiraya, whose date is fixed
by Wilks about 1450 B.C., was king of Bhanvarshe in
North Canara (a place noted by Ptolemy), an invader,
by name Habashika, brought an army from above the
ghauts, consisting of all the present Chandala or slave-
castes, overwhelmed that part of the country, and
marched southward to Mangalore, the present capital of
South Canara. The invading host was scourged with
small-pox, and greatly annoyed by ants, so Habashika
moved on to Manjeshwar, a place of ancient repute, twelve
miles to the south, subdued the local ruler Angarawarma,
son of Virawarma, and reigned there in conjunction with
his nephew ; but after twelve years both died — one
legend says through enchantments devised by Angara-
warma ; another that a neighbouring ruler treacherously
proposed a marriage between his sister and Habashika,
and, on the bridegroom and his caste-men attending for
the nuptials, a wholesale massacre of them all was effected.
Angarawarma, then returning, drove the invading army
into the jungles, where they were reduced to such
extremity that they consented to become slaves, and
were apportioned amongst the Brahmans and original
KORAGA 428
landholders. Some were set to watch the crops and
cattle, some to cultivate, others to various drudgeries,
which are still allotted to the existing slave-castes, but
the Koragars, who had been raised by Habashika to the
highest posts under his government, were stripped and
driven towards the sea-shore, there to be hanged, but,
being ashamed of their naked condition, they gathered
the leaves of the nicki bush (Vitex Negundo), which
grows abundantly in waste places, and made small
coverings for themselves in front. On this the execu-
tioners took })ity on them and let them go, but condemned
them to be the lowest of the low, and wear no other
covering but leaves. The Koragas are now the lowest
of the slave divisions, and regarded with such intense
loathing and hatred that up to quite recent times one
section of them, called Ande or pot Koragars, continually
wore a pot suspended from their necks, into which
they were compelled to spit, being so utterly unclean as
to be prohibited from even spitting on the highway ;
and to this day their women continue to show in their
leafy aprons a memorial of the abject degradation to
which their whole race was doomed." It is said that in
pre- British days an Ande Koraga had to take out a
licence to come into the towns and villages by day. At
night mere approach thereto was forbidden, as his
presence would cause terrible calamity. The Koragas
of those days could cook their food only in broken vessels.
The name Yastra, by which one class of Koragas is
called, has reference to their wearing vastra, or clothes,
such as were used to shroud a dead body, and given to
them in the shape of charity, the use of a new cloth
beino- prohibited. According to another account the
three divisions of the Koragas are (i) Kappada, those
who wear clothes, (2) Tippi, who wear ornaments made
KORAGA.
429 KORAGA
of the cocoanut shell, and (3) Vanti, who wear a peculiar
kind of large ear-ring. These three clans may eat
together, but not intermarry. Each clan is divided into
exogamous septs called balls, and it may be noted that
some of the Koraga balls, such as Haledennaya and
Kumerdennaya, are also found among the Mari and
Mundala Holeyas.
On the subject of Koraga dress, Mr. Ullat Ragh-
vendra Rao informs us that " while the males gird a
piece of cloth round their loins, the females cover their
waist with leaves of the forest woven together. Various
reasons are assigned for this custom. According to a
tradition, at the time when the Koragars had reigned,
now far distant, one of these ' blacklegged ' (this is
usually the expression by which they are referred to
during the night) demanded a girl of high birth in
marriage. Being enraged at this, the upper class with-
held, after the overthrow of the Koragas, every kind of
dress from Koraga women, who, to protect themselves
from disgrace, have since had recourse to the leaves of
the forest, conceiving in the meantime that god had
decreed this kind of covering." Mr. Walhouse writes*
further that the Koragas wear an " apron of twigs and
leaves over the buttocks. Once this was the only
covering allowed them, and a mark of their deep degra-
dation. But now, when no longer compulsory, and of
no use, as it is worn over the clothes, the women still
retain it, believing its disuse would be unlucky." " The
Koragas," Mr. H. A. Stuart tells us,t "cover the lower
part of their body with a black cloth and the upper part
with a white one, and their head-dress is a cap made
of the areca-nut spathe, like that worn by the Holeyas.
* Ind. Ant. X, 1881. f Manual of the South Canara district.
KORAGA 430
Their ornaments consist of brass ear-rings, an iron
bracelet, and beads of bone strung on a thread and tied
around their waist." The waist-belt of a Koraga, whom
I saw at Udipi, was made of owl bones.
"It may," Mr. Walhouse states,"^ "be noted that,
according to the traditional accounts, when the invading
hosts under Habashika were in their turn overthrown
and subjected, they accepted slavery under certain
conditions that preserved to them some shadow of right.
Whilst it was declared that they should be for ever in a
state of servitude, and be allowed a meal daily, but never
the means of providing for the next day's meal. Each
slave was ascripted to his master under the following
forms, which have come down to our days, and were
observed in the purchase or transfer of slaves within
living memory. The slave having washed, anointed
himself with oil, and put on a new cloth, his future owner
took a metal plate, filled it with water, and dropped in
a gold coin, which the slave appropriated after drinking
up the water. The slave then took some earth from his
future master's estate, and threw it on the spot he chose
for his hut, which was given over to him with all the trees
thereon. When land was transferred, the slaves went
with it, and might also be sold separately. Occasionally
they were presented to a temple for the service of the
deity. This was done publicly by the master approach-
ing the temple, putting some earth from before its
entrance into the slave's mouth, and declaring that he
abjured his rights, and transferred them to the deity
within. Rules were laid down, with the Hindoo passion
for regulating small matters, not only detailing what
work the slaves should do, but what allowances of food
* Journ. Anthrop. Inst. IV, 1875.
431 KORAGA
they should receive, and what presents on certain festival
occasions they should obtain from, or make to the
master. On marriages among themselves, they pros-
trated themselves before the master and obtained his
consent, which was accompanied with a small present
of money and rice. The marriage over, they again
came before the master, who gave them betel nuts, and
poured some oil on the bride's head. On the master's
death, his head slave immediately shaved his hair and
moustache. There was also a list of offences for
which masters might punish slaves, amongst which the
employment of witchcraft, or sending out evil spirits
against others, expressly figures ; and the punishments
with which each offence might be visited are specified,
the worst of which are branding and flogging with
switches. There was no power of life and death, and in
cases of withholding the usual allowance, or of punish-
ments severer than prescribed, slaves might complain to
the authorities."
On the subject of Koraga slavery, Mr. Ullal Ragh-
vendra Rao writes that " although these slaves are in a
degraded condition, yet they by no means appear to be
dejected or unhappy. A male slave gets three hanis of
paddy (unhusked rice) or a hani and a half of rice daily,
besides a small quantity of salt. The female slave
gets two hanis of paddy, and, if they be man and wife,
they can easily sell a portion of the rice to procure other
necessaries of life. They are also allowed one cloth
each every year, and, besides, when transferred from one
master to another, they get a cocoanut, a jack tree
(Artocarpzcs integrifolia), and a piece of land where
they can sow ten or twenty seers of rice. The greater
number of slaves belong to the Alia Santanam castes
(inheritance in the female line), and among these people
KORAGA 432
a male slave is sold for three pagodas (fourteen rupees)
and a female slave for five pagodas ; whereas the few
slaves who belong to the Makkala Santanam castes
(inheritance in the male line) fetch five pagodas for the
man slave, and three pagodas for the female. This is
because the children of the latter go to the husband's
master, while those of the former go to the mother's
master, who has the benefit of the husband's services
also. He has, however, to pay the expenses of their
marriage, which amount to a pagoda and a half; and, in
like manner, the master of the Makkala Santana slave
pays two pagodas for his marriage, and gets possession
of the female slave and her children. The master has
the power of hiring out his slave, for whose services he
receives annually about a mura of rice, or forty seers.
They are also mortgaged for three or four pagodas:"
For the marriages of the Koragas, Mr. Walhouse
informs us that " Sunday is an auspicious day, though
Monday is for the other slave castes. The bridegroom
and bride, after bathing in cold water, sit on a mat in
the former's house, with a handful of rice placed before
them. An old man presides, takes a few grains of rice
and sprinkles on their heads, as do the others present,
first the males and then the females. The bridegroom
then presents two silver coins to his wife, and must
afterwards give six feasts to the community." At these
feasts every Koraga is said to vie with his neighbour
in eating and drinking. " Though amongst the other
slave castes divorce is allowed by consent of the com-
munity, often simply on grounds of disagreement, and
the women may marry again, with the Koragars marriage
is indissoluble, but a widow is entitled to re-marriage,
and a man may have a second, and even third wife, all
living with him."
433 KORAGA
Concerning the ceremonies observed on the birth of
a child, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao writes that " after
a child is born, the mother (as among Hindoos) is unholy,
and cannot be touched or approached. The inmates
take leave of the koppu for five nights, and depend on
the hospitality of their friends, placing the mother under
the sole charge of a nurse or midwife. On the sixth
night the master of the koppu calls his neighbours, who
can hardly refuse to oblige him with their presence.
The mother and the child are then given a tepid bath,
and this makes them holy. Members of each house bring
with them a seer of rice, half a seer of cocoanut oil, and
a cocoanut. The woman with the baby is seated on a
mat — her neighbour's presents before her in a flat basket.
The oldest man present consults with his comrades as
to what name will best suit the child. A black string is
then tied round the waist of the baby. The rice, which
comes in heaps from the neighbours, is used for dinner
on the occasion, and the cocoanuts are split Into two
pieces, the lower half being given to the mother of the
child, and the upper half the owner. This is the custom
followed when the baby Is a male one ; in case of a female
child, the owner receives the upper half, leaving the
lower half for the mother. Koragars were originally
worshippers of the sun, and they are still called after the
names of the days of the week — as Alta (a corruption
of Aditya, or the sun) ; Toma (Soma, or the moon) ;
Angara (Mangala) ; Gurva (Jupiter) ; Tanya (Shani, or
Saturn) ; Tukra (Shukra, or Venus). They have no
separate temples for their God, but a place beneath
a kasaracana tree [Strycknos Nux-vonticd) is consecrated
for the worship of the deity which is exclusively their
own, and is called Kata. Worship in honour of this deity
is usually performed in the months of May, July, or
ni-28
KORAGA 434
October. Two plantain leaves are placed on the spot,
with a heap of boiled rice mixed with turmeric. As is
usual in every ceremony observed by a Koragar, the
senior in age takes the lead, and prays to the deity to
accept the offering and be satisfied. But now they have,
by following the example of Bants and Sudras, exchanged
their original object of worship for that of Bhutas
(demons)."
On the subject of the religion of the Koragas, Mr.
Walhouse states that " like all the slave castes and lower
races, the Koragars worship Mari Amma, the goddess
presiding over small-pox, the most dreadful form of Par-
vati, the wife of Siva. She is the most popular deity in
Canara, represented under the most frightful form, and
worshipped with bloody rites. Goats, buffaloes, pigs,
fowls, etc., are slaughtered at a single blow by an Asadi,
one of the slave tribes from above the ghauts. Although
the Koragars, in common with all slaves, are looked upon
as exconimunicated and unfit to approach any Brahminical
temple or deity, they have adopted the popular Hindoo
festivals of the Gokalastami or Krishna's birthday, and
the Chowti. In the latter, the preliminaries and prayers
must be performed by a virgin." Concerning these
festivals, Mr. Ullal Raghvendra Rao gives the following
details. " The Koragars have no fixed feasts exclusively
of their own, but for a long time they have been observ-
ing those of the Hindus. Of these two are Important.
One is Gokula Ashtami, or the birthday of Krishna, and
the other is the Chowti or Pooliyar feast. The latter is
of greater importance than the former. The former
is a holy day of abstinence and temperance, while the
latter is associated with feasting and merry-making, and
looks more like a gala-day set apart for anything but
religious performance. On the Ashtami some cakes of
435 KORAGA
black gram are made in addition to the usual dainties.
The services of Bacchus are called in aid, and the
master of the koppu invites his relatives and friends. A
regular feasting commences, when the master takes the
lead, and enjoys the company of his guests by seating
himself in their midst. They are made to sit on the floor
crosswise with a little space intervening between every
guest, who pays strict regard to all the rules of decency
and rank. To keep up the distinction of sexes, females
are seated in an opposite row. The host calls upon some
of his intimates or friends to serve on the occasion.
The first dish is curry, the second rice ; and cakes and
dainties come in next. The butler Koragar serves out
to the company the food for the banquet, while the guests
eat it heartily. If one of them lets so much as a grain of
rice fall on his neighbour's plate, the whole company
ceases eating. The offender is at once brought before
the guests, and charged with having spoiled the dinner.
He is tried there and then, and sentenced to pay a fine
that will cover the expenses of another banquet. In
case of resistance to the authority of the tribunal, he is
excommunicated and abandoned by his wife, children
and relatives. No one dare touch or speak to him. A
plea of poverty of course receives a kind consideration.
The offender is made to pay a small sum as a fine, which
is paid for him by a well-to-do Koragar. To crown the
feast, a large quantity of toddy finds its way into the
midst of the company, A small piece of dry areca leaf
sewed together covers the head of a Koragar, and forms
for him his hat. This hat he uses as a cup, which
contains a pretty large quantity of liquid. A sufficient
quantity is poured into their cup, and if, in pouring, a
drop finds its way to the ground, the butler is sure to
undergo the same penalty that attaches itself to any
111-28 B
KORAGA 436
irregularity in the dinner as described above. After the
banquet, some male members of the group join in a
dance to the pipe and drum, while others are stimulated
by the intoxicating drink into frisking and jumping about.
To turn to the other festival. The inmates of the house
are required to fast the previous night — one and all
of them — and on the previous day flesh or drink is not
allowed. The next morning before sunrise, a virgin
bathes, and smears cowdung over a part of the house.
The place having been consecrated, a new basket,
specially made for the occasion, is placed on that spot. It
contains a handful of beaten rice, two plantains, and two
pieces of sugar-cane. The basket is then said to contain
the god of the day, whom the sugar-cane represents, and
the spot is too holy to be approached by man or woman.
A common belief which they hold, that the prayers
made by a virgin are duly responded to on account of
her virgin purity, does not admit of the worship being
conducted by any one else. The girl adorns the basket
with flowers of the forest, and prays for the choicest
blessings on the inmates of the house all the year round.
A Koraga woman, when found guilty of adultery, is
said to be treated in the following extraordinary way.
If her paramour is of low caste similar to herself, he has
to marry her. But, in order to purify her for the
ceremony, he has to build a hut, and put the woman
inside. It is then set on fire, and the woman escapes as
best she can to another place where the same performance
is gone through, and so on until she has been burnt out
seven times. She is then considered once more an honest
woman, and fit to be again married. According to
Mr. Walhouse, " a row of seven small huts is built on a
river-bank, set fire to, and the offender made to run over
the burning sticks and ashes as a penance." A similar
437 KORAGA
form of ordeal has been described as occurring among
the Bakutas of South Canara by Mr. Stuart. " When a
man is excommunicated, he must perform a ceremony
called yelu halli sudodu, which means burning seven
villages, in order to re-enter the caste. For this ceremony,
seven small booths are built, and bundles of grass are
piled against them. The excommunicated man has then
to pass through these huts one after the other, and, as he
does so, the headman sets fire to the grass " (cf. Koyi).
It is suggested by Mr. R. E. Enthoven that the idea
seems to be "a rapid representation of seven existences,
the outcast regaining his status after seven generations
have passed without further transgression. The parallel
suggested is the law of Manu that seven generations are
necessary to efface a lapse from the law of endogamous
marriage."
Of death ceremonies Mr. Walhouse tells us that "on
death the bodies of all the slave castes used to be burnt,
except in cases of death from small-pox. This may have
been to obviate the pollution of the soil by their carcases
when their degradation was deepest, but now, and from
long past, burial is universal. The master's permission
is still asked, and, after burial, four balls of cooked rice
are placed on the grave, possibly a trace of the ancient
notion of supplying food to the ghost of the deceased."
A handful is said * to be " removed from the grave on the
sixteenth day after burial, and buried in a pit. A stone
is erected over it, on which some rice and toddy are
placed as a last offering to the departed soul which is
then asked to join its ancestors."
" It may," Mr. Walhouse writes, " be noted that the
Koragars alone of all the slave or other castes eat the
Manual of Ihe Soulh Canara dislricl.
JcORAmA 43^
flesh of alligators (crocodiles), and they share with one
or two other divisions of the slaves a curious scruple or
prejudice against carrying any four-legged animal, dead
or alive. This extends to anything with four legs, such
as chairs, tables, cots, etc., which they cannot be prevailed
upon to lift unless one leg be removed. As they work
as coolies, this sometimes produces inconvenience. A
somewhat similar scruple obtains among the Bygas of
Central India, whose women are not allowed to sit or lie
on any four-legged bed or stool." Like the Koragas, the
Bakudas of South Canara " will not carry a bedstead
unless the legs are first taken off, and it is said that this
objection rests upon a sui3posed resemblance between the
four-lcijcrcd cot and the four-lesfored ox." *
Of the language spoken by the Koragars, Mr. Ullal
Raghvendra Rao states that " it is a common belief that
the Koragar has a peculiar dialect generally spoken by
him at his koj)pu. He may be induced to give an account
of his feasts, his gods, his family, but a word about his
dialect will frighten him out of his wits. Generally polite
and well-behaved, he becomes impolite and unmannerly
when questioned about his dialect." " All the Hindoos,"
Mr. Walhouse writes, " believe that the Koragars have
a language of their own. understood only by themselves,
but it seems doubtful whether this is anvthin^ more than
an idiom, or slang." A vocabulary of the Koraga dialect
is contained in the South Canara Manual (1895).
Korama. — See Korava.
Korava. — Members of this nomad tribe, which
permeates the length of the Indian peninsula, through
countries where many languages and dialects are spoken,
are likely to be known by different names in different
* Manual of the South Canara district.
439 KORAVA
localities, and this is the case. They are known as
Korava from the extreme south to the north of the
North Arcot district, where they are called Koracha or
Korcha, and in the Ceded Districts they become Yeru-
kala or Ycrakala. In Calcutta they have been traced
practising as quack doctors, and assuming Maratha
names, or adding terminations to their own, which
suggest that they belong to a caste in the south higher
in the social scale than they really do. Some Koravas
pass for Vellalas, calling themselves Agambadiar V^ella-
las with the title Pillai. Others call themselves Palli,
Kavarai, Idaiyan, Reddi, etc.'"^ As railways spread over
the country, they readily adapted themselves to travel-
ling by them, and the opportunities afforded for going
quickly far from the scene of a recently committed crime,
or for stealing from sleeping passengers, were soon
availed of. In 1899, the Superintendent of Government
Railways reported that "the large organization of
thieves, commonly called Kepmari Koravas (though
they never call themselves so), use the railway to travel
far. Some of them are now settled at Cuttack, where
they have set up as native doctors, whose speciality is
curing piles. Some are at Midnapur, and are going on
to Calcutta, and there were some at Puri some time ago.
It is said that a gang of them has gone recently to
Tinnevelly, and taken up their abode near Sermadevi,
calling themselves Servaikars. One morning, in Tinne-
velly, while the butler in a missionary's house was
attending to his duties, an individual turned up with a
fine fowl for sale. The butler, finding that he could
purchase it for about half the real price, bought it, and
showed it to his wife with no small pride in his ability in
M. Paupa Rao Naidu. History of Railway Thieves.
KORAVA 440
making a bargain. But he was distinctly crestfallen
when his wife pointed out that it was his own bird, which
had been lost on the previous night. The seller was a
Korava."
In 1903, a gang of Koravas, travelling in the guise
of pujaris, was arrested at Puri. The Police discovered
that a warrant remained unexecuted against one of them,
who had been concerned in a dacoity case in North
Arcot many years previously. The report of the case
states that "cognate with the Kepmaries is a class of
Korava pujaris (as they call themselves in their own
village), who, emanating from one small hamlet in the
Tanjore district, are spread more or less all over India.
There are, or were until the other day, and probably
are still some of them in Cuttack, Balasore, Midnapur,
Ahmedabad, Patna, Bombay, Secunderabad, and other
places. One of them attained a high position in
Bombay. Their ostensible profession is that of curing
piles and fistulas, but it is noticeable that, sooner or
later after their taking up their abode at any place, the
Kepmaries are to be found somewhere near, and the
impression, which is not quite a certainty but very nearly
so, is that they play the convenient role of receivers
of property stolen by the Kepmaries." Kepmari is
regarded as a very strong term of abuse, indicating, as
it does, a rogue of the worst character. In the southern
districts, the Kasukkar Chettis and Shanans are said to
be very much trusted by the Koravas in the disposal of
property.
It is noted by Mr. H. A. Stuart * that the Koravas
or Yerukalas are a vagrant tribe found throughout the
Presidency, and in many parts of India. In the Telugu
Madras Census Report, 1891.
'^>*^ ' J^' -
YE R UK ALAS.
441 KORAVA
country they are called Yerukalavandlu or Koracha-
vandlu, but they always speak of themselves as Kurru,
and there is not the slightest room for the doubt that
has been expressed regarding the identity of the Koravas
and Yerukalas. Several derivations of Yerukala have
been proposed by Wilson and others. It has been
suggested, for example, that yeru is connected with erra,
meaning red. In Telugu Yerukalavandlu would mean
fortune-tellers, and Dr. Oppert suggests that this is the
origin of the name Yerukala. He says* "it is highly
probable that the name and the occupation of the
fortune-telline Kuruvandlu or Kuluvandlu induced the
Telugu people to call this tribe Yerukulavandlu. Dr.
Oppert further connects Kurru with the root ku, a
mountam ; and, in a Tamil work of the ninth century,t
Kurru or Kura (Kuramagal) is given as the name of a
hill tribe." A strone argument in favour of the caste
name being connected with the profession of fortune-
telling is afforded by the fact that women go about
the streets, calling out " Yeruko, amma, yeruku," i.e.,
prophecies, mother, prophecies. The Kuravas are, Mr.
Francis writes,| '* a gipsy tribe found all over the Tamil
country, but chiefly in Kurnool, Salem, Coimbatore and
South Arcot. Kuravas have usually been treated as
being the same as the Yerukalas. Both castes are
o
wandering gipsies, both live by basket-making and
fortune-telling, both speak a corrupt Tamil, and both
may have sprung from one original stock. It is note-
w^orthy in this connection that the Yerukalas are said to
call one another Kurru or Kura. But their names are
not used as interchangeable in the districts where each
is found, and there seem to be no real differences between
* Madras Journ. Lit : and Science, 1888-89. t Tirumurukairuppadai.
X Madras Census Report, 1901.
KORAVA 442
the two bodies. They do not intermarry, or eat to-
gether. The Kuravas are said to tie a piece of thread
soaked in turmeric water round the bride's neck at
weddings, while Yerukalas use a necklace of black beads.
The Yerukalas have a tradition that those who went to
fetch the tali and pipe never returned, and they conse-
quently use black beads as a substitute for the tali, and
a bell for the pipe. The Kuravas worship Subramanya,
the son of Siva, while the Yerukalas worship Vishnu in
the form of Venkateswara and his wife Lakshmi. It
may be noted that, in a very early Sanskrit drama, the
Brahman thief mocks Subramanya as being the patron
saint of thieves. The Kuravas treat the gentler sex in
a very casual manner, mortgaging or selling their wives
without compunction, but the Yerukalas are particular
about the reputation of their womankind, and consider
it a serious matter if any of them return home without
an escort after sunset. The statistics of this year
accordingly show Yerukalas separately from Koravas.
The reports from the various districts, however, give
such discrepant accounts of both castes, that the matter
is clearly in need of further enquiry." There is no
district in the Madras Presidency or elsewhere, where
both Koravas and Yerukalas live, unless it be the
smallest possible corner of the Coimbatore district bor-
dering on the south-east of Mysore, for the name Korcha
intervenes ; and, for a wide strip of country including
the north of the North Arcot district and south of the
Cuddapah district, the Korava is known as a Korcha,
and the Census Superintendent, in common with other
authorities, has admitted these names to be synonymous.
It is in the north of the Cuddapah district that the
Yerukalas first appear in co-existence with the Korcha.
The Korcha being admitted on all sides to be the same
443 KORAVA
as the Korava, our doubt regarding the Identity of the
Korava with the Ycrukala will be disposed of if we can
establish the fact that the Korcha and the Yerukala
are the same. The Rev. J. Cain, writing* about the
Yerukalas of the Godavari district, states that "among
themselves they call each other Kuluvaru, but the Telugu
people call them Erakavaru or Erakalavaru, and this
name has been derived from the Telugu word eruka,
which means knowledge or acquaintance, as they are
great fortune-tellers."
According to Balfour,! the Koravas, or a certain
section of them, i.e., the Kunchi Koravas, were known
as Yerkal Koravar, and they called the language they
spoke Yerkal. The same authority, writing of the
Yerkalwadu, alludes to them as Kurshiwanloo, and goes
on to say that they style themselves Yerkal, and give
the same appellation to the language in which they hold
communication. The word Yerkal here undoubtedly
stands for Ycrukala, and Kurshi for Korcha. It is
evident from this, supported by authorities such as
Wilson, Campbell, Brown and Shortt, that the doubt
mentioned by the Census Superintendent in regard to
the identity of the Yerukala and Korava had not arisen
when the Cyclopaedia of India was published, and it is
the subsequent reports of later investigators that are
responsible for it. The divergencies of practices reported
must be reckoned with, and accounted for. They may
be due to local customs existing in widely separated
areas. It is contended that the Koravas and Yerukalas
do not intermarry or eat together. A Korava, who has
made a permanent home in a village in the south, if
asked whether he would marry a Yerukala, would most
* Indian Antiquity, IX, 1880. f Cyclopaedia of India.
KORAVA 444
certainly answer in the negative, probably having never
heard of such a person. A circular letter, submitted
to a number of Police Inspectors in several districts,
produced the same sort of discrepant information com-
plained of by the Census Superintendent. But one
Inspector extracted from his notes the information that,
in 1895, marriages took place between the southern
Koravas of a gang from the Madura district and the
Yerukalas of the Cuddapah district ; and, further, that
the son of one of a gang of Yerukalas in the Anantapur
district married a Korcha girl from a gang belonging
to the Mysore State. The consensus of opinion also
goes to prove that they will eat together. Yerukalas
undoubtedly place a string of black beads as a tali round
the bride's neck on marriage occasions, and the same is
used by the Koravas. Information concerning the use
of a turmeric-dyed string came from only one source,
namely, Hosur in the Salem district, and it was necessary
even here for the string to be furnished with a round
bottu, which might be a bead. A plain turmeric-soaked
thread appears to be more the exception than the rule.
Yerukalas are both Vaishnavites and Saivites, and a god
worshipped by any one gang cannot be taken as a repre-
sentative god for the whole class. Yerukalas may treat
their womankind better than the southern Koravas, but
this is only a matter of degree, as the morals of both
are slack. The Yerukalas, occupying, as they do, the
parched centre of the peninsula, more frequently devas-
tated by famine than the localities occupied by the
Koravas, may have learnt in a hard school the necessity
of taking care of their wives ; for, if they allowed them
to pass to another man, and a drought ruined his crop
and killed the cattle, he would find it hard to procure
another, the probability being that the price of wives
445 KORAVA
rises in a common ratio with other commodities in a time
of scarcity.
From the accounts given by them, it appears that the
Koravas claim to have originated in mythological ages.
The account varies slightly according to the locality,
but the general outlines agree more or less with the
story related in the Bhagavatham. The purohits, or
priests, are the safest guides, and it was one of them
who told the following story, culled, as he admitted, from
the Sastras and the Ramayana. When the great Venudu,
son of Agneswathu, who was directly descended from
Brahma, ruled over the universe, he was unable to
procure a son and heir to the throne, and, when he died,
his death was looked on as an irreparable misfortune.
His body was preserved. The seven ruling planets sat
in solemn conclave, and consulted as to what they should
do. Finally they agreed to create a being from the
right thigh of the deceased Venudu, and they accordingly
fashioned and gave life to Nishudu. But their work
was not successful, for Nishudu turned out to be not
only deformed in body, but repulsively ugly in face. It
was agreed at another meeting of the planets that he
was not a fit person to be placed on the throne. So
they set to work again, and created a being from the
right shoulder of Venudu, and their second effort was
crowned with success. They called the second creation
Proothu Chakravarthi, and, as he gave general satisfac-
tion, he was placed on the throne. This supersession
naturally caused the first-born Nishudu to be dis-
contented, and he sought a lonely place, in which he
communed with the o;ods, besfoingf of them the reason
why they had created him if he was not to rule. The
gods explained that he could not now be placed on the
throne, as Chakravarthi had already been installed, but
KORAVA 446
that he should be a ruler over forests. In this capacity
Nishudu begat the Boyas, Chenchus, Yanadis, and
Koravas. The Boyas were his legitimate children, but
the others were all illegitimate. It is because Nishudu
watched in solemn silence to know his creator that some
of his offspring called themselves Yerukalas (yeruka,
to know). Another story explains the name Korava.
When the princes Dharmaraja and Duryodana were at
variance, the former, to avoid strife, went into voluntary
exile. .A. woman who loved him set out in search of him,
but, through fear of being identified, disguised herself
as a fortune-teller. In this manner she found him, and
their offspring became known as Koravas, from kuru,
fortune-telling.
The appellation Koracha or Korcha appears to be of
later date than Korava, and is said to be derived from
the Hindustani kori (sly), korri nigga (sly look) becoming
corrupted into Korcha. Whenever this name was applied
to them, they had evidently learnt their calling thoroughly,
and the whole family, in whatever direction its branches
spread, established a reputation for cunning in snaring
animals or birds, or purloining other peoples' goods,
until to-day their names are used for the purpose of
insulting abuse in the course of a quarrel. Thus a
belligerant might call the other a thieving Yerukala, or
ask, in tones other than polite, if he belongs to a gang of
Korchas. In the Tamil country, a man is said to kura-
kenju, or cringe like a Korava, and another allusion to
their dishonesty is kurapasangu, to cheat like a Korava.
The proverb " Kuruvan's justice is the ruin of the family "
refers to the endless nature of their quarrels, the decision
of which will often occupy the headmen for weeks together.
In communicating among themselves, the Koravas and
Yerukalas speak a corrupt polyglot, in which the words
KORAVA.
447
KORAVA
derived from several languages bear little resemblance
to the original. Their words appear to be taken chiefly
from Tamil, Telugu, and Canarese. A short vocabu-
lary of the Yerukala language has been published by the
Rev. J. Cain.* The Yerukalas call this language Oodra,
which seems to stand for gibberish or thieves' slang,
or, as they explain, something very hard to understand.
Oriya or Oodra is the language of the districts of Ganjam
and Orissa. The word Oriya means north, and the fact
that the Yerukalas call their language Oodra would
seem to confirm their belief that they are a northern
tribe. The wanderers always know more than one lan-
guage colloquially, and are able to make themselves
understood by the people of the country through which
they may be passing. Those who have settled in villages
invariably speak the language of the locality. When
talking among themselves, they call a Brahman Thanniko
Koravan, or the bathing Korava. They consider the
Brahmans to be more cunning than themselves, and, as
they are fond of bathing to remove pollution, they have
given them this nickname.
A detailed account of the Korava slang and patois
has been published by Mr. F. Fawcett, Deputy In-
spector-General of Police, t from whose note thereon the
following examples are taken : —
Constable
Erthalakayadu.
Red-headed man.
Head constable.
Kederarilu.
The man who rides on
an ass.
Taking bribe ...
Kalithindrathu.
Eating ragi food.
Toddy
Uggu perumalu
White water, or good
ollaithanni.
water.
Fowls ...
Rendukal Naidu.
The Naidu of two legs.
Mussalmans
Arthupottavungo
Those who have cut
(circumcised).
* Loc. cit.
t
Note on Koravas, 1908.
KORAVA 448
Pariah ... ... Utharalu keenjalu. The man that pipes.
Butcher's knife ... Elamayarathe botta- That for striking those
rathu. that graze leaves.
Rupees ... ... Palakanna. Milk eyes.
Ollakelluka. White pebbles.
Korava society is purely patriarchal, and, in whatever
division or sept of the caste a Korava may be born, he
has to subordinate himself to the will of his elders or the
leaders of his particular gang. The head of a gang is
called the Peru Manusan or Beriya Manasan (big man).
He is selected principally because of his age, intelligence,
and the influence he commands amongst the members of
the gang. It is a post which carries with it no remuner-
ation whatever, but the holder presides at all consulta-
tions, and is given the position of honour at all social
functions.
Concerning the caste government, Mr. Fawcett writes
that "the kulam or caste assembly adjudicates claims,
inflicts penalties, ejects individuals from the caste, or
readmits them thereto. Free drinking of toddy at the
expense of one of the parties accompanies every caste
assembly. It is the aggrieved party who gives notice
for assembly of the kulam. The disputants join hands,
thereby indicating to the kulam that their dispute
should be decided by them. Each pays one rupee. The
kulam may decide the dispute at once, or adjourn for
further consideration at any time. The next meeting
is called the second joining of hands, when each pays
one rupee, as before, to be spent in toddy. A man who
fails to attend when the kulam has been convened loses
his caste absolutely. If there is a third adjournment,
that is a third joining of hands, each side pays Rs. 3|-
for toddy, to keep the kulam in good spirits. As this is
always the final adjournment, the decision is sometimes
449 KORAVA
arrived at by means of an ordeal. An equal quantity of
rice is placed in two pots of equal weight having a quan-
tity of water, and there is an equal quantity of firewood.
The judges satisfy themselves most carefully as to
quantity, weights, and so on. The water is boiled, and
the man whose rice boils first is declared to be the
winner of the dispute. The loser is to recoup the winner
all his expenses. It sometimes happens that both pots
boil at the same time ; then a coin is to be picked
out of a pot containing boiling oil. There is yet
another method of settling disputes about money. The
amount claimed is brought by one party, and placed
beside an idol. The claimant is then asked to take
it, and, should nothing unpleasant happen to him or
to his family afterwards, he is declared to have made
out his claim. The kulam has nothing whatever to do
with planning the execution of offences, but is sometimes
called upon to decide about the division of plunder, as,
for instance, when any member of a criminal expedition
improperly secretes something for himself. But they
engage vakils (pleaders) for defending members of the
gang who are charged with a criminal oftence, whether
they have been concerned in it or not."
There are a great many classes of Koravas, most of
them obtaining their names from the particular occupa-
tions they have followed as an ostensible means of liveli-
hood for many generations. But, whatever they may
call themselves, they all, according to Mr. Mainwaring,
fall within three divisions, viz. : —
1. Sakai, Sampathi, Sathupadi.
2. Kavadi or Gujjula.
3. Devarakonda, Mendrakutti, or Menapadi.
The members of the first two divisions are pure
Koravas, the legitimate descendants of Koravas who
111-29
KORAVA 450
have never married outside the caste, whereas the third
division represents and includes the mixed marriages,
and the offspring thereof. The Koravas receive into
their ranks members of castes other than Paraiyans
(including Malas and Madigas), Yanadis, Mangalas, and
Tsakalas. The ceremony of introduction into the Korava
community consists in burning the tongue with a piece
of gold. The Koravas have a strong objection to taking
food touched by Medaras, because, in their professional
occupation of doing wicker-work, they use an awl which
resembles the tool used by Madigas in shoe-making.
The Koravas are said to be divided into two large
families, which they call Pothu and Penti, meaning male
and female. All the families included in the first division
noted above are Pothu, and those in the second Penti.
The families in the third division, being the product of
mixed marriages, and the position of females being a
lowly one, they are also considered to be Penti. The
Pothu section is said to have arisen from men going in
search of brides for themselves, and the Pent is from men
going in search of husbands for their daughters. When
a Korava, male or female, wishes to marry, a partner
must be sought in a division other than their own. For
example, a Korava of the first division is bound to marry
a female belonging to the second or third division, who,
after marriage, belongs to her husband's division. This
may be a little hard on the women of the first division,
because they are bound to descend in the social scale.
However, their daughters can rise by marrying into the
first division. For the purpose of religious ceremonies,
each division has fixed duties. The members of the
first division have the right of decorating the god, and
dressing him in his festival attire. Those of the second
division carry the god and the regalia inizprocession, and
45 1 KORAVA
burn incense, and those of the third drag the temple car,
and sing and shout during its progress. For this reason,
it is said, they are sometimes called Bandi (cart).
" The major divisions," Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu writes,
" are four in number, and according to their gradation
they are Sathepati, Kavadi, Manapati, Mendragutti.
They are all corrupted Tamil words.
" I. Sathepati is a corruption of Sathupadi, which
means adorning a Hindu deity with flowers, jewels and
vestments.
" 2. Kavadi, meaning a pole carried on the shoulders
with two baskets pendant from its ends, in which are
contained offerings for a deity or temple.
" 3. Manapati is a corruption of Manpadi, which
means singing in praise of god, when He is worshipped
in a temple.
" 4. Mendragutti is a corruption of Menrikutti,
which means stitching a pair of shoes, and presenting
them to the temple — a custom still prevalent at Tirupati
and other important shrines.
" Of these four divisions, the first two are, or rather
were, considered superior to the other two, a Kavadi
man being styled Pothuvadu (man), and a Sathepati man
Penti (female)."
A still further classification of divisions and sub-
divisions is given by Mr. F. S. Mullaly.* I am informed
by Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao that, in the Vizagapatam
district, the Yerukalas are divided into Pattapu or Odde,
and Thurpu (eastern). Of these, the former, when they
are prosperous, live in tiled houses, while the latter live
in huts. Pattapu women wear brass bangles on both
wrists, and Thurpu women brass bangles on the right
» Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency.
in-29 B
KORAVA 452
wrist, and glass bangles on the left. The former throw
the end of their cloth over the left shoulder, and the
latter over the right.
It is recorded, in the Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly
district, that "the Kuravans are divided into a number
of endogamous sections, of which the Ina Kuravans
and the Kavalkaran Kuravans are the most criminal,
especially the latter. The latter are also called the
Marasa, Mondu, and Kadukutti Kuravans. In dress
and appearance the Namakkal Kuravans are said to be
superior to those of Karur, and to look like well-dressed
Vellalans or Pallis. They are peculiar in wearing long
ear-rings. They are also said to be much better thieves
than the others, and to dislike having a Karur Kuravan
when breaking into a house, for fear he might wake the
household by his clumsiness."
As examples of intiperu, or exogamous septs, the
following, which were given by Uppu Yerukalas, may be
cited : —
Mogili {Pandanusfascicuiaris) ,
Uyyala, swing.
Ragala, ragi grain.
Pula, flowers.
Katari, dagger.
Ambojala, lotus.
Samudrala, sea.
Venkatagiri, a town.
Dasari, Vaishnavite mendi
cant.
Sukka, star.
Kampa, bush of thorns.
Avula, cows.
Thoka, tail.
Kanaga {Pongamia glabra).
Bandi, cart.
Gajjala, small bell.
"A knowledge," Mr. Fawcett writes, "of these house
or sept names may be useful in order to establish a
man's identity, as a Koravar, who is generally untruthful
as to his own name, is seldom if ever so as regards his
house or sept name, and his father's name. He con-
siders it shameful to lie about his parentage, 'to be
born to one, and yet to give out the name of another.'
453 KORAVA
Totemism of some kind evidently exists, but it is rather
odd that it has not always any apparent connection with
the sept or house name. Thus, the totem of persons of
the Koneti sept is horse-gram (kollu in Tamil), which
they hold in veneration, and will not touch, eat, or use in
any way. The totem of the Samudrala sept is the conch
shell, which likewise will not be used by those of the
sept in any manner. It may be noted that persons of
the Rameswari sept will not eat tortoises, while those
of the Koneti sept are in some manner obliged to do so
on certain occasions."
As regards names for specific occupations among the
Koravas, the Bidar or nomad Koravas originally carried
merchandise in the form of salt, tamarinds, jaggery (crude
sugar or molasses), leaves of the curry leaf plant {^Murray a
Kcenigii) from place to place on pack-bullocks or donkeys.
The leaves were in great demand, and those who brought
them round for sale were called in Tamil Karuvaipillai,
and in Telugu Karepaku, after the commodity which
they carried. This is a common custom in India, and
when driving through the bazar, one may hear, for
example, an old woman carrying a bundle of wood
addressed as firewood. " Kavadi " will be screamed
at a man carrying a pole (kavadi) with baskets, etc.,
suspended from it, who got in the way of another. The
section of Koravas who carried salt inland from the coast
became knowm as Uppu (salt) Koravas. Another large
class are the Thubba, Dhubbai, or Dhabbai (split bamboo)
Koravas, who restrict their wanderings to the foot of hill
ranges, where bamboos are obtainable. With these
they make baskets for the storage of grain, for carrying
manure at the bottom of carts, and various fancy articles.
In the Kurnool district, the Yerukalas will only cut
bamboos at the time of the new moon, as they are then
KORAVA 454
supposed to be free from attacks by boring weevils, and
they do certain puja (worship) to the goddess Malalamma,
who presides over the bamboos. In the Nallamalai
forests, the Yerukalas do not spHt the bamboo into
pieces and remove the whole, but take off only a very
thin strip consisting of the outer rind. The strips are
made up into long bundles, which can be removed by
donkeys. There is extreme danger of fire, because the
inner portions of the bamboos, left all over the forest,
are most inflammable.* Instead of splitting the bamboos
in the forest, and leaving behind a lot of combustible
material, the Yerukalas now have to purchase whole
bamboos, and take them outside the forest to split them.
The members of a gang of these Yerukalas, who came
before me at Nandyal, were each carrying a long s|)lit
bamboo wand as an occupational insigne. A further
important section is that of the Kunchu or Kunchil
Koravas, who gather roots in the jungle, and make them
into long brushes which are used by weavers. The Kora-
vas have a monopoly in their manufacture, and take
pride in making good brushes. These Kunchu Koravas
are excellent shikaris (hunters), and snare antelope,
partridges, duck, quail, and other game with great skill.
For the purpose of shooting antelopes, or of getting
close enough to the young ones to catch them after a
short run, they use a kind of shield made of dried twigs
ragged at the edges, which looks like an enormous
wind-blown bundle of grass. When they come in sight
of a herd of antelopes, they rest one edge of the shield
on the ground, and, sitting on their heels behind it,
move it slowly forward towards the herd until they get
sufficiently close to dash at the young ones, or shoot the
* Forest Inspection Report, 1896.
455 KORAVA
grown-up animals. The antelopes are supposed to
mistake the shield for a bush, and to fail to notice its
gradual approach. They capture duck and teal largely
at night, and go to the rice fields below a tank (pond or
lake), in which the crop is young, and the ground
consequently not entirely obscured. This would be a
likely feeding-ground, or traces of duck having fed there
on the previous night might be noticed. They peg a
creeper from one bund (mud embankment) to another,
parallel to the tank bund, four inches above the water in
the field. From this they suspend a number of running
loops made of sinews drawn from the legs of sheep or
ooats or from the hind-lesfs of hares, the lower ends of
the loops touching the mud under water. If the duck
or teal come to feed, they are sure to be caught, and fall
victims to the slip noose. "The Kuntsu (Kunchu)
Korachas," Mr. Francis tells us,* " catch small birds by
limine twisfs or an arrangement of bits of bamboo with
a worm hung inside it, or by setting horse-hair nooses
round the nests. Quails they capture by freely snaring
a piece of ground, and then putting a quail in a cage in
the middle of it, to lure the birds towards the snare.
They also catch them, and partridges too, by driving the
bevy towards a collapsible net. To do this, they cover
themselves with a dark blanket, conceal their heads
in a kind of big hat made of hair, feathers and grass, and
stalk the birds from a bullock trained to the work, very
gradually driving them into the net. They also occa-
sionally capture black-buck (antelope) by sending a tame
buck with nooses on his horns to fight with a wild one.
The latter speedily gets his horns entangled in the
nooses, and is easily secured." Sometimes the Kunchu
* Gazetteer of the Bellary district.
kORAVA 456
Korava begs in villages, dragging about with him a
monkey, while the females earn a livelihood by tattooing,
which occupation, known as pricking with green, has
gained for them the name of Pacchai (green) Kutti. The
patterns used in tattooing by a Korava woman, whom I
interviewed, were drawn in a note-book, and consisted of
fishes, scorpions, a fortress, five-storeyed house, conven-
tional designs, etc. The patterns were drawn on the
skin, with great dexterity and skill in freehand drawing,
by means of a blunt stick dipped in a mixture of a
lamp-black, lamp-oil, and turmeric contained in a half
cocoanut shell. The pattern is pricked in with a bundle
of four or five needles tied together. The needles
and drawing-stick were kept in a hollow bamboo, and
the tattooing mixture in the scooped out fruits of
the bael [yEgle Marmelos) and palmyra palm i^Borasstis
flabellifer). For tattooing an entire upper extremity,
at several sittings, the Korava woman would be paid
from eight to twelve annas, or receive food-grains in
lieu of money. The hot weather is said to be more
favourable for the operation than the cold season, as
the swelling after it is less. To check this, lamp-oil,
turmeric, and leaves of the avarai plant {Dolichos Lablab)
are applied.
Concerning the Pacchaikuttis, or, as they are also
called, Gadde (soothsayers), Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu
writes that '* the women start with a basket and a
winnowing basket or tray into a village, proclaiming
their ostensible profession of tattooing and soothsaying,
which they do for grain or money. When unfortunate
village women, who always lose children or who often
fall ill, see these Gadde women moving about, they call
them into their houses, make them sit, and, pouring
some grain into their baskets, ask them about their past
457 KORAVA
misery and future lot. These women, who are suffi-
ciently trained to speak in suitable language, are clever
enough to give out some yarns in equivocal terms, so that
the anxious women, who hope for better futurity, under-
stand them in the light uppermost in their own minds.
The Korava women will be rewarded duly, and doubly
too, for they never fail to study the nature of the house
all the time, to see if it offers a fair field for booty to
their men."
At Srungavarapukota in the Vizagapatam district
** the local goddess, Yerakamma, is a deification of a
woman who committed sati. Ballads are sung about
her, which say that she was the child of Dasari parents,
and that her birth was foretold by a Yerukala woman
(whence her name) who prophesied that she would have
the gift of second sight. She eventually married, and
one day she begged her husband not to go to his field,
as she was sure he would be killed by a tiger if he did.
Her husband went notwithstanding, and was slain as she
had foreseen. She committed sati on the spot where her
shrine still stands."*
The Or or village Koravas have given up their
nomad life, and settled in villages of their own, or
together with other communities. Many of them have
attended pial schools, and can read and write to some
extent. Some of them are employed in the police and
salt departments, as jail warders, etc. The Or Korava
is fast losing his individuality, and assimilating, in dress,
manners and customs, the ryots among whom he dwells.
In the Salem district there is a village called Koravur,
which is inhabited entirely by Koravas, who say that they
were originally Uppu Koravas, but now cultivate their
Gazetteer of the Vizagapatam district.
KORAVA 458
own lands, or work as agricultural labourers for the land-
owners. They say further that they pay an occasional
visit to Madras for the purpose of replenishing their
stock of coral and beads, which they sell at local shandis
(markets). Some Koravas are said to buy gilded beads
at Madura, and cheat unsuspecting villagers by selling
them as gold. Though the Or Koravas are becoming
civilised, they have not yet lost their desire for other
men's goods, and are reported to be the curse of the
Anantapur, Cuddapah, and Bellary districts, where they
commit robbery, house-breaking, and theft, especially of
sheep and cattle. A particularly bold sheep theft by
them a few years ago is worthy of mention. The village
of Singanamalla in the Anantapur district lies a few
miles off the railway. It is bordered on two sides by
Government forest reserves, into which the villagers
regularly drove their sheep and goats to graze, in charge
of small boys, in the frequent absences of the forest
watcher, or when the watcher was well disposed towards
them. An arrangement was made between the Koravas
and a meat-supplier at Bangalore to deliver on his behalf
a large number of sheep at a wayside station near
Dharmavaram, to receive which trucks had to be ready,
and the transaction was purely cash. One morning,
when more than a hundred sheep had been driven far
into the reserve by their youthful charges, who kept
more or less close together for the sake of company,
a number of Koravas turned up, and represented them-
selves as forest watchers, captured the small boys, gagged
them and tied them to trees, and drove off all the avail-
able sheep. The boys were not discovered till late at
night, and the police did not get to work till the
following morning, by which time the sheep were safely
entrained for Bangalore.
459 KORAVA
It is noted, in the Madras Police Report, 1905-1906,
that "a lar^e number of members of the notorious
Rudrapad Koracha gangs have recently been released
from His Highness the Nizam's prisons, and their
return will add appreciably to the difficulties of the
Bellary Police."
A small class of Koravas is named Pamula (snake),
as they follow the calling of snake-charmers. In the
Census Report, 1901, Pusalavadu (seller of glass beads)
and Utlavadu (makers of utlams) are given as sub-castes
of Yerukala. An utlam is a hanging receptacle for pots,
etc., made of palmyra fibre. In the same report, Kadu-
kuttukiravar (those who bore a hole in the ear) and
Valli Ammai Kuttam (followers of the goddess Valli
Ammai) are returned as synonyms of Koravas. They
claim that Valli Ammai, the wife of the god Subrahmanya,
was a Korava woman. Old Tamil books refer to the
Koravas as fortune-tellers to kings and queens, and
priests to Subrahmanya. Some Koravas have, at times
of census, returned themselves as Kudaikatti (basket-
making) Vanniyans. Balfour refers to VValaja Koravas,
and states that they are musicians. They are probably
identical with the Wooyaloo Koravas,* whose duty it
is to swing incense, and sing before the god during
a religious celebration. The same writer speaks of
Bajantri or Sonai Kolawaru and Kolla and Soli
Korawars, and states that they inhabit the Southern
Maratha country. These names, like Thogamallai for
Koravas who come from the village of that name in the
Trichinopoly district, are probably purely local. Further,
the Abb6 Dubois states that " the third species of
Kuravers is generally known under the name of Kalla
* F. S, MuUaly. Op. cit.
KORAvA 460
Bantru, or robbers. The last Muhammadan prince who
reigned over Mysore is said to have employed a regular
battalion of these men in time of war, not for the purpose
of fighting, but to infest the enemy's camp in the night,
stealing away the horses and other necessaries of the
officers, and acting as spies. They were awarded in
proportion to the dexterity they displayed in these
achievements, and, in time of peace, they were despatched
into the various States of neighbouring princes, to rob
for the benefit of their masters." It is possible that the
Kaikadis of the Central Provinces arc identical with
Koravas, who have migrated thither.
A section of Koravas, called Koot (dancing) or
Kothcc (monkey) Kaikaries, is referred to by Mr. Pau])a
Rao Naidu as "obtaining their living by prostitution.
They also kidnap or sell children for this purpose.
Some of the women of this class are thrivino- well in
the Madras Presidency as experts in dancing. They
are kept by rich people, and are called in the Telugu
country Erukala Bogamvaru, in Tamil Korava Thevidia.
They also train monkeys, and show them to the public."
The household god of the Korava, which is as a rule
very rudely carved, may be a representation of either
Vishnu or Siva. As already noted, it is stated in the
Census Report, 1901, that the Koravas worship Subrah-
manya, the son of Siva, while the Yerukalas worship
Vishnu in the form of Venkateswara and his wife
Lakshmi. They worship, in addition to these, Kola-
puriamma, Perumalaswami, and other appropriate
deities, prior to proceeding on a depredatory expedition.
Kolapuriamma is the goddess of Kolhapur, the chief
town of the Native State of that name in the Bombay
Presidency, who is famous in Southern India, Perumal-
swami, or Venkateswara, is the god of Tirupati, the
46 I KORAVA
great place of pilgrimage in the North Arcot district.
The signs of a recent performance of worship by
Koravas may prove an indication to the PoHce that they
have been concerned in a dacoity, and act as a clue to
detection thereof. They sacrifice sheep or goats once a
year to their particular god on a Sunday or Tuesday,
while those who worship Venkateswara honour him on
a Saturday, and break cocoanuts as an offering. All
offerings presented to the gods are divided among those
present, after the ceremonies have been completed.
Venkateswara is said to be sometimes represented, for
the purpose of worship, by a brass vessel (kalasam)
decorated with flowers, and bearing on it the Vaishnavite
namam (sect mark). Its mouth is closed by a cocoanut,
beneath which mango or betel leaves are placed. On
the day appointed for the religious service, everything
within the hut is thrown outside, and the floor is purified
with cow-dung, and devices are drawn thereon. The brass
vessel is set up, and offerings of large quantities of food
are made to it. Some of this dedicated food (prasadam)
must be given to all the inhabitants of the settlement.
A lump of clay, squeezed into a conical shape, with a
tuft of margosa {Melia Azadirachta) leaves does duty
for Poleramma. In front thereof, three stones are
placed. Poleramma may be worshipped close to, but
not within, the hut. To her offerings of boiled rice
(pongal) are made by fasting women. The manner in
which the boiling food bubbles over from the cooking-
pot is eagerly watched, and accepted as an omen for
good or evil. In a note on the Coorroo, Balfour states *
that " they told me that, when they pray, they construct
a small pyramid of clay, which they term Mariamma,
• Madras Journ, Lit, Science, XVII, 1853.
KORAVA 462
and worship it. The women had small gold and silver
ornaments suspended from cords round their necks,
which they said had been supplied to them by a gold-
smith, from whom they had ordered figures of Mariamma.
The form represented is that of the goddess Kali,
lliey mentioned that they had been told by their
forefathers that, when a good man dies, his spirit enters
the body of some of the better animals, as that of a
horse or cow, and that a bad man's spirit gives life to
the form of a dog or jackal, but they did not seem to
believe in it. They believe firmly, however, in the
existence and constant presence of a principle of evil,
who, they say, frequently appears, my informant having
himself often seen it in the dusk of the evening assuming
various forms, at times a cat, anon a goat, and then
a dog, taking these shapes that it might approach to
injure him."
The domestic god of the Koravas, in the southern
districts, is said to be Sathavu, for whom a day of
worship is set apart once in three or four years. The
Koravas assemble, and, in an open place to the west of
the village, a mud platform is erected, on which small
bricks are spread. In front of the platform are placed a
sickle, sticks, and arrack (liquor). Cocoanuts, plantain
fruits, and rice are offered, and sheep sacrificed.
Sandal and turmeric are poured over the bricks, and
camphor is burnt. The proceedings terminate with
a feast.
The presiding goddess of the criminal profession of
the Koravas is stated by Mr. M. Paupa Rao Naidu* to
be Moothevi, the goddess of sleep, whom they dread
and worship more than any other god or goddess of the
* History of Railway Thieves. Madras, 1904.
463 KORAVA
Hindu Pantheon. The object of this worship is twofold,
one being to keep themselves vigilant, and the other to
throw their victims off their guard. Moothevi is invoked
in their prayers to keep them sleepless while on their
nefarious purpose bent, but withal to make their victims
sufficiently sleepy over their property. This goddess is
worshipped especially by females, who perform strange
orgies periodically, to propitiate her. A secluded spot
is preferred for performing these orgies, at which animal
sacrifices are made, and there is distribution of liquor in
honour of the goddess. The Edayapatti gang worship
in addition the deity Ratnasabhapathy at Ayyamala.
When prosecuted for a crime, the Koravan invokes his
favourite deity to let him off with a whipping in the
words ' If the punishment of whipping be inflicted I
shall adore the goddess.'
The following account of a peculiar form of human
sacrifice by the Koravas in former days was given to
Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao by an old inhabitant of the
village of Asur near Walajabad in the Chingleput district.
A big gang settled at the meeting point of the three
villages of Asur, Melputtur, and Avalur, on an elevated
spot commanding the surrounding country. They had
with them their pack-bullocks, each headman of the
gang owning about two hundred head. The cow-dung
which accumulated daily attracted a good many of the
villagers, on one of whom the headmen fixed as their
intended victim. They made themselves intimate with
him, plied him with drink and tobacco, and gave him
the monopoly of the cow-dung. Thus a week or ten
days passed away, and the Koravas then fixed a day for
the sacrifice. They invited the victim to visit them at
dusk, and witness a great festival in honour of their
caste goddess. At the appointed hour, the man went
KORAVA 464
to the settlement, and was induced to drink freely.
Meanwhile, a pit, large enough for a man to stand
upright in it, had been prepared. At about midnight,
the victim was seized, and forced to stand in the pit,
which was filled in up to his neck. This done, the
women and children of the gang made off with their
belongings. As soon as the last of them had quitted
the settlement, the headmen brought a large quantity of
fresh cow-dung, and placed a ball of it on the head of
the victim. The ball served as a support for an earthen
lamp, which was lighted. The man was by this time
nearly dead, and the cattle were made to pass over his
head. The headmen then made off, and, by daybreak,
the whole gang had disappeared. The murdered man
was found by the villagers, who have, since that time,
scrupulously avoided the Koravas. The victim is said
to have turned into a Munisvara, and for a long time
troubled those who happened to go near the spot at
noon or midnight. The Koravas are said to have
performed the sacrifice so as to insure their cattle
against death from disease. The ground, on which
they encamped, and on which they offered the human
sacrifice, is stated to have been barren prior thereto,
and, as the result thereof, to have become very fertile.
It is said that Korava women invoke the village
goddesses when they are telling fortunes. They use a
winnowing fan and grains of rice in doing this, and
prophesy good or evil, according to the number of
grains found on the fan.* They carry a basket, winnow,
stick, and a wicker tray in which cowry shells are
imbedded in a mixture of cow-dung and turmeric. The
basket represents Kolapuriamma, and the cowries
* Madras^Census Report, 1901.
-a
z
I— I
465 KORAVA
Poleramma. When telling fortunes, the Korava woman
places on the basket the winnow, rice, betel leaves and
areca nuts, and the wicker tray. Holding her client's
hand over the winnow, and moving it about, she com-
mences to chant, and name all sorts of deities. From
time to time she touches the hand of the person whose
fortune is being told with the stick. The Korava women
are very clever in extracting information concerning the
aftairs of a client before they proceed to tell her fortune.
Brahmans fix the auspicious hour for marriage, and
Chettis are invited to act as priests at the purification
ceremony for re-admission into caste of a man or woman
who has cohabited with a Paraiyan or Muhammadan,
or been beaten with a shoe, etc. For the purpose of
re-admission, a panchayat (council) assembles, at which
the headman presides. Enquiries are made into the
conduct of the accused, and a fine of two rupees levied.
Of this sum the Chetti receives eight annas, with some
betel and tobacco. The balance is spent in liquor for
those who are assembled. After the Chetti has received
his fee, he smears the foreheads of the guilty person
and the company with sacred ashes. The impure
person goes to a stream or well, and bathes. He then
again comes before the council, and is purified by the
Chetti again marking his forehead. The proceedings
wind up with a feast. In former days, at a trial before
a council, the legs of the complainant and accused were
tied together. In 1907, a Koracha was excommuni-
cated for having illicit intercourse with a widow. The
ceremony of excommunication usually consists of shav-
ing the head and moustache of the guilty person,
and making him ride a donkey, wearing a necklace of
bones. In the case under reference, a donkey could not
be procured, so a temporary shed was made of sajja
ni-30
KORAVA 466
{Setaria italica) stalks, which were set on fire after the
man had passed through it. He was to be re-admitted
into the caste by standing a feast to all the members of
five gangs of Korachas.
It is said* that " a curious custom of the Kuravans
prohibits them from committing crime on new-moon or
full-moon days. Once started on an expedition, they
are very determined and persistent. There is a case
on record where one of a band of Kuravans out on
an expedition was drowned in crossing the Cauvery.
Nothing daunted by the loss or the omen, they
attempted a burglary, and failed. They then tried
another house, where they also failed ; and it was not
till they had met with these three mishaps that their
determination weakened, and they went home."
The Koravas are extremely superstitious, and take
careful notice of good or bad omens before they
start on a criminal expedition. They hold a feast, at
which the assistance of the goddess Kolapuriamma
or Perumal is sought. A young goat, with coloured
thread attached to its horns, and a garland of margosa
leaves with a piece of turmeric round its neck, is taken
to an out-of-the-way shrine. Here it is placed before
the deity, and cocoanuts are broken. The god is asked
whether the expedition will be successful. If the body
of the animal quivers, it is regarded as an answer in
the affirmative ; if it does not, the expedition will be
abandoned. If in addition to quivering, the animal
urinates, no better sign could be hoped for. The
Koravas make it a point of honour to pay for the goat
used for this religious purpose. It was information of
this ceremony having been performed which led to the
* Gazetteer of the Trichinopoly district.
^(i'] KORAVA
detection of a torchlight dacoity in the Cuddapah district
in 1896. The expedition was in the first instance suc-
cessful, for the Koravas broke into a Komati's house
in the middle of a village, and carried off a quantity of
jewels. The Komati's arm was broken, and he and other
inmates of the house were badly burnt by lighted torches
thrust against their faces and bodies. Among- other
methods of consulting the omens is to sacrifice a fowl
at a shrine, and sit in front thereof listening for the
direction whence the chirping of lizards issues. If the
omens are auspicious, the members of the expedition
start off, armed as a rule with latis (sticks) and axes. If
they attack a cart, they commence by throwing stones
at it, to ascertain if the occupant has fire-arms with him.
Houses are generally broken into by means of a hole
made in the wall near the door-latch. In the Ceded
Districts, where the houses are as a rule substantially
built of rough stone, and have flat roofs of salt earth, an
opening is frequently effected through the roof. The
Koravas are often extremely cruel in the methods which
they adopt to extort information from inhabitants of
houses as to where their valuables are concealed. In
common with other Hindus, they avoid the shadow of
the thandra tree {Terniinalia dc/erica), in which the
spirit of Saneswaradu is believed to reside. In this
connection the following legend is recited.* In the
city of Bimanapuram there ruled a king named Bimaraju,
who had a beautiful daughter named Damayanti, with
whom the gods, including Nalamaharaju, fell in love.
Damayanti had never seen Nalamaharaju, but loved him
on account of the stories which reached her of the justice
with which he governed his kingdom, and his chastity.
♦ This story is based on well-known episode of Nalacharilra in the Aranya Parva
of the Mahabharatha.
ni-30 B
KORAVA 468
To avoid being charged with partiality in disposing of
his daughter's hand, Bimaraju determined to invite all
the gods to his house, and the one to whom Damayanti
should throw a garland of flowers should claim her as
his wife. The day fixed on arrived, and all the gods
assembled, except Saneswaradu, who appears to have
been unavoidably detained. The gods were seated in
a circle, and a fly guided Damayanti to Nalamaharaju,
on whose neck she threw the garland. Nalamaharaju
at once claimed her as his wife, and started off with her
to his kingdom. On the way they met Saneswaradu,
who demanded an explanation of their being in each
other's company. He was told, and was very angry
because the matter had been settled in his absence, and
swore a mighty oath that they should be separated. To
this end, he caused all sorts of difficulties to come in
their way. Under his spell, Nalamaharaju took to
gambling, and lost all his property. He was separated
from Damayanti, and lived in poverty for years. The
spell of Saneswaradu could, however, only last for a
certain number of years, and, when the time expired
Nalamaharaju set out for Bimanapuram, to find Dama-
yanti who had returned to her father's house. On the
way, under a thandra tree, he met Saneswaradu, who
confessed that he was the cause of all the troubles that
had befallen him, and begged that he would look
leniently on his fault. Nalamaharaju would not forgive
him, but, after cursing him, ordained that he should live
for ever in the thandra tree, so that the area over which
he could do wrong should be limited. It is for this
reason that all wandering tribes avoid pitching a camp
within the shadow of this tree. A tree {Terminalia
Catappd) belonging to the same genus as the thandra
is regarded as a lucky one to camp beneath, as it was
469 KORAVA
under one of these trees that Rama made a bower when
he lived with Sita and Lakshmana after his banishment
to the forest of Dandaka.
In connection with omens and superstitions, Mr.
Fawcett writes as follows. " Koravas, being highly
superstitious, are constantly on the look-out for omens,
especially before starting out on an excursion when the
objective is dacoity or housebreaking. The household
deity, represented by a brick picked up at random, is
worshipped, and a sheep or fowl is sacrificed. Water is
first poured over the animal, and, if it shakes its body,
the omen is good, while, if it stands perfectly still, there
is misfortune ahead. It is unfortunate, when starting, to
see widows, pots of milk, dogs urinating, a man leading
a bull, or a bull bellowing. On the other hand, it is
downright lucky when a bull bellows at the scene of the
criminal operation. To see a man goading a bull is
a good omen when starting, and a bad one at the scene.
Sprinkling urine over doors and walls of a house facilitates
breaking into it. The failure of an expedition is generally
attributed to the evil eye, or the evil tongue, whose bad
effects are evinced in many ways. If the excursion has
been for housebreaking, the housebreaking implement
is often soldered at its sharp end with panchalokam
(five metals), to counteract the eff^ect of the evil eye.
The evil tongue is a frequent cause of failure. It consists
in talking evil of others, or harping on probable mis-
fortunes. There are various ways of removing its unhappy
effects. A mud figure of a man is made on the ground,
and thorns are placed over the mouth. This is the man
with the evil tongue. Those who have suffered walk
round it, crying out and beating their mouths ; the greater
the noise, the better the effect. Cutting the neck of a fowl
half through and allowing it to flutter about, or inserting
KORAVA 470
a red hot spHnterjn its anus to madden it with pain, are
considered to be effective, while, if a cock should crow-
after its neck has been cut, calamities are averted. The
fowl is a sort of adjunct to the Koravar's life. In early-
childhood, the first experiments in his career consist
in stealing fowls ; in manhood he feasts on them when
he is well off, and he uses them, as we have seen, with
abominable cruelty for divination or averting misfortune.
The number seven is considered ominous, and an
expedition never consists of seven men. The word for
the number seven in Telugu resembles the word for wee[)-
ing, and is considered to be unlucky. A man who has
returned from jail, or who has been newly married, is
not as a rule taken on an expedition. In the case of the
former, the rule may be set aside by bringing a lamb
from a neighbouring flock. A man who forgets to bring
his stick, or to equip or arm himself properly, is always
left behind. As in the case of dacoities, seven is an
unlucky number to start out for housebreaking, but,
should it be unavoidable, a fiction is indulged in of making-
the housebreaking implement the eighth member of the
gang. When there are dogs about a house, they are
soon kept quiet with powdered gajjakai or ganja leaves
mixed with cooked rice, which they eat greedily.
Detached parties In the jungle or elsewhere are able to
unite by making sounds like the howling of jackals or
hooting of owls. The direction taken on a road, or in
the forest, is Indicated by throwing the leaves of the
tangedu [Cassia auriczdala) along the road. At cross-
roads, the road taken Is Indicated by the thick end of
a twig of the tangedu placed under a stone. Rows of
stones, one piled over the other, are also used to point
out the route taken when crossing hills. The women
resort to divination, but not accompanied by cruelty,
471 KORAVA
when their husbands are long enough absent to arouse
apprehension of danger. A long piece is pulled out of a
broom, and to one end of It are tied several small pieces
dipped in oil. If the stick floats in water, all is well ;
but, should it sink, two of the women start out at once
to find the men. They generally know as a matter of
pre-arrangement whereabouts to find them, and proceed
thither, pretending to sell karipak (curry leaves). The
eighteenth day of the Tamil month Avani is the luckiest
day of all for committing crimes. A successful criminal
exploit on this day ensures good luck throughout the
year. Sundays, which are auspicious for weddings, are
inauspicious for crimes. Mondays, Wednesdays and
Saturdays are unlucky until noon for starting out from
home. So, too, is the day after new moon. Fridays
are unsuitable for breaking into the houses of Brahmans
or Komatis, as they may be engaged in worshipping
Ankalamma, to whom the day is sacred."
Many Koravas examined by Mr. Mainwaring were
injured in one way or another. One man had his left
nostril split, and explained that it was the result of a bite
by another Korava in the course of a drunken brawl at
a toddy-shop. Another had lost some of his teeth in a
similar quarrel, and a third was minus the lobe of his
right ear.
A characteristic of the Koravas, which is well marked,
is their hairlessness. They have plenty of straight hair
on the head, but their bodies are particularly smooth.
Even the pubic hairs are scanty, and the abdominal
hairs are abundant only in a few instances. The
Korava is not, in appearance, the typical criminal of
one's imagination, of the Bill Sykes type. That even
the innocent looking individuals are criminal by nature,
the following figures establish. In 1902, there were
RORAVA 4^2
739 Koravas, or Korchas as they are called In the
Anantapur district, on the police registers as members
of wandering gangs or ordinary suspects. Of these, no
less than 215, or 29 per cent., had at least one conviction
recorded against them. In the Nellore district, in 1903,
there were 54 adult males on the register, of whom no
less than 24, or 44 per cent., had convictions against
them. In the Salem district, in the same year, there
were 118 adult male Koravas registered, against 38, or
32*2 per cent, of whom convictions stood. There are,
of course, hundreds who escape active surveillance by
assuming an ostensible means of livelihood, and allow-
ances must be made for the possibility of numbers
escaping conviction for offences they may have committed.
The women are equally criminal with the men, but are
less frequently caught. They have no hesitation in
concealing small articles by passing them into the
vagina. The best way of ascertaining whether this has
been done is said to be to make them jump. In this
way. at a certain feast, a gold jewel was recovered from
a woman, and she was convicted.* This expedient is,
however, not always effectual. A case came under
notice, in 1901, at the Kolar gold fields, in which a
woman had a small packet of stolen gold amalgam passed
to her during the search of the house by her husband,
who was suspected. She begged permission to leave
the house to urinate. 7'he request was granted, and
a constable who went with her on her return reported
her conduct as suspicious. A female searcher was pro-
cured, and the parcel found jammed transversely in the
vagina, and required manipulation to dislodge it. Small
jewels, which the Koravas manage to steal, are at once
* M. Paupa Rao Naidu. Op. cit.
473 KORAVA
concealed in the mouth, and even swallowed. When
swallowed, the jewel is next day recovered with the
help of a purgative. In this way a half sovereign was
recovered a few years ago.* Male Koravas sometimes
conceal stolen articles in the rectum. In the Tanjore
district a Korava Kepmari, who was suspected of having
resorted to this dodge, was examined by a medical officer,
and two thin gold chains, each about 14 inches long,
were extracted. The females take an important part in
resisting an attempt to arrest the males, I am informed
that, "when a raid is made on an encampment, the
males make off, while the females, stripping themselves,
dance in a state of nudity, hoping thereby to attract the
constables to them, while the males get clear away.
Should, however, these manoeuvres fail to attain their
object, the females proceed to lacerate the pudenda, from
which blood flows profusely. They then lie down as if
dead. The unfortunate constables, though proof against
amorous advances, must perforce assist them in their
distress. If it comes to searching Korava huts, the
females take a leading part in attacking the intruders,
and will not hesitate to stone them, or break chatties
(earthen pots) on their heads."
It is recorded, in the Cuddapah Manual, that "a
Yerukala came to a village, and, under the pretence of
begging, ascertained which women wore jewels, and
whether the husbands of any such were employed
at night in the fields. In the night he returned, and,
going to the house he had previously marked, suddenly
snatched up the sleeping woman by the massive kamma
(gold ear-ring) she wore, sometimes with such violence
as to lift up the woman, and always in such a way as to
* Ibid.
KORAVA 474
wrench off the lobe of the ear. This trick he repeated
in three different hamlets of the same village on one
night, and in one house on two women. In one case,
the woman had been lifted so high that, when the ear
gave way, she fell to the ground, and severely injured
her head." A new form of house robbery is said to have
been started by the Koravas in recent years. They
mark down the residence of a woman, whose jewels are
worth stealing, and lurk outside the house before dawn.
Then, when the woman comes out, as is the custom,
before the men are stirring, they snatch her ear-rings and
other ornaments, and are gone before an alarm can be
raised.* Another favourite method of securing jewelry
is for the Korava to beg for rice, from door to door, on
a dark night, crying " Sandi bichcham, Amma, Sandi
bichcham" (night alms, mother, night alms). Arrived
at the house of his victim, he cries out, and the lady
of the house brings out a handful of rice, and puts it
in his pot. As she does so, he makes a grab at her tali
or other neck ornament, and makes off with the spoil.
" Stolen property ", Mr. Mullaly writes,! " is disposed
of, as soon as they can get a suitable remuneration. The
general bargain is Re. i for a rupee's weight of gold.
They do not, however, as a rule, lose much over their
transactions, and invariably convert their surplus into
sovereigns. In searching a Koravar encampment on one
occasion, the writer had the good fortune to discover a
number of sovereigns which, for safe keeping, were
stitched in the folds of their pack saddles. Undisposed
of property, which had been buried, is brought to the
encampment at nightfall, and taken back and re-buried
before dawn. The ground round the pegs, to which
• I'olice Report, 1902. t Op. cit.
475 KORAVA
their asses are tethered, in heaps of ashes or filth, are
favourite places for burying plunder."
The Koravas disguise themselves as Kepmaris,
Alagiris or pujaris. The terms Kepmari, Alagiri,
Kathirivandlu, etc., are applied to certain persons who
adopt particular methods in committing crime, all of
which are adopted by the Koravas. The Tamil equiva-
lent of Kepmari is Talapa Mathi, or one who changes
his head-dress. Alagiris are thieves who worship at the
temple of Kalla Alagar near Madura, and vow that a
percentage of their ill-gotten gains will be given as an
offering to his temple. Kathirivandlu (scissors people)
are those who operate with knives or scissors, snipping
off chains, cutting the strings of purses, and ripping
open bags or pockets.
The Koravas are not nice as regards the selection
of some of their food. Cats, fowls, fish, pigs, the black-
faced monkey known in Telugu as kondamuchu, jackals,
field rats, deer, antelope, goats and sheep serve as
articles of dietary. There is a Tamil proverb " Give
an elephant to a pandit, and a cat to a Kuravan." They
will not eat cattle or buffaloes, and will not take food
in company with Muhammadans, barbers, washermen,
carpenters, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, Paraiyans or Chak-
kiliyans. The Boyas seem to be the lowest class with
whom they will eat. They drink heavily when funds are
available, or at social gatherings, when free drinks
are forthcoming. At council meetings liquor must be
supplied by the disputants, and there is a proverb,
" With dry mouths nothing can be uttered."
Most Koravas possess knives, and a kind of bill-
hook, called koduval, which is a sort of compromise
between a sword and a sickle. The back of the blade is
heavy, and renders it capable of dealing a very severe
KORAVA 476
blow. With this implement animals are slaughtered,
murders committed, and bamboos split.
For the purpose of committing burglaries, the
Koravas are said by Mr. Mujjaly to use an iron instru-
ment pointed at either end, called gadi kolu or sillu
kolu, which is offered, before a gang sets out, to Peru-
mal, whose aid in the success of the undertaking is
invoked.
The Koravas as a class are industrious, and generally
doing something. One may see the men on the march
twisting threads into stout cord. Others will be making
fine nets for fishing, or coarse ones, in which to suspend
household pots or utensils ; straw pads, on which the
round-bottomed chatties invariably stand ; or a design
with red thread and cowry shells, wherewith to decorate
the head of a bull or a money-bag. It is when hawk-
ing these articles from door to door that the Koravas
are said to gain information as to property which may
be worth stealing. The following is a free translation
of a song representing Koracha characteristics, in a
l)lay by Mr. D. Krishnamacharlu, a well-known amateur
dramatist of Bellary :—
Hurrah ! Our Koracha caste is a very fine caste,
The best of castes, Hurrah !
When a temple feast is proceeding,
We beg, and commit thefts surprising.
Don't we ? Care we for aught ?
Don't we slip off uncaught ?
(Chorus.)
Cutting trinkets off,
From the necks of babes in their mothers' arms.
Who could suspect us ? Cannot we hoodwink them all ?
Cannot we get away ?
(Chorus.)
477 KORAVA
When those eternal watchmen catch us,
After endless search take life out of us.
Do we blurt out ? Do we confess ?
Don't we enquire what is our offence ?
(Chorus.)
In the south, the Koravas are frequently employed
by villagers as watchmen (kavalgars) on the principle
of setting a thief to keep . other thieves off. They are
paid in grain. The villagers are more than half afraid
of them, and, if the remuneration stipulated upon is not
promptly paid to the watchmen, a house-breaking will
certainly occur in the village. If a crime happens
to take place in a village where a Korava has been
appointed watchman, he frequently manages to get back
the stolen property if the theft is the work of another
Korava, but only on condition that the police are not
called in to investigate the offence.
The dwellings in which the Koravas live are made
with low mud walls and thatched. The wanderers erect
a temporary hut called gudise, with mats or cocoanut or
palmyra palm leaves, not more than 4 feet high. It is
constructed of crossed bamboos tied together, and con-
nected by another bamboo, which serves as a ridge, over
which they fasten the mats.
Marriages are arranged by the elders. The father
of a youth who is of a marriageable age calls together
some of the elders of his division, and proceeds in quest
of a suitable bride. If the family visited consents to the
match, the headman is sent for, and a move is made to
the toddy-shop. Here the father of the future bride-
groom fills a small earthen vessel, called in Telugu
muntha, and offers it to the father of the bride-elect,
asking him. Do you know why I give you this toddy ?
The recipient replies, It is because I have given you
KORAVA 478
my daughter, and I drink to her heahh. The vessel Is
refilled and offered to the headman, who takes it, and
enquires of the father of the girl why he is to drink.
The reply is, Because I have given my daughter to
's son ; drink to her health. The questions and
answers are repeated while every one present, according
to rank, has a drink. Those who have so drunk at this
betrothal ceremony are looked upon as witnesses to the
contract. After the drinking ceremony, an adjournment
is made to the girl's house, where a feast is partaken of.
At the conclusion thereof, the future bridegroom's
people enquire if the girl has a maternal uncle, to whom
the purchase money should be paid. The purchase
money is loi madas (a mada = two rupees), and is
always the same for both well-to-do and poor. But, as
a matter of f^ict, the whole of it is never paid. A few
instalments are sometimes handed over, but generally
the money is the cause of endless quarrels. When,
however, the families, are on good terms, and the
husband enjoys the hospitality of his wife's maternal
uncle, or vice versa, it is a common thing for one to say
to the other after a drink. Sec, brother-in-law, I have
paid you two madas to-day, so deduct this from the
voli (purchase money). After the marriage has been
arranged, and the maternal uncle has paid four annas as
an earnest of the transaction, the party disperses until
such time as the principals are in a position to perform
the wedding. They might be infants, or the girl
immature, or the intended husband be away. After the
betrothal ceremony, the parents of the girl should on no
account break off the match. If this were done, the
party of the husband-elect would summon those who
were present at the drinking ceremony to a meeting,
and he who partook of the second drink (the headman)
479 KORAVA
would demand from the fether of the girl an explanation
of the breach of contract. No explanation is likely to
be satisfactory, and the father is fined three hundred
varahas.* This sum, like the purchase money, is seldom
paid, but the award of it places the party from whom it
is due in a somewhat inferior position to the party to
whom it is payable. They occupy thenceforth the posi-
tion of creditor to debtor. On the occasion of quarrels,
no delicate sense of refinement restrains the former from
alluding" to the debt, and the position would be retained
through several generations. There is a Tamil proverb
that the quarrels of a Korava and an Idaiyan are not
easily settled. If the contracting parties are ready to
fulfil their engagement, the maternal uncle of the girl is
paid five varahas as the first instalment of the purchase
money, and a Brahman purohit is asked to fix an auspi-
cious time for the marriage ceremony. At the appointed
time, the wedding party assembles at the home of the
bride, and the first day is spent in eating and drinking,
the bride and bridegroom being arrayed in new clothes
purchased at the expense of the bride's father. On the
following day, they again feast. The contracting couple
are seated on a kambli (blanket), on which some grains
of rice have been previously sprinkled. The guests form
a circle round them, and, at the auspicious moment,
the bridegroom ties a string of black beads round the
bride's neck. When the string has been tied, the
married women present, with hands crossed, throw rice
over the heads of the pair. This rice has been previ-
ously prepared, and consists of five seers of rice with
five pieces of turmeric, dried cocoanut, dried date fruit
and jaggery (crude sugar), and five silver or copper
A varaha or pagoda was worth Rs. 3-S-0.
KORAVA 480
coins. While the rice-throwing is proceeding, a mon-
otonous song is crooned, of which the following is a
free translation : —
Procure five white bulls.
Get five white goats.
Obtain a seer * of silver.
Get a seer of gold.
Always love your father
And live happy for ever.
Look after your mother always,
Your father and mother-in-law.
Do not heed what folk say.
Look after your relations,
And the God above will keep you happy.
Five sons and four daughters
Shall compose your family.
A predominance of sons is always considered desir-
able, and, with five sons and four daughters, the mystic
number nine is reached.
No widows, women who have remarried, or girls
dedicated as prostitutes, are allowed to join the wed-
ding circle, as they would be of evil omen to the bride.
Widows and remarried women must have lost a
husband, and the prostitute never knows the God to
whose service she is dedicated. On the third day, the
rice-throwing ceremony is repeated, but on this occasion
the bride and bridegroom pour some of the rice over
each other's heads before the women officiate. This ends
the marriage ceremony, but, as among some other'classes,
consummation is prohibited for at least three months, as
a very strong superstition exists that three heads should
not enter a door within one year. The bride and bride-
ofroom are the first two heads to enter the new home,
* A seer is an Indian measure of weight, varying in different parts of the
countrv.
481 KORAVA
and the birth of a child within the year would constitute
the third. This undesirable event is rendered less likely
by a postponement of consummation. After the pre-
scribed time has lapsed, the bride, with feigned reluctance,
is escorted by her female relations to her husband's hut.
On the way obscene pleasantries, which evoke much merri-
ment, are indulged in. The bride's pretended reluctance
necessitates a certain amount of compulsion, and she is
given an occasional shove. Finally, she is thrust into
the door of the hut, and the attendant women take their
departure.
The following details in another form of the marriage
rites may be noted. The bridegroom proceeds on a
Saturday to the settlement of the bride, where a hut has
been set up for him close to that of the bride. Both the
huts should face the east. On the following day, the head-
man, or an elder, brings a tray containing betel, flowers
and kankanams (wrist-threads). He ties the threads
round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom, and also
round a pestle and mortar and a crowbar. A distri-
bution of rice to all present, including infants, follows,
and pork and mutton are also distributed. Towards
evening, married women go, with music produced by
beating on a brass tray, to a well or tank, with three
pots beneath a canopy (ulladam). The pots are filled
with water, and placed near the marriage milk-post.
The bride takes her seat on a plank, and the bridegroom
is carried on the shoulders of his brother-in-law, and
conducted to another plank. Three married women, and
some old men, then pour rice over the heads of the pair,
while the following formula is repeated : "Try to secure
four pairs of donkeys, a few pigs and cattle ; live well
and amicably ; feed your guests well ; grow wise and
live." The couple are then taken to the bride's hut, the
H1-31
KORAVA 482
entrance to which is guarded by several married women,
who will not allow them to enter till the bridegroom has
given out the name of the bride. Within the hut, the
pair exchange food three times, and what remains after
they have eaten is finished off by some married men and
women. That night the pair sleep in the bride's hut,
together with the best man and bridesmaid. On the
following day, a feast is held, at which every house
must be represented by at least one married woman.
Towards evening, the bridegroom takes the bride
to his hut, and, just before they start, her mother ties
up some rice in her cloth. At the entrance to the
hut, a basket, called Kolapuriamma's basket, is placed.
Depositing a winnowing tray thereon, the bride pours
the rice which has been given to her on it. The rice
is then transferred by the bridegroom to the mortar, and
he and the bride pound it with the pestle and crowbar.
The tali is then tied by the bridegroom round the
bride's neck.
In connection with marriage, Mr. Fawcett writes as
follows. " A girl's mother's brother's son has the right to
have her to wife, and, if his right is abrogated by giving
her to another, he (or his father ?) receives a penalty
from the man to whom she is given. The girl's
maternal uncle disposes of the girl. In the Coimbatore
district, however, it is the father who is said to do so ;
indeed it is said that the father can even take a girl
away from her husband, and give her to another for
a higher bride-price. Prior to marriage proper, there
is the betrothal, accompanied by presentation of betel
leaves and draughts of toddy, when the maternal uncle
or father repeats a regular formula which is answered
word for word by the girl's party, in which he agrees to
hand over the girl for such a price, at the same time
4^3 KORAVA
requiring that she shall receive no bodily injury or have
her hair cut, and, if she is returned damaged physically,
payment shall be made according to a fixed rate. It
should be said that the betrothal sometimes takes place
at a tavern, the favourite haunt of the Koravas, where
the bridegroom's party offers a pail of toddy to the
father of the girl and his party. The emptying of this
pail seals the marriage contract, and involves the father
of the girl into payment of the bride-price as a fine,
together with a fine of Rs, 2 for every male child, and
Rs. 4 for every female child that may be born. This
penalty, which is known as ranku, is not, as a rule,
pressed at once, but only after some children have been
born. The day of marriage, generally a Sunday, is fixed
by a Brahman, who receives betel nuts, cocoanuts, one
rupee, or even less. He selects an auspicious day and
hour for the event. The hour selected is rather early in
the evening, so that the marriage may be consummated
the same night. A few days before the appointed day,
two unmarried lads cut a branch of the naval tree
{^Eugenia Janibolana), and throw it into a tank (pond)
or river, where it is left until the wedding day, when the
same two lads bring it back, and plant it in the ground
near the dwelling of the bride, and on either side of it is
placed a pot of water (brought from the tank or river
where the branch had been left to soak) carried thither
by two married women under a canopy. The mouth of
each pot is closed by placing on top an earthen vessel
on which is a lamp. The bride and bridegroom sit on
donkey saddles spread on the ground, and undergo
the nalugu ceremony, in which their hands and feet
are rubbed nine times with saffron (turmeric) coloured
red with chunam (lime). The elders bless the couple,
throwing rice over their heads with crossed hands, and
KORAVA 484
all the while the women chant monotonously a song
such as this : —
Galianame Baipokame Sobaname,
Oh, Marriage giver of happiness and prosperity !
The best oil of Madanapalle is this nalugu ;
The best soap seed of Silakat is for this nalugu ;
Paint yourselves, Oh sisters, with the best of colours ;
Stain your cloth. Oh brother, with the best of dyes ;
Bring, Oh brother, the greenest of snakes ;
Adorn with it our Basavayya's neck ;
Bring, Oh brother, the flowers without leaves ;
Adorn with them the hair of the bride.
Then the bridegroom ties the bride's tali, a string
coloured yellow with saffron (turmeric), or a string of
small black beads. Every married woman must wear a
necklet of black beads, and glass bangles on her wrists ;
when she becomes a widow, she must remove them.
A feature of the ceremony not to be overlooked is
the wedding meal (pendlikudu). After undergoing the
nalugu, the bridegroom marks with a crowbar the spot
where this meal, consisting of rice, milk, green gram,
and jaggery (sugar), is to be cooked in a pot called
bhupalakunda. A trench is dug at the spot, and over it
the cooking is done. When the food is ready, the bride
and bridegroom take of it each three handfuls, and then
the boys and girls snatch the pot away from them.
After this, the couple proceed to the bridegroom's hut,
where they find a light burning. The elders sprinkle
them with water coloured yellow with saffron (turmeric)
as they enter."
For the following note on marriage among the
Yerukalas of the Vizagapatam district, I am indebted to
Mr. Hayavadana Rao. A man may marry the daughter
of his paternal aunt or maternal uncle. The father of
the would-be husband of a girl goes with ten rupees,
485 KORAVA
called sullaponnu, to her home, and pays the money to
one of several elders who are brought together. Towards
evening, the ground in front of the girl's hut is swept,
and a wooden plank and stone are set side by side. The
bridegroom sits on the former, and the bride on the
latter. Two pots of water are placed before them, and
connected together by a thread tied round their necks.
The pots are lifted up, and the water is poured over
them. Contrary to the custom prevailing among many
castes, new cloths are not given to them after this
bath. Resuming their seats, the couple sprinkle each
other with rice. An intelligent member of the caste
then personates a Brahman priest, mutters sundry man-
trams (prayers), and shows a string (karugu) with a piece
of turmeric tied to it to those assembled. It is touched
by them in token of a blessing, and tied by the bride-
groom on the neck of the bride. A feast, with a liberal
supply of liquor, is held, the expenses of which are met
from the ten rupees already referred to. The younger
brother may marry the widow of an elder brother, and
vice versa. A widow is married in front of her mother's
hut. The marriage string is tied round her neck, but
without the ceremonial observed at the marriaee of a
maid. If a husband wishes to secure a divorce, he asks
his wife to break a twig in two before a caste council.
If a woman wishes for a divorce, she elopes with a man,
who pays a small fine, called ponnu, to the husband,
and asks him to break a twig.
The following story is current among the Koramas,
to account for the tali or bottu being replaced by a string
of black beads. Once upon a time, a bridegroom forgot
to bring the tali, and he was told off to procure the
necessary piece of gold from a goldsmith. The parties
waited and waited, but the young man did not return.
KORAVA 486
Since then, the string of beads has been used as a
marriage badge. According to another story, the tali
was prepared, and kept on the bank of a river, but
disappeared when it was going to be picked up. A
man was sent to procure another, but did not come back.
I am informed that the Yerukaias of the Kistna
district are divided into two classes — sheep and goats
practically. Of these, the latter are the bastard offspring
of the former. Illegitimate must, in the first instance,
marry illegitimate. The offspring thereof is ipso facto
whitewashed, and becomes legitimate, and must marry
a legitimate.
A custom is stated by Dr. Shortt * to prevail among
the Yerukaias, by which the first two daughters of a
family may be claimed by the maternal uncle as wives
for his sons. " The value of a wife is fixed at twenty
pagodas. The maternal uncle's right to the first two
daughters is valued at eight out of twenty pagodas, and
is carried out thus. If he urges his preferential claim,
and marries his own sons to his nieces, he pays for each
only twelve pagodas ; and similarly if he, from not having
sons, or any other cause, foregoes his claim, he receives
eight pagodas of the twenty paid to the girl's parents
by anybody else who may marry them." The price of
a wife apparently differs in different localities. For
example, it is noted, in the Census report, 1901, that,
among the Kongu sub-division of the Koravas, a man
can marry his sister's daughter, and, when he gives his
sister in marriage, he expects her to produce a bride
for him. His sister's husband accordingly pays Rs.
7-8-0 out of the Rs. 60 of which the bride price consists,
at the wedding itself, and Rs. 2-8-0 more each year
Trans. Eth. Sec. N.S., VII.
4 8; KORAVA
until the woman bears a daughter. Some Koravas seem
to be even more previous than fathers who enter their
infant sons for a popular house at a public school. For
their children are said to be espoused even before they
are born. Two men, who wish their children to marry,
say to one another: " If your wife should have a girl
and mine a boy (or vice versa), they must marry." And,
to bind themselves to this, they exchange tobacco, and
the potential bridegroom's father stands a drink to the
future bride's relations. But if, after the children are
grown up, a Brahman should pronounce the omens
unpropitious, the marriage does not take place, and the
bride's father pays back the cost of the liquor consumed
at the betrothal. If the marriage is arranged, a pot of
water is placed before the couple, and a grass (Cymodon
Dactylon) put into the water. This is equal to a binding
oath between them.* Of this grass It is said In the
Atharwana Veda : " May this grass, which rose from the
water of life, which has a hundred roots and a hundred
stems, efface a hundred of my sins, and prolong my
existence on earth for a hundred years." It Is noted by
the Rev. J. Calnf that "at the birth of a daughter, the
father of an unmarried little boy often brings a rupee,
and ties it in the cloth of the father of the newly born
girl. When the girl is grown up, he can claim her for
his son. For twenty-five rupees he can claim her much
earlier."
In North Arcot, the Koravas are said J to "mortgage
their unmarried daughters, who become the absolute
property of the mortgagee till the debt is discharged.
The same practice exists In Chingleput and Tanjore.
In Madras, the Koravars sell their wives outright when
* J. F. Kearns, Kalyfina Shatanku, 1868. t Ir^d. Ant., III., 1S74.
X Madras Census Report, 1871.
KORAVA 488
they want money, for a sum equal to fifty rupees. In
Nellore and other districts, they all purchase their wives,
the price varying from thirty to seventy rupees, but
money rarely passes on such occasions, the consideration
being paid in asses or cattle." In a recent case in the
Madras High Court, a Korava stated that he had sold
one of his wives for twenty-one rupees.* It is stated by
Dr. Pope that the Koravas do not " scruple to pawn
their wives for debt. If the wife who is in pledge dies a
natural death, the debt is discharged. If she should die
from hard usage, the creditor must not only cancel the
debt, but must defray the expenses of a second marriage
for his debtor. If the woman lives till the debt is dis-
charged, and if she has children by the creditor, the
boys remain with him, the girls go back with her to
her husband." The conditions of the country suggest a
reason for the pawning of wives. A wife would be pawned
in times of stress, and redeemed after seasons of plenty.
The man who can afford to accept her in pledge in a
time of famine would, in periods of plenty, require men
for agricultural purposes. H e, therefore, retains the male
issue, who in time will be useful to him. Some years ago,
some Koravas were convicted of stealing the despatch-
box of the Collector of a certain district from his tent.
It came out, in the course of the trial, that the head of
the gang had taken the money contained therein as his
share, and with it acquired a wife. The Collector humor-
ously claimed that the woman, having been obtained with
his money, was, according to a section of the Criminal
Procedure Code, his property.
A woman who marries seven men successively one
after the other, either after the death of her husbands or
* Madras Census Report, 1901.
4^9 KORAVA
after divorce, is said by Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu to be
considered to be a respectable lady, and is called Pedda
Boyisani. She takes the lead in marriages and other
religious ceremonies.
It is noted, in the Census Report, 1891, that "if a
man is sent to jail, his wife will form a connection with
some other man of the gang, but on the release of her
husband, she will return to him with any children born to
her in the interval. The Korava women are accustomed
to honour their lords and husbands with the dignified
title of cocks." On one occasion, a Korava got into
trouble in company with a friend, and was sentenced to
three years imprisonment, while his friend got two years.
The latter, at the termination of his period of enforced
seclusion, proceeded to live with the wife of the former,
settling down in his friend's abode. The former escaped
from jail, and, turning up at his home, claimed his
wife. His friend journeyed to the place where the jail
was located, and reported to the authorities his ability
to find the escaped convict, who was recaptured, while
his friend regained possession of his wife, and pocketed
twenty-five rupees for giving the information which led
to his rearrest.
The remarriage of widows is permitted. The man
who wishes to marry a widow purchases new cloths for
himself and his bride. He invites a number of friends,
and, in their presence, presents his bride with the cloths.
The simple ceremony is known as chirakattu-koradam,
or desiring the cloth-tying ceremony.
As a general rule, the Korava wife is faithful to her
husband, but, in the event of incompatibility, man and
wife will announce their intention of separating to their
gang. This is considered equivalent to a divorce, and
the husband can demand back the four annas, which
111-32
KORAVA 490
were paid as earnest money to his wife's maternal uncle.
This is said to be done, whether the separation is due
to the fault either of the husband or the wife. Amono-
other castes, the woman has to return the money only
if she is divorced owing to her own fault. Divorce is
said to be rare, and, even after it has taken place, the
divorced parties may make up their differences, and
continue to keep house together. In cases of abduc-
tion, the father of the girl summons a council meeting,
at which the offender is fined. A girl who has been
abducted cannot be married as a spinster, even if she
was recovered before sexual connection had taken place.
The man who carried her off should marry her, and the
ceremony of widow marriage is performed. In the event
of his refusing to marry her, he is fined in the same
amount as the parents of a girl who fail to keep the con-
tract to marry her to a particular person. The fact of a
man who abducts a girl having a wife already would be no
bar to his marrying her, as polygamy is freely permitted.
In former days, an adulterer who was unable to pay the
fine imposed was tied to a tree, and shaved by a barber,
who used the urine of the guilty woman in lieu of water.
In connection with birth ceremonies, Mr. Fawcett
writes as follows. " Difficulty in parturition is thought
to be due to an ungratified desire of the woman before
she is confined. This is generally something to eat, but
it is sometimes ungratified lust. In cases of the latter
kind, the Koravar midwife induces the woman to mention
her paramour's name, and, as the name is mentioned,
the midwife puts a pinch of earth into the woman's
mouth with the idea of accelerating delivery. The
woman is confined in an outlying hut, where she is tabu to
all, with the exception of the midwife, for about ten days.
As soon as the child is born, incense is burnt in front
491 KORAVA
of this hut, and there is an offering of jaggery (crude
sugar) to the spirits of the departed elders, who are
invoked in the following words in the Korava dialect : —
* Ye spirits of our elders ! Descend on us, give us
help, and increase our cattle and wealth. Save us from
the Sircar (Government), and shut the mouth of the
police. We shall worship you for ever and ever.' The
jaggery is then distributed to all present, and the new-
born infant is cleaned with cow-dung and washed. A
Brahman is sometimes consulted, but it is the maternal
uncle upon whom the responsibility falls of naming the
child. This he does on the ninth day after confinement,
when the mother and child are bathed. Having named
■ the child, he ties a string of thread or cotton round its
waist. This string signifies the entry of the child into the
Koravar community, and it, or its substitute, is worn
until the termination of married life. The name gfiven
on this occasion is not usually the name by which an
individual is known by his fellows, as persons are
generally called after some physical trait or characteristic
thus : — Nallavadu, black man ; Pottigadu, short man ;
Nettakaladu, long-legged man ; Kuntadu, lame man ;
Boggagadu, fat man ; Juttuvadu, man with a large tuft
of hair ; Gunadu, hunch-backed man ; Mugadu, dumb
man ; and so on. In a few cases, children are genuinely
named after the household deities. Those so named
are called Ramudu, Lachigadu, Venkatigadu, Gengadu,
Chengadu, Subbadu, Ankaligadu, and so on. An old
custom was to brand the children on the shoulders with
a piece of red-hot iron. Marks of such branding are
called the cattle mark, for it seems that children should
be branded on the shoulders before undertaking the
* sacred duty ' of tending cattle. They explain the
custom by saying that Krishna, the God of the shepherds,
in-32 B
KORAVA 492
allowed boys of his own caste, and of no other, to
perform the sacred duty, after the boy dedicated thereto
had undergone the branding ceremony. This ceremony
is seldom observed nowadays, as it leads to identi-
fication. Birth of a child on a new-moon night, when
the weather is strong, is believed to augur a notori-
ous thieving future for the infant. Such children are
commonly named Venkatigadu after the God at Tirupati.
The birth of a child having the umbilical cord twisted
round its neck portends the death of the father or
maternal uncle. This unpleasant effect is warded off by
the uncle or the father killing a fowl, and wearing its
entrails round his neck, and afterwards burying them
along with the umbilical cord."
The practice of the couvade, or custom in accordance
with which the father takes to bed, and is doctored when
a baby is born, is referred to by Alberuni * (about A.D.
1030), who says that, when a child is born, people show
particular attention to the man, not to the woman.
There is a Tamil proverb that, if a Korati is brought
to bed, her husband takes the prescribed stimulant.
Writing about the Yerukalas,t the Rev. J. Cain tells us
that "directly the woman feels the birth pains, she
informs her husband, who immediately takes some of her
clothes, puts them on, places on his forehead the mark
which the women usually place on theirs, retires into a
dark room where there is only a very dim lamp, and lies
down on the bed, covering himself up with a long cloth.
When the child is born, it is washed, and placed on the
cot beside the father. Asafoetida, jaggery, and other
articles are then given, not to the mother, but to the
father. He is not allowed to leave his bed, but has
* India. Triibner. Oriental Series. + Ind. Ant., Ill, 1874.
493 KORAVA
everything needful brought to him." Among the Kura-
vars, or basket-makers of Malabar, " as soon as the pains
of delivery come upon a pregnant woman, she is taken
to an outlying shed, and left alone to live or die as the
event may turn out. No help is given her for twenty-
eight days. Even medicines are thrown to her from a
distance ; and the only assistance rendered is to place
a jar of warm water close by her just before the child is
born. Pollution from birth is held as worse than that
from death. At the end of the twenty-eight days, the
hut in which she was confined is burnt down. The
father, too, is polluted for fourteen days, and, at the end
of that time, he is purified, not like other castes by the
barber, but by holy water obtained from Brahmans at
temples or elsewhere." To Mr. G. Krishna Rao, Super-
intendent of Police in the Shimoga district of Mysore,
I am indebted for the following note on the couvade
as practiced among the Koramas. '* Mr. Rice, in the
Mysore Gazetteer, says that among the Koravars it is
said that, when a woman is confined, her husband takes
medicine for her. At the instance of the British
Resident I made enquiries, and learned that the Kukke
(basket-making) Koramas, living at Gopala village near
Shimoga, had this custom among them. The husband
learns from his wife the probable time of her confine-
ment, and keeps at home awaiting the delivery. As
soon as she is confined, he goes to bed for three days,
and takes medicine consisting of chicken and mutton
broth spiced with ginger, pepper, onions, garlic, etc.
He drinks arrack, and eats as good food as he can
afford, while his wife is given boiled rice with a very
small quantity of salt, for fear that a larger quantity
may induce thirst. There is generally a Korama mid-
wife to help the wife, and the husband does nothing but
KORAVA 494
eat, drink, and sleep. The clothes of the husband, the
wife, and the midwife are given to a washerman to be
washed on the fourth day, and the persons themselves
have a wash. After this purification, the family gives
a dinner to the caste people. One of the men examined
by me explained that the man's life was more valuable
than that of the woman, and that the husband, being
a more important factor in the birth than the wife,
deserves to be better looked after." The following
legend is current among the Koramas, to explain the
practice of the couvade among them. One day a
donkey, belonging to a Korama camp, pitched outside
a village, wandered into a Brahman's field, and did
considerable damage to the crop. The Brahman was
naturally angry, and ordered his coolies to pull down the
hut of the owner of the donkey. The Korama, casting
himself at the feet of the Brahman, for want of a better
excuse, said that he was not aware of what his animal
was doing, as at the time he was taking medicine for his
wife, and could not look after it. According to another
version of the story, the Brahman ordered his servants to
remove the hut from his land or beat'the Korava, so that
Koravas have since that time taken to bed and shared
the pollution of their wives, to escape being beaten.
In connection with the couvade, Mr. Fawcett writes
that " it has been observed in the bird-catching Kora-
vars, and the custom has been admitted by others.
Directly a woman is brought to bed, she is given
asafcetida rolled in betel leaf. She is then given a
stimulant composed of asafcetida and other drugs.
The husband partakes of a portion of this before it
is given to the woman. This custom is one of those
which the Koravar is generally at pains to conceal,
denying its existence absolutely. The proverb * When
495 KORAVA
the Koravar woman is confined, the Koravar man takes
asafoetida ' is, however, well known. Very soon after a
woman is confined, attention is paid exclusively to her
husband, who wraps himself in his wife's cloth, and lies
down in his wife's place beside the new-born infant.
He stays there for at least some minutes, and then
makes room for his wife. The writer of this note was
informed by Koravars that any one who refused to go
through this ceremony would undergo the severest
penalties, indeed, he would be turned out of the commu-
nity. Nothing annoys a Koravar so much as to mention
the word asafoetida in his presence, for he takes it to be
an insulting reference to the couvade. The worst insult
to a Koravar woman lies in the words 'Will you give
asafoetida ' } which are understood by her to mean an
improper overture."
Some Koravas are said to believe that the pangs of
labour are largely allayed by drinking small doses of a
mixture of the dung of a male donkey and water. A
few years ago, when a camp of Koravas was visited
in the Salem district by the Superintendent of Police,
two men of the gang, who had petitioned for the remo-
val of the constables who were escorting the gang,
dragged a woman in the throes of childbirth by the
armpits from the hut. This was done to show that they
could not move their camp, with a woman in such a
condition. Nevertheless, long before daylight on the
following day, the camp had been moved, and they were
found at a spot fifteen miles distant. When they were
asked about the woman, a hut slightly apart from the
rest was pointed out, in front of which she was suckling
the newly-born infant. She had done the journey
immediately after delivery partly on foot, and partly on a
donkey.
KORAVA 496
The Korava child's technical education commences
early. From infancy, the Koravas teach their children
to answer " I do not know " to questions put to them.
They are taught the different methods of stealing, and
the easiest way of getting into various kinds of houses.
One must be entered through the roof, another by a hole
in the wall, a third by making a hole near the bolt of the
door. Before letting himself down from a roof, the
Korava must make sure that he does not alight on brass
vessels or crockery. He generally sprinkles fine sand
in small quantities, so that the noise made thereby may
give him an idea of the situation. The methods to be
adopted during the day, when hawking wares, must be
learnt. When a child is caught red-handed, he will
never reveal his identity by giving the name of his
parents, or of the gang to which he belongs. A girl
about twelve or thirteen years old was captured a few
years ago in the Mysore State at the Oregam weekly
market, and, on being searched, w^as found to have a
small knife in her cheek. She declared that she was an
orphan with neither friends nor relations, but was identi-
fied by the police. The Koravas are adepts at assuming
aliases. But the system of finger-print records, which
has been introduced in recent years, renders the conceal-
ment of their identity more difficult than it used to
be. " Both men and women," Mr. Paupa Rao writes,
" have tattoo marks on their foreheads and forearms.
When they are once convicted, they enlarge or alter
in some way the tattoo marks on their forearms, so
that they might differ from the previous descriptive
marks of identification entered by the police in their
search books and other records. During festivals, they
put red stuff (kunkuma) over the tattoo marks on their
foreheads."
497 KORAVA
Their conduct is regulated by certain well-defined
rules. They should not enter a house by the front door,
unless this is unavoidable, and, if they must so enter it,
they must not leave by the same way. If they enter by
the back door, they depart by the front door, which they
leave wide open. They should not commit robbery in a
house, in which they have partaken of rice and curds.
Curds always require salt, and eating salt is equivalent
to taking the oath of fealty according to their code of
honour. They ease themselves in the house in which
they have committed a theft, in order, it is said, to render
the pursuit of them unsuccessful.
In a note on the initiation of Yerukala girls into the
profession of fortune-telling in Vizagapatam, Mr. Haya-
vadana Rao writes that it is carried out on a Sunday
succeeding the first puberty ceremony. A caste feast,
with plenty of strong drink, is held, but the girl herself
fasts. The feast over, she is taken to a spot at a little
distance from the settlement called Yerukonda. This is
said to be the name of a place on the trunk road between
Vizianagram and Chicacole, to which girls were taken
in former times to be initiated. The girl is blindfolded
with a cloth. Boiled rice and green gram are mixed
with the blood of a black fowl, black pig, and black goat,
which are killed. Of this mixture she must take at
least three morsels, and, if she does not vomit, it is taken
as a sign that she will become a good Yeruka or fortune-
teller. Vomiting would indicate that she would be a
false prophetess.
When a wandering Korava dies, he is buried as
quickly as possible, with head to the north, and feet to
the south. If possible, a new cloth is obtained to wrap
the corpse in. The grave is covered with the last hut
which the deceased occupied. The Koravas immediately
KORAVA 498
leave a camp, in which a death has occurred. The nomad
Koravas are said by Dr. Pope to bury their dead at
night, no one knows where. Thence originates the
common saying in regard to anything which has vanished,
leaving no trace behind, that it has gone to the dancing-
room of the wandering actors. Another proverb runs to
the effect that no one has seen a dead monkey, or the
burning-ground of a Korava.
In Vizagapatam, the Yerukala dead are stated by
Mr. Hayavadana Rao to be burnt in a state of nudity.
A tulsi plant {Ocimum sanctiirii) is usually planted on
the spot where the corpse was burnt. The relations
cannot follow their regular occupation until a caste feast
has been held, and some cooked food thrown on the spot
where cremation took place.
In a note on the death rites of the Koravas of the
southern districts, Mr. F. A. Hamilton writes that, when
one of the communitv dies, the news of the death is
conveyed by a Paraiyan or Chakkiliyan. At the burning-
ground, whither the corpse is accompanied with music,
it is laid on dried cow-dung, which has been spread on
the ground. The son of the deceased goes thrice round
the corpse, and breaks a new water-pot which he has
brought with him near the head. He also hands over
a piece of burning sandalwood for lighting the pyre, and
goes straight home without seeing the corpse again.
On the third day, the son and other relations go to the
burning-ground, heap up the ashes, plant either tulsi
[Ocimzim sanctum), perandai {Vitis quadrangularis),
or kathalai {Agave Americana), and pour milk. On
the sixteenth day, or at some later time, a ceremony
called karumathi is performed. The relatives assemble
at the burning-ground, and a stone is set up, and
washed with water, honey, milk, etc. On the following
499 KORAVA
day, all the relatives take an oil-bath, and new
cloths are presented to the host. Sheep are killed,
and a feast, with a liberal supply of liquor, is held.
Till this ceremony is performed, the son remains in
mourning.
Concerning death ceremonies, Mr. Fawcett writes
as follows. " A Tamil proverb likens the death of a
Koravar to that of a monkey, for no one ever sees the
dead body of either. Just as the monkey is thought to
be immortal, the other monkeys removing the carcass
instantly, so the corpse of the Koravar is made away
with and disposed of with all possible speed. There is
very little wailing, and preparations are made at once.
If the deceased was married, the bier on which he is
carried is practically a ladder ; if unmarried, it is a single
bamboo with pieces of stick placed transversely. The
winding-sheet is always a piece of new cloth, in one
corner of which is tied a half anna-piece (which is after-
wards taken by one of the corpse-bearers). Only two of
these are under pollution, which lasts the whole of the
day, during which they must remain in their huts. Next
day, after bathing, they give the crows food and milk.
A line is drawn on the body from head to foot with milk,
the thick end of a piece of grass being used as a brush ;
then they bathe. Pollution of the chief mourner lasts
for five days. Half-yearly and annual ceremonies to the
deceased are compulsory. A figure of the deceased is
drawn with charcoal on a piece of new cloth spread on
the floor of the hut. On either side of the figure is
placed cooked rice and vegetables served on castor leaves.
After some time, the food is placed on a new winnow,
which is hung suspended from the roof of the hut the
whole night. Next morning, the relations assemble,
and partake of the food."
KORAVA 500
From a note on the Yerukalas of the Nellore district,
I gather that, as a rule, the dead are buried, though
respected elders of the community are cremated.
Married individuals are carried to the grave on a bier,
those who die unmarried wrapped in a mat. On the
second day, some cooked food, and a fowl, are placed
near the grave, to be eaten by crows, A pot of water is
carried thrice round the grave, and then thrown down.
On the ninth day, food is once more offered for the crows.
The final death ceremonies are generally performed after
two or three months. Cooked food, onions, brinjals
(fruits of Solanuni Melongena), Phaseohts pulse, squash
gourd {Cucurbita maxima), pork, and mutton are placed
on a number of castor i^Ricinus) leaves spread on the floor,
and offered to the soul of the deceased, which is repre-
sented by a human figure drawn on a new cloth. At the
conclusion of the worship, the food is placed on new
winnowing trays provided for the purpose, and given to
the relations, who place the winnows on the roof of
the house till the following day, when the food is eaten.
By some Koravas, a ceremony in honour of the
departed ancestors is performed at the time of the
November new moon. A well-polished brass vessel,
W'ith red and white marks on it, is placed in the corner
of a room, which has previously been swept, and purified
with cow-dung. In front of the pot is placed a leaf
plate, on which cooked rice and other edibles are set.
Incense is burned, and the eldest son of the house
partakes of the food in the hope that he, in due course,
will be honoured by his offspring.
The Koramas of Mysore are said to experience
considerable difficulty in finding men to undertake the
work of carrying the corpse to the grave. Should the
dead Korama be a man who has left a young widow, it is
50I KORAVA
customary for some one to propose to marry her the
same day, and, by so doing, to engage to carry out the
principal part of the work connected with the burial. A
shallow grave, barely two feet deep, is dug, and the
corpse laid therein. When the soil has been loosely
piled in, a pot of fire, carried by the chief mourner in a
split bamboo, is broken, and a pot of water placed on the
raised mound. Should the spot be visited during the
night by a pack of jackals, and the water drunk by them
to slake their thirst after feasting on the dead Korama,
the omen is accepted as proof that the liberated spirit
has fled away to the realms of the dead, and will never
trouble man, woman, child, or cattle. On the sixth day,
the chief mourner must kill a fowl, and mix its blood with
rice. This he places, with some betel leaves and nuts,
near the grave. If it is carried off by crows, everything
is considered to have been settled satisfactorily.
As regards the dress of the Koravas, Mr. Mullaly
writes as follows. " The women wear necklaces of
shells and cowries interspersed with beads of all colours
in several rows, hanging low down on the bosom ; brass
bangles from the wrist to the elbow ; brass, lead, and
silver rings, very roughly made, on all their fingers
except the middle one. The cloth peculiar to Koravar
women is a coarse black one ; but they are, as a rule,
not particular as to this, and wear stolen cloths after
removing the borders and all marks of identification.
They also wear the chola, which is fastened across the
bosom, and not, like the Lambadis, at the back. The
men are dirty, unkempt-looking objects, wear their hair
long, and usually tied in a knot on the top of the head,
and indulge in little finery. A joochi (gochi), or cloth
round the loins, and a bag called vadi sanchi, made of
striped cloth, complete their toilet."
KORAVA 502
" In 1884, Mr. Stevenson, who was then the District
Superintendent of PoHce, North Arcot, devised a scheme
for the regeneration of the Koravas of that district. He
obtained for the tribe a tract of Government land near
Gudiyattam, free of assessment for ten years, and also
a grant of Rs. 200 for sinking wells. Licenses were
also issued to the settlers to cut firewood at specially
favourable rates. He also prevailed upon the Zemindar
of Karvetnegar to grant twenty-five cawnies of land in
Tiruttani for ten years for another settlement, as well as
some building materials. Unfortunately the impecuni-
ous condition of the Zemindar precluded the Tiruttani
settlement from deriving any further privileges which
were necessary to keep the colony going, and its
existence was, therefore, cut short. The Gudiyattam
colony, on the other hand, exhibited some vitality for
two or three years, but, in 1887, it, too, went the way
of the Tiruttani colony."* I gather, from the Police
Administration Report, 1906, that a scheme is being
worked out, the object of which is to give a well-known
wandering criminal gang some cultivable land, and so
enable the members of it to settle down to an honest
livelihood.
At the census, 1891, Korava was returned as a sub-
division of Paraiyans, and the name is also applied to
Jogis employed as scavengers. f
The following note on the Koravas of the west coast
is interesting as showing that Malabar is one of the
homes of the now popular game of Diavolo, which has
become epidemic in some European countries. " In
Malabar, there is a class of people called Koravas, who
* Madras Mail, 1907.
t For this account of the Koravas, I am largely indebted to a report by
Mr. N. E. Q. Mainwaring, Superintendent of Police.
503 KORAVA
have, from time immemorial, played this game almost
in the same manner as its Western devotees do at the
present time. These people are met with mostly in
the southern parts of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore,
and they speak the Malayalam language with a sing-
song accent, which easily distinguishes them from other
people. They are of wandering habits. The men are
clever acrobats and rope-dancers, but those of more
settled habits are engaged in agriculture and other
industries. The beautiful grass mats, known as Palghat
mats, are woven by these people. Their women are
fortune-tellers and ballad singers. Their services are
also in demand for boring the ears of girls. The rope-
dancers perform many wonderful feats while balancing
themselves on the rope, among them being the playing
of diabolo while walking to and fro on a tight rope.
The Korava acrobat spins the wooden spool on a string
attached to the ends of two bamboo sticks, and throws it
up to the height of a cocoanut tree, and, when it comes
down, he receives it on the string, to be again thrown
up. There are experts among them who can receive
the spool on the string without even looking at it.
There is no noteworthy difference in the structure and
shape of the spool used by the Koravas, and those of
Europe, except that the Malabar apparatus is a solid
wooden thing a little larger and heavier than the West-
ern toy. It has not yet emerged from the crude stage of
the village carpenter's skill, and cannot boast of rubber
tyres and other embellishments which adorn the im-
ported article ; but it is heavy enough to cause a nasty
injury should it hit the performer while falling. The
Koravas are a very primitive people, but as acrobats
and ropedancers they have continued their profession for
generations past, and there is no doubt that they have
KORAVA 504
been expert diabolo players for many years.'"* It may
be noted that Lieutenant Cameron, when journeying
from Zanzibar to Benguela, was detained near Lake
Tanganyika by a native chief. He relates as follows.
" Sometimes a slave of Djonmah would amuse us by
his dexterity. With two sticks about a foot long
connected by a string of 1 certain length, he spun a
piece of wood cut in the b.:ape of an hour-glass, throw-
ing it before and behind him, pitching it up into the
air like a cricket-ball, and catching it again, while it
continued to spin."
• Madras Mail, 190S.
^-^.,
Madras : Printed by The Soperintendknt, Governmkxt Press.
DS Thurston, Edgar
/v.3C Castes and tribs of southern
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